Quantcast
Channel: Bharatkalyan97
Viewing all 11099 articles
Browse latest View live

MPs have roti for Re. 1, dal fry for Rs.3. So, they can't see poverty or inflation outside Parliament canteen?

$
0
0
In House canteen, MPs have roti for Rs 1, dal fry for Rs 3 Govt dishes out Rs 3.27 lakh per day as subsidyAmit Khajuria/TNS
Jammu, July 28

The Parliament canteen could have been the birthplace of the notion, which some Congress leaders recently voiced, that a meal could be had for Rs 5 or Rs 12. A reply to an RTI application has revealed that the Centre doles out a subsidy of Rs 3.27 lakh per day to the Parliament canteen that provides sumptuous meals to parliamentarians. This amounts to Rs 11.94 crore per year.
So don’t feel transported back in time to the early 1990s when some MP tells you about having a ‘dosa’ for Rs 4. But this rate features on the menu of the Indian Parliament canteen that is run by Indian Railways Catering and Tourism Corporation (IRCTC) Ltd.
On May 14, Jammu-based RTI activist Raman Sharma had written to Public Information Officer (PIO), Lok Sabha Secretariat, about the rate list of eatables and the subsidy given by the government to run the canteen.
In reply, K Sona, Under-Secretary, Lok Sabha Secretariat, vide letter No. 1(588)IC/13, dated: July 3, informed that the government paid Rs 11.94 crore in financial year 2011-12 as subsidy to the IRCTC to run the canteen where a parliamentarian gets ‘shami kabab’ for Rs 14, ‘rumali roti’ (‘chapati’) for Re 1, ‘dal fry’ for Rs 3 and pizza for Rs 20.
The rate list of the canteen has only been revised thrice in 13 years. In view of the rising prices of eatables in the outside world, the subsidy has been going up constantly. In 2000-01, the subsidy to the same canteen was Rs 2 crore. The last revision to the price list was done in December 2010.
“The government talks about pruning subsidy bills. It has also put a cap on domestic LPG. But why don’t they put a cap on their own canteen subsidy?” asks Raman Sharma.
“Every bite that a parliamentarian takes in that canteen reduces ‘chapatis’ on the plate of the poor in the country,” the RTI activist said. “If they can provide eatables to parliamentarians at this rate, then shouldn’t they also run such canteens at old age homes, orphanages, for BPL category persons and in schools and colleges?”

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20130729/nation.htm#14

Ex Armed forces, intelligence chiefs ask Govt to halt talks with Pakistan

$
0
0

Ex Armed forces, intelligence chiefs ask Govt to halt talks with Pakistan


By Niticentral Staff on August 9, 2013
Ex Armed forces, intelligence chiefs ask Govt to halt talks with Pakistan Livid over recent killing of five Indian jawans by the Pakistani troops, 40 retired chiefs of Army and intelligence agencies issued a joint statement on Friday seeking an immediate suspension of talks with the neighbouring country.
Addressing a Press conference, they cautioned the Government not to be in haste in its bids to continue peace dialogue with the hostile neighbour. They also asked the Government to be careful about the intentions of the newly elected Pakistan Government led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif which after assuming power in June this year had claimed that improving ties with India was its top priority.
“It’s time for the Government to adopt a new bilateral policy which will impose costs on Pakistan for abetting terrorism,” said former deputy National Security Advisor Satish Chandra talking to reporters.
Chandra said, “India should not be afraid of nuclear blackmail by Pakistan as it is also a nuclear power.”

No talks with Pak unless Sharif controls his Army: Defence expert (Video clip)
Former vice admiral of Indian Navy KK Nayyar stressed on the need for framing a new policy to deal with the hostile neighbour.Former Army chief NC Vij lashed out at Pakistan for pursuing a policy of low intensity war on LoC against India.
Former IB chief Ajit Doval lashed out at Pakistani Government for not handing over the fugitives who have taken refuge on their soil.
Former Army chiefs General Shankar Roy Chowdhury and General NC Vij, former Air chief Marshal S Krishnaswamy, former Navy Vice Chief Vice Admiral KK Nayyar, former Secretaries R&AW AK Verma and CD Sahay, former IB director Ajit Doval, former Home Secretaries Anil Baijal and Dhirendra Singh, Former Foreign Secretaries MK Rasgotra and Kanwal Sibal, former MEA Secretary JC Sharma were among those who endorsed the demand to halt dialogue with Pakistan.

http://www.niticentral.com/2013/08/09/ex-armed-forces-intelligence-chiefs-ask-govt-to-halt-talks-with-pakistan-116350.html

Illegal mining of coastal sands - TN Govt. orders probe

$
0
0

Tamil Nadu govt suspends sand mining in Tuticorin, orders probe



PTI | 14 hours 18 min ago

Chennai: Tamil Nadu Government on Friday ordered suspension of sand mining in Tuticorin district and formed a Special Team to probe into the issue in the backdrop of reports of illegal mining activities surfacing there.
A special team headed by Revenue Secretary Gagandeep Singh Bedi and officials from Environment and Forests, Geology and Mining departments has been formed to inspect the mining activities as per the Section 24 of the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957 an official release said.
"The Commissioner of Geology and Mining has recommended that till the completion of the inspection by the Special Team, mining operations in respect of those leases may be directed to be stopped to facilitate inspections", it said.
Tuticorin District Collector would issue proceedings directing all the lessees of minerals--garnet, ilmenite and rutile in the district to "stop" the mining operations pending completion of the inspections by the Special Team.
"The Special Team is directed to complete the inspections expeditiously and submit the report to the Government within a month", the release said.
The Government action comes days after the transfer of Tuticorin District Collector Ashish Kumar after he cracked down on illegal sand mining in the area. However, the official himself termed his transfer as a "government's decision" and refused to comment
Published: August 10, 2013 00:00 IST | Updated: August 10, 2013 05:42 IST

Probe on illicit mining following transferred Collector’s report

Special Correspondent
Acting on a report from Tuticorin Collector Ashish Kumar, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa has ordered a probe by a special team into illicit mining in six lease areas, and called a halt to mining of garnet, ilmenite and rutile in the district.
An order to this effect was issued by the Industries Department on Thursday, two days after Mr. Kumar, who inspected the mining sites and was transferred the same day, reported large-scale illicit beach sand mining by various lessees.
Revenue Secretary Gagandeep Singh Bedi will head the special team to verify whether there was illicit mining in the six lease areas of major minerals in Tuticorin district.
Report
It will submit its report to the government in a month. The team will comprise officers from the Departments of Revenue, Environment and Forests and Geology and Mining.

The Collector should issue proceedings directing all lessees of garnet, ilmenite and rutile to stop mining operations until the inspections are over. To facilitate the probe, the Assistant Director (Mines) was directed to stop giving transport permits to the six lessees.



http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-newdelhi/probe-on-illicit-mining-following-transferred-collectors-report/article5008314.ece


Tamil Nadu govt sets up SIT to probe illegal mining in Tuticorin district


, TNN | Aug 9, 2013, 02.48 PM IST


CHENNAI: Amid allegations of illegal beach sand mining in Tuticorin district, the Tamil Nadugovernment on Thursday constituted a special investigation team led by senior bureaucratGagandeep Singh Bedi to probe into the charges against six contractors. 

The team, comprising representatives of the departments of revenue, environment, forests geology and mining, will look into illegal miningof minerals — garnet, ilmenite and rutile — in the district. 

"The special team is directed to complete the inspections expeditiously and submit its report to the government within a month," the order said. 

The order comes days after the controversial transfer of Tuticorin district collector Ashish Kumar. The bureaucrat, who undertook inspections of some of the leased areas of mining and minerals, had alleged large-scale illicit beach sand mining in the district. 

The state government removed the district collector the day he conducted raids on the sites, including that of VV Mineral, owned by highly influential mineral exporter V Vaikundarajan. The collector's removal triggered widespread protest from various quarters. 

Kumar reported to the government that detailed field inspections be undertaken by special team consisting of officials from the departments of revenue, police, environment and forests, and geology and mining to probe the illegal mining of beach minerals by lessees. 

Upon receiving recommendations from the commissioner for geology and mining on Friday, the government directed Tuticorin district collector M Ravikumar, who assumed charge on Thursday, to direct all lessees of minerals in the district to stop the mining operations pending completion of the inspections by the special team. The assistant director (mines), Tuticorin, is directed to stop issuing transport permits to the six lessees till the inspections are completed.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/Tamil-Nadu-govt-sets-up-SIT-to-probe-illegal-mining-in-Tuticorin-district/articleshow/21726094.cms


HON'BLE CHIEF MINISTER ORDERED TO FORM A SPECIAL TEAM TO VERIFY THE ILLICIT MINING IN THOOTHUKUDI DISTRICT - 09.08.2013 - PR NO 437







    ABSTRACT

Mines and Minerals – Mining Lease – Garnet, Ilmenite and Rutile – Thoothukudi District – Formation of Special Team to inspect all the six lease areas of major minerals in Thoothukudi District – Orders – Issued.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Industries (MMD.1) Department

G.O.(Ms).No.156                                                        Dated: 8.8.2013
                                                                                       Read :
                                                                                       é#a M©L, Mo 23
                                                                                                            ÂUtŸSt® M©L 2044

1.   From the Commissioner of Geology & Mining letter dated 8.8.2013 addressed to the Principal Secretary, Industries Department.
*****
ORDER:

        The Commissioner of Geology & Mining in his letter first read above has informed that a report dated 6.8.2013 was received from the District Collector, Thoothukudi district informing that inspections of some of the leased areas for mining and minerals - Garnet, Ilmenite and Rutile in the district were undertaken and that instances of large scale illicit beach sand mining has been detected in respect of some of the mining leases granted in Thoothukudi district. The District Collector has also reported that detailed field inspections may be undertaken by Special Team consisting of the departments of Revenue, Police, Environment and Forests, Geology & Mining in connection with the illicit mining of beach minerals by various lessees. 
        The Commissioner, Geology & Mining has recommended that in view of the report of the District Collector, a Special Team may be formed by the Government consisting of officers from the departments of Revenue, Environment and Forests and  Geology & Mining to inspect the mining in all the leased areas of Garnet, Ilmenite and Rutile  in Thoothukudi  District  as  per  section  24  of  the  Mines  and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957. The Commissioner of Geology & Mining has recommended that till the completion of the inspection by the Special  Team, mining operations in respect of these leases may be directed to be stopped to facilitate inspections.  The Commissioner of Geology & Mining has also recommended that the Assistant Director (Mines), Thoothukudi  may be directed to stop forthwith the issuance of permits to transport the minerals.

        The Government after careful examination of the report and recommendation of the Commissioner of Geology & Mining directs as follows:
·         A Special Team will be formed, headed by Thiru Gagandeep Singh Bedi, IAS, Secretary, Revenue Department to inspect and verify in terms of Section 24 of Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation)Act, 1957, whether there is illicit mining by the 6 lessees of minerals - Garnet, Ilmenite and Rutile in Thoothukudi district. This team will also consist of officers from the departments of Revenue, Environment and Forests and Geology & Mining. The Team members will be nominated by the respective Secretaries to Government.

·         This Special Team shall exercise all the powers enumerated in section 24 of Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957.

·         The District Collector, Thoothukudi will issue proceedings directing all lessees of minerals - Garnet, Ilmenite and Rutile in Thoothukudi district to stop the mining operations pending completion of the inspections by the Special Team.

·         The Assistant Director, (Mines) Thoothukudi is directed to stop issuance of transport permits to the six lessees till the inspections are completed.

The Special Team is directed to complete the inspections expeditiously and submit its report to the Government within a month.



Issued by : Director of Information & Public Relations, Chennai – 9.

Illegal sand mining in Tamil Nadu to be probed

Tamil Nadu,Business/Economy,Politics, Fri, 09 Aug 2013IANS
The special team headed by Gagandeep Singh Bedi, secretary, Department of Revenue, will submit its report in a month. Other members of the team will be from the Department of Revenue and Department of Environment and Forests, Geology and Mining.
The team will inspect mining of all the leased areas of in Tuticorin district.
"The commissioner of geology and mining has recommended that till the completion of the probe, mining operations in respect of these leases may be directed to be stopped to facilitate inspections," the government order states.
The government's decision comes after Tuticorin District Collector Ashish Kumar sent a report to the government Aug 6 saying that large scale illicit beach sand mining had been detected in the district.
The report also recommended detailed field inspections by a special team comprising officials from the departments of revenue, police, environment and forests, geology and mining to be undertaken.
Incidentally, Kumar was transferred and posted as deputy secretary of Social Welfare and Nutritious Meals Department and M. Ravikumar, district collector, Ariyalur, will replace him at Tuticorin.
Officials of Tuticorin district administration inspected the sand quarries in Vaippar and Vembar villages in the district Tuesday on complaints that a mining company with a permission to mine in four hectares has been mining in 30 hectares.
"On the basis of complaints from the fishing community, we inspected the mining areas in Vaippar village. The leasee has been given permission to mine in four hectares. We found the mining was being done in 30 hectares," Kumar told IANS.
"Around 230,000 tonnes of beach sand minerals have been quarried in Vaippar village without permission from the government. We have sent the report to the government and action will be taken," he said.
"We have not quantified the quantum of loss to the government," he added
"The special team should not just look at the three beach sand minerals garnet, ilmenite and rutile but at the entire placer sands that include atomic minerals like monazite," S. Kalyanaraman, retired executive of Asian Development Bank (ADB) and an activist told IANS
"The appointment of a special team is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. This is only the end of the beginning," V. Sundaram, a retired Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer told IANS.
He congratulated Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa for stopping illegal mining of precious minerals.
He said illegal mining of beach sand minerals like monazite containing thorium was brought to the notice of the Tamil Nadu government last January.

Tamil Nadu government orders probe into illegal sand mining

09th August 2013 03:58 PM
Tamil Nadu Government on Friday ordered suspension of sand mining in Tuticorin district and formed a Special Team to probe into the issue in the backdrop of reports of illegal mining activities surfacing there.
A special team headed by Revenue Secretary Gagandeep Singh Bedi and officials from Environment and Forests, Geology and Mining departments has been formed to inspect the mining activities as per the Section 24 of the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957 an official release said.
"The Commissioner of Geology and Mining has recommended that till the completion of the inspection by the Special Team, mining operations in respect of those leases may be directed to be stopped to facilitate inspections", it said.
Tuticorin District Collector would issue proceedings directing all the lessees of minerals--garnet, ilmenite and rutile in the district to "stop" the mining operations pending completion of the inspections by the Special Team.
"The Special Team is directed to complete the inspections expeditiously and submit the report to the Government within a month", the release said.
The Government action comes days after the transfer of Tuticorin District Collector Ashish Kumar after he cracked down on illegal sand mining in the area.
However, the official himself termed his transfer as a "government's decision" and refused to comment.

Vadra falsified documents to collect premium -- Khemka. SoniaG should write to PM to protect Khemka, the way she batted for Durga Shakti.

$
0
0

Robert Vadra used fake documents to acquire Gurgaon land, IAS officer Ashok Khemka claims

PTI | Aug 10, 2013, 01.29 PM IST


Robert Vadra used fake documents to acquire Gurgaon land, IAS officer Ashok Khemka claims
Last year, Khemka, a senior Haryana cadre IAS officer, alleged irregularities in the land dealings of Robert Vadra and DLF in the state.

CHANDIGARH: Robert Vadra's land deals in a village in Haryana have returned to haunt the Congress party and its chief with whistleblower IAS officer Ashok Khemka alleging that Vadra "falsified documents" for 3.53 acres of land in Gurgaon and "pocketed" large premium on a commercial colony license.

In his "voluminous reply" submitted to Haryana government's three-member enquiry committee set up in October last to look into Vadra-DLF deal, Khemka is understood to have alleged that Vadra, who is Congress president Sonia Gandhi's son-in-law, executed a series of "sham transactions" for 3.53 acres of land in Shikohpur village of Gurgaon.

The IAS officer alleged that the Haryana's department of town and country planning (DTCP) "ignored rules and regulations to allow crony capitalists operating as middlemen to flourish and appropriate market premium of a licence."

"The DTCP aided Vadra in making these sham transactions," he alleged.

Khemka, who submitted his reply on May 21, says that both the sale deed of February 12, 2008 through which Vadra's company 'Skylight Hospitality' bought land from 'Onkareshwar Properties' and letter of intent for granting a commercial licence to his company issued by DTCP in March 2008 are "sham transactions" made to enable Vadra to collect market premium.

"If there was no payment as alleged in the registered deed, can it it be said that the registered deed conferred ownership title over the said land upon Skylight Hospitality by virtue of the sham sale," he questions.

Khemka, who had cancelled a land mutuation deal between Vadra and DLF last October, claims that "there was no promise to pay in the future in the registered deed."

No price was paid as claimed in the registered deed. The sale registered in the said deed cannot, therefore, be called a "sale" in true sense of the term, legal or moral and it cannot be said that Skylight Hospitality became owner of the land in question by virtue of sale registered in the deed, Khemka is understood to have said in his report running into some 100 pages.

While Khemka's reply has gone public, the officer, on being approached by PTI here said, "I will not speak to the media on this issue."

Haryana chief secretary P K Chaudhary said, "We are examining the reply (by Khemka)".

The Haryana government's committee had earlier this year concluded that the orders passed by Khemka initiating an enquiry into Vadra's land deals were "without jurisdiction, inappropriate and not covered under any provisions of any statute or rules."

Besides, the committee also held that the order by Khemka cancelling the land mutation was improper.

Demanding a white paper on the transfer of all such licenses permitted in the past to expose the "loot of public wealth," Khemka writes that the DTCP had issued various types of colony licences for a total of 21,3666 acres in the last eight years of the Bhupinder Singh Hooda government's tenure between 2005 to 2012.

He points that if the market premium for a colony licence is assumed to be as low as Rs one crore per acre, the land licensing scam in the past eight years is worth around Rs 20,000 crore.

"At the premium of Rs 15.78 crore per acre that Vadra earned, this figure would jump to Rs 3.5 lakh crore," he claims.

He alleged in the letter the DTCP permitted Skylight to transfer the license to DLF in April 2012 and the licensed land was finally sold to DLF on September 18, 2012.

"By allowing the transfer of licence issued in the name of Skylight to DLF, the DTCP created a black market for trading in licences where cronies are issued licences which are later sold or transferred with permission of the authority for a fat consideration to the real developers," he writes.

On August 5, 2008 Skylight Hospitality entered into an unregistered collaboration agreement with DLF Universal.

Khemka observes that this led to loss of crores of revenue to the state exchequer due to a collaboration agreement of this kind has to be registered.

The opposition Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) has demanded a probe into the reply by Khemka by a sitting judge of the high court.

INLD leader Abhay Chautala, who is also MLA from Ellenabad, said his party had thrice raised this issue in the Vidhan Sabha, but the Speaker always tried to suppress it.

"All such transactions are done by the Hooda government to appease Sonia," he alleged.
Published: August 10, 2013 03:27 IST | Updated: August 10, 2013 03:27 IST

Ousted after probing Vadra land deal, Khemka digs deeper

    Chander Suta Dogra
    Shalini Singh

Working largely on his own in order to rebut the Haryana government’s charge of having acted improperly in ordering the cancellation of the Robert Vadra-DLF land deal, senior IAS officer Ashok Khemka has sought to reconstruct the precise manner in which the controversial property transaction was put together.
Mr. Khemka was Director General, Land Holdings and Land Records and Inspector General of Registration, Haryana, in October 2012 when he decided to set aside the mutation of Mr. Vadra’s property giving effect to the sale deed in favour of DLF. Mr. Khemka’s decision came in the wake of an inquiry he conducted following the publication of a story, ‘Behind Robert Vadra’s fortunes, a maze of questions,’ in The Hindu on October 8, 2012,
Even as he was completing his probe, he was summarily transferred out of the crucial post. A Haryana government committee subsequently indicted him for acting wrongly in the Vadra case. In a tough and detailed counter, Mr. Khemka has listed out a number of irregularities and illegalities involving the Vadra-DLF deal.
The Corporation Bank cheque bearing number 607251 for Rs 7.5 crores, mentioned in sale deed no. 4928 of 12 February 2008, did not belong to Robert Vadra’s company, Skylight Hospitality. It is “likely that a fictitious cheque number was shown by the company with the full consent and knowledge of DLF to enable it to get legal title of land,” Mr. Khemka states in his submission to the Haryana government. This, because at the time of registering the sale deed, Skylight Hospitality did not have the money in its accounts to pay the Rs. 7.95 crores needed for land cost and stamp duty on the deed. Because no money changed hands as stated in the registered sale deed, and the stamp duty of Rs. 45 lakhs was also paid by Onkareshwar Properties and not Mr. Vadra’s company as stated in the deed, this amounts to making false statements punishable under Section 82 of the Registration Act, he states.
Consequently, in the balance sheets filed by the company as on March 31 2008, the bank balance is wrongly shown as a book overdraft of Rs. 7,94,00,000, because the cheque for Rs. 7.5 crores was never presented, says he.
Within two months of this, Mr. Vadra had entered into an agreement to sell the land to DLF for Rs. 58 crores and began receiving the money in instalments, as advance. The first of these instalments came in June 2008 and Mr. Khemka states that “The payment to Onkareshwar Properties was made from the advance money that was received from DLF Universal.” In other words, Mr. Vadra’s company began receiving money into its accounts without investing any of its own funds to buy the land.
Mr. Khemka goes on to say that the DTCP issued the company an LoI for a colony licence, without verifying the genuineness of the sale transactions or the capacity of Skylight Hospitality to develop a commercial colony in the first place.
At that time the company had zero income with a paid up capital of Rs. one lakh and the expenditure of Rs. 43,000 that it had incurred was met using borrowed money. But, “the capacity of the applicant company was nothing else other than Mr. Robert Vadra. The man became a measure of everything and the entire statutory apparatus a castle of sand,” says Mr. Khemka’s reply. Both the land title and LoI were necessary conditions to enable Mr. Vadra’s company to receive advances and execute a collaboration agreement with DLF Ltd for development of the land. The DTCP helped in other ways too.
DLF applied twice in August and in September 2008 for a commercial licence for this land, which it did not get. Then, on 18 November 2008 (the reasons are not clear, Mr. Khemka writes, because the department did not provide him the documents), Skylight makes a fresh application to the DTCP, and the collaboration agreement is indicated in the application to justify the ‘capacity’ of Skylight Hospitality to develop a colony. The agreement records that Skylight had by then transferred possession of the land to DLF.
“The agreement which was not registered was entertained illegally by the DTCP, even though Skylight had transferred possession of the land” by then. “This in itself was sufficient to withdraw the first letter of intent issued in March. Instead, Licence no 203 of 2008 was granted to M/s Skylight Hospitality on 15/12/2008. … This proves that all transactions entered into by M/s Skylight were sham,” says Mr. Khemka.
Mr. Khemka points out that as per the Collaboration Agreement, the Land Owners contribution was the Land Title and a Letter of Intent from the DTCP for grant of commercial colony licence on 2.701 acres; the rest of the responsibility was of the Developer, including obtaining commercial colony licence from DTCP, development of commercial project/buildings with FAR of 175 and maintenance of the assets created. In addition, the gross commercial area developed (which translates to a staggering 2,05,820 sq ft) was to be shared equally between the Land Owner and the Developer. This shows that Skylight Hospitality had no intent to develop the land.
“The Land Title and LoI for grant of commercial colony licence were sham transactions routed through M/s Skylight Hospitality so that part of the unofficial premium on account of commercial colony licence is remitted in white by the Developer, M/s DLF Retail Developers, to M/s Skylight Hospitality acting as a middleman to the deal of obtaining colony licence from the DTCP.”
Mr. Khemka has further discovered that the authorised signatory of M/s DLF Retail Developers Ltd in their applications dated 21.08.2008 and 24.09.2008 to the DTCP for commercial licence for 2.701 acres is Devinder Singh. However, the same person is also the special power of attorney holder of Skylight Hospitality in the same applications. This means that both DLF and Skylight Hospitality are represented by the same person who has been simultaneously signing multiple documents for both parties.
What prompted Onkareshwar Properties, a company that has close connections with top ruling Haryana politicians, to oblige Skylight Hospitality? Mr. Khemka points out that after executing the sale deed in favour of Mr. Vadra’s Skylight without receiving Rs. 7.9 crores as sales consideration, the company was given two group housing licences in village Sihi Sector 82 of Gurgaon for 6.2 acres and 15 acres. It was granted another licence for plotted development for 4.8 acres in Shikohpur, taking its net assets, which stood at Rs 6783 in March 2005, to a bank balance of Rs. 70.84 crores by March 2011 with a paid up share capital of just Rs. 25 lakhs.

‘Vadra used falsified documents, sham transactions to collect premium on land deal’


    SHALINI SINGHCHANDER SUTA DOGRA  
  • IAS officer Ashok Khemka has submitted a report on Robert Vadra's land deals.
    PTIIAS officer Ashok Khemka has submitted a report on Robert Vadra's land deals.
  • IAS officer Ashok Khemka has submitted a report on Robert Vadra's land deals.
    IAS officer Ashok Khemka has submitted a report on Robert Vadra's land deals.

Haryana IAS officer Ashok Khemka submits 100-page report to government

Ashok Khemka, the Haryana IAS officer who cancelled a land deal mutation between Robert Vadra and real estate giant DLF Universal Ltd last October, has told the Haryana government that Mr. Vadra falsified documents and executed a series of sham transactions for 3.53 acres land in Shikohpur village of Gurgaon, thereby pocketing a hefty premium on a commercial colony licence through money that he could account for.
Mr. Vadra, who is Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s son-in-law, was favoured and aided in making these ‘sham transactions’ by Haryana’s Department of Town and Country Planning (DTCP), alleges Mr. Khemka, accusing the department of ignoring rules and regulations “to allow crony capitalists operating as middlemen to flourish and appropriate [the] market premium of a licence.”
He has made these assertions in a 100-page reply to a report of a three-member enquiry committee set up by the Haryana government last October to look into the Vadra-DLF deal. The committee had indicted Mr. Khemka for cancelling the deal. Mr. Khemka’s reply, submitted on May 21 and accessed by The Hindu, has been put together with the help of publicly available documents and his own findings, after the government stonewalled his efforts to get the official documents concerning the sale, issue and transfer of the license to DLF.
Though nearly three months have elapsed since his reply was submitted, Haryana Chief Secretary P.K. Chaudhary told The Hindu that Mr. Khemka’s “voluminous reply is being examined and the points raised by him are being looked into.”
Mr. Khemka states that both the sale deed of February 12, 2008 — through which Mr. Vadra’s company, Skylight Hospitality, bought the land from Onkareshwar Properties — and the letter of intent for granting a commercial licence to his company issued by the DTCP in March 2008 are sham transactions, executed only to enable Mr. Vadra to collect market premium accruing to him due to state largesse.
“If there was no payment as alleged in the registered deed, can it be said that the registered deed conferred ownership title over the said land upon Skylight Hospitality by virtue of the sham sale?” he asks.
The law defines “sale” as a transfer of ownership in exchange for a price paid or promised or part-paid and part promised. Mr. Khemka notes that “there was no promise to pay in the future in the registered deed. No price was paid as claimed in the registered deed … The “sale” registered in the said deed cannot, therefore, be called a “sale” in the true sense of the term, legal or moral, and it cannot be said that Skylight Hospitality became owner of the land in question by virtue of the “sale” registered in [the] deed.”
According to Section 82 of the Registration Act, 1908, the penalty for making false statements, delivering false copies or translations, false personation, and abetment is punishable with imprisonment up to 7 years, he notes.
Earlier this year, the Haryana government’s committee had concluded that the orders passed by Mr. Khemka initiating an enquiry into Mr. Vadra’s land deals were “without jurisdiction, inappropriate and not covered under any provisions of any statute or rules.” Also, that his order cancelling the land mutation was administratively improper. Mr. Khemka was not permitted to present his stand before this committee.
In his reply to the committee’s indictment, Mr. Khemka states that not just the sale deed through which Mr. Vadra became the owner of the land, but the balance sheets filed by Skylight Hospitality as on 31 March 2008 are also false. These, he says are offences under Sections 417, 468 and 471 of the IPC and the Companies Act 1956. Further, on 5 August 2008, Skylight Hospitality entered into an unregistered collaboration agreement with DLF Universal for 2.7 acres of this land, that Mr. Khemka terms as “an illegality that led to [the] loss of crores of revenue to the State exchequer” because a collaboration agreement of this kind has to be registered.
“It was known all along to the DTCP that the actual developer of the colony would be DLF and the routing of the transaction through Skylight was a subterfuge to remit part premium into the accounts of Skylight Hospitality Private Ltd,” he says.
The DTCP permitted Skylight to transfer the licence to DLF in April 2012, and the licensed land was finally sold to DLF on 18th September 2012. Mr. Khemka goes on to say, “By allowing the transfer of licence issued in the name of Skylight to DLF, the DTCP created a black market for trading in licences where cronies are issued licences which are later sold or transferred with ‘permission’ of the authority for a fat consideration, to the real developers.” He has demanded a white paper on the transfer of all such licences permitted in the past to “expose the diabolical game of looting public wealth.”
According to Mr. Khemka’s note, the DTCP issued various types of colony licences for a total of 21,366 acres in the last 8 years of Bhupinder Singh Hooda’s tenure from 2005 to 2012. He points out that if the market premium for a colony licence is assumed to be as low as Rs. 1 crore/acre, the land-licensing scam in the past eight years is worth roughly Rs. 20,000 crore. At the premium of Rs. 15.78 crore/acre that Mr. Vadra earned, this figure would jump to a staggering Rs. 3.5 lakh crore.

SoniaG Government fires Belgium Honorary Consul A C Muthiah

$
0
0

Government fires Belgium Honorary Consul A C Muthiah

August 10, 2013 13:29 IST
The external affairs ministry has terminated industrialist A C Muthiah from the position of the Honorary Consul of the Kingdom of Belgium in Chennai.
The termination was ordered by a circular sent to the Tamil Nadu government with the signature of the deputy chief of protocol in the ministry of external affairs.
According to sources, the termination was ordered after the MEA received a request from authorities in Belgium about complaints they had received over the financial dealings of Muthiah.
The ministry had sought intelligence inputs on the issue before taking such a serious action, said sources.






Snowden’s exile a warning against UID scheme -- Sandhya Jain

$
0
0

Snowden’s exile a warning against UID scheme


By Sandhya Jain on August 10, 2013

Snowden's exile warning against UID scheme
It is strange that no human rights activist or political party in India has demanded that the UPA Government immediately destroy the vast biometric data of citizens that it collected illegally, even after Edward Snowdenexposed the mass surveillance programmes being run by the Governments of the United States and Britain, with at least one server planted on the territory of India.
Snowden escaped incarceration for life in some isolated Guantanamo-type facility by securing ‘temporary’ asylum in Russia, after Washington grounded him at Moscow airport by cancelling his passport. He is likely to remain in Russia for the rest of his life, an irony that could make Moscow the new destination of those fleeing from the repulsive intrusiveness that George Orwell foresaw would be the fate of Western democracies. Big Brother is indeed watching you — all of us, in fact.
But no country over which the Americans have planted their spy cameras and listening devices is as vulnerable as India, because none other has so brazenly collected the biometric data of its entire population. The unique identification (Aadhar) programme has been executed illegally without Parliamentary sanction, at the expense of the taxpayer. Congress regimes like the Delhi Government have illegally forced citizens to enroll under the programme by denying property registration and other civic rights without an Aadhar number.
Right-thinking citizens always had doubts about the intent of the project — which can cancel the citizenship, voting rights, even bank accounts, of citizens — with a single click on the delete button. This is the ultimate in totalitarian power that has always been sought by the security establishments of countries like America which are committed to world domination, which is why the resistance to these powerful technologies emanates from there.
Biometric data is prone to misuse. Its very safety is difficult to guarantee in a world full of accomplished hackers, not to mention compulsive snoops. A particular denomination that feels targeted when certain crimes take place would be especially vulnerable in this regard. This is a grave danger to the entire citizenry, and the Supreme Court would do well, even at this late stage, to order the scrapping of the project and the destruction of all data. It never had any genuine justification, and after the expose by Snowden — who worked for both the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the National Security Agency (NSA) — there is no reason to believe that the data is safe.
So dogged is America in its pursuit of Snowden and all who helped him, even inadvertently, that an encrypted email service believed to have been used by him, shut down suddenly on August 8, after the US Government tried to gain access to customer information. The owner, Ladar Levison, explained to customers, “I have been forced to make a difficult decision: to become complicit in crimes against the American people, or walk away from nearly 10 years of hard work by shutting down Lavabit.”
He further warned, “This experience has taught me one very important lesson: without Congressional action or a strong judicial precedent, I would strongly recommend against anyone trusting their private data to a company with physical ties to the United States.” This was a hint at Google Inc, Microsoft Corp and other large providers who, according to Snowden’s leaks, were forced to help intelligence authorities gather email and other data on their users. Soon afterwards, another famous service, Silent Mail, also closed down, seeing the writing on the wall.
The sheer scale of NSA intrusion is causing some misgivings even in the normally discreet mainstream media, with the New York Times editorially commenting on August 8, “Time and again, the NSA has pushed past the limits that lawmakers thought they had imposed to prevent it from invading basic privacy, as guaranteed by the Constitution.” The NSA, the newspaper noted, “copies virtually all overseas messages that Americans send or receive, then scans them to see if they contain any references to people or subjects the agency thinks might have a link to terrorists… data collection on this scale… clearly shreds a common-sense understanding of the Fourth Amendment.” It called for Congress to clamp down on snooping that is not connected to specific targets.
Meanwhile, in the Capital alone, the Delhi State Election Commission found during the course of a routine exercise to weed out bogus voters, that there are over 12 lakh fake names on the voters’ list. In one instance alone, 30 residents of Seelampur got voter identity cards on the basis of a single Aadhar Card (no. 229575371505).
This means that all 30 persons had the same address proof with the same serial number, but different names and photographs. This is not possible without official complicity. It is clearly intended to facilitate bogus voting at election time. It is likely that some of the persons thus given voter identity cards may not be genuine citizens of India. Indeed, this was one of the greatest objections to the Unique Identification Programme in the first place.
Imagine what a foreign Government could do with citizens’ biometric data. Imagine if a country known to sponsor terror got its hands on our biometric data — it could use it to implicate innocent Indians in crimes they did not commit, to forge citizenship cards for its operatives, or to clean out target bank accounts. The possibilities are endless.
Another interesting scam that has come to light in the capital is that against a population of 16.8 million (2011 Census), Delhi has 18 million people on its ration cards. Since the middle classes were made to surrender their ration cards after the voter identity cards were introduced some decades ago, this means that at least 50 per cent, if not more, of the names on the ration cards are bogus.
This is clearly a scam to benefit certain chosen food grain dealers under the guise of the Food Security Bill that Sonia Gandhi hopes to push through in the Parliament session, in order to win the next election.
The food and supplies department claims it will weed out bogus claimants via Aadhar, and the Election Commission has already shown us how that can be fudged. So we are going to have a scam of unprecedented numbers in the guise of rectifying the shortcomings of the old public distribution system (PDS).
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/08/10/snowdens-exile-warning-against-uid-scheme-116633.html

"Dilli ka hukam" ‘PMO to blame for soldier deaths’ -- MD Nalapat

$
0
0
‘PMO to blame for soldier deaths’
The commanders who adopted a ‘pro-active stance to deter the Pakistanis usually suffered in their careers’.
MADHAV NALAPAT  New Delhi | 10th Aug 2013
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
enior commanders in the India-Pakistan battlefield say that the rules of engagement enforced by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh are the cause of the multiplying number of deaths of Indian soldiers at the hands of the Pakistan army. According to them, present Chief of Army Staff General Bikram Singh "follows the PMO's directives in practice while publicly talking about a tough response" to Pakistani provocations, They claim that "cross-border incidents on both the Line of Control and the Line of Actual Control have risen sharply since June 2012" when Gen Singh took over the command of the Army from Gen V.K. Singh. However, a senior officer said that the dilution in response over the past year "is not the (present) chief's fault", and that Gen Bikram Singh had no option as a disciplined soldier than to follow the policy given to him by the political and bureaucratic leadership.
They pointed out that those commanders who adopted a "pro-active stance that would deter the Pakistanis usually suffered in their careers" while the "more cautious ones got promoted". They said that this was in contrast to the Pakistan army, "which always backed the man on the spot, even if he was only a JCO (junior commissioned officer)". Others said that "these days, babus in the Ministry of Defence (MoD) take even tactical decisions best left to the field commanders" and that "interference by the MoD in operational matters has reached the danger level" from the point of view of operational readiness to deal with threats.
These commanders say that Pakistani troops "taunt our forces every day" by saying that it is "Dilli ka hukam" that our soldiers do not respond to provocations from their side. A senior officer claimed that "almost every day, in some sectors, Pakistani troops open up an artillery barrage". He claimed that "the Prime Minister's Office has informally ordered that our boys should not respond to such hostile moves unless higher levels get consulted". In practice, he says, such consultations "almost always get replied to with an order to ignore the firing and the taunts". It has already been reported in these columns that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is regarded with distaste by the men in uniform for his Sunshine Policy towards Islamabad. The PM has been joined by Defence Minister A.K. Antony in being the butt of uncharitable comments related to the PMO-MoD policy of avoiding a robust response to provocative actions from across the border.
These commanders said that "proper rules of engagement" would have resulted in an "immediate and deadly response to the killing of five of our boys by the Pakistani military". But for the informal restrictions on counter-activity, "the Indian Army would have in hours inflicted such damage to the other side that they would have thought twice before launching provocative actions".
They claimed that in those few sectors where local commanders "with spirit were still allowed to function", the Pakistan side was quiet. There was anger at reports that junior officers would be punished for what was in their view "a failure of the higher command to appreciate that force is the best way to ensure calm". Several officers said that "since Kargil, it has become the fashion for higher-ups to blame juniors for their own mistakes". They said that scrutiny of postings would show that "those commanders who inflicted a robust response to provocations were quickly moved out of sensitive commands".
These officers said that the "zigzag pattern of deployment of our troops and the enemy" meant that preventing an ambush in the Poonch sector was "difficult". Therefore, they added, the only way of deterring such action was to ensure "a strong response to any hostile action". According to them, such a course has been informally countermanded by the political leadership, in deference to the desire to chase the chimera of peace with Pakistan, and warned that "unless the Army is given the freedom to act against provocations, more of our soldiers will pay the ultimate price".

Racket of conversion of rupees into dollars with assured $ returns to NRI $ deposits -- MD Nalapat

$
0
0
SATURDAY | AUGUST 10, 2013
MADHAV NALAPAT
ROOTS OF POWER
India’s ‘craze for foreign’ must end
Raghuram Rajan has been conspicuous only in being part of a team that has crash-landed a once soaring economy.

Raghuram Rajan is greeted at his office in New Delhi after he was appointed as the next governor of the RBI on Tuesday. PTI
It would take extreme effort for Raghuram Rajan to do a worse job of ensuring economic growth than his immediate predecessor Duvvuri Subbarao, who will leave behind a banking and industrial wasteland by the time his extended term concludes in a few weeks' time. Given that he has been a loyal chela of the economic adviser to the Prime Minister, C. Rangarajan, it would be understandable if he were to expect to be given the Padma Vibhushan at the next investiture ceremony. Odder choices have been known to occur, no doubt inspired by the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Henry Kissinger or the European Union. More apt than simply a national award would be the gifting of a ministerial-level commission chairmanship to Subbarao. This body could be given the task of boosting economic growth in India. Given the skill of Subbarao in ensuring the opposite, all that would be needed to speed up growth in the country would be to implement the polar opposite of the committee's recommendations.
Except to the "experts" at the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and at the Ministry of Finance, there is no mystery about why the Indian rupee has been diving in recent months. All that the mandarins have to do is to go to — for example — Singapore and get hold of some of the brochures being put out by banks there to attract NRI dollar deposits. These explicitly promise an annual return of about 20% in dollars for any money invested. Indeed, it would make sense for an NRI to take a loan from a Singapore bank and place the loan as an NRI deposit, taking advantage of the more than 5% spread between the cost of the loan and the interest on the deposit.
The (already high) assured return of 20% is subject to the rupee falling to about Rs 72 to the US dollar, but the more adventurous investors can get a higher return by accepting a higher risk. The number of "get rich quick" NRI deposit schemes based on the absurdly generous incentives given by the Manmohan Singh government to such investors has multiplied, with banks advertising such offers and even provoking lawsuits on the part of those angry at being denied access to the India Gravy Train because they are not NRIs. However, despite the several heady mentions given to individuals such as Raghuram Rajan (who, thus far, has been conspicuous only in being part of a team that has crash-landed a once soaring economy), the geniuses in Mint Road and North Block seem unable to comprehend the correlation between the high returns given to those making dollar deposits in Indian banks and the fall of the rupee.
Any hawala operator can tell them how those holding huge hoards of cash — mostly politicians and officials — are flocking to hawala operators in order to exchange their hoards into dollars. This is then sent to destinations such as Singapore or Dubai, where otherwise unemployed relatives are packed off as NRIs. These are then supplied with dollars which can be placed in NRI deposits, although in many cases, these big depositors have no known source of income except remittances from mysterious channels. It has become such a nightmare to operate in India, and so easy to make money out of the system if one is an NRI, that there has been a huge increase in this category, several of whom have made large NRI deposits to get the massive dollar denominated returns that such deposits bring. This is in contrast to the domestic investor, who gets a pittance, that too in a depreciating rupee that is plunging towards the Rs 100 to a US dollar mark, thanks to the PM's hand-picked economic team.
It is this legal and illegal conversion of rupees into dollars that is the primary cause of the falling value of the rupee, not the esoteric reasons being trotted out by a section of pink press commentators who are PROs for the IMF and the World Bank. Unless this unhealthy concentration of effort on getting short-term funds through the NRI route get replaced with schemes for an amnesty for foreign funds held abroad and investment in physical assets rather than in hot money destinations. Raghuram Rajan, with his attention fixed to the needs of those influential in Chicago rather than Kolkata, is unlikely to make a positive difference to an economy which has been almost destroyed thanks to giving foreign money and foreign capital way, way more value than the rupee and domestic investors. Hopefully, this "Craze for Foreign" (as V.S. Naipaul once put it) of the Indian policymaker will cease before the streets of India erupt in fury.

Call your MP to save RTI Act. RTI Call-a-thon suggested by Bhanupriya Rao.

$
0
0

RTI Call-a-thon: How citizens are engaging MPs to save RTI Act

By Bhanupriya Rao
Engaging with our MPs can be fun, you know. I insist you try it. A load of us did. We were left in that strange zone where anger meets helplessness meets pity meets humor.
It all started when word got around that the Cabinet had cleared the amendments to the Right to Information Act, 2005, which are intended to keep the political parties out of the purview of the Act. The CIC, if you remember, had ruled that political parties are public bodies as they receive substantial indirect funding from the government. In an act of uncharacteristic swiftness, the amendments were cleared by the Cabinet and are ready to be tabled on the 12th August in the Lok Sabha. In another act of never-before-seen unity, the opposition and the Government are singing from the same hymn sheet to pass the Bill to keep their collective interests locked from public scrutiny.
Our frustrations were reaching fever-pitch, when Suresh Ediga, a software engineer based in New Jersey, came up with an innovative campaign idea: RTI Call-a-Thon. The idea was to call our constituency MP and ask them their personal opinion on whether they thought the political parties should be left out of the RTI Act as well as to ask them to vote against it. For, that is what we citizens who voted them to represent us, wanted them to do.
The unexpected ways in which MPs respond. AFP
The unexpected ways in which MPs respond. AFP
Since then, hundreds of MPs have been contacted both by phone, email and SMS from both within India and abroad. Shailesh Gandhi, the former Chief Information commissioner found this innovative and made calls to 15 MPs which he has posted on his Facebook page. We created a Facebook page to log in the responses that we were getting. Some angered us, some amused us, some made us pity them. But each one of it was worth the time we spent in talking to them.
Most found the identity ‘concerned citizen’ alien. I called LK Advani’s office and was asked if I was a journalist by his staff. I replied in the negative, told him I was a ‘concerned citizen’ and begged to ask him why he thought so? His reply was ‘ I thought so because you are demanding to know Advaniji’s stand’. That demanding answers was a citizen’s job was a fascinating new concept for them. After a couple of calls, Advaniji’s response to my questions(through his staff) was that the amendments are being brought about by the Government. ‘We have nothing to do with this’. But does he support it? Will his part vote for it? He refused to say.
P Chidambaram demanded to know where the caller got his number from? Er….Sir, It is openly listed on the Lok Sabha directory. He then went on to rant that it was not his business to answer to a ‘nobody like you’.
Sitaram Yechury bellowed back at a caller saying he did not have to answer to her as she was not a member of his party. ‘You cannot sit somewhere else and tell me how I should vote in the Parliament’ was his reply. That is how it works, Mr Yechury. We elect you so that you act on our behalf.
Most, cutting across party lines, parroted a familiar line ‘I will go with the party’s command’. When one MP was asked if he had no personal opinion on this issue, he helplessly rued ‘My opinion has no value’. The caller probed further asking what if as a constituent, he urged him to vote against the amendments, the MP descended further into a cesspool of pity saying ‘If I don’t follow the party line, I won’t be given a ticket next time. Will you RTI fellows come and help me then?’
Some received our messages and politely replied that they noted our concerns, thank you very much. Ravi Shankar Prasad (BJP) was politely non-committal, but he did hear the caller out. Yet, there were others who had a meaningful conversation around these amendments with us. Some did concede that they believed that political parties should be brought under the Act and that they should not be above public scrutiny. Mr Anand Rao of Shiv Sena wrote a long email to a member of the public explaining why he thought that the CIC was wrong to issue the order. His contention was that CIC or any other body should not encroach into law making function as that was the business of the Parliament.
Numerous tweets have been aimed in the direction of Sushma Swaraj,Sharad Pawar, Jay Panda et al. While they are happy squabbling with each other on twitter, there was complete silence on the RTI.
This exercise has shocked some of the MPs while others remain nonchalant. Hordes of people calling them personally and asking them vote against a Bill has been entirely new to them. Some have thanked us for doing so, while others were livid at our audacity.
So why are we still calling our MPs knowing that we might be stonewalled? Why are we taking out time from our schedules, some from a variety of timezones, knowing that the least we would get to is a member of their staff? Why are we bothering while we do know how strangely strong the party unity is on this issue?
The answer, in our minds, is simple. Because not doing anything is not an option. Because a vote every five years is not the only way we would like to be engaged with our democracy. Because, as citizens, we would like to start the process of meaningful engagement with our law-makers. And above all, the Right to Information became a reality after a 25 year long struggle when poor peasants and workers engaged with their governments to ask for the accounts of their daily wages. Because I refuse to let the sweat of the struggle of those workers and peasants dry in vain. Because, if I don’t, then who will?
We have just a few days to make our voice count. Here are few things you can do to save the RTI Act. Join the Call-a-Thon. Find your MPhere and make that call. Like I said before, it is meaningful and it is fun.
Bhanupriya Rao is a concerned Indian Citizen, a category unknown to most of our MPs. She tweets @bhanupriyarao

FIR sought on illegal beach mining

$
0
0

Published: August 11, 2013 11:29 IST | Updated: August 11, 2013 11:30 IST

FIR sought on illegal beach mining

STAFF REPORTER
Fishermen Freedom Organisation, Tuticorin submitted a petition at the district police office on Saturday. Photo: N.Rajesh
Fishermen Freedom Organisation, Tuticorin submitted a petition at the district police office on Saturday. Photo: N.Rajesh
An organisation called Meenavar Viduthalai Iyakkam has sought the intervention of the Superintendent of Police, Tuticorin district, to immediately lodge a First Information Report against those who indulged in illegal beach mining.
Its members led by general secretary, V. Alangara Barathar, submitted a petition in the District Police Office here on Saturday seeking necessary action to check the unlawful activity.
Despite former Collector Ashish Kumar’s directive to the Village Administrative Officer to file a case against illegal mining with the Kulathur police in the wake of inspection at Vaipar, Vembar, Periyasamipuram, Kalaignanapuram and its surroundings under Vilathikulam taluk on August 6 by two teams that executed the task for over six hours, the Kulathur police were reluctant to file a case against the beach sand mafia, the association said.
The former Collector, who got transferred on the evening of August 6, exposed the larger crime before the media while addressing a press conference here on August 7 and said a case was filed against the proprietor of the V.V. Minerals (beach mining company) on five counts of criminal offences.
The organisation came to know that no case had been filed until August 9 with the Kulathur police regarding the illegal mining operation. As a general secretary of the organisation, he said he had contacted the Kulathur Inspector of Police over phone to know whether any case was filed. But the Inspector did not respond properly and asked him to come directly to the Kulathur police station to discuss the case. Besides filing the FIR, stern action should also be initiated against the Kulathur police, who delayed in their duty to file a case, the association said.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/fir-sought-on-illegal-beach-mining/article5010489.ece?ref=sliderNews

http://tinyurl.com/mqhr2bv

தாதுமணல் பிரச்னை: பெரியதாழையில் ஆர்ப்பாட்டம்
By சாத்தான்குளம்
First Published : 11 August 2013 02:23 AM IST
தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் தாதுமணல் பிரச்னை குறித்து ஆய்வு நடத்த வலியுறுத்தி பெரியதாழையில் மீனவர் கூட்டமைப்பினர் சனிக்கிழமை ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் ஈடுபட்டனர்.
பெரியதாழையில் உள்ள கடற்கரைப் பகுதியில் தனியார் நிறுவனம் முறைகேடாக மணல் அள்ளி வருவதால், அங்குள்ள கடலில் கழிவு மணல் தேங்கி, தூண்டில் பாலம் 800 மீட்டர் அளவுக்கு குறைந்து 200 மீட்டர் அளவாக மாறியுள்ளதாகக் கூறப்படுகிறது. இதனால் மீனவர்கள் பாதிக்கப்பட்டு வருகின்றனர். எனவே அந்நிறுவனம் மணல் அள்ளுவதைத் தடை  செய்ய வேண்டும். தமிழக அரசு நியமித்துள்ள சிறப்புக் குழு இங்கு முறையான ஆய்வை நடத்த வேண்டும் என்பதை வலியுறுத்தி பெரியதாழையில் ஊர்நலக்கமிட்டி, மீனவர்கள் கூட்டுறவு சங்கம், எஸ்.வி.எம். நற்பணி இயக்கம் சார்பில் ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் நடைபெற்றது. அங்குள்ள மத்திய பஸ் நிறுத்தம் முன்பு நடைபெற்ற ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்துக்கு ஊர் நலக்கமிட்டி தலைவர் கான்சியூஸ் தலைமை வகித்தார். மீனவர்கள் கூட்டுறவு சங்கத் தலைவர் அமலன் முன்னிலை வகித்தார்.

Subramanian Swamy's Janata Party merges with BJP

$
0
0

With the best wishes for a splendid rāṣṭram. Together, make Indian Ocean Community governed by dharma, a reality.


Kalyanaraman

Swamy's Janata Party to merge with BJP

 
Shedding inhibitions of a section of its members, the BJP on Sunday agreed to merge the Janata Party into itself. The decision was formalised Sunday evening after a meeting between BJP president Rajnath Singh and Janata Party president Subramanian Swamy which was attended by the Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley and former party president Nitin Gadkari at Singh's residence in the capital.


The decision comes weeks after Janata Party chief Subramanian Swamy expressed willingness to merge his party with the BJP. A strong section of the party was opposed to Swamy's induction given the party's experience with Ram Jethmalani, who embarrassed the party several times while being a member. The matter culminated into his expulsion recently.
"We have seen how Ram Jethmalani ridiculed and painted BJP in poor light. There is no guarantee Swamy will not do so," a senior party leader said. But, the objections were overwhelmed by the RSS support for the move.

"The RSS has been supportive of the idea. Advani is also supporting. In fact, Advani got him inducted to the NDA. After Swamy reached out to Narendra Modi, there was no stopping the induction," a leader said.

After the merger, party leaders expect Swamy to maintain decorum in his personalised attacks on political adversaries, particularly the Gandhi family, and tone down his vitriolic.
Those supportive of the merger see him as an asset when elections are only a few months away.

"He will be an asset for the party. Particularly when elections are only few months away. He will be a deterrent against Congress, which is in the habit of attacking Modi personally. They should now be ready to get it back in their language," a party MP said.


Subramanian Swamy's Janata Party merges with BJP

PTI  New Delhi, August 11, 2013

First Published: 19:51 IST(11/8/2013) | Last Updated: 21:09 IST(11/8/2013)
Subramanian Swamy on Sunday announced the merger of his Janata Party with BJP ahead of the 2014 general elections.
The announcement was made by Swamy in the presence of BJP president Rajnath Singh, Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley and former BJP chief Nitin Gadkari.
Ahead of the merger, Swamy held discussions with senior BJP leaders at Rajnath Singh's residence, who accepted the merger of his party in BJP and hoped it will make BJP stronger.
"Dr Subramanian Swamy is national president of Janata Party and he has decided that the Janata Party and BJP should merge. Today, I accept the merger of Janata Party with BJP. I am confident that with Swamy's joining the BJP and the merger of his party will benefit the BJP...I welcome Dr Swamy in BJP," Singh said after Swamy's decision.
Singh said Swamy has been a leader of the Jana Sangh earlier and has accepted that it is the need of the hour in national interest to work together and unite.
After the merger, Swamy said, "I am very pleased that the President of BJP and the leaders of BJP have welcomed me into BJP as a part of the merger process."
He said the country is passing through "very difficult times" and "This is the time for unity, for national and nationalist purpose...I hope to work together and work for the Bharatiya Janata Party along with my colleagues to see that a new future for India can be built in the coming months."
Swamy has served as member of the Planning Commission and a former Cabinet minister at the Centre and has been a five-time MP.
Swamy is an ardent proponent of Hindutva philosophy outside the Sangh Parivar and has been active in exposing the 2G Spectrum scam. He recently questioned the Jet-Etihad deal.

Empowering Indian navy, for national security.

$
0
0

Two landmark events in India's national security

Admiral Arun Prakash (Retd) 

August 11, 2013


Amidst the ongoing tragic-comic political theatre of Delhi and the general air of despondency that pervades all over, the Indian Navy, in its unique low-key style, is about to make two landmark contributions to national security that should bring considerable cheer.



The nuclear reactor that propels Arihant, our first ballistic missile submarine (SSBN in naval parlance), went critical Aug 9. This product of the Advanced Technology Vessel Project (ATVP), launched in 2009, will, in due course, become the 'third leg' of India's nuclear deterrent force.

On Aug 12, Defence Minister A.K. Antony will ceremonially launch India's first home-built aircraft carrier, to be eventually named Vikrant, in Kochi.There are not many navies in the world today that can look forward to the near simultaneous induction of two such powerful (and expensive) platforms into their inventory in the foreseeable future.

However, it is vital that the national security establishment succumbs neither to unbridled euphoria of agencies involvednor to excessive scepticism of the media, and retains a balanced perspective about these two events.

While good for national morale, neither vessel will have an immediate impact on our security posture. Both projects still have some way to go, and it is essential to draw right conclusions and take some early decisions for the future.

The Arihant will now be put through a grueling programme of trials which will test the actual performance of the vessel and all on-board systems on the surface and underwater.

Three features of the Arihant will attract the closest attention of friend and foe alike -- the performance of its nuclear reactor; its acoustic signature (or generated noise) which is an index of stealth or 'detectability'; and its missile-range which indicates its lethality as a deterrent platform.

While the first two will be found empirically, we already know that the range of its K-15 submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) is a mere 750 km. Thus, while the Arihant may sail out on a deterrent patrol in about a year's time, the DRDO will need to deliver a SLBM of over 3,500
km range for her (or her sisters) to become truly effective.

For DRDO, the ATV stands out as a singular achievement which, in spite of formidable challenges, forged ahead steadily to fruition. 

In an otherwise dismal defence-research and production scenario this significant success can be attributed to three major factors which should provide salutary lessons for government and other two Services.

First, the high level of synergy and co-ordination attained by the Indian Navy, DRDO and Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) smoothened the way.

Second, the good sense displayed in placing the navy in the driving seat resulted in early user-initiated course-corrections.

And finally, the autonomy granted to the project enabled rapid executive and financial decision-making and permitted extensive private-sector participation in critical areas.

It should surprise no one that a project of such complexity owes a great deal to Soviet/Russian assistance, which came in fits and starts, accounted for most of the programme delays, and resulted in breathtakingprice-escalations.

However, it has been a valuable learning experience for our scientists and technologists. Apart from enabling private-sector companies to master numerous advanced technologies for design and fabrication of major submarine systems, the project has spawned huge indigenisation opportunities for small and medium ancillary industries country-wide.

The indigenous aircraft carrier (IAC) project suffered inordinate delays on two counts.The politico-bureaucratic establishment, partly for want of comprehension, sat on the navy's proposal for over a decade and accorded approval only after the Russians had the Gorshkov deal in their pockets. Soon after steel was cut for this ship in 2005, our lamentably under-developed ship-building industry ran into a series of problems including non-availability of suitable steel and other building material.

Being the largest and most complex warship-building project ever to be undertaken in-country, expertise deficit had to be made up by seeking consultancy from Italian and Russian companies. However, both countries, being builders of aircraft-carriers, possibly view this project with a covetous eye, and have been dragging their heels in providing expertise.

The more challenging phase of the IAC project will commence once the hull is in the water, and installation cum-integration of systems and machinery starts. It could take up to five years before the ship goes to sea.

If truth be told, both these projects are the outcome of the navy's vision. To the common man's query about their real significance, one would provide a two-fold response. On one hand, they speak of a delusion, among the security elite, that a large defence budget and possession of a large military, by themselves, assure security and constitute the makings of a 'great power'. On the other hand, underpinned by a vision that integrates military power with a national security doctrine and strategy, it is hardware such as this that will ensure protection of national interests, and enable us to face domineering or vexatious powers.

Contemplating the future of the ATV and the IAC projects, logic says that we should have a force of three or four SSBNs and a similar number of carriers, so that at least two of each remain on duty at any time.Both projects require nuclear propulsion and esoteric technologies, but nothing will erode our 'strategic autonomy' more than continued dependence on an exclusive single source, Russia.

In our quest for ultimate self-reliance, it is time to diversify our sources of sensitive military technology and expertise. This may be a good time to test the hand of friendship being extended by US and France -- both have what we need.

Admiral Arun Prakash is a former Indian Navy chief and Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee. 

The views expressed are personal. 

He can be contacted at :arunp2810@yahoo.com)


eb


Indigenous nuke submarine Arihant ready for sea trials

N C Bipindra


Aug 11, 2013 
[The nuclear submarine INS Arihant will endow India with the capability to fire nuke-tipped missiles from land, air and sea.]

India’s first indigenously-built  nuclear-powered submarine INS Arihant is ready for sea trials ahead of its induction by 2014 end, with Prime Minister Manmohan Singhon Saturday declaring that its 80MW pressurised water reactor had gone critical.

This will help the country realise its dream of having a nuclear weapons triad and endow it with the capability to fire nuke-tipped missiles from the land, air and sea.

Congratulating the scientists and the Navy on their success in getting the sub’s reactor to go critical, the PM said,”Today’s (on Saturday) development represents a giant stride in the progress of our indigenous technological capabilities.”

According to him, it was a “testimony to the ability of our scientists, technologists and defence personnel to work together for mastering the complex technologies in the service of our nation’s security”.

“I look forward to the early commissioning of INS Arihant. Commissioning of the vessel is the most critical aspect of India’s dream to build, own and operate a nuclear-powered submarine, as part of an elite group of nations comprising the US, Russia, the UK, France and China that have already done so.”

“I am delighted to learn that the nuclear propulsion reactor onboard Arihant has now achieved criticality. I extend my congratulations to all those associated with this important milestone, particularly the Department of Atomic Energy (DEA), the Navy and the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO),” he said. 

Manmohan was joined by Union Defence Minister A K Antony, who congratulated the scientists and the Navy personnel as well as the other organisations, whose “tireless efforts” had resulted in Arihant’s nuclear reactor attaining criticality.

Describing it as “a very important milestone” in the nation’s journey towards self-reliance in critical areas, Antony said the nuclear submarine would be “the pride” of the Navy when it joins the fleet.

The top secret Rs 15,000-crore nuclear submarine programme,which got under way as rather innocuously-named ‘Advanced Technology Vehicle’ (ATV) in 1998, had been unveiled to the public only in July 2009 when the Prime Minister’s wife Gurcharan Kaur christened it Arihant during a function held at the Naval Docks in Visakhapatnam amid media glare.

The nuclear submarine will now go out to the sea for trials by August end and carry out tests onboard, including weapons firing, which may also involve a domestically developed Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile (SLBM).

Copyright © 2012 The New Indian Express. All rights reserved.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
RELATED PLEASE :


India activates 'secret' undersea missile

Hemant Kumar Rout 

11th Aug 2013

BALASORE




  • A file photo of underwater B-05 (K-15) missile. K-4 is one among the K-series of missiles being developed by the DRDO very secretly. (Express photo | Hemant Rout)
    A file photo of underwater B-05 (K-15) missile. K-4 is one among the K-series of missiles being developed by the DRDO very secretly. 
  • Express photo | Hemant Rout

Amid escalation of simmering tension along the LoC in the wake of unprovoked killing of jawans leading to heightened resentment across the nation, India is contemplating to go for the maiden trial of its long range nuke-capable undersea missile K-4, which had been kept secret so far.

If things go as per the programme, defence sources said the indigenously built submarine launched ballistic (SLBM) missile, which has a strike range of 3000-km to 3,500-km will be test fired from a submerged pontoon, which is almost identical to submarine, off the Vishakhapatnam coast next month.

Though the missile has been designed to be launched from a depth of 50 meter, but this time the scientists are planning to fire it from the undersea platform nearly 20 to 30 meters deep in the Bay of Bengal. Earlier the developmental tests of the missile's gas-booster have already completed successfully.

After the successful activation of the atomic reactor on-board the country’s first indigenous nuclear submarine INS Arihant in the wee hours on Saturday, the DRDO is in fact readying to conduct the first experimental trial of the much-awaited K-4 as soon as possible. This submarine will be equipped with the K-series missiles.

India has so far planned three missiles in the K-series. The 700-km range K-15, renamed as B-05 by the DRDO has been launched 10 times while the K-5 which will have a striking capability of over 5,000 km is under development. 

All the K-series missiles are faster, lighter and stealthier. The missiles are far more difficult to tackle as they skulk clandestinely undersea and manoeuvrable thus minimising the chance of being shot down by the enemy.

The DRDO is expecting a successful trial of the missile as it would strengthen the country’s position in the very exclusive club of six nations including Russia, USA, France, Britain and China which have the capability of firing nuclear tipped missiles from air, land and undersea.

With a length of 12 meters and diameter of 1.3 meters, the missile weighs around 17 tonne and is capable of carrying a warhead of around 2 tonne. 

Basically a ballistic missile as it uses solid propellant, the K-4 missile combines the aspects of both cruise and ballistic missile, which use multiple-stage rockets to exit the atmosphere and re-enter in a parabolic trajectory. It flies in hypersonic speed and is the world's best weapon in this class.

“At least four tests of B-05 and K-4 missiles have been planned. While the B-05 will be fired from the submarine, K-4 will be launched from the pontoon,” the sources added.

Apart from the K-series missiles, India has the submarine version of BrahMos supersonic cruise missile in its arsenal to boost its second-strike capabilities. 

However, after the completion of successful trials from INS Arihant, the B-05 missile will be inducted in the armed forces. 

The DRDO is also developing the air version of the K-series missiles, which can be fitted with fighter aircraft like Sukhoi Su-30-MKI.

Yes we can, says NaMo in Hyderabad

$
0
0

Yes we can, says NaMo in Hyderabad


By Niticentral Staff on August 11, 2013

Yes we can, says NaMo in Hyderabad

A very packed Lal Bahadur Shastri Stadium awaited BJP’s poll panel chief Narendra Modi in Hyderabad on Sunday. Modi addressed lakhs of people — those present in the stadium as well as those outside it and those who were watching his address in cinema theatres across the State.
The occasion was made doubly memorable by the vision Modi presented for a united future of India. The stadium was prepared well for the gathering but the large images that decorated it were not those of BJP leaders — they were images of national figures such as Swami Vivekananda, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Shaheed Bhagat Singh, and Alluri Sitaramaraju.
Asking the people of Andhra Pradesh what Congress has ever done for the State, Modi said that the Government in Delhi rests on the strength of the MPs Andhra Pradesh has given it. “The Government in Dillidoes not care about what happens to this country,” Modi said.
“Several new States have been created in recent memory. Nowhere was the occasion marked by anything other than celebration. Why must the parting of Telangana be the cause of violence and dissatisfaction?” Modi asked, drawing attention to the UPA Government’s spectacular mismanagement of the Telangana issue.
Modi wondered what happened to the promise that Manmohan Singh had made after Pakistani Army men beheaded two Indian jawans along the Line of Control. Manmohan had said that if such acts of aggression were repeated, Pakistan will suffer consequences.
“Now when the Pakistani Army, this week, shot our jawans dead, I want to ask the Prime Minister: What is the reason a country of 125 crore is silently tolerating when Pakistan is going back on its promise one by one?”

Shri Narendra Modi addresses Nava Bharat Yuva Bheri, Hyderabad


Taking the argument forward, Modi expressed shock that instead of taking a strong stand against countries like China encroaching upon Indian territory, the Congress-led UPA Government bends over backwards in the name of diplomacy and protocol and brings even more humiliation to the country.
“Having biryani with those who have beheaded Indian soldiers — is this protocol?” Modi asked and added, “Is it not adding insult to injury of those who have lost members of their family?”
The most pleasantly unusual part of the event was when the 85-year-old mother of a Sikh man settled in Canada came to visit Modi on the stage and he, in all humility, touched her feet and sought her blessings.
Modi ended his speech by chanting — and his audience joined him in this — “Yes we can!” “Yes we’ll do!” and “Vande mataram!”

Narendra Modi live in Hyderabad


5:56 pm: The Rs 10 lakh collected through the audience members' Rs 5 donations is presented to BJP national secretary Satish Singh.



5:53 pm: Modi asks his audience to raise their voice and repeat with him: Chants of "Yes we can!" -- "Jai Telangana." -- "Jai Seemandhra!" -- Vande!" fill the stadium. Modi thus ends his address.



5:52 pm: The Government should have only one religion -- India First. Only one sacred scripture -- the Constitution. Only one power -- people power. Only one worship -- 1.25 billion citizens of India.



5:49 pm: There was a time, says Modi, when people from the world over used to come to India to study. Now we have lost that treasure. Our youth is heading outwards to seek their future.



5:46 pm: India's coastal States, in an age of export and import, can be empowered to become self-sufficient. But despite several requests to organise a meeting of these States, nothing was done by the Central Government. What we have instead, is a depreciated Rupee.



5:44 pm: Andhra lags behind on the skill-development front. Modi asks Andhra Pradesh Congres leaders to learn from Tamil Nadu's Jayalalithaa Government. Chhattisgarh too, under Chief Minister Raman Singh has made great advances in PDS sytem. Madhya Pradesh has, through the Ladli Lakshi Scheme, made life easier for the girl child. Delhi on the other hand, has been ruled by one family for decades and still not managed to change the state of affairs.



5:41 pm: Modi says that be it land, air, or sea, Congress has left no corner untouched in its corruption enterprise. LK Advani demanded that the illegal money stashed overseas be brought back, but the Government rejected this demand. Whose money is it, Modi asks.



5:40 pm: Modi says he wants to recall NTR, who had worked, not only for the benefit of AP, but of the whole nation. Modi expresses confidence that who believe that a Congress-Mukt bharat is the way to go, will not leave any stone unturned in making NTR's dreams reality.



5:36 pm: Modi points out that there was a time when there was no need to declare that a shop sold 'shuddh ghee'. In the days of Vajpayee, there was no need for a Food Security Bill. But the Government that has robbed poor people of their bread, is now announcing Food Security Bill. Congress only speaks of 'inclusive growth', but works on the basis of exclusivism.



5:34 pm: Modi asks why the separation of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh had to be such a painful affair? Gujarat has 6 lakh Telugu brothers and sisters. If Gujarat can accommodate Telugu people, then Andhra Pradesh can live with Telangana as well. He wishes that Telangana would surpass even Gujarat in terms of development.



5:28 pm: Modi points out that Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra are the two States in India with the highest suicide rates. Congress, which maintains its power at the Centre with MPs from Andhra Pradesh, has done little for the State.



5:26 pm: Italian Marines commit murders in India and are allowed to return to their country. Only when the Indian Supreme Court flex its muscle, did they come back. Modi asks if people are worried about the state of the nation. He receives a resounding yes from the audience. In response, Modi says he is worried about the youth of the nation.



5:24 pm: Modi asks if having biryani with those who have beheaded Indian soldiers is part of protocol. Is it not an act of adding insult to injury of those who have lost members of their family, Modi asks.



5:22 pm: Modi says that BSF troops stationed at Bangladesh border have been instructed to allow intruders to cross the border if they are in large numbers. He speaks also of how the Congress Government allowed China to stroll into Indian territory.



5:20 pm: Modi says that BJP leader Arun Jaitley was on his way to Kishtwar to take stock of things. But he was detained at the Jammu Airport itself. It is not just about the people of Kishtwar. Our failure to curb instances of violence at our borders have implications for the entire nation's sovereignty.



5:16 pm: Modi says the nation is going through dire times. Our Prime Minister had promised that Pakistan will have to pay when two indian jawans were beheaded near the LoC. But a few days ago, five more Indian jawans were killed by Pakistani Army members. What happened to the Prime Minister's promise? Why is it that Pakistan is allowed to go on committing such atrocities and a nation of 1.25 billion remains silent.



5:14 pm: Modi says that though the stadium is full, there are twice as many young people listening from outside the stadium. He promises that he will, at the first possible opportunity, return to Andhra Pradesh.



5:12 pm: Modi talks of a Sikh family settled in Andhra Pradesh whose son is settled in Canada. The mother of this son came to visit him and he had the good fortune of seeking her blessings. At a time when people are losing their trust in leaders, such gestures touch him.



5:10 pm: September 17, Modi says, is both Hyderabad liberation day and his birthday. Modi compliments the youth of Andhra Pradesh for having contributed Rs 5 to attend the event. The money, Modi says, will go towards the Uttarakhand flood relief effort.



5:07 pm: Narendra Modi begins speaking. Speaking his fisrt few words in Telugu, Modi thanks all present and pays his tribute to Telugu people.



5:03 pm: An 85-year-old lady whose son is currently in Canada, has come to personally meet Narendra Modi. Modi pays her his respects by touching her feet.



4:59 pm: Venkaiah Naidu is not short on energy. He exudes immense confidence and says that he is confident that people will support the BJP.



4:54 pm: Naidu points out that the BJP thinks of nation first and then about the self. Congress, by contrast, thinks of itself first and then, if anything is left, it spares a thought for the nation.



4:52 pm: Vankaiah Naidu, through amusing wordplay, exposes the divisive nature of the Congress and how it has imposed a divided way of thinking on the nation as well.



4:48 pm: Former BJP president Venkaiah Naidu takes to the stage and makes the case for a unified nation in pursuit of a golden future.



4:47 pm: Narendra Modi stands and pays his respects to an elderly lady at the event.



4:42 pm: BJP flags wave from inside the crowd and people join the chorus of "Bharat Mata kii Jai" along with Kishen Reddy.



4:37 pm: That Modi speaks for a cause beyond parties and political affiliations is evident from the fact that the presence of giants like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel has been honoured at the event.



4:29 pm: Youth have turned up (and continue to flow in) for the event in overwhelming numbers.



4:25 pm: Kishen Reddy, BJP AP president is now introducing Modi.



4:24 pm: The stadium, though richly decorated, contains not a single picture of any BJP leader.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/08/11/live-narendra-modi-in-hyderabad-117107.html
4:17 pm: After speakers finish asking the audience members to put the full weight of their support behind Narendra Modi, a dance presentation begins to the song 'Jai Jai garve Gujarat'.



4:10 pm: Multiple speakers have made welcome addresses in Telugu welcoming Narendra Modi and commenting on how at times like these, the nation is in dire need of a leader like him.



4:08 pm: Imposing images of nationalist seer Swami Vivekananda decorate the space as men and women turn up in lakhs to listen to the Gujarat Chief Minister.



4:05 pm: Massive crowds have gathered at Hyderabad's Lal Bahadur Shastri Stadium to listen to the BJP poll panel chief.Instead, images of Swami Vivekananda, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Alluri Sitaramaraju dominate the space.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/08/11/live-narendra-modi-in-hyderabad-117107.html


4:17 pm: After speakers finish asking the audience members to put the full weight of their support behind Narendra Modi, a dance presentation begins to the song 'Jai Jai garve Gujarat'.



4:10 pm: Multiple speakers have made welcome addresses in Telugu welcoming Narendra Modi and commenting on how at times like these, the nation is in dire need of a leader like him.



4:08 pm: Imposing images of nationalist seer Swami Vivekananda decorate the space as men and women turn up in lakhs to listen to the Gujarat Chief Minister.



4:05 pm: Massive crowds have gathered at Hyderabad's Lal Bahadur Shastri Stadium to listen to the BJP poll panel chief.

Monumental architecture as hieroglyphs of an Ancient Near East writing system

$
0
0
Sohgaura Copper-plate Inscription in bas-relief. Top line is composed of Indus writing hieroglyphs. A repeated hieroglyph shows a building with four pillars, a curved roof topped by a capital.


The roofs of these buildings shown on the copper-plate compare with the roofings of Pallava architectural monuments in Mamallapuram -- called pāṇḍava ratha



The text of the inscription which continues in  brāhmī  writing, refers to these two building as duve kohāgālāni. A koṣṭhāgāra is a treasury, store-room. Both hieroglyphs are preceded by a tree glyph. The message is: kui’tree’ Rebus: kuhi‘smelter, furnace’. Each of the store-rooms is equipped with a smelter, furnace. 


The line also contains three other hieroglyphs: spear, hill-range topped by a pot, a rim-of-jar glyph. mēemu 'spear' Rebus: meḍ 'iron'. Koḍ. koḍi top (of mountain) Rebus: koḍ 'workshop' (equipped with). baṭa 'pot' Rebus: bhaṭa furnace (Santali) kanḍa karaṇaka 'rim-of-jar' Rebus: kaṇḍ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. karaṇa 'business or trade'. Thus kanḍa karaṇa also connotes' smithy/lapidary business or trade'.

The message of the top line of the copper-plate, which deploys Indus writing hieroglyphs is, in effect, an executive summary, an announcement line of what follows in the detailed text of the brāhmī inscription. The details provided in the brāhmī inscription are seen from the translation of the text which describes the purpose to be served by the two temporary workshop facilities: "...these two store-houses are prepared for the sheltering of loads of  commodities...to meet any case of urgent need, but not for permanent use."


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/07/sohgaura-copper-plate-inscription-as.html

.


This monograph is a continuum in an account of the monumental architecture of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization and identifies hieroglyphs deployed in Ancient Near Writing systems including Indus Writing to denote architectural buildings used by artisans/traders of the Bronze Age of from ca. 4th millennium BCE, given the fact that the earliest evidence of Indus writing is dated to ca. 3500 BCE on a potsherd showing a sign for tabernae montana, read rebus as tagara 'tin'. Dr. Michael Jansen provides an overview of the site of Mohenjo-daro. It has a ziggurat as a temple. A parallel exists in Sohgaura copper-plate inscription of ca. pre-Mauryan times (that is, prior to 6th century BCE) providing an evidence of the continued use of hieroglyphs of Indus Writing and a picture of a building provided for itinerant artisans/traders.

सोहगौरा गाँव:
गोरखपुरके बांसगाँव तहसील क्षेत्र में सोहगौरा गाँव

सोहगौरा गाँव प्रागैतिहासिक सभ्यता का महत्वपूर्ण स्थल है। ऐसा माना जाता है कि मानव सभ्यता ने जब खेती करना आरम्भ किया तो, पहले पहल जिन क्षेत्रों में खेती के प्रमाण मिले उनमें से एक गाँव सोहगौरा भी है।

पुरातत्व विदों तथा इतिहास वेत्ताओं द्वारा इस क्षेत्र के विषय में अभी बहुत विस्तार से नही लिखा गया किन्तु 1960 तथा तदोपरान्त 1974 के उत्खनन के बाद यह तथ्य प्रकाश में आया कि सोहगौरा वह गाँव है जहाँ पहले पहल हुयी धान की खेती के प्रमाण मिले हैं . इस गाँव का जब पहले पहल 1960 में उत्खनन हुआ तो इस तथ्य को गम्भीरता से नही लिया गया था, किन्तु 1974 की खुदाई में मिले मृदभाण्डों से स्पष्ट हुआ कि मृदभाण्डों को मजबूती देने के लिए मिट्टी में धान की भूसी मिलाई गई है। यही से इस धारणा को बल मिला कि धान की खेती के पहले प्रमाण विन्ध्य क्षेत्र के इस इलाके से ही मिले । इस प्रकार गाँव सोहगौरा इस क्षेत्र का महत्वपूर्ण प्रागैतिहासिक कालीन स्थल सिद्ध हो सकता है। बताया जाता है कि खुदाई के दौरान जो मृदभाण्ड और औंजार मिले थें वे 8000 ई0पू0 के हैं
shohgaura.blog.com/about/
aloksoft2004.blog.com/ Email id aloksoft2004@gmail.com





Dr Michael Jansen


Dr Michael Jansen moved and swayed passionately as he addressed the students at Karachi’s Indus Valley School of Art and Architecture on a mid-October day. Clad in a casual black shirt and jeans, he paced the room excitedly as he talked about one of his most favourite topics — Moenjodaro, the nerve centre of the Indus Valley civilisation.
He fondly recalled the days he spent excavating the site and explained its layout through elaborate maps and powerpoint illustrations while giving detailed answers to all the questions hurled at him.
A burly man with a gruff voice and greying hair which have a hint of copper brown, Jansen is one of the most respected authorities on the Indus Valley civilisation. He first visited Moenjodaro almost 40 years ago and since then it has been his goal to protect the site from damage.
According to the 65-year-old professor from Germany, the Indus Valley civilisation first captured his imagination when he was a master’s student at the Rhenish-Westphalian Technical University, Aachen, in his home country. He first visited Pakistan back in 1970 when he was studying architecture. “I travelled across the Subcontinent in that trip, covering 40,000 kilometres in India on a bike,” he says.
After Jansen completed his doctorate in the architecture of the Indus Valley civilisation in 1979, he began a 10-year research project to find out more about Moenjodaro — and the larger civilisation that the settlement is a part of — than was known at the time. He says even now less than 10 per cent of Moenjodaro has been excavated. “There are close to 2,000 sites that have been identified as part of the Indus civilisation yet hardly any excavation has been done [on any of these sites] so far,” he says.
But Jansen does not want to dig out the earth to just uncover more ruins; he wants to understand how the Indus Valley civilisation worked beyond buildings. “We only have general knowledge of what the Indus Valley civilisation was like and until and unless we excavate more, we will not be able to answer critical questions about their political, societal and religious systems,” he says.
What we know so far speaks volumes about the architectural skills of the inhabitants of that civilisation. “They were high-tech compared to others and were using rationalised and intelligent means to design their cities. Their structures hold close resemblance to contemporary cities, with a well-developed drainage and water supply system,” he explains to the Herald.
What led to the decline of such intelligent people? Since there is no visible evidence of large-scale destruction which could point towards external invasion or warfare, it is hard to pinpoint what really caused the downfall of the Indus Valley civilisation, Jansen says. “One hypothesis is that since they were following an oligarchic system, it is possible that multiple families indulged in power games which led them to fight each other. There might have been an implosion where internal struggles led to destruction,” he says and adds that the real answer cannot be ascertained unless there is more excavation.
Jansen is worried about the constant deterioration of the architectural ruins at Moenjodaro. When he visited the place after the 2010 floods, he could see how “conservation efforts have taken a hit.” But luckily experts are at it. Their strategy consists of burying the entire site under a very thin layer of clay so that salts which are now crystallising on the original structures (and damaging them) affect only the artificial layer,” he says.
It is difficult to imagine how such a scholar would spend his leisurely hours. If he ever gets a break from trying to preserve ancient ruins at all the odd places in the world, like Pakistan, he says he will have to do what all husbands are expected to — fix his own home. And his is no ordinary abode. “My family lives in a castle in Liège, Belgium. It was built 800 years ago. Whenever I go home, my wife tells me to stop travelling and start conserving our own place.”
See:  Jansen, Michael, Mohenjo-daro, city of the Indus valley, in: Endeavour, New Series, Volume 9, No. 4, 1985, Pergamon Press, London, pp, 161-169  http://www.rhinoresourcecenter.com/pdf_files/129/1290844154.pdf
http://www.scribd.com/doc/159470628/Mohenjo-daro-city-of-the-Indus-valley-Jansen-Michael-1985 


Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Vol. 11, No. 1 (1930)
containsTHE SOHGAURA COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION B. M. Barua pp. 32-48 (18 pages)













The Sohgaura Copper-plate inscription (Barua, BM, 1930)

See: Lal, B.B., 1998, Trade as a factor in the rise and fall of the Indus civilization, in: Indologica.com The Online journal of the Intl. Assoc. of Sanskrit Studies, Vol. XXIII-XXIV, pp. 45-55. http://www.indologica.com/volumes/vol23-24/vol23-24_art04_LAL.pdf
Rao, S.R., Shipping and maritime trade of the Indus people, in: Expedition, Spring 1965, UPenn. http://penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/7-3/Shipping.pdf
See: Agressive Architecture: Fortifications of the Indus Valley in the Mature Harappan phase (Petersen, Michiel, 2012, Leiden University Master Thesis) https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/19437  This thesis examined the possible function(s) of Harappan fortifications and evaluated the possibility of the fortifications being used as a water barrier against flooding, as military structures or if the fortifications had a more ideological function. The military aspects of the fortifications will be the focus of this thesis and are evaluated according to primary and secondary features. The primary features are 1. The bastion, 2. The defended gate and 3. The V-sectioned moat while the secondary features are the parapet, postern, rampart, salient, tower and the thickness of the walls. Eight sites of the Indus valley have been examined: 1. Banawali, 2. Harappa, 3. Kalibangan, 4. Mohenjo-daro, 5. Dholavira, 6. Kuntasi, 7. Lothal and 8. Surkotada. It has been concluded that flooding did not play an important role in erecting the fortifications. The fortifications all have primary and secondary military features in some degree (except Lothal) which points to a military function of the fortification. Moreover, the turbulent start of the Mature phase is connected with the construction of the fortifications and indicates the need for such structures. However, ideology plays a big part in Harappan society as well and therefore some of the fortifications have a monumental aspect. It is therefore suggested that the fortifications in general performed both a military and a symbolic function.
See: Danino, Michel, 2008, New insights into Harappan town-planning, proportions and units, with special reference to Dholavira, in: Man and Environment, vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 2008, pp. 66-79 http://www.iisc.ernet.in/prasthu/pages/PP_data/paper2.pdf
http://www.scribd.com/doc/159447436/New-insights-into-Harappan-town-planning-proportions-and-units-with-special-reference-to-Dholavira-Danino-Michel-2008
See:  Jansen, Michael, Mohenjo-daro, city of the Indus valley, in: Endeavour, New Series, Volume 9, No. 4, 1985, Pergamon Press, London, pp, 161-169  http://www.rhinoresourcecenter.com/pdf_files/129/1290844154.pdf
http://www.scribd.com/doc/159470628/Mohenjo-daro-city-of-the-Indus-valley-Jansen-Michael-1985 

Reed hut from a relief carving from Mathurâ, U.P., ca. second century A.D. (after Percy Brown)
 
Leaf-thatched dome-and-cornice hut from a relief carving from Gandhâra, Pakistan (after Percy Brown).

The Vedic House
Louis Renou
with a preface by Michael W. Meister
Preface
When Joseph Rykwert and I sat down to discuss "hermits' huts" in India for Res almost a decade ago to accompany the publication of Ananda Coomaraswamy's important manuscript on "Early Indian Architecture: Huts and Related Temple Types," Joseph made a point that evidence from ancient India would have been quite useful to him in writing his book On Adam's House in Paradise: "It would have been invaluable, because there was no material on the pre-Gupta architecture of India then available to me." Basing his work on India's long tradition of ritual literature, however, the great French scholar of Vedic India, Louis Renou (1896-1966), had already published his article on "La maison védique" in the Journal Asiatique in 1939.
In that essay, Renou chose to cull the surviving religious literature of ancient India specifically to find practical information on the "process of building" and "techniques of construction" of shelters made for domestic and ritual purposes and not to submit them to a search for universal symbolism. Other scholars who have continued his work tend to focus less on the practical issues of construction than on meanings that can be attached by priests or commentators. H. Bodewitz, for example, writes
The Sadas hut is Prajâpati's belly. The Udumbara wood is strength (life-sap). When the Udumbara pillar is erected in the middle of the Sadas hut, one thereby places food, life-sap, in the middle.
and
The central pillar of a house or of a sacrificial Sadas is identical with the axis mundi which is placed in the navel of the earth.
It is perhaps Renou's caution about such interpretative agendas that makes his scholarship refreshing for architectural history today. He is quite sensitive to the places his evidence has been stored in the Indic tradition and to the various uses to which his texts were put over time, but his objective is to reconstruct the pragmatic practice of architecture in Vedic India, for which he must put his ritual texts through a non-universalizing sieve.
Much like Coomaraswamy, however, Renou's scholarship is encrusted by his citations, written for a small group of Vedic scholars. In working with my student, Carrie LaPorte, on a useable translation of Renou's article, I have attempted to bring to the surface the practical information that is at the core of Renou's narrative, but to retain the dense citation - with its abbreviations - in notes for those who wish the references.
Renou looks first for "practical aspects of houses in the Vedic period" in a layer of texts on ritual (Gr.yasûtras) that in passing deal with "the rites that accompany house construction" (§ 1). From these he learns about materials - bamboo, thatch, straw mats, rope - ; orientation and organization; and process - post holes, binding, etc. He then tests his understanding of constructional terms and procedures by looking at a further set of texts that deal with the staging of sacrifice and ritual (Shrautasûtras), where sheds and huts used in ritual performance are described. "In spite of their special role, these shelters provide valuable information concerning the process of building" (§ 9). Some of these sheds shelter priests, the sacrificial platform, or chariots. He finds in the descriptions given in these texts additional practical terminology for roof systems, cross-beams, etc., and in the directions and timing of ritual some confirmation of the processes of construction.
He finally turns back to a much looser body of oral chants (Mantras) to see "if there is some trace ... of allusions to the house and its organization, is this in accord with facts given in the ritual and exegetic literature?" Here he finds technical terms that have been used as metaphors (§ 18):
In one passage of a funerary hymn ... the poet supplicates the Earth to allow a thousand pillars to be raised in the cavity where the dead repose, so that her weight will not crush those who take refuge in her breast.
Yet for him the goal is clear: "gradually the conditions for bringing together these prescriptive texts become evident.... This is again an advance ... in determining a technical terminology" (§ 24).
Letting one type of literature illuminate the next, Renou manages to establish an historian's sense of valid evidence, proper process, and actual practice. He manages, for example, to interpret one controversial hymn that describes the "untying" of the house, not in terms of "magical symbolism" but as part of the process of attaching mat walls to the house frame described in a different class of texts (§ 23).
It is Renou's pragmatism that makes his work vital now. That the processes of construction he describes had validity can be attested even by practices of hut building today. Amita Ray in her dissertation in 1957 criticized Coomaraswamy for not giving sufficient consideration to the humbler dwellings of the poorer folks in the villages or the still humbler shelters of hermits and mendicants.... [One misses] any consideration of the aboriginal and indigenous prototype.
While there are a variety of indigenous house types scattered over the Indian subcontinent, the type of structure described in Renou's Vedic sources seems closest to the matted huts and shelters found in the tropical climate of eastern India today (Fig. 8). In a remarkable set of hand-colored etchings made in the 1790s, the Belgian artist Balthazar Solvyns documented many of these in the context of illustrating Hindu castes and customs in Bengal (Figs. 4-9, 11). Scattered among the lanes and byways of Calcutta's imperial city, or in the fields or under trees in rural Bengal, these simple structures mimicked and continued the constructional traditions of Renou's Vedic India. (Solvyns comments on one caste of Brahmans that "they are less corrupted than the other Brahmans and have preserved more of the purity of their primitive religion." )
This is not a naive continuity, however. These huts have also been validated by imitation over centuries in eastern India, their form used as a conspicuous sign for local identity and continuity both in mosque architecture of the Sultanate period and the brick temples built by Hindu landlords in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Fig. 10). The system of counting roofs or roof lines Renou finds in the Shrautasûtras (§ 17), for example, parallels one modern form of classification still used for these later buildings. Ethnography and ethnohistory must become self critical, of course, but Renou's careful architectural graphing of texts can point the way.
Article
§ 1. It is in the ritual literature, not the oral chants (Mantra), that we may hope to find information concerning the practical aspects of houses in the Vedic period. All of the Gr.hyasûtras, for example, describe rites that accompany house construction. By means of these descriptions, this ritual literature provides rare glimpses into the process of building and even into the organization of the house interior.
Terms used to denote a house vary in these texts. The most common is gr.ha ; agâra also is used, but the more specific term is shâlâ. For example, the Kaushikasûtra usesshâlâ when discussing a ritual act that is effective at a certain distance from the house or is to be used upon entering a new house. The Shatapata Brâhman.a uses shâlâ to designate "profane" habitations as distinct from cultic constructions.
Terms of a more general nature are also used, a typical habit of ritualists to avoid a precise terminology. Thus we find veshman, "habitation"; sharan.a, meaning literally "refuge";avasâna, literally "place where one removes the harness after a journey" but also meaning "site of the house." The word that occurs most frequently in this series, however, isvâstu, designating both the house and its site. One text uses the word vimita ("construction") to refer to a ritual "hut" of the same type described in the Shrautasûtras (§ 11).
§ 2. The rituals (vidhi or karman) relating to a house are generally called  vâstushamana  (literally "appeasement of the soil"). In the Vaikhânasîyas, the ritual of building is integrated into the practices concerning birthing; elsewhere it stands alone. We here restrict ourselves to facts that reveal techniques of construction, leaving aside instructions given in several texts pertaining to the nature of the soil, choosing of the date to begin construction, etc.
The ground is to be cleaned with an udûha, a type of broom. Care is taken to lay out the surrounding wall (parilikhya). The shvalâyan.a Shrautasûtra, always more detailed, directs that a thousand furrows should be made. It seems that a preliminary sketch should be created by digging and tilling the soil (uddhatya).
The shvalâyana orders that the site should be of such a nature as to allow water flowing from all directions toward the center to form an ambulatory path (pradaks.in.a) around the bedroom (shayanîya); then the waters should drain without noise toward the east. According to Nârâyan.a's commentary, this means that the soil should be raised at the sides, depressed in the center, and slightly slanted to the east; and that there should be a channel (syandanikâ) to the north so that the water could drain off. The Baudâyana Shrautasûtra states only that the location of the bed (talpadesha) should be situated to the northeast.
The shvalâyana assigns the kitchen ((bhaktasharan.a) to theplace where the water drains (samavasrâva), i.e., on the east side of the house, north of the bedroom. But the same expression, under the variant samavasrava, is used to note that the general siting of the house is to be chosen such that the draining of water should be the same everywhere; similarly, Devapâla explains that "no side should be lower or higher than any other." From a shared earlier practice no doubt these two divergent traditions arose.
§ 3. The salon (sabhâ) in which Narâyan.a specifies the master of the house greets and receives his guests, is to be "built" in the part of the house "that inclines toward the south" according to the shvalâyana (i.e. in the northern part according to Nârâyan.a's commentary). Finally, the same text implies that the best situation for this room is at the water's confluence, that is to say at the center of the depression as Nârâyan.a mandates.
The shape of the site is either that of a brick (shâdâ) or of a "circle" (man.d.aladvîpa), according to some texts. The shvalâyana uses less imagistic terms: the space is either square (samacaturasra) or rectangular (âyatacaturasra).
§ 4. Construction of the house itself begins first by digging a certain number of holes (garta). These post-holes are to have a depth equal to the distance from the ankle to knee so that the water drains well from them (dhârayis.n.ûdakatara). Jayarâma, in his commentary on the Pâraskara Gr.hyasûtra, speaks of four corner holes. The Kaushikasûtra mentions a middle post-hole (madhyama garta).
The next step in the process is the installation of posts (sthûn.â) of udumbara wood. Sometimes wood of an inferior quality is used, but the Shân.khâyana Shrautasûtra recommends a ritual of atonement (prâyashcitta) to avoid potential problems. Nirukta calls the pillar (sthûn.â) "that which rests in the cavity (darashayâ)." Some commentaries indicate that if the house is "white" (dhavalagr.ha, which may mean "of stone" in this context), stones replace the sthûn.â, and one commentary adds that for houses a stone is placed at the bottom of each hole to support the post placed on top of it; however, no text of the Vedic period itself mentions stone as a building material.
Because the number of holes is not specified, we do not know the precise number of posts. The Pâraskara Gr.hyasûtra speaks of four, but this may only refer to those at the corners. In reality a rather larger number of pillars may have been used; nine are mentioned in the Shân.khâyana Shrautasûtra (see § 5).
§ 5. A central pillar (madhyamâ sthûn.â) is frequently named. (The compound form, madhyama-sthûn.â, confirms that we are dealing with a technical term. ) The Shân.khâyana uses the more poetic phrase "king-post" (sthûn.ârâja). Other texts speak of two such sthûn.ârâja, which Mâtr.datta's commentary understands to be the "two long sthûn.â to the north and south." The erection of a "king-post" (that is, a central pillar capable of supporting the entire structure according to Nârâyan.a's commentary) takes place last. More precisely, the Apastamba Gr.hyasûtra instructs that the pillar to the south side of the door be first erected, then that to the north. These posts that support the door on the north and south and their post-holes are referred to as "of the portal" (dvâryâ).
§ 6. From this it seems that the door of the house, or at least the principal door, was on the east façade, but, again, texts differ. According to the Gobhila Gr.hyasûtra, the door can be to the east, north, or south; a door to the west is expressly excluded. According to the Mânava Shrautasûtra, it is to the east or south; Laugaks.i concurs. the Vaikhânasîya mentions two doors located to the east or north and enumerates east, west, south, and north doors. One text mentions a "door fastener" (dvârapidhâna); others mention paired dvârapaks.as, which undoubtedly denote either leaves or panels that comprise a door or the doors themselves.
Two texts say that there is an appended or rear door (anudvâra) "placed so that one cannot be seen" (yathâ na sam.lokî syât). One commentary says that this might mean either a door overlooking the court or one opposite the main door, and that this rule is intended to prevent the master of the house from being seen by untouchables (can.d.âlas, etc.). The Vaikânasîya gives the name bhuvan.ga ("earth edge"), by which it seems to mean the threshold (dvârapat.t.ikâ).
§ 7. Returning to the foundation posts, bamboo sleepers (vam.sha) are laid so as to connect posts to one another and to help support the roof, but no details are furnished regarding the number and arrangement of these transverse beams, apart from the central one (madhyama vam.sha). One begins by placing the east beam, then the northern one. Because these two beams are "attached" to the pillars, they bear the name "sañjanî" in one source, and the two "paks.as" of a secular hall (= the door posts of § 6?) are connected to the central beam with the aid of a cord according to another source. We learn that ritual dwellings are characterized by the west to east direction of their sleepers (vam.shas) while secular halls (shâlâs) have these oriented south to north. The wood used for these beams (vam.shas) is subject to splintering according to one text.
Only one text in the Gr.hya tradition makes reference to the disposition of rooms: the shvalâyana advises that rooms (sharan.a) should be arranged (kârayet) in the spaces between the beams (vam.shas; vam.shântara), which means, according to Nârâyan.a, that divisions by means of partitions (kud.ya), etc., are customarily fitted in between twovam.shas. This word kud.ya, however, is attested in only one Vedic source, where it refers to an exterior wall. It is also a wall or a wall's junction with a post (sthûn.â), seeing the Pâraskara Gr.hyasûtra's use of the word "sam.dhi" (juncture), but in conformity with the Yajus (sacrificial prayers), which do not view this as a technical meaning.
§ 8. We are told, incidentally, that the house is covered (channa) and that it includes roofs or awnings (chadis). We know that the roof was thatched, but specifics are given only in the Shrauta. The word stûpa (literally, it seems, a "tuft of hair" in the form of an egret bun) is found in one Mantra. As point of fact, the sacrificial yûpa post was assimilated into the symbolic stûpa, but it seems rather that the word stûpa originally designated the points of thatch that the Shrauta texts describe as being gathered back toward the post at the center of the roof (§ 17). Elsewhere it is the prastara ("bouquet of grasses placed on the vedi") that is compared with the stûpa.
A point treated with great detail is that of a "water reservoir" (man.ika) installed on four stones . The particulars given are not concerned with construction, however: the question is of a portable utensil.
Allusions are also made to seats (âsana) and to niches (upasthâna) in which images of the gods are placed. A "ritual foyer" (agninidhâna) is also mentioned.
We must recall that the act of constructing a house and particularly of raising the pillars is designated by the root mi- , which in the Mantras is generally a predicate. But the proper term to denote the erection of sthûn.â is uc-chri.
§9. Some of these indications become clearer if one compares them with those given in the Shrautasûtras. These later texts describe on several occasions - normally in the discussion of the Agnis.t.oma ceremony - a variety of small structures intended to accomodate those people who oversee or assist in the sacrifices or in ritual functions. The commentaries sometimes incorporate them under the classification "yajñâgâra." These are slight temporary constructions, not used for habitation. In spite of their special role, these shelters provide valuable information concerning the process of building: that is to say they form a commentary on the description of the dwelling in the Gr.hyasûtras, and the shared vocabulary is considerable.
At the beginning of the Agnis.t.oma ceremony, a hall (shâlâ) used to shelter those assisting in the sacrifices is described. One text calls this hall vimita, but vimita is distinct fromshâlâ in that, as Sâyan.a specifies, the former is square and the latter rectangular. According to Baudâyana's Shulbasûtra, a shâlâ forms a rectangle that is 16 or 12 feet in length, 12 or 10 feet wide.
§10. If we take Baudâyana's description as a base, we see that this shâlâ consists of a system of vam.sha sleepers oriented west to east, from which the name prâcînavam.shafor this edifice is derived. More precisely, according to Sâyan.a, two traverse beams are positioned on the corner pillars and serve as lintels for the east and west doors; other beams are placed above (uparivam.sha), perpendicular to the first two. The middle beam (pr.s.t.havam.sha or madhyavala ) has its ends positioned at the center of the two lintels. The Shrauta texts do not mention the uprights (sthûn.â), but the Shatapatha Brâhman.a does speak of the "king-post of the east side." The two series of texts complement one another.
The shâlâ is slightly raised to the east, lowered to the west, and enclosed on all sides (parishrita). On the nature of this enclosure (bhittyâdinâ), similar descriptions provide us more information. Openings (atikâsha) at the four cardinal points form doors. The Gr.hyasûtras of pstamba and Hiranyakesin, however, dissociate these openings from the doors, placing them at corners (srakti) facing intermediary regions. There need not necessarily be four doors, according to the pastamba Gr.hyasûtra; however, the hall that has four doors promises the greatest boon to those making the sacrifice. Some texts mention two doors, which are specified as dvishaya, the meaning of which can be clarified if one compares a description that says the opening of a tent for chariots is such that one can see three rooms at the same time. This prescription contrasts with the non-visibility required by the Gr.hya (§ 6).
§ 11. Baudâyana again mentions a shelter (agâra) when discussing the cooking of ritual food (milk); a hut for the wife of the sacrificer (patnishâla) ; and possibly two other shelters (parivr.te) serving as some sort of bathing huts enclosed with mats. Libation huts referred to in the Kaushikasûtra have east and west doors. Finally, a structure used in the ritual of the dead (vimita or agâra) has a north and a south door.
Elsewhere, two small semi-detached sheds situated just outside of the sacrificial area are mentioned: the âgnîdhrîya or âgnîdhra, which is the residence of the priest officiating over the fire (âgnî), and the mârjâlîya where purifications are made. Both are square, each five cubits per side. The first shed has a door to the south, the second a door to the north. The âgnîdhrîya has its traverse beams oriented west-east and has four pillars; is bound on all sides with woven mats (parishrita); and its entrance is to the south. The south side of the mârjâlîya is to be left open for circulation (sam.cara) according to one source; another instead places circulation to the north in the âgnîdhrîya. (This is a slight divergence that does not necessarily indicate an authentic dual tradition).
§ 12. The most explicit instructions regarding the "house" for ritual are those which are given to us for the construction of a chariot shed (havirdhânaman.d.apa) and a "seat" [or shed for the sacrificial assembly] (sadas). These two descriptions are closely related and are meant to be complimentary.
The chariot "pavilion" (the word man.d.apa only figures in commentaries ) is a small building designed to house two chariots for the soma; it obviously is coordinated to the dimensions of the chariots, which not expressly given elsewhere.
According to the Baudâyana Shrautasûtra, six holes (garta; elsewhere also avat.a) are dug on the north-south axis in front of the two chariots, which are placed side-by-side; six holes are then dug behind along a parallel line. Into these holes are driven twelve posts (sthûn.â), the brackets of which (literally "ears"; karn.a) are oriented west-east. The Mânava Shrautasûtra discusses four sthûn.â on each side, those in front of shoulder height and those in the rear shorter. The pastamba Gr.hyasûtra speaks of pillars erected on all sides while Bhâttanârâyan.a's commentary only mentions two pillars on the front and instructs that the man.d.apa be slightly higher in the front than in the back, which agrees with the Mânava Shrautasûtra. Similarly, the pastamba Gr.hyasûtra says the man.d.apa should be slightly raisedin front, slightly lowered in back.
§ 13. According to Baudâyana, there are two cross-beams (vam.sha), one south-north, the other east-west. pastamba also mentions two north-oriented cross-beams, placed respectively on front and back pillars. Placement of a roof (chadis) comes next; the term designates a "covering" of thatch (kat.a) laid over the transverse beams. The central roof (madhyamam. chadis) is laid on first, then the lateral roofs to the north and south of the central roof. This middle roof is three cubits in width, nine in length. The interstices of the roofs (antavarta) are crammed with thatch matting (kat.a) and reeds (tejanî). Some texts also refer to two doors.
§ 14. Above the east entrance, in the space between the two middle pillars, is an ornamental fronton called the "forehead" (rarât.î). This rarât.î is a strap-work of finely knotted reeds (ais.îkî), inclined toward the east and attached to the front cross-beam by a thread. The Mânava Shrautasûtra says this rarât.î is a pad to prevent drafts (varasa) made of grasses that one places at the center of a strap-work of reeds; it seems that the grasses are gathered together by encircling them several times with thread, the two ends joined together, and the strap-work suspended from the front cross-beam.
§ 15. The enclosure (parishrayan.a) consists of two mats that are hung to surround the hall (man.d.apa). These are called ucchrâyî. One of these is attached to the post on the right side of the front door (dvârbâhu ) and unrolled towards the right in order to cover the south face and half of the east face up to the rear post on the right side; the other is reversed and arranged symmetrically with the first.
These mats are attached to the pillars by the following process: the Adhvaryu priest takes a handful of kusha grass, grasps the front right pillar, ties the grass where a needle is driven in, and passes a cord through the eye of the needle. He makes a knot (granthi); at the hanging end of the knot he secures the smaller end of the rope, then undoes the knot. Assistants cover the post from bottom to top, securing the grass by winding the cord but without making knots, and undoubtedly attaching the matted wall covering at the same time (according to Caland). The same procedure occurs for the front left pillar and both of the rear pillars. According to some authorities, the knots are only undone when all this work is complete. All the other knots referred to should also be removed.
§ 16. Most of the preceeding description of the construction of a chariot shed also applies for the "seat" (sadas) placed in front of the chariot shed in the sacrificial area: specifically the roof joints (antarvarta; § 13), cladding (parishrayan.a; § 15), instructions dealing with visibility (sâm.kâshina; § 10) and the two doors.
In some sources this covered platform (sadas) measures nine cubits in width, east-west, and 27 cubits in length north-south. Other sources give measures of 10 by 27 or 28; 9, 10.5, or 12 by 18, 21, or 24; some suggest that the dimensions can be left indeterminate or be well enough estimated by the officiants and servants, as is done for the mound of earth that serves as an altar (dhis.n.ya).
Three rows of holes are made. A central pillar of udumbara wood (from which it derives the name audumbarî sthûn.â) is raised the height of the sacrificer. Its brackets are oriented east-west. The outer pillars (paryantîya) are of navel-height, as are all the seats (sadas) (or they are improvised). The brackets of the outer pillars are also oriented east-west.
§ 17. As noted earlier, the three principal cross-beams are arranged in a south-north direction; this orientation is characteristic of the sadas in contrast to the east orientation of the chariot shed (havirdhâna). But other cross-pieces are oriented east-west.
The roofing system consists of nine roofs (navacchadi). The central roof, which rests on the audumbarî post, is secured first; then the two side roofs to the east and west; then three units to the south; and finally three to the north. The edges of the roofs to the north are inserted under those at the center so that the front edges of the southern roofs would be slightly above the others. The Mânava Shrautasûtra mentions 15, 17, 21, or 11 roofs; pastamba mentions 15, 16, 17, or 21 in conformance with the ceremonies. An awning (bhitti; perhaps made of woven bamboo) may substitute for the roof (chadis) when the latter is lacking. The pitch of the roof is towards the north in some sources; or towards the central post (audumbarî) in others.
§ 18. We have followed the systematic descriptions given by the Shrauta texts. Most refer back to the Brâhman.as or to the prose of the Sam.hitâs, but only the directions for ritual permit us to follow events in detail and in progression.
Can one go still further? If there is some trace in the Mantras of allusions to the house and its organization, is this in accord with facts given in the ritual and exegetic literature?
The R.kasam.hitâ has only very meager and predictable evidence. It is noteworthy, however, in that it does contain references to the principal elements of construction. In one section the term for beam (vam.sha) appears in a passage where it is said that the priests raised Agni [the fire-god] like a beam (vam.sha). Indra [the lord of heaven] is likened to the raised sky that does not need beams (avam.she). The R.g Veda also refers to pillars (sthûn.â) in comparisons such as "you carry men, O Agni, like a support pillar." One finds the roots stabh-/skabh-, with the derivatives skambha and skambhana closely connected in figurative uses, which may be the more ancient name for pillars (sthûn.â). This root crops up again in that sense in the form stambha in the prose of the Brâhman.as and in the Shrauta and Gr.hyasûtras.
The root sri is used in a similar sense in one passage of a funerary hymn in which the poet supplicates the Earth to allow a thousand columns to be raised in the cavity where the dead repose, so that her weight [that of the Earth] will not crush those who take refuge in her breast.
§ 19. The house itself is called gr.ha, a term corresponding to the archaic words dama and durona. This last is probably composed of dur "door" and oni "arm," equivalent to "dvârbulu" in ritual texts, thus confirming the importance of the door towards which many prescriptive comments are directed. The plural (both masculine and feminine) durya, which is also a word for house, similarly encompasses an ancient sense of stambha or sthûn.â as "the pillar of the portal," a meaning also preserved in ritual (§ 5). In brief, there is only slight discrepancy of expression between the Mantras and the prose sources, not major rethinking or changes.
The term for door itself (dvâr, etc.) is seen only in allegorical uses, but its frequency is significant. The term âtâ is also, it would seem, a name for a "door pillar or jamb."
Harmya, a word with a very broad meaning ("house and its dependencies" or "large house; castle") is a poetic term not found often in the Mahâbhârata, from which it passed into the common language. Other words are less clear, such as veshman or okas; sadas does not seem to designate a particular type of construction. Finally, there is pastya, "residence."
The word chadis is used to designate the roof of a vehicle (anas), analogous to an awning that in some of the Shrauta covers chariots (havirdhâna), which are known as chadis. As for stûpa, the word has been used to describe the high pinnacle of a tree, as a figure of celestial space, and also the plumes that form the flames of Agni. For its technical use, see § 8.
Finally, the word sabhâ, translated uniformly from the Mantras as a "(place of) public gathering, assembly," can rather be either a "meeting room of a private residence" (notably where one plays) or a house itself. One passage declares that a sacrifice confers a reward consisting of sabhâ and prâja: i.e., "house" and "children."
§ 20. Some notable details appear also in the Atharvaveda. The word shâlâ appears to be its proper term for "house." The specification of this word does not hinder the survival elsewhere of terms such as gr.ha, vâstu, âvasatha, etc. One notes also the expression mânasysa patni, "mistress of the establishment," which permits one to infer that a shâlâis only one part of an ensemble.
The importance of the house is one of the characteristic ideas of Atharvavedic literature. It is not by chance that most of the Mantras that accompany construction, according to the evidence of the Gr.hyasûtras, are borrowed from the Atharvaveda, most notably the chant to "climb on the column of bamboo that serves as the traverse beam," which stresses the essential building operation.
The Atharvaveda maintains the productivity of verbal groups uc-chri- and ni-mi. Besides the term upamit of the R.g Veda, it uses pratimit and parimit to designate pillars (sthûn.â) that determine the site, rather than "buttresses," for which the justification is not clear. The use of sam.-car recalls the idea of ambulatory space (sam.cara) of the Shrautasûtras (§ 11).
§ 21. Hymn IX.3 contains several more precise details that are not in agreement with the facts gleaned from ritual texts. That the house is called tr.n.air âvr.tâ immediately recalls the thatched walls of the ritual shâlâ; and the term chadis [roof] is found with the epithet catus.paks.a, making a comparison to a quadruped, i.e. "a roof that rests on four corner posts."
The mention of havirdhâna, agnishâla, and sadas tends to show that the shelter described is less a private dwelling than a ritual residence comprising all the auxiliary structures necessary for large sacrifices.
In verse 21, the poet plays with numbering 2, 4, 6, 8, and 10 paks.a. This does not appear to be a question of wings of the residence, but simply pillars or, if one wants, compartments that determine the placement and number of pillars. This translation of paks.a best agrees with the attribution of catus.paks.a above and of dvârapaks.a andpaks.as in § 6 & § 7.
As for kosa and kulâya in verse 20, it is too much of a stretch to translate these as "plaiting and braiding, mortise and tenon" as does Henry ; kosa, at least, could be a "recess" corresponding to the niches (upasthâna) in the Pâraskara Gr.hyasûtra (§ 8).
§ 22. Other features are less easily identifiable. We ignore the role of sam.dam.sha ("tenons"?; Henry) in verse 5. The "cord" (shikya) of verse 6 has many usages in ritual. None seems indispensable here. The translators prefer to see this as an ornamental device, but it is perhaps better to recognize this as the cords that secure the pillars (sthûn.â) to the beams (vam.sha).
The palada [bundles of straw] that clad the house are undoubtedly identical to tr.n.a, which one has seen above, while paris.vañjalya must indicate the enclosure of mats that "embraces" the residence. The most difficult term is aks.u from verse 8: it is said that this aks.u has a thousand eyes (sahasrâks.a), resembling a "diadem" in that it is spread out (vitata) and tied (naddha) to the line of division (vis.ûvati). Geldner thinks another name for pr.s.t.havam.sha might be "master- beam." It is more likely a poetic term for the thatch that covers the hall (shâlâ) or the peak (stûpa) that surmounts the roof: variants clearly direct us towards reading this as an element of "covering."
§ 23. Finally, the hymn in question lays stress on a point that has given rise to a variety of modern interpretations. It is not contested that prayer is intended to accompany the erection of a house, and the Kaushiksûtra confirms that the person for whom the prayer is made receives the structure (shâlâ) by right of a ritual fee. But we read expressions such as these: "we release what of you, oh house, is tied (naddha); we undo your bonds (pâsha) and your knots (granthi)." Bonds (nahana) are untied, as, are, figuratively, the structural members and joints of the house, and the covering (apinaddha) made of it.a reed is unravelled.
One wonders with what fuss the poet so insistently describes unbinding member by member the abode whose construction he celebrates elsewhere. Zimmer sought to identify in this some magical symbolism; others argue that the hymn describes demolition, not construction at all. Henry sees in these untied pieces some sort of "scaffolding" rendered unnecessary once the house is complete; Bloomfield stresses the information given by the Kaushikasûtra above; and finally Oldenberg guesses that it has to do with the demolition of a house and its transfer to a location where it would be rebuilt.
But these inverse transactions are presented with a sort of simultaneity [in the text]: it is at the same moment when the residence is raised that its bonds are taken off one after the other. A single event fits this description: that is the final event in the making of the ritual man.d.apa (§ 15) in which one unties the knots that serve to attach the frame of the two mats to the enclosure.
§ 24. The Mantras other than those of the R.g Veda and Atharvaveda stress certain facts that are known from the ritual prose: gradually the conditions for bringing together these prescriptive texts become evident. The Vâjasaneyi Sam.hitâ enumerates sacrificial "shelters": havirdhâna, âgnîdhra, sadas, patnîshâla. This is again an advance in understanding from the Atharvaveda in determining a technical vocabulary.
Other Mantras speak of sadas and of sadasas pati. A perhaps ironic expression is sabhâsthân.u, referring to a persistent gambler as a "pillar of the games room." The wordgeha appears. One Mantra deals with a residence of eight pillars and ten paks.a; one variant of this latter term apparently designates pillars of the portal. Other terms that appear in Mantras are apidhâna, dvâraphalaka, and duryâ. The verse that accompanies the hanging of the rarât.î (door's fronton) conforms with ritual processes: the peak is calledsyû and the word rarât.î itself is evoked by the initial expression vis.n.o rarât.am asi. Another Mantra mentions tâlpya, which is undoubtedly equivalent to the beds (talpadesha) cited in § 2.
§ 25. A common fact in a group of Mantras which does not contradict any prescription is that cattle are lodged in the house. Actually, there is no decisive passage on this matter in the R.g Veda, but the Atharvaveda is more conclusive: in the course of two hymns that describe the house (shâlâ), it is said "may the calf, may the child, may the dairy cows come to you (oh, shâlâ), when they return in the evening"; also "hommage to bulls, to horses, all of which are born in the house"; and "you cover (châdayasi) in your breast, Agni, servants as well as cattle (oh shâlâ)." Other verses seem more clearly to confirm this situation than do prose citations: in one the cowshed is called gostha and in another an allusion is made to a goshâlâ.
Besides several terms that extend the notion of a "living room" or "refuge" among the names of the house given in the Naighan.t.uka, we find châyâ, which is observably derived from the Vâjasaneyi Sam.hitâ where it is juxtaposed with chadis.
[Summary]
If we rely on Vedic texts, we are in the presence of a type of house that is extremely rudimentary, composed of an armature of posts, connected at the summit by transverse beams onto which a thatched covering is attached. The walls are woven mats. Neither stone nor brick are used.
Brick, however, is well known in the tradition of the Yajurveda, but its use there is limited to the "stacking" of the fire altar (agnicayana) and of accessory annexes (dhis.n.ya). A series of five rows of bricks are laid in a certain order and are separated by beds of earth. Some of these - the "naturally perforated" svayamât.r.n.n.a - seem undoubtedly some sort of porous stone. Others are called "clay bricks" (loges.t.aka). The circumference of this construction is marked by twenty-one stones called parishrit, some of which are of a large size.
Nothing obliges us to consider that the shelters described above were the normal type of private residence; a significant amount of the details that assist us in their reconstruction are provided by descriptions of ritual "huts," the intended use of which is entirely different. And yet no other process of construction is mentioned in these sources. This appears particularly singular today, when we are able to measure [through recently discovered archaeological sources] the degree to which architectural technologies were known to certain prehistoric civilizations in the northwest of India.

See: Kak, Subhash, 2005, Eary Indian architecture and art, in: Migration & Diffusion – An International Journal, Vol. 6/Nr. 23, pp. 6-27 http://ikashmir.net/subhashkak/docs/EarlyArchitecture.pdf





Map of Eurasia language families

Beach thorium sands illegal mining: Investigation team at work

$
0
0
தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டம் வைப்பாறு அருகே உள்ள கலைஞானபுரம் பகுதியில் வருவாய்த்துறை செயலாளர் ககன்தீப்சிங் பெடி கடற்கரை மணல்குவாரியை ஆய்வு செய்த போது எடுத்த படம். அருகில் மாவட்ட கலெக்டர் எம்.ரவிக்குமார் உள்ளார்.

http://www.dailythanthi.com/node/414856

தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் கடற்கரை தாது மணல் குவாரிகளில் ஆய்வு தொடங்கியது 6 இடங்களில் சோதனை


தூத்துக்குடி
தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் 6 இடங்களில் கடற்கரை தாது மணல் குவாரிகளில் நேற்று காலை ஆய்வு தொடங்கியது.
கடல் மணல்
தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் கீழவைப்பார், இ.பெரியசாமிபுரம் உள்ளிட்ட பகுதிகளில் கடல் மணல் முறைகேடாக அள்ளப்படுவதாக மீனவர்கள் குறை தீர்க்கும் நாள் கூட்டத்தில் புகார் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்ட வைப்பாறு, வேம்பார், பெரியசாமிபுரம் மற்றும் அருகில் உள்ள கடலோர கிராமங்களில் ஆய்வு மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டது. இந்த ஆய்வில் வைப்பாறு கிராமத்துக்கு உட்பட்ட கடற்கரை பகுதிகளில் ஒரு தனியார் நிறுவனம் அனுமதியின்றி அரசு புறம்போக்கு நிலம் மற்றும் நில அளவை செய்யப்படாத பகுதிகளில் உள்ள கடற்கரையில் 2 முதல் 10 அடி ஆழம் தோண்டி, சுமார் 3 கிலோ மீட்டர் தூரம் வரை மணல் அள்ளி முறைகேடுகளில் ஈடுபட்டு இருப்பது தெரியவந்தது.
இதில் மொத்தம் 85 ஆயிரத்து 611 கனஅடி அளவிலான பரப்பில் இருந்து 2 லட்சத்து 39 ஆயிரத்து 712 மெட்ரிக் டன் அளவிலான கனிமங்கள் முறைகேடாக அள்ளப்பட்டு இருப்பதாகவும், அரசுக்கு ஏற்படுத்தப்பட்டு உள்ள நிதியிழப்பு தொடர்பான விவரங்கள் குறித்து கணக்கிடும் பணி நடந்து வருகிறது என்றும் அப்போதைய கலெக்டர் ஆஷிஷ்குமார் தெரிவித்தார். இது தொடர்பாக கனிமவளத்துறை ஆணையருக்கு அறிக்கை தாக்கல் செய்தார்.
குழு நியமனம்
இதைத்தொடர்ந்து தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் கடற்கரை தாதுமணல் குவாரிகளில் முறைகேடுகள் நடந்து உள்ளதா? என்பது குறித்து ஆய்வு செய்வதற்காக வருவாய்த்துறை செயலாளர் ககன்தீப் சிங் பெடி தலைமையிலான குழுவை முதல்–அமைச்சர் ஜெயலலிதா அறிவித்தார்.
அதன்பேரில் வருவாய்த்துறை செயலாளர் ககன்தீப்சிங் பெடி தலைமையில் 25 பேர் அடங்கிய குழு தேர்வு செய்யப்பட்டது. இந்த குழுவினர் தூத்துக்குடிக்கு வரத்தொடங்கினர். குழு தலைவர் ககன்தீப்சிங் பெடி நேற்று காலை விமானம் மூலம் தூத்துக்குடிக்கு வந்தார். காலை 10–15 மணி அளவில் மாவட்ட கலெக்டரின் முகாம் அலுவலகத்துக்கு வந்து சேர்ந்தார்.
அங்கு குழு உறுப்பினர்களுடனான ஆலோசனை கூட்டம் நடந்தது. இதில் 6 குழுக்கள் அமைக்கப்பட்டன. இந்த குழுவினர் வேம்பார், வைப்பார், மணப்பாடு, மாதவன் குறிச்சி, பெரியதாழை, படுக்கப்பத்து ஆகிய இடங்களில் ஆய்வு செய்ய முடிவு செய்யப்பட்டது. தொடர்ந்து அதிகாரிகள் தனித்தனி வாகனங்களில் ஆய்வு செய்ய புறப்பட்டனர்.
6 இடங்களில் ஆய்வு
கலைஞானபுரம், பெரியசாமிபுரம் பகுதிகளில் வருவாய்த்துறை செயலாளர் ககன்தீப்சிங் பெடி, மாவட்ட கலெக்டர் எம்.ரவிக்குமார் ஆகியோர் முன்னிலையில் ஆய்வுப்பணிகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டன. மொத்தம் 6 இடங்களில் ஆய்வு செய்யப்பட்டது. இந்த ஆய்வின் போது, மணல் குவாரிகளில் எவ்வளவு பரப்பு மற்றும் ஆழத்தில் மணல் அள்ளப்பட்டு உள்ளது. மணல் அள்ளப்பட்டு உள்ள இடம் புறம்போக்கு நிலமா? பட்டா நிலமா? என்பது உள்ளிட்டவை குறித்து ஆய்வு செய்தனர். இதற்கான ஆவணங்களையும் பார்வையிட்டனர்.
முன்னதாக வருவாய்த்துறை செயலாளர் ககன்தீப்சிங் பெடி மாவட்ட கலெக்டர் முகாம் அலுவலகத்தில் நிருபர்களுக்கு பேட்டி அளித்தார். அவர் கூறும் போது ‘‘முதல்–அமைச்சர் உத்தரவுப்படி தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் கடற்கரை மணல் குவாரிகளில் ஆய்வு செய்வதற்காக எனது தலைமையிலான குழு வந்து உள்ளது. 3 நாட்கள் ஆய்வு நடைபெறும். அடுத்த வாரத்தில் 2 நாட்கள் ஆய்வு செய்யப்படும். தேவையின் அடிப்படையில் பின்னர் மீண்டும் ஆய்வு செய்யப்படலாம். இந்த ஆய்வு உரிய நேரத்தில் முடிக்கப்பட்டு முதல்–அமைச்சரிடம் அறிக்கை சமர்ப்பிக்கப்படும். அதே நேரத்தில் ஆவணங்களை சென்னை மற்றும் தூத்துக்குடியில் வைத்து ஆய்வு செய்யப்பட உள்ளது. தூத்துக்குடி மாவட்டத்தில் உள்ள குவாரிகளில் மட்டுமே ஆய்வு செய்ய அரசு உத்தரவிட்டு உள்ளது. ஆய்வின் போது, இதில் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட மீனவர்கள், குவாரி உரிமையாளர்கள், பணியாளர்கள் உள்ளிட்ட அனைவரிடமும் விசாரணை நடத்தப்படும்’’ என்றார்.

Thorium beach sands: illegal mining along India's coastline. SoniaG UPA, stop the loot of nation's wealth

$
0
0
http://www.apmdc.ap.gov.in/VV%20Minerals.html IREL oif DAE sidelined.

Is it part of the USA-India nuke deal to devastate India's nuclear program envisaging use of thorium for nuclear reactors? How can DAE issue a notification (2006) of Open General License for some atomic minerals, when the 1957 Mines and Minerals Regulation Act (Act 67) has not so far been amended which lists atomic minerals?

India is a depository of a precious nuclear resource. Thorium sands have accumulated over millennia in places like Manavalakurichi (Tamil Nadu), Aluva, Chavara (Kerala), Vishakapatnam (Andhra Pradesh), Puri (Orissa) and Konkan coast (Maharashtra).

Nuclear resources carefully monitored and protected by the International Atomic Energy Agency and a multi-national Nuclear Suppliers' Group.

One such precious resource is thorium which is an atomic mineral. The demand for thorium is set to increase as agencies are work to create thorium-based nuclear power reactors. China, Norway, Canada are at work. A Canadian company has contracts for such reactors in Indonesia and Chile. Norway has started testing thorium as nuclear fuel in one of its existing reactors. China has been actively involved in developing thorium-based nuclear reactors. India started similar work in Bhabha Atomic Energy Agency's Kamini reactor in Kalpakkam.

There are credible and verifiable reports that such a vital resource which constitutes nation's wealth is getting looted. Following a report which appeared in the Statesman, titled the Great Thorium Robbery, it is heartening to note that Tamil Nadu Government has taken the first small step of ordering a special investigation on illegal mining of beach sands in the district of Tuticorin.

For an investigation of illegal mining of thorium sands, the following immediate steps are needed:

1. Govt. of India (GOI) should extend the scope of MH Shah Commission which is investigating into illegal mining of Manganese ore to cover the minerals in beach sands of India's coastline.

2. GOI should order the cancellation of existing mining licenses including licenses for ALL atomic minerals under the Mines and Mining Regulation Act 57 of 1967, cancel the 2006 illegal notification (illegally listing under Open General License some atomic minerals) and entrust the responsibility for mining ONLY to GOI undertaking under DAE, The Indian Rare Earths Limited (IREL). 

3. GOI should immediately provide geiger counters to all port authorities to check on illegal exports of consignments containing minerals like monazite which is an atomic mineral and a radioactive substance.

4. GOI should order a joint Army Command to protect and conserve the rich beach sand resources containing atomic minerals to further strengthen the law-enforcement machineries of the State Governments.

5. Tamil Nadu government should extend the investigation to other coastal districts of Tamil Nadu -- Tirunelvei and Kanyakumari.

6. Govts. of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Orissa and Maharashtra should follow Tamil Nadu's lead and ban illegal mining activities of thorium sands.

7. Govt. of Andhra Pradesh should cancel its agreement giving a licence to a private party and ignored the role of IREL in mining atomic mineral containing beach sands of Andhra Pradesh. The responsibility should be handed back to DAE and IREL (a Public Sector Undertaking under DAE). This should be of immediate interest to GOI because of an MOU with Japan which has enabled Toyota Tsusho corporation to set up Rare Earths' separation plant in Andhra Pradesh coastline. It is important to ensure that procedures are in place to ensure that thorium reserves in monazite sands are handed over to DAE.


Japan is the world's largest importer of REE, mainly because of its major industrial base in electronics. REEs are needed for computers, laptops and televisions, in mobile telephony, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) equipment. They are also used strategic weapons such as missiles. Japan has been looking for alternative supply routes reducing dependence on China.

Rare Earth Elements include: Lanthnum, Ceriu, Praseodymium, Erbium, Gadolinium etc.
India has Indian Rare Earths Limited a public sector undertaking under DAE.

A subsidiary of Toyota Tsusho called Toyotsu Rare Earths India Pvt. Ltd. is based at Vishakapatnam, Andhra Pradesh. The company operates a monazite sand rare earth production base and is involved in separation of rare earths such as neodymium, lanthanum and cerium. It receives Monazite sand from IREL.

India has huge reserves of REEs in Odisha (Brahmagiri, Puri Dist.) in the coastal stretch of 2500 hectares.

See also: http://swapsushias.blogspot.in/2013/06/india-japan-and-rare-earth-element.html On importance of rare earths in global strategies

Transcript of Media Briefing by Foreign Secretary in Tokyo on Prime Minister’s Japan Visit

May 29, 2013
...India and Japan are also cooperating in the field of rare earths. A government-to-government memorandum was signed by the Ambassador last November and it is already in place. Companies from India and Japan – the Indian Rare Earths Limited and Toyota Tsusho – are negotiating the sale of rare earth oxide.

http://www.mea.gov.in/in-focus-article.htm?21760/Transcript+of+Media+Briefing+by+Foreign+Secretary+in+Tokyo+on+Prime+Ministers+Japan+Visit


Toyota Tsusho Changes Name of Subsidiary in Singapore and Establishes Regional Headquarters for the Asia Pacific Region

2012-04-27
Toyota Tsusho Corporation today announced that it will change the name of its subsidiary in Singapore, Toyota Tsusho (Singapore) Pte. Ltd. to Toyota Tsusho Asia Pacific Pte. Ltd., to reflect its expanded functions as the Asian Pacific regional  headquarters.

1. Background
To date, Toyota Tsusho has established separate locally domiciled entities in Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, India and Australia. However, with economic development, the links between these countries have increasingly become stronger. This has made the Asia Pacific region both, a large market and a supply base. As such, it has become necessary to build up a management infrastructure and formulate strategies that allow for efficient decision making.

2. Purpose
Through the establishment of a regional headquarters, Toyota Tsusho will be able to build an infrastructure that allows for efficient planning and implementation of regional strategies, with the goal to maximize synergies within the region and increase overall profits. In addition, the regional structure allows the company to respond more appropriately to specific multi-country needs in such Asia Pacific sub-regions as ASEAN and Mekong territories, and develop new business opportunities that go beyond a single country strategy.

3. Profile of Toyota Tsusho Asia Pacific
Company Name
Toyota Tsusho Asia Pacific Pte. Ltd.
Location (Headquarters)
Republic of Singapore
Date of Establishment
July 1, 2012 (Scheduled)
Capital
SGD2,000,000 (approximately JPY120,000,000)
Controlling Shares
100% - Toyota Tsusho Corporation
Representative
Jun Nakayama – President
(Full-Time Assignment from Toyota Tsusho)
Business Description
Asia Pacific regional headquarters; business activities relating to metals, global production parts, automobiles, machinery & energy & plant projects, chemicals & electronics, produce & foodstuffs, consumer products, services & materials

Government plans to step up indigenous production of rare earth minerals

MEERA MOHANTY, ET Bureau Aug 31, 2011, 04.13am IST


NEW DELHI: India is planning to step up indigenous production of rare earth minerals, a bit of which can be found in everything high tech - from smart phones and laptops to hybrid vehicles and wind turbines.
A government panel is currently working on a strategy paper to give impetus to exploration and discovery of rare earth and energy critical elements used in renewable energy, officials from the mines ministry told ET. The paper could lead to a policy on such minerals. India does not have a policy on rare earth minerals so far.
Rare earths as their name implies are not abundant. They became even more critical after China, which meets about 97% of the world's rare earth needs, curtailed its exports in 2010 to develop its industries. It has implemented a host measures that could further reduce rare earth exports.
The committee will look into the current availability of rare earth and energy critical elements and decide the strategy for production to ensure long-term raw material security. It will also encourage the recovery of ECE which can be found as byproducts in the production of other minerals.
The committee includes mines ministry officials and representatives of scientific institutions such as Centre for Study of Science Technology and Policy, Bhaba Atomic Research Centre and Defence Research and Development Organization.
In India, rare earths are found in monosites, which is reserved for the department of atomic energy. Its mining unit, Indian Rare Earth, had stopped production of rare earths since 2004. Currently, Indian Rare Earth is setting up a processing plant in Chhatrapur in Orissa with capacity to produce 11,000 tonne rare earth chloride. The plant will be operational by early 2012.
In China, rare earths are also found in non radio-active bastnasite. In India, the exploration mandate for bastnasite lies with Geological Survey of India.
Several companies are getting into rare earth production in India, anticipating more supply shortage from China. Toyota Tsusho, a part of Toyoto Motors, is setting up a rare earth processing plant in Vishakapatnam Industrial Development Zone, with a partial supply of mixed rare earth chloride from Indian Rare Earths. German chemical company BASF and Indian Oil Corporation are also reported to have plans to produce rare earth minerals from catalysts used in petroleum refinery.
RN Patra, chairman and managing director, Indian Rare Earth, a member of the government committee, said that the policy should also incentivize aluminium and lead producers to recover ECE minerals, such as selenium, gallium, indium and germanium.
The export curb by China and rising tariffs of rare earth minerals have prompted several countries to step up initiatives to increase production. The US is rebuilding its rare earths supply chain from mines to magnets points, according to an Ernst & Young report. Even the so-called resource-poor nations such as Japan and South Korea have started sourcing the minerals through direct involvement of government entities to secure supply.




Cumulative blogposts on Thorium label: As of August 13, 2013

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/beach-sands-illegal-mining.htmlBeach thorium sands illegal mining: Investigation team at work 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/illegal-mining-of-coastal-sands-tn-govt.htmlIllegal mining of coastal sands - TN Govt. orders probe

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/yamuna-sand-mafias-thorium-sand-mafias.html  Yamuna sand mafias, thorium sand mafias. SoniaG UPA, protect the world's thorium nuclear reserves and alluvial top soil of the nation.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/thorium-reactor-game-is-afoot-soniag.html Thorium reactor, the game is afoot. SoniaG UPA, protect thorium reserves of India.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/enable-use-of-thorium-reserves-of-india.html Enable use of thorium reserves of India --BHAVINI Chairman. SoniaG UPA, protect nation's thorium reserves. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/thorium-test-begins-in-norway-soniag.html Thorium test begins in Norway. SoniaG UPA, protect India's thorium reserves.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/this-thorium-reactor-has-power-of-norse.html This Thorium Reactor has the power of a Norse God -- Andrew Tarantola. SoniaG UPA, protect India's thorium reserves.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/role-of-thorium-in-nuclear-energy-rk.html Role of thorium in nuclear energy (RK Sinha, 2013). SoniaG UPA, protect nation's thorium reserves.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/thorium-in-nuclear-reactor-world-looks.html Thorium in nuclear reactor. World looks on as Norwegian company tests. SoniaG UPA, protect thorium reserves. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/thorium-power-canada-plans-for-10-mw.html Thorium Power Canada plans for 10 MW, 25MW thorium fueled reactors in Chile and Indonesia. SoniaG UPA, protect the nation's thorium reserves. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/thorium-nuclear-reactor-trial-begins-in_1.html Thorium nuclear reactor trial begins in Norway. SoniaG UPA, protect the nation's thorium reserves. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/indias-prototype-fast-breeder-reactor.html India's prototype Fast Breeder reactor at advanced stage of completion. SoniaG UPA, protect thorium reserves of the nation.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/thorium-touted-as-answer-to-our-energy.html Thorium touted as the answer to our energy needs. Will SoniaG UPA protect India's thorium reserves? 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/now-india-can-look-to-thorium-as-future.html Now, India can look to thorium as future fuel -- Kumar Chellappan 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/3-billion-rare-earths-market-good.html $3 billion Rare earths market: The Good Reactor (Thorium), Irish documentary. Thorium Energy Alliance Conference.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/two-nuke-scams-thorium-loot-scam-indo.html Two nuke scams: Thorium- loot scam, indo-us-nuke deal scam impact national security: SoniaG UPA's contributions 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/thorium-power-canada-inc-and-dbi.html Thorium Power Canada Inc. and DBI Century Fuels Inc. offer thorium reactors. Shouldn't India use her thorium competence to reach out and supply thorium reactors world-wide?

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/thorium-reactors-could-soon-power.html Thorium reactors could soon power Indonesia, Chile -- Mark Halper 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/nuke-scam-loot-of-atomic-mineral-wealth.html Nuke scam: Loot of atomic mineral wealth and Indo-US nuke deal 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/nuclear-futures-thorium-could-be-silver.html Nuclear futures: thorium could be the silver bullet to solve our energy crisis

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/ban-export-of-beach-sand-minerals-bjp.html Ban export of beach sand minerals: BJP MP Hansraj Ahir

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/03/great-rare-earths-robbery-in-india.html Great Rare Earths' robbery in India. Fight by a citizens' forum

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/01/citizens-petition-for-action-against.html Citizens' petition for action against perpetrators of the Great Rare Earths' Robbery in India

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/01/china-moving-to-thorium-as-safe-nuclear.html China moving to thorium as safe nuclear fuel. GOI, protect and use India's thorium reserves for energy needs of Indian Ocean Community. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/01/china-blazes-trail-for-clean-nuclear.html China blazes trail for 'clean' nuclear power from thorium 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/12/dae-oct-2012-reply-on-thorium-loot-full.html DAE's Oct. 2012 reply on Thorium loot full of loopholes. DAE is yet to explain how Atomic Minerals list was changed without Parliament approval.

Is safe, green thorium power finally ready for prime time? -- John Hewitt 

Thorium, China, Environment , Energy Takashi Kamei (Video 33:47)

Illegal notification of 18 Jan. 2006 on Atomic Minerals and loot of Rs. 96,120 Crores worth Atomic Minerals - Complaints

Govt. of India should act now to stop illegal mining of Atomic Minerals

India announces plan to build thorium reactor. Congrats to India's nuclear scientists. 

Illegal mining of Atomic minerals worth Rs. 96,120 crores

Submit views/suggestions on Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Bill No. 110 of 2011

Cause and effect: a case study in and dossiers on Rare earths/Atomic Minerals of India 

DAE, cancel and withdraw an illegal notification issued in January 2006.

Atomic minerals include thorium, uranium, monazite, zircon, ilmenite, rutile and leucoxene (Part B of First Schedule of the Act 1957)

PM should ban placer sands mining, nationalise minerals of national importance consistent with Shah Commission recommendations on manganese/iron ore mining

Our nuclear program will be thorium based - APJ Abdul Kalam 

Protection of thorium & other rare earth minerals - Swamy refutes DAE claims

‘Our policy is to reprocess all the fuel put into a nuclear reactor’ -- Sekhar Basu

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/10/protection-of-thorium-reserves-in.html
Protection of thorium and rare earth reserves in the country 

Cheap nuclear energy is an illusion -- Kumar Chellappan

DAE Press release : Export of Monazite from India. India backtracks on involving private miners in monazite - Ajoy K Das

Thorium loot: No private parties permitted to produce monazite, says DAE

Cheap,abundant & very safe nuclear power.....Thorium

Protection of thorium reserves in the country

Thorium loot spells strategic loss 

Kerala Metals and Minerals Ltd causing radiation: PIL 

Separation of monazite from placer sands and strategic needs of India's energy programme. 

Nuclear Thorium: Country needs thorium-based fast breeders -- Dr. Kalam

Near monopoly position of a company in garnet placer sands

Estimated value of Manavalakurichi placer sands loot in a decade: Rs. 1 lakh crore

Placer sands exports detailed in a Criminal Petition in Hon’ble Supreme Court

Govt. misled Parliament on thorium loot. Thorium a game changer for India's power needs?

Export profiles of placer sands of Manavalakurichi complex

Rare earth complex of India -- containing thorium, the strategic nuclear fuel

India's nuclear energy through thorium. Powering the world.

Thorium could have powered India

Power of Thorium - two books reviewed. 'Super Fuel':Martin. ‘Thorium: energy cheaper than coal’: Robert Hargraves

Thorium UPA's new coalgate?

How far off is thorium energy? It is producing energy already -- in many reactors of India...

India all set to tap thorium resources
India-Canada Nuke pact. "Those days are gone. We're not so stupid," Dr. Chaitanyamoy Ganguly, Nuclear scientist.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/09/thorium-to-transform-nuclear-power-pair.html Thorium to transform nuclear power. A pair of MIT students set up Transatomic Power

Cumulative list of blogposts with label "Thorium" (September 27, 2012). National imperative of protecting Rare earths including thorium.

Thorium -- a nuclear fuel and iPhone are born of Mother Earth. Govt. of India, conserve and protect rare earths including thorium.
Take steps to protect strategic monazite reserves: Subramanian Swamy to PM
Thorium and imperative of national security - Dr. Swamy's letter to PM
Thorium as strategic mineral: a greener alternative to uranium. India should protect her thorium reserves.
DAE makes strides towards thorium fuel supplies for AHWR
Thorium figures unconfirmed - IREL
VVER: Voda Voda Energo Reactor, Water-cooled, water-moderated energy reactor
Protect India's thorium to transform the world of energy
A future energy giant? India's thorium-based nuclear plans
India should enforce NSG guidelines for protection of thorium
Nuclear Energys Future: Thorium
Q&A: Thorium Reactor Designer Ratan Kumar Sinha
Thorium-fuelled dreams for Indias energy future. How Indias science is taking over the world.
Thorium poster (Source: Thorium Australia campaign)
Protect India's thorium. Briefings on nuclear technology in India -- PK Iyengar, Retd. Chairman, AEC, May 2009
New All-Party UK Parliamentary Group on Thorium
China Takes Lead in Race for Clean Nuclear Power -- using thorium.
The issue is India as nuke power. Anti-Kudankulam leaders manipulate innocents - Pioneer Edit
India Ventures Into Rare Earths, To Launch Soon Monazite Processing Plant
Thorium is nuclear fuel and should command immediate attention of GOI to conserve and protect the wealth of the nation.
Thorium key to Indias energy security -- Sandhya Jain
Thorium advocates launch pressure group in UK. India plans nuclear plant powered bythorium - Guardian, UK
Feature article: A Thorium Reactor (American Scientist, 2010)
Thorium As Nuclear Fuel
Thoriumgate. 34 blogposts. Seize the moment to strengthen India's nuclear doctrine and energy future.
Is Thorium the Biggest Energy Breakthrough Since Fire? Possibly.
Are beachfuls of thorium sand a curse? -- Rrishi Raote
Why should foreign companies & private parties work in monazite placer deposits?
Karisastha koil, Kundal, Uvari
Thorium for dummies. Thorium reactors - Dr. Y (Federation of American Scientists)
UPA's Thoriumgate? Toyota Tsusho enters the scene.
Monazite reserves of India 18 Million Tonnes (A review of seabed and placer mining deposits in India by Abhineet Kumar (May, 2011. Dept. of Mining Engineering, National Institute of Technology, Rourkela, 2011)
Thorium which can breed uranium 233 is the future energy source for India. Rare earth elements; Indian rare earths -- Its genesis and growth (TK Mukherjee, IREL)
Proof that coir was used to export thorium oxide in monazite. Now Toyota is inmonazite processing in India.
Wyoming nuclear task force hears thorium reactor plan
Indian rare earths: genesis and growth -- TK Mukherjee, IREL
Who looted Indias missing thorium? -- Sandeep Balakrishna
After coal, did India give away Thorium at pittance too?
Great thorium robbery impacting India's nuclear doctrine and energy security
67 Years Nuclear Energy, Nuclear Destruction
$15 billion hole in ground. Thorium for clean energy
Thorium Reserve in the Country - Narayanasamy informs Lok Sabha
Thorium-fuelled dreams for India's energy future. How India's science is taking over the world.
Nuclear materials, suppliers group (NSG) and safeguards
Depletion of thorium reserves from South Indian beaches, impacting India's nucleardoctrine and energy security: 14 blogposts
Black Monazite sand deposits found on beaches (India)
Thorium fuel cycle - potential benefits for India - IAEA publication (2005)
Thorium: alleged export of sands (August 2007 report)
Key reserve profiles of placer deposits: Chavara and Manavalakurichi (From Ph.D. thesis of Ajith G. Nair, 2001)
Valmiki's knowledge of oceanography and Mannar volcanic
Mining of monazite (GOI response in Lok Sabha on 30 Nov. 2011)
Indian Rare Earths Limited
VV Mineral: achievements
Theres nuclear gold in this sand. And its being sent out with impunity  Tehelka
Manavalakurichi
Scam of the century involving Rs. 1340 billion thorium reserves. Irregularities inbureaucratic processes which led to encouragement of illegal mining of thorium
10-point plan: Nationalise thorium resources of India and institute strategic command for protecting and conserving Nuclear Fuel complexes
Illegal thorium mining in India. Value of Indias thorium reserves: Rs. 1340 billion est.
PM must look into illegal thorium mining
Uranium Is So Last Century — Enter Thorium, the New Green Nuke | Magazine







Water warriors -- Shahzad Chaudhry

$
0
0

The Express Tribune


Water warriors


August 12, 2013


Ask anyone in Pakistan: what shall the two neighbours, India and Pakistan, fight their next war on, and you are likely to get a consensus on the answer: water

Not that it is necessarily true, but that is the current creed, built on a half-baked and semi-literate discourse pedalled on a daily basis in the mainstream media.

Why is this done? And, why is such a narrative successfully entrenching itself? The answer to both dilemmas lies in the domain of partial inquiry that beguiles this developing thought. Those who pass as experts are only half that. None is taught the field of hydrology or even has basic education in water. 

In such a barren landscape, shorn of water wit, if the dominating belief is that India is selling Pakistan’selectricity extracted from stolen Pakistani waters, or even more insidiously, is sending our way water minus its electricity, show me the way to Mars.

This Martian existence has other dimensions, too. 

The present adviser on water and power to the government is a pharmacist by training. The PPP government had a medical doctoras the minister in charge for petroleum and natural resources for most of its five years, who reportedly had something to do with inducting the pharmacist. Not exactly a reassuring lineage. 

But listen to the current adviser on water talk of the power travails and his prescription for alleviating the curse of persistent power cuts, and you are likely to come out singing his praises. Whether he has ever been close to a real grid station though, is another issue altogether.

With premier slots in the government open to glib fly-by-night experts, competition is bound to rise. 

That, in essence, is the underlying causality for the current band of water warriors spewing venom at one another and on anything that emerges from the inner sanctums of government as the way forward out of the power morass.

The basic construct of the Indus Basin Water Treaty, which governs water relations between India and Pakistan, was luckily constituted in English — translations, too, are available — and anyone with a basic sense of science and geography should be able to understand the essence of what this excellent piece of agreement contains as the guiding principles to keep waters flowing. The treaty has stood the test of three-and-a-half wars, and many near ones since, when all else failed between the two states.

The problem is, not many have opened up the treaty and its various annexes to correctly define and identify the rules for run-of-the river projects and permitted levels for domestic, consumptive, non-consumptive and agricultural use. 

Similarly, what is India permitted as ‘pondage’, as against ‘storage’ that she is frequently indicted for in the Pakistani narrative? Cumulative storage in ‘pondage’ is not to exceed 3.6 million acre-feet (MAF). Do we know how much India is actually storing? A recent figure suggested over 200 MAF in popular discourse in Pakistan. 

Pakistan’s total share of the three western rivers averages 117 MAF. From where is India managing to store more than 200 MAF from the same rivers?And these are Pakistan’s rivers. Since we don’t read, we become easy prey for the disinformation that goes around on such critical issues.

India and Pakistan each store roughly the same amount of water (16 MAF) from their allotted rivers in the Indus Water Treaty; yet, India produces 12,700MW of power from their three rivers, compared with Pakistan’s 6,717MW only from the three western rivers.

From Chenab alone, India recovers 8,700MW, while Pakistan extracts only 14MW. It is a dynamic of finances — of which India has plenty more — and of topography that India exploits better. Our woes are many; in water, too, but we must begin by husbanding our resources better.

A recent television discussion on water warscounted a civil engineer, a fighter-pilot, a man who runs a private security company and two journalists as experts. Pity the listening audience. 

The landscape is droughty and barren and the impostors have an easy ride. Ferret out the water-literate and put them to work.



The writer is a defence analyst who retired as an air vice-marshal in the Pakistan Air Force
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
FROM THE ARCHIVES PLEASE :

http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=252248


New approach to the Indus Treaty


Friday, July 23, 2010 

Ahmad Rafay Alam




Indo-Pakistani water relations are bound, limited and defined by the Indus Water Treaty of 1960. The treaty divides the resources of the Indus Basin, one of the largest and oldest basins on the planet, and states that India will have control over the waters of the three eastern rivers of the basin (the Ravi, the Sutlej and the Beas) and that Pakistan will have control over the waters of the three western rivers (the Indus, the Chenab and the Jhelum).The treaty then goes on to set out the rights and obligations of the riparians and, importantly, allows India to avail itself of the waters of the western rivers for domestic consumption, non-consumptive functions, limited agricultural use and for hydroelectric purposes.

So far, the treaty has held strong. However, because of a variety of factors, some voices are accusing India of stealing Pakistan's water and violating the treaty. I will not dwell upon these voices in this article because they are incorrect and, as I will try to show, they can be made irrelevant. However, some factors providing these voices their motives and reasons must be acknowledged: the mistrust that characterises Indo-Pakistani relations, gross mismanagement of water resources within Pakistan, outdated irrigation practices, poorly planned agricultural zoning, a rising population and resultant water scarcity. 

What these voices are doing is choosing to ignore Pakistan's most pressing political, economic, social and environmental issues, and instead are looking for solace in the age-old chestnut: India is to blame. What else explains the reason given for having more troops deployed on its eastern border than its western, when the trouble so clearly is: to ensure water security?

One of the problems in Indo-Pakistani water relations, as far as Pakistan is concerned, is that, thanks to Sir Cyril Radcliff and the outcome of English colonialism in India, Pakistan is a lower riparian. What the treaty does is set up a riparian hegemony by dividing the resources of the Indus Basin, creating an asymmetrical relationship between the two riparians and cementing India's position as the riparian hegemon. In other words, the treaty stacks the cards against Pakistan and makes it close to impossible for it to rationalise the disproportionate relative bargaining positions the treaty allocates. This is because, in practice, the more powerful riparian is loath to give up the benefits it has.

There are some who suggest that, for this very reason, the treaty should be scrapped and another negotiated. To these gifted geniuses, I ask this: Very well, then, but what brilliant strategy do you have hidden away that will outmanoeuvre the riparian hegemon and get the lower riparian more than it already has under the treaty? This question is met with silence.

How can Pakistan get itself out of this situation? The answer is simple: Don't look at the Indus Water Treaty for solutions. The treaty is based on a sort of divide-the-resource-of-the-Indus-Basin theory, which will always result in a zero-sum game for Pakistan. What we need is to look outside the "divide the resource" paradigm and look towards the opportunities afforded by the "sharing the resource" paradigm. What we need to do is see whether it is in the economic, social or political interest of both riparians to cooperate on water, rather than be antagonistic over it. What we need is a trans-boundary water opportunity analysis.

Trans-boundary analysis looks at the positive sum outcomes of sharing the resources of a water basin. The approach is unique, in that it allows the weaker riparian to offer the hegemon some additional benefit.

The idea would be to conduct a full-spectrum trans-boundary water opportunity analysis that will identify the areas where cooperation between India and Pakistan over the waters of the Indus Basin will yield in economic, social or other benefits. For example, if India is building run-of-the-river dams on the western rivers, this need not be a cause of alarm in Pakistan. After all, what keeps Pakistan from purchasing the electricity from India? We are more than willing to pay an extortionately high cost for electricity from diesel-powered rental power projects when everyone knows hydroelectric power is a fraction of the cost. 

Selling electricity to Pakistan would also be in the economic interests of India because of the premiums it could charge. Similarly, there could be economic benefit to India if it allowed Pakistan to expand, say, its fisheries along the eastern rivers. The purpose of the trans-boundary water opportunity analysis would be to identify and quantify the all the possible positive sum outcomes of a "sharing the resource" strategy. The wider the scope of such an analysis, the more chances of identifying more and more areas of cooperation.

The analysis would involve other issues as well. One would be the identification of what sort of "green water" resources exist (as in water that falls from the sky, and distinct from "blue water" which is, essentially surface water) and how such resources could be harnessed for the benefit of either India or Pakistan. (The study of "green water" is rare, as most hydrologists tend to ignore something they can't pipe, and government doesn't care about stuff it can't tax.) The inclusion of such things could widen the overall opportunities, at least in Pakistan, of harnessing the water resources of the country.

The economic science of sharing resources is also cutting-edge. Elinor Ostrom was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize for Economic Sciences this year for her study of shared resources. I had the opportunity of meeting Ms Ostrum last month and to speak to her about Indo-Pakistani water relations. She hadn't studied the Indus Basin (she has studied others), but told me that, should the two countries ever decide to go down such a path, the only problems they would encounter would be working out the right profit-sharing formulas.

And, finally, in the Pakistani context again, if Pakistan could be seen sitting down with India and doing something large-scale, without the rhetoric of Kashmir or terrorism clouding the way, it would create enormous international goodwill that, surely, Pakistan could leverage to its advantage.

On almost all counts, it is impossible to deny how attractive a proposition a trans-boundary water opportunity analysis is. It's difficult to judge how the governments of these countries would respond to the call for such an analysis. Perhaps this is not the time for such a call and perhaps it isn't for the governments of the countries to conduct such an analysis. At this stage, the opportunities of sharing the resource of the Indus Basin are the perfect place for players in Track-II diplomacy to pick up the gauntlet and show their respective governments the way forward.
The writer is an advocate of the high court and a member of the adjunct faculty at LUMS. He has an interest in urban planning. 

Email: ralam@nexlinx.net.pk

3 roles secularists impose on BJP -- Arvind Lavakare

$
0
0

3 roles secularists impose on BJP


By Arvind Lavakare on August 13, 2013
3 roles secularists impose on BJP
Detained at Jammu airport on August 10, 2013, and prevented from proceeding to Kishtwar District of Jammu & Kashmir State in order to personally ascertain the facts of the recent communal violence there, Arun Jaitley, Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, has been reported as saying, inter alia, “This is the biggest example of failure of secularism in this country” (Free Press Journal, August 11, 2013)
Jaitley must have been truly stunned and upset by the detention ordered by Omar Abdullah, Jammu & Kashmir’s Chief Minister. This must be the only reason why the BJP’s legal eagle must have momentarily forgotten a fact of our Constitutional history. That fact is that J&K is the only State in our country which is not officially pronounced officially as “secular”. Yes the Preamble of the State’s own, independent and exclusive Constitution, (promulgated in November 1956), does not – repeat, does not — proclaim the State to be “Secular”! Hence, Jaitley erred in thinking that the Indian soil on which he was detained was ‘secular’. QED. Sadly, this Constitutional truth is almost unknown to our politicians, big and small, especially the BJP who should have sworn by it all along.
The reason for this shocking aberration is that the J&K State Government refused to accept that part of Indira Gandhi Government’s 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1976, which changed the constitutional Preamble characterisation of India from a “sovereign democratic republic” into “sovereign socialist secular democratic republic” with the addition of the words “socialist secular” in our Constitution’s Preamble, was notmade applicable to J&K. Article 370 of our Constitution was playing its role because it is that Article which permits the J&K Government the right to refuse the applicability of any law of the Indian Parliament that does not relate to an issue of defence, external affairs and communications. It is this Article which the BJP has wanted to abolish for decades but which the rest of the country has refused to permit. Why? Because the non-BJP India believes that abrogation of Article 370 is a Hindu agenda. Can anything be more stupid than that belief?
As an aside, let it be recorded here that because the 42nd Constitutional Amendment had left the word “secular” undefined, thereby leaving a lot of ambiguity around. Morarji Desai’s Janata Party Government had wanted to correct the situation. Hence, in its 44th Constitutional Bill of 1977, it inserted a clause defining “secular” as sarva dharma samabhav (equal respect for all religions). While the change was passed in theLok Sabha where the newly elected Janata Party members had the required majority, the definition was rejected in the Rajya Sabha where the Congress members enjoyed a six-year term. That is why the word “secular” is such a plaything today for pseudo-secularists and those who clamour for reservations of various kinds for religious communities. Tragically, that episode in our Constitutional history seems also unknown to our politicians.
By the way, the 42nd Constitutional Amendment of India also changed the Preamble’s purpose of securing for its citizens a “unity of the nation” as part of the clause explaining Fraternity therein into “unity and integrity of the nation”. But the “integrity” part was not made applicable to J&K Government. What, pray, did J&K and the Government of India intend to signal with that dangerous exclusion? Recent events in Kishtwar, like innumerable others in J&K are the fallout of that signal from long ago.
Apart from Article 370, there are two other issues which pseudo-secular India thinks constitute the ‘Hindutva agenda’ on which the BJP should play the proverbial three monkeys. One is the building of the Ram Temple at Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh, the other is the issue is of enacting a Uniform Civil Code as directed by Article 44 of the Constitution of India.
From the 1980s, till the demolition of the Babri Masjid by fanatics in 1992, the BJP had publicly proclaimed the building of a Ram temple at Ayodhya as their passion even as a court case on the issue lay almost moribund. Towards that end, archaeological, revenue and historical records were used by the BJP to persuade the Muslim community to give up their claim to the masjid. Even an offer was made to shift the masjid, brick by brick, to a nearby suitable site. But to no avail. And then happened the tragic demolition. A mini Ganges has flown under the bridge after the Division Bench of the Allahabad High Court gave its majority judgement a couple of years ago, accepting the BJP’s contention that the Ram Janmabhoomi was in fact the birthplace of the revered Hindu god Ram, and that a Ram temple had in fact stood at that site before it was demolished by Mughul invaders. Since that verdict is under appeal in the Supreme Court, how and why can the BJP project it as a part of the Hindu agenda to be agitated for in any election? A playback of the relevant video clip will reveal that what Amit Shah did on his first visit to Ayodhya two months ago was simply pray for a grand Ram temple to be built at the site. He did not threaten an agitation over it. It is not understandable how a Ram temple can be brought into existence on the so-called Hindutva agenda. But how will pseudo-secularists of various political hues ever understand that?
Last, there is the third monkey that the pseudo-secularists want the BJP to be – avoid seeing, hearing or talking about the Uniform Civil Code. Although it is a mandate of the founding fathers of our Constitution, it is not enforceable by our courts. However, the Supreme Court has upheld the need for such a Code several times in the past.
In 1995, the Supreme Court of India was asked to review four cases where Hindu men had converted to Islam in order to marry a second wife (Sarala Mudgal vs Union of India, AIR 1995 SC 153). In each case, the first marriage had been solemnised under the Hindu Marriage Act of 1954. Presiding over the matter, Justice Kuldip Singh’s ruling was quite fascinating in a number of respects.
First, he pointed out, “In India there has never been a matrimonial law of general application. Apart from statute law a marriage was governed by the personal law of the parties.” Second, he mentioned “a marriage celebrated under a particular personal law cannot be dissolved by the application of another personal law to which one of the spouses converts and the other refuses to do so.” He pointed out that “since monogamy is the law for Hindus and the Muslim law permits as many as four wives in India, errant Hindu husband embraces Islam to circumvent the provisions of the Hindu law and to escape from penal consequences.”
In his rather lengthy ruling, he touched on the importance of a Uniform Civil Code for India twenty times. Yes, 20 times! Singh was clear in his call for a Uniform Civil Code when he remarked, “Successive Governments till date have been wholly remiss in their duty of implementing the Constitutional mandate under Article 44.”
In 2003, the Supreme Court, in John Vallamattam vs Union of India, AIR 2003 SC 2902, under Chief JusticeV N Khare made a similar call in his remark “We would like to state that Article 44 provides that the State shall endeavor to secure for all citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India. It is a matter of great regret that Article 44 of the Constitution has not been given effect to. Parliament is still to step in for framing a common civil code in the country.

So, why are bleeding-heart pseudo-secularists bashing the BJP for its demand for a Uniform Civil Code, for abrogation of Article 370 and for merely praying for a grand Ram temple in Ayodhya? The concerned monkeys must answer.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/08/13/3-roles-secularists-impose-on-bjp-117910.html

BJP embraces Subramanian Swamy: 3 reasons why liberals should celebrate

$
0
0

BJP embraces Subramanian Swamy: 3 reasons why liberals should celebrate

by  Aug 13, 2013
Former BJP party leader Ram Jethmalani famously describedSubramanian Swamy as a “diseased insect” who has led “a life of character assassination, malicious mendacity and sordid blackmail.” But none of Jethmalani’s invective comes close to matching his target’s capacity for vitriol — which has been the lifeblood of his popularity as the hatemonger of the Right, and now earned him a place in the BJP party.
Political conservatives like Sadanand Dhume reacted to the announcement with blunt dismay. “The best way to counter a reputation for Hindu chauvinism may not be to induct someone who wants to disenfranchise Muslims,” tweeted Dhume, adding that the party seems to “[n]o longer seem to care about alienating centrists. I can’t think of a better way to show that you’re doubling down on loonies.”
But for liberals who oppose Swamy’s brand of politics, his induction ought to come as welcome news — and not just because his loose cannon ways may prove to be a liability for the BJP.
Subramnaian Swamy has gained legitimacy, and this may not be the best thing for the BJP: Reuters image
Subramnaian Swamy has gained legitimacy, and this may not be the best thing for the BJP: Reuters image
Drunk uncle no more
Maybe it is the Harvard pedigree, multi faith family, or high-end press connections. Whatever the reason, Swamy has long enjoyed a media pass that allows him to get away with the kind of rhetoric that would blackball a lesser man. Even critical profiles in liberal publications likeOutlook, Tehelka and Caravan paint him as a “maverick,” soft-pedaling his excesses as political opportunism than true bigotry. The assumption is that a truly erudite Macaulayputra such as he couldn’t possibly believe the hateful things he spews. He is viewed with the rueful exasperation reserved for a drunk uncle who launches into unhinged tirades at family get-togethers.
But now that Swamy is a bona fide opposition leader in an election year — as opposed to a one-man army — he is going to lose that ‘get out of jail’ card. Swamy will be held accountable for his words because he is no longer a category of one, but the representative of a national party trying to win power. Nothing would delight the Congress party more than a BJP honcho who can put Digvijaya Singh to shame. And the media can no longer justify going soft on Swamy when they pounce on every gaffe made by other politicians. Political legitimacy has its price.
Bye bye, ‘kinder, gentler’ BJP
For months now, pundits have been promising a ‘new’ BJP (andNarendra Modi), ready to cast off its old saffron-smeared rath yatra image and embrace the forward-thinking mantra of development. The appointment of Amit Shah to head the Uttar Pradesh campaign was one hint that the wind is blowing in the opposite direction — toward 1992. Modi’s own ‘burka-clad secularism’ was another. The induction of Swamy — who recently promised “If Modi becomes PM, the Ram temple will definitely be built in Ayodhya.” — is the latest. If three instances make a trend, then it is safe to say no such reincarnation is in the works.
Perhaps the plan instead is to follow some version of Swamy’s own blueprint for BJP victory, which he set out in a recent interview: “India is 80 percent Hindu. If we rally the Hindu vote and wean away 7 percent of the Muslim population to our side, we will win the elections.” If the BJP plans to risk all on Modi and his brand of Hindu right politics, it is good news indeed. Democracy is served best when the choices are clearly spelled out. Better to cast aside the pretense of a ‘kinder, gentler’ BJP so the voters know exactly what’s on offer.
Get off that ‘stalking horse’
“SS can say the outrageous stuff and the BJP can distance/ amplify depending on the reaction,” tweeted columnist Devangshu Dutta, offering his interpretation of the BJP’s decision to bring Swamy into the party fold. But that’s exactly why the BJP kept Swamy on the outside until now. As a former ideologue of the Sangh explained to Outlookearlier this year, “The BJP wants to ride on issues that Dr Swamy picks up but he will always remain an untouchable for them.”
By rescuing him from his pariah status, BJP has to now pay for the benefits of making Swamy their official attack dog. The urbane Arun Jaitley, genial Nitin Gadkari and soft-spoken Rajnath Singh will have to respond the next time Swamy describes the leader of the Congress Party as a “Hitler incarnation” or “vish kanya” who “kills everyone she touches;” or refers to its General Secretary as “buddhu” or “Raul Vinci.”
The BJP will now be held accountable for every one of Swamy’s slanderous theories, and with the gleeful assistance of the Congress party machine. Until now, there was no profit in going after Swamy since it rewarded him with the publicity he so craved. But now he makes a juicy opposition party target, an opportunity to embarrass BJP and even Modi, who loftily distanced himself from Internet trolls:
Our Culture is known for its long standing traditions of respecting our elders and our scholars… Expressing one’s opinion on Social Media, does not imply, that we abandon our Culture and value systems. Our conduct at home, offices and schools, is based on certain well appreciated norms of mutual respect and dignity. The same ought to apply to our conduct on Social Media as well.
Modi’s now saddled himself with the Pied Piper of trolls.  It is hard to take Sonia Gandhi to task for her infamous ‘maut ka saudagar‘ remark when the loudest mouth in your party has repeatedly accused her of engineering her own husband’s assassination.
As a recent Firstpost article observed, “In the final analysis, it seems more likely Swamy will benefit more from the BJP, than the other way around.” But the biggest benefit may well lie elsewhere. At the very least, if party membership inspires some verbal restraint on Swamy’s part, it will single-handedly improve the tone of political debate in the virtual world. A little less hate on our TL will do us all some good.

Augusta Chopper scam dealers: PMO, former NSA, 2 ex-IAF chiefs, CAG says

$
0
0

See CAG report full text on IAF helicopters: http://www.cag.gov.in/html/reports/defence/2010-11_7AFN-PA/chap1.pdf


Chopper scam: PMO, former NSA, 2 ex-IAF chiefs swung deal in Agusta’s favour, CAG says


Chopper scam: PMO, former NSA, 2 ex-IAF chiefs swung deal in Agusta’s favour, CAG says
A file photo of AgustaWestland (AW101) VVIP Airforce Helicopter. (PTI photo)
NEW DELHI: The comptroller and auditor general (CAG) has said the Prime Minister's Office (PMO), along with a former national security adviser and two ex-IAF chiefs, played a key role in tweaking specifications that resulted in AgustaWestland bagging the order of 12 VVIP choppers.

The report discusses in detail how the ministry of defence, at the behest of the PMO, modified some crucial parameters of the operational requirements of these helicopters in 2005 to favour the Anglo-Italian consortium, which became the sole vendor as a result.

The deal is under investigation, both in Italy and India, for alleged payment of 51 million euros (Rs 350 crore) in kickbacks.

The CAG's finding pushed the UPA government on the defensive, with the opposition going ballistic as soon as the 38-page report was tabled in Parliament. MK Narayanan was the NSA in the period under question while Fali H Major and SP Tyagi were the IAF chiefs.

The CAG, which has been under attack from the government and Congress, noted that though the IAF headquarters had in January 2004 emphasized that the altitude requirement of helicopters be kept at 6,000 metres as "an inescapable operational necessity", the ministry of defence (MoD), in consultation with the PMO, lowered this to 4,500 metres.

Moreover, the MoD, at the behest of the PMO and as per instructions of the then NSA, mandated that the choppers for the VVIP fleet ought to have a cabin height of 1.8 metres: a requirement which eliminated competition and allowed Agusta-Westland to become the sole vendor, the report said. "Our examination of the process of framing service qualitative requirements (SQRs) revealed that SQRs so revised led to a resultant single vendor situation again," CAG observed.

The decision to acquire eight VVIP choppers was first taken in August 1999 during the NDA rule.

After floating tentative operational requirements and request for proposal, the technical evaluation committee had shortlisted three helicopters — Mi-172 of Kazan, Russia; Eurocopter's EC-225 and AgustaWestland's AW-101.

However, after flight evaluation, only EC-225 was found worthy, leading the then PMO to observe that single-vendor situation should be avoided and operational requirement could be revised.

In subsequent meetings with officials from the MoD, IAF and the PMO, it was decided to lower the altitude requirement and cabin height.

CAG, however, questioned the government's decision to make the cabin height mandatory at 1.8 metre which removed all competitions for AgustaWestland.

"Air Headquarters, therefore, opined that making cabin height of 1.8 metre a mandatory operational requirement would lead to a single-vendor situation as in that case, only AW-101 of AgustaWestland would comply with all the SQRs," the CAG report said.

The MoD, however, in its response (April 2013) stated that all six vendors to whom the RFP was issued (in September 2006) had the capability to provide helicopters having cabin height of 1.8 metre or above.

But CAG rejected the ministry's response, saying, "It is not acceptable as at least one of the vendors (European Aeronautic Defence Space Company) to whom the RFP was issued in 2006 did not have a helicopter with required cabin height of 1.8 metre." It added, "The fact that making cabin height 1.8 metre as a mandatory requirement, the competition was restricted which led to resultant single vendor situation again."

On the cost factor, the CAG observed that in January 2006, when acceptance of necessity was granted, the projected cost was Rs 793 crore for 12 helicopters. The cost negotiation committee, however, recommended Rs 3,726.96 crore in February 2009, and a year later, the MoD concluded the contract with AgustaWestland and signed the deal for the same amount.


The auditor found that the benchmarked cost of the deal was worked out to Rs 4,877.50 crore, which was more than six times the estimated cost of 2006.

The auditor said Air headquarters' insistence on holding the trials abroad "lacked justification". Air Chief Marshal Fali H Major was the then air chief.

"Although, RFP of September 2006 had clearly stipulated the necessity of sending the desired units of equipment to India for field evaluation in varying climatic, altitude and terrain conditions on 'no cost no commitment' basis, we observed that both shortlisted vendors did not send their helicopters to India. During technical discussions, both the vendors expressed difficulties in providing their helicopters in India for the field evaluation and suggested that the field evaluations be carried out abroad at the sites suggested by them," the audit said.

The audit also pointed out that although AgustaWestland had initially offered (Feb 2007) to provide an AW-101 helicopter for field evaluation trial, yet they finally offered only representative helicopters, Civ-01 and Merlin MK-3A and a mock up of the passenger cabin, stating that the helicopter offered by the vendor was still in its developmental phase.
"Audit in unable to agree with the ministry's assertion as FET (field evaluation team) in its inspection report had clearly mentioned (Jan 2008) that AW-101 as offered to the IAF was in product developmental phase, therefore the FET was carried out on a Merlin MK-3A (Primarily for evaluation of avionics, navigation systems and maintenance) and a company developmental helicopter called the Civ-01."

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Chopper-scam-PMO-former-NSA-2-ex-IAF-chiefs-swung-deal-in-Agustas-favour-CAG-says/articleshow/21813680.cms

Contract deviated from rules: CAG

Manu Pubby Posted online: Wed Aug 14 2013, 01:26 hrs
New Delhi : The entire process to procure helicopters for VVIP travel — from framing technical requirements in March 2005 to the signing of the deal in February 2010 — deviated from the rules and several undue exceptions were granted to winning contender Italian firm AgustaWestland’s AW 101, according to a special audit report on the controversial deal.Taking a strong line on the deal that is currently under investigation for bribery charges after a series of reports in The Indian Express, the CAG report has revealed that the IAF did not even test the AW 101 during field trials in Italy, opting for only “representative helicopters” as the machine was not ready for trials.
It also says that the then Air Chief Marshal F H Major insisted that trials be carried out in the UK and US, despite objections from Defence Minister A K Antony that the “fidelity and credibility” of the tests could be compromised if conducted abroad.
The CAG report raises questions about the fairness of the trial process, saying that although a single trial directive was issued, the IAF in 2008 chose to employ different methodologies for the evaluation of the the two contenders —the AW 101 and S 92 — in contravention to the Defence Minister’s directions.
Dissecting the contract from 1999, when the requirement for new VVIP choppers was first put up, the CAG says in its report that deviations started after the UPA I government gave its go-ahead to the project and initiated the contract in March 2005.
The key change in technical requirements, currently being probed by the CBI, was the reduction of the service ceiling from 6,000 metres to 4,500 metres that enabled the Italian firm to participate.
While the defence ministry in a detailed statement issued earlier this year put the blame for the critical changes on the NDA government by citing a 2003 meeting by then NSA Brajesh Mishra where the matter was discussed, the CAG report says the changes were actually initiated in 2005.
Even after the meeting by Mishra in 2003, the IAF had in 2004 stuck to its position that the service ceiling should not be reduced. In a presentation to the Defence Secretary in January 2004, Air HQ said a 6,000 metre service ceiling was an “inescapable operational necessity” as many areas in the north and northeast are accessible only with such a capability.
However, just a year later in March 2005, months after Air Chief Marshal S P Tyagi took charge, the IAF changed its stance and the requirement was relaxed, the CAG report says. A new requirement for 1.8 metre of cabin height was also introduced.
Tyagi has been named in an FIR by the CBI that is currently probing the case.

Bribe money: CAG report boosts CBI case
The CAG report on the VVIP chopper deal has strengthened the CBI case on the allegations of bribery to fix the contract in favour of Italian firm AgustaWestland by pointing out a vital link with a software company that is under the scanner for being the route through which money exchanged hands.
The report has revealed several discrepancies in the offset programme associated with the deal that mandates that at least 30 per cent of the contract value of Rs 3,546 crore has to be invested in the Indian defence sector. While it says several programmes which were to be considered as offsets were not compliant with rules, the report specially points out a contract with software firm IDS Infotech.
The firm had been named in 2008 as one of the Indian offset partners of AgustaWestland that said it has given the Mohali-based company a contract for translation of drawing of the AW 129 helicopter into software. This had been accepted by the Defence Ministry’s Technical Offset Evaluation Committee. But the CAG report says the “details regarding type of services and export orders to be executed by IDS Infotech was not clearly indicated in the offset contract”.
As reported by The Indian Express, a key document in possession of Italian investigators that has been shared with CBI is a copy of a contract between IDS Infotech and AgustaWestland dated January 2007 that promised a “compensation” of five per cent of the value of the deal if the Italian firm won the tender.
The agreement says AgustaWestland will utilise its “engineering activity and consultancy” in case it wins the chopper contract and the “compensation” agreed is that IDS Infotech would be engaged to get “business for minimum of five per cent of the total value of the order”. It is signed by then AgustaWestland MD Bruno Spagnolini, currently facing trial in Italy.
Italian investigators believe the engineering and software contracts were the route through which a part of the alleged bribe money was routed.
The CAG says that while IDS was listed as an offset partner since 2008 it was replaced in August 2012 with AgustaWestland saying the work identified under the project had been completed prior to February 2010 when the chopper deal was formally signed with India.

http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/1155112/
Viewing all 11099 articles
Browse latest View live