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Amartya Sen’s understanding of Indian history -- Prof. Shivaji Singh

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Amartya Sen’s understanding of Indian history
 
‘India has produced only two great kings, Ashoka and Akbar, and none of the two was a Hindu - Ashoka was a Buddhist and Akbar a Muslim!’ This was the startling statement of Nobel laureate Amartya Sen as reported in an issue of the popular English magazine Outlook years ago. I was amused and did not take it seriously; only thought Sen would have done better had he confined his judgements to economics - his area of specialization - without unnecessarily trespassing into the field of Indian history to make such a provocative pronouncement.
 
But, later on, when I came to know that he has been appointed by the Government of India as chairman of Nalanda Mentor Group to direct affairs relating to the establishment of Nalanda International University aimed at reviving the famous center of higher learning that once existed at Nalanda in ancient times,  I realized that Sen’s understanding or misunderstanding of Indian history is not just his personal matter, it concerns us all.
 
Could Ashoka ever imagine that he was not a Hindu? Were Hinduism and Buddhism separate religions in his time? Ashoka’s edicts and inscriptions, engraved on rocks and pillars, repeatedly designate him as ‘devanampriyah’ (beloved of gods). It may be asked: Who were those ‘devas’ (gods) that were thought to love him? They were certainly Hindu devas, for the Buddhist pantheon was not yet in existence. So, how can one say that Ashoka was not a Hindu even in the present (distorted religious) sense of the term.
 
And, if a deviation from mainstream Hinduism could disqualify Ashoka sufficiently enough to oust him from the Hindu fold, can Akbar be said to remain a Muslim after founding a new religion known as Deen-e-Ilahi? I wonder if Amartya Sen has ever pondered over these issues!
 
In fact, Sen’s above observation is objectionable on three basic counts. First, it is totally uncalled for. Why such a statement at all, unless you want to belittle Hindu achievements at least in political arena. Secondly, are only those kings great whom the western scholars have entitled as such? What is the criterion to declare a king great? Were Samudragupta and Chandragupta of the Gupta dynasty not great kings? Thirdly and most importantly, should anybody make such a sweeping statement in the field of history on a second hand knowledge of the subject? Let me explain this last point a bit more.
 
Sen must know that history is no less complex a discipline than economics. Categories and concepts in history have evolved and devolved through time. The initial connotations of many terms have expanded and shortened in course of time and some have even acquired an opposite sense. So, one needs to be very careful in using a term whose meaning has not remained constant. ‘Hindu’ indeed is such a word.
 
The original word is ‘Sindhu’. How did this word originate, nobody knows definitely. It appears to belong to the earliest repertory of human speech. It was prevalent much before the earliest hymns of the Rigveda were composed. By the Rigvedic age it had already acquired several senses. It meant a ‘river’ in general; it was used as the name of a prominent river, now known to the English speaking world as Indus; it had the sense of an ‘ocean’. Besides, it indicated a ‘riverside land’ as well. ‘Sindhu’ acquired many more connotations later on, such as a symbolical term for the number 4, or a name of God Varuna (as lord of ocean) and the like, but that is not very important to note.
 
What is noteworthy is the fact that from the very beginning the term was used to  denote a ‘riverside land’ as well. This distinct meaning is attested to by its usage. The land stretching from Sindhu in the West to Sarasvati in the East was known as Saptasindhavah, that is, the ‘Land of Seven Rivers’. Five rivers of the Punjab plus Sindhu and Sarasvati that bracketed them constituted this set of seven rivers. The Avesta is aware of this Seven Rivers’ Land and its name, but calls  it ‘Haptahindu’ as ancient Iranians could pronounce ‘sa’ only as ‘ha’, much like many Greeks who pronounce ‘ha’ as ‘kha’.
 
It is clear, then, that the word ‘Hindu’ is the same as ‘Sindhu’ and its meaning ‘a riverside land’ is one of its earliest connotations. It is basically a geographical term in all its senses with no religious implication whatsoever.
 
The use of ‘Hindu’ in place of ‘Sindhu’ soon became quite popular mainly because of increased Persian contacts in the 6th century BCE, but its meaning ‘riverside land’ continued as such. The Persian emperors Darius I and Xerxes I, who ruled one after the other from 522 BCE to 465 BCE, use the term in this very sense in their inscriptions. The situation remained the same during the following twelve to thirteen hundred years and the word ‘Hindu’ remained purely a geographical term bereft of any religious connotation.
 
It was only after the rise of Islam as a politically dominant force in India that the term ‘Hindu’ was given a religious tinge. Indian society came to be divided into two broad groups, the privileged Muslims on the one side and the disadvantaged non-Muslims on the other. ‘Hindu’ became a blanket cover for all those who were not Muslims.
 
Buddhism came to be recognized as a religion distinct from Hinduism only after it became popular abroad and acquired certain new non-Indian traits. The difference between the status of Buddhism in India and its status outside India needs to be kept in mind. In India it was and still is one of the several Hindu religious faiths – a fact denied only by greed to benefit from State policy of appeasement to minorities.
 
If even an atheist Charvaka is a Hindu, how can just a heterodox Buddhist, Jain, or Sikh be said to be a non-Hindu! One expects from a distinguished scholar like Amartya Sen to distinguish between historically correct facts from politically correct ones.
 
Prof. Shivaji Singh
August 6, 2013

The Southern Jihad – Studying an Islamist takeover -- Aravindan Neelakandan

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http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/jihad-in-south-india-facilitators.html Jihad in south India, facilitators: Dravidian & psec polity -- Aravindan Neelakandan

The Southern Jihad – Studying an Islamist takeover

Indian Jihad has found in South India an ideal base for operations. A network of democratic cover-up organizations has been created to shield the Jihadist capacity building. The pattern is in the sudden upsurge in preparatory Jihad activities with inter-state and international links which result in increased arrests but poor conviction rates. In parallel to this process allegedly democratic and social groups are built with oert as well as covert jihadi connections, the overt and covert nature depending upon the friendliness of the state government in question.
Thus the latter half of the year 2006 and the year 2007 saw an overall increase in Jihad related activities in South India. While in Kerala the foreign Jihad forces were enlarging their network, in Bangalore the North Indian Jihadists were creating links. Soon both the forces will have a common platform through a link organization.
Let us consider some events:
  • In August 2006, 18 Islamists belonging to proscribed Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) conducted an indoctrination-Jihad camp in Binanipuram near Kochi. The seized materials included a book titled ‘Mass Resistance in Kashmir’, published by the Institute of Policy Research in Islamabad, along with political maps of India with Kashmir left out and other documents with anti-national exhortations. The book was taken from the library of Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the organizational mother of all fundamentalist Islamist forces. The organization made the usual customary protest.[1]
  • It was not a coincidence that the absconding aeronautical engineer CAM Basheer, a former SIMI president and a major logistics provider for Islamic terror hailed from the same area. He was an accused person in the 2003 bomb blasts at Mulund near Mumbai. Basher handles 50 fronts of SIMI and their funding through his network. Clearly the SIMI meeting was not only a camp but also regrouping for the launch of a new strategy for Southern Jihad. The SIMI activists who were arrested by the Kerala Police from Binanipuram were later let off without a proper perusal of the case thanks to political pressure. 
  • There were cases where the arrests showed inter-state linkages mainly between Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. In November 2006, two Pakistanis terrorists were arrested in Mysore. Mohammed Fahad, one of the two had come to Chennai and had obtained fake driver’s license from a driving school staying at his ‘uncle’s’ house. His ‘uncle’ Mohammed Koya was from Kerala.[2]
  • On January 1, 2007, two Lashkar –e-Taiba (LeT) terrorists were arrested in New Delhi. They were fleeing to Chennai after they had failed in their mission to plant bombs at overcrowded New Year party functions in the capital. The two LeT men revealed that they were going to Chennai to meet some LeT operatives, who are active in south India.[3] In a week the Special Task Force (STF) from New Delhi was at Chennai and their findings revealed that the LeT men had been to Chennai before and had established contact bases in South India far from the probing eyes of mainstream counter-terror with its center of gravity in North India .[4]
  • On January 6 2007, Bilal Ahmed Kota alias Imran Jalal alias Salim was arrested in Bangalore. He had scouted the top IT establishments and observed their security arrangements for LeT. [4] The grenades seized from him were similar to the ones that have been used in ‘Indian Institute of Science’ (IISc) attack earlier in 2005.[5]
  • Meanwhile at Bangalore 20-Jan-2007 following the US hanging of Saddam Hussein. The Reuters reported: “Muslims protesting against the execution of Iraq’s toppled president clashed with police on Friday, ransacking shops owned by Hindus and burning at least 15 cars.” [6] A more detailed account of the attack was given by vernacular ‘Dina Tanthi‘ a Tamil daily known for its neutrality: “Many of the youths who participated in the march condemning the Saddam execution, entered the houses and shops in the Timmaiah road. They humiliated the women entering the houses. They also tried to desecrate a famous local Goddess temple.”[7]
The above incidents centered on Bangalore and Chennai. They were connected the Jihad which was being waged in North India. The foreign connection mostly came from Pakistan.
  • On 9th January 2007, in a Karachi-bound ship and originating from Dubai, customs officials at Cochin Kerala, accidentally discovered that ship containment meant for a Muslim businessman, one Koya at Tiruchur district in Kerala, contained along with furniture boxes, weapons. What was interesting was that copies of Koran were found with every box of ammunition. [8] This is a vital indicator that the Jihad in South India is being handled by professional groups with international backing. In recruiting Uzbek Mujahedeen to fight Afghan Jihad, one of the psychological strategies perfected by CIA- was the shipment of Koran along with supply of weapon.
  • CIA and Jihad planners discovered that shipment of Koran copies worked better than the usual Western tactics of using atrocity stories in the case of recruitment for Afghan Jihad.[9] Similar pattern of placing Koran as part of every ammunition package in 2007 shows that the brains behind the planning of these South Indian operations are Jihad veterans with international expertise. A concerned Indian Naval Chief Sureesh Mehta stated gravely on the closing session of an international seminar on maritime trade and security that the Cochin seizure might only be the tip of the iceberg of the nefarious activities.[10]
It is in the background of these incidents that one should see the formation of Popular Front of India (PFI). It was officially formed on 2007 by merging many state based Islamic bodies from Kerala’s ‘National Development Front’ (NDF) to Manipur’s ”Lilong Social Forum’. However the main functional components of PFI are Manitha Neethi Pasarai (MNP) of Tamil Nadu, NDF of Kerala and Karnataka Forum for Dignity (KFD). And it was launched during a seminar and rally secularly named ‘Empower India’.
MNP was already running a magazine in Tamil called ‘Vidiyal Velli’ (Dawn Friday) and in Kerala ‘Thejas’ (Radiance). This was started in January 2006. The articles in the magazines advocate a radical Islamist and pro-Kashmir separatist stand, often calling the Jihad terrorists of Kashmir as ‘fighters’.
‘Q’ branch officials did not miss the SIMI connection in the launch of PFI. They noticed that majority of the leaders belonged to banned SIMI. [11] From then onwards in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka the Jihadist networks have an Islamist cover-up exploiting every inherent weakness of the pseudo-secular nature and vote-bank politics of Indian polity.
2008: Kerala exports Terror with Political help
The aftermath of the arrest in the August 2006, SIMI training-indoctrination camp is in many ways typical of what happens in most of the cases against Jihad capacity building at the early stages. The FIR was filed under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. Five were arrested and the rest were released free. Even these five – Ansar Moulavi, Shaduli, Nizamuddin, Abdul Rafeeq and Shamas- were set free on bail. Then on 13 May 2008 Jaipur the capital of Rajastan became the target of a serial bombing similar to Coimbatore bomb blast.
Nine synchronized bomb blasts within a span of fifteen minutes left 63 dead with 216 or more people injured. Among those arrested were Shaduli and Ansar Moulavi. During the investigations it was found that the duo had also attended two more terror camps at Vagamon, in Kerala’s Idukki district, in December 2007 and January 2008.[12] In January 2008 a Kashmiri terrorist Altaf was arrested in Kerala. He was given a false SIM card by an agency at Trivandrum and the terrorist had also talked to his contacts in Chennai, Tamil Nadu.[13]
On July 26 2008, serial bomb blasts at Ahemadabad killed 53 people and injured over 200. Once again Kerala as well as Karnataka connections came up during investigations. The main accused was trained at Wagamon SIMI training camp. The home minister of Kerala then, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, openly admitted that the state government was under “pressure” to set the SIMI men free. In a very blunt confession made by the Home minister before the press, the CPI(M) leader stated that the Jihadists were operating in Kerala. But their main activities were outside the state. He stated that there was a hue and cry from human rights activists accusing the government of targeting the minorities when police action against SIMI.[14]
In October 2008 two Kerala youths were killed in an encounter by Indian army at Kashmir. SIMI had not only been rebuilding but also recruiting the youths for Jihad outsourcing them to various parts of India to execute terror projects. According to the IB, SIMI fronts had become strongest in specific pockets of Kerala and had been providing modules for Jihad not only in various parts of India but also abroad.[15]
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‘Popular Front of India’ takes over from SIMI
In July 2009, Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) was formed as political wing of PFI. It was headed by E Abubacker, who was the Kerala Zone president of SIMI in 1982-84. PFI has many frontal organizations for specific target groups like Campus Front of India (CFI) for college students and National Women Front (NWF). Though formed in 2007 PFI came to prominence only with the chopping of the head of a Christian professor in July 2010. However that did not mean the PFI or its Kerala constituent NDF had been silent all those years. The then Kerala home minister in his statement proclaimed that the outfit had been involved in 22 murder cases and 73 attempt to murder cases.[16]
The July attack prompted the government to undertake a statewide raid on various offices of PFI as well as SDPI. The raids revealed a stock-piling of arms and ammunitions at the offices of PFI/SDPI.[17] V.S. Achuthanandan, the then Kerala Chief Minister talked in detail about the plans of PFI for Kerala which according to him included making Kerala a “Muslim-dominated” state within 20 years. He stated that the outfit was investing money to radicalize the youths and give them weapon training. [18]
India Fraternity Forum (IFF) which projects itself as an organization to help Indians in the Gulf countries is based in Saudi. According to an intelligence report submitted to PMO, this organization has been helping the funding of PFI activities. [19] IFF has hosted a series of meetings by SDPI leaders at Gulf countries. On January 2011 Nasarudhin Elamaram, National Committee Member of SDPI addressed a gathering organized by Kuwait India Fraternity Forum (KIFF).On October 2011 IFF at Emirates hosted Aboobacker, national president of SDPI for his campaign to promote 2011 rally of PFI at New Delhi. These are just a few instances of different chapters of IFF extending support to PFI and SDPI.[20]
Curiously another source of steady income to PFI had been the government advertisements in their media. Though the Union Home Ministry has warned the government of the anti-Indian and communal nature of ‘Thejas’ publications as early as 25 November 2009, in a confidential communication, on October 2010, NP Chekkutty, Executive Editor of Thejas boasted to Tehelka – a pro-Islamist magazine (which produced a half-empathetic and half-critical story on PFI) that in the past financial year PFI got more than Rs 80 lakh as revenue from government advertisements alone. It was only on 14-May-2010 that Kerala government briefly stopped the advertisements only to be continued again in a few months.[21]
The government machinery itself had been infiltrated by Jihadists and the incompetency of state machinery was compromising the state security heavily. A home ministry report had stated that a senior IPS officer meeting some people with terrorist links in Qatar. Though the officer in question had been suspended when he was IG (Kannur) some months back for allegedly making a foreign trip without government permission, as prescribed by the service rules and suspended before in a case relating to amassing wealth disproportionate to known sources of income, he had been reinstated thanks to the dragging of the case by the vigilance.[22]
PFI provides the vital link between the terror-master minds across the border and reaching out to the Muslim population and radicalizing them. PFI also has a battery of human rights activists and lawyers at its command and pay who are pressed into service to secure the release of their arrested cadre. All these services provided by PFI are used by Jihadists effectively. It is a highly effective symbiotic approach to thwart or vitally delay any attempt by the police to stop the investigations etc. This is demonstrated in the case of Himayat Baig, who was arrested as the master-mind behind the German Bakery blast in Pune which was executed on February 13, 2010. He had joined PFI and was trained in the methods of indoctrinating youth and the techniques to deal with police interrogation. His primary job was to recruit and send local Muslim youths for Jihad training in Pakistan.[23]
Even as evidence mounted for the PFI-LeT (Lashkar e Toiba) links the Kerala police in September 2010 informed the High Court that they were investigating the possible links. The same police weeks before has revealed that LeT militant, Tadiyantavide Nasir, had stayed at the PFI’s district office in Ernakulam.[24] Yet despite the statement of the Chief Minister who was also the polit bureau member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the political equations including the vote bank considerations made the Left Front government soft pedal the issue of banning the outfit by neither seeking the ban nor opposing it. The responsibility was passed on to the Centre even as passing the cases to NIA was opposed.[25]
Even as this political buck passing with terror-accused happened, PFI through SDPI demonstrated how to use Indian democratic system to further the Islamist cause. In October 2010, one of the accused in the hand-chopping case was made to stand the election in SDPI ticket for the block panchayat division in Ernakulam in the civic body elections and the accused won.[26]
For all its high profile pro-Dalit voices PFI makes, Dalits are denied entry into PFI as only Muslims are allowed membership. More crucially PFI was also involved in a Taliban like execution of a Dalit youth. On April 27 2010 the body of a young Dalit worker was found hanging from the terrace of a lodge in Kannanur Kerala. He was tortured severely before death. No less than 22 brutal injury marks were on the body. The veins had been punctured both in his hands and legs and a lot of blood had oozed out. It took six months for the Kerala police to admit in the court that the youth had been tortured to death and the Investigating officer reported that the accused belonged to PFI.[27] On December 2011, in a replay of Marad, PFI and its student wing Campus Front stabbed three Hindu fishermen in Kerala.[28]
On July 2012 Kerala government again submitted before the High Court of Kerala that PFI was ‘a resurrection of the banned outfit Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) in another form’. It also submitted that it was involved in 27 murders.[29] On July 2012 PFI men stabbed to death two Hindu students Sachin Gopal(20) and Vishal Kumar (19).[30] August 2012 revealed additional networking capacity of PFI. Following the riots in Assam which were triggered by attack on Bodos by Bangladesh infiltrators, Islamist forces started a campaign of using terror rumors against the North East students in the state of Karnataka. According to sources in intelligence agencies, the bulk hate messages which originated from servers in Pakistan were received by the cadres of PFI who helped spread them along with the cadres of Bangladeshi Jihad outfit Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI). PFI has as usual denied it.[31]
Even as HuJI-PFI connection gets investigated by the Assam connection to PFI comes from Badruddin Ajmal, whose Islamist party All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) is a political partner of ruling Congress coalition and is strongly pro-Bangladeshi infiltrators. Badruddin had expressed solidarity with PFI/SDPI.[32] Such a political backing of an Islamist party from Assam and logistic network with HuJI can provide PFI the Koranic power to “strike terror into the heart” of the perceived enemies of Islam – like the student communities of North East in the southern states.
On April 23, 2013 Kerala police stormed into the office of Thanal Charitable Trust, one of the many fronts of PFI, in Narath. 21 PFI activists, all in their twenties were caught with human shooting targets, bombs, bomb making materials, gun powder, eight swords, foreign currency notes, Iranian entry card in the name of Sadik Mangalodan to Kish Island free zone and leaflets of PFI and SDPI.[33] The police suspect that the PFI camp activists may have a hand in the Bangalore blast before the BJP office on 17-Apr-2013. Many times Bangalore has been a favorite hiding place for PFI Jihadists when they had to hide from the police in murder cases.[34]
The Bangalore blast may be a calculated risk by PFI in showing their ability to strike. Given the assured defeat of BJP, PFI knows that the Congress government would go soft on the Islamists and Jihadists. Simultaneously Karnataka coastal regions saw a sudden expansion of SDPI. With SDPI becoming politically strong, with Congress in the helm of affairs the PFI striking right at the office of BJP would prove how it could act daringly and yet escape any punishment with its political clout.
As C.D.Souza a political observer from Karnataka points out the emergence of SDPI in coastal Karnataka can very well have the same effect as the rise of AIUDF in Assam where the party helps the cause of illegal infiltrators from Bangladesh leading to frequent clashes which in turn can help radicalize Islamic society. SDPI may do to Karnataka what AIUDF did for Assam.[35] At least one of the arrested PFI activist had his bank account connected with one Sanaulla Shabandri, who belongs to the Bhatkal family, which is involved in the founding of the dreaded Indian Mujahideen (IM). Sanaulla is also a close aide of Dawood Ibrahim.[36]
Another important aspect that is coming to light is the way the Gulf money is being routed to fund PFI Jihadist operations. One of the chief trainers of this camp Abdul Aziz was an accused in the murder of a Hindu activist. The other chief trainer Kamaruddin had escaped from police. A raid in his house has revealed, apart from arms piled in a secret enclosure, some vital details about Jihad financing. Funds from the Emirates National Bank of Dubai had been transferred according to the documents (which include bank account numbers) seized during the raids.
The probe has revealed that another PFI man had operated at least nine bank accounts in his name and other family members for receiving more than Rs.80 lakh from a non-resident Indian in Dubai. The funds had been transferred through Western Union as deposits of Rs.one lakh to multiple accounts to deftly escape the surveillance of the Financial Intelligence Unit functioning under the Union Ministry of Finance. The pattern of funds transfer shows that repeated transfers were done to a few persons from banks in West Asia. A preliminary investigation shows PFI involvement in real estate. [37]
It may be pertinent to remember that the murder of Vellore BJP functionary Dr. Arvind Reddy has been concluded superficially as real estate conflict. Also it should be remembered that India Fraternity Forum operating from the Gulf regions was active in hosting SDPI leaders campaigning for their mega-Indian events in Dubai and other Gulf countries. According to sources, the camp raid has also revealed that the PFI has a highly structured and multi-layered approach. The training has a special ‘Encounter Group’ for combat training; a ‘Legal Cell’ to provide basic legal awareness to counter police interrogation at the starting phase, and a ‘harbouring Cell’ for shifting and accommodating them safely and a ‘Media Cell’ for propaganda.[38]
However the decision to hand over the case to NIA and taking decisive actions against PFI are still tempered by political considerations. Now Congress lead UDF is ruling and CPI(M) LDF is in opposition. LDF Home Minister had openly acknowledged the political pressure during their regime in taking action against terror training camp and oscillated between shelling out Government advertisements to PFI media which formed significant revenue of the organization. Now the opposition LDF has revealed the same attitude in the ruling UDF in tackling PFI terror. PFI has used all Islamist political parties including IUML to make the ruling coalition go soft on PFI.
The radical Islamist organizations had lent their support to IUML in the last Assembly election and IUML has 20 MLAs and 5 ministers in the present UDF government. This has made UDF government go soft on PFI/SDPI despite the police revelations and also give PRD and PSU advertisements of the Kerala Government to the SDPI/PDI mouthpiece ‘Thejas’, ignoring all the Central government instruction.[39] This is another textbook case of how even as the security agencies of the nation and states are fighting a pitched battle against the Jihadist terror in India, mostly unseen by public eyes, the political leadership of the central and state level security agencies are compromised by the same Jihadist forces through Islamist forces through vote bank politics.
PFI in Tamil Nadu
In Tamil Nadu the situation is even more comfortable for Islamist-Jihadist elements. Already Tamil Nadu has been a focus of many pan-Islamic organizations. As early as 2007 the Tamil Nadu police sources have warned that the misleading calmness in Tamil Nadu was covering a “deep undercurrents of Muslim extremism”. Former zonal presidents of SIMI in Tamil Nadu had started a number of fronts all working with the objective “to establish Islamic rule in India”. Ghulam Ahmed, former zonal [Tamil Nadu] SIMI president, was the founder of the Manitha Neethi Pasarai (MNP). Jawahirullah, the TMMK leader was a State SIMI president. Another Tamil Nadu SIMI president, S.M. Baucker, was in the top leadership of Tamil Nadu Thouheed Jamat(TNTJ).[40]
Earlier there were some initial conflicts between TMMK and PFI (then as MNP) over cadre poaching. At that time some detailed revelations were made regarding the way MNP radicalizes the Islamic youth through systematic brain washing. [41] However over the next five years the Islamist organizations have bought their peace with PFI. TMMK has joined the PFI-led national alliance of Muslim groups and parties.[42] By 2011 a pro-PFI TMMK with its own political party, has now a presence in Tamil Nadu legislative assembly.
In 2008 though police declined permission the High Court bench at Madurai granted permission to PFI parade. In 2009 the annual parade which PFI conducts as a show of strength and intimidation led to conflicts between TN police and PFI Jihadists.[43] In 2010 February Tehelka magazine executive editor Ajit Sahi delivered a speech in Madurai PFI held a two day camp and exhorted PFI cadre to continue their fight.[44]
In Tamil Nadu PFI could conduct camps similar to the ones in Kerala with far more ease. On June 2012 Tamil Nadu police booked 30 PFI cadres who participated in the PFI camp held at Ramanathapuram district in Tamil Nadu near the famous Hindu pilgrimage spot Rameshwaram. Later, they were released on bail. Incidentally the MLA of Rameshwaram was jawahirullah of TMMK. The agencies in Tamil Nadu alerted the state Special Branch after they found that cadres from Assam, Bihar and Kerala took part in the camp.[45]
Since the Bangalore Bomb blast it has been found that PFI had been running camps in several places in Tamil Nadu, from where the main accused in the case hailed.[46] According to Karnataka police the Bangalore bomb blast were masterminded in Kerala and carried out by a chain of persons based in Coimbatore. Explosives were reportedly seized from raided houses in Coimbatore.[47]
In a classic coordinated move a human rights organization National Confederation of Human Rights Organizations (NCHRO) had started the campaign that their ‘fact finding committee’ had found that the Tamil Nadu and Karnataka police had fabricated evidence against 11 Muslims arrested in connection with Bangalore bomb blast.[48] Such human rights fronts are part of the PFI operations.
Seemingly secular and even including many leftists and anti-Indian activists with Hindu names, these human rights organizations are actually part of the PFI’s larger project of using democratic institutions to weaken democracy and create an Islamist state. For example in the case of NCHRO the state secretary, NM Siddique was one of the two arrested PFI men by Kerala police in 2010.[49] PFI has also taken an active role in supporting the anti-nuclear movement in Tamil Nadu. This has helped PFI to link itself with Tamil nationalist separatists.[50]
This is in line with Saudi Arabian lobby which is said to be funding anti-nuclear movements in other countries.[51] SDPI has also started working closely with VCK a militant Dalit party whose supremo Thirumavalavan endorsed the Mayoral candidate of SDPI in Chennai electoral elections. [52] Even as PFI has been accused of involvement in the Taliban style execution of Dalit youth in Kerala, in Tamil Nadu the VCK does not hesitate in associating itself with PFI/SDPI.
However given the fact that VCK is a major ally of DMK coalition, this alignment can help SDPI to gain enough political clout to influence the police monitoring of the Jihadist activities of its cadre. Already a series of attacks on Hindu leaders are happening in Tamil Nadu and bases of Jihadist activities are being created in areas like Melapalayam, some coastal areas in the east coast of Tamil Nadu and Coimbatore. PFI/SDPI with its political clout can enhance the capacity of Southern Jihad exponentially.
V Kalathur: A case study of how radical Islamism functions in Tamil Nadu
V Kalathur is a village in the Veppanthatai block of Perambalur district in Tamil Nadu. The village witnessed severe communal tension between Hindus and Muslims in the months of January and February 2013. Immediately a group of professional fact-finding teams consisting of well-known pro-Islamic intellectuals and activists with ultra-left persuasion went to the place and came out with a fact-finding report which was circulated widely in the net in many Islamist websites and by Islamist bloggers.[53] A summary of the views of the fact-finding committee was presented recently by Prof. Antony Marx a rabidly pro-Islamic human right lobbyist:
Four days back we were in V.Kalathur, a village in Perambalur dt., 26 kms away from it. Muslims, Hindus and Dalits are living in this village peacefully for the past many centuries. Trouble started three decades back when a part of a common property in govt puramboke land used by both Muslims and Hindus for their festivals was unlawfully occupied by the Hindus. Now a permanent Hindu structure is there and some temple cars are also standing in front of it. The district administration didn’t do anything to prevent it. We came to know this problem only a few weeks back when we happened to see a news item in the papers that a section of the Muslims of that village handed over their family cards to the district collector protesting against the administration’s actions and inaction on this matter.
Their main demand is that no Hindu processions be allowed in their streets since those who come in the processions use abusive words against Muslims and even throw stones over them and as well on the mosque. The district administration as well as the Hindu organisations say that as citizens they have every right to march in procession in any route in Indian soil. The district collector even quoted A25 of our constitution in this regard. We had to point out to the collector that of all the freedoms enshrined in our constitution, it is only the freedom of religion that is defined with some restrictions. Freedom of religion, according to our constitution is a limited freedom. You can practice and propagate your religion only up to the limit that it does not affect the public safety and peace.[54]
Hence a group of concerned citizens which included the current writer decided to make a detailed study of the situation.
A localized issue:
We discovered that it was essentially a local dispute over a common place held as sacred space by both Hindus and Muslims (who worship at Dargha of a local Sufi shrine: something anathema to the puritanical Islamists). In the aforesaid village the Hindus are a minority at 5150 and Muslims number 5600. The place in question refers to the area referred to as 119/1 in local land survey and has an area of 0.31 hectares. The usual method of resolving the dispute between the two social groups is through village level peace committee meets. In 1951 there was a peace committee meet and both sides resolved the dispute by allowing the Hindus to have their temple-ceremonial car there. This is a wooden structure at least four-five centuries old with nice wooden carvings.
Enter Palani Baba
A riot like situation developed during the years. 1990 was the first recorded Islamist objection to the temple procession. Even this objection was not of religious nature but disguised in secular excuses. Some Muslims argued that the ‘Royal path’ or ‘Raja Veethi’ now had new house structures which made chariot procession unsafe. But then the municipal engineer studied the concerned road and provided certificate that both the road and the chariot were safe for the chariot ceremony. Hindus made a compromise and settled for a very small chariot. In 1984 with the permission of the district administration and acceptance of both sides the small chariot was made and this is clearly stated in the report of the government official dated 10-1-1985.
Actually in the period of 1951-1984 there has been no problem after the initial claims by both communities. Then there has been riot like situation in the village between the years 1984-1990.
The reason is not far too to seek. The extraneous factor which created the situation was Palani Baba – the convener of All India Jihad Council (AIJC) who asked the Muslims to burn the chariot and the Muslim leaders to shun the peace committee meetings. Palani Baba ridiculed those who attended the peace meeting from both the sides and harshly attacked the officials arranging the peace meet. His speech was circulated among Muslims through a magazine Al-Mujahid dated 15-7-1990. On 18-7-1990 Hindus were petitioning the Chief Minister for protection citing the speeches of Palani Baba.
Yet the local wisdom and syncretic traditions prevailed. Hindus and Muslims were wise enough to arrive at a compromise. The local bonds created by centuries of co-existence have created such behavioral patterns as a prominent Muslim citizen of the village offering first respects to the Deity and Hindus offering worship at local Sufi shrine. Our fact finding team has recorded the memories of such bonding. So even during the 1992 Hindus and Muslims lived in this village without problems and Hindu processions as well as Muslim festivals went on without mutual conflicts and with mutual cooperation.
Enter PFI
The current round of problems started with radical Islamist organizations taking root in the area. In 2009 a Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhakam (TMMK) functionary in a petition to the district collector demanded that the place where Hindus keep their temple ceremonial car be converted into a public toilet. While both Hindus and Muslims have been adhering to the code of not using the area for any of their other activities than the ones agreed upon in peace committee agreements, Popular Front of India (PFI) violated this by placing a 20 x 15 digital banner with radical Islamist provocation.
As a result of this violation by PFI the village RDO took action and initiated an inquiry on 5-1-2012. 20 Hindus and 19 Muslims participated in this inquiry and in the end though all Hindus and majority of Muslims agreed to the settlement arrived at in the inquiry, some Muslims of PFI persuasion walked out. Most of the people we talked to agreed that the problems started when PFI supported Islamists took over the local Jammat.
Violence against the Hindus
After these events throughout 2012 all conventional Hindu processions in the main street were objected by Muslims. Going through the peace committee documents the fact finding committee could see that reasons are being invented by Muslims to stop Hindu processions. For example on 11-Dec-2012 Muslims objected to Hindus taking the usual Ayyappa Swami procession in the main street stating that in 1990 the house of one Basheer Ahmed was stoned and that the Muslims feared the repeat of the event. The Hindu side has shown that subsequently even during the 1992 and after there has been no untoward incident and hence the fear was unfounded.
Further the Hindu side stated that it was amenable to changes. It pointed out that they had changed even the door of the new structure they were building giving respect to the feelings of the Muslims. Following this Hindu side agreed to certain conditions laid by the district administration which included making no instrumental sounds before the mosque, going peacefully before the mosque etc. Hindu side agreed to all the conditions. Still the Islamists went to the court challenging the permission given by the district administration for the Hindu procession. The court not only refused to stop the procession but directed the police officials to give proper protection to the Hindu procession.
The Islamists now started objecting to even marriage and death processions of Hindus going by the main street. Following this on 21-Jan-2013 a Hindu marriage procession was savagely attacked by Islamists. This led to widespread arrests by the police. The PFI at once started the disinformation campaign that the people coming in the marriage procession raised objectionable slogans and threw stones at the Muslims. However the aforesaid marriage procession was part of the ceremony that involved mainly women and was from the bride’s side. Further given the fact that any riot would lead to the cancellation of marriage which was fixed at 23-Jan-2013, it is simply unimaginable that those coming in that procession would have indulged in violent provocations. The district administration clearly states that the stone throwing was started by Islamists.
Conditions imposed by the district administration on Hindus
Following this the Masi-Maham an important village festival celebrated throughout the rural Tamil Nadu was to be celebrated at the village for which the peace committee was convened. Adhering to the 2012 conditions for the Hindu processions the district administration decided to give permission for the Hindu religious procession on 25-02-2013. This time some additional conditions were added to which the Hindus promptly agreed.
Those new conditions were as follows:
  1. During the Namaz or prayer time of the Muslism Hindus should not use loud speakers and should not have dance entertainments and use fire crackers.
  2. There should be no fire cracker entertainments near the mosque.
  3. When going through the streets where Muslims live, the procession should proceed silently.
  4. There should be no slogans in the procession that may hurt the Muslim religious sentiments.
  5. Cone shaped loud speakers are prohibited. Only loud speaker boxes are allowed.
  6. From 23-Feb-2013 to the morning of 26-Feb-2013, strictly in the area between Siva temple and Ganesa temple alone the Hindus are allowed to have light and sound arrangements.
  7. No digital boards can be placed which may hurt the religious sentiments of the others.
  8. All digital boards should be shown to the district administration and should get prior permission before being placed.
  9. Cone shaped loud speaker should not be used. Box loud speakers are allowed to be placed only in six places, without them causing any disturbance to the Muslims. In all other places Hindus are refused permission to place any loud speakers.
Almost for all festivals such conditions have been imposed upon by district administration on Hindus and Hindus have agreed to these restrictions. Yet the Islamist demand has been to stop Hindus from using the public space and making them subservient to the Islamist forces. Hence Islamists made the next move of instigating some Muslim women to agitate against the district administration by submitting their ration cards to the district collector.
Distortions of Pro-Islamist ‘Fact’ Finding Team:
The ‘facts finding committee’ headed by Prof. Antony Marx a pro-Islamist intellectual makes many distortions, of which some are tabled below:
Distortion of the ‘Facts Finding Committee of Prof. A. Marx et al’.
The reality at V.Kalathur
The central role of the new entrant PFI in the present conflict has been totally ignored. Only one reference is made to the PFI – that too in the passing.
The fact finding team accepts that there was no conflict from 1990 for the next two decades. But the team fails to state what triggered the current riot like situation.
Here it conveniently glosses over the fact that it was the provocation of TMMK in a way hurting the Hindu religious sentiments and PFI violating the common space and placing its digital banner which caused the present conflict situation.
The Hindus and Dalits are separated and the report states that the demand for the religious procession and car festival are restricted to caste Hindus.
When our team visited the village we found the Dalit society leaders not only stood as part and parcel with the remaining section of the Hindus in the village. We obtained information that a Dalit woman counselor (Ms. Vanita Subramaniam) was elected defeating an Islamist candidate Sheikh Abdulla. Also the so-called caste Hindus have elected another Dalit woman counselor to local bodies.
In the commonly owned area 119/1 Dalit Hindus have ceremonial rights as they are part as trustees in the temple management team. All these facts have been hidden by the ‘Facts’ finding team of Prof. A. Marx. He typically divides the Dalits from the rest of the Hindus.
The voice of the Muslims who want communal harmony and good relations with Hindus has been ignored and given a minimal space.
As the alternative fact finding team has discovered, there are many sane Muslim voices in the local population who want and cherish their fraternal relations with Muslims. These include village elders, traders etc. belonging to the Muslim community.
They all agree that the new elements (by which they mean PFI) are creating the unrest without understanding the traditional co-existence. These saner voices demand a prominent space in any endeavor really aimed to bring communal harmony.
Almost all Islamist allegations, including the untenable claim that a bride-side marriage procession consisting mainly of women attacked Muslims, are accepted by Prof. A. Marx et al.
As explained earlier, such untenable after-fabrications have not been subjected to any cross-verification. A comparison of the report by Prof. A.Marx and the report of the events in the PFI official organ in Tamil ‘Vidiyal Velli’ (April 2013) show a great similarity.
The District Administration:
District Collector Dr.Darez Ahmed IAS had earned the wrath of Islamists for his unflinching commitment to Indian constitution. Already he has been targeted by obscurantist forces for having stopped no less than 110 child marriages. He compared the Islamist prevention of Hindu use of the public space for their religious and secular processions as similar to the upper-caste denial of Dalit civil rights to use the common streets.
Superintendent of Police T.K.Rajasekaran who was accused by Islamists as targeting the minority community (which is actually the dominant community in the area of conflict), refuted the allegations and stated that the actions taken were needed actions to prevent communal flare-up. Both Hindus and Muslims we talked to corroborated what the District Collector and SP had stated.
The unheard voice of Muslims:
The Muslims want the area 119/1 to be used collectively by both Hindus and Muslims. They do not feel either frightened or intimidated or disturbed by the Hindu processions. Many appreciate the actions taken by the district administration. There is nevertheless a strong undercurrent of fear regarding the PFI. They fear the outfit which has lured many youths with fundamentalist propaganda. In fact the Muslims who strive against Islamism and want co-existence with Hindus are becoming the suppressed minorities within the minority community.
The general opinion of the Hindus:
There is a feeling of intimidation and denial of rights. Hindus feel betrayed that they have to face such threats and humiliations. Members of the Dalit community strongly took objection to them being portrayed as separate from the rest of the Hindu community and stated that this was the mischief of PFI that had created the present problem. They pointed out that their specific rights to the place would be lost if the Islamist demands like building a bus stand or public toilet is built in the place. They also made the poignant observation that the Islamist forces are trying to remove each and every common bonding in the public space between the Hindu and Muslim communities.
They stated that there are attempts to create a separate market for Muslims instead of the common village market where both communities have common bonds through trading. Mr. Ramaswamy who had been astutely documenting the events from the beginning for the last two decades, enjoys a very friendly relations with the elders of Muslim community. He also blames PFI for the present conflicts. In fact he made an important observation that the PFI is continuing the Jihadist legacy of Palani Baba.
Later when minority commission came to V.Kalathur the Hindu representative told the commission that the Hindus are the minorities in V.Kalathur. Mr.Ramaswamy, speaking on behalf of the Hindus at V.Kalathur, exclaimed to the commission that the fundamental rights of Hindus were trampled upon being disallowed to take their processions through the traditional routes. In an extreme state of desperation and defeatism, he stated before the commission, “But for the protection offered by the district administration, we will find it difficult to live in the village and I am in half a mind to get myself converted.”[55]
Some Observations:
V.Kalathur shows the kind of problems and phases a village with a considerable Islamic population in South India undergoes during an Islamist take over. PFI as the inheritor of Palani Baba’s Jihad legacy lures the youth with high pitch fundamentalist propaganda which is professionally crafted. PFI takeover of the Jammat was followed by restricting progressively the Hindu rights to public space. The relations between Hindu Muslim communities in a typical village in South India have been built on various village level syncretic practices which are targeted and removed one by one. Economic bonds are also systematically removed. This leads to complete isolation of the Islamic community which is now more connected to the Global Islamism than with their local Hindu brethren. These are all typical stages of the Islamist take over catalyzed by PFI.
The aligning of so-called progressive seculars with the Islamist forces against real communal harmony is another important feature in this development of events. The stubborn resistance to Islamist takeover by the district collector Dr. Darez Ahmed is a real problem not only for the Islamists but also for their pseudo-secular supporters. This uncomfortable feeling is shown in the aforementioned lecture of Prof.A.Marx at Madras University where he talks about V.Kalathur conflict in which he carefully avoids mentioning the fact that the district collector is a Muslim. In fact Dr.Ahmed points out the basic paradox of Islamist movement whose isolation of the community leads to what he terms as ‘ghettoization’ of the community.
But such a feeling of ghettoization and alienation of Islamic community even where it is numerically dominant is needed for the Islamists to make these places their fortresses from where they can operate to spread their Jihadist tentacles elsewhere in the state. It is not long before the determined resolve of the district administration to safeguard the basic human rights and communal harmony will be checkmated by the Islamists by a clever manipulation of pseudo-secular politics and lobbying at different levels.
References:
[1] 18 SIMI activists held with ‘incriminating documents’, The Indian Express,17-Aug-2006
[2] Mysore terrorist got driving license from Chennai, The Indian Express, 4-Nov-2006
[3] LeT men held with IEDs, The Times of India, 01-Jan-2007
[4] Suspected militant went to Pakistan for training, Hindustan Times, 06-Jan-2007
[5] Grenades seized from Imran similar to those used in IISc. Attack, The Hindu, 14-Jan-2007
[6] Police patrol riot-hit Bangalore, IT firms operate, Reuters, 22-Jan-2007
[7] “Saddam Execution Condemnation Rally : Police Fires“, Dinadanthi (Tamil Daily), 20-Jan-2007
[8] Boxes of weapon seized from a ship container from Dubai to Kerala, Dinakaran (Tamil). 10-Jan-2007 also More Rifles & Air Guns seized in Cochin, Quran found in each packet, HK Correspondent,01-Sep-2007
[9] Mohammad Yousaf & Mark Adkin, Afghanistan The Bear Trap, Casemate 2001,p.221&223
[10] Kochi arms haul tip of iceberg: navy chief, IANS, 16-Jan-2007
[11] Concern over one more outfit, The New Indian Express, 17-Feb-2007
[12] Kerala ‘slip’ under glare, The Telegraph, 17-Aug-2008
[13] ‘Person arrested for giving fake SIM card to Kashmir terrorist’, Dinakaran (Tamil Daily),
[14] Kerala goes soft on Simi, country pays, The Economic Times, 18-Aug-2008
[15] Why Kerala youth are part of fight for Kashmir, Rediff.com, 27-Oct-2008: accessed on 25-Jul-2013
[16] “Outfit involved in 22 murder cases”, PTI, 04-Aug-2010
[17] Haul hints at arms stockpiling, The Hindu, 14-Jul-2010
[18] Kerala Chief Minister’s press conference at New Delhi on July 24, 2010
[19] Concern in govt over PFI’s growing outfits’ spread, Indian Express, 05-Apr-2011
[20] Dubai: EIFF Holds Grand Reception for SDPI Leader, Media Release 24-Oct-2011 (Daijiworld.com: accessed on 25-Jul-2013) and Kuwait India Fraternity Forum organised public program, Jan-2011
[21] VK Shashikumar, Here Come the Pious, Tehelka, 09-Oct-2010
[23] Baig was the mastermind, recruiterATS chief, The Hindu, 10-Sep-2010
[24] Kerala: Probing if PFI is linked to Lashkar, The Indian Express, 07-Sep-2010
[25] Banning PFI: Government double standard exposed, The New Indian Express, 08-Sep-2010
[26] Kerala: Accused in professor’s hand-chopping case wins civic poll, Rediffmail.com, 28-Oct-2010
[27] Dalit youth executed ‘Taliban-style’ in Kerala, The Times of India, 20-Oct-2010
[28] Three fishermen stabbed in Azhikkal, Times of India,10-Dec-2011
[29] PFI is SIMI in another form, Kerala govt tells HC, The Indian Express, 26-Jul-2012
[30] ABVP men’s killing: Call to ban PFI, feeder outfits intensifies, Daily Pioneer, 07-Sep-2012
[31] Vicky Nanjappa, PFI, HuJI helped spread the panic!, http://vickynanjapa.wordpress.com (accessed on 25-07-2013)
[32]
Shridseep Biswas, In God’s Own Country, Outlook, 23-Nov-2010
[33] Kerala Police unmasks PFI’s terror face, The New Indian Express, 28-Apr-2013
[34] Bengaluru-Narath links strengthen, Deccan Chronicle, 11-May-2013
[35]C.D.Souza, SDPI’s emergence in Dakshina Kannada poses threat in the long run, URL: http://enarada.com/?p=4932, (accessed 25-Jul-2013)
[36] Narath accused had links with Dawood, claims government, The New Indian Express, 2-Jul-2013
[37] Police suspect use of foreign funds, The Hindu,20-May-2013
[38] ‘Foreign links’ of Kerala’s Islamist camp under lens, Daily Pioneer, 01-May-2013
[39] UDF Govt playing game in Narath case: Kodiyeri, Mathrubhumi, 07-May-2013
[40] T.S. Subramanian, Building new bases, Frontline, Vol.24 Iss.24, 21-Dec-2007
[41] Manitha Neethi Pasarai [MNP], (Tamil) June 21, 2006, URL: http://tmpolitics.blogspot.in/2006/06/blog-post_21.html, accessed on 25-Jul-2013
[42] Kanchan Lakshman. ‘Expanding Jihad‘, South Asian Intelligence Review, Vol. 6, No. 32, 18-Feb-2008
[43] Police and PFI activists argue over holding I-Day rehearsal, 6-Jul-2009, Times of India
[44] Muslims must continue their fight for justice: Ajit Sahi, Newswala, 20-Feb-2010
[45]Intelligence widens net to nab PFI activist, The New Indian Express, 5-Aug-2012
[46] Seizure of arms from
PFI camp raises alarm, Khaleej Times, 26-Apr-2013
[47] Bomb blast: Explosives seized in Coimbatore, The New Indian Express, 15-May-2013
[48]Bangalore bomb blast: Cases filed against 11 Muslims were foisted, says report, Times of India, 28-May-2013
[49] Two PFI men held, The New Indian Express, 24-Jul-2010
[50]http://www.popularfrontindia.org/pp/image/mukundan-c-menon-award-presented-dr-udayakumar-nchro [accessed as on 25-Jul-2013]
[51]James Lovelock in Creel Commission Interview with James Lovelock
[52]VCK Supremo Introduces SDPI Candidate for Chennai Mayor election, url:
http://www.popularfrontindia.com/ (accessed 25-Jul-2013)
[53]A.Marx et al, ‘V.Kalathur Hindu-Muslim conflicts, Government Actions and Fact Finding Team findings’, 8-Mar-2013, http://www.vkalathur.com/?p=11060(accessed on 25-Jul-2013)
[54] A.Marx, Religion and Media Today: Introductory note, @ the seminar on the same subject at Madras University, Dept. of Christian Studies, URL:http://amarx.org/?p=836 (accessed on 01-Aug-2013)
[55] Muslims want protection, curbs on Hindu processions, The Hindu, 11-Apr-2013

Aravindan Neelakandan

Co-author of acclaimed book "Breaking India", Aravindan Neelakandan has worked for the past decade with an NGO in Tamil Nadu serving marginalized rural communities in sustainable agriculture. He is also a popular science writer in Tamil and is part of the editorial team of highly popular Tamil web portal www.tamilhindu.com.
 
http://centreright.in/2013/08/the-southern-jihad-studying-an-islamist-takeover/

See also: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/interim-report-on-jihadi-killings-in.html Interim Report on Jihadi Killings in Tamil Nadu (April 2006 - July 2013) -- VSRC

Dholavira: gateway to Meluhha, gateway to Bronze Age Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization

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This is a tribute to Michel Danino for a brilliant, insightful exposition of the linear units of measurement of Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization, the Dholavira site in particular. This provides the backdrop to a lapidary-smithy revolution in process, in Meluhha, resulting in the making of polished stone pillars, socketed stone slabs, stone-cut reservoirs and alloying tin with copper to create tin-bronzes of the Bronze Age, ca. 4th millennium BCE. This was matched by another revolution: Indus writing system to encode Meluhha (Mleccha) speech to create stone-ware, metal-ware catalogs of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.
This is the huge hoarding on the northern gateway of Dholavira fortification. I call this the Bronze Age Meluhha Standard. The Standard exemplified the gateway to Bronze Age Sarasvati civilization. The Sheffield of the Ancient Near East, Chanhu-daro (River Sarasvati right-bank), is about 150 kms. to the north if a seafaring-riverine merchant from Sumer, Mesopotamia, Dilmun, or Magan moved on the navigable River Sarasvati beyond the port town of Dholavira. 
Map showing the bird's foot palaeo-delta complex representing the mouths of three rivers identified as Shatadru (Hakra), Saraswati and Drishadvati (after ali et al.; after Fig. 3 in: Roy, AB & SR Jakhar, Late quaternary drainage disorganization, and migrtion and extinction of the Vedic Saraswati in Current Science, Vol. 81, No. 9, 10 November 2001, pp. 1188-1195 Source: http://tejas.serc.iisc.ernet.in/~currsci/nov102001/1188.pdf




Dholavira (Kotda) on Kadir island, Kutch, Gujarat; 10 signs inscription found near the western chamber of the northern gate of the citadel high mound (Bisht, 1991: 81, Pl. IX); each sign is 37 cm. high and 25 to 27 cm. wide and made of pieces of white crystalline rock; the signs were apparently inlaid in a wooden plank ca. 3 m. long; maybe, the plank was mounted on the facade of the gate to command the view of the entire cityscape. Ten signs are read from left to right. The 'spoked circle' sign seems to be the divider of the three-part message. (Bisht, R.S., 1991, Dholavira: a new horizon of the Indus Civilization. Puratattva, Bulletin of Indian Archaeological Society, 20: 81; now also Parpola 1994: 113). 

The signboard connotes in Meluhha language: Meluhha copper metalworking and lapidary (engraving, bead-making) complex of Bronze Age:

1. dhatu dul eraka  'mineral, cast (metal), molten cast copper
2.khāṇḍā‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’. aduru‘native metal’ kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe' (engraving)  eraka 'molten cast copper'
3. loh‘(copper) metal’ kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.) eraka 'molten cast copper'

This first sign board of the world verily constitutes the Bronze Age Standard of Eurasia -- not merely a Meluhha Standard.Ancient Near East Bronze Age Meluhha, smithy/lapidary documents, takṣat vāk, incised speech [Evidence from sites surrounding Bhuj in Kutch: Kanmer, Dholavira, Gola Dhoro (Bagasra), Shikarpur, Khirsara, Surkotada, Desalpur, Konda Bhadli, Juni Kuran, Narapa]


See video clip: Indus Computer Graphics The civilization of the Indus Valley thrived on trade with the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia. The city of Dholavira on the estuary of the Ghaggar-Hakra River was its gateway to the sea some 4,500 years ago. http://www.nhkint.or.jp/footage/index.php?cat=Special%20Effects F013





Dholavira. gateway. A designer's impressions (reconstruction) of the world's first signboard on the gateway of fortification or citadel.

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-heralded.html  

Dholavira City layout (seen from the southwest and west). Source:  http://www.iisc.ernet.in/prasthu/pages/PP_data/dholavira.pdf


Sindhu-Sarasvati measuring scale. Lothal



Correlations with Vedic concepts
Addition of a fraction to the unit: 1 + 1/4 = 5/4
1+1+1/4 = 9/4
Repetition of a motif -- 5/4, 9/4 as in classical architecture.

Dholavira. A slotted stone for pillar base. Display of the extraordinary stone-working competence of the artisans of Dholavira. Professional architectural stone-working at its best. http://chandrashekharasandprints.wordpress.com/2013/05/04/kutch-and-kathiawar-a-tryst-with-history-part-v/

Port sites in Gujarat: predictive modelling
(After Fig. 5.3 and 9.4 in: Mathur, Roy, 2009, Predictiv modeling of Harappan port sites in the Gujarat Univ. of York, Dept of Archaeology, UK. http://roymathur.com/files/rmathuryork.pdf
This research attempts to develop a predictive model through the use of various software
tools with a view to identifying locational criteria related to possible Harappan age port
sites in the Gujarat region of North-West India and thus, assisting in forming a clearer
picture of maritime interaction network links both within the Gujarat as well as externally.
Interaction networks (After Kenoyer, harappa.com)


Dholavira located on the 'Khadir bet' was an excellent strategic location for trade and commerce as well as communication for the entire Indus civilization.
Excavations - Dholavira - Gallery
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http://asi.nic.in/asi_exca_2007_dholavira_images.asp
Dholavira. Reservoirs are cut through stones vertically. They are about 7 meters deep and 79 meters long. Reservoirs skirted the city while citadel and bath are centrally located on raised ground.


Dholavira. Bronze/coper artefacts. Copper mirror. http://akshardhoolstories.blogspot.in/p/amazing-world-of-dholavira.html

Dholavira2. Seal. 
kōna corner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.); rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) 
aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.) aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada) aduru ‘gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru’, that is, ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada). Vikalpa: sal ‘splinter’; rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) An order of men. Ex. गोसाव्यांचेअठराअखाडेआहेत.(M.)
khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.)

Thus, the three glyphs together read: khaḍā 'stone ore' + aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ +  kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’; that is, stone- and mineral-ore turner.
Dholavira1 Seal. kōna corner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sal ‘splinter’; rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Thus, together, 'turner workshop'.
koa‘in arithmetic, one’ (Santali); rebus: ko‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi)
loa ‘ficus religiosa’ (Santali) rebus: loh‘metal’ (Skt.) Rebus: lo ‘copper’. khāṇḍā ‘notch’ Marathi: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’.
kui ‘woman water carrier’ (Te.); kuhi‘smelter furnace’ (Santali)

Thus, together, the text message reads: kõdā sal 'turner's workshop' + ko ‘artisan’s workshop’+ loh khāṇḍā 'copper tools, pots and pans' + kuhi 'smelter furnace'  That is, the seal described the metalware repertoire: artisan's turner workshop for copper tools, pots and pans (with) smelter furnace.


Dholavira. Seals.

Two seals on top row showing a three-headed animal:
kõdā खोंड[ khōṇḍa ]mA young bull, a bullcalf. (MarathiRebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) mē̃ha ‘antelope’; krammara ‘looking back’; me ‘iron’; 'merchant's helper'; kamar ‘blacksmith’ (Santali) *ḍaṅgara1 ʻ cattle ʼrebus: ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi) The composite animal motif is thus a professional calling card of a blacksmith + turner + merchant.

me ‘body’ Rebus: me ‘iron’ (Mu.) Vikalpa: kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone
tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagaram 'tin' (Malayalam)
Thus, the two seals show: 
1. meḍ kāḍ kamar 'Iron stone blacksmith' +kõdā 'turner' + kāḍ me 'stone merchant's helper'
2. tagara kamar 'tin smith' +kõdā 'turner' + kāḍ me 'stone merchant's helper'


Glyph 342 'rim of jar': kaṇḍ kanka‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decoded: kaṇḍ karṇaka‘furnace scribe
G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa= bronze (Te.) dula 'pair' Rebus dul 'cast (metal)'. Thus the composite glyph reads: dul kasa 'cast bronze'. 
sal ‘splinter’; rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)
kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)
Thus, together, the text of the inscription reads: kõdā 'turner' + dul kasa 'cast bronze' +karṇaka‘scribe’, that is, cast bronze turner scribe.

 Dholavira3 Seal.

kõdā  'young bul' Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sangaḍa ‘pair’ (Marathi) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’.

kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decodedkaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'
koa ‘in arithmetic, one’ (Santali); rebusko ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi)
kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)
ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'iron, metal'
ḍagarf. ʻ little hill, slope ʼ (Marathi) Rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian)
keṇṭaicarp (Ta.) Rebus: kē̃ē̃ bell-metal, brass.
Glyph: phala ʻwhat is split' Rebus: P. N. phal ʻ blade ʼ, B. phal, °lā; Or. phaā ʻ bladeʼ (CDIAL 9052).
Thus the text message reads: phal 'blade' + kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ +kē̃ē̃ bell-metal, brass + damgar 'merchant'+ kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’+ ko ‘artisan’s workshop’ + karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'. The professional calling card of the artisan reads: scribe, turner, merchant (with) workshop for blade and bell-metal.

Dholavira4 Seal.

khaā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.) 
kolmo ‘paddy plant’; rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.Ka.) 
ranku ‘liquid measure’; rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) 
sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)
kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)
Thus the message reads: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’+ khaā‘nodule (ore), stone’+ kolami‘smithy’+ ranku ‘tin’+ sal‘workshop’+ kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’. The professional calling card: stone-work (lapidary), smithy, turner, tin workshop,

Dholavira5 Seal with one-horned young bull + standard device.

kõdā  'young bul' Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sangaḍa ‘pair’ (Marathi) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’.

kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)

sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)

khaā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.) kolmo ‘paddy plant’; rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.Ka.)

G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa= bronze (Te.) dula 'pair' Rebus dul 'cast (metal)'. Thus the composite glyph reads: dul kasa 'cast bronze'. 

ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'iron, metal'

Combined glyph: khāṇḍā ‘notch’ Marathi: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’. kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)

kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decodedkaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'

gaṇṭa = bat (Telugu) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali) The last glyph may be a variant of water-carrier. kui ‘woman water carrier’ (Te.); kuhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) Thus, both a furnace and a smelter are referenced.

Thus the entire text of the message reads:  khaā kolimi stone (workshop/smithy), i.e. lapidary; workshop (with) kõdā  'lathe'.; kasa 'bronze' and ayas 'alloy (metal)' khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans'; kaṇḍ kanka fire-altar, kuhi 'smelter' scribe.



Dholavira7 Seal. ḍagar f. ʻ little hill, slope ʼ (Marathi) Rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) ṇḍa 'arrow' khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' (Marathi)
 
Dholavira6 Seal. One-horned young bull + standard device.
kõdā  'young bul' Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sangaḍa‘pair’ (Marathi) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’.



Glyph: potramu = snout of a hog Rebus: pot = jeweller's polishing stone (Bi.)
ḍagar f. ʻ little hill, slope ʼ (Marathi) Rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian)
ṇḍ'arrow' khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' (Marathi)

Dholavira8 Seal. Gharial (Crocodile).

karā 'crocodile' Rebus: khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
kōncorner (Nk.); kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'.
koa‘in arithmetic, one’ (Santali); rebus: ko ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) khaā‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebus: khaā‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.) ko ‘horn’; ko ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi)

sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)

Composite glyph with modifying elements:hālako= a large metal ingot (G.) ālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.) abu ‘an iron spoon’ (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo‘lump (ingot?)’, baa = wide-mouthed pot; Rebus: baa = kiln (Te.) That is, baab .); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Composite glyph with modifying elements reads: baab ḍhālako 'kiln for lump ingot, large metal ingot'.

G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa = bronze (Telugu) 

Thus, the entire text of the message on the Dholavira8 tablet reads: baa  ab  ḍhālako 'kiln for lump ingot, large metal ingot' (for) kasa 'bronze'  ko ‘artisan’s workshop’ + kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; that is, a lathe workshop. 

 Dholavira9 Tablet

kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
ṇḍ'arrow' khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' (Marathi)

Dholavira 10 Tablet

kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone

kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decodedkaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe'



Dholavira20 Seal.

kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone. khāṇḍā ‘notch’ Marathi: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’. Thus, the composite glyph reads:  kāḍ  khāṇḍā 'stone tools, pots and pans'.


hālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.) khaā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebus: khaā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.)  Thus, the composite glyph reads: khaā hālako  'stone (mould) (for) large metal ingot'.




Dholavira11 Seal.

abu ‘an iron spoon’ (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, baa = wide-mouthed pot; Rebus: baa = kiln (Te.)  That is, baab kiln for lump ingot.


Ku. khuṭo ʻ leg, foot ʼ, °ṭī ʻ goat's leg ʼ; N. khuṭo ʻ leg, foot ʼ(CDIAL 3894). S. khuṛī f. ʻ heel ʼ; WPah. paṅ. khūṛ ʻ foot ʼ. khura m. ʻ hoof ʼ Rebus: khũṭ  ‘community, guild’ (Santali) kūṭa‘workshop’

Fig leaf ‘loa’; rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’ kamaḍha = ficus religiosa (Skt.); kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.)


kuṭi‘water-carrier’ (Te.); Rebus: kuṭhi‘smelter’ (Santali) kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured, composite glyph is decodedkuṭhi kaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace, fire-altar scribe'.


The entire text of Dholavira11 Seal reads: kampaṭṭam 'mint' + kuṭhi kaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace, fire-altar scribe'+ baab 'kiln for lump ingot' + kūṭa ‘workshop’. That is, mint with furnace, fire-altar and ingot, engraving workshop.



Dholavira16 Seal.

ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Cassiterite)


tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagaram 'tin'


 bhaa 'warrior' Rebus: baa = kiln (Te.)


kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. 


The entire message reads: ranku 'cassiterite (unfurnace)', tagaraka 'tin (furnaced)' + baa 'kiln' + karṇaka‘scribe’.

Dholavira12 Seal.

ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Cassiterite)


tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagaram 'tin'


khaā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.) hālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)


dula 'two, pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'. Thus the message reads: cassiterite (unfurnace), tin (furnaced) nodule stone (ore), cast metal large ingot. Thus, the seal announces the availability of cassiterite (tin) ore and cast tin ingot.


Dholavira13 Seal.

kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'.

bhaṭa‘six’; rebus: bhaṭa‘furnace’ bhaṭa‘iron’ (Gujarati)

kolmo 'paddy plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

Thus the entire message reads: kolimi 'smithy,forge'; bhaṭa 'iron, furnace'kõdā sal 'turner workshop'.


Dholavira14 Seal.

kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone

koa ‘in arithmetic, one’ (Santali); rebus: ko ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi)



खांडा [khāṇḍā] A division of a field. (Marathi) khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' (Marathi) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'.
Thus, the entire message reads: dul khāṇḍā 'cast metal tools, pots and pans' + kāḍ  ‘stone’ + ko ‘artisan’s workshop’. It is a lapidary's workshop and a  smithy forge.
Dholavira15 Seal.

ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' + inclined stroke: dhāḷ‘a slope’; ‘inclination of a plane’ (G.); ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati) Thus the composite glyph reads: ayo ḍhālako 'a large alloy metal ingot'
abu ‘an iron spoon’ (Santali) Rebus: ab, himba, hompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, baa = wide-mouthed pot; Rebus: baa = kiln (Te.)  That is, baab kiln for lump ingot.
kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
ṇḍ'arrow' khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' (Marathi)
Thus the entire message reads: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' + kolimi 'smithy, forge'+ baab kiln for lump ingot + yo ḍhālako 'a large alloy metal ingot'.
Dholavira17 Seal.

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'

kamāṭhiyo = archer; kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.)   Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) 
kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ (Te.); Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ (Santali)
Thus the message reads: dul 'cast (metal)' kampaṭṭam 'mint' kuṭhi ‘smelter’ 
Dholavira18 Seal. 'One-horned young bull'.
kõdā 'young bull' Rebus: ‘to turn in a lathe’ That is, 'lathe turner'.
L. nõ˅, khet. naũ, awāṇ. naɔ̃, Ku. nau, gng. , náva2 ʻ nine ʼ RV.Kal.rumb. , Kho. nyoh (whence y? -- h from Pers.? BelvalkarVol 94), Pa. nava, Pk. ṇava, Ḍ. nau, Ash. no, , Wg. nū̃, Pr. , Dm. nō̃, Tir. nāb, Paš.lauṛ. nāˊwa, ar. nāu, dar. , Shum. , Niṅg. nū̃, Woṭ. nau, Gaw. nū̃, Bshk. nab, num, Tor. nom, Kand. nāũ, Mai. naũ, Sv. nōu, Phal. nau, , nū̃, Sh.gil. náŭ, pales. nāũ, K. nav,nau, nam, pog. nāu, rām. kash. ḍoḍ. nau, S. nãvã, P. naũ, bhaṭ. nau, WPah.bhal. paṅ. cur. nao, N. nau, A. B. na, Or.na, naa, Bi. Mth. Aw.lakh. nau, H. nau, nam, OMarw. nova, G. nav, M. nav, naū, Ko. nav, OSi. nava, Si. namaya, Md. nuva.(CDIAL 6984). Rebus: rebus: loa 'copper' (Santali); loha 'copper' (Skt.)



kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ (Te.); Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ (Santali) kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured, composite glyph is decodedkuṭhi kaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace, fire-altar scribe'.

Thus the message reads: lo 'copper' + kuṭhi ‘smelter’. 




Dholavira19 Seal.

Segment 1: blade workshop scribe

Glyph: phala ʻwhat is split' Rebus: P. N. phal ʻ blade ʼ, B. phal, °lā; Or. phaā ʻ bladeʼ (CDIAL 9052). 

sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'. kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the complex glyph reads: sal karṇaka 'workshop scribe'.

Segment 2: metal casting smithy scribe

kolmo 'paddy plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal). Together, the compound glyph reads: dul kolimi 'metal casting smithy, forge'.

kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’

Segment 3: cast bronze workshop scribe

sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'. kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the complex glyph reads: sal karṇaka 'workshop scribe'.


Ta.koṭiṟupincers.Ma.koṭiltongs.Ko.koṛhook of tongs. / Cf. Skt. (P. 4.4.18)kuṭilikā-smith's tongs.(DEDR 2052). Rebus: kuṭi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali)kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin)(CDIAL 3230). dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal).  Thus the complex glyph reads: dul kuṭila 'cast bronze with copper 8 parts and tin 2 parts'.


The name of the Dholavira village is koTDa. Sign 244 and variants could be a representation of a warehouse (granary) with three rows of pillars to hold storage planks to stock metal/stone artefacts. See the photos of a number of warehouses in Harappa; and of what is called a "granary room" in Mohenjodaro. These structures compare with the Sign 244. These structural remains have also been interpreted by many archaeologists as a granary.



kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy'

kōṭhī  f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. Rebus: khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ metal. Vikalpa: Glyph: phala 'gaming board' Rebus: phaā ʻbladeʼ (Oriya)








Sign 99
Glyph242

kōncorner (Nk.); tu. kōu angle, corner (Tu.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) kōṭhī  'treasury, granary' Rebus: khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ metal.

sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'.

kole.l 'smithy, temple'; sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'. 

The inscription on stone reads: kole.l 'smithy'; kõdā 'lathe turner' (for) khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ metal sal 'workshop'.

Glyphs: Sign nos. 244, 261, 99, 242 These glyphs occur on other inscriptions:


The U sign infixed within Sign 242 (which becomes Sign 243), could be bat.i 'broad-mouthed, rimless metal vessel'; rebus: bat.i 'smelting furnace'. The structural form within which this sign is enclosed may represent a templekole.l 'temple, smithy' (Ko.);kolme smithy' (Ka.) 



Thus, the ligatured Sign 243 may be read as: kolme bat.i= smithy furnace.



kole.l smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.); kwala.l Kota smithy (To.) (DEDR 2133).


sal ‘splinter’; sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)

sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); saḷī  small thin stick; saḷiyo bar, rod, pricker (G.); śoḷ reed (Kho.)(CDIAL 12343).  salleha, selleha = splinter (Ka.lex.)

சால்² cāl  [K. sāl, M. cāl.] Furrow in ploughing; உழவுசால். உழுத செஞ்சால் (சீவக. 817) 

kōna corner (Nk.); u angle, corner (Tulu)Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)


m0295 Mohenjo-daro seal






c
āli 'Interlocking bodies' 
(IL 3872) Rebus: sal 'workshop' (Santali)
Pict-61: Composite motif of three tigers

1386 
kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) sal ‘splinter’; sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)
kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone
kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decoded: kaṇḍ karṇaka‘furnace scribe'
kole.l smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.)

Thus, the message on the seal reads: kõdā sal ‘turner's ’; kāḍ ‘stone workshop’; karṇaka‘furnace scribe'; kole.l smithy, temple.

RahulG alien, PM not in control --Sukhbir Singh Badal

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Rahul Gandhi is an alien and the PM is out of control, says Sukhbir Singh Badal

  | Chandigarh, August 7, 2013 | 18:39
Punjab Deputy CM Sukhbir Singh Badal
Punjab Deputy CM Sukhbir Singh Badal
(Left) Congress VP Rahul Gandhi and PM Manmohan Singh.
 
Punjab Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal Wednesday described Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi an "alien" who is "oblivious about the ground level situation in villages".

Slamming Gandhi for saying that "poverty is state of mind ", Badal said: "It is surprising that leaders who have not fought even panchayat elections are ruling the country. Without any knowledge of ground level situation, they are framing policies from air-conditioned rooms in Delhi."

Badal was addressing a gathering at Fatehgarh Sahib, 60 km from here, after administering oath to newly elected village representatives.

Taking a dig at the Congress leadership, Badal said: "Indira Gandhi gave the slogan of 'Garibi Hatao' (Remove Poverty), and now her grandson (Rahul Gandhi) is bent on removing the poor from the country."

He said the Akali Dal government introduced several welfare schemes for the poor but the Congress leadership tried to scuttle these.

Badal said it was laughable that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who decried Punjab's 'Atta-Dal' scheme a wasteful expenditure, was copying the scheme in the food security ordinance.

PM not in control

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was "not in control" of the situation in the country with even smaller neighbouring countries "showing eyes" to India, said Shiromani Akali Dal president and Punjab Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal Wednesday.

"India is suffering at every international forum because of weak-kneed policies of the Congress-led UPA government. Even Maldives, Nepal and Bangladesh are showing eyes to India. Realizing the fact that the prime minister of India was not in control of the situation, every neighbour is entering India with immunity and India is failing to safeguard its territorial borders," Badal said.

He added that "every third day China enters India and now Pakistan is gloating after killing five soldiers after entering in Indian territory".

Badal said that India failed to give a strong message to Pakistan after barbaric attack on Mumbai on 26/11 and later after beheading of two soldiers.

"By its repeated incursions Pakistan is exposing the hollowness of future super power India," Badal said in Fatehgarh Sahib, 60 km from here.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/rahul-gandhi-is-an-alien-says-sukhbir-singh-badal/1/298466.html

SC refrains from passing order on Swamy plea in Aircel-Maxis case

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SC refrains from passing order on Swamy plea in Aircel-Maxis case

New Delhi, Aug 7 (PTI) The Supreme Court today refrained from passing any order on the plea by Janata Party chief Subramanian Swamy questioning the FIPB clearance granted to Aircel-Maxis deal in 2006 during the 
UPA-1 regime when P Chidambaram was the Finance Minister.

The court said it will wait for the completion of the probe into the irregularities in Aircel-Maxis deal allegedly involving former telecom minister Dayanidhi Maran for which CBI has been asked to file the charge sheet in two months.
"No order is required to be passed at this stage. Let the investigation be completed. Let the matter be listed after completion of the investigation," a bench comprising justices G S Singhvi and K S Radhakrishnan said.

It also allowed Swamy to file a fresh application by amending the prayers for seeking CBI inquiry into the Foreign Investment Promotion Board meeting which on March 7, 2006 that gave nod to the controversial deal by which Maxis acquired 99 per cent economic interest in the Aircel.

The bench said he has to amend his prayer as in the application he has sought investigation against Chidambaram and there was no specific prayer for probe relating to the FIPB meeting. Swamy claimed that the March 12, 2006 official press note dealt with the FIPB clearance granted to Century Telephone from US and Redington Pte Ltd from Singapore to acquire 74 per cent in Aircel and approval was for enhancing 49 per cent shares to 74 per cent.

However, he said on Octobeer, 2010, a PIB release spoke about the FIPB clearance given to Malaysia's Maxis through its Mauritius-based subsidiary Global Communication Services Holding Ltd for acquiring stake in Aircel. When asked by the bench, senior advocate K K Venugopal, appearing for the CBI, said it was a mistake which was rectified later.

On his submission, the bench asked him to file an affidavit saying it cannot pass an order on the oral submission.
"You have to file an affidavit. Otherwise we cannot pass any order," the bench said after it wanted to know whether "any affidavit was filed by anyone explaining that mistake".

During the hearing, advocate Prashant Bhushan, appearing for the NGO, Centre for Public Interest Litigation (CPIL), said he was also supporting the allegations of Swamy that FIPB clearance granted to Maxis-Aircel deal needed full probe.

The apex court on August 1 had directed the CBI to place before it the minutes of the March 7, 2006 meeting of the FIPB giving nod to the deal.Maran has been accused of forcing Chennai-based telecom promoter C Sivasankaran to sell the stake in Aircel in 2006 to a Malaysian firm Maxis Group owned by Kuala Lumpur-based business tycoon T Ananda Krishnan. PTI AAC RKS VSC

Poonch Ambush. Pak two-faced lies - Sandhya Jain

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Exclusive: Details of LoC killings that came before Poonch ambush

by  Aug 7, 2013
Even as fresh skirmishes rage along the northern reaches of the Line of Control, new details are emerging on the controversial killing of four Pakistani men on the Line of Control, an incident which is believed to have set off a spiral of clashes culminating in Monday’s lethal ambush of troops near Chakan-da-Bagh in Poonch. Pakistan has alleged that the four men were kidnapped by Indian troops operating across the Line of Control.
Police documentation exclusively obtained by Firstpost suggests that Zafran Ghulam Sarwar, Shah Zaman, Muhammad Faisal and Wajid Akbar may have been killed near Katwar Post, a forward position along the Line of Control in the Macchel sector, along the Neelam river, late on the night of 29 July.
Firstpost had broken news, on Tuesday, about concerns that the alleged killings and skirmishes which followed it may have triggered off a cycle leading to the killings of five Indian troops in Poonch-sparking off the worst India-Pakistan crisis in months.
In a First Information Report filed on 30 July, Indian troops said they had killed four unidentified Pakistani intruders. The FIR records the army’s statement that it recovered a AK-56 assault rifle, three pistols and a 12-bore shotgun from the group.
“You would expect terrorists to carry weapons like the AK-56″, a senior Jammu and Kashmir-based army officer said, “but I can’t understand what they’d be doing with a 12-bore gun, which is typically used for hunting small prey”.
He also noted it was unusual for an infiltrating group of four terrorists to possess only one assault rifle, and no grenades or communication equipment.
The army is accused of abducting four Pakistani men and killing them. PTI
The army is accused of abducting four Pakistani men and killing them. PTI
Local residents, who helped bury the bodies after they were handed over to local police through a special police officer attached to the army, said at least two of the men were wearing rubber flip-flops-again, unusual gear for men who had infiltrated mountain passes leading through the rugged Neelam valley.
The FIR was signed on behalf of the 56 Rashtriya Rifles by its adjutant. The Rashtriya Rifles, drawn from various army formations, is generally deployed on counter-insurgency duties inside Jammu and Kashmir. However, the 56 Rashtriya Rifles operates up to the fencing running along the Line of Control.
It remains unclear, though, if the four men were, as Pakistan claims, innocent local residents who strayed close to the Line of Control while collecting herbs. Local residents say the men could also have been out poaching musk-deer, a common-if illegal activity. Intelligence officials based in Jammu and Kashmir had earlier told Firstpost that there was reason to believe the four men had been kidnapped in a cross-border operation, targettng individuals helping cross-border infiltrators.
The alleged kidnapping took place in the midst of a series of sweeps targeting groups of jihadists who had made their way across the Line of Control into the Hafruda forests above the north Kashmir town of Kupwara. In the last week of July alone, twelve jihadists were killed in northern Kashmir’s Kupwara district–levels of infiltration not seen in years. Five terrorists were killed short of Hema Post, on the Line of Control in Kupwara. The infiltration surge, as Firstpost recently revealed, has led to the first uptick in violence levels through Jammu and Kashmir since the near-war of 2001-2002.
New Delhi has so far offered no official comment on the controversy, while Jammu and Kashmir Director-General of Police Ashok Prasad will be probed only if the government orders an investigation.
Fighting between the two armies continues along the Line of Control, with both sides trading small-arms fire at Kamalkot, near Uri, last night and this morning. Two Pakistani soldiers are reported to have been injured in the latest exchanges.
Low-grade skirmishes have broken out regularly since January, when Pakistani troops beheaded two Indian soldiers, Lance-Naik Hem Raj and Lance-Naik Sudhakar Naik, in an ambush.
Later, in February, Pakistan alleged that one of its soldiers had been executed in cold blood after accidentally straying across the Line of Control and being taken prisoner. India, however, disputed this version of events.
“We detected some suspicious movement near the LoC inside our territory and the challengers from our side fired”, said Lieutenant-Colonel Rajesh Kalia, a spokesperson for the Indian army.
Late last month, Pakistan complained that “unprovoked” Indian fire had led to the death of Sepoy Asim Iqbal in the Nazia Peer sector, near the town of Rawlakote. India, however, said the firing began in response to an infiltration attempt.
Experts say the fighting is driven by both sides jockeying for tactical advantage along the Line of Control-a process in turn underpinned by the need of Indian troops to dominate possible infiltration routes, and the Pakistan army’s efforts to deny them those vantage positions.
Last year, in October, an escalatory spiral developed when Pakistan complained of new Indian border works at Charunda, in Uri. India responded that the works were purely defensive, intended to prevent illegal border crossings–among them, one of an elderly villager who left Charunda to be with her sons across the Line of Control. The unresolved dispute led to exchanges of fire, which eventually escalated into shelling and the killings of soldiers on both sides.
The November 2003 ceasefire, Indian diplomatic sources say, was based on an unwritten “agreement,” which in essence stipulated that neither side would reinforce its fortifications along the Line of Control –a measure first agreed to after the 1971 war. In 2006, the two sides exchanged drafts for a formal agreement–but the talks have stalled.

Pakistan's dangerous 

two-faced lies 

No end to UPA cowardice, Nawaz Sharif Administration more of the same

Pakistan speaks with velvet tongue, attacks with iron fist

By Sandhya Jain on August 7, 2013

Pakistan speaks with velvet tongue, attacks with iron fist
Escalating incidents of aggression on the western frontier make it imperative that we separate the wheat from the chaff of political rhetoric before we err into the abyss of diplomacy with a neighbour whose unprovoked hostility is once again being glossed over by the Congress-dominated UPA Government. Islamabad is speaking to New Delhi with a velvet tongue and an iron fist. We must not permit a lame duck Government to heap scorn upon our dead heroes by surreptitiously resorting to another ‘Sharm el-Shaikh’.
Note that despite the friendly noises emanating from Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif during his election campaign, the most memorable act of the new regime was the allocation of Rs 61.35 million to the Jamaat ud Dawa (JuD) by the Punjab Provincial Government in June 2013, ostensibly for social work at its Markaz-e-Taiba centre at Muridkey.
The province is governed by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. The JuD is the parent body of the banned Lashkar-e-Tayyeba, whose chief Hafiz Saeed is believed to have masterminded the November 2008 terror attack on Mumbai. Pakistan defended the allocation saying that the JuD was not proscribed by the UN Security Council, and that it had appointed an administrator to run the Markaz-e-Taiba, thought Pakistani media said JuD was effectively in control of the place.
This startling event should have set the paradigm for New Delhi’s assessment of the kind of set up Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would be made to preside over by the powers that control the State and institutions in Pakistan. It does not take a rocket scientist to recall that Nawaz Sharif was reigning in Islamabad when the Kargil misadventure took place, either without his knowledge, or with his reluctant consent. His attempt to stand up against a formidable section of the Army resulted in his exile to Saudi Arabia. To expect such a man to deliver peace and goodwill is an exercise in self-delusion.
The latest outrage saw five Indian jawans (four of them from the 21 Bihar Regiment) ambushed and killed in Poonch sector on August 6. Yet, Defence Minister AK Anthony spoke of terrorists in Pakistani military uniforms, thus continuing the UPA’s policy of toeing the Western line of soft-peddling Pakistani terror attacks at the cost of the national interest. How can any terrorist organisation operate from Pakistani territory without the backing of the Army and the ISI? Even if there was no involvement of the Pakistan army in the Poonch incident, New Delhi knows it is incorrect to speak of non-State actors when we are suffering State-sponsored terror.
There seems an obvious link with the American attempt to exit from Afghanistan with dignity by discouraging Taliban attacks on its retreating soldiers. An obvious strategy is to divert the jihadis to another frontier by providing alternate ‘soft targets’ in India. It is well known that Washington is keen to talk to and clinch a deal with the Taliban which is causing discomfort in New Delhi. According the intelligence sources, Lakshar-e-Tayyeba is already operating in Kabul with logistic support from the Haqqani network, which is close to Pakistani intelligence. The attack on the Indian consulate in Jalalabad on August 3 is being seen in the light of this collaboration.
This is why one takes with a pinch of salt the claim that India initiated the ‘dirty war’ preceding the Poonch ambush by allegedly kidnapping four “innocent herb collectors” (Zafran Ghulam Sarwar, Wajid Akbar, Mohammad Wajid Akbar and Mohammad Faisal) in the Neelam valley on July 28, by crossing the Line of Control. This is supposed to be the reason for Pakistan’s ambush of August 6, much as the supposed beheading of Pakistani jawans by India (in Kargil and other places) was supposed to explain the beheading of an Indian jawan and murder of another in the Mendhar sector in January 2013.
Interestingly, both claims on behalf of Pakistan originated in India, and not in Pakistan. The same source claimed that after the disappearance of the herb gatherers, another five men (possibly guides for the jihadis trying to cross over) were shot dead by Indian troops in the same area, 500 metres on the Indian side of the LoC. The men are unidentified and the bodies have not been recovered.
It is pertinent that increasing ceasefire violations by Pakistan in Jammu & Kashmir seem to accompany the escalated rhetoric from Chief Minister Omar Abdullah for a political solution to the so-called problem of J&K and withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. The election of a new Government in Pakistan has seen increased attempts by jihadis to infiltrate into India; hence increased vigilance by the Army and increased skirmishes on the border.
In this context, Defence Minister Antony cut a sorry figure when he ascribed the attack to “terrorists along with persons dressed in Pakistan Army uniform”, even as the Army spokesman said that 20 heavily armed terrorists launched the attack in concert with “soldiers from Pak Army”. Sadly, the Army was probably pressured to revise its statement to conform to that of the Minister.
And the unseemly haste with which Foreign Minister Salman Khurshid ignored Islamabad’s insulting claim of ignorance of the attack and said the two neighbours should not treat each other as “untouchables”, betrays the UPA’s anxiety to resume the stalled dialogue, without any commensurate advantage to India. New Delhi has already agreed for a meeting between Prime Ministers Manmohan Singh and Nawaz Sharif at New York in September, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting, as well as for talks on the Tulbul navigation project / Wullar Barrage and Sir Creek issues.
It would be in the fitness of things to leave all dialogue to the next Government.

Visible Meluhha. Invention of Writing in Ancient Middle East. Maybe, Chanhu-daro rattles will produce evidence for visible Meluhha

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Mlecchita vikalpa is the term used in Vātsyāyana’s Kāmasūtra to denote cypher writing.
Visible Language

Visible Language: Inventions of Writing in the Ancient Middle East and Beyond [Paperback]
Christopher Woods (Editor)
Available for download at
ISBN: 9781885923769 | Published by: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago | Series: ORIENTAL INSTITUTE MUSEUM PUBLICATIONS | Volume: 32 | Year of Publication: 2010 | Language: English 240p, 146 color photos

Details

Writing, the ability to make language visible and permanent, is one of humanity's greatest inventions. This book presents current perspectives on the origins and development of writing in Mesopotamia and Egypt, providing an overview of each writing system and its uses. Essays on writing in China and Mesoamerica complete coverage of the four "pristine" writing systems - inventions of writing in which there was no previous exposure to texts. The authors explore what writing is, and is not, and sections of the text are devoted to Anatolian hieroglyphs of Anatolia, and to the development of the alphabet in the Sinai Peninsula in the second millennium BC and its spread to Phoenicia where it spawned the Greek and Latin alphabets. This richly illustrated volume, issued in conjunction with an exhibit at the Oriental Institute, provides a current perspective on, and appreciation of, an invention that changed the course of history.

Table of Contents

Visible Language: The Earliest Writing Systems, Christopher Woods
Iconography of Protoliterate Seals, Oya Topçuoglu 
The Earliest Mesopotamian Writing, Christopher Woods
Adaptation of Cuneiform to Write Akkadian, Andrea R. Seri
The Rise and Fall of Cuneiform Script in Hittite Anatolia, Theo van den Hout
The Conception and Development of the Egyptian Writing System, Elise V. MacArthur
The Earliest Egyptian Writing, Andréas Stauder
Egyptian Hieroglyphic Writing, Janet H. Johnson
Hieratic, Kathryn E. Bandy
Demotic, Janet H. Johnson
Ptolemaic Hieroglyphs, François Gaudard 
Coptic, T. G. Wilfong
Invention and Development of the Alphabet, Joseph Lam
The Beginnings of Writing in China, Edward L. Shaughnessy
The Development of Maya Writing, Joel Palka
Anatolian Hieroglyphic Writing, Ilya Yakubovich

See teasers from the Exhibition installation and Exhibition website at 
http://oi.uchicago.edu/museum/special/writing/ (including some video clips, Image Gallery)
Download the Exhibit catalog http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/oimp32.pdf

See also: http://ancientneareast.org/tag/oriental-institute/ where  reports on the Exhibit and attempts reading the hieroglyphs on a plaque:

Christopher Woods who edited the exquisite volume notes in his introduction:

"The invention of writing and of a convenient system of records on paper has had a greater influence in uplifting the human race than any other intellectual achievement in the career of man. It was more important than all the battles ever fought and all the consitutions ever devised. -- JH Breasted, The Conquest of Civilization, pp. 53-54." The ability to represent language graphically, to make language visible, stands as one of humanity's greatest intellectual and cultural achievements. It is an often-quoted sentiment that speech is to being human, what writing is to civilization, or, in the words of the anthropologist Jack Goody, 'Cognitively as well as sociologically, writing underpins 'civilization,' the culture of cities' (1987, p.300) (Woods, Christopher, ed., 2010, Visible Language, p. 15).

Visible language, a picturesque phrase. Another picturesque phrase appears in what could be the world's very old human document: gveda. The phrase is takṣat vāk, 'incised speech' since early writing occurred on tablets and potsherds.

Christopher Woods presents a Three-dimensional CT scan of the contents of a clay envelope from the site Chogha Mish in southwest Iran. (Fig. 2.16, ibid., p. 48).

I hope a similar CT-scan will be done of the 10 clay envelopes (rattles?) discovered at Chanhu-daro, the Sheffied of the Ancient Near East, by Dr. EJH Mackay of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. I have written to the Museum authorities and hope there will be a positive response.

An example from Page 50 of Christopher Wood's book (2010) may be cited:


After Fig. 2.20. Impression of an Uruk-period cylinder seal from the former Erlenmeyer collection, Berlin, in: Wood, Christopher, ibid., p.50

Reading rebus the Meluhha words on this cylinder seal, the hieroglyphs -- scarf, reed, four stars, bull -- can be interpreted as logoglottosememes:

dhau 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral (ore)'

काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. Rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'. Thus, together, the glyphs of a pair of scarfed reeds read rebus: dul dhatu kāḍ 'cast mineral (ore) stone'.

meḍha 'polar star' Rebus: me 'iron'
gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: kaṇḍa 'furnace'
hangar 'bull' Rebus: hangar 'blacksmith'

The upraised circular motif in front of the bull may denote a bun ingot,ḍhāako 'a large metal ingot' (Gujarati)
 
Thus, the cylinder seal is a metalware catalog of a blacksmith working with mineral (ore), iron and furnace.

Kalyanaraman

Malcolm Rogers
Ann and Graham Gund Director Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Avenue of the Arts
465 Huntington Avenue
Boston, Massachusetts 02115

I have a membership account with MFA.


This post details the need to unravel the contents of rattles. This includes some pictures of rattles of Chanhu-daro in MFA collections gallery: http://www.mfa.org/

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston holds perhaps the largest collection of rattles excavated from Chanhu-daro of Indus valley civilization thanks to the extraordinary archaeological work done by EJH Mackay on behalf of MFA.

The URL cited above provides a glimpse of about 10 rattles held in the collections of the Museum.

As you know, in the nearby sites of Mesopotamian/Elam civilization, tokens and bullae were used for account-keeping. Since Chanhu-daro was recognized as the Sheffield of Ancient Near East (cf. article in Illustrated London News of Nov. 26, 1936. cf.http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-heralded.html 

The insights provided by many scholars and researchers do indicate that the rattles could have held tokens used for account keeping. A rattle found at Sibri was also discussed in Indo-Eurasian_Research Group. cf. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/ancient-near-east-transition-fro-bullae.html

I request for help from MFA Boston Museum authorities to investigate further the contents of the rattles (bullae?) of Chanhu-daro. Given the context of metalware and stoneware (carnelian, agate etc.) work done at this archaeological site, it is possible that the rattles of Chanhu-daro hold some tiny, miniature incised tablets with Indus writing to indicate the types of metal artefacts accounted for. This could be of significance for unraveling the secrets of purposes served by Indus Writing.

I am grateful to Prof. Richard Sproat who (in personal communication) provided a lead referring to http://oi.uchicago.edu/pdf/oimp32.pdf around page 48.  I have cc-ed this mail to Prof. Sproat and Prof. Mehdi Mortazavi. University of Sistan and Baluchestan.

Richard mentions that Chris Woods, Sumerologist at the Oriental Institute in Chicago has been involved in a project to do CT scans of the bullae in the OIC collection. He basically teamed up with some people who do CT scanning at the UC medical school.  

It will be helpful if MFA in Boston could arrange for something similar with one of the many fine medical institutions in the Boston area to do non-destructive investigation of the Chanhu-daro rattles held in the Museum to delineate the contents which could have been inscribed tablets or just pebble-stones. Who knows?

This certainly will be an effort as a tribute to the late Dr. EJH Mackay, M.A., D.Litt., FSA, who has made enormous contributions to the study of Indus valley civilization with archaeological work at Chanhu-daro, Mohenjo-daro etc.


I look forward to receiving your positive response, thanking you for your consideration and with the best regards,

Cumulative list of blogposts on Indus Script as of August 8, 2013

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/visible-meluhha-invention-of-writing-in.htmlVisible Meluhha. Invention of Writing in Ancient Middle East. Maybe, Chanhu-daro rattles will produce evidence for visible Meluhha 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/dholavira-gateway-to-meluhha-gateway-to.htmlDholavira: gateway to Meluhha, gateway to Bronze Age Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/bronze-age-kanmer-bagasra.htmlBronze Age Meluhha, smithy/lapidary documents, takṣat vāk, incised speech
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/hieroglyphs-of-ancient-near-east-as.htmlHieroglyphs of Ancient Near East as Indus Meluhha ...

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-jangad-accounting-for.html Ancient Near East jangaḍ accounting for mercatile transactions-- evidence of Indus writing presented.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-legacy_6.html Ancient Near East bronze-age legacy: Processions depicted on Narmer palette, Indus writing denote artisan guilds
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-art-indus-writing.html Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east-on.html An ancient Near East proto-cuneiform tablet with Indus writing
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-on-dilmun-type-seals.html Indus writing in ancient Near East (Failaka seal readings)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/indus-writing-on-gold-disc-kuwait.html Indus writing on gold disc, Kuwait Museum al-Sabah collection: An Indus metalware catalog
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/did-indus-writing-deal-with-numeration.html Did Indus writing deal with numeration? No. The writing dealt with metalware accounting as technical specs. in bills-of-lading.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/tokens-and-bullae-evolve-into-indus.html Tokens and bullae evolve into Indus writing, underlying language-sounds read rebus
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/see-httpbharatkalyan97.html Indus writing in ancient Near East (Dilmun seal readings)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/bahrain-digs-unveil-one-of-oldest.html Bahrain digs unveil one of oldest civilisations -- BBC
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/indus-writing-as-metalware-catalogs-and_21.html Indus writing in ancient Near East as metalware catalogs and not as agrarian accounting
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/on-perceiving-aryan-migrations-by.html On perceiving aryan migrations by Witzel misquoting vedic ritual texts. Explaining mleccha vācas in Indian sprachbund.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/ancient-ivory-metal-traces-on.html Indus writing and ancient Ivory. Metal traces on Phoenician artifacts show long-gone paint and gold
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/functions-served-by-terracotta-cakes-of.html Functions served by terracotta cakes of Indus civilization: Like ANE tokens for counting metal and alloy ingots
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/bronze-age-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html Bronze-age writing in ancient Near East: Two Samarra bowls and Warka vase
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/bronze-age-glyphs-and-writing-in.html Bronze-age glyphs and writing in ancient Near East: Two cylinder seals from Sumer
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html Indus Writing in ancient Near East: Corpora and a dictionary and Akkadian Rising Sun: two new books (April 2013)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/08/proto-indian-in-harosheth-hagoyim.html Proto-Indian in harosheth hagoyim (S.Kalyanaraman 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/07/between-mesopotamia-and-meluhha-ancient.html Between Mesopotamia and Meluhha: an ancient world of writing
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/05/spinner-bas-relief-of-susa-8th-c-bce.html Spinner bas-relief of Susa, 8th c. BCE -- message of wheelwright guild
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/04/indian-hieroglyphs-indus-script-corpora.html Indian hieroglyphs -- Indus script corpora, archaeo-metallurgy and Meluhha (Mleccha)(S. Kalyanaraman, 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/03/protovedic-continuity-theory.html Protovedic Continuity Theory (Kalyanaraman, 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/03/decrypting-sangar-fortified-settlement.html Decrypting sangar, fortified settlement on Indus script corpora (Kalyanaraman, March 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/03/trefoil-as-indian-hieroglyph.html Trefoil as an Indian hieroglyph: association with veneration of ancestors, sacredness (Kalyanaraman, March 10, 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/02/dr-s-kalyanaramans-recent-contribution.html Dr. S. Kalyanaraman's recent contribution to archaeo-metallurgy - Jayasree Saranathan
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/12/indus-valley-mystery-and-use-of-tablets.htmlIndus valley mystery. Archaeology and language: Archaeological context of Indus script cipher.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/12/acarya-hemacandra-1088-1173-ce.htmlDecoding 'ram' glyph of Indus script, meḍh: rebus: 'helper of merchant'
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/syena-orthography.htmlśyena, orthography, Sasanian iconography. Continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/assyrian-goat-fish-on-seal-interaction.htmlAssyrian goat-fish on a seal; compared with crocodile-fish hieroglyphs on Indus Script
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/susa-ritual-basin-decorated-with.htmlGoat and fish as hieroglyphs of Indus script: Susa-Meluhha interactions. Meluhhan interpreter 'may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script.'
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/indus-script-examples-of-free-hand.htmlIndus script: examples of free-hand writing. A professional calling card on gold pendant.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.htmlDecoding two long inscriptions of Indus Script (Kalyanarman, 2011)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/mohenjo-daro-stupa-great-bath-modeled.htmlMohenjo-daro stupa & Great Bath - Modeled after Ziggurat and Sit Shamshi (Kalyanaraman, 2011)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-indus-scipt-susa-cylinder-seal.htmlDecoding Indus Script Susa cylinder seal: Susa-Indus interaction areas
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-fish-and-ligatured-fish-glyphs.htmlDecoding fish and ligatured-fish glyphs of Indus script (S. Kalyanaraman, November 2011)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/10/road-to-meluhha-dt-potts-1982.htmlMleccha, linguistic area; Meluhha -- Locus and interaction areas


The five policy missteps that have led India to economic crisis -- Shankar Acharya

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The five policy missteps that have led India to economic crisis
hankar Acharya  August 7, 2013


Yes, we are in an economic crisis, albeit in its early stages. How else would you describe a situation where economic growth has collapsed, industrial output has stagnated for two years, jobs are being shed, consumer inflation is close to 10 per cent, the current account deficit (CAD) in the balance of payments is nearly five per cent of GDP at last count, investment is fleeing abroad, external debt maturing in the current fiscal year exceeds $170 billion and the rupee is touching new lows (or highs against the dollar!) each week? It was all avoidable, if our policy-makers had been more competent and effective (and less venal, some might add). There was plenty of warning commentary by independent analysts (this columnist included) over the past five years as each major policy misstep was taken. For the record and for future lesson-drawing, it is useful to briefly outline the five biggest economic policy mistakes (out of a long list), aside from the pervasive nine-year long drought of productivity-enhancing economic reforms.

The fiscal blowout of 2008-09
In the six years to 2007-08 the combined (Centre and states) fiscal deficit had been brought down from nearly 10 per cent of GDP to four per cent. This remarkable fiscal consolidation was squandered in the single, pre-election of year of 2008-09 when the combined deficit (inclusive of off-Budget items) leapt to over 10 per cent of GDP. The central government budget deficit target of 2.5 per cent of GDP, presented by the current finance minister in February 2008, was massively overshot in the course of the year to yield an outcome of 8.2 per cent of GDP (including off-Budget items), easily the biggest overshooting in India's history. Although later rationalised as "fiscal stimulus" to counteract the global crisis, in fact, the great bulk of the overshooting occurred before the Lehman crisis of September 2008, mainly in the form of pay increases, subsidy hikes and NREGA rollout.

This unprecedented splurge of fiscal profligacy may indeed have cushioned the fallout from the global crisis for a year or two. But the composition of the huge expenditure hikes (mainly government pay, subsidies and entitlement programmes) made subsequent retraction politically difficult. As a result, the persisting high fiscal deficits since 2008 have fuelled the long bout of inflation, kept interest rates high, reduced public savings and fed the rising CAD.

Exchange rate mismanagement since 2009
Although senior government spokesmen tend to project India's external deficit pressures as a recent problem, in fact, the CAD has been consistently above the prime minister's "safe benchmark" of 2.5 per cent of GDP since 2009-10. That means we are in the fifth year of a dangerously high CAD. A significant contributory factor has been the authorities' (government plus RBI) shift since spring 2009 to a relatively "hands off" policy towards the rupee's exchange rate. So, when capital inflows recovered since 2009, the rupee was allowed to appreciate sharply in 2009 and 2010, despite a clearly rising CAD. As some of us pointed out then, the authorities should have instead followed the well-tested, pre-2008 policy of limiting appreciation and building reserves through dollar purchases by the RBI. The failure to do this led to an overvalued rupee, which weakened India's international competiveness and helped fuel the pattern of rising external deficits that now haunt the economy.

The supply shocks of 2010-12
These were multiple, all reflecting policy and governance weaknesses. They include the sudden and damaging tightening of environmental regulations in 2010; the eruption of serious scams in 2G telecom spectrum allocation, coal-block allocations and various land scams (all with roots in earlier years) and their debilitating aftermaths in the impacted sectors; the sweeping judicial restraints on iron ore mining in Karnataka and Goa; the fiasco of missing coal and gas supply for many thousand megawatts of freshly completed power projects; the anti-investment tax measures of the 2012 Budget; and the generalised "policy paralysis" in regard to activation, completion and clearances of major projects. All these supply problems reduced production, investment and growth and some also directly hurt the external balance, as in the case of coal and iron ore.

While each of these supply-side problems had distinct characteristics and policy histories, together they constituted a major (and persisting) supply shock to the Indian economy.

The neglect of manufacturing
In marked contrast to the great majority of emerging nations, the share of manufacturing in GDP has stagnated at around 15-17 per cent for decades in India. While the problem is long-standing, the failure to enhance the share during the past decade was a significant contributory factor in the current economic crisis. In the high growth period, 2003-11, services (including construction) accounted for well over 70 per cent of all growth, while industry (essentially manufacturing and mining) accounted for less than 20 per cent. This lopsided pattern could not sustain high growth for long, and hasn't once services expansion started to flag. The major policy impediments to industrial growth have been unreformed rigidities in the labour market, growing impediments to land acquisition and the continuing weaknesses in infrastructure, especially power, roads, railways and ports. Slow industrial growth has led to limited growth of jobs for low-skilled labour and a steady widening of the merchandise trade deficit, which, in turn, widened the CAD.

Faulty monetary policies of July 2013
As everyone knows, between the 15th and the 23rd of July, the RBI announced draconian (if somewhat opaque) monetary measures, which effectively increased the short-term policy rates by 300 basis points and sharply reduced liquidity. The measures were taken ostensibly to defend the falling rupee by restricting "speculation". The diagnosis was fundamentally incorrect. The rupee was not weakening due to short-run "speculation" but because of a persisting high CAD, mounting short-term, external debt obligations and changes in the global environment for capital flows.

So the cure had little connection with the disease. As predicted, the measures did not solve the rupee's weakness; the rupee was trading at a lower value by end July compared to July 14. Instead, these measures significantly increased interest rates across the entire term structure, curtailed credit growth for productive purposes, made government borrowing more difficult and costly, weakened the health of banks (especially government banks) and, above all, further damped the outlook for recovery in output and investment. In the process, the policy steps may have inadvertently increased the incentives for withdrawal of equity investments by FIIs in the Indian stock market, thus adding to the rupee's weakness. Though described as "temporary", there is little prospect of reversal. The damage has been done and will continue.

Even a quick perusal of the above list of major policy errors suggests that it will take of lot of time and work to repair the damage to the economy; even more if further unsound policies are adopted, such as tighter import restrictions. So, the outlook for the rupee remains: Volatile with a downward bias.


The writer is honorary professor at Icrier and former chief economic adviser to the government of India.
Views expressed are personal
Also read -
1.  India: the superpower that wasn’t by sandipan deb 16/5/13. There was once a buzz about the India growth story. But now no one bothers. http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/vY31ue5DxUfcYQvhTbtrKM/The-superpower-that-wasnt.html
2. Don't blame the world by Shankar Acharya. Domestic policy is primarily responsible for macroeconomic problems 11/4/13. http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/don-t-blame-the-world-113041000614_1.html
3. http://www.livemint.com/2012/08/26194355/The-high-cost-of-a-free-lunch.htmlFree lunch results in high inflation and low growth.
The India Growth Story of the 2000s was powered by domestic, not foreign, capital. 

Warship-grade steel from SAIL for new aircraft carrier. Way to go, Bharat !

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Warship-grade steel from SAIL for new aircraft carrier

07th August 2013 09:40 AM





India’s effort to built its own aircraft carrier in Kochi has generated a positive spin-off. Public sector Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL) has developed a warship-grade steel that will help the nation shake off its decades of dependence on imports.
This breakthrough is a compelling story of how a collaborative effort among defence scientists, the Navy and SAIL help India save crores of rupees.
The turnaround for Indian steel industry began when the country was looking for imported warship-grade steel for its 40,000-tonne Indigenous Aircraft Carrier (IAC), now under construction at the Cochin Shipyard in Kerala.
The search for steel for the `3,560-crore IAC took Navy warship designers to Russia, where a particular steel of military-grade was found to be suitable for building the 21,000-tonne hull of the IAC. Considering that the cost of imported steel was double the domestic, India saved at least `1,000 crore by opting for indigenous steel to build its first aircraft carrier.
However, issues of technology denial regimes, foreign exchange troubles and likely delay in supplies made the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) scientists and Navy to once again carry out a search, this time to see if the military-trade steel could be made in India.
That was when the SAIL technologists came into the picture. They were ready to take on the challenge by collaborating with the DRDO and Navy.
The necessity led them to invent several variants of military-grade steel -- DMR249 -- that is now cut and given shape to form the hull of the IAC, expected to be delivered to the Navy in 2018.
“From now on, all Indian-built warships will use the same steel for their hulls,” Navy Vice Chief Vice Admiral R K Dhowan said here.
India has ordered for over 40 warships that are either under construction or will be built in its own shipyards.
The SAIL-produced special steel also forms the hull of Indian-built armoured plates of Russian-origin T-72 and T-90 tanks, indigenous main battle tank Arjun and mine-protected vehicles used in counter-insurgency operations.
http://newindianexpress.com/nation/Warship-grade-steel-from-SAIL-for-new-aircraft-carrier/2013/08/07/article1722097

Pak army funding anti-India jihad -- Praveen Swami

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Despite Sharif, Pak army is back to funding anti-India jihad

by  30 mins ago Aug. 8, 2013 9:00 AM

In the autumn of 2008, President Asif Ali Zardari unveiled a dramatic, new road-map for peace. “India has never been a threat to Pakistan”, he told the Wall Street Journal. He called the Islamist insurgents in Kashmir “terrorists.” He spoke of a future where Pakistani factories would feed India’s huge cement needs, Pakistani ports helped decongest India’s clogged ones.
Not that many weeks later, Ajmal Kasaab and nine other Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists sailed out of one of those ports, Karachi, headed for Mumbai.
India’s government, mired in a fresh crisis sparked off by the killings of five soldiers in an ambush along the Line of Control, ought be considering this cautionary tale. Ever since Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif took office, he has been promising to revitalise his country’s crisis-ridden relationship with India.
Sharif told CNN-IBN’s Karan Thapar he wanted enhanced trade and energy ties, a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Kashmir, and promised to “make sure that the Pakistani soil is not used for any such [terrorist] designs against India”.
AFP
AFP
New Delhi loves the talk. In an interview to journalist Harinder Baweja, Sharif’s special envoy Sartaj Aziz said it had agreed to resume talks without insisting on progress in the 26/11 case, where the trial has been stalled since the judge hearing it abandoned his court-room, citing concerns for his safety.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh bet big on peace with Pakistan and almost clinched the deal, before it all went up in flames on 26/11. He hopes to snatch the prize out of the embers-and is betting Sharif will help him. It’ll only work, though, if Pakistan’s all-powerful army wants the same thing-and to know if it does, we need to know what its generals want.
For the last two decades, the Pakistan Army has been helpfully answering that question for us.
Every two years, its general headquarters publishes a bulky collection of essays by senior officers, called The Green Book. From the very first essay in the current Green Book, it becomes clear the Pakistani officer class’ maniacal suspiciousness of India hasn’t stilled.
Brigadier Umar Farooq Durrani’s “Treatise on Indian-backed Psychological Warfare Against Pakistan,” asserts that the Research and Analysis Wing “funds many Indian newspapers and even television channels, such as Zee Television, which is considered to be its media headquarters to wage psychological war.” The “creation of [the] South Asian Free Media Association a few years back,” Brigadier Farooq claims, “was a step in the same direction.” Even the eminent scholar Ayesha Siddiqa’s work, he insists, is “a classical example of psychological war against Pakistan.”
“The most subtle form” of this psychological war, the Brigadier states, “is found in movies where Muslim and Hindu friendship is screened within [sic.] the backdrop of melodrama. Indian soaps and movies are readily welcomed in most households in Pakistan. The effects desired to be achieved through this is to undermine the Two National Theory [as] being a personal obsession of [Muhammad Ali] Jinnah.”
Had the Green Books not been official publications, none of this ought to have been a cause of worry. There is, after all, no shortage of delusional paranoiacs on the eastern side of the India-Pakistan border either, in and outside the armed forces.
From the Pakistan Army chief himself, though, we know ideas like those of Brigadier Durrani are considered worthy of serious consideration. In his foreword to the 2010 edition, General Kayani asserts that the essays provide “an effective forum for the leadership to reflect on, identity and define the challenges faced by the Pakistan army, and share possible ways of overcoming them”.
Language of the kind that runs through the 2010 Green Book pervades earlier editions too. In 2002, as Pakistan faced up to the looming war between its armed forces and their one-time jihadist allies, the Green Book focused on low-intensity warfare. Brigadier Shahid Hashmat, typically, argued that the “threat of low-intensity conflicts should be considered as the most serious matter at [the] national level.” Thus, he went on, “all national agencies and resources must be directed concurrently for launching an effective and robust response against this threat.”
The blame for the crisis imposed on Pakistan by religious sectarian groups and jihadists, though, is firmly placed on India. Lieutenant-Colonel Inayatullah Nadeem Butt, using ideas near-identical to those in the current Green Book, asserted that “India has been aggressively involved in subverting the minds of youth through planned propaganda and luring them towards subversive activities.”
Even as they considered how to fight religious sectarian groups and revolutionary jihadists, the officers who contributed to the 2002 Green Book thus focussed on imposing punitive costs on India. Brigadier Muhammad Zia, for example, noted that “India is highly volatile on its internal front due to numerous vulnerabilities which, if agitated, accordingly could yield results out of proportion to the efforts put in.”
In similar vein, Major Ijaz Ahmad advocated “that [the] Inter-Services Intelligence should launch low profile operations in Indian-held Kashmir and should not allow the freedom movement to die down.” “Linguistic, social, religious and communal diversities in India,” the officer continued, “should be exploited carefully and imaginatively.”
India shouldn't be lulled by Nawaz Sharif's platitudes: Reuters
India shouldn’t be lulled by Nawaz Sharif’s platitudes: Reuters
Put another way, even as they considered tactics to defeat insurgents in Pakistan, the officer corps also discussed sponsoring insurgencies in India, to tie down their arch-adversary. General Pervez Musharraf, then Pakistan’s military ruler, described the 2002 Green Book, as a “valuable document for posterity.
He was more prescient than anyone might have imagined, and than he’d likely have wished for..
For an understanding of where the India-Pakistan relationship stands today, we need to go back 2002—the year India and Pakistan ended the gigantic military standoff on their borders which began after the Jaish-e-Muhammad attack on Parliament House in New Delhi. Even though the prospect of nuclear war appeared to have successfully deterred India from attacking, Pakistan’s military came to the conclusion that its country just couldn’t afford another crisis. In addition, the United States—knowing that an India-Pakistan crisis would complicate its own position in Afghanistan—came down hard on Islamabad’s patronage of jihadists.
Lieutenant-General Moinuddin Haider, General Pervez Musharraf’s interior minister, told the scholar George Perkovich he had said “Mr President, your economic plan will not work, people will not invest, if you don’t get rid of extremists”.
Pushed by his generals, and prodded by the United States, Musharraf authorised secret meetings to explore how future crisis might be averted. The two governments worked out the terms of a ceasefire along the Line of Control, bringing an end to lethal artillery exchanges that had claimed hundreds of lives. Lieutenant-General Ehsan-ul-Haq, the then-Inter Services Intelligence Directorate chief, met with his Research and Analysis Wing counterpart, CD Sahay, to discuss cross-border terrorism. RAW, on one occasion, even supplied communications intelligence to the ISI on a plot to target Musharraf, earning it a thank-you message.
Perhaps the most important axis of secret diplomacy, though, involved the hand-picked special envoys of Musharraf and Prime Minister Singh, SK Lambah, and his Pakistani counterpart, Tariq Aziz.
From unsigned notes revealed in 2009, we know the two men agreed to a four point deal: the transformation of the Line of Control into a border, though with adjustments to rationalise access to both countries’ forward positions; free movement across the LOC; greater federal autonomy for both sides of Jammu and Kashmir; and phased cutbacks of troops as jihadist violence declined.
It wasn’t quite a done deal: though India was willing to devolve power to sub-regional and regional bodies across Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan said it needed more time to discuss devolution of powers in the Northern Areas—a region Islamabad argues shouldn’t be treated as part of the pre-1947 Princely state. Lambah wanted limited cross-border cooperative management of assets like watersheds, forests and glaciers; Aziz called for a more expansive “joint management” of Jammu and Kashmir. Key questions, like the sequencing of the four points, do not appear to have been discussed—and neither side wanted to go public.
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, the Kashmiri secessionist leader, was hopeful. “It is September 2007,” he said, “that India and Pakistan are looking at in terms of announcing something on Kashmir.”
They didn’t: Manmohan Singh asked for time until the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections that year to go public; then Musharraf’s political fortunes declined. Then, Pakistan new army chief, Parvez Ashfaq Kayani, backed off, saying he couldn’t afford to be charged by Islamists of treachery.
Now, the wheel’s turning full circle: the United States is leaving Afghanistan, and subcontracting the task of keeping the peace in Afghanistan to the ISI. Pakistan’s own army is besieged—and hopes to win back some of its legitimacy among its old Islamist clients by patronising anti-India jihad.
The question before New Delhi now isn’t whether or not to talk with Pakistan: talking won’t cost anything other than a few air fares and hotel rooms, but unless there’s a clearly thought through compellance strategy, it won’t work either.
The generals understand that a better relationship with India is in their best interests. However, they also know that peace will mean confrontation with the very substantial Islamist constituency in Pakistan, and, perhaps more important, eventually giving up their own privileged position in its polity. To do that needs a proper incentive structure-without with, a simmering low-grade crisis with India suits the generals just fine.
For fairly obvious reasons, though, this is easier talked about than done. India’s own options aren’t huge. A serious crisis with Pakistan would damage India’s real strategic goal, which isn’t the Line of Control or Kashmir, but achieving as close to double digit growth as possible for as long as possible. War would set back national efforts to reduce the strategic gap with the real power in Asia-China-for years. Prime Minister Vajpayee and Prime Minister Singh both understood this.
Put simply, the lesson from Poonch is this: a ten-year peace process, centred around the strategic happenstance of the United States’ active presence in the region, is drawing to a close. It’s time to go back to the drawing board. In the future, India will need to use the stick to persuade Pakistan’s recalcitrant generals that peace is worth their while. It needs to wield the stick very carefully, though, so it doesn’t come crashing down on its own foot.
http://www.firstpost.com/india/despite-sharif-pak-army-is-back-to-funding-anti-india-jihad-1016987.html

Listen to Vande Mataram! Remember Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay

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Listen to Vande Mataram!


By Niticentral Staff on August 8, 2013

Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s ode to the motherland has moved patriotic hearts for generations. We here atNiti Central are proud of this national treasure. Listen to the song.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZpjHd1R5JXo

Vande Mataram is spirit of India
By Saswat Panigrahi on August 5, 2013


Vande Mataram is spirit of India

BSP MP Shafiqur Rahman Barq continues with his anti-national rants. Barq says he will abstain from Parliament each time Vande Mataram is being played citing the reason that his religion doesn’t permit him to sing the songEarlier in May, the Muslim MP walked of the House when Vande Mataram was being sung.
Ahead of centenary celebration of the song Vande Mataram in 2006, Islamic seminary Darul Uloom had issued a fatwa describing the recitation of Vande Mataram as “anti-Islamic”. The ground it cited was that the verses of the national song are against the tenets of Islam. In the same year Islamic body Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind at its 30th General Session in Deoband had upheld Darul Uloom’s edict on Vande Mataram.
Because, the song is an ode to Mother India and envisions all citizens as its children, the Muslim fanatics argue that, “This is against the fundamental ethos of Islam.” Every time the Muslim extremists float the argument, the secular fundamentalists second them with their illogical rationales saying the singing of the national song should be made optional.
But nationalist Muslims sharply differ with what anti-national Islamists profess and what secular jholawalassay about the national song. Music maestro AR Rahman, in his tribute to Mother India in the form of the music album Ma Tujhe Salam gave Vande Mataram a new dimension. Arif Mohammed Khan, who was a long-time Member of Parliament, even wrote an Urdu translation of Vande Mataram.
The bogus debate over Vande Mataram dates back to a time a century ago. It was this very same debate which had clouded the debate over the national song during the pre-independence era. The Muslim League’s separatist agenda had also strongly objected to Vande Mataram.
The evocative anthem — penned by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, first appeared in his book Anandmath, published in the year 1882 — years after it was actually written. The song emerged as a hymn for India’s freedom movement. Mahatma Gandhi associated the song with the purest national spirit. Aurobindo Ghosh said it was a mantra of the new religion of patriotism. Rabindranath Tagore wrote in his book Glorious Thoughts, “Vande Mataram! These are the magic words which will open the door of his iron safe, break through the walls of his strong room, and confound the hearts of those who are disloyal to its call to sayVande Mataram.”
On the first such political occasion, it was Tagore who sang Vande Mataram in the Calcutta Congress Session of 1896. Dakhina Charan Sen sang it five years later in another session of Congress at Calcutta. Lala Lajpat Rai started Vande Mataram journal from Lahore. Later, Aurobindo Ghosh helped popularising the song through another journal Vande Mataram which he edited. An editorial in the journal exhorted, “In every village, every town Anandamath must be established. Then the Mother’s name will be uttered by crores of throats and every side will resound Vande Mataram.”
Hiralal Sen made India’s first political film in 1905 which concluded with the chant Vande Mataram. Matangini Hazra’s last words as she was shot to death by the Crown police were Vande Mataram. In 1907, Bhikaiji Cama unfurled the first version of India’s national flag in Stuttgart, Germany with Vande Mataram written on its middle band.
From Mahatma Gandhi to Shubhash Chandra Bose, Vande Mataram was a mantra of India’s independent struggle. Pre-independence Indian society left no stones unturned in their endeavours to make this very song into a national slogan, reaching as far as England. It was the Congress which adopted Vande Mataramas the National Song at its Varanasi session on September 7, 1905.
It was Vande Mataram which was voted as one of the 10 most favourite songs of the world of all times by BBC World Service radio poll in 2003. Mornings in India begin with All India Radio playing the tune of Vande Mataram, believed to be composed by Pandit Ravi Shankar.
Vande Mataram is dedicated to Mother India. Naturally therefore, it is the song of the Indian heart. It is a symbol of nation and nationhood. The tune of Vande Mataram has inspired lives and times. The chanting of Vande Mataram brings a sense of pride to every Indian nationalist.
The likes of Shafiqur Rahman Barq and his secularist ilk, by insulting Vande Mataram, assault the very idea of India. They are insulting the norms of Indian Constitution. Be aware. They are blowing a bugle of a war against the nation.

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay: Sage who gave us the Vande Mataram mantra


By Priyadarshi Dutta on June 27, 2013


 Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay: The sage who gave us the Vande Mataram mantraJune 27 marks the 175th Birth Anniversary of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay (1838-1894). He is recognised as the author of the novel Ananda Math and the composer of Vande Mataram that appears therein. The enduring popularity of Vande Mataram is a post-Bankim development. One owes it to the revolutionary movement in Bengal, occasioned by the partition of the province in 1905 by Lord Curzon. Vande Mataram captured the imagination of the nation. The revolutionaries and the Congress, otherwise diametrically opposed, were united in acknowledging it as the anthem of nationalism.

It is doubtful whether Bankim would have preferred his laurels to rest solely upon Ananda Math. He wrote some 14 well-known novels in Bengali beside numerous essays. He was a novelist, the first Indian writer of literary fiction. The rise of ‘novel’ refers to a sea change in literary scenario of India. It was made possible by prose displacing verse as the standard form of literature in India. Until the advent of English, hardly any prose literature existed in any Indian language. Raja Ram Mohun Roy (1772-1831), is believed to be the first Indian practitioner of prose. He was a prolific essayist, journalist and polemicist. If Roy readied the language for quality non-fiction, Bankim did the same with fiction.
Bankim’s first novel Raj Mohan’s Wife (1864) was in English. But soon, he shifted over to Bengali producingDurgesh Nandini (1865). Set in 1590s, against the backdrop of Akbar’s Rajput commander Man Singh trying to subdue Pathan rulers of Bengal, it is a historical romance. It deals with the love triangle between Jagat Singh (son of Man Singh), Tilottama, daughter of a Bengali feudal lord and Ayesha, daughter of a rebel Pathan leader. Its publication heralded a new era, creating a sensation amongst Bengali readers.
Durgesh Nandini, a historical novel, did something more. It introduced the themes of Rajput chivalry into Bengal  and later carried forward by RC Dutt, Tagore and DL Roy arguably preparing Bengal for revolutionary movement. Bankim develops the theme of Rajput chivalry in his eponymous novel Raj Singha(1882). Raj Singh was the grandson of iconic Maharana Pratap.
Bankim perhaps needed to return to history repeatedly, because he was dying to find heroism amongst his contemporaries. Bankim chisels out the Hindu tradition of chivalry in his novels. He made no secret of his extreme dislike for Muslim tyranny. He makes it evident in Ananda Math (1882), a fiction based on amalgamation of several historical leads. Though his band of patriotic monks prevails against the Muslims, they fail to dislodge the British. Bankim pontificates that the destruction of Muslim hegemony was liberation for the Hindus. Hindus must pass through the experience of British rule that a brutalised Hinduism might be reinvigorated.

Anand Math (1952) – Vande Mataram Sujlam Suflam


But Bankim did not overlook the ills of the Hindus. He was keenly aware of the malpractices and abuses in contemporary Hindu society of Bengal. This comes across in his novels like Bishbriksha (Poison Tree) andDevi Chaudharani  and many more. Bankim depicted the moral profligacy and illicit relations in the society. But he never conferred moral legitimacy upon them.
Bankim was also an accomplished essayist. Between 1872 and 1876, he edited the magazineBangadarshan, which set new standards of scholarship. He showed that essays need not be combination of certain facts and theories. They can be products of profound philosophy, understanding of historical perspective and literary excellence. Bankim’s essays and literary criticism also featured in magazines likeBhramarNabajiban and Prachar. These essays were later compiled in two volumes of Vividha Prabandha(collected essays).
Bankim was a product of the 19th century Bengal Renaissance. The developments in Bengali literature set standard for other Indian languages. The works of Bankim had been translated into nearly all Indian languages. But it is a pity that Bankim’s legacy was later trimmed down in his home province by the Leftists. In the 20th century, Tagore’s universalism grew upon Bengali psyche more than Bankim’s conservatism.
Sri Aurobindo, in his book Bankim, Tilak and Dayanand,  described Bankim was a Rishi (Seer) who gave the nation a mantra — Vande Mataram. Aurobindo puts Bankim amongst the nation-builders. Bankim, Aurobindo feels, had divined the political needs of his nation. “He, first of our great publicists, understood the hollowness  and in-utility of the method of political agitation which prevailed in his time and exposed it with merciless satire in his Lokarahasya and Kamalakanter Daptar. But he was not satisfied merely with destructive criticism, he had a positive vision of what was needed for the salvation of the country. He saw that the force from above must be met by  a mightier reacting force from below,- the strength of repression by an insurgent national strength. He bade us leave the canine method of agitation for the leonine. The Mother of his vision held trenchant steel in her twice seventy million hands and not the bowl of the mendicant.”

Time to back the anti-Wahabbi tide -- MD Nalapat

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8 AUGUST 2013, Gateway House

Time to back the anti-Wahabbi tide

DIRECTOR, DEPARTMENT OF GEOPOLITICS, MANIPAL UNIVERSITY
Today, the role Wahabbism plays in geopolitics poses a severe security risk not just to the West but also to the Muslim world. Why does the West need to rethink its strategy of promoting Wahabbi International, and realise that Wahabbism cannot be a moderated geopolitical asset?
In 1933, German President Paul von Hindenburg was advised by Franz von Papen and others that the best way to deal with the unrest in Germany caused by economic catastrophe was to bring the NSDAP (commonly known as the Nazi Party) into the government, with Adolf Hitler as Chancellor. That the ideology of the NSDAP was unalterably opposed to democracy, and that the Nazis were only using the perquisites of elected office to strengthen themselves sufficiently was hardly a secret. The strategy had been revealed not only in the speeches of Joseph Goebbels, Hermann Goering and Hitler himself but repeated several times in commentaries in the party media. None of this was allowed to stand in the way of inducting Hitler and his party into the portals of power. The consequences of that decision need no retelling.
If U.S. President Barack Obama were to follow the advice given by his administration to Hamid Karzai, General Al-Sissi and other presumed allies of the U.S., Obama himself would work towards ensuring that his own team – upto the level of the Vice-President – would include members of the Tea Party, and even a sprinkling of those whose ideological home is the Ku Klux Klan. In the years immediately preceding independence from the British in 1947, India’s Congress Party was advised by Lord Wavell, then Viceroy, to include Muslim League notables in the cabinet headed by Jawaharlal Nehru. Once these individuals entered the government, they began to work zealously in sabotaging its coherence and its efficacy.
In like fashion, to involve the Taliban in the formal process of running the government of Afghanistan would be to doom the Afghan government and state into chaos and incoherence. The ideology of the Taliban is explicit on the aims of that formation, and those subscribing to such a viewpoint would be unwilling – and indeed unfit – to work alongside representatives from the overwhelming majority of moderate Afghans who, especially after the events of 1996-2003, detest and fear the Taliban. However, this has not prevented the Obama administration from seeking to do a Hindenburg in that country by asking for the entry, into governance, of a group explicitly committed to the overthrow of the very system that Washington believes will be strengthened by its induction. In the case of Egypt as well, the Obama administration has joined forces with the EU, those other supporters of the doctrine of ‘taming’ extremes by giving them access to power.
In particular, across the Middle East, the Wahabbi ideology which is at the core of the various offshoots of the Muslim Brotherhood, has ensured that such groups begin to alarm the rest of society by their pursuit of a sectarian and exclusivist agenda. The only difference between Egypt and Turkey is that Mohamed Morsi sought to speed up what Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan implemented in slow motion. The direction in both has been the same: a consistent push towards a societal order in conformity with the theology that is the bedrock of the movement, where its practitioners have special access to the Almighty, and which is suffused with dogma and with methods incompatible with democratic functioning. The trajectories followed in Turkey, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia show the consequences of empowering groups that have a vision which can only lead to the slow – or rapid – stifling of genuine democracy. With Egypt, the attempted transition was rapid, as the Brotherhood saw itself as immune from the military because of the support it received not only from regional financial powerhouses such as Qatar but from the U.S. and the EU as well.
Since 1992, I have argued that the alliance between the West and Wahabbism posed a severe security risk to not just the West but to the Muslim world – in that it enabled Wahabbism to replace more tolerant strains of the Sunni branch of Islam. Across the globe, the awesome money power of what may be called ‘Wahabbi International’ has resulted in the capture or building of innumerable houses of worship across the secular world. More ominously, it has resulted in a hardening of sermons in such places of worship and other institutions, and to Wahabbism replacing the tolerant strains of the faith as the primary motif in religious literature and teaching.
The Shia branch of the faith has suffered its own Wahabbization, thanks to the doctrine propounded by Iran’s Imam Khomeini, who sought to replace orthodox Shia schools of theology with his own rigid interpretation of the texts the way Abdul Wahab did three centuries ago in the case of the Sunni version of the faith. This twin radicalisation of what is essentially a syncretic and tolerant faith has had devastating social and geopolitical consequences, which is why it is incomprehensible why the West continues to believe that Wahabbism can be moderated and rendered a geopolitical asset.
The reality is that the core teachings of the faith make it almost impossible for convinced Wahabbis to carry out the adjustments needed to find common ground with others. Their compromises reflect a tactical measure designed to gain time in order to secure the undiluted Wahabbi version at a later date. Such a mindset is why the entry of Wahabbis into the structures of governance is fraught with risk. To those who argue that the Qatari and Saudi royal families prove that Wahabbis can be trusted with the management of a state, it needs to be pointed out that neither the Qatari nor the Saudi royals – or at least the ruling groups within them – subscribe to Wahabbi ideology in practice. Their lifestyles and practices are incompatible with Wahabbism. However, fearful of the recurrence of a 1979 situation, both the Qatari as well as the Saudi royals have empowered Wahabbi groups in a manner that threatens their existence.
That the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood is incompatible with the preservation of royal rule within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is obvious. Should Brotherhood elements within the GCC ever gain the traction needed to do an (2011) Egypt or Tunisia in the GCC, they would do so with despatch. This is why the Qatari royals backing for the Brotherhood has within it the seeds of the self-destruction of their dynasty.
A GCC leader who has understood the danger that the Muslim Brotherhood represents is King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, who has sought to change the ethos of his country in a way not attempted since 1979. Very silently, he has diluted the Wahabbist orientation of administrative structures and relaxed restrictions previously enforced by religious police. Hopefully, this reversal of the post-1979 Al-Saud policy of buying off Wahabbi groups is being rolled back by the present monarch.
However, whatever fall in funding to Wahabbi International taking place as a consequence of King Abdullah, is being more than compensated by the rulers of Qatar – which believes that it can win over Wahabbis through chequebook diplomacy. Across the Middle East and recently in other locations as well, Muslim Brotherhood offshoots are being diplomatically and financially backed by Qatar, thereby strengthening such groups. The overwhelming majority of Muslims across the globe are no different in their wants and worldview from Christians, Jews, Buddhists or Hindus, and thus an attempted Wahabbization of society – camouflaged or overt – is being resisted. In Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and elsewhere, there have been mass protests against the Wahabbis and their political and NGO offshoots. Such a movement against the extremism which Wahabbism represents is a return to the true spirit of Islam.
The backing away by the ordinary Muslim from the tide of Wahabbism is very much in the global interest. It is unfortunate that the West is peddling nonsensical nostrums to its friends in Muslim-majority countries, advising them to empower extremists in the name of inclusive governance. Groups that misuse religion for political motives and favour restrictive codes of human behaviour so as to promote a monochrome ideal, are the enemies of democracy and ought never to be encouraged.
If Afghanistan is to be stable, the Taliban must have no place in it, and this is a future that is possible, given the fact that the Pashtuns are at the core as moderate as Tajiks or Uzbeks. Rather than repeat in locations such as Syria the Brezezinski-Casey strategy of arming and training extremists, the West needs to adopt a hands-off approach to what is going to be a decade of societal churning, first within the Middle East and later in Muslim societies across the globe.
Asking the Egyptian authorities to bring back the Muslim Brotherhood into the structures of governance is to take away any chance of stability or the winning back of the traditions of a great faith from first the Wahabbis and later the Khomeinists. The mistake made by Hindenburg in 1933 should not be repeated.
M. D. Nalapat is vice-chair of Manipal Advanced Research Group and UNESCO peace chair, and professor of geopolitics at Manipal University, India.

Corporate Social Responsibility as Corporate Law. Follow Śreṇi dharma traditions.

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CSR, a great leap forward

PRAKASH BHANDARI
  
Staff of an IT firm at a craft session with special children. Tatas’ charitable trusts have shown the way for the rest.
The HinduStaff of an IT firm at a craft session with special children. Tatas’ charitable trusts have shown the way for the rest.The moral responsibility of business has finally been mandated by law.
After the passing of the Companies Bill 2012, it has become mandatory for corporates to adopt Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). What was once voluntary has become law.
A company with a net worth of Rs 500 crore or more, a turnover of Rs 1,000 crore or more or a net profit of Rs 5 crore or more in a financial year shall constitute a corporate social responsibility (CSR) committee of the board, consisting of three or more directors, of which at least one shall be an independent director.
Before the Companies Bill was passed, CSR was in the nature of voluntary actions that businesses could take. It was like going the extra mile. But the provisions of the Bill, particularly Section 135, read with Schedule VII, show that the Government has adopted an inclusive growth strategy to implement CSR through corporates.
While mandating CSR spends for the corporates, the Government has also ensured that such spending is monitored in the form of reporting and disclosure.

BUSINESS RESPONSIBILITY

The Minister of State for Corporate Affairs, Sachin Pilot, who pushed the issue in Parliament after the Bill was finalised by the Cabinet and approved way back in 2009, has said that the provisions of corporate governance and CSR in the Companies Bill are based on UN principles and cover human rights, labour standards, environment and even corruption.
The intention of the Bill is to eradicate extreme hunger and poverty, promote education, enhance vocational skills and empower women.
The new Bill says larger corporates should contribute to society, especially the communities in which they operate, by setting aside 2 per cent of their net profit towards CSR. Since CSR spending will be tax-free, there is an opportunity for Indian corporates to embrace a few large consensual projects that could make social commitments visible to all.
The need for CSR has its roots in the fundamental moral thought — “what and how much has been given back over and above what you have taken from society.”

IMPROVED BOTTOMLINE

CSR is often referred to as “business responsibility” — in other words, an organisation’s action on environmental, ethical, social and economic issues. It was soon realised that promoting a responsible way of doing business actually improved the bottomline. Now, demonstrating a wider sense of responsibility has come to be expected when bidding for major contracts.
Section 135 of the Companies Bill provides that “the functions of the CSR committee shall be to formulate and recommend a CSR Policy which shall indicate the activities to be undertaken by the company as specified in Schedule VII of the Bill.
The CSR committee shall also deliberate on the amount to be incurred on activities mentioned in the CSR Policy. It shall also monitor the CSR Policy from time to time.
The company’s board, after receiving the panel’s recommendations, will adopt a CSR Policy and ensure that the activities it mandates are undertaken.
The board must ensure that the company should spend for CSR, every financial year, at least 2 per cent of the firm’s average net profits recorded in the three immediately preceding financial years. The company is expected to give preference to the areas around which it operates in spending the amount earmarked for CSR activities.
If the company fails to spend such an amount, the Board shall, in its report specify the reasons for not doing so.
The company shall not select a project that earns profit for the company, but rather take on work that benefits society.
The new company law has made it mandatory for all companies, listed or unlisted, to have independent directors forming one-third of the board.

INDEPENDENT DIRECTORS

These independent, or non-executive, directors are those who have no material or pecuniary relationship with the company or related persons, except for sitting fees.
In the US, independent directors make up 66 per cent of all boards. In India .the expression ‘independent directors’ means directors who, apart from receiving director's remuneration, have no other material pecuniary relationship or transactions with the company, its promoters, its management or its subsidiaries, which in the judgment of the board, may affect the independent judgment of the directors.
A large number of people working in NGOs or running an NGO will be benefited when these companies appoint them as independent directors to run their CSR initiatives.
Socially responsible business houses, such as the Tatas and Birlas have, for decades, contributed immensely through their various charitable and welfare Trusts.
Such Trusts have been the guiding lights for smaller entrepreneurs who fund various small social causes in their areas of operation or in their home towns and villages.
For some, the interface between CSR and the law might seem like a contradiction. Compliance could seem forced, as if the expenditure is an additional cost of being in business.
Yet, there is an opportunity for responsible and concerned boards to improve relationship, enhance a reputation and build a corporate brand. A synergy between CSR and the law will eventually help.
(The author is a senior journalist and adviser to Jaipur-based Bhagwan Mahaveer Viklang Sahayata Samiti.)
Follow Śreṇi dharma traditions.
Hindu social corporate form and Śreṇi dharma, cure for greed.
Hindu social corporate form and sreni dharma (October 2011)

Small states for development? It's politics, stupid. It's all about the MuKa family -- Kumar Chellappan

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IT'S ALL ABOUT THE FAMILY

Friday, 09 August 2013 | Kumar Chellappan | in Oped
Friday, 09 August 2013 | Kumar Chellappan | in Oped

The repercussions of the move to bifurcate Andhra Pradesh into Telangana and Seemandhra have been felt across the country. Demands are pouring from different States for carving out more small States from the existing monolith entities like Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Maharashtra and even Gujarat. So, can Tamil Nadu politicians afford to sit back and relax when their counterparts clamour for creating small States?With the clamour for creating smaller States getting shriller, Tamil Nadu’s politicians will try to stir the pot
Leader of the Vanniyar-dominated Pattali Makkal Katchi, S Ramadoss, has already made it known that he wants Tamil Nadu to be bifurcated. The doctor from Tindivanam knows very well that the possibility of a Vanniyar taking oath of office as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu is bleak in the present scenario. Since northern Tamil Nadu has a considerable Vanniyar population, its division could work to his advantage. Anbarasu, a former Congress MP, who has some following in the party, too has demanded that Tamil Nadu be sliced in two. Another political outfit by the name Kongunadu Munnetra Kazhagam has demanded the formation of a separate State incorporating the south western region of Tamil Nadu.
As on date, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa and the nonagenarian DMK supremo M Karunanidhi call the shots in the State. Ms Jayalalithaa is totally against the bifurcation of Tamil Nadu. And she has no preference for any particular caste or religion in this Dravidian land, though she herself is a Kannada Iyengar and a very religious person. Equally important is the fact that she has no vested interest in any person either in the party or in her family.
But Mr Karunanidhi's case is different. He has to take care of the interests of four families. His children by first wife Padmavathi have been unsuccessful in politics. The Kalaignar (as he is affectionately called) has four children through Dayalu Ammal, his second wife. Of the four, elder son MK Alagiri and second son MK Stalin are engaged in a war of nerves for the control of the DMK, which has become a kind of family concern. Insiders say that his daughter Selvi too has some political ambitions. In fact, Mr Karunanidhi entrusted Ms Selvi with the responsibility of his election campaign at Thiruvarur from where he contested the 2011 Assembly election. It was she who through her house-to-house campaign ensured Mr Karunanidhi's victory despite the strong AIADMK wave. Tamil Arasu, Karunanidhi's youngest son, born through his union with Dayalu Ammal, is managing the clan's real estate business enterprises.
However, Rajya Sabha member Kanimozhi, the DMK chief's daughter from his third wife, is his favourite. His love for Kanimozhi is so deep that the DMK chief had no qualms in approaching the Congress, pleading it to cast its votes in favour of Ms Kanimozhi during the June 27 election to Rajya Sabha.
But what stresses the DMK chief is the fight between sons Alagiri and Stalin. Both of them want to be the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. During his 2006 -2011 tenure, Mr Karunanidhi balanced the family dynamics by dispatching Mr Alagiri to New Delhi as a Union Cabinet Minister to make life easy for Mr Stalin in Chennai. He has also made it known that Mr Stalin is his chosen heir and would succeed him as party chief. But each time he announces that Mr Stalin would be his successor, the elder son snubs his father by reminding him that the DMK is not a ‘Hindu Mutt’ where the pontiff unilaterally anoints his successor. This infuriates the veteran leader who sees red whenever the word ‘Hindu’ is brought into a discourse.
Some family insiders say that Mr Karunanidhi has found a new strategy to sort out the differences between his warring sons, and may demand the bifurcation of Tamil Nadu. The State which has a population of 72.14 million, spread across 1,30,058 sq km, could be halved with Mr Stalin assuming control of the northern region and Mr Alagiri given the southern part, where he is referred to as the uncrowned ‘King of Madurai', whenever the DMK is in power at Chennai. Mr Karunanidhi may also plead for the creation of another State with Madurai as the capital.
Once Mr Alagiri is anointed Chief Minister of the new State with Madurai as its capital, the DMK chief may be able to breathe easy till such time Ms Kanimozhi demands her pound of flesh! If the DMK is in alliance with the winning combination at the Centre, she could be accommodated as a Union Cabinet Minister. But the problem would become serious when Udayanidhi, son of Mr Stalin and Dayanidhi and Kaayalvizhi, Mr Alagiri's son and daughter, graduate into the big league. The Maran brothers, grand nephews of the DMK leader, too will have to be accommodated somewhere.

The wily Kalaignar has already crafted a solution to meet that scenario. It is not for nothing that he has floated the Tamil Eelam Supporters Organisation. If an Eelam is formed integrating the northern and eastern regions of the island nation, he can depute Mr Alagiri's son as the Chief Minister or Prime Minister of that country! The rationalist DMK's theme song for the 2011 election went something like this: “Elankai Tamilarodu Daivamaaru? Kalignar, Namma Kalaignar” (Who is the God of the Tamils in Sri Lanka? It is our own Kalaignar…)

http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/oped/its-all-about-the-family.html

Yamuna sand mafias, thorium sand mafias. SoniaG UPA, protect the world's thorium nuclear reserves and alluvial top soil of the nation.

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SoniaG UPA, protect the world's thorium nuclear reserves and alluvial top soil of the nation.

Govt. of Andhra Pradesh should cancel its MoUs establishing collaboration with private companies for private coastal placer sand mining. This mining of coastal placer sands should be entrusted only to the Public Sector Undertaking, IREL under DAE control for effective protection of the nation's thorium reserves ans rare earths.

DAE should cancel their 2006 notification since the Mines Act  -- Act 1957. (No. 67 of 1957) --has NOT been amended to delist many atomic minerals for open general licence.  The issue of a notification without ensuring amendment of the base Act is patently illegal. That the notification could become effective only after the Act is amended by Parliament was also noticed by the Addl. Secy who issued the notification.

An Addl. Secretary of DAE, Mr. Raja, KNOWINGLY issued the notification, knowing that it is valid only if Parliament enacted a law to amend the list of prescribed substances.

The illegal notification by DAE of 18 Jan. 2006 mentioned in VP Raja's DO letter resulted in quickening the pace of loot of rare earths Atomic Minerals mentioned in Part B of First Schedule of the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act No. 67 of 1957. The notification is illegal because the Act No. 67 of 1957 was NOT amended moving the selected list of Atomic Minerals in Part B of First Schedule of the Act to Open General Licence list, as Part C. Titanium bearing minerals and ores (ilmenite, rutile and leucoxene) continue to be listed as Atomic Minerals in part B of the First Schedule of Act No. 67 of 1957. See the Act No. 67 of 1957 (as amended upto 10th may 2012) at: http://mines.nic.in/writereaddata/Filelinks/e342d686_MMDR%20Act%201957.pdf issued by Controller-General, Indian Bureau of Mines, Nagpur, August 2012.

The following is the text of DAE Addl. Secretary's letter issued on 2 Feb. 2006:

VP Raja, Addl. Secy, DAE letter of 2 Feb. 2006 to RK Sharma, Secy. General, Federation of Indian Mineral Industries
V.P. Raja, Additional Secretary, Govt. of India, Dept. of Atomic Energy, Anushakti Bhavan, Chhatrapti Shivaji Maharaj Marg, Mumbai 400001
2 Feb. 2006
D.O. No. 7/3(4)/2005-PSU/21
Dear Shri Sharma,
The Departmet of Atomic Energy vide its Notification S.O. 61(E) dated 18th January 2006, which has been gazetted on 20th January 2006 has revised the list of Prescribed Substanes, Prescribed Equipment and Technology. This superseded the earlier notifications of the Department on the same subject dated 15th March 1995. A copy of the new notification is enclosed herewith.
Your attention I particular is drawn to Items 0A314 and 0A315 and the note thereunder.
Since this notification will have an impact on industries engaged in beach sand mining, you are kindly requested to bring this to the notice of all your members.
Ilmenite, Rutile, Leucoxene and Zircon will no longer be Prescribed Substances under the Atomic Energy Act with effect from 1st January 2007. Ilmenite, Rutile and Leucoxene will also get shifted from Part ‘B’ of the First Schedule to the Mines and Minerals (Development & Regulation) Act 1957 to Part ‘C’ of the same Schedule. This change will become effective only after suitable amendments are carried out to the Mines and Minerals (Development & Regulations) Act and passed by Parliament. However, Zirconium bearing minerals and ores including zircon will continue to be Atomic Minerals under Part ‘B’ of the First Schedule.
This is being brought to your notice as required under Section 4(2) of Right to Information Act, 2005.
With warm regards,
Yours sincerely,
Sd. V.P. Raja
Encl. As above.
Shri RK Sharma,
Secretary General, Federation of Indian Mineral Industries, 301, Bakshi House, 40-41, Nehru Place, New Delhi 110019
Tel. 022 22028328. Fax 022 22048476/22026726. Gram: ATOMERG email:raja@dae.gov.in
Geiger counters (costing only about $300 per portable unit) should be issued to all port authorities and to DAE officials responsible for control of atomic minerals, to check radioactive substances like monazite, ilmenite etc. placer sands being transported and exported. 

DAE should reintroduce their Monazite Certification Procedure for all placer sand exports as was in vogue prior to 2006. Without such a certificate from DAE, no exports of sands should be allowed by Port Authorities.

DAE should reiterate the instructions banning the mining, transport and export of PLACER SANDS, containing ATOMIC MINERALS, by private commercial agencies.

Such loot of nation's wealth for a nuclear mineral (citing the consignments as wheat rava or coastal sands) is treason, a national security risk. The entire placer sand complex should be brought under Army control for protection since they are vital for the nation's atomic energy programme.

Norway and a Canadian Company together with China are into thorium-based nuclear reactors in a big way and we as the nation with the largest thorium reserves owes it to the world to protect the reserves. No Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) country will ever allow export of their thorium-bearing minerals without enforcing the prescribed international safeguards of IAEC and NSG.

Modus operandi of sand mafias in the country take various forms. In the case of Himalayan river sands, the loss to the nation is colossal because the sand loot causes degradation of the alluvial nature of the top soil and renewal of the topsoil with mineral-rich sands carried by Himalayan rivers. In the case of coastal thorium-containing placer sands along the coastline of Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra, the exporters operate beyond their licensed lease areas by entering into private deals for raking up the top soil containing thorium-rich minerals like monazite, ilmenite, rutile, leucoxine, zircon, sand complexes and replacing it with silica sands. Such deals take place in coastal areas which are rain-dependent lands and are amenable to agriculture only once every five years for some select crops like jowar. The ruination caused to such coastal lands is incalculable because a source of livelihood for the coastal people is denied by loot of such thorium-rich top soils. 

Government of India should hand over the protection of the thorium-rich reserves to a joint Army command. This could be one effective step to counter the thorium- sand mafia operations.

Kalyanaraman

Beach sand mining would impact India's n-power plans: Activists 


Updated: Thursday, August 8, 2013, 18:50 [IST] 



Chennai, Aug 8: Quarrying on beaches in Tamil Nadu's Tuticorin, Tirunelvelli and Kanyakumari districts would impact India's nuclear power programme as the sands contain many atomic minerals, say activists. Days after the Tuticorin district collector was shifted after inspecting quarries and reporting a mining company was operating in a larger area than allowed, the experts charged that governments at the central and the state level with not taking any preventive action to prevent illegal mining. "The issue of illegal mining of beach sand minerals (BSM) like monazite containing thorium was brought to the notice of the Tamil Nadu government last January. I am yet to get a reply (from them)," V.Sundaram, a retired Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer, told IANS. 


According to him, large tracts of land have been leased for mining at dirt-cheap rates so that the leasee can rake in crores while putting at risk the nation's nuclear power programme. Sundaram said as per his estimates, the loot is worth around Rs.96,000 crore and the issue was also brought to the notice of R.K.Sinha, secretary in the department of atomic energy (DAE). 


"We have 50 percent of the world's thorium reserves on the beach sands. This has to be protected," S.Kalyanaraman, a retired senior executive of Asian Development Bank (ADB) told IANS. 


Thorium-powered nuclear reactors form the third phase of India's three-phase atomic power programme: The first two being pressurised heavy water reactor (PHWR) and the second being the fast breeder reactor -- a reactor that breeds more fuel while it is operational. Thorium has to be separated from monazite through processing. As per rules, export of monazite with thorium content of less than 25 percent is allowed. The issue of illegal mining of BSM in Tuticorin has officially come to light with the Tuticorin district administration officials conducting a survey of three villages Tuesday. The same evening district collector Ashish Kumar was transferred out. 


Ashish Kumar had told IANS Wednesday that following complaints from fishing community, they inspected mining areas in Vaippar village and found the leasee, given permission to mine in four hectares, was actually doing so in 30 hectares. 


"Around 230,000 tonnes of beach sand minerals have been quarried in Vaippar village without permission from the government. We have sent the report to the government and action will be taken," he said. "We have not quantified the quantum of loss to the government," he added. 


BJP MP Hansraj Gangaram Ahir had also raised the issue with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last year. In his letter to the prime minister last October, Ahir had said: "The allegations are that nearly 21 lakh tonnes of monazite have been stolen and exported, which is equal to 195,300 tonnes of thorium. "There is fear that the encashment of these precious minerals by the enemies of India can also create threat to the very safety, security and integrity of the nation and there is dire need to look into the matter on a priority and take action against the people who are engaged in the illegal business and also stop the heavy loss to the government coffers." 


According to him, monazite is found on the shores of Chhatrapur in Odisha, Manavalakurichi in Tamil Nadu and Aluwa-Chawara in Kerala and only Indian Rare Earths Ltd (IREL) is allowed to process the precious minerals. In 2007, certain BSMs - titanium bearing minerals (ilmenite, rutile, leucoxene) and zircon- were delisted from the list of prescribed substances under the Atomic Energy Act and are now under open general licence (OGL).

Sundaram and Kalyanaraman contend that the delisting was done without informing parliament.
The DAE in its reply to Ahir April 10 said monazite is still listed as prescribed substance under the Atomic Energy Act 1962 and no licence has been issued for its export to any private entity. India's total monazite reserves are currently estimated at about 10 million tonnes of which about 30 percent in mineable, DAE said. 

Citing the 2011-12 annual report of Chemical and Allied Products Export Promotion Council (CAPEXIL), the DAE told Ahir that the total export of BSM during 2010-11, excluding five tonnes of monazite exported by IREL is estimated at Rs.1,034.45 crore. 


IANS


Read more at: http://news.oneindia.in/2013/08/08/beach-sand-mining-would-impact-indias-n-power-plans-1279097.html

Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka - V Suryanarayan. Indian Ocean Community -- Kalyan

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East Coastal Veddahs
Coastal Vedda elder, Palchenai
Coastal Vedda elder, Palchenai
Coastal Veddas, such as these of Panichankerny, speak Tamil yet still cherish their ancestral identity as hunter-gatherers.

A point of view attempting to define a 'nation' by a political scientist. There is another definition whih goes beyond the nation; it is rāṣṭram, a geographical-demographic construct, a gestalt, which could lead to the creation of an Indian Ocean Community (IOC) -- a lighted path for people living their lives as per the tenets of dharma.

Kalyanaraman

08th August 2013 07:25 AM



The Pakistani political leader Khan Abdul Wali Khan (son of Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan) was asked few years ago by a journalist: “Are you a Pakistani, a Muslim or a Pathan?” Wali Khan replied that he combined all three. The journalist persisted and asked Wali Khan what his primary identity was. Khan responded, “I am a Pakistani for 30 years, a Muslim for 1400 years and a Pathan for 5000 years”. The multiple identities of South Asians, an intrinsic feature of the socio-cultural profile of the region, have made the study of nation-building an exciting and fascinating exercise.
Political scientists use the term state and nation as synonymous and this semantic confusion has caused incalculable harm. The contemporary world consists of states, not nation states. A study of the world’s 132 states in 1971 found that only 12 (9 per cent) could justifiably be called nation states in the sense that the territorial limits were coterminous with the distribution of a particular national group. The comment made by Massimo d’ Azeglio, with special reference to Italy after unification, holds true of most of the South Asian and Southeast Asian countries, “We have made Italy, now we must make Italians.”
Two initial propositions are in order. They can be considered yardsticks for the success of nation-building in multi-ethnic societies. First, the political system should provide sufficient space for minorities to preserve, foster and promote their distinct identities while being an integral part of a united country. Second, a federal polity with entrenched provisions for sharing powers between the Centre and states can lead to softening of secessionist demands.
Two illustrations, one a success story from India and second a tragic narrative from Sri Lanka, both relating to Tamil minority groups, hold important lessons. What is interesting to note are differing political developments and contrasting responses on the questions of ethnicity and nation-building.
Scholars working on the Dravidian movement are unanimous in highlighting critical milestones in its growth — the formation of the Justice Party and non-Brahmin movement; Periyar E V Ramaswamy Naicker’s self-respect movement and anti-Hindi agitation; the formation of the Dravida Kazhagam in the mid-40s and the advocacy of the separate state of Dravida Nadu; the formation of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) under C N Annadurai in 1949; coming to power of the DMK in 1967 elections; and the domination of the DMK and its offshoot All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), founded in 1972, in the politics of Tamil Nadu.
The DMK gradually got domesticated because the Indian political system is resilient and provides sufficient space within which Tamil identity and regional autonomy could be protected and fostered. The change in DMK’s outlook was evident even before Annadurai formally renounced secessionism after the Sino-Indian conflict and the promulgation of the 16th Amendment that proscribed secessionism and required all candidates to uphold the constitution and unity of the country. The DMK/AIADMK stakes in India’s unity were further strengthened when the two regional parties started sharing power in the Centre. A vivid illustration of this political transformation is the spectacle when political leaders, who not so long ago used to burn the national flag and the constitution at every conceivable opportunity, do not have any qualms of conscience while formally unfurling the national flag on Independence and Republic Days.
The Sri Lankan scene presents an interesting contrast. An overview of Sri Lankan Tamil politics makes it evident that Tamil sub-nationalism had a momentum of its own and, in many ways, took a different trajectory from that of Tamil Nadu. Sri Lankan Tamils were reluctant secessionists. The Tamil political leaders in the early years of Independence never thought of a separate state. Their aspirations centred round internal, not external, self-determination. Federalism was their slogan. What is more interesting, all candidates who contested elections on the slogan of a separate state were decisively defeated till the mid-1970s.
When Tamil aspirations were ignored by Sinhala majority governments, frustration began to creep in and demands became more radical. The politics of Tamil opposition started with the demand for balanced representation and responsive co-operation which spanned the period from 1948 to 1956. The demand progressed to a federal state and non-cooperation during 1956-1972, escalated to separatist slogans during 1973-1976 and culminated in the demand for separate state in 1976. While in the earlier years the agitation was peaceful, both parliamentary and non-parliamentary, gradually it took a violent turn and began to spread like wildfire after the communal holocaust in July 1983. The growth of militancy was facilitated by the fact that moderate leaders like Amirthalingam, Sivasithamparam and Sambandan preferred to remain in Chennai. It resulted in a political vacuum in the Tamil areas, filled by the Tigers. The state repression was more than matched by the violence of Tamil guerrillas. Sri Lanka became one of the most notorious killing fields of the world.
Many Sinhalese leaders believe that the Eelam struggle was fanned and fuelled by the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu. The well-known Sri Lankan historian Prof K M De Silva has written: “The DMK, effectively checked from pursuing its separatist goal in India, took vicarious pleasure in giving encouragement and support to separatist tendencies among the Tamils in Sri Lanka.” As I have stated above De Silva’s explanation is an oversimplification of a complex issue. Despite geographical proximity and close cultural linkages Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism had an autonomous momentum of its own.
The greatness of a nation, Mahatma Gandhi said, depends upon how secure the minorities feel in that country. Twelve days before his assassination, Gandhiji wrote in the Harijan: “All Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Parsees, Christians and Jews, who people the vast subcontinent and have adopted it as their dear motherland, have an equal right to it. No one has the right to say that it belongs to the majority community only and that the minority communities can only remain there as an underdog.” In the present moment of triumphalism, will president Mahinda Rajapaksa and his colleagues ponder over the implications of the Mahatma’s statement?
The writer is former senior professor, Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Madras.
Email:suryageeth@sify.com

Comments(19)

Very good article by Prof. Suryanarayan! However he is also one of the reasons, however small it is, for the calamity that Tamils face today.
The conflict between the Sinhalese & the Tamils started with repeated Tamil invasions (King Ellalan, Raja Raja Chola, Maghan, etc.)which pushed the Sinhalese towards the south,there are still archaeological evidence of Buddhist temples & Sinhalese names reminiscent of the presence of a Sinhalese civilisation of a bygone era,then came the Europeans,the Portugese, the Dutch, & finally the British who divided & ruled this small nation by giving privileges to minorities,this led to jealousies & hatred being created amongst the Sinhalese towards the Tamils,when the Britishers left the Sinhalese took over the government & gradually gave back the privileges lost to the Sinhalese, & making the Sinhala language the official language,this agitated the Tamils who were a privileged lot under the British Raj, & there leaders Mr.Chelvanayakam, & Ponnambalam demanded 50 / 50 & also federalism for over 1/3 of the land surface for a Tamil minority which was less than 20% of the population.
"Sinhalese names reminiscent of the presence of a Sinhalese civilisation of a bygone era,"- Who was Prince Viajayan? Why did the Ceylon government released commemorative stamp of his arrival, by boat. From where did he come? Who were in the island before he and his companions landed? How many given correctly to the effect that there were ONLY Sinhalese in the whole of island with one king and Tamils inavded and goty establised, that wqas oin those days of monarchy, expansion was an accepted mode of establishing or expanding empires.. Thus logically Tamils in modern time are entitled to get their histrical areas liberated. In short, Mr.PRASATIS, Sir, avolid talking of "bygone era".
The LTTE tamil tiger terrorists were spawned, armed and sent to wage terrorism by Indira Ghandi to destabilise Sri Lanka. Sri lanka is a small nation with only 20 million people (1/3 of the population of Tamil Nadu state alone). Federalism and provincial councils are a complete waste of time as there is simply no need for tiers and tiers of politicians to warm their backsides bankrolled by the tax payers money. Actions of Dravidian politicians clearly spell out their frustation at not being able to have separation and Eelam in India. The biggest favor India could do is to mind her own damn business and let Sri Lanka sort out our internal affairs.
"The LTTE tamil tiger terrorists were spawned, armed and sent to wage terrorism by Indira Ghandi to destabilise Sri Lanka" -Lankaperis. Ok, al, such matters were post 1983 genovcide of tamiis in the island by the majority Sinahelse. Before 1983, how did you Sinhalese treat tamils? There is no pointin repeating facts . In 1977 Tamils in Notrh and east voted for separate Thamizh Eezham. What followed was perfidy.by the GOI to the Tamil Eezham mandated TULFand to eliminate LTTE. BUT the spirit of Thamizh Eezham is there. still. . .
Multi ehnic nations have uneasy existence and are riven by conflicts.kurup
When Britain declared war on Germany the latter had not set foot in the former but Poland- many miles away. So, if Tamil Nadu politicians felt for their kinsmen being ‘demonized’ and trampled for just being Tamils, it is a natural reaction. When one speaks of Tamil nationalism it has to be viewed in the context of the Sinhala nationalism in which ordinary Tamils of Sri Lanka lived and endured the effects of it. A study by East-West Centre in Washington states, j "This study argues that political Buddhism and Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism have contributed to a nationalist ideology that has been used to expand and perpetuate Sinhalese Buddhist supremacy within a unitary Sri Lankan state; create laws, rules, and structures that institutionalize such supremacy; and attack those who disagree with this agenda as enemies of the state. (contd)
(continuation) "The nationalist ideology is influenced by Sinhalese Buddhist mytho-history that was deployed by monks and politicians in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries to assert that Sri Lanka is the designated sanctuary for Theravada Buddhism, belongs to Sinhalese Buddhists, and Tamils and others live there only due to Sinhalese Buddhist sufferance. This ideology has enabled majority super-ordination, minority subordination, and a separatist war waged by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." These sentiments are expressed by others B. H. Farmer with extensive research experience in Sri Lanka says, “Since those saddening days of 1958 Ceylon has had its share of trouble.....The truth, though unpalatable may be to some, is simply that nobody unacceptable to the present Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism has any chance of constitutional power in contemporary Ceylon” .Ceylon: A Divided Nation. B. H. Farmer (contd)
(continuation) Amirthalingam, Sivasithamparam and Sambandan together with most TULF MPs were hunted down by the Sri Lankan forces. Sivasithamparan’s house was burnt and those who ransacked the house found a Buddha statue in the hall. Yogeswaran and his wife had to jump the fence and run for their lives when they were pursued by the forces. Thus, these MPs did not go to India of their own volition. Several Tamil civilians also joined them and some remain to this day. End
History of SriLanka
History of Sri Lanka
1. Respected Editor of THE NEW INDIAN EXPRESS, woudl you pelase allow me Sir to reproduce a very interesting article under the heading " Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka: Suryanarayan s misinterpretations" by one Thiru.Asada M Erpini, appearing in the web journal " Lankaweb" in response to the above article authored by learned professor V.Suryanarayan" "The local media reproduced a report that had appeared in the New Indian Express (NIE) on 08th August 2013 penned by V Suryanarayan, a former senior professor of University of Madras. When talking of Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka, he points out, Tamil political leaders (of Sri Lanka) in the early years of independence never thought of a separate state , but only wanted federalism. He continues that the communal holocaust of July 83 led the violent demands that had gradually been building up to spread like wildfire. The true situation is far from what is alluded to by Suryanarayan. ( to continue)
2. It is very easy to portray that the killing of innocent Tamils in July 83 by “Sinhalese mobs” was the root cause of the Tamil youth, who otherwise would not have hurt a fly, taking up arms against the Sri Lankan state or to attach the label “moderate” to people of the caibre of Amirthalingam, Sivasithamparam and Sambandan as Suryanarayan has done. The moderation of many of the Tamil politicians is merely that they did not carry guns and attack the armed forces of Sri Lanka: apart from that, whatever that Sambandan and many of his present day Tamil National Alliance (TNA) colleagues as well as those who were in the forefront in Tamil politics in the past did was inimical to the unitary status of Sri Lanka. The separatist identify of the Northern Tamils, often put forward by their spokespersons based in Colombo, existed as far back as 1920, almost a century ago. The Tamil Chiefs in Jaffna and Batticaloa, during 1908-1912, ( to continue)
3. during 1908-1912, opposed the admission of Sinhalese or Moors to the Vanni although they themselves did not want to settle in the region “because of the unhealthy climate”. In 1918 the Jaffna Association demanded a 50:50 political representation (50% for the Sinhalese and 50% for the others). This was when the proportion of Tamils whose interests were presented by their representatives did not exceed 4% of the population. Ponnambalam in 1939 repeated the 50:50 demand (50% for the Sinhalese and 50% for the minorities). In 1949 Chelvanayakam (an immigrant from Malaysia), Vanniasingam and Naganathan established the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (meaning Ilankai Tamil State Party) before the ink could dry on the paper granting independence to Ceylon. Although Suryanarayan in his write up suggests that the ignoring of Tamil aspirations by Sinhala majority governments was the factor that made the Tamil demands more radical,( to continue)
4. the extremist and separatist mentality of the Tamil political groups existed in one form another as long as one could remember. A good illustration of this mentality is the English name used by the this very same party of Chelvanayakam et al. in 1949: Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (meaning Ilankai Tamil State Party) became, for the consumption of the non-Tamil Sri Lankans, Federal Party in the English language. Further perpetuating the violent Tamil politics, the Vadukkoddai Resolution of 1972 called upon the Tamil youth to take up arms to win their mono-ethnic separate state for the Tamils, and promoted open armed insurrection. Many of the so-called Tamil moderates had no problem in keeping company with the violent youth as their bedfellows or in serving as the mouthpiece of the terrorists whose modus operandi was killing as many innocents as possible and anyone – Sinhala, Tamil or Moor – who did not tow their line. ( to continue)
5. The most unpardonable feature in Suryanarayan write up is his statement, “Many Sinhalese leaders believe that the Eelam struggle was fanned and fuelled by the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu”. There is nothing to believe: it is a crystal clear, hard fact that the Tamil political leaders in Tamil Nadu provided finances to the LTTE, and many locations in Tamil Nadu served as training grounds for the LTTE and other Sri Lankan groups with the blessings of the Tamil Nadu politicians and under the guidance of the Indian military. The same Tamil leaders in Tamil Nadu even today keep on fanning the fires of hatred against the Sinhalese and Sri Lanka, and do not allow Sri Lanka to manage its own affairs. These moves are not because they love Sri Lanka’s Tamils and are determined to improve their lot, but shedding bucketfuls of tears at the ‘suffering’ that the Sri Lanka’s Tamils undergo is a convenient prop to steal the limelight ( to continue)
6. and continue to hoodwink the illiterate Tamil Nadu voters. Clearly, the political scientist in Suryanarayan has been living in another world during the past few decades, and more importantly, in the more recent years. Never a day passes without Jayalalitha or Karunanidhi, well supported at least in their anti-Sri Lanka stance by a coterie of individuals such as Vaiko, Nedumaran, Sreemaran, etc. threatening Sri Lanka or inveigling upon New Delhi to take a firm stand against Sri Lanka vis a vis the discrimination of Sri Lanka Tamils or of arresting Tamil Nadu fishermen who enter Sri Lanka’s territorial waters. In fact, the attacks on some Sri Lankan pilgrims and a Delhi-based student monk that occurred in Tamil Nadu a few months back and preventing the Sri Lanka cricket team from playing any matches of the recently concluded IPL in Tamil Nadu are classic examples of the Tamil Nadu politicians adding fuel to the fire of anti-Sri Lanka attitude that ( to continue)
7 they have managed to create in their state. What Sri Lanka badly needs today is Sri Lanka nationalism, and not nationalisms of individual ethnic or religious groups. Until all Sri Lankans are ready to accept that Sri Lanka, their mother country, is one nation, the poor country will continue to rot in divisive politics: many politicians in Tamil Nadu as well as some based in New Delhi will fuel the fires to ensure that they enjoy various benefits at the expense of the small island nation that is struggling hard to rebuild itself after the most ruthless terrorists in the world have had a field day for three decades to cause mayhem and kill anyone they chose."- Well, let us see if and how the learned professor would respond! THE GOI OBVIOUSLY MADE THE DIERTY MISTAKE OF APPEASING THE COLOMBO BASED SINHALESE RACISTS! HAVING SUCCEEDED TO HOODWINK THE TULF WHICH HAD BEEN DEMOCRATICALLY MANDATED TO ESTABLISH SOVEREIGN THAMIZH EEZHAM . ( to continue)
8. the GOI proceeded to seek to subdue the LTTE too and after inducting the IPKF it solught to kill Thiru.V..Prabahakarna and Thiru.Mathiah. Finally it has taken the GOI 22 years to use the Sinhalese army itself to eliminate the LTTE. Then the GOI followed a collusive diplomacy of supporting the Rajapakshe government to totally eclipse the remaining Tamils in the island and make them eternal slaves to the arrogant majority Sinhalese. which th author thiru. Asada M Erpini has called:"What Sri Lanka badly needs today is Sri Lanka nationalism, and not nationalisms of individual ethnic or religious groups." The Sinhalese are settled in the Tamil areas to reduce their numerical power. and exclusive identity as nation with their own territories. Let us wait for Professor Suryanarayan. as which way he will go? He is an Indian nationalist and he never supported anything like Tamil nationalism either here or in the islands.

Paki game plan: capture Kabul, cripple Kashmir -- Shishir Gupta

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Pakistan's new game plan: capture Kabul, cripple Kashmir

Shishir Gupta, Hindustan Times  New Delhi, August 08, 2013
First Published: 00:15 IST(8/8/2013) | Last Updated: 14:51 IST(8/8/2013)

It was around 4.30 am on July 1 when a Pakistani suicide bomber crossed the Line of Control and blew himself up about 25 meters from an Indian Army picket at Saujiyan in the Poonch sector of Jammu and Kashmir. Other than the bomber, there were no casualties.
A week later, in the same area, a Pakistani improvised explosive device – a roadside bomb – proved more lethal and killed an Indian Army porter.

India believes these attacks, and other such activity along the de facto border and inside Jammu and Kashmir, are part of a deliberate Pakistani game plan to push in as many militants as possible across the LoC. The goal of all this: escalate violence in the run-up to and possibly disrupt the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly elections next year.
On the other side of Pakistan, though this may not seem obvious to people in India, is a related attempt by Rawalpindi to use the same terrorists to drive India out of Afghanistan.
US intelligence had confirmed to India that Lashkar e Taiba cadre were being moved into the provinces of Kunar and Nuristan in expectation of the US troop withdrawal from Afghanistan next year. The recent suicide bomb attack on the Indian consulate in Jalalabad which killed a dozen people was part and parcel of this larger strategy. 
“Pakistan is using Lashkar to target Indian interests in Kabul,” said a senior Indian official. “The Jalalabad attack was orchestrated by Lashkar.”
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/Popup/2013/8/08_08_pg17a.jpg
Pakistan is similarly transferring militant cadre recruited from its Khyber Paktunkhwa province to boost militant ranks in the Kashmir Valley.
The broad Indian assessment is that the LoC and Kashmir in general have seen relatively low levels of Pakistani action because Rawalpindi was forced to divert as many as 150,000 troops to the Pakistan-Afghan border.
With the US troop withdrawal approaching and Pakistan sensing that it may soon have a friendly regime ensconced in Kabul, the Pakistani army and Lashkar are once more concentrating on destabilizing Kashmir.
Lashkar chief Hafiz Sayeed declared this in a recent India Today interview saying, “Full-scale armed jihad will begin soon in Kashmir after American forces withdraw from Afghanistan.”
Kashmir is starting to simmer again. Attempts by Lashkar’s border action teams, groups that are backed by the Pakistani Army, to ambush Indian Army patrols have gone up this year. The decapitation of two soldiers in Krishnaghati area of Poonch sector on January 8, 2013, and the recent killing of five Indian soldiers in the same sector on Tuesday morning are just two of the more bloody examples.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/Popup/2013/8/08_08_pg17b.jpg
“The escalation is evident from the fact that till July 2012 only 13 infiltrators had been killed but during the same period this year more than 23 infiltrators have been killed on the LoC,” said a source.
“There have been no less than 10 border actions undertaken by Pakistan Army backed terrorists on the Jammu LoC ,” said a senior official. He warned that the infiltration figures are expected to rise this month.
That is along the border. The situation inside the Valley has become equally violent. There have been two definitive suicide attacks by Lashkar cadres this year inside Jammu and Kashmir – the first in three years.
A fidayeen attack on Central Reserve Police Force camp at Bemina in Srinagar on March 14 and an attack on Indian Army jawans at Hyderpora bypass a day before Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s June 25 visit to Kashmir.
Indian intelligence conducted a security review in Kabul days before the Jalalabad attack. The then home secretary RK Singh flew down to Srinagar on June 20 to brief army and police about a threat against a police station on the eve of Singh’s June 25 visit.
“The Poonch action shows that Pakistan Army is opposed to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif normalizing ties with India and is also connected to the appointment of General Parvez Kiyani’s successor in November,” said a senior official.
The Pakistani gameplan is quite clear: infiltrate militants eastward and westward, across the Durand and Radcliffe lines. Rawalpindi’s men in khaki want to turn the clock back to the 1980s when Afghanistan was a Pakistani colony and Kashmir was in flames.

Failure-bound maritime strategy -- Bharat Karnad

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Failure-bound maritime strategy

09th August 2013 07:25 AM
The public perception of the Indian army being smacked around on the border by China needs correction. Actually army units with the Leh-based XIV Corps do “power patrolling”, matching the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) move for aggressive move, including active use of drones, something not publicised by an incomprehensibly reticent Indian government. Thus, while it is known, for example, that the camera installed in the post on the Chumar heights was destroyed by intruding PLA troops, what isn’t is the fact that it was quickly replaced by the Chinese with a new surveillance system once they were told that five of their cameras in similarly exposed sites would be destroyed in retaliation.
The negative impression of a lax and unready army has gained traction, leading to murmurings of a 1962-type of disaster in case of war with China, which’s wrong. An indecisive Indian government has constrained the Indian army with its delayed decision on the offensive mountain corps and the painfully slow construction of border roads and military-use infrastructure. But notwithstanding China’s advantages in these and other respects, the PLA is in no position to overwhelm India’s defensive formations arrayed in depth, even less maintain an attacking force in the field in the face of sustained Indian aerial strike power. It has only 11 Ilyushin-76s for heavy airlift, relies on the antiquated Yak-7 variant of An-32 — the staple of the Indian transport capability as well and, unlike the Mi-26 in Indian employ, has no heavy lift helicopters for tactical support.
The problem is fundamentally of a strategic nature. With China clearly utilising its repeated provocations to benchmark escalatory steps — from push to shove to widespread hostilities to limited war to however improbable, general war, the question is what is the most appropriate Indian strategy if the violence is ratcheted all the way up? The Indian government seems persuaded by the “theatre-switching” maritime strategy of a naval riposte to Chinese aggression in the mountains. According to the estimable Rear Admiral (Retd) K Raja Menon (“A mountain strike corps is not the only option”, The Hindu, July 28, 2013), the ` 60,000 crore sanctioned for an offensive army mountain corps is a waste of money, which ought to have been spent on beefing up the navy’s Sea Lines of Communications “interdiction capability” instead in order to obtain “a stranglehold on the Chinese routes through the Indian Ocean”. Threaten a cutoff of energy and natural resources from the Gulf and Africa, put its exports-driven economy and prosperity at risk and, voila! goes this argument, Beijing will pull its punches landward.
Convinced about the efficacy of “maritime strategy for continental wars” — a subject he has fleshed out in a book — Menon builds his larger case on Britain’s historical experience of utilising the Royal Navy to contain European continental powers. Except, as empirical evidence shows, a maritime strategy can overcome only island nations (such as Japan in World War II) but by itself can at most seriously discomfit, not stifle, major land powers enjoying interior lines of communications. Even Britain had to rely ultimately on Marlborough, master of the forced march and tactical maneuvering, to settle the early 18th Century Wars of the Spanish Succession in the decisive land battles at Blenheim, Ramillies and Malpalaquet, against the condominium of France and Spain, both boasting formidable navies which, along with the Royal Navy, did little during this period than indulge in “cruising wars”.
An exclusively naval response by India to a conflict in the Himalayas initiated by China is problematic for a host of practical reasons. In a “limited war” launched by PLA, sinking a few Chinese warships found east of the Malacca Strait, or sinking or capturing Chinese merchantmen on the high seas is surely not enough recompense for loss of valuable territory in Arunachal Pradesh and elsewhere along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), and from which the Chinese forces are unlikely to withdraw as they did in 1962. So, the status quo ante will not be restored on land as it will be on the seas. There’s, moreover, the little matter of India’s ability to impose a “total exclusion zone” on the entire Indian Ocean to prosecute an unbridled guerre de course (war on commerce). Alas, a navy of 50-odd capital ships by 2030 will be inadequate for this mammoth task. Then there are the lesser issues of identifying Chinese carriers and targeting them and other ships, possibly under friendly flags plying the China trade. If the latter are to escape the torpedo and only quarantined, eventually to be released, it’ll mean even less cost to Beijing.
Secondly, while a few Indian ships could almost instantly get underway, an all-out effort will require four-to-six days of hectic preparation as stores and assets are marshalled, battle groups constituted and, based on intelligence, an interdiction grid established, during which time the PLA could rack up singular, irreversible, successes in the mountains. Indeed, the Chinese could well achieve their limited war aims before many Chinese naval ships and merchant marine can be found and sunk, and the Chinese economy impacted. The time factor could be further distended if, as is likely, the conflict begins with the usual border incident or two before the PLA chooses to escalate. At what point in this escalation sequence will the Indian government, notoriously timid in using armed force, decide the country is in a war situation necessitating implementation of the maritime strategy? Thirdly, unlike India, China has built up strategic reserves of oil and minerals; these will last longer than the limited war will endure and before India’s maritime counter can have effect.
Any military campaign against China will perforce be land-based with a maritime strategy as subsidiary. India, therefore, has a desperate need for capability to mount offensives on the Tibetan plateau provided by specially-equipped mountain corps. At a minimum, India requires three such corps, not just one. However, Menon’s suggestion that the rugged American A-10 Warthog fixed-wing aircraft, rather than armed helicopters, be considered for close air support is more interesting.
Bharat Karnad is Professor at Centre for Policy Research and blogs at www.bharatkarnad.com

Lavabit email service reportedly used by Edward Snowden shut down -- Spencer Ackerman

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Lavabit email service abruptly shut down citing government interference

  • theguardian.com
  • Founder of service reportedly used by Edward Snowden said he would not be complicit in 'crimes against the American people'Email on computer
'The first amendment is supposed to guarantee me the freedom to speak out in situations like this,' Levison wrote. Photograph: OJO Images/Rex Features
The email service reportedly used by surveillance whistleblower Edward Snowden abruptly shut down on Thursday after its owner cryptically announced his refusal to become "complicit in crimes against the American people."
Lavabit, an email service that boasted of its security features and claimed 350,000 customers, is no more, apparently after rejecting a court order for cooperation with the US government to participate in surveillance on its customers. It is the first such company known to have shuttered rather than comply with government surveillance.
"I have been forced to make a difficult decision: to become complicit in crimes against the American people or walk away from nearly ten years of hard work by shutting down Lavabit," founder Ladar Levison wrote on the company's website, reported by Xeni Jardin the popular news site Boing Boing.
Levison said government-imposed restrictions prevented him from explaining what exactly led to his company's crisis point.
"I feel you deserve to know what's going on – the first amendment is supposed to guarantee me the freedom to speak out in situations like this," Levison wrote. "Unfortunately, Congress has passed laws that say otherwise. As things currently stand, I cannot share my experiences over the last six weeks, even though I have twice made the appropriate requests."
Privacy advocates called the move unprecedented. "I am unaware of any situation in which a service provider chose to shut down rather than comply with a court order they felt violated the Constitution," said Kurt Opsahl, a lawyer with the Electronic Frontier Foundation.
Silent Circle, another provider of secure online services, announced on Thursday night that it would scrap its own encrypted email offering, Silent Mail. In a blogpost the company said that although it had not received any government orders to hand over information, "the writing is on the wall".
Several technology companies that participate in the National Security Agency's surveillance dragnets have filed legal requests to lift the secrecy restrictions that prevent them from explaining to their customers precisely what it is that they provide to the powerful intelligence service – either wittingly or due to a court order. Yahoo has sued for the disclosure of some of those court orders.
The presiding judge of the secret court that issues such orders, known as the Fisa court, has indicated to the Justice Department that he expects declassification in the Yahoo case. The department agreed last week to a review that will last into September about the issues surrounding the release of that information.
There are few internet and telecommunications companies known to have refused compliance with the NSA for its bulk surveillance efforts, which the NSA and the Obama administration assert are vital to protect Americans. One of them is Qwest Communications, whose former CEO Joseph Nacchio – convicted of insider trading – alleged that the government rejected it for lucrative contracts after Qwest became a rare holdout for post-9/11 surveillance.
"Without the companies' participation," former NSA codebreaker William Binney recently told the Guardian, "it would reduce the collection capability of the NSA significantly."
Snowden was allegedly a Lavabit customer. A Lavabit email address believed to come from Snowden invited reporters to a press conferenceat Moscow's Sheremetyevo Airport in mid-July.
While Levinson did not say much about the shuttering of his company – he notably did not refer to the NSA, for instance – he did say he intended to mount a legal challenge.
"We've already started preparing the paperwork needed to continue to fight for the Constitution in the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals," Levinson wrote. "A favorable decision would allow me resurrect Lavabit as an American company."
He continued: "This experience has taught me one very important lesson: without congressional action or a strong judicial precedent, I would strongly recommend against anyone trusting their private data to a company with physical ties to the United States."
Opsahl noted that the fact that Levinson was appealing a case before the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals indicated the government had a court order for Lavabit's data.
"It's taking a very bold stand, one that I'm sure will have financial ramifications," Opsahl said.
"There should be more transparency around this. There's probably no harm to the national security of the United States to have it publicly revealed what are the legal issues here," Opsahl continued.
The justice department said it had no comment to make. Representatives from the NSA, White House and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence did not immediately reply to a request for comment.

Published: August 9, 2013 12:32 IST | Updated: August 9, 2013 15:19 IST

Encrypted email service linked to Snowden shuts down

AP
NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden.
APNSA whistleblower Edward Snowden.
A Texas-based email service reportedly used by National Security Agency systems analyst Edward Snowden said it was shutting down on Thursday, explaining in a cryptic message that it would rather go out of business than “become complicit in crimes against the American people.”
The statement posted online by Lavabit owner Ladar Levison hinted that the Dallas-based company had been forbidden from revealing what was going on.
“I wish that I could legally share with you the events that led to my decision,” Mr. Levison’s statement said. “As things currently stand, I cannot share my experiences over the last six weeks, even though I have twice made the appropriate requests.”
The post didn’t name Mr. Snowden or refer to any particular investigation, but the statement’s timing and other material in the public domain suggest that Mr. Lavabit shut down in protest at the US government’s pursuit of the 30-year-old whistleblower, whose disclosures have blown the lid off the NSA’s secret domestic surveillance.
Lavabit might have been attractive to Mr. Snowden because the company advertised itself as a secure, privacy-conscious alternative to webmail services operated by Yahoo and Google. The company’s promotional material it has since been pulled from the internet said Lavabit’s system was specifically designed to resist secret requests from US law enforcement.
Mr. Levison’s statement said the firm had launched a legal defence fund and was preparing to go to court to “resurrect Lavabit as an American company.”
Published: August 7, 2013 01:38 IST | Updated: August 7, 2013 15:48 IST

Who wants to be a whistle-blower?

Narayan Lakshman
IMPLICATIONS: Experts have described the decision to hand out a guilty verdict against Manning, under six Espionage Act charges, as a move that would have a ‘chilling effect,’ discouraging future whistle-blowers.
APIMPLICATIONS: Experts have described the decision to hand out a guilty verdict against Manning, under six Espionage Act charges, as a move that would have a ‘chilling effect,’ discouraging future whistle-blowers.

The verdict against Bradley Manning leaves troubling questions about the Obama administration’s continuing belligerence not just towards free journalism but freedom itself

When the verdict was announced in the trial of army intelligence officer Bradley Manning last week, it became clear that it was a dangerous business to draw the world’s attention to the darker side of U.S. military and diplomatic engagement in places like Afghanistan and Iraq.
A few rows behind me in the military courtroom at Fort Meade, Maryland, a gaggle of Manning supporters wearing T-shirts emblazoned with the word “truth” sat in stunned silence as Judge Denise Lind read out the word “guilty” several times.
Of the 22 charges he faced. Mr. Manning was convicted on 17, six of which were under the 1917 Espionage Act. That leaves him with a potential 136-year term in jail. The sentence is to be pronounced later this month.
However, despite the Obama administration’s breathtakingly aggressive prosecution of Mr. Manning for passing on 7,50,000 war logs, diplomatic cables and other classified government information to WikiLeaks, the judge found the soldier not guilty on two important counts.
The first relates to the serious allegation that he “aided the enemy,” for all practical purposes al-Qaeda, and the second, to the allegation that he leaked an encrypted copy of a damning video of the U.S. military conducting a lethal aerial attack in Afghanistan’s Farah province, in which many civilians were killed.
In finding Mr. Manning not guilty of aiding the enemy — in other words exonerating him of treason punishable by death — Judge Lind showed the forbearance to not give in to pressure to fuel what is now widely acknowledged as the Obama administration’s “War on Leaks.”
Administration’s war
This war, carried out in the shadows of well-crafted legal protections — and not dissimilar in that regard to the secrecy-shrouded drone assassination programme on distant shores — has recently spilled media blood by applying gag orders, telephone record taps, defamation-type litigation and behind the scenes bullying.
The intensity of the White House’s battle against critics of surveillance became evident in May, when the Associated Press’s Chief Executive, Gary Pruitt, penned a strongly-worded letter to Attorney-General Eric Holder saying that he objected to the “massive and unprecedented intrusion by the Department of Justice into the newsgathering activities” of the AP.
He specifically referenced the Justice Department’s secret review of phone records for more than 20 separate telephone lines. Mr. Holder defended that surveillance on the grounds of endangering national security.
Since that episode, the U.S. House of Representatives opened a perjury inquiry against Mr. Holder to examine whether he fudged a statement to Congress about the Obama administration’s proclivity to press criminal charges against whistle-blowers.
Specifically, the House demanded to know whether Mr. Holder tried to prosecute Fox News journalist James Rosen for publishing classified information in a 2009 report on Iran, going so far as to label Mr. Rosen a potential “co-conspirator” in a bid to get court approval for surveillance.
In the ongoing saga of the prosecution — it is tempting to call it persecution — of former Central Intelligence Agency agent Jeffrey Sterling, charged with sharing classified information with The New York Times journalist James Risen, the government offered a similar logic.
The Justice Department has argued that leaks to the press were even “more pernicious” than true espionage involving the sale of secrets to enemies because not one, but “every foreign adversary stood to benefit from the defendant's unauthorised disclosure.” According to the Times, Mr. Risen has vowed to go to prison rather than testify about his sources.
More recently, the case of Edward Snowden, the former contractor to the National Security Agency (NSA) and the man behind the revelations on the NSA’s mass automated surveillance of Internet communications, has exposed the double standards of the U.S. government in dealing with leaks — fiercely prosecuting those that generate challenges to the surveillance state’s standard operating procedure and softly facilitating those that improve its public standing.
The deeper question that the administration is only grudgingly beginning to acknowledge, and not until Congress threatened to defund NSA spying programmes authorised by the shadowy Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) Court, is whether the legal checks and balances aimed at limiting government surveillance are sufficiently robust and transparent.
In this regard, both the verdict against Mr. Manning as well as the treatment meted out to him by the military since his May 2010 arrest leave troubling, unanswered questions about the Obama administration’s continuing belligerence towards not only free journalism in this country but freedom itself.
Judge Lind’s decision to hand out a guilty verdict under six Espionage Act charges has been described by numerous experts as a move that would have a “chilling effect” across the board and discourage future whistle-blowers who obtain classified documents that could expose illicit conduct in public offices.
Despite Mr. Manning admitting guilt to 10 lesser charges that carried a total of 20 years imprisonment, the government has also appeared keen to make an example of him and not permit him anything less than life imprisonment — this after he already endured 1,160 days of pretrial detention in a six-foot by 12-foot cell for months, deprived of sleep, forced to stand naked, and placed on suicide watch despite experts suggesting that was unnecessary.
No traitor
If Osama bin Laden’s intention behind the 9/11 attacks was to plunge the U.S. into a vicious cycle of paranoia fuelling the dilution of civil liberties and constitutional rights, it would appear that under Barack Obama’s reign, the dead terror chief’s cherished goals have been achieved.
The last hope for the return of genuine freedom of speech and the press, including a recasting of FISA, and Patriot Act-type provisions, may be the disenchantment of a growing minority of Americans who repudiate Mr. Obama’s counter-terrorism-based overreach. According to a Quinnipiac national poll released on August 1, American voters said 55-34 per cent that Mr. Snowden is a whistle-blower and not a traitor.

SoniaG UPA outsourcing Indian interests to Chinese

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Nearly 30%of India's container traffic will now be handled by Colombo.  Does India have any plans to develop Vizhinjam a natural deep-sea port, as a world-class container port? Where are the maritime economic pundits of SoniaG UPA? Busy building, with MuKa, a Setusamudram channel as a nautical nonsense? 


Kalyan

The Indosphere. Made outside India. As growth slows and reforms falter, economic activity is shifting out of India | COLOMBO, DUBAI AND MUMBAI |From the print edition


INDIA’S diaspora of 25m people is something to behold. In colonial times Indian labourers and traders spread across the world, from Fiji to the Caribbean. A second wave of Indians left between the 1970s and mid-1990s, when the economy was in a semi-socialist rut. Migrant workers rushed to the Arabian Gulf and South-East Asia, then booming. Educated folk and entrepreneurs fled to the rich world. Plenty struck gold, including engineers in Silicon Valley and Lakshmi Mittal, boss of ArcelorMittal, a giant steel firm. Often they now have little to do with India beyond sending cash to relatives and groaning as the once-vaunted economic miracle fades.
Yet alongside this distant diaspora, a network of people and places is more directly engaged with India’s economy. Its most conspicuous element is the plutocrat who owns firms in India, but like his Russian and Chinese peers shops in Paris, educates his children in America and Britain and sometimes has foreign citizenship: Cyrus Mistry, the boss of Tata Sons, India’s biggest firm, has an Irish passport. At the network’s core, however, is not the gilded elite but offshore hubs, including Dubai and Singapore, often with sizeable Indian populations and with their own economic strengths.
Film buffs now view Swiss dream-sequences as cheesy, but India’s big offshore hubs are more in fashion than ever. They present a mirror image of India’s red tape, weak infrastructure and graft. Dubai is a prime example. For long-haul flights Indians prefer its airline, Emirates, to their own. More than 40% of long-haul journeys from India go via a non-Indian hub, often in the Gulf. Indian airports no longer make grown men cry (Delhi’s is first rate), but few foreign airlines want to make them their base. Indian planes are usually serviced in Dubai, Malaysia and Singapore, reflecting a history of penal taxes in India and high customs duties on imported spare parts.The idea that some things are better done abroad is hardly new. Hong Kong was a gateway to imperial and then Red China. In 1985 Yash Chopra, an Indian film-maker, led a trend of shooting Bollywood “dream sequences”—in which the hero and heroine sing amid meadows and snowy crags—in Switzerland. The Alps were easier, cheaper and safer than the more familiar location of Kashmir.
A stroll round Dubai’s gold souk, a glittering warren of shops and discreet offices, housing bullion worth $3 billion-4 billion, points to another specialism—trading jewellery as well as precious stones and metals. A third of demand is from India, reckons Chandu Siroya, one of the market’s big participants. Indians go to Dubai to avoid taxes at home and because they trust its certification and inspection regime.
Dubai’s ports, air links and immigration rules also make it a better logistical base than India. Dawood Ibrahim, a Mumbai mafia don, ruled from Dubai by “remote control” before eloping to Pakistan in 1994. Since those wild days legitimate Indian firms have thrived in Dubai. Dabur, which makes herbal soaps, oils and creams, runs its international arm from there. Dodsal, which spans oil exploration in Africa to Pizza Huts in Hyderabad, is based in the emirate. Its boss, Rajen Kilachand, moved from Mumbai in 2003. “Dubai is a good place to headquarter yourself,” he says, adding that a “Who’s Who” of Indian tycoons has a presence. Dubai is gaining traction in finance, too. Rikin Patel, the chief executive of Que Capital, an investment bank, says Indian firms are raising debt in Dubai to avoid sky-high interest rates at home.
Treasure Island
About 5,000km (3,000 miles) south of Dubai lies Mauritius, an island so beautiful that Mark Twain said God had modelled heaven on it. About half its people are descended from labourers brought from India when Britain ruled both places. It is the main conduit for foreign investment into India with 30-40% of the stock of foreign capital sitting in funds domiciled in the island. A 1982 tax treaty allows investors using Mauritius to pay tax at the island’s rate (which, in practice, is zero), not the Indian rate. Foreigners also like the stability of Mauritius’s rules and its army of book-keepers and administrators. Many investors also use “P-Notes”—a kind of derivative with banks that gives them exposure to Indian shares without having the hassle of directly owning them.
Sri Lanka has testy relations with India, but Colombo is a vital port. About 30% of containers bound for India go via intermediate hubs fed by small vessels, either because big shipping lines do not want to deal with India’s customs regime or because their ships are too big for the country’s ports. About half of this trans-shipment business happens in Colombo. Its importance could increase now that a big extension to the port there has just opened. The project was funded by a Chinese firm probably too polite to admit that its investment is partly based on the idea that India’s ports will never be world-class.
A roll of the dice
Sri Lanka also wants to develop a casino industry. Gambling is illegal in almost all India, so people use offshore bookies or the internet. James Packer, an Australian business dynast with a gambling empire in Macau, is said to be considering creating a casino resort in Colombo aimed at attracting Indian high rollers.
The largest hub for Indian trade is probably Singapore. It is the centre for investment banking, which thrives offshore, owing to the tight regulation of India’s banks and debt markets. Reflecting this, the global exposure to India of Citigroup and Standard Chartered, the two foreign banks busiest in India, is 1.9 times the size of their regulated Indian bank subsidiaries.
Fund managers running money in India are often based in Singapore. India’s best financial newspaper, Mint, now has a Singapore edition. At least half of all rupee trading is offshore, says Ajay Shah of the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy in Delhi. Investors and firms do not like India’s fiddly rules and worry that the country may tighten capital controls if its currency falls too far, says one trader in Singapore. He denies, though, that the rupee’s fall is mainly the work of speculators abroad. “The onshore guys have as much of a role,” he says.
Indian e-commerce firms often get their data crunched in Singapore, using web-hosting and cloud-computing firms, such as Google and Amazon. Amitabh Misra, of Snapdeal, says bandwidth costs less, technology is better and you avoid India’s headaches—such as finding somewhere to work, coping with state-run telecoms firms and having to wait to import hardware.
Singapore is also a centre for legal services. International deals involving India often contain clauses which state that disputes be arbitrated outside India, with its clogged courts. Singapore, along with London and Paris, has become the preferred jurisdiction. “The level of comfort Indian companies get from Singapore is unmatched,” says Vivekananda N of the Singapore International Arbitration Centre.
When India’s economy thrived, in 2003-08, so did its offshore hubs. Singapore’s service exports to India tripled. Yet these centres may sometimes be a reverse barometer. If things improve in India, activity should shift to the mainland, and vice versa. By gradually improving its ports, for example, India has convinced more shipping lines to make direct stops.
The government wants to attract activity back to create jobs and boost foreign earnings. Pride plays a role, too—it is unbecoming for a potential superpower to have outsourced vital economic functions. India has far less control over Dubai and Singapore than China does over Hong Kong. Plenty of policy statements in recent years argue that India should become a global hub for aviation, legal arbitration, diamond trading and international finance.
In the real world, however, the question is whether activity is leaving India as its prospects have dimmed. A lead indicator is the purchase of gold by Indians—a form of capital flight. Gold imports have hit $50 billion a year, almost offsetting the boost the balance of payments gets from remittances from Indians abroad.
Some service industries do seem to be shifting from India. India’s balance of trade in business and financial services has slipped into modest deficit from a surplus five years ago. The number of big India-related corporate legal cases at Singapore’s arbitration centre has doubled since 2009, to 49 last year. It is setting up a Mumbai office to win more business. Trading of equity-index derivatives has shifted—a fifth of open positions are now in Singapore and DGCX, a Dubai exchange, is launching two rival products this year. A recent deal by Etihad, the airline of Abu Dhabi, to buy a stake in Jet, an Indian carrier, should see more long-haul traffic shift to the Gulf. (Jet’s boss, Naresh Goyal, lives in London.) More rupee trading seems to be taking place offshore.
The biggest worry is that heavy industry is getting itchy feet. Coal India, a state-owned mining monopoly sitting on some of the world’s biggest reserves, plans to spend billions of dollars buying mines abroad—red tape and political squabbles mean it is too difficult to expand production at home.
Some fear manufacturing is drifting offshore. In the five years to March 2012, for every dollar of direct foreign investment in Indian manufacturing, Indian firms invested 65 cents in manufacturing abroad. Some big firms such as Reliance Industries plan to invest heavily in India, but others such as Aditya Birla are wary. Its boss, Kumar Mangalam Birla, has said that he prefers to invest outside India—an echo of his father, who expanded in South-East Asia during India’s bleak years in the 1970s.
The Gulf has seen tentative signs of Indian manufacturers shifting base. Rohit Walia, of Alpen Capital, an investment bank, says that in the past year he has helped finance an $800m fertiliser plant and a $250m sugar plant. Both will be built in the United Arab Emirates, by Indian firms that will then re-export much of the output back home. The Gulf’s cheap power and easy planning regime make this more feasible than setting up a plant in India. “It’s a new trend,” says Mr Walia.
The temptation for India is to invent new rules to keep economic activity from moving abroad. In 2012 the government tried to override its treaty with Mauritius, only to scare investors so much that it had to back down. To try to plug its balance of payments, India is tightening rules on buying gold. The country’s ministry of finance is said to be examining the shift of currency-trading offshore. The government has intervened to insist that shareholder disputes arising from the Etihad-Jet deal be settled under Indian law—not English as originally proposed.
Yet in the long run, coercing Indians and foreigners to do their business in India would be self-defeating. Some may simply go on strike and it is far better that activity takes place abroad than not at all. Any rise in the share of offshore activity is best viewed as a warning system about what is most in need of reform at home.
The biggest warning sign would be if Indians themselves started to leave. Despite some mutterings among the professional classes, that does not seem to be happening. Still, if India does not kick-start its economy and reform, more than derivative trading and Bollywood singalongs will shift abroad.
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