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Chanhu-daro, Sheffield of Ancient Near East. Need to unravel the contents of rattles.

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We convey our sincere good wishes to Jacob Dahl who has to succceed, together with other scholars, engaged on the research effort, to decipher Proto-elamite writing system.

A write-up appeared on BBC News. It is appended. One wonders if an adapted version of the new technique can also be used to unravel the rattles of Chanhu-daro, now kept in Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Another technique used is of airborne altimetric LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging). Experts can examine the possibility of combing such techniques to define the contents of the Chanhu-daro rattles.

There are at least 10 rattles of varying dimensions exhibited in the Museum, as detailed below (and shown in the embedded pdf document).

There should be some non-destructive method of figuring out the 'tokens' embedded in these rattles. They are likely to be the complex token-types found in Sumer and other sites and discussed by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her pioneering work on the accounting systems developed with complex tokens.

The thesis to be tested if these tokens and bullae (as rattles) evolved into tiny incised miniature tablets found in sites like Harappa. These Meluhha writing tablets deploy hieroglyphs as category-markers of bronze-age artefacts. There are intimations from the HARP report that some tablets ended up as messages on seals, which point to the use of tablets during the bronze-age manufacturing processes from the smelter to the furnace, from the furnace to the moulds, from the moulds to the forge before the products are readied to be couriered or carted. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/ancient-near-east-transition-fro-bullae.html Ancient Near East archaeological context: transition to Bronze Age. Indus writing is for trade in this transition.

See also: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-heralded.html Ancient Near East Bronze Age -- heralded by Meluhha writing

Clay rattles (no images): 36.2742, 36.2744Legacy dimension: D. 1.90 in., 36.2745Legacy dimension: D. 1.83 in., 36.2746Legacy dimension: D. 1.81 in., 36.2747, 36.2748 Legacy dimension: D. 1.54 in.

36.2226 Clay Legacy dimension: D. 2.0 in.
Clay Legacy dimension: D. 2.5 in.
36.2733
Ceramic; clay D. 1.74 in.
36.2240
Legacy dimension: Diam: 5.5 cm
Terracotta, buff-colored fired clay with red slip
36.2735



http://www.scribd.com/doc/157578296/Select-images-from-Chanhu-daro-Sarasvati-river-valley-S-Kalyanaraman-August-2-2013

Select images from Chanhu-daro, Sarasvati river valley (S. Kalyanaraman, August 2, 2013)




Hemmy, AS, Weights at Chanhu-daro (Chapter XV) in: Mackay, Ernest J.H., 1943, Chanhu-daro excavations 1935-...


Chanhu-daro. Subsidence of buildings owing to the flooding by River Indus. (p.529)
Chanhu-daro. Drainage system found in preliminary trenching (p.531).
Chanhu-daro. Seals(p.540)

Chanhu-daro. Toy cart.

One group of carnelian beads were ornamented with designs painted in white, the paint used being carbonate of soda that was fixed by heat. Similar beads, both in shape and designs, were worn at this same period in Sumer. And as we now know that these beads were actually made in India, it can be regarded as certain that either they were exported from the Indus valley or that Indians were emloyed as bead-makers in Sumer. A mass of tiny tubular beads of steatite was found close inside the door of a bead-maker's workshop, and so small are these beads that some 35 go the inh. Each is perfectly shaped and bored, and their positions in the mass show that they had been strung. How they were shaped and bored we are now wndeavouring to ascertain. Metal working in copper and bronze was a craft that was largely practised. Two hoards of metal utensils and tools found corroded together provided us with a considerable number when they had been separated. In fact, we found more metal in one season at Chanhu-daro than in four years' work at Mohenjo-daro. Heavy blade-axes would have been chiefly used in woodwork; and a large bronze scoop which resembles a modern coal-shovel, and was most probably usd for grai, is an entirely new discovery in the ancient world. Knives and daggers, razors of three shapes and hair-pins all show great expertness in metal-working. One of the processes used is indicated by an unfinished casting made in an open mould and destined when finished to be a spear-head. So expert, indeed, were the workers in metal that they were capable of producing complex objects like model carts. Judging from the great number of toy carts that have been found, practically every child must have had one. Mostly made of pottery, they are more frequently found broken than not. These little vehicles are of various types, and it is clear that the actual carts of the time were drawn by oxen, for large numbers of toy oxen were found with lateral holes through the shoulders to take model yokes.(pp.540-541)

"Other toys played with by the very young of the Harappa culture were pottery rattles, roughly ornamented with lines of bright red paint which was evidently guaranteed not to come off. Owing to their substantial make these rattles are very rarely found broken. The pellets inside that make the noise are of pottery; they must have been inserted in a combustible core round which the clay was wrapped, which disappeared in the process of baking."(p.542)

Source: Mackay, EJA, 1937, Excavations at Chanhu-daro in: Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, Vol. 85, No. 4405, April 23, 1937, pp 527-545 Lecture given on 5 March 1937

25 October 2012 Last updated at 13:01 GMT

Breakthrough in world's oldest undeciphered writing
By Sean Coughlan
BBC News education correspondent
Proto-Elamite script
Experts working on proto-Elamite hope they are on the point of 'a breakthrough'

The world's oldest undeciphered writing system, which has so far defied attempts to uncover its 5,000-year-old secrets, could be about to be decoded by Oxford University academics.

This international research project is already casting light on a lost bronze age middle eastern society where enslaved workers lived on rations close to the starvation level.

TABLET TECHNOLOGY

Proto-Elamite is the name given to a writing system developed in an area that is now in south-western Iran
It was adopted about 3200BC and was borrowed from neighbouring Mesopotamia
It was written from right to left in wet clay tablets
There are more than a thousand surviving tablets in this writing
The biggest group of such texts was collected by 19th Century French archaeologists and brought back to the Louvre
While other ancient writing, such as Egyptian hieroglyphics, Sumerian and Mesopotamian, have been deciphered - attempts with proto-Elamite have proved unsuccessful

Jacob Dahl wants the public and other academics to help with an online decipherment of the texts

"I think we are finally on the point of making a breakthrough," says Jacob Dahl, fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford and director of the Ancient World Research Cluster.

Dr Dahl's secret weapon is being able to see this writing more clearly than ever before.

In a room high up in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, above the Egyptian mummies and fragments of early civilisations, a big black dome is clicking away and flashing out light.

This device, part sci-fi, part-DIY, is providing the most detailed and high quality images ever taken of these elusive symbols cut into clay tablets. This is Indiana Jones with software.

This way of capturing images, developed by academics in Oxford and Southampton, is being used to help decode a writing system called proto-Elamite, used between around 3200BC and 2900BC in a region now in the south west of modern Iran.
And the Oxford team think that they could be on the brink of understanding this last great remaining cache of undeciphered texts from the ancient world.

Tablet computer

Dr Dahl, from the Oriental Studies Faculty, shipped his image-making device on the Eurostar to the Louvre Museum in Paris, which holds the most important collection of this writing.

The clay tablets were put inside this machine, the Reflectance Transformation Imaging System, which uses a combination of 76 separate photographic lights and computer processing to capture every groove and notch on the surface of the clay tablets.

It allows a virtual image to be turned around, as though being held up to the light at every possible angle.

These images will be publicly available online, with the aim of using a kind of academic crowdsourcing.

He says it's misleading to think that codebreaking is about some lonely genius suddenly understanding the meaning of a word. What works more often is patient teamwork and the sharing of theories. Putting the images online should accelerate this process.

But this is painstaking work. So far Dr Dahl has deciphered 1,200 separate signs, but he says that after more than 10 years study much remains unknown, even such basic words as "cow" or "cattle".

He admits to being "bitten" by this challenge. "It's an unknown, uncharted territory of human history," he says.

Extinct language

But why has this writing proved so difficult to interpret?

Dr Dahl suspects he might have part of the answer. He's discovered that the original texts seem to contain many mistakes - and this makes it extremely tricky for anyone trying to find consistent patterns.

He believes this was not just a case of the scribes having a bad day at the office. There seems to have been an unusual absence of scholarship, with no evidence of any lists of symbols or learning exercises for scribes to preserve the accuracy of the writing.

This first case of educational underinvestment proved fatal for the writing system, which was corrupted and then completely disappeared after only a couple of hundred years. "It's an early example of a technology being lost," he says.
"The lack of a scholarly tradition meant that a lot of mistakes were made and the writing system may eventually have become useless."

Making it even harder to decode is the fact that it's unlike any other ancient writing style. There are no bi-lingual texts and few helpful overlaps to provide a key to these otherwise arbitrary looking dashes and circles and symbols.
This is a writing system - and not a spoken language - so there's no way of knowing how words sounded, which might have provided some phonetic clues.

Dr Dahl says that one of the really important historical significances of this proto-Elamite writing is that it was the first ever recorded case of one society adopting writing from another neighbouring group.

But infuriatingly for the codebreakers, when these proto-Elamites borrowed the concept of writing from the Mesopotamians, they made up an entirely different set of symbols.

Why they should make the intellectual leap to embrace writing and then at the same time re-invent it in a different local form remains a puzzle.
But it provides a fascinating snapshot of how ideas can both spread and change.

Mr One Hundred
In terms of written history, this is the very remote past. But there is also something very direct and almost intimate about it too.

You can see fingernail marks in the clay. These neat little symbols and drawings are clearly the work of an intelligent mind.

These were among the first attempts by our human ancestors to try to make a permanent record of their surroundings. What we're doing now - my writing and your reading - is a direct continuation.

But there are glimpses of their lives to suggest that these were tough times. It wasn't so much a land of milk and honey, but porridge and weak beer.

Even without knowing all the symbols, Dr Dahl says it's possible to work out the context of many of the messages on these tablets.

The numbering system is also understood, making it possible to see that much of this information is about accounts of the ownership and yields from land and people. They are about property and status, not poetry.

This was a simple agricultural society, with a ruling household. Below them was a tier of powerful middle-ranking figures and further below were the majority of workers, who were treated like "cattle with names".

Their rulers have titles or names which reflect this status - the equivalent of being called "Mr One Hundred", he says - to show the number of people below him.
It's possible to work out the rations given to these farm labourers.

Dr Dahl says they had a diet of barley, which might have been crushed into a form of porridge, and they drank weak beer.

The amount of food received by these farm workers hovered barely above the starvation level.

However the higher status people might have enjoyed yoghurt, cheese and honey. They also kept goats, sheep and cattle.

For the "upper echelons, life expectancy for some might have been as long as now", he says. For the poor, he says it might have been as low as in today's poorest countries.

The tablets also have surprises. Even though there are plenty of pictures of animals and mythical creatures, Dr Dahl says there are no representations of the human form of any kind. Not even a hand or an eye.

Was this some kind of cultural or religious taboo?

Dr Dahl remains passionate about what this work says about such societies, digging into the deepest roots of civilisation. This is about where so much begins. For instance, proto-Elamite was the first writing ever to use syllables.
If Macbeth talked about the "last syllable of recorded time", the proto-Elamites were there for the first.

And with sufficient support, Dr Dahl says that within two years this last great lost writing could be fully understood.

Thank you for the very many offers of help. In response, Dr Dahl has set up a website for people wanting to get involved with the decipherment:
http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/proto-elamite and an email address: cdli.oxford@orinst.ox.ac.uk. A small selection of the earlier comments are published here.

Allow me to be the 967th person to translate this to read "Hello, Sweetie!"
Mark, Durham, New Hampshire

Sounds fascinating. All I've done in this area is trying to decipher the words on 120 year old land grants for this area, but the problem was quality of the images. It appears that may not be a problem here
Peter Vander Sar, Canada

I am fascinated by this article and the attempt to decipher the tablets so would very much like to help.
Susan Merkeley, British Columbia, Canada

It might help, if comparative (pre) Zorastrian phonetic basics are adopted
Anil A. Vyas, Pune, India

Being an agrarian community it's possible that the phases of the moon might also be mentioned re planting cycles though I'm sure that has already been thought about by the deciphering team.
Sarah Waldock, Ipswich

I am currently studying Classics at UCL, and so anything to do with ancient scripts or writing is so interesting, congratulations to Dr. Dahl for all his hard working paying off!
Fiona, London

Sounds a fascinating and intriguing problem. It would be great to contribute, even if only in some small way, to finding the solution.
Simon, Derbyshire

What a great article! More of this please BBC
Simon, London

This is a problem tailor made for the boffins at GCHQ Cheltenham. Let them do something interesting in their spare time. There must be lots of computer + brain power there. Alternatively, or additionally, there may still be some oldies from Bletchley Park who would like to have a go.
Peter Crawford, Banbury

Now this is one of the most fascinating articles I have read for a long time. I dearly hope that there is a documentary going to be made out of this as it may , just may, unlock an unknown understanding of how we all work.
David Ford, Cheshire

I am currently working with an extremely old, yet still spoken language of the Nilotic family in East Africa. I don't know if there is anything that I could do to help but I would love a shot. I am young, 29, however, I have studied linguistic, specifically language acquisition. In my phonology course I loved the code breaking aspects of phonological rule ordering. Some believe that by ordering rules properly one can discover proto-features of a language that has evolved into a new language. I would be curious to see if this approach could be applied to this challenge. Start with suspected language derivatives or cognates and work backwards.
Robert Lane, Uganda

I am delighted to read this story that is tangentially related to Iran. I am not expert in linguistic, but one story from my childhood in Iran always fascinates me. It was 1964-1965 academic year and I was a student in Hadaf High School in Teheran, where Mr. Mohegh, my Persian literature teacher told us the story about the creation of our current Persian alphabets (about 1400 years old) that is also being used (and modified) by Arabs and is from right to left. Apparently this was the research topic of Mr. Mohegh's degree. He said this alphabet is created phonetically and according to the shape of our lips and tongue and artery. For instance, "M" in English is just a symbol, but in Persian when such a sound is created, then our lips and the rest form in such a manner that Persian "M" is sounded and that final shape becomes our "M". Similarly, he showed for many other letters such as "B" and "T", etc.. So, if this is the case in Persian, and since this alphabet is !
Mansour Eslami, Chicago

This sounds like something that would really intrigue some of my students - I am a secondary teacher of MFL - would we be able to get involved please?
Hannah Ryan, Hythe, Kent

Having studied anthropology and linguistics , I would love to try and help solve the mystery of this cipher. No guarantees though! As I live on a South Sea island with few diversions or entertainment, it would certainly be a privilege and challenge to try and help Dr. Dahl with the code.
Helga Saint-Pierre, New Caledonia

Simply fascinating! I would very much like to help in any way that I can with the ongoing project of deciphering the writings of the Proto-Elamites
Dr Giles Hodgskins, British Army (BFG)

So fascinating! Could the representation of cattle (horns) be also the representation of man/god or taboo divinity ? Could it be linked to the reason why the old testament starts with beta and not aleph (horn)?
Caroline, Bath
I know what this is- It's a shopping list and DIY request from a wife for husband, who has "lost"it on the way after a few barley wines. Domestic life really has not changed that much!
David Buxton, Hampshire

It quite clearly says "Take two paracetamol every six hours, with plenty of fluids, and if symptoms persist, come back to the surgery in a couple of days."
Keiron Marsden, Bristol

The attorney general has finally published Prince Charles's 27 letters to government ministers.
Mista C,

Would be very interested in helping in way possible. I am no Champollion or Ventris and it looks as though there is a corpus that would mean it is more possible than the Phaistos Disc. Application of AI/ANN as mentioned by a previous poster will not work as it will potentially show a pattern, but nothing to match that pattern against. What is interesting is that there are potential errors in the text. Probably most things have been tried however my thoughts are that the errors might give an in road. Analyse the distribution of the errors using known translations and where symbols are known to be replaced. Then map the statistical anomaly to the unknown pieces of text generating a candidate true text by substituting potential "correct" symbols. Then using the candidate text, see if there are more symbols resolved than in the original. View the highest resolved texts to see if they make sense in the context.
Richard C, Harpenden

It looks to me like 2, maybe 3 forms overlaid, certainly looks like two different hands have made it.
Tim Copsey (Graphics expert), Holmfirth

I'm looking forward to seeing or reading about how this gets broken. The story of the heiroglyphics breakthrough - where the cartouches were identified as known names and it all flowed from there was a treat. Maybe something similar will provide a breaktrhough here.
Sandy Fox, Derby

Considering that this was a simple agricultural society,where life for the average worker would be short,could this not be a manual/diary of agricultural practices and seasons? This could then be left for surviving members of the community to contiue with what was considered good husbandry.Presumably a record of astrological movements and religious festivals could have also been recorded.
Dan, Spain
I would be interested in helping studying the script. I am a Phd student in formal logic, so perhaps i could contribute something in the way of deciphering relevant patterns.
Riccardo, Amsterdam

I'm 99% sure that someone has thought of this already, but what about using some sort of Artificial Intelligence approach, such as an unsupervised Neural Network for pattern recognition?
Mike Overhill-Smith, York

I would like to congradulate Dr. Dahl & BBC for this fascinating findings. Since I came from (Sumerian and Acadian) Mesopotamian origin. I would like to add some measures like: the size of the symbols and the repeatability of these codes in comparison with Mesopotamian writings which might find some sort of pattern. I agree with Sarah Waldock, Ipswich about it could refer to replanting cycles (Crescent for moon and dots for workers required to do the plantation..etc) as the decipher team might already knows that. Good luck
Dr Safa Ramadaan, Buckinghamshire

I am a very keen amateur cryptologist and find that being a strong County Chess player is useful in such applications. After all The Enigma code was broken by chess players alike.
Sean Ralph, Birmingham
Facinating article. Maybe I can be of help. Partly by genetic heritage (my granfather Gustave Jequier discovered the Code of Hammurabi and must have brought back to the Louvre several of these tablets from his digs in Susa in 1897-1902), partly by personal taste in linguistics (basic knowledge of Semitic languages + Finnish, Chinese, etc.). My basic belief: proto-Elamic linked to African languages, possibly Burushaski and Australian languages. Compare also with Vinca writing
Nicolas Jequier, Lausanne, Switzerland

This is great! I am a professor of linguistics teaching a course on writing systems this term. We have been talking about techniques for deciphering undeciphered writing systems, and I would love to have a look at your database and share it with my class! Thanks!
Dr Laura C. Robinson, Santa Barbara, California

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-19964786

Aircel-Maxis ghotala: SC clears sanction hurdle for the CBI

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SC CLEARS SANCTION HURDLE FOR THE CBI

Friday, 02 August 2013 | Abraham Thomas | New Delhi
Giving a go-by to the single directive rule in court-monitored cases, the Supreme Court on Thursday directed the CBI not to await sanction from the Centre against a senior official involved in the Aircel-Maxis deal and ordered the chargesheet to be filed in two months.
The order could well be a precedent for other court-monitored cases such as Coalgate where the Government has been sitting on sanction requests from the probe agency. Single directive provided under Section 6A of Delhi Special Police Establishment Act acts as a bar for CBI to prosecute officers above Joint Secretary rank, the court held.
“Under court monitored investigation, you (CBI) don’t require sanction under Section 6A,” the court stated and ordered that CBI will not be “inhibited” for investigation of any person for want of sanction or otherwise. Clearing the hurdle of sanction was not enough as the court monitoring the 2G cases noted how the agency was slack in pursuing investigations against Maxis, the Malaysian-based company which purchased Aircel which fast-tracked award of spectrum to the company by then Telecom Minister Dayanidhi Maran.
“At a given point of time, progress in the case was quick, but now it’s getting tardy,” said the bench of Justices GS Singhvi and KS Radhakrishnan, noting its concern that despite the case being monitored for over two and a half years no charge sheet was in sight.
Giving reason for delay, the CBI informed it had shot letters rogatory (LR) to Malaysia and even visited the country but to no avail as the Malaysian Government refused to share details about Maxis owner T Ananda Krishnan, who is a business tycoon based in Kuala Lumpur. With the chargesheet getting delayed on this account, the bench directed the CBI to file the chargesheet based on the evidence already gathered, which in the opinion of the petitioners in the 2G case — Janata Party president Subramanian Swamy and advocate Prashant Bhushan — was sufficient to nail the accused.
Swamy also raised a related issue of FIPB clearance to Maxis. He alleged that Maxis held 99.3 per cent stake in Aircel, as revealed to the Malaysian stock exchange, while RBI Rules do not permit foreign investment beyond 74 per cent. Moreover, neither Maxis nor Aircel informed the Indian authorities that Saudi Telecom Company (STC) owns more than 30 per cent of the shares of Maxis. This would have alerted the Intelligence Bureau and R&AW, Swamy alleged in his petition. According to him, the meeting held on March 7, 2006 granting FIPB approval to Maxis-Aircel deal was not on record.
The Bench directed the CBI to produce the original minutes of the said meeting on Wednesday, the next date of hearing when the court also called the Attorney General to assist them on behalf of the Centre. It was shocking to note that when the bench sought to know the status regarding FIPB clearance and security concerns expressed by Swamy, no counsel representing the Centre was present in court. “Union of India is not serious in the matter. That’s why nobody is appearing. They think it’s a matter between CBI and petitioners.”

http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/sc-clears-sanction--hurdle-for-the-cbi.html

It’s either Morsi or Military -- M D Nalapat

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It’s either Morsi or Military

Geopolitical notes from India
M D Nalapat
Friday, August 02, 2013 - Policymakers in both the US as well as the EU specialise in suggesting “remedies” for other countries that they would be horrified to accept for themselves. Generally, the closer a country’s ruling elite hews to advice from Washington or the gaggle of voices headquartered in Brussels, the quicker will be that country’s descent into chaos.

An example is the suggestion, expressed most recently by Catherine Ashton, that the post-Morsi dispensation in Egypt should include a sizeable component of the Muslim Brotherhood, if not Mohammad Morsi himself. Such is the line peddled by Washington, LondonParis and other enlightened capitals of the world. Assuming that the military in Egypt ignored the experience of decades of the toxic nature of following NATO-bloc advice and inserted the Muslim Brotherhood back into the governance structures of Egypt,the result would be chaos.

From the start, the Brotherhood will seek to sabotage the functioning of the successor government, in order to create enough confusion and chaos to persuade the people of Egypt to once again erupt onto the streets of Cairo and Alexandria, this time to demand the return on Morsi rather than his overthrow. To yoke groups with completely clashing visions and goals onto the same team would be to invite disaster, yet this is precisely what the NATO bloc is advocating that its “friends” in Egypt do

The next time President Obama or his surrogates call General El Sissi and ask that the Muslim Brotherhood be brought back into power in a substantial way,the general needs to give some advice of his own. Why not President Obama induct the Tea Party group within the Republican Party into his administration? Or better still, the extreme fringe?

After all, “inclusivity” is what Washington is asking Cairo to do, even if this means empowering those with a vested interest in ensuring that those who invite them in fail miserably. Barack Obamaknows that the Tea Party and groups even more to the right than that group will work relentlessly at enginnering his downfall, together with that of his associates.Why then would he empower them by bringing them into what has been described as the “cool shade of government”?

Those who ask President Obama to induct his bitterest ideological foes into his team would be called crazy, yet those within the NATO bloc who ask of the authorities in Cairo that they do precisely that consider themselves to be so well-endowed with intellect that they can solve the world’s problems, if only their advice was swallowed undiluted. Across the Middle East,the wounds and scars inflicted on countries and societies that have uncritically accepted the policies urged on them by the NATO bloc are a reminder of the toxicity of such a course. If India is still partially viable, it is because groups within both government and civil society have managed to ensure significant dilution of the medicine prescribed by NATO-bloc powers, medicine that the bloc would consider insane to swallow if they were to follow the same line of

action suggested for others.

Not that there is any consistency in such policies. No suggestion has thus far been made to the rulers within the GCC that they make their administrative structures more inclusive by inducting into high positions those from the rest of society, including the many opposed to their rule as fiercely as the Muslim Brotherhood is opposed to the setup created by General Abdul Fattah El Sissi in Egypt. And while Washington has since 2007 been vocal to Bagdad about the need to ensure justice to the Sunnis (whose territory has very little oil), similar concern has never been demonstrated over the plight of Shia in Bahrain. In the case of Egypt, the military and Morsi have very different objectives. The former would like to preserve the heterogenous culture of Egypt, where Coptic Christians account for more than a tenth of the population. The literature of the Muslim Brotherhood across the years has not hidden their intention to ensure that the country come under (its own interpretation of) Sharia law.

Egypt is heavily reliant on the tourism industry, and were alcohol and nightlife to be banned the way almost all Brotherhood tracts argue they must be, that industry would decline to almost zero. Indeed, tourism revenue has indeed fallen sharply during the year that Mohammad Morsi has been in power, clearly a factor in the mobilisation of so many ordinary Egyptians against his regime. Only Samantha Power - who has also been vocal in arguing that more deadly weapons supplied to shadowy entities are the only way to save lives in Syria - will believe that the brotherhood will not attempt from the inside to stymie the pro-secular groups backed by El Sissi but will act in a cooperative way to give Egypt the good governance that they did not even attemptto do during their year in office. That period was spent in replacing secular individuals in top positions with elements of the Brotherhood.

Will General El Sissi listen to the John Kerrys and the Catherine Ashtons and bring back the Brotherhood into the structures of governance? Should he do so,there will disappear the only chance he has of establishing normalcy, which is to give the newly-appointed caretaker government the powers and the cohesion needed to bring Egypt back from the chaos of the past two years. General El Sissi already made a huge error when he denied the Prime Ministership to the superbly qualified former IAEA Chairman Mohammad El Baradei. His country cannot afford another.

—The writer is Vice-Chair, Manipal Advanced Research Group, UNESCO Peace Chair & Professor of Geopolitics, Manipal University, Haryana State, India.

Thuggee-Pindari Rampage in UP -- V. Sundaram IAS (R) & Praveen Shanker Pillai

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Thuggee-Pindari Rampage in UP

Defeated by the British in the 19th Century
Resurrected today by Italian Mafia Dictator Sonia Gandhi

By V. SUNDARAM IAS (retd.) and
Praveen Shanker Pillai August 2, 2013

Thuggee refers to the acts of thugs, an organized gang of professional assassin-plunderers. The Thugs would join travellers and gain their confidence. This would allow them to then surprise and strangle their victims. They would then rob their victims of valuables and bury their bodies. According to some estimates the Thugs murdered 1 million people between 1740 and 1840. In the 1830s they were targeted for eradication by Governor-General of India Lord William Henry Cavendish-Bentinck (1774–1839), along with his chief Captain William Henry Sleeman (1788-1856). Sleeman was a Bengal Army officer, transferred to the Civil Service where he as a District Magistrate by the 1820s, gathered a force of Indian policemen under him and set to rooting out Thuggee with a variety of innovative policing methods. Sleeman was hailed as a hero by most of India, and in many parts of the country he is still revered.

The Pindaris came into existence during the 18th century when the Mughal Empire was breaking up. They were dispersed throughout the Maratha states and were protected by the Maratha chiefs to whom they acted as agents for supplying all the commissariat required by their armies. They received no pay, but rather purchased the privilege of plundering. The Pindaris were accustomed to assemble every year at the beginning of November, and sally forth into British occupied territory for plunder. The Earl of Moira, Francis Edward Rawdon-Hastings, 1st Marquess of Hastings (1754–1826) Governor-General of India from 1813 to 1823 decided to exterminate the Pindaris. Hastings put into place a plan by the end of 1817. He commenced military planning and preparations to encircle and eliminate all the Pindaris. This organized campaign, known as the Pindari War, became the Third Anglo-Maratha War. The Pindaris themselves offered little military resistance.

Samajwadi Party Thug Azam Khan presently a Cabinet Minister in the Thuggee Government of Uttar Pradesh made this brazenly blasphemous and supremely Secular defence while speaking on the suspension of Durga Shakti Nagpal IAS: “Ram naam ki loot hai loot sako to loot (You are allowed to loot in the name of Lord Ram)." The Thug Azam Khan said this on Wednesday 31st July 2013, in Rampur.

A 2009-batch IAS officer Durga Shakti Nagpal, posted as Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) of Gautam Budh Nagar, was suspended from service in the last week of July 2013 by the Thuggee Government of Uttar Pradesh. 28-year-old Durga Shakti Nagpal was suspended, ostensibly, for the demolition of a wall of a Mosque illegally constructed on public land.

Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav described SDM Nagpal's suspension as a “pre-emptive measure” and said:“It is an administrative decision. She had ordered demolition of the wall at a place of worship”. The UP State Government said Nagpal's action “lacked foresight and disturbed communal harmony”.
Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav must be reminded that demolitions of Mosques NEVER “disturbed communal harmony” in Saudi Arabia. Yadav must also inform the people how many IAS IPS Officers have been suspended following communal riots which are an ongoing feature in the socio-political landscape of Uttar Pradesh.

The woman IAS Officer Durga Shakti Nagpal had through her no-nonsense, iron-fist approach clamped down on unauthorized and illegal mining and resolutely taken head-on the politically powerful sand mafia in Uttar Pradesh. She formed Special flying squads to stop the raging menace of illegal sand mining along the Yamuna and Hindon rivers in western UP. This modern Jhansi Rani got over two dozen FIRs registered against those involved in illegally removing sand. SDM Durga Shakti Nagpal had led the seizure of 24 dumpers engaged in illegal quarrying last week resulting in the arrest of 15 persons. She also imposed fines worth two Crores against the sand mafia.

Several political leaders cutting across the political spectrum have reacted sharply to the SDM’s suspension. BJP leader Kalraj Mishra, BJP leader Uma Bharti, Congress leader and Union steel minister Beni Prasad Verma, Congress leader Digvijay Singh, Congress leader Jagdambika Pal and CPI(M) leader Brinda Karat declared that the suspension of IAS officer Durga Shakti Nagpal was uncalled for and urged the UP State Government to retract the order. Various political parties accused the UP State Government of issuing the suspension order under pressure from the sand mining mafia.

IAS officers belonging to Punjab and UP Cadre have formally extended their support to their honest and fearless young colleague. UP IAS Association has taken up Ms Nagpal's case with the Union Minister of State for Personnel V Narayanasamy, Acting Chief Secretary Alok Ranjan, Cabinet Secretary Ajit Seth and Secretary of Department of Personnel and Training Dr Shyamal Sarkar.

Union MoS for Personnel V Narayanasamy declared that the Union Government is awaiting a report from the Uttar Pradesh government based on which it will decide the future course of action. 

Honest and conscientious IAS and IPS officers are hounded, humiliated, threatened and bullied by Ministers, Legislators and even local SP workers, who have the blessings and benedictions of the ruling Samajvadi Party Thuggee leadership.

Samajvadi Party President Mullah-yam Singh Yadav and his betaAkhilesh have made repeated Thuggee announcements on the party forums and in meetings with State Government Officers that they should work in close coordination with party leaders or face the music. By music the Samajvadi Party Thugs really mean a threat of dire consequences and not a melodious rendition of Hindustani classical music!

On 23rdMarch 2009, Samajwadi Party President Mullah-yam Singh Yadav threatened District Magistrate Ms Ministhy Dileep of Manipuri District of Uttar Pradesh following reports that she had cancelled the arms licences of certain SP workers in the District. Mulayam Singh Yadav had warned the UP State Government officers of stern action if they didn't obey to the Party office-bearers in the districts. His beta and present Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav had similarly cautioned the officers on the same lines at the State Executive Committee meeting of the party on Sunday, 5th August 2012.
Anand Swaroop, a 1994-batch IPS officer, known for his unorthodox style of policing and “daredevilry” in taking on UP's political brass has been transferred 38 times in last 18 years.

The highhandedness of the SP workers during Mullah-yam's earlier rule from 2003 to 2007 commenced when Mullah-yam, in a meeting with the officers asked the latter to work in close coordination with the SP leaders. Since then, the out-of-control SP Thuggee leaders freely resorted to bamboozling, bullying and browbeating the Government Officials and threatening them with impunity.

Threatening the State Government or the Officials of the Union of India must be made a cognizable offence, punishable by 5 to 10 years of imprisonment, like in United States of America.

A social activist Nutan Thakur filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) plea before the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court on Wednesday 31st July 2013, questioning the suspension of Indian Administrative Service Officer and Sadar SDM Durga Shakti Nagpal. Nutan Thakur requested the High Court to direct the Department of Personnel and Training to summon the file related to the Government Order, and cancel the suspension if it is found illegal and improper. 

In a new twist to the SDM Durga Shakti Nagpal suspension case, Kumar Ravikant Singh, the District Magistrate of Gautam Budh Nagar has said in a Report submitted to the Uttar Pradesh Government that the IAS Officer Nagpal never got any wall demolished. 

According to the District Magistrate’s Report, Nagpal had received orders from the Administration to travel to Kadalpur village and find out if illegal construction activities on government land were being carried out. Since the IAS officer had been asked to ensure no action of the authorities should lead to “communal tensions”, SDM Nagpal and other officers asked the villagers to either seek permission from the State Government for building the Mosque whose construction had just begun or themselves demolish the construction on encroached land. The residents of the Kadalpur village voluntarily dismantled the illegal construction. The Report said that no heavy earth moving machinery was used by the IAS officer Nagpal or her intrepid team of officials.

Media reports claimed that the real reason behind Nagpal's suspension is her stern action against the sand mafia. 

The IAS Officer, Durga Shakti Nagpal, mindful of Constitutional obligations and administrative proprieties, had acted against the sand mining activities disregarding political affiliations. Local SP leaders had allegedly complained to the Party leadership that the actions of SDM Durga Shakti Nagpal were hurting the party's political (commercial and criminal) interests. It is being said that a Samajwadi Party leader who is aspiring to fight the next Lok Sabha polls has a stake in the sand mining activities in the Gautam Budh Nagar District, which were affected following SDM Nagpal's action. The Thuggee Government of Uttar Pradesh has ruled out revoking the suspension of the IAS officer Nagpal.



In an act reminiscent of Louis XIV of France (1638–1715), who exclaimed “L'Etat, c'est moi” (I am the State.) in a Royal Address to the Parliament of Paris (13th April, 1655), UP State Government Minister Shivpal said on 31st July 2013: “The action has been taken by the Chief Minister. Sarkar Hai Hum. Listen to me and no one else.”

UP Chief Minister beta Akhilesh Yadav FALSELY CLAIMED that there were Local Intelligence Unit reports that suggested communal tension was likely to flare up in the surrounding region. However, the GB Nagar police reported there was no instance of communal violence recorded in GB Nagar. No entry was made to this effect in the local Police Station's General Diary. The District Magistrate’s Report also stated that local police and local administrative officials did not report any communal flare-up or the possibility of any riots. 

While the British Raj dismantled the Thuggee and the Pindari roving criminal bands and firmly established Law and Order over the vast Indian lands, the despised Italian Mafia Dictator Antonia Maino a.k.a Sonia Gandhi is extending Imperial safeguards to the Thuggee Government of the Samajvadi Party headed by Mullah-yam Singh Yadav and his betaChief Minister Akhilesh Yadav in exchange for support in the Indian Parliament to her Minority Buccaneer Government.

The ‘Subsidiary Alliance’ entered into by the Samajvadi Party of Mullah-yam Singh Yadav with the Italian Catholic usurper Sonia Gandhi is enforced by the Congress Bureau of Italymidation (CBI).

People are waiting for the Nemesis of Sonia Gandhi. The no-nonsense no-compromise Hindu Statesman Shri Narendra Modi, cast in the Steel Mould of Sardar Vallabhai Patel, is the Chosen Man of Destiny to exterminate not only the local Thuggee Chieftains in the State of Uttar Pradesh but also their Italian Patrons and Protectors! Sonia’s Rome-Rajya will crash before the thundering storm of Ram-Rajya!!

Why 'secularism' is not an Indian concept -- Sanjeev Nayyar

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Why 'secularism' is not an Indian concept
August 02, 2013 13:27 IST

A school girl with her face painted in the colours of the Indian national flag holds flags during Independence Day celebrations at a school in Patna
The concept of secularism was imported into India by the British. It was a strategic tool to suppress and deny India’s quest for independence by repeatedly asking the Indian National Congress that was predominantly Hindu, to address the concerns of the minorities, says Sanjeev Nayyar   
Narendra Modi rattled the Congress by accusing it of hiding its inability to govern under the burkha of secularism. This statement has once again brought the issue of secularism into national focus.
Every leader claims to be secular. No one is asking, however, what is the meaning of the word secular?
This article seeks to provoke thought by giving the origin of the word secular and benchmarks, briefly, it with other countries worldwide.
The founders of the Constitution deemed it appropriate to use the concept of secularism without spelling out its meaning. The word ‘secular’ was made part of the preamble of the Indian Constitution during the Emergency (1975-77). However, the word was left undefined.
During the Emergency, former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made the word ‘secular’ part of the preamble of the Constitution but did not define it. When the Janata Party came to power in 1977 an attempt was made to define ‘secular republic’ to mean a ‘republic’ in which there is equal respect for all religions’. The Janata government had a majority in the Lok Sabha but was in a minority in the Rajya Sabha where it was voted down by the Congress.
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'In Sanatan Dharma the need for turning secular never arose'

August 02, 2013 13:27 IST

The Supreme Court judgment on the Ayodhya Acquisition Act, 1993, has some thoughts on the subject, excerpts. Former Chief Justice A M Ahmadi said: “Notwithstanding the fact that the words socialist and secular were added in the preamble of the Constitution in 1976 by the 42nd amendment, the concept of secularism was very much embedded in our constitutional philosophy. The term ‘secular’ has advisedly not been defined presumably because it is a very elastic term not capable of a precise definition and perhaps best left undefined. By this amendment what was implicit was made explicit”.
Secularism has come to mean that the government has a right to take over, manage Hindu temples and in some cases donations made in temples go to the state treasury but this is not applicable to Muslim and Christian places of worship! Or appoint non-Hindus to oversee sacred shrines and events like the Kumbh Mela!
Next question: is the word secular native to India?
The concept of secularism originated in Europe where the church, controlled education/ property etc, became so powerful that even the king felt oppressed. So secularism meant separation of the church and state with intent to curb the influence and power of the church.
The situation in India was different. Sanatan Dharma or Hinduism, as it is erroneously called, was neither governed by a monolith organisation like the church nor did it own property and control the state. Thus, the need for turning secular never arose.
The concept of an all powerful central organisation, like the church, goes against the very grain of Sanatan Dharma.
Thus, as a concept secularism is as alien to India as a three-piece suit is to Lalu Prasad Yadav and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam chief M Karunanidhi.
Oh: but then how did secularism enter India? 
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'The word secular does not exist in the Muslim world'

August 02, 2013 13:27 IST

The concept of secularism imported into India by the British. It was a strategic tool to suppress and deny India’s quest for independence by repeatedly asking the Indian National Congress that was predominantly Hindu, to address the concerns of the minorities (Muslims).
Ok: but how does secularism operate in other parts of the world?
When Barack Obama took oath of office (first term) as President of the United States of America, he kept one hand on the Holy Bible.
Can you visualise the furore if A B Vaypayee had taken oath as prime minister keeping his hand on the Bhagavad Gita? All of Macaulay’s children and the secularists would have taken to the streets and asked him to apologise for insulting the Indian Constitution.
In England the queen is head of state and the church.
Since being head of state is the equivalent of the India President it is like saying that President Pranab Mukherjee is head of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.
Christians in Germany and some other European nations pay a tax on their income to the church. This is akin to Hindus paying a tax to the Shankaracharya or the sadhu akhadas, the sant samaj
Yet the secular credentials of these countries are never questioned! This, however, does not prevent them from giving India sermons on secularism.
The word secular does not exist in the Muslim world. The condition of non-Muslims in those countries is well known and does not merit comment. Moreover, there would be discrimination even if you are Muslim but belong to a sect i.e. a minority in that country for e.g. Shias and Ahmediyas in Pakistan or Saudi Arabia. Secularism enters the Muslim discourse in countries where they are in a minority. 
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'Sanatan Dharama is about Vishwadharma'

August 02, 2013 13:27 IST

What these countries and secularists forget that long before secularism entered popular discourse, the followers of dharma (read as Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs; the Indian Constitution includes all Indic dharmic traditions as Hindus for the purpose of personal law) gave refuge to those who were persecuted in other countries. For e.g. Parsis, Jews and a body of Christian immigrants from Persia and Mesopotamia, who presumably fled from a severe persecution by Sapor II which began in 343 AD in Persia.  
Further the Christian and Muslim worlds fail to realise that Sanatan Dharama is about Vishwadharma, the essential unity of creation, the oneness principle, and the compassionate universe! And is unlike Christianity/Islam where there is one prophet, only one way. 
NaMo’s use of the word burkha has made this dress become newspaper headlines. It would be interesting to know what Dr Balasaheb Ambedkar had to say about burkha. Excerpts from the book ‘Thoughts on Pakistan’ written in 1941.
Purdah is responsible for social segregation of Hindus from Muslims, which is the bane of public life in India. This argument may fear farfetched and one is inclined to attribute this segregation to the unsociability of the Hindus rather than to purdah among the Muslims. But the Hindus are right when they say that it is not possible to establish social contact between Hindus and Muslims because such contact can only mean contact between women from one side and men from the other.”
“Purdah is found amongst a section of the Hindus in certain parts of the country. But the point of distinction is that among the Muslims, purdah has religious sanctity which it has not with the Hindus”.
Read more excerpts from (external linkAmbedkar’s book
It would help to have a healthy and unbiased debate on secularism.
Sanjeev Nayyar was educated as Macaulay’s child, now turned desi and is founder ofwww.esamskriti.com

Abandon monotheism, revert to Vedic thought and practice. A tribute to Gore Vidal.

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Gore Vidal (October 3, 1925 – July 31, 2012)

This is a tribute to the memory of Gore Vidal, a great thinker of America.

Abandon monotheism, revert to Vedic thought and practice

As Harvard University harbors some academics like Diana Eck wearing the burka of pluralism to suck up to Jihadi dicta, the misled flock will do well to read again Gore Vidal's lecture at the University delivered 20 years before he died (Oct. 2012). His analysis of monotheism and the devastation it has wreaked on the globe are valid today as USA leads what George Bush called the World War against Jihadist terror. Jihadist terror has had many manifestations and is still a festering sore in many parts of the globe. Witness the happenings in Syria and Egypt; they are listless revolutions caught amidst jihadi terror discontents and the internicine Shia-Sunni factional, violent fights. The rational world needs to come to grips with the phenomenon, the root cause of which lies in Monotheism and find an earlier, sober alternative: sanatana dharma or Hindu adoration of nature and unified theory of aatman and paramaatman (individual consciousness and cosmic consciousness) leading to Veda, an eternal quest for understanding satyam, truth. Gore Vidal's ancestors in America did understand the importance of the message of the Veda and Upanishadic thought crystallised in the Bhagavadgita. Maybe, it is time for America and the Occident to embrace Hindu dharma as universal transcendental thought and practice.

Kalyanaraman

Gore Vidal's address, "Monotheism and its Discontents"

"(The Great Unmentionable) Monotheism and its Discontents," The Lowell Lecture, Harvard University, April 20, 1992:
It is very easy to discuss what has gone wrong with us. It is not so easy to discuss what should be done to correct what has gone wrong. It is impossible in our public discourse to discuss why so much has gone wrong and, indeed, has been wrong with us since the very beginning of the country, and even before that when our white tribes were living elsewhere.
Unfortunately, there are two subjects that we are never permitted to discuss with any seriousness: race and religion, and how our attitudes toward the first are rooted in the second. Thanks to this sternly--correctly?--enforced taboo, we are never able to get to the root of our problems. We are like people born in a cage and unable to visualise any world beyond our familiar bars of prejudice and superstition. That Opinion the Few create in order to control the Many has seen to it that we are kept in permanent ignorance of our actual estate. Even so, a number of prisoners are testing the bars. Some actually got loose in Los Angeles, for a weekend [during the 1992 Los Angeles Riots]. The wardens are alarmed. The two trustees they are offering us are not acceptable to the restive prison population, while out of Texas, now strides a small but imperfectly formed man, differently, gloriously advantaged size-wise, and in his tiny paw, there is--no, it can't be but yes, it looks very like--a key. Oh, Ross [Perot], free at last! Failing that, build us a better, more prisoner-friendly cage.
A political analyst wrote at the time of the New Hampshire primary that the two irrelevant candidates for President this year, Jerry Brown and Pat Buchanan, should leave the field to the heavyweights --like Bush and Clinton. As the media are a large part of the mess that we are in, the journalist--deliberately?--got it wrong. Brown and Buchanan were the only substantive, relevant and representative--in the best and worst senses--candidates on display. So let us brood on them and what it is that they represent in the way of race and religion, the two root issues. 
The word "radical" derives from the Latin word for root. Therefore, if you want to get to the root of anything you must be radical. It is no accident that the word has now been totally demonized by our masters, and no one in politics dares even use the word favourably, much less track any problem to its root. But then a ruling class that was able to demonize the word "liberal" in the past ten years is a master at controlling --indeed stifling-- any criticism of itself. "Liberal" comes from the Latin liberalis, which means pertaining to a free man. In politics, to be liberal is to want to extend democracy through change and reform. One can see why that word had to be erased from our political lexicon. 
Meanwhile, the word "isolationist" has been revived to describe those who would like to put an end to the national security state that replaced our Republic a half-century ago while extending the American military empire far beyond our capacity to pay for it. The word was trotted out this year to describe Pat Buchanan, when he was causing great distress to the managers of our national security state by saying that America must abandon the empire if we are ever to repair the mess at home. Also, as a neo-isolationist, Buchanan must be made to seem an anti-Semite. This is not hard to do. Buchanan is a classic Archie Bunker type, seething with irrational prejudices and resentments, whose origin I'll get to presently.
The country is now dividing, as it did a half-century ago, between those who think that America comes first versus those who favour empire and the continued exertion of force everywhere in the name of democracy, something not much on display here at home. In any case, as the whole world is, more or less, a single economic unit in which the United States is an even smaller component, there are no isolationists today. But the word games go on and the reversals of meaning are always a sign that our corporate masters are worried that the people are beginning to question their arrangements. Many things are now coming into focus. The New York Times promptly dismissed Buchanan as a minor irritant, which was true, but it ignored his potentially major constituency--those who now believe that it was a mistake to have wasted, since 1950, most the government's revenues on war.
Jerry Brown alarmed the Times even more than Buchanan did. There was the possibility that he could be elected. More important, he might actually change our politics in the sense of who pays for whom. In a sudden frenzy, the Timescompared him to [Argentine dictator Juan] Peron--our Jerry?--a dangerous demagogue whose "sharp edged anger...resonates among a variety Americans." Plainly, the ownership of the country is frightened that the current hatred of politicians, in general, may soon be translated into hatred of that corporate few who control the many through Opinion, as manufactured by the Times, among others. 
Now to the root of the matter. The great unmentionable evil at the center of our culture is monotheism. From a barbaric Bronze Age text known as the Old Testament, three anti-human religions have evolved--Judaism, Christianity, Islam. These are sky-god religions. They are, literally, patriarchal--God is the omnipotent father--hence the loathing of women for 2,000 years in those countries afflicted by the sky-god and his earthly male delegates. The sky-god is a jealous god, of course. He requires total obedience from everyone on earth, as he is in place not for just one tribe but for all creation. Those who would reject him must be converted or killed for their own good. Ultimately, totalitarianism is the only sort of politics that can truly serve the sky-god's purpose. Any movement of a liberal nature endangers his authority and that of his delegates on earth. One God, one King, one Pope, one master in the factory, one father-leader in the family home.
The founders of the United States were not enthusiasts of the sky-god. Many, like Jefferson, rejected him altogether and placed man at the center of the world. The young Lincoln wrote a pamphlet against Christianity, which friends persuaded him to burn. Needless to say, word got around about both Jefferson and Lincoln and each had to cover his tracks. Jefferson said he was a deist, which could mean anything or nothing, while Lincoln, hand on heart and tongue in cheek, said he could not support for office anyone who "scoffed" at religion.
From the beginning, sky-godders have always exerted great pressure in our secular republic. Also, evangelical Christian groups have traditionally drawn strength from the suppressed. African slaves were allowed to organise heavenly sky-god churches, as a surrogate for earthly freedom. White churches were organised in order to make certain that the rights of property were respected and that the numerous religious taboos in the New and Old Testaments would be enforced, if necessary, by civil law. The ideal to which John Adams subscribed --that we should be a nation of laws, not of men--was quickly subverted when the churches forced upon everyone, through supposedly neutral and just laws, their innumerable taboos on sex, alcohol, gambling. We are now indeed a nation of laws, mostly bad and certainly anti-human.
Roman Catholic migrations in the last century further re-enforced the Puritan sky-god. The Church has also put itself on a collision course with the Bill of Rights when it asserts as it always has, that "error has no rights." The last correspondence between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson expressed their alarm that the Jesuits were to be allowed into the United States. Although the Jews were sky-god folk, they followed Book One, not Book Two, so they have no mission to convert others; rather the reverse. Also, as they have been systematically demonized by the Christian sky-godders, they tended to be liberal and so turned not to their temple but to the A.C.L.U. Unfortunately, the recent discovery that the sky-god, in his capacity as realtor, had given them, in perpetuity, some parcels of unattractive land called Judea and Samaria has, in my mind, unhinged many of them. I hope this is temporary.
In the First Amendment to the Constitution the Founders made it clear that this was not to be a sky-god nation with a national religion like that of England, from whom we had just separated. It is curious how little understood this amendment is--yes, everyone has a right to worship any god he chooses but he does not have the right to impose his beliefs on others who do not happen to share in his superstitions and taboos. This separation was absolute in our original Republic. But the sky-godders do not give up easily. In the 1950's they actually got the phrase "In God We Trust" onto the currency, in direct violation of the First Amendment.
Although many of the Christian evangelists feel it necessary to convert everyone on earth to their primitive religion, they have been prevented--so far--from forcing others to worship as they do but they have forced--most tyrannically and wickedly--their superstitions and hatreds upon all of us through the civil law and through general prohibitions. So it is upon account that I now favour an all-out war on the monotheists.
Let us dwell on the evils they have wrought. The hatred of blacks comes straight from their Bad Book. As descendants of Ham, blacks are forever accursed, while Saint Paul tells the slaves to obey their masters. Racism is in the marrow of the bone of the true believer. For him, black is forever inferior to white and deserves whatever ill fortune may come his way. The fact that some monotheists can behave charitably means, often, that their prejudice is at so deep a level that they are not aware it is there at all. In the end, this makes any radical change of attitude impossible. Meanwhile, welfare has been the price the sky-godders were willing to pay to exclude blacks from their earthly political system. So we must live--presumably forever--with a highly enervating race war, set in train by the One God and his many hatreds.
Patriarchal rage at the though of Woman ever usurping Man's place at the helm, in either home or workplace, is almost as strong now as it ever was. According to the polls at the time of the hearing, most American women took the word of [then-nominee to the US Supreme Court] Clarence Thomas against Anita Hill [who testified against Thomas's appointment]. But then the sky-god's fulminations against women are still very much part of the psyche of those in thrall to the Jealous God.
The ongoing psychopathic hatred of same-sexuality has made the United States the laughingstock of the civilised world. In most of the First World, monotheism is weak. Where it is weak or nonexistent, private sexual behaviour has nothing to do at all with those not involved, much less the law. At least when the Emperor Justinian, a sky-god man, decided to outlaw sodomy, he had to come up with a good practical reason, which he did. It is well known, Justinian declared, that buggery is a principal cause of earthquakes, and so must be prohibited. But our sky-godders, always eager to hate, still quote Leviticus, as if that looney text had anything useful to say about anything except, perhaps, the inadvisability of eating shellfish in the Jerusalem area.
We are now, slowly, becoming alarmed at the state of the planet. For a century, we have been breeding like a virus under optimum conditions, and now the virus has begun to attack its host, the earth. The lower atmosphere is filled with dust, we have just been told from our satellites in space. Climate changes; earth and water are poisoned. Sensible people grow alarmed, but sky-godders are serene, even smug. The planet is just a staging area for heaven. Why bother to clean it up? Unfortunately for everyone, George Bush's only hope of winning in the coming election is to appeal to the superstitious. So at Rio [in 1992 at the Earth Summit] he refused to commit our government to the great cleanup, partly because it would affect the incomes of the 100 corporate men and women who pay for him but largely because of the sky-god, who told his slaves to "be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it, and have dominion...over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." Well, we did just like you told us, massa. We've used everything up. We're ready for heaven now. Or maybe Mars will do.
Ordinarily, as a descendant of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, which shaped our Republic, I would say live and let live and I would try not to "scoff"--to use Lincoln's verb--at the monotheists. But I am not allowed to ignore them. They won't let me. They are too busy. They have a divine mission to take away our rights as private citizens. We are forbidden abortion here, gambling there, same-sex almost everywhere, drugs, alcohol in a dry county. Our prisons are the most terrible and the most crowded in the First World. Our death row executions are a source of deep disgust in civilised countries, where more and more we are regarded as a primitive, uneducated and dangerous people. Although we are not allowed, under law, to kill ourselves or to take drugs that good folk think might be bad for us, we are allowed to buy a handgun and shoot as many people as we can get away with.
Of course, as poor Arthur (There is This Pendulum) Schlesinger Jr. would say, these things come in cycles. Every twenty years liberal gives way to conservative, and back again. But I suggest that what is wrong now is not cyclic but systemic. And our system, like any system, is obeying the second law of thermodynamics. Everything is running down; and we are well advanced along the yellow brick road to entropy. I don't think much of anything can be done to halt this progress under our present political-economic system. We lost poor Arthur's pendulum in 1950 when our original Constitution was secretly replaced with the apparatus of the national security state, which still wastes most of our tax money on war related matters. Hence deteriorating schools, and so on.
Another of our agreed-upon fantasies is that we do not have a class system in the United States. The Few who control the Many though Opinion have simply made themselves invisible. They have convinced us that we are a classless society in which anyone can make it. Ninety percent of the stories in the pop press are about winners of lotteries or poor boys and girls who, despite adenoidal complaint, become overnight millionaire singers. So there is still hope, the press tells the folks, for the 99 percent who will never achieve wealth no matter how hard they work. We are also warned at birth that it is not polite to hurt people's feelings by criticising their religion, even if that religion may be damaging everyone through the infiltration of our common laws.
Happily, the few cannot disguise the bad times through which we are all going. Word is spreading that America is now falling behind in the civilisation sweepstakes. So isn't it time to discuss what we all really think about our social and economic arrangements?
Although we may not discuss race other than to say that Jesus wants each and every one of us for a sunbeam, history is nothing more than the bloody record of the migration of tribes. When the white race broke out of Europe 500 years ago, it did many astounding things all over the globe. Inspired by a raging sky-god, the whites were able to pretend that their conquests were in order to bring the One God to everyone, particularly those with older and subtler religions. Now the tribes are on the move again.
Professor Pendulum is having a nervous breakdown because so many different tribes are being drawn to this sweet land of liberty and, thus far, there is no indication that any of the new arrivals intends ever to read The age of Jackson. I think the taking in of everyone can probably be overdone. There may not be enough jobs for very many more immigrants, though what prosperity we have ever enjoyed in the past was usually based on slave or near-slave labour.
On the other hand, I think Asians, say, are a plus culturally, and their presence tends to refocus, somewhat, the relentless white versus black war. Where I am as one with friend Pendulum is that the newcomers must grasp certain principles as expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights. Otherwise, we shall become a racially divided totalitarian state enjoying a Brazilian economy.
To revert to the unmentionable, religion. It should be noted that religion seemed to be losing its hold in the United States in the second quarter of this century. From the Scopes trial in '25 to the repeal of Prohibition in '33, the sky-godders were confined pretty much to the backwoods. Then television was invented and the electronic pulpit was soon occupied by a horde of Elmer Gantrys, who took advantage of the tax exemption for religion. Thus, out of greed, a religious revival has been set in motion and the results are predictably poisonous to the body politic.
It is usual, on the rare occasions when essential problems are addressed, to exhort everyone to be kinder, gentler. To bring us together, O Lord, in our common humanity. Well, we have heard these exhortations for a couple of hundred years and we are further apart than ever. So instead of coming together in order that the many might be one, I say let us separate so that each will know where he stands. From the one, many, and each of us free of the sky-god as secular lawgiver. I preach, to put it bluntly, confrontation.
Brown and Buchanan, whether they knew it or not, were revealing two basic, opposing political movements. Buchanan speaks for the party of God--the sky-god with his terrible hatred of women, blacks, gays, drugs, abortion, contraception, gambling--you name it, he hates it. Buchanan is a worthy peddler of hate. He is also in harmony not only with the prejudices and superstitions of a good part of the population but, to give him his due, he is a reactionary in the good sense--reacting against the empire in favour of the old Republic, which he mistakenly thinks was Christian.
Brown speaks for the party of man--feminists can find another noun if they like. Thomas Paine, when asked his religion, said he subscribed only to the religion of humanity. There now seems to be a polarising of the country of a sort that has never happened before. The potential fault line has always been there, but whenever a politician got too close to the facts of our case, the famed genius of the system would eliminate him in favour of that mean which is truly golden for the ownership, and no one else. The party of man would like to re-establish a representative government firmly based upon the Bill of Rights. The party of God will have none of this. It wants to establish, through legal prohibitions and enforced taboos, a sky-god totalitarian state. The United States ultimately as prison, with mandatory blood, urine and lie-detector tests and with sky-godders as cops, answerable only to God, who may have just sent us his Only Son, H. Ross Perot as warden.
For once, it's all out there, perfectly visible, perfectly plain for those who can see. That Brown and Buchanan will not figure in the election does not alter the fact that, for the first time in 140 years, we now have, due in part to their efforts, the outline of two parties. Each knows the nature of its opposite, and those who are wise will not try to accommodate or compromise the two but will let them, at last, confront each other.
The famous tree of liberty is all that we have ever really had. Now, for want of nurture, it is dying before our eyes. Of course, the sky-godder never liked it. But some of did--and some of us do. So, perhaps, through facing who and what we are, we may achieve a nation not under God but under man--or should I say our common humanity?
Note: Gore Vidal (October 3, 1925 – July 31, 2012) is an author and critic. He has written numerous books and has appeared on many TV and Radio news and talk programs. Gore Vidal is the grandson of Oklahoma's blind Senator T. P. Gore, son of a West Pointer who became an FDR administration member, stepbrother of Jackie Kennedy Onassis, cousin to Vice-President Al Gore.  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gore_Vidal

Rayala-Telangana. SoniaG UPA 'secret deal' of communal secularism

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Women activist, with an effigy of AICC president Sonia Gandhi, protest against creation of Telangana, in Chittoor. PTI
Published: August 3, 2013 02:43 IST | Updated: August 3, 2013 03:27 IST

AICC had struck a ‘secret deal’ on Rayala-Telangana

Ravi Reddy
Congress MPs from the Seemandhra region Vundavalli Arun Kumar, Lagadapati Rajagopal, and others coming out of the Parliament House after submitting their resignations, in New Delhi on Friday. Photo: V. Sudershan
Congress MPs from the Seemandhra region Vundavalli Arun Kumar, Lagadapati Rajagopal, and others coming out of the Parliament House after submitting their resignations, in New Delhi on Friday. Photo: V. Sudershan

Idea is to wrest the initiative from rival parties in the coming elections

Rayala-Telangana may, after all the protests, may become a reality as the AICC’s top brass had forged a ‘secret pact’ with leaders from Kurnool and Anantapur on merging the two districts with Telangana.
This is also evident from the carefully worded resolution passed by the Congress Working Committee on the formation of Telangana and AICC general secretary Digvijay Singh’s statement that a Group of Ministers would take a call on the demand for inclusion of more districts in Telangana State. Highly placed sources told The Hindu that Mr. Digvijay made these observations only after extracting an assurance from leaders of the two districts and some key persons in Telangana. A top AICC functionary telephoned Ministers from Kurnool and Anantapur and informed them of the plan to merge the two districts with a view to ensuring that there were 147 Assembly and 21 Lok Sabha seats each in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.
Two Ministers – T. G. Venkatesh and Erasu Pratap Reddy -- who were strong votaries of united State, began to raise the concerns of Rayalaseema people and suggested formation of Greater Rayalaseema. The real intention, sources said, was to pave the way for Rayala-Telangna. There are others, who are not averse to the idea, but were afraid of openly backing the move, fearing backlash from their constituents.
Seeking anonymity, the source said Rayala-Telangana was very much on the cards. “Announcement of separate Telangana State with 10 districts is only to pacify leaders from the region. The Congress did not want to rub people of Anantapur and Kurnool as well as leaders of the TRS on the wrong side by announcing its merger with Telangana,” the sources said.
Congress circles noted that having two States with 21 Lok Sabha seats each would make sense. The party would gain political mileage by marginalising the TDP and the YSR Congress in Rayalaseema and confining them to Kadapa and Chittoor districts. Secondly, it is sure to gain the support of the Reddy community and Muslims in its effort to contain the rise of the BJP in Telangana. Congress leaders are concerned that the BJP was gaining ground in Telangana. Moreover, TRS leaders inimical to merger with the Congress could defect to the BJP. In such a scenario, the Congress is eyeing the Reddy-Muslim vote bank in Telangana to come to power.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/aicc-had-struck-a-secret-deal-on-rayalatelangana/article4983223.ece?homepage=true

Telangana effect: 20 lawmakers quit, Pallam Raju offers to resign


By Niticentral Staff on August 2, 2013
As the protest against the UPA’s decision to create Telangana gained momentum, seven Congress MPs, a State Minister and seven MLAs from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions on Friday quit Parliament. There are indications that many more party leaders may follow suit.
However, Congress apparently managed to dissuade four Union Ministers from resigning. HRD Minister Pallam Raju was one of them who offered to quit but was asked to stay on. Upset over the party’s decision taken on Tuesday, seven Congress MPs and four Union Ministers from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions held marathon meeting late Friday night to evolve strategy against formation of Telangana decision.
The seven MPs — six Lok Sabha members and a Rajya Sabha member — then went to Parliament on Friday morning and submitted their resignations.
Telangana effect: 7 AP Congress MPs, Minister quit in protest
The Lok Sabha members who put in their papers were A Sai Prathap (Rajampet constituency), Anantha Venkatarami Reddy (Anantapur) CV Harsha Kumar (Amalapuram-SC), Vundavalli Arun Kumar (Rajahmundry), Lagadapati Rajagopal (Vijayawada) and SPY Reddy (Nandyal). They submitted their resignations to Lok Sabha Secretary General TK Vishwanathan.
The MPs said that three more Lok Sabha members from the State — Sabbam Hari (Anakapalli), Magunta Srinivasulu Reddy (Ongole) and Rayapati Sambasiva Rao (Guntur) — had also faxed their resignations. Congress has 31 members in the House from Andhra Pradesh.
Rajya Sabha member KVP Ramachandra Rao tendered his resignation to Rajya Sabha Secretary General Shamsher K Sheriff. Congress has 13 members in the Upper House. In Hyderabad, Municipal Administration Minister M Maheedhar Reddy resigned on Friday, taking to four the number of Ministers who put in their papers since Thursday.
Congress MLA Dronamraju Srinivas also tendered resignation and another half-a-dozen MLAs also claimed to have quit.
The total number of Congress MLAs who resigned since Thursday went up to 20 while about 15 others claimed to have submitted their resignations to PCC president B Satyanarayana.
Four Union Ministers — Pallam Raju besides Ministers of State D Purandeswari, Killi Kruparani and JD Seelam — were said to be among those intending to protest against the Telangana decision. Raju had already offered to quit.
They met AICC in-charge of Andhra Pradesh Digvijay Singh after which they decided “to continue to hold fort” as they were assured that a high level committee would be set up to address the grievances of people from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.
The Ministers were believed to have been assured that they would be made members of the Committee.
The resignations by MPs came a day after Congress Union Ministers and unhappy MPs from Andhra and Rayalseema regions held a meeting at the residence of KVP Ramachandra Rao late last night.
At the meeting, the Union Ministers are understood to have counselled the MPs not to resign saying that after the Congress high-command’s decision on Telangana formation, it would focus on Andhra’s future development.
However, the MPs felt that the situation has still not gone out of hand and by tendering their resignations, they can force the government to hold back its decision.
Some of them were also of the view that the issue could be raised effectively in Parliament by stalling its proceedings when the Monsoon Session begins from Monday.
Meanwhile, five MPs of Telugu Desam Party (TDP) today resigned from their posts accusing the Congress of dividing Andhra Pradesh only to serve its political interests, .
The MPs — Y Satyanarayana Choudary, CM Ramesh (both Rajya Sabha), Nimmala Kistappa, Konakalla Narayana and Modugula Venugopal Reddy (Lok Sabha) — said they were resigning in protest against the “injustice” being meted out to (new) Andhra Pradesh through the division.
(With inputs from agencies)

Perforated pots in Indus-Sarasvati civilization. Archaeology of the milk revolution.

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An example of perforated jar, Harappa.


"The curious perforated vessels shown (Marshall 1931: pl. 84, f. 3-18) are very closely allied to perforated vessels found at Kish (Mackay 1929a: pl. 54, f. 36), especially in the fact that besides the numerous holes in the sides there is also a large hole in the base, which suggests that by this means they were supported on a rod or something similar... I have suggested, from evidence obtained by Sir Aurel Stein in southern Baluchistan, that these perforated vessels were used as heaters..."(E.J.H.Mackay, Further links between ancient Sind, Sumer and elsewhere, Antiquity, Vol. 5, 1931, pp. 459-473).

Another use of such perforated vessels could be to make whey or cheese.

Some glosses of Indian sprachbund to denote cheese, whey


G. kocvũ ʻ to pierce ʼ, kocrũ ʻ having holes ʼ.(CDIAL 3489). <kuca>  {N} ``^curds''.  {V} ``to ^sour (as milk or <sidu>)''.  @1818.  #16811. <guJji>  {N} ``^cheese made of yogurt, cottage ^cheese''.  Syn. <kuca>.  @2818.  #10441. (Munda)

Dadhi (nt.) [Sk. dadhi, redpl. formation fr. dhayati to suck. Cp. also dhenu cow, dhīta, etc.] sour milk, curds, junket Vin i.244 (in enumn of 5 -- fold cow -- produce, cp. gorasa); D i.201 (id.); M i.316; A ii.95; J ii.102; iv.140; Miln 41, 48, 63; Dhs 646, 740, 875; Vism 264, 362.    -- ghaṭa a milk bowl J ii.102; -- maṇḍaka whey S ii.111; -- māla "the milk sea," N. of an ocean J iv.140; -- vāraka a pot of milk -- curds J iii.52. (Pali)

maṇḍá1 m.n. ʻ scum of boiled rice ʼ Nir., ʻ cream ʼ ŚvetUp., maṇḍaka -- m. ʻ rice -- gruel ʼ Hariv., ʻ a sort of pastry or baked flour ʼ Pañcat. Pa. maṇḍa -- m. ʻ scum, cream ʼ, maṇḍaka -- m. ʻ cream of milk, whey (in dadhi -- m°), scum of stagnant water ʼ; Pk. maṁḍa -- m. ʻ scum, juice ʼ,maṁḍaa -- m. ʻ an eatable, pastry (?) ʼ, maṁḍī -- f. ʻ starch ʼ; Gy. gr. manró ʻ bread ʼ, hung. germ. boh. maro, rum. mani̦o, SEeur. mai̦o, arm. malav, pal.mónă ʻ bread, loaf ʼ; Dm. man ʻ bread ʼ; Bshk. man ʻ very soft bread ʼ; Phal. hāṭ -- māṇḍ ʻ dough ʼ; K. mọ̆nḍu m. ʻ gruel -- water ʼ, mana -- wôñu m. ʻ whey ʼ ( -- wôñu < pānīˊya -- ) Ko. maḍḍu ʻ scum ʼ = Drav. Kan. maḍḍumaḍḍi ʻ dregs ʼ, Tam. maṇṭi EWA ii 560. (CDIAL 9735).

Maṇḍaka [fr. maṇḍa] 1. the cream of the milk, whey, in dadhi˚ whey S ii.111. -- 2. the scum of stagnant water, i. e. anything that floats on the surface & dirties the water, water -- weeds, moss etc. J ii.304 (gloss sevāla). Maṇḍa [later Sk. maṇḍa, perhaps dial. from *mranda, cp. Sk. vi -- mradati to soften. Attempts at etym. see Walde, Lat. Wtb. s. v. mollis. Cp. also mattikā] the top part, best part of milk or butter, etc. i. e. cream, scum; fig. essence of, the pick of, finest part of anything. parisā˚ the cream of a gathering, the pick of the congregation, excellent congregation A i.72 (or for ˚maṇḍala?);  bodhi˚  essence of enlightenment, highest state of enlightenment; in later literature objectively "the best place of enlightenment, the Throne of Enlightenment or of the Buddha" (does it stand for ˚maṇḍala in this meaning?) J iv.233 (cp. puthavi -- maṇḍa ibid. & puthavi -- maṇḍala Sn 990); DhA i.86; ii.69; iv.72.  sappi˚ "cream of butter," the finest ghee (cp. AvŚ i.1513 sarpimaṇḍa) D i.201; A ii.95; Pug 70; Miln 322. --maṇḍaŋ karoti to put into the best condition, to make pleasant SnA 81. -- manda at DhsA 100 is to be read baddha (v. l. BB). Cp. Expos. 132n   -- khetta best soil, fertile ground Miln 255. -- peyya to be drunk like cream, i. e. of the finest quality, first -- class S ii.20 (˚ŋ idaŋ brahmacariyaŋ). (Pali)

Ta. maccikai buttermilk. Ko. manj id. To. mo&ztail; id. Ka. majjige id., wheyTe. majjiga buttermilk. Ga. (S.3majjiga id. (< Te.). Go. (Koya T.)majjili id. / ? < IA, Skt. (lex.mārjitā̆- curds with sugar and spice, Pkt. majjiā- a curd preparation (Krishnamurti, Language 39.564). (DEDR 4630).

mástu n. ʻ sour cream ʼ TS., ʻ whey ʼ Suśr. [Poss. < *mad -- s -- tu -- (cf. *māda -- 2) EWA ii 607. -- √mad2N. mattimlo ʻ residue when making a partic. sweetmeat ʼ; -- B. māṭhā ʻ buttermilk ʼ, M. maṭhā m. ʻ thick milk ʼ LM 381. -- Both very doubtful. (CDIAL 9931).


ghōla1 n. ʻ buttermilk ʼ Suśr. [< ʻ churning ʼ as in K., cf. ghōlayati. -- *ghūr -- ] Pk. ghōla -- n. ʻ curds strained through cloth ʼ; K. gula m. ʻ act of churning or beating up by hand two liquids together (e.g. curdled milk and water) ʼ; B. gholʻ churned milk, whey ʼ; Or. ghoḷa ʻ buttermilk ʼ. A. ghol ʻ whey ʼ. (CDIAL 4524). 

*chācchī ʻ buttermilk ʼ. 2. *chāśī -- . [chacchikā -- f. Bhpr.] 1. S. chāchī f.; Ku. chã̄c(h) ʻ whey ʼ, chã̄cṛo ʻ rice and whey boiled together ʼ; Mth. chã̄chī ʻ earthen pot in which milk is curdled ʼ; OAw. chāchī ʻ whey ʼ; H. chāc(h) f. ʻ buttermilk ʼ, Marw. chāchī f. 2. Pk. chāsī -- f. ʻ buttermilk ʼ, S. chāhī f., L. chā f., P. chāh f., WPah. bhad. bhal. pāḍ. ċhāh, pan̓. cur. cam. chāh, jaun. chāś; Ku. chã̄schã̄ ʻ whey ʼ; H.chāh f. ʻ buttermilk ʼ. *chāṭ -- ʻ scatter ʼ see *chaṭ -- . S.kcch. chāy f. ʻ whey, buttermilk ʼ; WPah.kṭg. ċhāˊ f. ʻ whey, curd mixed with whey ʼ; J. chā f. ʻ watery curd ʼ; Garh. chāc ʻ buttermilk ʼ. (CDIAL 5012).

7977 pávana1 n. ʻ sieve, strainer ʼ AV. [√Pa. pavana -- n. ʻ winnowing ʼ; L. poṇā m. ʻ straining cloth ʼ; P. poṇ m. ʻ what remains after straining whey from churned curd ʼ, poṇā m. ʻ strainer, sieve ʼ; H.ponā m. ʻ perforated iron ladle for skimming or straining ʼ. <-> Forms with au prob. < prapavaṇa -- : Bi. paunā ʻ iron ladle for removing scum from boiling sugar juice ʼ, pauniyā ʻ confectioners's skimmer ʼ; Mth. pauniyā ʻ iron cullender ʼ, H. paunā m. 7979 *pavanaghaṭa ʻ pot for refining ʼ. [pávana -- 1, ghaṭa -- 1Bi. punhar ʻ goldwasher's crucible in which baser metals are destroyed leaving gold and silver untouched ʼ.

NATURE | NEWS FEATURE

Archaeology: The milk revolution

When a single genetic mutation first let ancient Europeans drink milk, it set the stage for a continental upheaval.
In the 1970s, archaeologist Peter Bogucki was excavating a Stone Age site in the fertile plains of central Poland when he came across an assortment of odd artefacts. The people who had lived there around 7,000 years ago were among central Europe's first farmers, and they had left behind fragments of pottery dotted with tiny holes. It looked as though the coarse red clay had been baked while pierced with pieces of straw.
Looking back through the archaeological literature, Bogucki found other examples of ancient perforated pottery. “They were so unusual — people would almost always include them in publications,” says Bogucki, now at Princeton University in New Jersey. He had seen something similar at a friend's house that was used for straining cheese, so he speculated that the pottery might be connected with cheese-making. But he had no way to test his idea.

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The mystery potsherds sat in storage until 2011, when Mélanie Roffet-Salque pulled them out and analysed fatty residues preserved in the clay. Roffet-Salque, a geochemist at the University of Bristol, UK, found signatures of abundant milk fats — evidence that the early farmers had used the pottery as sieves to separate fatty milk solids from liquid whey. That makes the Polish relics the oldest known evidence of cheese-making in the world1.
Roffet-Salque's sleuthing is part of a wave of discoveries about the history of milk in Europe. Many of them have come from a €3.3-million (US$4.4-million) project that started in 2009 and has involved archaeologists, chemists and geneticists. The findings from this group illuminate the profound ways that dairy products have shaped human settlement on the continent.
During the most recent ice age, milk was essentially a toxin to adults because — unlike children — they could not produce the lactase enzyme required to break down lactose, the main sugar in milk. But as farming started to replace hunting and gathering in the Middle East around 11,000 years ago, cattle herders learned how to reduce lactose in dairy products to tolerable levels by fermenting milk to make cheese or yogurt. Several thousand years later, a genetic mutation spread through Europe that gave people the ability to produce lactase — and drink milk — throughout their lives. That adaptation opened up a rich new source of nutrition that could have sustained communities when harvests failed.
This two-step milk revolution may have been a prime factor in allowing bands of farmers and herders from the south to sweep through Europe and displace the hunter-gatherer cultures that had lived there for millennia. “They spread really rapidly into northern Europe from an archaeological point of view,” says Mark Thomas, a population geneticist at University College London. That wave of emigration left an enduring imprint on Europe, where, unlike in many regions of the world, most people can now tolerate milk. “It could be that a large proportion of Europeans are descended from the first lactase-persistent dairy farmers in Europe,” says Thomas.

Strong stomachs

Young children almost universally produce lactase and can digest the lactose in their mother's milk. But as they mature, most switch off the lactase gene. Only 35% of the human population can digest lactose beyond the age of about seven or eight (ref. 2). “If you're lactose intolerant and you drink half a pint of milk, you're going to be really ill. Explosive diarrhoea — dysentery essentially,” says Oliver Craig, an archaeologist at the University of York, UK. “I'm not saying it's lethal, but it's quite unpleasant.”
MAP SOURCE: REF. 2
Most people who retain the ability to digest milk can trace their ancestry to Europe, where the trait seems to be linked to a single nucleotide in which the DNA base cytosine changed to thymine in a genomic region not far from the lactase gene. There are other pockets of lactase persistence in West Africa (see Nature 444994996; 2006), the Middle East and south Asia that seem to be linked to separate mutations3 (see 'Lactase hotspots').
The single-nucleotide switch in Europe happened relatively recently. Thomas and his colleagues estimated the timing by looking at genetic variations in modern populations and running computer simulations of how the related genetic mutation might have spread through ancient populations4. They proposed that the trait of lactase persistence, dubbed the LP allele, emerged about 7,500 years ago in the broad, fertile plains of Hungary.

Powerful gene

Once the LP allele appeared, it offered a major selective advantage. In a 2004 study5, researchers estimated that people with the mutation would have produced up to 19% more fertile offspring than those who lacked it. The researchers called that degree of selection “among the strongest yet seen for any gene in the genome”.
Compounded over several hundred generations, that advantage could help a population to take over a continent. But only if “the population has a supply of fresh milk and is dairying”, says Thomas. “It's gene–culture co-evolution. They feed off of each other.”
To investigate the history of that interaction, Thomas teamed up with Joachim Burger, a palaeogeneticist at the Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz in Germany, and Matthew Collins, a bioarchaeologist at the University of York. They organized a multidisciplinary project called LeCHE (Lactase Persistence in the early Cultural History of Europe), which brought together a dozen early-career researchers from around Europe.
By studying human molecular biology and the archaeology and chemistry of ancient pottery, LeCHE participants also hoped to address a key issue about the origins of modern Europeans. “It's been an enduring question in archaeology — whether we're descended from Middle Eastern farmers or indigenous hunter-gatherers,” says Thomas. The argument boils down to evolution versus replacement. Did native populations of hunter-gatherers in Europe take up farming and herding? Or was there an influx of agricultural colonists who outcompeted the locals, thanks to a combination of genes and technology?
One strand of evidence came from studies of animal bones found at archaeological sites. If cattle are raised primarily for dairying, calves are generally slaughtered before their first birthday so that their mothers can be milked. But cattle raised mainly for meat are killed later, when they have reached their full size. (The pattern, if not the ages, is similar for sheep and goats, which were part of the dairying revolution.)
MAP SOURCE: REF. 2; POT PHOTOGRAPH: REF. 1
On the basis of studies of growth patterns in bones, LeCHE participant Jean-Denis Vigne, an archaeozoologist at the French National Museum of Natural History in Paris, suggests that dairying in the Middle East may go all the way back to when humans first started domesticating animals there, about 10,500 years ago6. That would place it just after the Middle Eastern Neolithic transition — when an economy based on hunter-gathering gave way to one devoted to agriculture. Dairying, says Roz Gillis, also an archaeozoologist at the Paris museum, “may have been one of the reasons why human populations began trapping and keeping ruminants such as cattle, sheep and goats”. (See 'Dairy diaspora'.)
Dairying then expanded in concert with the Neolithic transition, says Gillis, who has looked at bone growth at 150 sites in Europe and Anatolia (modern Turkey). As agriculture spread from Anatolia to northern Europe over roughly two millennia, dairying followed a similar pattern. 
On their own, the growth patterns do not say whether the Neolithic transition in Europe happened through evolution or replacement, but cattle bones offer important clues. In a precursor study7, Burger and several other LeCHE participants found that domesticated cattle at Neolithic sites in Europe were most closely related to cows from the Middle East, rather than indigenous wild aurochs. This is a strong indication that incoming herders brought their cattle with them, rather than domesticating locally, says Burger. A similar story is emerging from studies of ancient human DNA recovered at a few sites in central Europe, which suggest that Neolithic farmers were not descended from the hunter-gatherers who lived there before8.
Taken together, the data help to resolve the origins of the first European farmers. “For a long time, the mainstream of continental European archaeology said Mesolithic hunter-gatherers developed into Neolithic farmers,” says Burger. “We basically showed they were completely different.”

Milk or meat

Given that dairying in the Middle East started thousands of years before the LP allele emerged in Europe, ancient herders must have found ways to reduce lactose concentrations in milk. It seems likely that they did so by making cheese or yogurt. (Fermented cheeses such as feta and cheddar have a small fraction of the lactose found in fresh milk; aged hard cheeses similar to Parmesan have hardly any.)
To test that theory, LeCHE researchers ran chemical tests on ancient pottery. The coarse, porous clay contains enough residues for chemists to distinguish what type of fat was absorbed during the cooking process: whether it was from meat or milk, and from ruminants such as cows, sheep and goats or from other animals. “That gave us a way into saying what types of things were being cooked,” says Richard Evershed, a chemist at the University of Bristol.
“It's been an enduring question in archaeology — whether we're descended from Middle Eastern farmers or indigenous hunter-gatherers.”
Evershed and his LeCHE collaborators found milk fat on pottery in the Middle Eastern Fertile Crescent going back at least 8,500 years9, and Roffet-Salque's work on the Polish pottery1offers clear evidence that herders in Europe were producing cheese to supplement their diets between 6,800 and 7,400 years ago. By then, dairy had become a component of the Neolithic diet, but it was not yet a dominant part of the economy.
That next step happened slowly, and it seems to have required the spread of lactase persistence. The LP allele did not become common in the population until some time after it first emerged: Burger has looked for the mutation in samples of ancient human DNA and has found it only as far back as 6,500 years ago in northern Germany.
Models created by LeCHE participant Pascale Gerbault, a population geneticist at University College London, explain how the trait might have spread. As Middle Eastern Neolithic cultures moved into Europe, their farming and herding technologies helped them to out-compete the local hunter-gatherers. And as the southerners pushed north, says Gerbault, the LP allele 'surfed' the wave of migration.
Lactase persistence had a harder time becoming established in parts of southern Europe, because Neolithic farmers had settled there before the mutation appeared. But as the agricultural society expanded northwards and westwards into new territory, the advantage provided by lactase persistence had a big impact. “As the population grows quickly at the edge of the wave, the allele can increase in frequency,” says Gerbault.
The remnants of that pattern are still visible today. In southern Europe, lactase persistence is relatively rare — less than 40% in Greece and Turkey. In Britain and Scandinavia, by contrast, more than 90% of adults can digest milk.

Cattle conquest

By the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age, around 5,000 years ago, the LP allele was prevalent across most of northern and central Europe, and cattle herding had become a dominant part of the culture. “They discover this way of life, and once they can really get the nutritional benefits they increase or intensify herding as well,” says Burger. Cattle bones represent more than two-thirds of the animal bones in many late Neolithic and early Bronze Age archaeological sites in central and northern Europe.
The LeCHE researchers are still puzzling out exactly why the ability to consume milk offered such an advantage in these regions. Thomas suggests that, as people moved north, milk would have been a hedge against famine. Dairy products — which could be stored for longer in colder climes — provided rich sources of calories that were independent of growing seasons or bad harvests.
Others think that milk may have helped, particularly in the north, because of its relatively high concentration of vitamin D, a nutrient that can help to ward off diseases such as rickets. Humans synthesize vitamin D naturally only when exposed to the sun, which makes it difficult for northerners to make enough during winter months. But lactase persistence also took root in sunny Spain, casting vitamin D's role into doubt.
The LeCHE project may offer a model for how archaeological questions can be answered using a variety of disciplines and tools. “They have got a lot of different tentacles — archaeology, palaeoanthropology, ancient DNA and modern DNA, chemical analysis — all focused on one single question,” says Ian Barnes, a palaeogeneticist at Royal Holloway, University of London, who is not involved in the project. “There are lots of other dietary changes which could be studied in this way.”
The approach could, for example, help to tease apart the origins of amylase, an enzyme that helps to break down starch. Researchers have suggested that the development of the enzyme may have followed — or made possible — the increasing appetite for grain that accompanied the growth of agriculture. Scientists also want to trace the evolution of alcohol dehydrogenase, which is crucial to the breakdown of alcohol and could reveal the origins of humanity's thirst for drink.
Some of the LeCHE participants are now probing further back in time, as part of a project named BEAN (Bridging the European and Anatolian Neolithic), which is looking at how the first farmers and herders made their way into Europe. Burger, Thomas and their BEAN collaborators will be in Turkey this summer, tracing the origins of the Neolithic using computer models and ancient-DNA analysis in the hope of better understanding who the early farmers were, and when they arrived in Europe.
Along the way, they will encounter beyaz peynir, a salty sheep's-milk cheese eaten with nearly every Turkish breakfast. It is probably much like the cheese that Neolithic farmers in the region would have eaten some 8,000 years ago — long before the march of lactase persistence allowed people to drink fresh milk.
Nature
 
500,
 
20–22
 
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doi:10.1038/500020a


References

  1. Salque, M. et alNature 493522525 (2013).
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  2. Leonardi, M.Gerbault, P.Thomas, M. G. & Burger, J. Int. Dairy J. 228897 (2012).
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  3. Gerbault, P. et alPhil. Trans. R. Soc. B 366863877 (2011).
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  4. Itan, Y.Powell, A.Beaumont, M. A.Burger, J. & Thomas, M. G. PLoS Comp. Biol. 5, e1000491 (2009).
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  5. Bersaglieri, T. et alAm. J. Hum. Genet. 7411111120 (2004).
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  6. Vigne, J.-D. in The Neolithic Demographic Transition and its Consequences (eds Bocquet-Appel, J.-P. & Bar-Yosef, O.) 179205 (Springer, 2008).
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  7. Edwards, C. J. et alProc. R. Soc. B 27413771385 (2007).
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  8. Bramanti, B. et alScience 326137140 (2009).
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Evershed, R. P. et alNature 455528531 (2008).
Show contexthttp://www.nature.com/news/archaeology-the-milk-revolution-1.13471

The following article refers to perforated pottery discovered at Nausharo. It is possible that the pottery was used to make whey.

 

Sophie Méryet al., 2007, A pottery workshop with flint tools on blades knapped with copper at Nausharo (Indus civilisation, ca. 2500 BC), in: Journal of Archaeological Science, Volume 34, Issue 7, July 2007, Pages 1098-1116 

 

Abstract

Twenty years after its discovery, the pottery workshop of Nausharo (province of Baluchistan, Pakistan), which yielded a series of knapped stone tools in association with unbaked sherds and clay waste, is still of unique importance in Asian protohistorical studies. The types of pottery production (sandy marl fabrics) identified in this workshop, which is dated to ca. 2500 BC, correspond to the majority of the domestic pottery discovered at the site during the first two phases of the Indus Civilisation. The flint blades discovered in the workshop were made from exotic flint, coming from zones close to the great Indus sites such as Mohenjo-Daro and Chanhu-Daro. This is also the origin of a small amount of the pottery (micaceous fabrics) found at Nausharo in domestic contexts, e.g. Black-Slipped-Jars. The butts of the blades display features characteristic of pressure detachment with a copper pressure point. Gloss and microwear traces (polish) testify to the blades' having been used for finishing the clay vessels: for actual finishing (trimming) while they were being turned on a wheel, and possibly also for scraping by hand. Both of these operations are distinctly attested to by the presence in the workshop of two different types of clay shavings.
Full-size image (86 K)
Fig. 3. (a) and (b) Examples of pedestalled dishes, with imprints of split reeds (Room III, SU37). The vessels were found unpainted and unfired (photo S. Méry). (c) and (d) fragments of two other types of vessels: a bilateral projecting rim bowls (c) and perforated jars (d) (photos: S. Oboukhoff).
Source: Méry, S., et al. 2007 A pottery workshop with flint tools on blades knapped with copper at Nausharo (Indus civilisation, ca. 2500 BC)Journal of Archaeological Science 34:1098-1116.


Meluhha writing-- takṣat vāk, inscribed Meluhha speech, on a snarling iron of Chanhu-daro

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Meluhha writing, metallurgists' writing -- takṣat vāk, inscribed Meluhha speech, on a snarling iron of Chanhu-daro

At the outset, it should be underscored that 'Mleccha writing' is attested in an ancient Indian text as 'mlecchita vikalpa', that is, mleccha cypher-writing (Vātsyāyana’s Kāmasūtra).

Two scholars who have contributed significantly to the study of Indus Writing have provided some insights to unravel the functions served by glyphs used on Chanhu-daro inscriptional evidences.

Parpola noted that ||/ sign is only found on inscriptions of Chanhudaro. It occurred on eleven objects, (around one sixth of all inscribed objects recovered from Chanhudaro) leading to a suggestion by Asko Parapola that the Glyph  with two upright linear strokes and a slanted stroke ||/ , may represent town's name. (Parpola, Asko, Deciphering the Indus Script. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chanhudaro

Mahadevan noted: "Compound signs for “god's share of the grain/crop”    The compound sign 139 occurs only on seals, mostly from Mohenjodaro. It is the only sign on a large “unicorn” seal from Chanhudaro (6131). It would appear that seals with this sign were used by temple functionaries to mark the clay-tags affixed to bundles of grain-stalks which were set apart as “god’s first share of the produce” at the threshing floor. The compound sign 142 occurs only on the miniature tablets and sealings from Harappa. The function of 142 seems to be somewhat different from that of 139. Sign 142 may depict the voluntary offerings by small farmers or tenants of the first fruits to god before further apportionment of the grain. Apparently, the miniature tablets or sealings marked with this sign would be placed on bundles of grain-stalks or heaps of grain offered to the deity." (Mahadevan, Iravatham, 2012, Agricultural signs in the Indus Script, in: The Journal of the Foundation for Agrarian Studies ISSN 2248-9002, Vol. 2, No. 2, July-December 2012) Mahadevan identifies elements of the Compound Glyph 139 as  and regards Glyph 137  to mean, “to divide, share (as grain)” and a modifying element A: “sky”    to mean, 'deity'.

These readings suggested by Parpola and Mahadevan may call for a review and revision, in the archaeological context discussed in this note.


It should be noted that Glyph 137 with a modifying element of a short linearstroke ' occurs on two pure ingots discovered in a Haifa shipwreck. The contextual and correct reading of Glyph 137 is discussed on this note.
(See readings specifying the metal as ranku, 'tin ' at  http://www.newsnfo.co.uk/pages/Sarasvati%20hieroglyphs.pdf)

There are variant rebus readings for Glyph 137 :

X glyph which is common to epigraphs on both the tin ingots may refer to an ‘ingot’ or a dhatu ‘mineral’. 

1. Dāṭu ‘cross’(Telugu) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali). Vikalpa: bāṭa ‘road’ (Telugu). Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Santali)

2. ḍagar 'road' (Hindi)Rebus: damgar 'merchant'; tamkāru id. (Akkadian)
3. kranta = the meeting place of cross-roads; a lane; a hole (Te.lex.) kranta = the betrothal presents taken to the bride from the bridegroom's house (Te.lex.) grantha = giving, dāna; bhāgi, vibhāga (Ka.lex.)
4. Ta. maṉṟu junction of four roads or streets (DEDR 4777). Rebus: mandil, mandir = temple (Santali) māḍa = shrine of a demon (Tu.); māḍia = house (Pkt.)

The modifying element ' ligatured to  on the tin ingot inscriptions, may be read rebus: खांडा [khāṇḍā] ‘notch’: Marathi: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kāṇḍa‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’

Thus, the composite glyph on the tin ingots may be read in the context of the other glyph referring to ranku, 'tin' as: dhatu 'mineral' (to alloy) for kāṇḍa  'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware'.  Alternative reading: ranku damgar, 'tin, metalware merchant'

An evidence for the use of a slanted stroke comes from Mohenjo-daro. The seal is m1909. 

kã̄g ‘boar’s tusk’; rebus:  kã̄gar ‘portable brazier’. dolio‘spotted antelope’ (deśi. Hemachandra); dolo‘the eye’ (deśi. Hemachandra). Rebus: dul‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali)


koḍi 'sprout' (Tulu)(DEDR 2049). koḍ 'Artisans’ workplace' (Gujarati)  dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal)(Santali) Thus the composite glyph is read ad dul koḍ  'cast (metal) workshop'. Followed by the most-frequently occurring glyph on Indus writing corpora, the rim of jar: kanka 'rim' Rebus: 'scribe'.

It appears that the slanted stroke was a distinct reference to a Meluhha (Mleccha) word.


The hieroglyph of a slanted stroke in front of the animal on m1909 is: dhāḷ‘a slope’; ‘inclination of a plane’ (G.); ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati)

Glyph: One long linear stroke. koḍa  ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi)

Glyph: Two long linear strokes. dol ‘likeness, picture, form’ [e.g., two tigers, two bulls, sign-pair.] Kashmiri. dula दुल । युग्मम् m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rām. 966) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Munda)

Thus, the composite glyph ||/ frequently occurring on Chanhu-daro inscriptions can be read as slanted stroke followed by a pair of straight linear strokes: dhāḷ , 'slanted (stroke)' + dula 'pair or two'; read rebus: ḍhālako 'a large metal ingot' (Gujarati) + dul 'cast (metal)'. Thus, the composite glyph is read as a large cast metal ingot.

Glyph91 is a variant showing two slanted strokes followed by a straight linear stroke. 

koḍa  ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: ko‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi).

The composite glyph is read rebus: ḍhālako dul , 'large cast metal ingot'' ko ‘artisan’s workshop’. That is, a workshop (making) large cast metal ingots.

The three strokes together may read: kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Telugu).

Chanhu-daro standard

I suggest that the composite glyph ||/  referred to by Asko Parpola as a Chanhu-daro standard may read: 

smithy, workshop for large cast metal ingots.

Chanhu-daro is verily the Sheffield of Ancient Near East given the evidence of an array of metal artefacts of unsurpassed brilliance of the Bronze Age made by Chanhu-daro artisans, and unearthed from the site. 

Some examples were cited in four pages on Illustrated London News (Nov. 21, 1936, pages 908-911):






Page 908 Great New Discoveries of Ancient Indian Culture on a Virgin Prehistoric Site in Sind - further results of pioneer research at Chanu-Daro, in the Indus Valley: relics of craftsmanship, domestic life, and personal adornment in the third millennium B.C. by Ernest Mackay D. Litt, FSA, in 5 x photos of seals and seal amulets with animal designs .

Page 909 A "Sheffield of Ancient India: Chanhu-Daro's Metal Working Industry 10 x photos of copper knives, spears , razors, axes and dishes

Page 910 Harappa Pottery, 5000 years old, Unique in Ancient India, Contrasted with Later Ware: Chanhu-Daro Dicoveries includes 16 x pictures

Page 911 Lipstick 5000 Years Old- and Other "Modern" Relics of Ancient Indiaincludes 10 x photos


Indus Meluhha Writing inscription on a Chanhu-daro Snarling iron, 2529H, ASI, Central Antiquities Collection. 74.1/48
Snarling irons from the first quarter of the 20th century, after Otto 1922: 45 fig. 41-2. Used like special anvils for the raising of metal vessels.


The Chanhu-daro snarling alloy (ingot) has an inscription using Indus (Meluhha) writing with five glyphs and a dot glyph.  Chanhujodaro39A1 Chanhudaro39A2

The dog glyph is a notch upon the edge of the bronze snarling tool read rebus as: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’.

There are 3 U glyphs: kolmo 'three' (Munda) Rebus: kolimi 'forge, smithy' (Telugu). baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched' (Sindhi) Rebus: bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ(Awadhi). The three U glyphs together read: kolimi bhāṭhā 'forge, smithy (with) smelter/furnace'.

The pair of glyphs preceding the 3 U glyphs are comparable to the pair of feet shown on some seals (discussed further in this note).

aṭai அடை 'anvil' (Tamil) combined with the U glyph which is baṭhu yields the compound lexeme:  பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai (Tamil); cognate paṭṭaḍi smithy, forge (Kannada)

The inscription on the 'snarling iron' of Chanhudaro can thus be read as: kolimi paṭṭaḍi 'anvil for smithy/forge'. The inscription accurately describes in Meluhha (Mleccha) language the function served by the anvil for raising vessels in a smithy/forge.

Reference to aṭai, aḍi  அடை 'anvil' yields the clue to the rebus readings of 'feet, footprint' glyphs which occur on seals, discussed further in this note.

Tepe Yahya. Seal impressions of two sides of a seal. Six-legged lizard and opposing footprints shown on opposing sides of a double-sided steatite stamp seal perforated along the lateral axis. Lamberg- Karlovsky 1971: fig. 2C Shahr-i-Soktha Stamp seal shaped like a foot.

Glyph: aṭi foot, footprint (Tamil) Rebus: aḍe, aḍa, aḍi the piece of wood on which the five artisans put the article which they happen to operate upon, a support (Kannada)

Glyph: araṇe 'lizard' (Tulu) eraṇi f. ʻ anvil ʼ (Gujarati); aheraṇ, ahiraṇ, airaṇ, airṇī, haraṇ f. (Marathi)

Glyph: bhaṭa ‘six’ (G.) rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali) baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati)  [Note: six legs shown on the lizard glyph]

The rebus readings are: aḍi 'anvil' airaṇ 'anvil' (for use in) baṭa 'iron working' or kiln/furnace-work.
Shahdad seal (Grave 78)















Meluhha (Mleccha) glosses from Indian sprachbund:

Ta. aṭi foot, footprint, Ma. aṭi sole of foot, footstep, measure of footKo. aṛy foot (measure);  Ka. aḍi  foot, measure of foot, step, pace,Tu. aḍi bottom, base; kār aḍi footsole, footstep; Te.aḍugu foot, footstep, footprint, step, pace, measure of a foot, aḍi-gaṟṟa sandal, wooden shoe.  Ga. (S.2)  aḍugu  footstep (< Te.). Go. (G.) aḍi beneath (Mu.) (DEDR 72) Rebus: Ta. aṭai prop. slight support; aṭai-kal anvil. Ma. aṭa-kkallu anvil of goldsmiths. Ko. aṛ gal small anvil. Ka. aḍe, aḍa, aḍi the piece of wood on which the five artisans put the article which they happen to operate upon, a support; aḍegal, aḍagallu, aḍigallu anvil. Tu. aṭṭè a support, stand. Te. ḍā-kali, ḍā-kallu, dā-kali, dā-gali, dāyi anvil. (DEDR 76). 

அரணை Ta. araṇai typical lizard, Lacertidae; smooth streaked lizard, Lacerta interpunctula. Ma. araṇa green house lizard, L. interpunctula. Ka. araṇe, rāṇe, rāṇi greenish kind of lizard which is said to poison by licking, L. interpunctula. Tu. araṇe id. (DEDR 204).

sarvalā -- , °lī -- f. ʻ iron club or crowbar ʼ lex. 2. *sambala -- (cf. śamba -- ). [sarvalā -- (Pk. savvala -- ) sanskritization of *sabbala -- ~ *sambala -- ?] 1. Pk. sabbala -- , savvala -- m., °lā -- f. ʻ spear ʼ; P. sabbal f. ʻ crowbar (used by thieves) ʼ; Ku. sāblo ʻ iron bar ʼ; N. B. sābal ʻ crowbar ʼ, Or. sābaḷa; Bi. sābar, sābrā ʻ round -- headed anvil ʼ, sabrā, °rī ʻ tinman's small anvil (made of a bent piece of iron) ʼ, Mth. sābal; H. sābal m.(?) ʻ crowbar (esp. one used by burglars), lever, small anvil ʼ; M. sabaḷ f. ʻ crowbar ʼ. 2. K. sambal f. ʻ crowbar ʼ, L.poṭh. sãbbal m. ʻ crowbar (used by thieves for digging through a wall) ʼ; Ku. sã̄plo ʻ iron bar ʼ, gng. śã̄baw, śã̄paw; M. sãbaḷ m. ʻ large bickern ʼ.(CDIAL 13279). Ju(P) {N} ``^crowbar''. *Sa., Mu., Ho, H., B., O..संबळ or सबळ [ sambaḷa or sabaḷa ] f m A bickern that is divided at one end into two parts, a crowbar. Note. Distinction is made by some between these two words. संबळ is understood to be m, and to mean A large bickern or पहार; and सबळ to be f, and to mean Crowbar.(Marathi)

पहार [ pahāra ] f पहारय f C A pointed iron-bar, used in punching rocks or the ground, a bickern, a pitcher, a crowbar.(Marathi)prahāra m. ʻ blow ʼ Mn. [√hr̥]Pa. Pk. pahāra -- m. ʻ blow, wound ʼ; Kt. prōr ʻ wound ʼ, Pr. pār, pārə́ ʻ wounded ʼ (← Ind. NTS ii 198); Dm. praāŕu, praāl ʻ wound ʼ (with dissim. of r -- r NTS xii 130), Paš.lauṛ. lahāˊr, ar. plōor, weg. lahār, uz. ṣawṓr, Shum. lāar; L. pahār f. ʻ internal, wound ʼ; Or. pāhāra ʻ blow, beating, pestle of rice -- pounding machine ʼ (whence pāhurāibā ʻ to pound with a pestle ʼ); Bi. paharuwā ʻ pestle of husking machine ʼ; Si. pahara, pāra ʻ blow ʼ; Md. fāru ʻ wound ʼ. -- Altern. < parighāta -- : Or. pu(h)āri ʻ small iron chisel ʼ; G. pārī f. ʻ crowbar ʼ; M. pahār, pahāray f. ʻ iron bar, crowbar ʼ. -- Psht. parhār ʻ wound ʼ (← Ind. EVP 58) → Tir. Woṭ. parāˊr m. ʻ wound ʼ, Sv. Phal. parhāˊr, Bshk. parāˊr Buddruss Woṭ 120. Md. etifaharu ʻ blows ʼ.(CDIAL 8906). Ta. pārai crowbar, small hoe for cutting grass. Ma. pāra iron crowbar, lever, bar used for digging. Ko. pa·r crowbar. To. pa·r id. Ka. pāre id., short hoe. Tu. pāreṅgi iron crowbar, lever. Te. pāra, pāṟa spade. Kol. (Kin.) gaḍḍa pāra spade (gaḍḍa clod). Nk. (Ch.) pahar crowbar. Ga. (S.3) pāra spade. Go. (A.) pāra id. (Voc. 2195). Kuwi (S.) pāra id.(DEDR 4093). 



 शिंगाडा [ śiṅgāḍā ] m (शृंगाटक or संघाटिका S through H) A form of anvil. Used for hammering nails and forming vessels &c. It is disting. from both ऐरण & संदान. (Marathi) शिंगाडी [ śiṅgāḍī ] A horn or a hornlike article used by shoemakers to enlarge a tight shoe. (Marathi) 


 संदान or सदान [ sandāna or sadāna ] n f ( P) The smaller anvil of blacksmiths and forgers. On it are formed ferrules, rings, caps &c. Disting. from शिंगाडा ऐरण &c. (Marathi)P سندان sandān, s.m. (2nd) An anvil. Pl. سندانونه sandānūnah. See پلک (Pushto) saṁdhāˊna n. ʻ joint, union ʼ TS., ʻ bell -- metal ʼ MW., °nī -- f. ʻ foundry ʼ lex. [√dhā]Pa. sandhāna -- n. ʻ union, fetter ʼ; Pk. saṁdhā̆ṇa -- n. ʻ joint'; sandhānī f. ʻ id., distilling, foundry ʼ;Si. an̆dun bell, gong ʼ (CDIAL 12909). 


பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai , n. prob. படு¹- + அடை¹-. 1. [T. paṭṭika, K. paṭṭaḍe.] Anvil; அடைகல். (பிங்.) சீரிடங்காணி னெறிதற்குப் பட்ட டை (குறள், 821). 2. [K. paṭṭaḍi.] Smithy, forge; கொல்லன் களரி.கொல்லன்பட்டடை kollaṉ-paṭṭaṭai , n. < கொல்லன் +. Anvil; அடைகல். (C. G.)அடைகுறடு aṭai-kuṟaṭu , n. < அடை¹- +. 1. Anvil; கம்மியர் பட்டடை. (பிங்.) 2. Tongs; பற்றுக்குறடு. (W.)அடைகல்¹ aṭai-kal , n. < அடை¹-. 1. Anvil; பட்டடை. சுட்ட வல்லிரும் படைகலைச் சுடுகலா தன் போல் (கம்பரா. பாச. 33). 2. Stone base; ஆதாரச் சிலை. ஆமையாய் மேருத் தாங்கி யடைக���ாய்க் கிடந்த போது (சி. சி. பர. பாஞ்சரா. மறு. 11). நறுதடி naṟu-taṭi , n. prob. நறுக்கு- + தடி. Goldsmith's anvil attached to a block; அடைகல். (J.) நறுதடிக்குற்றி naṟutaṭi-k-kuṟṟi , n. < நறு தடி +. Anvil-block of goldsmith; அடைகற் கட்டை. (W.) adhikaraṇīˊ f. ʻ *anvil ʼ, adhikaraṇa -- n. ʻ receptacle, support ʼ TUp. [√kr̥1] Pa. adhikaraṇī -- f. ʻ smith's anvil ʼ; Pk. ahigaraṇī -- f. ʻ a piece of apparatus for a smith ʼ; K. yīran, dat. yṳ̄rüñ f. ʻ anvil ʼ, S. aharaṇi, araṇi f., L. (Jukes) ariṇ f., awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon;ruṇ, P. aihran, airaṇ, ā̆hraṇ f., WPah. bhal. arhini; roh. erṇe ʻ smithy ʼ, N. āran; H. aheran, ā̆hran m. ʻ anvil ʼ; -- H. Smith BSL 101, 115. S.kcch. eṇ f. ʻ anvil ʼ; WPah.kṭg. n/arəṇ, n/arṇi f. ʻ furnace, smithy ʼ; āˊrəṇ m. prob. ← P. Him.I 4; jaun. āraṇ, airaṇ; G. eraṇi f. ʻ anvil ʼ, M. aheraṇ, ahiraṇ, airaṇ, airṇī, haraṇ f. (CDIAL 252). अहेरण [ ahēraṇa ] f (Commonly ऐरण) An anvil. Ex. हिरा ठेविता अहेरणीं ॥ वांचे मारिता जो घनीं ॥ऐरण [ airaṇa ] f or णी f ( H) An anvil (whether of blacksmith or of goldsmith).(Marathi)yīran यीरन्, an anvil (Kashmiri) hanana (f. °nī -- ) ʻ killing ʼ Hariv., n. ʻ act of killing or striking ʼ Nir. [√han1]Pa. hanana -- n. ʻ killing ʼ, Pk. haṇaṇa -- n.; Paš. hananī ʻ epic or lyrical killing -- song ʼ Rep1 82; A. hanan ʻ act of killing ʼ; Mth. hannā ʻ round block of iron pierced with a hole and placed on the perforated anvil (when iron is being pierced with holes) ʼ BPL 409; OG. haṇaṇahāra m. ʻ one who kills ʼ.(CDIAL 13964). பணை paṇai , n. prob. பணை-. 1. Anvil; உலைக்களத்துப் பட்டடை. (குறள், 828, மணக். பக். 28.) 2. Tusk of an elephant; யானைத் தந்தம். மகரிகையு மிருபணைகளும் . . . ஒளிவிட . . . முடுகினகரிகளே (பாரத. பதினாறாம். 20). 


 nighāti f. ʻ iron hammer ʼ lex. [Cf. nighāta -- m. ʻ blow ʼ Gaut., Pa. nighāta -- ʻ struck down ʼ, °ti -- f. ʻ defeat ʼ, Pk. ṇihāya -- m. ʻ blow ʼ. -- √han1] N. lihi ʻ anvil ʼ, B. nihāi, neh°, neyāi, Or. nehāi, nehi, lihāi, Bi. nihāi, neh°, Mth. nehāī, nah°, lihāi, lah°; Bhoj. nahāi, nihāī f. ʻ anvil ʼ, nihāu m. ʻ iron hammer ʼ. nighātikūṭa 7173 *nighātikūṭa ʻ hammer ʼ. [nighāti -- , kūṭa -- 1] Mth. lihāwar ʻ large hammer ʼ. (CDIAL 7172, 7173) 


 Ta. aṭi foot, footprint, base, bottom, source, origin; Ma. aṭi sole of foot, footstep, measure of foot, Ko. aṛy foot (measure);To. oṛy foot. Ka. aḍi foot, measure of foot, step, pace,Te. aḍugu foot, footstep, footprint, step, pace, measure of a foot,aḍi-gaṟṟa sandal, wooden shoe. Ga. (S.2) aḍugu footstep (< Te.). Go. (G.) aḍi beneath; (Mu.)(DEDR 72) 


Ka. (Gowda) aḍigera a pot. Tu. aḍḍyara earthen jar or pot. Te. aṭika a small earthen pot with a large mouth. Nk. (Ch.) aṛka earthen pot. Go. (Tr.) aṭkā earthen pot used for cooking; (G. Mu. Ma. S.) aṛka cooking pot; (Pat.) adka [i.e. aṛka] id. (Voc. 25). Kur. aṛī earthen waterpot. (DEDR 75). 


bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj] Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v. S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656). kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu) కొలిమి [ kolimi ] kolimi. [Tel.] n. A pit. A fire pit or furnace. ముద్దకొలిమి a smelting forge. నీళ్లకొలిమి a reservoir. కొలిమిత్తిత్తి a pair of bellows.(Telugu) పట్టడ [ paṭṭaḍa ] paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు.(Telugu) Glyph: S. baṭhu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼM. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ(CDIAL 9656). Glyph: bhaṭa ‘six’ (G.) rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali); bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ(Marathi)(CDIAL 9656). baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits) baṭa = furnace (Santali) bhrāṣṭra = furnace (Skt.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace' (Sindhi)


*ḍag2 ʻ step, pace ʼ. 2. *ḍig -- 2. 3. *dag -- 21. N. ḍag ʻ step, stride ʼ, H. ḍag f., OMarw. ḍaga f., G. ḍagḍaglũ n.; M. ḍag f. ʻ pace ʼ, ḍagṇẽ ʻ to step over ʼ; -- Or. ḍagara ʻ footstep, road ʼ; Mth. ḍagar ʻ road ʼ, H. ḍagar f., ḍagrā m., G. ḍagar f. 2. P. ḍĩgh f. ʻ foot, step ʼ; N. ḍegḍek ʻ pace ʼ; Mth. ḍeg ʻ footstep ʼ; H. ḍigḍeg f. ʻ pace ʼ. 3. L. dagg m. ʻ road ʼ, daggaṛ rāh m. ʻ wide road ʼ (mult. ḍaggar rāh < daggaṛ?); P. dagaṛ m. ʻ road ʼ, H. dagṛā m.(CDIAL 5523).

Circumambulation for Ram Janma Bhumi temple. 84 Kos Parikrama announced by Sant-Mahatmas (Aug. 25 to Sep. 13, 2013)

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VISHVA HINDU PARISHAD
Sankat Mochan Ashram, Ramakrishna Puram Sector-6, New Delhi - 110 022 Bharat (India)
TeleFax (00-91) (011) 2610 3495, 2617 8992; Emails: hinduvishwa@gmail.com , vhpintlhqs@gmail.com



FORTHCOMING EPISODES/CHAPTER OF THE SRI RAMA JANMA BHUMI TEMPLE CONSTRUCTION MOVEMENT


JOINT MEDIA STATEMENT OF VEN. SWAMI CHINMAYANAND SARASWATI, EX-MINISTER OF STATE FOR HOME AFFAIRS, GOVERNMENT OF BHARAT, AND MA. SRI ASHOKJI SINGHAL, CHIEF PATRON, VISHVA HINDU PARISHAD

New Delhi, August 03, 2013 -  Leading figures of the Sant Fraternity from all the States of Bharat came together in a meeting of the Central Margdarshak Mandal held at Haridwar on June 11-12, 2013. The meeting ran for two days and the issue of Sri Ram Janma Bhumi Temple construction determined the agenda of both the days of cogitations and its four sessions saw three action items that were prescribed by the Sant Community.   

The first action item would see the participation of the Sant Fraternity itself whereby, for the cause of national awakening, they would be undertaking a 20-day Yatra programme between 25th August and 13th September, 2013, covering the scriptural/traditional spirituo-cultural boundary of Ayodhya which is also known as the 84-Kos Parikrama. It is their view that the circumambulation of a Teerthsthan (Ford of Liberation) in the country can be undertaken at any time of the year as any time is a good time for such a purpose – this they asserted as a rebuff to those uninformed ones who hold that ‘A Parikrama has a specific Tithi”. This tradition of all time Parikrama has been in vogue in the Northern, Southern, Eastern, Western and Central parts of Bharat for thousands of years – in spite of the fact that during the Muslim Raj it was hindered at times – but again during the British Raj it gained currency all year round – in many forms, e.g.., the famous Giri Govardhan Parikrama in Braj Mandal, Kamadgiri Parikrama in Chitrakoot, Thiruvannamalai Parikrama of the sacred Arunachala Hill in Tamil Nadu, &c. As per a tight itinerary, Sants from all the States of Bharat would register their live participation for a day each in the Parikrama Yatra. There would also be many a Sant who would cover the entire Yatra. As per the tradition, Bhajans-Kirtans, Pravachans, Sangat-Pangat, holy dips and Darshans of holy sites, temples, water bodies, forests, etc., would be the highlight of the Parikrama Yatra. During this 20-day Yatra forty camping sites for lunch, dinner and overnight stay have been fixed. The date-wise Yatra itinerary is attached hereby.        

This Yatra would also underline the point that 485 years ago in 1528 CE the Temple of Nativity of our National Protagonist Sri Ram at His birthplace in Ayodhya was demolished by an antagonist invader to undermine our national culture and he parked an offensive structure at our temple site as a statement of his victory. Ever since, in their efforts to liberate the site from foreign occupation, 300,000 lion-hearts of our country sacrificed their lives in 76 field battles that continued for 400+ years. The battle for the site in the Courts of Law also continued for 60+ years. Finally, the Allahabad High Court (Special Bench, Lucknow) gave the verdict that: “1. The disputed site is the birth place of Lord Rama. Place of birth is a juristic person and is a deity. It is personified as the spirit of divine worshipped as birth place of Lord Rama as a child. Spirit of divine ever remains present everywhere at all times for anyone to invoke at any shape or form in accordance with his own aspirations and it can be shapeless and formless also. 2. The disputed building was constructed by Babar ………….. it was built against the tenets of Islam. Thus, it cannot have the character of a mosque. 3. The disputed structure was constructed on the site of old structure after demolition of the same. The Archaeological Survey of India has proved that the structure was a massive Hindu religious structure…”. The Hindu society has got this victory after 485 years of field and court battles. It would, therefore, never accept any new mosque or Muslim monument or Islamic Cultural Centre within the scriptural/traditional boundaries of Ayodhya as Ayodhya is to Hindus as Mecca is to Muslims and sure enough any such new structure would remind the antagonistic character of the Babri structure to our national protagonist and become a perpetual point of Hindu-Muslim spat.  

This Yatra is being undertaken for the cause of Peace and Dharma Jagaran and the Sant Fraternity would lead it from the beginning to the end. The world knows that the Sants are by nature Peace-loving. We would therefore request the Uttar Pradesh Government and the Administration not to either allow any obstruction to this Yatra or obstruct it themselves.  

Reminding the Central Government of its commitment given through an affidavit to the Hon’ble Supreme Court on 14th September, 1994 that read: “... If the question referred (Presidential Reference to the Apex Court –Ed.) is answered in the affirmative, namely, that a Hindu temple/structure did exist prior to the construction of the demolished structure, government action will be in support of the wishes of the Hindu community…” the Sants want that the Government should honour its word by introducing a legislation to the effect in the Monsoon Session of Parliament starting from 05th August, 2013. If the Government does not do it, then the Hindu society would take a Maha-Sankalp to express its resolve on the banks of the holy Sarayu at Ayodhya on 18th October, 2013.

In between these two programmes, the Venerable Sants from all the Southern States would undertake Panch-Kosi Parikrama along with the Ram Devotees from the South for the cause of construction of a grand temple at Sri Rama Janma Bhumi. 

- Released by
Prakash Sharma, Advocate
Spokesperson – Vishva Hindu Parishad
---------------------------------------------------------
Encl.: Date-wise Yatra itinerary as mentioned above.        
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Three years have since passed when the Hon’ble Allahabad High Court (Special Bench, Lucknow) gave its verdict asserting that: “1. The disputed site is the birth place of Lord Rama… 2. The disputed building was constructed by Babar ………….. it was built against the tenets of Islam. Thus, it cannot have the character of a mosque. 3. The disputed structure was constructed on the site of old structure after demolition of the same. The Archaeological Survey of India has proved that the structure was a massive Hindu religious structure…” and the Government of Bharat had promised through an affidavit to the Hon’ble Supreme Court of Bharat that“... If the question referred (Presidential Reference to the Apex Court –Ed.) is answered in the affirmative, namely, that a Hindu temple/structure did exist prior to the construction of the demolished structure, government action will be in support of the wishes of the Hindu community…” and not even the hearing of Sri Ram Janma Bhumi case has started yet in the Hon’ble Apex Court and everybody knows with the levers, handles, screws, knobs and switches of the present laws the court proceedings could be lengthened and delayed ad infinitum, i.e., without ever coming to an end and in the intervening time the Governments concerned have activated their Dirty Tricks Departments to hatch a conspiracy to put up a new mosque or celebratory monument or Islamic Cultural Centre at Ayodhya – the place of our National Protagonists – in order to reinstall and perpetuate the memories and antagonistic designs of the invader Babar. Any such move is totally unacceptable to the collective memory of the national society of Bharat. By virtue of its being the first of the seven Mokshdaayini Teerthas (Fords of Liberation) of Bharat, Ayodhya is a spirituo-cultural capital of Hindus and it is also the celebrated birthplace of not less than five Jain Teerthankars. It is to Hindus as Mecca is to Muslims. In order to bring to light the spirituo-cultural significance of Ayodhya and its neighbourhood and that of its traditional 84 Kos Parikrama (Circumambulation) in Hindu history and ethos for the Central and State Governments, the people of the country and the natives within the area to understand and appreciate it and get awakened to it, the Sant-Mahatmas from all over the country will undertake circumambulatory Yatras covering the scriptural and traditional Parikrama Paths of Ayodhya Mandal from August 25 to September 13, 2013. 
YATRA ROUTES
DATE

ITINERARY



25 August 2013
Ven. Sants ofKanpur, Jaipur Prant

Ø      10 A.M.: Sarayu Poojan at Ayodhya; Introductory and Keynote Address; Media Conference
Ø      Padyatra starts from Naya Ghaat; Walks across the Sarayu Bridge
Ø      Mount vehicles for Katra Kuti (Gonda); Prasad lunch at Chinmay Maharajji’s Ashram (6 km); 03 P.M. departure by vehicles for Makhawda (Basti). 
Ø      04 P.M.: Havan-Yagna at Makhawda; 05 P.M.: Meeting; Night Halt (15 km)
26 Aug
Ven. Sants of Madhya Bharat Prant

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. Makhawda; Rajwapur 7 kms – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Chhawni 9 kms – Meeting 5 P.M., Ramrekha 3 km Dinner (to be served by local Sants); Overnight stay; Makhawda to Ramrekha (Basti) 19 kms.

27 Aug
Ven. Sants of Kashi Prant

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Ramrekha; Yatra via Sriram-Janki Marg Vishesharganj Bazar to Devkali Hanuman Mandir 6 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep 3 P.M.
Ø      Hanuman Baug, (Basti) 7 km – Meeting, Prasad
Ø      Back to Ayodhya for overnight stay (Ramrekha to Ayodhya 30 kms)
28 Aug

Ven. Sants of Jharkhand Prant

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Ayodhya
Ø      Yatra via Harkara Purwa and Police Booth # 5 to Darshan Nagar - Welcome
Ø      Sarairasi 5 km –  Welcome – Return after Darshan of Dasrath Samadhi
Ø      Pura Bazar 4 km – Noon Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Pura Bazar to Bakarganj (4 km) to Maya Bazar 4 km to Dilasiganj 5 km (Welcome) to Sringi Rishi 3 km (Sorwaghaat) Night – Meeting, Prasad, Sri Krishna Janmashtami Utsav (Ayodhya to Sringi Rishi 30 kms)
29 Aug

Ven. Sants of Awadh Prant

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Sringi Rishi
Ø      Yatra via Mahboobganj Chowraha to Vairagi Ashram Bhitowra (7 km) – Meeting, Lunch
Ø      03 P.M.: Dep., Gosainganj 7 km – Meeting, Prasad, Rest
Ø      Shringi Rishi to Gosainganj (Faizabad) – 14 kms
30 Aug
Ven. Sants of Mahakaushal, Chittor

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Gosainganj to Tikri 9 km –Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Taarun 7 km – Meeting, Lunch, Rest; Gosainganj to Tarun (Faizabad) 16 kms

31 Aug
Ven. Sants ofMeerut Prant

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Tarun to Rampur Bhagan 9 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Sitakund Darabganj 4 km – Welcome; Bikapur 8 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest
Ø      Tarun to Bikapur (Faizabad) 21 km
01 Sept
Ven. Sants of Vidarbh and Indraprasth Prants

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Bikapur
Ø      Yatra via Bhagautiganj to Roorookhas 8 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Dhema Vaishya 3 km – Welcome; Aastikan 4 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest
Ø      Bikapur to Astikan (Faizabad) 15 km
02 Sept
Ven. Sants ofNorth Bihar

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From ASTIKAN TO Inayat Nagar 5 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M. for Adhiyana – Welcome, Janmejay Kund (Sid-Sid) 14 km – Evening Meeting, Prasad, Rest
Ø      Astikan to Janmejay Kund (Faizabad) 19 km

03 Sept

Ven. Sants of Goraksh and Konkan Prants

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Janmejay Kund
Ø      Yatra via Anjrouli Chowraha to Amarganj 7 km – Noon Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Amarganj to Govind Nagar 5 km - Welcome
Ø      From Amarganj a team of Sants shall go to Amaaniganj 4 km - Meeting
Ø      Another team from Amarganj shall go via Govind Nagar direct to Rudowli - Meeting
Ø      The Amaniganj team after the meeting shall come to Rudowli
Ø      Dinner and Overnight stay at Rudowli (Faizabad)
04 Sept
Ven. Sants of Malwa andWestern Maharashtra

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Rudowli to Rowjagaon 4 km - Welcome
Ø      Mawai Chowraha 5 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Patranga 10 km – Evening Meeting, Prasad, Rest
Ø      Rudowli to Patranga (Faizabad) 19 km
05 Sept
Ven. Sants ofSouth Gujarat and Devgiri Prants

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Patranga
Ø      Belkhara 9 km (via Aliyabad) – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Tikait Nagar 11 km – Evening Meeting, Lunch, Rest
Ø      Patranga to Tikait Nagar (Barabanki) 20 km
06 Sept

 Ven. Sants of Braj andJodhpurPrants

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Tikait Nagar
Ø      Badosaiai 13 km (Via Kotwadham, Parijat Tree) – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Ramnagar (Barabanki) 11 km - Welcome
Ø      Ramnagar to Jarwal Road 18 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest (District – Bahraich)
N.B.: Two Teams will be formed at Badosarai. One Team will go to Ramnagar – hold a meeting and return to Jarwal Road. Prasad and Rest at Jarwal Road (Tikait Nagar to Jarwal Road 42 kms)
07 Sept

Ven. Sants ofPunjab and Haryana

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Jarwal Road to Bargadi (Gonda) 11 km
Ø      Shahpur Dhawawa – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      (Shahpur Dhanawa is on the way between Ayodhya – Nayaghat Bridge –Nawabganj – Tarabganj – Belsar – Paraspur and Bhowriganj
Ø      Paraspur 12 km (Via Bhowriganj) – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest
Ø      Jarwal Road to Paraspur (Gonda) 23 km
08 Sept
Ven. Sants ofNorth Gujarat and Himachal

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Paraspur to Rajapur 10 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      (Yatra from Ayodhya to Tarabganj – Paraspur – Rajapur)
Ø      Rajapur to Paska 13 km (Sukar Kshetra  Brahma Kshetra) – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest
Ø      Paraspur to Paska (Gonda) 23 km


09 Sept
Ven. Sants of Uttarakhand Prant

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Paska to Bhairon Baba 2 km - Welcome
Ø      (Banua) Bakhriya 7 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.; Barahi Devi 5 km
Ø      Umri 3 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest (Monday – Barahi Devi Mela)
Ø      Paska to Umri (Gonda) 17 km
10 Sept
Ven. Sants ofBengal and Jammu-Kashmir

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Umri to Belsar 9 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
(Ayodhya to Nawabganj thru Tarabganj to Belsar 40 km)
Ø      Tarabganj 8 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest [Umri to Tarabganj (Gonda) 17 km]
11 Sept
Ven. Sants ofSouth Biharand Odisha

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Tarabganj to Durjanpur 9 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Nawabganj 9 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest
Ø      Tarabganj to Nawabganj (Gonda) 18 km
12 Sept

Ven. Sants of Chhattisgarh and Saurashtra

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Nawabganj to Rehli 7 km – Meeting, Lunch; Dep. 3 P.M.
Ø      Sikandarpur (Basti) 7 km – Evening Meeting, Dinner, Rest
Ø      Nawabganj to Sikandarpur 14 km
13 Sept

Ø      09 A.M.: Dep. From Sikandarpur to Makhowda 7 km – Meeting, Lunch
Ø      Yatra finale at Makhowda (Basti). Makhowda to Ayodhya return 24 kms.


Hieroglyphs of Ancient Near East as Indus Meluhha Writing (with possible links to Proto-Elamite)

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Comparison of signs in the Tepe Yahya potter's mark corpus, the Proto-Elamite script, and the Harappan script (After Fig. 4 in: Potts, D., 1981, The Potter's Marks of Tepe Yahya, in: Paleorient, Vol. 7, Issue 7-1, p.117)

Comparison of potter's marks from sites in the Indo-Iranian borderlands, Central Asia, and the Indian sub-continent (After Fig. 3, Potts, D., ibid., p. 115).

Posherd discovered by HARP in Harappa dated to c. 3500 BCE (See discussion at http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/ancient-near-east-transition-fro-bullae.html)

Noting that Proto-Elamite script was used in southwestern Iran between c. 3400-2800 BCE, Potts considered (1981) that Harappan script (referred to in this note as Indus Writing) and Proto-Elamite Script were NOT contemporary. This consideration may have to be revised in the context of a discovery by HARP of a potsherd with Indus Writing in Harappa dated to c. 3500 BCE.

There is considerable force in the argument that signs incised on pottery in the Pre-Harappan period did develop as glyphs used on Indus writing. Lal has shown that the signs continued in use after the Indus writing ceased to be used. It is not unreasonable to built on the assumption that the potter's marks provided sign-substratum  for Indus writing and also for Proto-Elamite writing. Thus, Potts makes a reasoned statement: "If there is any connection between the corpus of Proto-Elamite signs used at the beginning of the third millennium and the later Harappan signary, I suggest it is via the medium of the potter's marks in use throughout the Indo-Iranian borderlands which absorbed certain signs of ultimate Proto-Elamite origin, some of which were in time incorporated into the Harappan script." (p.116)

Proto-Elamite occupation at Tepe Yahya c. 3000 BCE is evidenced by Proto-Elamite account tablets, cylinder seals, cylinder sealings and certain classes of ceramics with parallels at Susa. (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1971: 87 ff; 1978: 114; Potts 1980: 425ff.) At Shahr-i Sokhta also Proto-Elamite cylinder sealings and a single tablet have been found. (Tusa 1978: 255; Amiet and Tosi 1978).

Lal notes: ...Potter's marks tradition ''form(s) part and parcel of the signary available on the Harappan seals. " (Lal 1975: 173).

cf. Sources:
Lal, B.B., 1962, From the megalithic to the Harappan: tracing back the graffiti on the pottery, Ancient India 16: 4-24.
Lal, B.B., 1975, The Indus Script: Some observations based on archaeology, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society: 173-177.

Potts raises this question, noting some of the parallels between potter's marks and both Proto-Elamite and Harappan scripts: "...does this represent the conscious selection of certain signs from Proto-Elamite by the peoples of the Indo-Iranian borderlands, and in turn the intentional incorporation of some of the same signs in Harappan because of the symbolic and/or syllabic values of these signs?" (p.119)

There are enough parallels between the potter's marks and Proto-Elamite and Indus Writing systems to hypothesise that the continued use of the marks by people who knew nothing of the earlier systems of writing cannot be attributed merely to chance.

I suggest that some of the potter's marks were inscribed speech, denoting underlying sounds of speech of Meluhha associated with metal-work and were used as hieroglyphs to denote substantive metalware processes and artefacts. It is possible that Proto-Elamite developed to keep administrative records while Indus Writing developed to document metalware catalogs for use by an extended trade network of Meluhha sea-faring merchants and Meluhha mineral prospectors to meet the demand for alloys such as tin- and zinc-alloys (that is tin-bronze and brass) in the form of ingots and tools, weapons, pots and pans made with such alloys.

The possibility of decoding Proto-Elamite is an encouraging development and reading of the Proto-Elamite tablets will certainly help further substantiate the Meluhha rebus readings of hieroglyphs used on Indus writing which has now grown to about 7000 inscriptions in various corpora.

Some abiding glyphs of Indus writing which are a continuum from some of the potter's marks identified by Potts can be read as Meluhha words:

Harappa. Potsherd.Shahdad. Cylinder seal.

Chanhu-daro snarling iron with Indus writing.
 Tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck with Indus writing.

The following six potter's marks of Tepe Yahya can be read rebus on Indus writing, using Meluhha (Mleccha) words of Indian sprachbund; it is remarkable that all words relate to Bronze Age metallurgy indicating that Indus Writing was devised by artisans/merchants dealing with metalware and documenting metalware catalogs of Bronze Age:





tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagara 'tin'. The glyph appears on a bronze axe.





aḍi (as in paṭṭaḍi): 'feet' Rebus: anvil





khareḍo = a currycomb Rebus: kharādī‘ turner’ 




ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (casseterite)  The glyph occurs on Haifa tin ingots.



kolom’sprout’; kolom = cutting, graft; to graft, engraft, prune; kolma hoṛo = a variety of the paddy plant; kolmo ‘rice  plant’ Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’ 




ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (cassiterite) The glyph occurs on Haifa tin ingots.






Cumulative list of blogposts on Indus Script as of August 4, 2013
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-jangad-accounting-for.html Ancient Near East jangaḍ accounting for mercatile transactions-- evidence of Indus writing presented.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-legacy_6.html Ancient Near East bronze-age legacy: Processions depicted on Narmer palette, Indus writing denote artisan guilds
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-art-indus-writing.html Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east-on.html An ancient Near East proto-cuneiform tablet with Indus writing
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/indus-writing-on-dilmun-type-seals.html Indus writing in ancient Near East (Failaka seal readings)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/indus-writing-on-gold-disc-kuwait.html Indus writing on gold disc, Kuwait Museum al-Sabah collection: An Indus metalware catalog
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/did-indus-writing-deal-with-numeration.html Did Indus writing deal with numeration? No. The writing dealt with metalware accounting as technical specs. in bills-of-lading.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/tokens-and-bullae-evolve-into-indus.html Tokens and bullae evolve into Indus writing, underlying language-sounds read rebus
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/see-httpbharatkalyan97.html Indus writing in ancient Near East (Dilmun seal readings)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/bahrain-digs-unveil-one-of-oldest.html Bahrain digs unveil one of oldest civilisations -- BBC
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/indus-writing-as-metalware-catalogs-and_21.html Indus writing in ancient Near East as metalware catalogs and not as agrarian accounting
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/on-perceiving-aryan-migrations-by.html On perceiving aryan migrations by Witzel misquoting vedic ritual texts. Explaining mleccha vācas in Indian sprachbund.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/ancient-ivory-metal-traces-on.html Indus writing and ancient Ivory. Metal traces on Phoenician artifacts show long-gone paint and gold
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/functions-served-by-terracotta-cakes-of.html Functions served by terracotta cakes of Indus civilization: Like ANE tokens for counting metal and alloy ingots
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/bronze-age-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html Bronze-age writing in ancient Near East: Two Samarra bowls and Warka vase
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/bronze-age-glyphs-and-writing-in.html Bronze-age glyphs and writing in ancient Near East: Two cylinder seals from Sumer
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html Indus Writing in ancient Near East: Corpora and a dictionary and Akkadian Rising Sun: two new books (April 2013)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/08/proto-indian-in-harosheth-hagoyim.html Proto-Indian in harosheth hagoyim (S.Kalyanaraman 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/07/between-mesopotamia-and-meluhha-ancient.html Between Mesopotamia and Meluhha: an ancient world of writing
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/05/spinner-bas-relief-of-susa-8th-c-bce.html Spinner bas-relief of Susa, 8th c. BCE -- message of wheelwright guild
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/04/indian-hieroglyphs-indus-script-corpora.html Indian hieroglyphs -- Indus script corpora, archaeo-metallurgy and Meluhha (Mleccha)(S. Kalyanaraman, 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/03/protovedic-continuity-theory.html Protovedic Continuity Theory (Kalyanaraman, 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/03/decrypting-sangar-fortified-settlement.html Decrypting sangar, fortified settlement on Indus script corpora (Kalyanaraman, March 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/03/trefoil-as-indian-hieroglyph.html Trefoil as an Indian hieroglyph: association with veneration of ancestors, sacredness (Kalyanaraman, March 10, 2012)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/02/dr-s-kalyanaramans-recent-contribution.html Dr. S. Kalyanaraman's recent contribution to archaeo-metallurgy - Jayasree Saranathan
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/12/indus-valley-mystery-and-use-of-tablets.htmlIndus valley mystery. Archaeology and language: Archaeological context of Indus script cipher.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/12/acarya-hemacandra-1088-1173-ce.htmlDecoding 'ram' glyph of Indus script, meḍh: rebus: 'helper of merchant'
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/syena-orthography.htmlśyena, orthography, Sasanian iconography. Continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/assyrian-goat-fish-on-seal-interaction.htmlAssyrian goat-fish on a seal; compared with crocodile-fish hieroglyphs on Indus Script
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/susa-ritual-basin-decorated-with.htmlGoat and fish as hieroglyphs of Indus script: Susa-Meluhha interactions. Meluhhan interpreter 'may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script.'
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/indus-script-examples-of-free-hand.htmlIndus script: examples of free-hand writing. A professional calling card on gold pendant.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.htmlDecoding two long inscriptions of Indus Script (Kalyanarman, 2011)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/mohenjo-daro-stupa-great-bath-modeled.htmlMohenjo-daro stupa & Great Bath - Modeled after Ziggurat and Sit Shamshi (Kalyanaraman, 2011)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-indus-scipt-susa-cylinder-seal.htmlDecoding Indus Script Susa cylinder seal: Susa-Indus interaction areas
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/decoding-fish-and-ligatured-fish-glyphs.htmlDecoding fish and ligatured-fish glyphs of Indus script (S. Kalyanaraman, November 2011)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/10/road-to-meluhha-dt-potts-1982.htmlMleccha, linguistic area; Meluhha -- Locus and interaction areas


‘IB HQ source of Kumar’s Ishrat inputs’ -- MD Nalapat

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‘IB HQ source of Kumar’s Ishrat inputs’
Rajendra Kumar was “only a postman relaying input from the IB’s Operations Directorate in Delhi to the Gujarat police”.
MADHAV NALAPAT  New Delhi | 3rd Aug 2013
ormer Intelligence Bureau special director Rajendra Kumar, who has been accused of "fabricating" information implicating Ishrat Jahan, Javed Shaikh (aka Pranesh Pillai) and two others in order to facilitate their encounter killing in 2004, was "not responsible for the information inputs on which the CBI is zeroing in for its Fake Encounter case", according to former colleagues of Kumar. They claim that the intelligence officer was "only a postman relaying input from the IB's Operations Directorate in Delhi to the Gujarat police". These sources say that the Ishrat-Javed information came from "sources in Kashmir linked to Pakistan-based groups" and that "senior officials in Delhi regarded the findings as important enough to transmit to Rajendra Kumar, the then head of the IB in Gujarat, without any cautionary note." As is routine in such matters, the input got by Kumar from Delhi was shared with Gujarat police officials, who accepted the stand of the IB Directorate of Operations that the information on the group was genuine and who thereupon "acted in the usual manner". What the "usual manner" was in such cases was not specified.
Did the information (about the alleged terror links of Ishrat Jahan and Javed Sheikh) originate from within Gujarat, whether from the Gujarat IB or the state police, or did it come from IB headquarters? Judging by its zeroing in on Rajendra Kumar to the exclusion of other IB officials within the chain of command nine years back, the CBI apparently believes that the input came from Kumar himself. However, an officer who has worked with Rajendra Kumar says that "the input did not come from any of his (Kumar's) local sources". Rather, he says, it came from "much higher up" and with a clear assurance that the input was "highly reliable". He said that this was the reason why Kumar brought in the Gujarat police, as it was "standard practice" to get the help of the police. Such help is usually sought without any written record of such a request. Another officer said that "the treatment given to Kumar and state police officials (by the CBI) means that the trust between local police and the IB that is critical to their functioning has been destroyed". He added that "these days, police in the states are willing to act only if they are told to do so in writing". As a consequence, he warns, "several suspected terrorists who need to be, at the least, apprehended and interrogated, may escape to carry out heinous acts".
A former colleague of Kumar's warned that "the flow of intelligence from the field stations of the IB will dry up" as officers will be "scared to pass on information" unless they are certain of its veracity. "In the world of intelligence, 100% certainty is impossible. It is better to go wrong a few times than to allow the guilty to escape because of fear that in future, action will be taken against those apprehending them" because of a public outcry or the perception that the information is false. "Because of the CBI going after Rajendra Kumar, all line officers of the IB are feeling vulnerable, and this is affecting their work", a senior official claimed. He was all praise for IB director Asif Ibrahim, who has "fought hard to prevent the team from getting demoralised". Ibrahim superseded four officers last year to get appointed as IB director. Among those more senior to him who were passed over was "Yashovardhan Azad who is related to a BJP leader and Rajagopal, a favourite of the previous Home Minister", according to a senior official.
http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/ib-hq-source-of-kumars-ishrat-inputs#.Uf3PSoEzaZo.gmail

Durga episode. SoniaG governance, SP's rejoinder asking for SoniaG letters on Robert Vadra to PM

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Sunday 4 August 2013

Governance at its nadir
  • The Statesman
  • 03 Aug 2013

title=
What is abhorrent in the whole matter is the manner in which the suspension order  was  issued.  All  India  Service rules clearly state that an IAS officer can  be  suspended  only  if   charges  leveled against him/her would  finally   lead  to   major  punishment  such  as dismissal/removal from service ~ MG  DEVASAHAYAM
Durga Shakti Nagpal, a young IAS Officer, was posted as Sub-Divisional Magistrate in Gautam Buddha Nagar (NOIDA-UP) in September 2012. Within months, the case of her suspension has become the epitome of deep depravity to which governance in India in general and UP in particular has descended. Contrary to media reports and public perception that it is a matter of ‘babu vs neta’, the issue is more sinister, with far-reaching consequences to the basic tenets of secular governance.
As per reports, behind this sordid episode is the communal agenda of Samajwadi Party MLA and chairperson of the UP State Agro Industrial Corporation Limited, Narendra Bhatty, who has openly claimed that it was he who got Durga Shakti suspended that too in just 40 minutes! This man is an aspirant for the Lok Sabha seat from that constituency. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, he had stood third, polling 16.05 per cent of the votes, behind the Bahujan Samaj Party and BJP, virtually neck-to-neck with the Congress candidate. Bhatty’s calculation was that if he can polarise the votes in the constituency on communal lines, he could eat into the Muslim votes that both the BSP and the Congress received the last time.
When villagers of Kadalpur pulled down the wall of a proposed mosque, on the instructions of Durga Shakti in her capacity as SDM, Bhatty let loose the suspension charade with the agenda of hitting two mangoes with one stone. First was that the ensuing fallout would help him win the Lok Sabha seat by polarizing Muslim votes. This explains the UP government’s swift instructions to suspend Durga at midnight without complying with the basic administrative requirements. By doing so, he hoped the issue would be highlighted in such a way that the ruling SP would be portrayed as protectors of the minority community. Second was that it would simultaneously remove from the scene a zealous young officer who, by all accounts, had taken on the sand mafia that operates across a large swathe of western UP.
The version of the locals is that the gram panchayat agreed to the construction of a mosque on government land a few months ago. Bhatty had come to the inauguration and even made a monetary contribution. But permission was not sought from the District Magistrate for the construction of the mosque, which is mandatory throughout the country following the Supreme Court ruling in the matter. The SDM was well within her rights to pull down the wall, but perhaps she could have given notice, as this is the month of Ramzan. But the District Magistrate’s report on the matter makes the notice superfluous. The report suggests it was unclear what religious site it was, since the construction had only just begun. Durga and other officers visited the village and told the villagers they should either seek permission for construction of a religious structure, as per the governing rules, or dismantle the illegally constructed wall. Villagers then chose to dismantle the illegal construction of their own volition. No heavy machinery was ever pressed into service to demolish any wall, as the government has suggested. The report, with inputs from the district police as well as other administrative officers, also says there was no communal tension or the possibility of any clashes between religious communities.
Even in the face of these facts the Samajwadi Party worthies appears to be leaving no stone unturned in communalising the issue: senior state minister Mohammad Azam Khan went so far as to trivialise the sand mafia issue by saying that everyone had a right to natural resources. Ram naam ki loot hai loot sako to loot (You are allowed to loot in the name of lord Ram) he said when asked to comment on the issue. Senior minister Shivpal Yadav, denying the role of the mining mafia behind Durga’s suspension, insisted: “She was suspended for demolishing the wall of a mosque at Kadalpur village in the Rabupura area without following the legal process.”
This devious conspiracy appears to be tenable because as per reliable senior civil services sources in Lucknow, Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav was not in the loop and all instructions were taken from the party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav. Naved Siddiqui, a Samajwadi Party bigwig, let the cat out of the bag when he admitted during a NDTV debate that it was the “party that took the decision to suspend Durga Shakti and would also take action against the District Magistrate for submitting his report defending the action of the SDM”. The fact that the Chief Minister seemed to be in no mood to accept the District Magistrate’s report only gives credence to this apprehension.
What is abhorrent in the whole matter is the manner in which the suspension order was issued. All India Service rules clearly state that an IAS officer can be suspended only if charges levelled against him/her would finally lead to major punishment such as dismissal/removal from service. The explanation of the officer should have been asked for and examined before passing the suspension order. While doing so the Chief Minister should have applied his mind based on facts and come to an informed decision.
None of these appeared to have happened in the case of Durga Shakti. It was reportedly done by a coterie comprising Narendra Bhatty and Principal Secretary of UP Government’s department of appointments, Rajiv Kumar, who got the secretariat office opened on Saturday/Sunday midnight and got the orders issued at about 1.30 a.m. This shows the depth of depravation in to which governance and civil administration have descended in the country in general and UP in particular.
After doing what he has done, this principal secretary has come out with a callous statement: “As an officer of the UP government, Ms Nagpal’s reinstatement is in the hands of the state government, as the rightful disciplinary authority. As per the procedure, the government has up to 45 days in which to chargesheet her. In this case, the process may be expedited. It is the state government’s decision.” Is there any honour left in these kind of senior civil servants who have brought shame and disrepute to the IAS, meant to give fair and just administration and uphold integrity in governance?
Therein lies a tale of rot and stench in the senior echelons of the civil services. One would remember that in November 2012 the CBI court in Ghaziabad sentenced former UP chief secretary Neera Yadav and senior IAS officer Rajiv Kumar to three years’ imprisonment in the NOIDA land allotment scam that took place between 1993-95. The court also fined them Rs 1 lakh each. Yadav and Kumar later got bail from a sessions court against personal bonds of Rs 5 lakh each. The bails were on technical grounds: prison sentences of three years do not require immediate arrest. Neera Yadav had taken voluntary retirement in March 2008 itself.
Rajiv Kumar who was principal secretary, appointments, was briefly moved out of the sensitive office, put on wait-list and then came back to the same post. As expected of him, this official, who is on bail pending appeal in the Supreme Court, has done the hatchet job with precision as per the diktats of his political bosses who have given him protection. The Chief Secretary, who was on leave, had no clue as to what happened. With such a ‘kleptocratic’ pact in full operation can governance in India descend to any deeper depth? Indeed it seems to be the nadir.

The writer is a former IAS officer and author

http://www.thestatesman.net/news/8552-governance-at-its-nadir.html

Sonia’s letter on Durga Nagpal: SP hits back, rakes up Robert Vadra issue

In a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Congress President and UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi said there is widespread concern thatDurga Shakti Nagpal, the UP IAS officer has been hastily suspended for unsubstantiated reasons.
“We must ensure that the officer is not unfairly treated,” she told the Prime Minister. Nagpal had shot into limelight by acting against the sand mafia in the state.
Reacting sharply, SP leader Naresh Aggarwal, said Gandhi should write two more letters to the Prime Minister about her son-in-law Robert Vadra‘s land deals in Haryana and Rajasthan.
“Gandhi should write two more letters, one about the Haryana IAS officer Ashok Khemka who was suspended by the Chief Minister and another to the Rajasthan CM for suspending two IAS officers. In both the cases, the name of Robert Vadra, cropped up. These cases were related to land deals. So, she should write two more letters to PM so that justice is done in all these cases,” he said.
Khemka had hit the spotlight alleging irregularities in Vadra’s land deals in Haryana, a charge denied by the state government.
Sonia Gandhi in this file photo. PTI
Sonia Gandhi in this file photo. PTI
In the letter written by her as chairperson of National Advisory Council (NAC), Gandhi asked Singh to focus on such issues as highlighted by the present case and if there was need for bringing in more measures to protect government servants while upholding their duties.
A 2010 batch IAS officer, 28-year-old Nagpal was suspended on July 27 as Sub-Divisional Magistrate of Gautam Budh Nagar district, for allegedly ordering demolition of a wall of a mosque on the ground that it could have triggered communal tension.
BJP dubbed Gandhi’s letter as just wasting time, saying both the Congress and the SP are hand-in-glove.
“SP is ruling in UP and the party supports UPA at the Centre. By writing a letter to PM, Gandhi is just completing a formality because she is ruling the country with the support of SP. And, she also needs SP’s support on the Food Security Bill issue.”
“SP and the Congress are hand-in-glove. They are wasting time by writing letters. If they want to solve the issue, they can use their influence to sort it out,” BJP spokesperson Shahnawaz Hussain said.
Earlier in the day, the Prime Minister had declined to answer queries about Nagpal when reporters asked him about it after the all-party meeting called by Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar.
Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kamal Nath had replied in the negative when asked whether the issue of problems faced by an officer in a state can be raised in Parliament.
Speaking separately, Samajwadi Party MP Shailendra Kumar indicated that the issue is being resolved. “This issue is under the consideration of the state leadership. She has met the Chief Secretary. Some way will be found out….the issue is gradually being resolved.”
Gandhi’s letter has come amid growing demand for revoking the Nagpal’s suspension order.
The Centre had earlier said that it was awaiting a report from the UP government based on which it will decide the future course of action.
Congress spokesperson Sandip Dikshit dismissed Agarwal’s criticism and hailed Gandhi’s “very powerful” letter saying “it echoes the sentiments of India” and has been written “very sensitively.”
He also also rejected the SP leader’s attempt to draw parallels between Nagpal and Khemka, saying the two cases are different.
“He (Khemka) was actually transferred before all the cases of so-called reports (regarding Vadra’s land deals) came up. He was not somebody castigated and punished. “These are completely different issues. Even at that time when reports had come that Khemka was being punished, the Haryana government had come out and said that the gentleman was given a chance to present his case. There was no attempt to hide the truth in the Haryana case,” claimed Dikshit.
Seeking to differentiate the Nagpal issue with that of Khemka, he said, “How is one related to the other….In this case you have taken administrative action and penalised a person by suspending. Khemka’s case was not that.”
To questions on whether Congress was earlier shy of commenting on the issue because it needed SP votes on Food Security Bill in the coming session of Parliament, Dikshit said,”it’s not a matter of whether we want SP’s votes or not. I do not think that vote in Parliament on critical issues like food security really depends on it.”
Dikshit said that “what happened in Uttar Pradesh was symptomatic of the problem” that was continuing in the state “where people do not realise, where politics stops and where the rules, regulations, ethics and rule of law starts.”
He said the current incident was a “stark example” of that. Dikshit rejected criticism that Congress was being silent on the issue before Gandhi wrote the letter saying “all of us were saying that what was done to this lady was entirely incorrect.
PTI

Arnabification ensures TV journalism is dying -- MQ

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TV journalism is dying 

Arnabification of news TV marks end of intelligence in media


By MQ on August 4, 2013
Arnabification of news TV marks end of intelligence in media
Why is Indian news TV in the doldrums that it is in today? The Times of India will have you believe it is all the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India’s (TRAI) fault for mandating a 12-minute advertising cap per hour, an extremely good pro-consumer move. But, more to the point, news TV is dying today because of Arnab Goswami. Not because of him personally, but his personality.
Make no mistakes, the author has nothing against Arnab Goswami and he is far from being a member of the Comintern like folks at CNN-IBN. While sometimes his politics is suspect, Arnab is a nationalist who evidently cares deeply about India. The problem is that he set off a revolution in Indian news TV, a revolution that has seen communists and pseudo-secularists come to the fore in rival channels at the cost of news.
Times Now came across a radical model to evening news shows, minimal reportage and tons of volume. A model that viewers found inherently fascinating, thus relegating old established channels to the status of has-beens. The only way for them to compete was therefore to copy Arnab’s lead, or so they thought.
The fact remains that there is only one Arnab. Sagarika Ghose is not Arnab. While Arnab is loud, he does not screech like Sagarika Ghose or claim to be holier than thou (well, he does at times) like the three stars of Archana. They have all moved to hosting ‘evening debates’ where the decision is set in stone before the debate starts – the decision being that the BJP is bad, Narendra Modi is Beezlebub himself and Rahul Gandhi is the greatest thing since sliced bread.
This has led to a unique situation where India’s TV news channels hardly do news anymore. If you watch these channels exclusively you will believe that only three things happened in India through the day. Heck, when Srinivasan-itis was at its peak, if you watched Times Now through the day you would believe that Indian cricket was in its death throes and nothing else of importance happened in this great nation of 1.2 billion people.
This has led to channels having very few reporting resources. Young kids go through journalism school to join television channels to find that there are no jobs. Sorry, if this sounds sexist, but even with courses that ‘train you to be an anchor’, the money would be better spent on plastic surgery to guarantee becoming an anchor. Or if we lived in ‘Archana-World’ is to be born with a silver spoon in your mouth.
The problem is that other channels that rival Times Now believe that they can only defeat Times Now with an anti-Modi agenda which can only be achieved by calling various crackpots and crooks who have a vested interest in the survival of the UPA. This is instead of the best way to compete, which is by being a better news channel and reporting actual news and having actual reporters in every State of the country. Sooner of later, viewers will realise that the channel that gives the best is Twitter.

http://www.niticentral.com/2013/08/04/arnabification-of-news-tv-marks-end-of-intelligence-in-media-113818.html

World’s highest airport coming up in Tibet. China, vacate Tibet.

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Published: August 4, 2013 23:27 IST | Updated: August 4, 2013 23:42 IST

World’s highest airport coming up in China

Ananth Krishnan
The Daocheng Yading airport is aimed at boosting tourism in Garze, home to the famous monastery town of Kangding, officials said.
Special ArrangementThe Daocheng Yading airport is aimed at boosting tourism in Garze, home to the famous monastery town of Kangding, officials said.
The 4,411-metre-high Daocheng Yading airport, being built in Garze, a predominantly Tibetan area of China’s southwestern Sichuan province, will become the world’s highest civilian airport when put into operation later this year, Xinhua reported on Sunday.
The airport, which officials said is aimed at boosting tourism in Garze, home to the famous monastery town of Kangding, will surpass the 4,334-metre Bangda airport, located in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), as the highest-altitude civilian airport, Xinhua said. The Bangda airport, built in 1994, will on Monday resume operations after being closed for several months to repair its 19-year-old runway.
The Yading airport, set to open later this year, is being built at a cost of 1.5 billion Yuan ($ 245 million). Authorities have targeted bringing in one million tourists and 1.5 billion Yuan in revenue by 2015.The move to develop tourism comes even as several towns in predominantly Tibetan Garze and neighbouring Aba have been under tight security following a spate of self-immolation protests by Tibetans.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/world/worlds-highest-airport-coming-up-in-china/article4989115.ece?homepage=true

Muslim demographics (Video 2009) & Reforming Islam, comments (2013)

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MODERATES’ MOMENT TO RECLAIM ISLAM
Monday, 05 August 2013 | Balbir Punj | in Edit
Across the world from Turkey to Egypt to Pakistan, Islamists are on the rise. But as the Arab Spring at its peak proved, they can be pushed back if liberals and civil society leaders stand up to them

A world troubled by extremist Islam is watching Egypt’s streets and squares with bated breath. If the Army-backed liberals in that country win the confrontation with the Islamists, there may be a reversal in the steady march of fundamentalists in the region stretching from Tunisia in the west to Pakistan in the east.

Across the Mediterranean, Turkey too had caught the wind and it is the popular opposition to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Islamist policies that somewhat broke the country’s slide into religious fundamentalism. Turkey is still under the shadow of that conflict — liberals backed by the Army are demanding a return to the 1920s era when Turkey was established as a Western-style modern state with a secular Constitution.

But recently the liberal traditions of Turkey have suffered a setback. For instance, on July 5, local Muslim fundamentalists in Trabzon offered their Ramzan prayers at an ancient Byzantine church in the north-eastern coastal city. This 13th century church was converted into a mosque around the 16th century and eventually became a museum in 1964. However, through a court verdict, the Islamists have reclaimed the building and converted it into a functioning mosque.

This incident only underlines the hard reality that extremist Islam does not tolerate either other faiths or even a small departure from the orthodox interpretation that it prescribes for the faithful. The Taliban- type zealots will not let girls study or work, they will not allow elections or representative forms of Government to function. They only wish to implement what they say are divine laws.

And so it comes as no surprise that both in Iran and Saudi Arabia — rival nations that represent Islam’s two main warring sects, the Shias and the Sunnis respectively — brutal medieval practices such as stoning criminals to death is legal and public participation statutorily defined, including the size of stones to be used.

There are, of course, moderate Islamic countries like Indonesia, Malaysia and Morocco, where some secular laws prevail, democratic norms and elected leaders are accepted, and extremists put down through a carrot-and-stick approach. But the Islamist threat looms large over these countries too, and there are no guarantees on when the situation will take a turn for the worse.

For instance, in Sunni-majority Iraq where a Shia Government has now come to power, the two sects are at each other’s throats. Similarly, in the 70s, when Islamists overthrew the secular Shah of Iran, they imposed a strict religious code. Since then, a council of clerics has governed Iran, handpicking, as was seen recently, even presidential candidates.

Take Bangladesh as another example. While Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League Government rescued the country from religious extremism, religious parties are waiting to tie up with the main Opposition party in that country to dethrone the secular ruling party and bring back the country’s Islamist Constitution.

The problems of religious fundamentalism today are best demonstrated in Pakistan. This is the month of Ramzan — a time of penance, piety and rededication to the divine path. Yet, in several places in Pakistan (a country that was carved out of united India to supposedly allow Muslims a safe haven), Muslim blood lies splattered on the lawns of mosques because different Islamic sects cannot agree on who is the true believer, and thus, they seek to force a decision by competitive bloodletting.

A few months back there was apprehension worldwide that Islamic extremism would swallow Pakistan as the Taliban and other Muslim clerics joined the call to boycott the general election. The civil society that liberated the nation from military dictatorship finally prevailed and a Government with an effective majority in the National Assembly was installed in office. However, the current level of bloodletting displays how the forces of fundamentalism can make the functioning of even moderate Islamism tenuous. In Bangladesh too, civil society has rallied in favour of a secular Constitution and has demanded harsh punishment for fundamentalist leaders who had sided with the Pakistani Army in 1971 and massacred millions of Bengalis.

Against this backdrop, what is happening in Egypt is reflective of things to come. Egyptian civil society had risen in revolt against the dictatorship of former President Hosni Mubarak and had succeeded in ousting him from power. In this, it was also joined by the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood that was long suppressed by the autocratic leader.

However, once successful, civil society and its liberal leaders let down their guard. The Brotherhood, on the other hand, seized power thanks to its well-knit socio-political organisation, and even got an illiberal Constitution approved through a widely-criticised referendum. Continuing economic distress and the increasing clout of Islamists, however, has now provoked the liberals to pour back into the streets and challenge the fundamentalists. The Army’s intervention in favour of the liberals has sealed the fate of the Islamists within the power corridors ,but the Brothers are now challenging the liberals on the streets.

At this stage, there is no telling how the confrontation will end. In December 2011, when the Tunisian people took to the streets to oust a three-decades-old autocracy, there was hope that there would be a new awakening in North Africa in favour of democracy and liberal values. That hope gained ground as the spirit of revolution spread from Tunisia to Libya and Egypt and Yemen and Bahrain.

And even though the Arab Spring has since threatened to turn into an Islamist winter, there is still a possibility that, in the Islamic crescent stretching from North Africa to Pakistan, there will be a determined confrontation between the forces of liberalism or moderate Islam and extremist Islam. Events in Egypt will indicate which way the wind will blow. The next few months will reveal if civil society leaders in the region have the power to contain jihadi terror, and promote the rule of law based on modern principles of jurisprudence, economic growth and gender equality.

The year 2014 will also be crucial as US troops withdraw from Afghanistan and expose the moderate but fragile Government of Hamid Karzai to the powerful Taliban’s attacks. If the Taliban returns to Kabul in any form, with the Pakistani establishment still holding on to the ‘defence in depth’ strategy against India, and if the confrontation in Egypt brings the ousted Islamist President Mohamed Morsi back to power, the world would have moved backwards and jihadi terror will be the gainer.


(The accompanying visual is of supporters of Egypt’s ousted President Mohamed Morsi chanting slogans against Egyptian Defence Minister General Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, in Cairo. AP photo by Hassan Ammar)http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/edit/moderates-moment-to-reclaim-islam.html

http://www.youtube.com/embed/6-3X5hIFXYU

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6-3X5hIFXYU

Uploaded on Mar 30, 2009
Islam will overwhelm Christendom unless Christians recognize the demographic realities, begin reproducing again, and share the gospel with Muslims.

Date: Sat, 3 Aug 2013 06:56:06 +0530
Subject: Fwd: THE WORLD TO COME - A MUST WATCH
From: varekatx@gmail.com

Below is a forward from one of my friends warning the world against
burgeoning Muslim population in the West and the result it can have on
the Western culture which may be read as Christianity in the forwarded
footage. The footage is really impressive. But there is a major snag
and that is the producer assumes that only the populations will change
- Muslims increasing and Christians decreasing. That is not logical
thinking. It is a matrix of change with every change in one sector
bringing changes in other sectors.It is a dynamic world out there and
not a static world as assumed by the producer of this forwarded
footage.

Why do Muslims go to the West? They do not go there to spread Islam.
They go there for a better life. Initially they may swear by the faith
of their fathers. But in time they will realize that there is more to
having a good life than their 1400 year old religion and its
mumbo-jumbo.

The main accusation in the footage is that Muslims have more children
than others. This is due to lack of education and the resulting lack
of ability to think beyond their box. In Kerala for instance, Muslims
are more fertile than others. But they are getting more and more
educated and there are even Muslim girls in nursing which was
unthinkable a few decades ago. The day before yesterday I had to
appear in court and I saw two Muslims girls with covered heads. I am
also moderately active in propagating atheism and I am surprised by
the number of Muslims who are active in the movement. In fact
Malappuram district with the highest Muslim population in Kerala is
the most active in atheist movement and it is a Jabbar who heads one
of atheist groups in Kerala. The only issue is that they are not as
visible as the extremist Muslim groups like the Popular Front. What is
more among the educated Muslims in Kerala the fertility rate is lower
than among their uneducated cousins.

This implies that with education people will realize that religion is
not everything.
Everyone irrespective of their religion wants prosperity and a good
life. And for bringing about prosperity we need a social
infrastructure of cooperation. Cooperation can be brought about only
by logical thinking. Dogmatic thinking has no place in  a society
whose different ethnic groups are agreed that cooperation is the only
way to progress and prosper.

It is true Muslim society is a few centuries behind the West and there
will be a few hiccups in the beginning. But I am certain that Muslims
will see that a 1400 year old way of thinking is not going to be of
much help in the modern world. As they learn Physics and Chemistry and
the sciences they will have to adopt a more scientific outlook as I
did. So I am not fearful of an Armageddon on account of the burgeoning
Muslim population. Beneath their words and appearances Muslims are
basically human and aspire for much the same things as we do. They or
some of them maybe thinking that the Islam will pave the way to a
better life. But it is a matter of time before they are disillusioned
and consequently they will adopt the more fruitful ways of modern
society unfettered by Islam and its irrational and intolerant dogmas.

 THE WORLD TO COME - A MUST WATCH

Scary!!!!!! ----- but probably true, if we cannot reject them on time.

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Koenraad Elst <koenraadelst@hotmail.com>
Http://www.youtube.com/embed/6-3X5hIFXYU

Comrades,

Useful film on Islam's demographic take-over. The figures are in some
cases exaggerated, e.g. there are no 50% Muslims among Belgian
newborn. But on the whole the film is right. And even well-integrated
Muslim couples who have less children than their parents, still have
more than the natives. So, a Muslim majority is inevitable. The
development is faster and more spectacular in Europe than in India,
but essentially the same. South Asia will soon have 50% Muslims, and
before century's end, the Indian republic will be a Muslim-majority
country.

Xavier is right in the very long run: Muslims will abandon Islam and
choose all that life has to offer. But to think that religion and
material/social progress are opposites ruling each other out, is a
Christian prejudice. In Christianity, poverty counts as religious and
wealth as a harbinger of atheism. In Islam, it is not like that at
all. A shrinking native minority can still provide the brains to
generate economic wealth and progress, while the Muslim community will
benefit from it. That is only the fulfilment of Mohammed's promise to
his followers.

Among the factors protecting Islam from the hemorrhage that has
befallen European Christianity, is a greater social control, including
occasional honour killings. These are not that numerous, but
sufficient to send the message to all Muslims that they'd better stay
in line, or else... Then also they are helped in their propaganda by
non-Muslims wielding the reins of power: the pro-Muslim "secularists"
in India, multiculturalists in Europe. These are their first line of
defence, the "Pagans wielding the sword of Islam", ridiculing or
forbidding criticism of Islam (Xavier's own "rationalism").

In favour of Europe, I would say that unlike in India, where the
Islam-critical school of history pioneered by Sita Ram Goel has
practically died out, 9/11 has quickly generated many voices
criticizing Islam to the core. In the 90s I was a lone voice in the
desert, now there are many websites and even political parties
carrying the anti-Islamic message. The mainstream parties in power
have also taken some measures against immigration that will slow down
Islamic growth. All the same, it may be too little, too late.

That later generations of Muslims are less Islamic and more
integrated, as Xavier assumes, is belied by experience. On the
contrary, the first generation of immigrants often clung to
pre-Islamic custom (like the Berbers from Morocco's Rif mountains) and
lived their tradition, wearing Jellabahs and being very conspicuous
but also very unschooled in Islam. They also respected the developed
West. Their grandchildren speak the local language, go to local
schools, are far less Moroccan or Turkish than their grandparents --
and far more Muslim. Under our Freedom of Religion, we even pay for
their  Islamic Sunday schools. They use our democracy to further Islam
and then, when they are numerous enough, they will democratically
abolish democracy.

Just yesterday in Holland, the Turkish-born columnist Ebru Umar
criticized Islam on TV. She received two thousand hostile tweets from
fellow Dutch Turks. What struck her most was that these were not the
stereotypical bearded fundamentalists, but guys and girls who looked
well-integrated. They could easily serve as poster-boys for a
secularist documentary on how well-integrated they are, and how
ridiculous and paranoid the "Islamophobes" are. Underneath the
multicultural surface, Islam plots its take-over.

The only hope is that born Muslims themselves will abandon and destroy
Islam. But that promises to be a long process, and civil wars may by
then have erupted.

Kind regards,

KE

Ruda Śiva, Tala yoga mudra, Bilaspur, Chattisgarh

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Tala Yoga Mudra, Tala Bilaspur Rudra Śiva

Rishis & consorts ~ Devarani Mandir ~ ca 6th century, Vakataka Dynasty TALA
Circle of ṛṣi-s ~ Devarani Mandir TALA, Bilaspur Dt
Garbha Grha with obese ShivaGanas dancing, Devi & feet

Śiva in a unique form

Chitra Ramaswamy, Aug 4, 2013, DHNS:
Temple town



The nondescript Talegaon village, also known as Talagram and Amerikapagram, is 90 km from Raipur, the capital of Chhattisgarh. Located on the banks of the Maniyari river, it is home to the 6th century Devrani-Jethani Temple complex. The twin temples built of red sandstone are in ruins, and stand on a six-acre sprawl that is now an open-air museum. 

Yet they offer visitors a glimpse of the glory that must have once been. It is the unique seven-foot-high idol of Rudra Shiv, supposedly encompassing within it all of creation, that serves as the main crowd puller to this little hamlet.

The entrance to the precincts, architecturally in an Odishi style, is of recent origin. A beaming Hanuman flanked by swans is at the centre of an archway; the twin pillars of which have Karthik, Ganesh and a few apsaras sculpted on them. A small flight of steps to the left of the archway lead to the embankment of the Maniyari waters, its opposite bank shrouded in lush greens.

Archaeological discovery

The area was once a dense forest; the accidental discovery of portions of the ruins by a cowherd kindled the interest of archaeologists. A series of excavations began in 1977, and the area is now an ASI-protected monument. A silver coin of Prasannamatra of the Sharabhapuria Dynasty unearthed here prompted scholars and historians to date the temples to the 6th century AD, when the Sharabhapuria rulers held sway in the region.

The king supposedly had the twin temples built for his two daughters-in-law; hence the name Jethani-Devrani (elder and younger daughters-in-law) Temple. The edifice must have certainly witnessed its days of grandeur, as testified by several exquisitely carved but damaged fragments of sculpture that lie scattered in the verdant lawns.

It is surmised that the art at Talegaon was partially influenced by the architectural style of the Guptas, who ruled large parts of India at that time. The temples bear testimony to the Shaivite cult that was followed in the region. While both the temples lie close to each other, the Devrani Temple is better preserved. The doorway to the sanctum sanctorum is ornately bejewelled and contains foliate scrolls interlaced with birds, swans and floral garlands, apart from carvings of mythological characters. Goddess Lakshmi as Gajalakshmi is flanked by the ghandarvs, and the pillars themselves are adorned with the river goddesses Ganga and Yamuna. Alongside idols of Shiva-Parvati, there lies on a single slab of stone, the navagrahas, with other ruins that reveal sages and figures that bear semblance to the tantric idols seen in Khajuraho.

Remains of the past


The temple was built to resemble a chariot, pulled by a pair of elephants in the northward direction; hence the temple has entrances facing east, west and south. Most of the figures here, including those of elephants, crocodiles and goddesses, though intricately sculpted, have suffered damage of varying degrees. Half a dozen steps lead to the south entrance that has four pillars, two of which are held aloft by the bharvahaks or weight-bearers. These pillars are in various states of preserve.

Talegaon’s most stunning and unique discovery, unearthed with minimal damage, is the iconographic seven-foot-tall image that came to be named Rudra Shiv, believed to be the only one of its kind in the world. The idol, placed under lock and key, is believed to weigh well over five tons and is characteristic of the tantric cult much in practice among the villagers and tribals of the region in those times. The anatomy of the idol is a curious mix of the Almighty’s creation at all levels — amphibians to avians to mammals! While nothing is known about the artiste who created this masterpiece, it may be surmised that the serpent was his favourite subject. A pair of coiled serpents represents the head gear.

Serpent hoods adorn the shoulders, which come down to the arms in the form of a crocodile with serpents forming the fingertips. The snake also serves as motif for the waist band and the left leg which it entwines. A lizard in descent forms the nose of the idol, whose ears are adorned by peacocks. Frogs’ eyes, fish as moustache and crab for beard, complete the face. Seven human heads of varying sizes bedeck various parts of the torso. The largest of these forms the abdomen while a pair of smaller ones serves as the chest. Each thigh is sculpted with a pair of smiling heads on its front and exterior sides. The knee is portrayed by heads of the lion. The head and neck of a tortoise denote the genitalia. The feet of the idol are represented by the elephant, symbolic of the might holding up the entire being!

While the temple’s biggest celebration happens during Shivratri when it attracts devotees by the thousands. It lies deserted for the rest of the year barring the curious tourists who come in great numbers to see this unusual sculpture of Shiva.

Fact file:
* Road: Travel on NH 200 on Bilaspur-Raipur Route. Talagram lies on the Bhojpur-Dagori stretch of the highway. It is 30 km from Bilaspur and 90 km from Raipur. When travelling from Raipur, take a right turn after the Maniyari Bridge from Bhojpur village.

* Rail: Dagori Railway Station on the Bilaspur-Raipur network is the nearest, about 7.5 km from Talagram.
* Air: Raipur is the closest airport.
http://bit.ly/15tI9qe

Talagram is also known as Ameri-kapa gram.

Bilaspur photos, Talagram - idol
Image source:tourism.gov.in
An amazing statue with a height of 7ft and width of 4ft is present nestles in the temple. It weighs about 8 tons. People round the globe come to view this statue more than the temple. Even after so many years the deity here has not been named.
Talagram is also famous for Rudra Shiva. Maniyari River flows by Talagram. Raipur is the nearest airport while Bilaspur is the closest railway station. Rest of the route can be travelled by bus.
Devrani-Jethani temple.
Devrani temple
Talagram, a village in Bilaspur District of Chhattisgarh, is home to a 5th century temple named Devrani Temple. This temple was excavated along with the adjacent Jethani Temple. The word ‘devarani’ means ‘younger sister-in-law’.
Devrani Temple is built with dull red colored stone. A series of steps lead to the entrance, which is flanked on both sides by Yaksha figures. Beyond the entrance is an outer chamber, further ahead of which is an inner chamber. These chambers are embellished with exquisite sculptures and carvings depicting Lord Shiva and Parvati. The walls are adorned with images of other gods in Hindu mythology such as Goddess DurgaLord Surya, Lord Kuber and Lord Kamadeva. The inner sanctum sanctorum lacks the idol of the presiding deity. However, the surrounding idols and images point out to a pre-existence of a Shivlinghttp://www.india9.com/i9show/Devrani-Temple-80562.htm
Jethani Temple is one of the prominent historic landmarks of Talagram village, which is located in Bilaspur District of Chhattisgarh. This temple, dating back to the 5th century, is of immense archeological importance. It was excavated along with the adjacent Devrani temple.
The Jethani temple is bigger in size compared to that of Devrani temple. Their names have been derived from their relative sizes. The word jethani means elder sister-in-law and devrani means younger sister-in-law.
Jethani temple currently stands in ruins. The only thing intact is its exquisite sculpture, which speaks volumes of the artistry of the bygone era. The temple has been declared as a protected monument by the local government. http://www.india9.com/i9show/-Chandigarh/Talagram/Jethani-Temple-80548.htm
THE TRIBUNE

Sunday, August 30, 1998
Shiva at his magnificent bestRudra Shiva
By Ruby Gupta
INDIAN mythology is replete with all kinds of fantastic stories and legends. This is what in part that makes our culture so rich and varied. However, there exist some examples of our heritage that cannot be explained on the basis of any myth or legend. One such example is the sculpture unearthed at Tala. This 10 feet tall statue is one of its kind. This unique statue does not have any parallel in any of our ancient stories. And there is considerable controversy regarding the identity of the statue.
It is intriguing that today this statue lies neglected and forgotten. Perhaps, a little history about the statue will provide us with some clue about its identity.
Today Chattisgarh has become famous because of its impending status of statehood. What is not known is that Chattisgarh also has a rich cultural heritage. There are several places in Chattisgarh that have their own distinct historical significance. In the Bilaspur district of Chattisgarh this is exemplified by the Mahamaya temple at Ratanpur, Malhar, Shivdi Narain and the above mentioned Tala. The first information about Tala was provided by J.D. Wangler, an associate of Major General Cunningham in 1878. It was listed under Raipur in section seven of the Archaeological Survey of India. Tala (also known as Ameri Kapa) is a village situated on the banks of the Maniyari. It is at a distance of 24 km from Bilaspur on the Bilaspur-Raipur highway. The village proper is located on the Bhojpur-Dagauri road. Tala is famous for its two temples called Devrani and Jethani. The temples are so christened because though being adjacent to each other, one is somewhat larger and so the villagers came to address it as Jethani or the elder sister-in-law. And naturally the smaller came to be known as Devrani or the younger sister-in-law. The naming of the temples thus, is unique in itself.
Detailed information about the temples was first given by the well-known professor of archaeology, Dr Vishnu Singh Thakur. Later, several national and international research students and writers did research work and published articles on the same. Notable among these are Donald M. Steadnagar of the University of Texas, Joana Martyard Williams, a French academician and Dr Ramnath Mishra. The Department of Ancient History Archaeology and Culture, Sagar University, has also done considerable work here. In 1984 the MP government declared the Devrani and Jethani temples as protected monuments. Subsequently Dr Pramod Chandra, the then honorary adviser in the Department of Culture of MP government, and a professor at Harvard University, who is also an expert on South Asian art, testified to the excellence of artistry exhibited in the temples.
Later, the Archaeology Department of Bilaspur under the supervision and direction of its officers Rahul Singh and G.L. Raikawar worked to clean the temple area. They unearthed large portions of the temple that had become embedded in rubble.
Today the Jethani temple is in ruins and only the exquisitely sculpted idols of the temple remain. The Devrani temple, however, stands erect and tall as an example of the rich religious traditions of our country. The profusely sculpted temple done in dull red stone presents a majestic contrast to the bleak and arid surroundings. The steps leading to the temple are flanked on both the sides by beautifully carved Yaksh sculptures. The doorway leading inside the shrine is decorated by means of five intricately patterned rectangular borders. These borders contain minutely detailed engravings of delicate creepers, leaves, flowers, and Mithuna figures. The doorway gives way to the outer chamber which in turn leads into the inner chamber. The presence of assorted Shaiva Gana idols and other sculptures associated with Shiva indicate that the temple is dedicated to Lord Shiva.A male figure
The doors of the inner chamber are artistically delineated with flowering creepers. Directly above the door in the centre is the aesthetically carved sculpture of Shiva and Parvati being guarded by sentries on either sides. On the right side is the picturesque depiction Shiva and Parvati sharing a tender moment. Parvati is seated upon Shiva’s thigh and is gazing at Him with an expression of love and devotion. They are being attended upon by Shaiva Gana and various women servants. Another engraving is that of a beautifully adorned lion-head. Near this is the tastefully designed carving of Shiva and Parvati playing chaupad while Nandi looks on in benign approval. There are several other sculptures as well which are broken in parts. One of them seems to possess a trunk which is possibly that of Lord Ganesha. Another idol appearing to be that of Lord Kuber is portrayed seated upon an alligator and a fish. There are some sculptures of male figures that sport long hair twisted and coiled above their head. Beneath this is a carving of a lion-head. Assorted idols of, and related to Lord Kamadeva, are also present. A partly broken engraving is that of an aura-endowed Lord Surya alongwith the Ashwini twins. The eight-armed Goddess Durga seated upon a lion has also been sculpted in loving detail. Several carvings of apsaras and Shaiva Gana add further charm to the place.
The inner chamber leads into the sanctum-sanctorum. The central idol that should have been here is missing. However, all the remaining sculptures and idols point to the strong possibility of here having been a Shiva-Linga of exquisite beauty. On the four corners of the temple are the intricately carved heads of crocodiles. Dr Ramgopal Sharma, HOD of history in CMD College, Bilaspur, and member, MP Historical Society; gave considerable information about the temple and the associated sculptures. He said that the artistry exhibited here is one of the finest seen anywhere and is highly evolved.
 The entrance to the Devrani templeMoving beneath are the shoulders fashioned out of a pair of animal heads, that seem a cross between an elephant and a crocodile. From the open mouth of these animals (the teeth of which are clearly visible), arise the arms proper of the idol. They are decorated by a pair of bracelets. The fingers of the hands are in the likeness of individual snake-heads. The chest contains a pair of medium-sized pleasant human faces in place of the breasts. The faces are clearly sculpted with wide round eyes and a pair of moustache each. The ears are rather large and are adorned with large earrings somewhat like jhumkas.
There is considerable dispute regarding the identity of this particular idol. It is widely believed that the idol is that of Lord Shiva in his rudra (angry) form. Local people refer to it as Rudra Shiva. Dr Ramgopal Sharma is also of the same opinion. This is borne out by the fact that the Devrani temple has been proved to be dedicated to Lord Shiva. The idol too is decorated with snake motifs, like the coiled snake-like jata, the snake-headed fingers and the open-hooded nagalongside it.
However, it is rather strange that the so-called custodians of our culture have not bothered to organise an in-depth study regarding the actual identity of this unique idol. There is no doubt about the fact that this sculpture is one of its kind in the whole world. It is even more mystifying that no mention of one like it has been made in any of our numerous mythological stories. We have the 10-headed Ravana, the four-faced Brahma, the eight-handed Durga, and the like. But Shiva made out of crocodiles, peacocks, tortoise, chameleon, crab, fish, snake, five human faces and two lion faces? This was probably beyond the wildest imagination of even the most prolific of our ancient sage- story-tellers. Such a complex form has never been given to any Rakshasa either.

Tala Gram A great Historic Place of Chhattisgarh Bilaspur India!

Bronze Age Kanmer megalith, smithy/lapidary documents, taṣat vāk, incised speech

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m1162. Mohenjo-daro seal with the same hieroglyph which appears on Kanmer circular tablets. Glyph 33. Text 2068 kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus:  kasa  bronze';   kã̄sāri  ʻpewterer’ (Bengali) kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length) Rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’. Ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ibbo 'merchant'.


m1162 Text 2058 Ligatured glyph of three sememes: 1. meḍ  ‘body’(Mu.); rebus: ‘iron’ (Ho.); kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone; 2. aḍar  ‘harrow’; rebus: aduru  ‘native metal’.ibha‘elephant’; rebus: ibbo ‘merchant’ (Gujarati)

kã̄ḍ  reed Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’ Ku. lokhaṛ  ʻiron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ  m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ(CDIAL 11171).

Kanmer. A large number of bead-making goods — 150 stone beads and roughouts, 160 drill bits, 433 faience beads and 20,000 steaite beads — were found here, indicating the site's importance as an industrial unit. Agatequarries were also located at a distance of 20 kilometres (12 mi) from the site. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanmer

The compound glyph on the 3 tablets refers to stone and bronze workshop. kāḍ kasa koḍ 'stone, bronze workshop'. This reading is consistent with the archaeological finds at Kanmer. That a glyph similar to the one used on Kanmer tablets occur at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa is significant to help identify the Indian sprachbund with Meluhha (Mleccha) speech area.

Mineral workshop

u = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali)
salstake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.) Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (H.)
kod. ‘one’ (Santali); rebus: kod. ‘workshop’ (G.)



Furnace workshop

aar ‘splinter’ (Ma.); aaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.)  aduru ‘native metal (Ka.)
baa = a kind of iron (G .) baa = rimless pot (Kannada)
S. bahu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire’, bahī f. ‘distilling furnace’; L. bhaṭṭh m. ‘grain—parcher's oven’, bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awā. bhah; P. bhaṭṭh m., °hī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keī ‘distil (spirits)’.  (CDIAL 9656)

Metal workshop
ayo, hako'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)
salstake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.) Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (H.)
kod. ‘one’ (Santali); rebus: kod. ‘workshop’ (G.)


koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ‘artisan’s workshop’.kõda‘heifer’. Rebus:kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara‘living in the same house, guild’. Hence, smith guild.
kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa= bronze (Te.)
mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  id.

 


Figure 3a. Three clay seals from Kanmer with unicorn motif.
Figure 3b. Top view of the three Kanmer seals (pictured in Figure 3a) with different motifs suggesting different uses/users.

An evidence comes from Kanmer, for the use of tablets created with duplicate seal impressions. These tablets may have been used as category tallies of lapidary workshops. (Source: http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/agrawal323/Antiquity, D.P. Agrawal et al, Redefining the Harappan hinterland, Anquity, Vol. 84, Issue 323, March 2010). It is a category mistake to call these as ‘seals’. These are three duplicate tablets created with seal impressions (glyphs: one-horned heifer, standard device, PLUS two text inscription glyphs (or ‘signs’ as written characters): one long linear stroke, ligatured glyph of body + ‘harrow’ glyph. There are perforations in the center of these duplicate seal impressions which are tablets and which contained identical inscriptions. It appears that three duplicates of seal impressions -- as tablets -- were created using the same seal.
Obverse of these tiny 2 cm. dia. tablets show some incised markings. It is unclear from the markings if they can be compared with any glyphs of the Indus script corpora. They may be ‘personal’ markings like ‘potter’s marks’ – designating a particular artisan’s workshop (working platform) or considering the short numerical strokes used, the glyphs may be counters (numbers or liquid or weight measures). More precise determination may be made if more evidences of such glyphs are discovered. Excavators surmise that the three tablets with different motifs on the obverse of the three tablets suggest different users/uses. They may be from different workshops of the same guild but as the other side of the tables showed, the product taken from three workshops is the same.
Decoding of the identical inscription on the three tablets of Kanmer.
Glyph: One long linear stroke. koḍa  ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) Glyph: meḍ ‘body’ (Mu.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Ligatured glyph : aar ‘harrow’ Rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Kannada). Thus the glyphs can be read rebus. Glyph: koḍiyum ‘heifer’ (G.) Rebus:koḍ ‘workshop (Kuwi) Glyph: sangaḍa ‘lathe’ (Marathi) Rebus 1: Rebus 2: sangaḍa ‘association’ (guild). Rebus 2: sangatarāsu ‘stone cutter’ (Telugu). The output of the lapidaries is thus described by the three tablets: aduru meḍ sangaḍa ko‘iron, native metal guild workshop’.

Elephant glyph: ibha 'elephant' (Skt.) Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali) ibbo 'merchant' (Gujarati)


1. Pk. kaṁkaya -- m. ʻ comb ʼ, kaṁkaya -- , °kaï -- m. ʻ name of a tree ʼ; Gy. eur. kangli f.; Wg. kuṇi -- přũ ʻ man's comb ʼ (for kuṇi -- cf. kuṇälík beside kuṅälík s.v. kr̥muka -- ; -- přũ see prapavaṇa -- ); Bshk. kēṅg ʻ comb ʼ, Gaw. khēṅgīˊ, Sv. khḗṅgiā, Phal. khyḗṅgia,  kēṅgī f., kāṅga ʻ combing ʼ in ṣiṣ k° dūm ʻ I comb my hair ʼ; Tor. kyäṅg ʻ comb ʼ (Dard. forms, esp. Gaw., Sv., Phal. but not Sh., prob. ← L. P. type < *kaṅgahiā -- , see 3 below); Sh. kōṅyi̯ f. (→ Ḍ. k*lṅi f.), gil. (Lor.) kōĩ f. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kōũ m. ʻ woman's comb ʼ, pales. kōgōm. ʻ comb ʼ; K. kanguwu m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kangañ f. ʻ woman's ʼ; WPah. bhad. kãˊkei ʻ a comb -- like fern ʼ, bhal. kãkei f. ʻ comb, plant with comb -- like leaves ʼ; N. kāṅiyo, kāĩyo ʻ comb ʼ, A. kã̄kai, . kã̄kui; Or. kaṅkāi,  kaṅkuā ʻ comb ʼ, kakuā ʻ ladder -- like bier for carrying corpse to the burning -- ghat ʼ; Bi. kakwā ʻ comb ʼ, kakahā, °hī, Mth. kakwā, Aw. lakh. kakawā, Bhoj. kakahī f.; H. kakaiyā ʻ shaped like a comb (of a brick) ʼ; G. (non -- Aryan tribes of Dharampur) kākhāī f. ʻ comb ʼ; M. kaṅkvā m. ʻ comb ʼ, kã̄kaī f. ʻ a partic. shell fish and its shell ʼ; -- S. kaṅgu m. ʻ a partic. kind of small fish ʼ < *kaṅkuta -- ? -- Ext. with -- l -- in Ku. kã̄gilo, kāĩlo ʻ comb ʼ.2. G. (Soraṭh) kã̄gaṛ m. ʻ a weaver's instrument ʼ?3. L. kaṅghī f. ʻ comb, a fish of the perch family ʼ, awāṇ. kaghī ʻ comb ʼ; P. kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb ʼ, °ghī f. ʻ small comb for men, large one for women ʼ (→ H.kaṅghā m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, °gahī, °ghī f. ʻ woman's ʼ, kaṅghuā m. ʻ rake or harrow ʼ; Bi. kãgahī ʻ comb ʼ, Or. kaṅgei, M. kaṅgvā); -- G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ or < *kaṅkataśikha -- .*kaṅkatakara -- , *kaṅkataśikha -- .Addenda: káṅkata -- : WPah.kṭg. kaṅgi f. ʻ comb ʼ; J. kāṅgṛu m. ʻ small comb .kaṅkatakara CDIAL 2599 *kaṅkatakara ʻ comb -- maker ʼ. [káṅkata -- , kará -- 1]H. kãgherā m. ʻ caste of comb -- makers ʼ, °rī f. ʻ a woman of this caste ʼ.

kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa= bronze (Te.) kã̄sāri ʻpewterer’ (Bengali)  kãsārī; H.kasārī  m. ʻ maker of brass pots’ (Or.) Rebus: kaṁsá1m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide withkāˊṁsya-- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa.kaṁsa-- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S.kañjhom. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A.kã̄hʻ gong ʼ; Or.kãsāʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw.kāso(=kã̄-- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G.kã̄sām. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ.kasṓṭm. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk.kaṁsiā-- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; A.kã̄hiʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G.kã̄śīf. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ,kã̄śiyɔm. ʻopen bellmetal panʼ kāˊṁsya -- ; -- *kaṁsāvatī-- ? Addenda:kaṁsá --1:A.kã̄halso ʻ gong ʼ or <kāˊṁsya– (CDIAL 2576). kāṁsyaʻ made of bell -- metal ʼ KātyŚr., n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Yājñ., ʻ cup of bell -- metal ʼ MBh.,aka-- n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. *kāṁsiya -- .[kaṁsá--1] 1. Pa.kaṁsa-- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk.kaṁsa-- ,kāsa-- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes)kã̄jāadj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ.kāsāʻ jar ʼ (← E with --s-- , notñj); N.kã̄soʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ,kas -- kuṭʻ metal alloy ʼ; A.kã̄hʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B.kã̄sā, Or.kãsā, Bi.kã̄sā; Bhoj.kã̄sʻ bell -- metal ʼ,kã̄sāʻ base metal ʼ; H.kās,kã̄sām. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G.kã̄sũn., M.kã̄sẽn.; Ko.kã̄śẽn. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si.kasaʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. L.kã̄ihã̄m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P.kã̄ssī,kã̄sīf., H.kã̄sīf.*kāṁsyakara -- , kāṁsyakāra -- , *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā -- , kāṁsyatāla -- , *kāṁsyabhāṇḍa-- .Addenda:kāṁsya -- :A.kã̄halso ʻ gong ʼ, or <kaṁsá-- . (CDIAL 2987).*kāṁsyakaraʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ. [See next:kāṁsya -- , kará--1]L. awāṇ.kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ, P.kaserām. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with --s-- ); N.kaseroʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H.kaserām. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ. (CDIAL 2988). kāṁsyakāram. ʻ worker in bell -- metal or brass ʼ Yājñ. com.,kaṁsakāra-- m. BrahmavP. [kāˊṁsya -- , kāra--1]N.kasārʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A.kãhārʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B.kã̄sāriʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or.kãsārī; H.kasārīm. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G.kãsārɔ,kasm. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M.kã̄sār,kāsm. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ,kāsārḍām. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. (CDIAL 2989).

Figure 2. Map showing the main sites of Gujarat involved in resource procurement.
Figure 1. Map of the north-west Indian subcontinent showing the main Harappan sites mentioned in the text (courtesy of Dr A. Uesugi).
Redefining the Harappan hinterland

D.P. Agrawal, J.S. Kharakwal, Y.S. Rawat, T. Osada & Pankaj Goyal

The find and its context
The region associated with the Indus civilisation (now generally named Harappan after its central settlement) is estimated at between 1 and 1.5 million km² in extent, based on the widespread distribution of Harappan cultural material from Kashmir to Gujurat (Figure 1). For a third-millennium culture, this was a vast area to be administered from the floodplain sites of Mohenjodaro, Ganweriwala or Harappa. However, recent research has shown that the structure of the Harappan hinterland is misconceived as an urban or imperial network. In reality, the urban places sited on the alluvial plain, which are engaged in agriculture, were surrounded by numerous dispersed supply centres, which may themselves have been non-urban and Chalcolithic, Neolithic or hunter-gatherer in their culture.
The urban centres
Most Harappan towns (e.g. Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Ganweriwala, Kalibangan, Dholavira, Rakhigarhi, Pathani Damb) are situated in the Indus-Saraswati river valleys. Here they controlled the major routes: Mohenjodaro, for example, sits astride the crossroads of inland routes, river-ways and the sea. In the region occupied by these towns there is abundant alluvium for agricultural production, and thus they can feed themselves. But by contrast, there are hardly any minerals (Kenoyer 1998; Possehl 2002; Agrawal 2007). Such minerals had to be procured from distant regions of the Harappan 'Empire', that is the surrounding mountainous areas.
Procurement
The Harappan elite needed ornaments made of gold, silver, agate, chalcedony, steatite, copper, shell, lapis lazuli and sodalite, all of which could be found in the northern sub-Himalayas, along with deodar wood (reported from several Harappan sites), talc, shilajeet, and herbs. Lahiri (1999) has done an exhaustive documentation of the raw materials used by the Harappans and their sources, though the actual trade routes may not have been as regular and formalised as those mapped by her. Morrison (2006: 288-92) shows how hunter-gatherers had control of many forest resources and managed their long term supply to the Harappans and their successors. In the words of a recent student, Randall Law (2008: 8) '...it now appears that practically all of the raw material of the raw stone and metal that Harappans used came from highlands surrounding the Indus valley.'
All the sites in the foothills marked on Figure 1 were involved in the procurement of these raw materials (Manda, Kotla Nihang, Ropar in the sub-Himalayan region; Ganeshwar, Jodhpura, and Rakhigarhi in Haryana and Rajasthan; Hisham Dheri, Gumla, Rehman Dheri, Ranaghundai, Lohumjodaro, Nindowari in north-west Pakistan; Shortugai (Possehl 1999) in Afghanistan; the coastal sites of Makran; and Surkotada, Bagasara, Dholavira, Kuntasi, Kanmer, Shikarpur in Gujarat).
Small sites like Saraikhola, Hisham Dheri, Gumla, Rehman Dheri, Surjangal, Rana Ghundai, Lohumjodaro, Nindowari and Mehi probably procured steatite, agate, and bitumen. Lapis lazuli and sodalite occurs in southern Rajasthan and eastern Gujarat. Agate occurs mostly in Saurashtra and Kachchh and to some extent in west Pakistan (Lohumjodaro, Rehman Dheri, Saraikhola etc.).
The sub-Himalayan sites like Manda (Jammu), Kotla Nihang and Ropar (Punjab), Kashipur (ancient Govisana in Kumaun) probably served as gateway procurement centres for copper ingots, deodar wood, shilajit, cinnabar, talc, etc. from the highlands, as the rivers become navigable at these points.
Manufacture
In addition, many of the outlying settlements were involved in processing and the production of manufactured goods. Dholavira (which yielded 1212 drill bits: Prabhakar & Bisht pers. comm. .) thrived on its industrial exports of agate and shell artefacts (Bhan & Gowda 2003: 51-80). From Kumaun, a large number of copper mines and copper-working implements have been reported from the Pithoragarh region (Agrawal 1999), where there were also huge deposits of sedimentary talc. The Jodhpura people lived close to copper mines and did the dirty work of smelting for the Harappans (Miller 2007). In Kashmir, the hoard of carnelian beads of Harappan vintage at Burzahom shows that they had trade contacts. In the far north-west Bactrian region, Shortguai served as a processing centre for lapis lazuli. In Gujurat, sites like Kanmer yielded a large amount of bead-making material (150 stone beads and rough outs; 160 drill bits; 433 faience beads; and 20 000 steatite beads) indicating their industrial importance (Kharakwal et al. 2008). The agate quarries are located just about 20km from Kanmer. The coastal sites of Sutkagen Dor, Khera Kot, Balakot, Allahdino, Dholavira, Kuntasi, etc. probably helped procure and process shell material for beads and bangles.
Peoples
Several small sites in Gujarat (e.g. Surkotada, Pabumath, Desalpur, Nagwada, Gola Dhoro, Kuntasi, Kotada, Padri, Rajpipla, Kanmer and Shikarpur; Figure 2) have disproportionately large fortifications compared to their settlement size. Such massive expenditure of energy and material on fortifications could be justified for economic protection. This might suggest an unequal relationship between the core and periphery, but the relations need not be seen as coercive (Morrison 2006: 292). The contact between these manufacturing communities and the central places is shown by the distribution of artefacts. Jodhpura has yielded thousands of artefacts of Harappan type. At Shikarpur a Harappan clay seal with multiple impressions was found and Kanmer has also yielded three clay sealings with a central hole (Figures 3a and b).

We thus have a plausible model for the vast expanse of the Harappa culture: a network linking the supply of outlying resources in the highlands to the central places sited on the Indus and its tributaries.

The communities in the supply centres were probably differently constituted to those in urban centres on the plain. Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, rich in copper minerals, were peopled by Chalcolithic cultures (e.g. the Ganeshwar, Banas and Kayatha cultures). Elsewhere, in the mountain districts, the Harappans had mainly to deal with hunter-gatherer communities. The central places — Harappa, Ganweriwala, Mohenjodaro, Kalibangan, Dholavira — were urban and hierarchical, and probably sought to procure and control regional resources. Harappa could control trade conducted through the north-western passes and the Himalayan hinterland; Kalibangan and Rakhigarhi, the copper minerals of Khetri and the agate and shell industry of Dholavira.

References

  • AGRAWAL, D.P. 1999. The role of Central Himalayas in Indian archaeo-metallurgy, in S.M.M. Young, P. Budd, A.M. Pollard & R. Ixer (ed.) Metals in antiquity (British Archaeological Reports International Series 792): 193-9. Oxford: Archaeopress.
    - 2007. The Indus civilisation. Delhi: Aryan Books International.
    - 2009. Harappan technology and its legacy. Delhi: Rupa & Infinity Foundation.
  • BHAN, K.K. & D. GOWDA. 2003. Shell working at Nagwada (North Gujarat) with special reference to shell industries of the Harappan tradition in Gujarat. Man and Environment 28(2): 51-80.
  • KENOYER, J.M. 1998. Ancient cities of the Indus Valley civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • KHARAKWAL, J.S., Y.S. RAWAT & T. OSADA. 2008. Preliminary observations on the excavation at Kanmer, Kachchh, India, in T. Osada & A. Uesugi (ed.) Linguistics, archaeology and the human past (Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Occasional Paper 5): 5-24. Kyoto: Research Institute for Humanity and Nature.
  • LAHIRI, N. 1999. The archaeology of Indian trade routes up to c. 200 BC. Delhi; New York: Oxford University Press.
  • LAW, R.. 2008. Letter from Pakistan: no stone unturned. Archaeology 61(5). Available at:http://www.archaeology.org/0809/abstracts/letter.html, accessed 15 February 2010.
  • MILLER, H.M-L. 2007. Archaeological approaches to technology. New York: Elsevier.
  • MORRISON, K. 2006. Historicizing foraging in South Asia: power, history, ecology of Holocene hunting and gathering, in M.T. Stark (ed.) Archaeology of Asia: 279-302. Malden (MA): Blackwell.
  • POSSEHL, G.L. 2002. The Indus civilization: a contemporary perspective. Walnut Creek (CA); Oxford: Altamira.

Postscript

We received two valuable comments from two well-known scholars studying the Indus script on our paper above, 'Redefining the Harappan hinterland'. They are very relevant and seem to vindicate our hypothesis that Kanmer was an important resource procurement centre and had an important relationship (industrial?) with the main metropolitan towns of Harappan and Mohenjodaro.
Asko Parpola, the well-known authority on the Indus script, referring to the Kanmer sealing sign (Figure 3a above), says:
'Besides the "grass skirt", this sign is distinguished from other human-looking Indus signs by feet that have a sharply upturned front, presumably representing shoes or boots of a special kind. This is the only anthropomorphic Indus sign that regularly has feet represented in this fashion... Besides Kanmer, the sign is attested only on ten objects from Mohenjo-daro' (Parpola pers. comm.).
Nisha Yadav (pers. comm.), a mathematician working on the Indus script, comments:
'A sign on one of the red ware potsherd from Kanmer looks like the sign number 33 in Mahadevan's Concordance (M77, Mahadevan 1977). This sign appears only once at Harappa. Thus two rare signs in M77 (sign number 317 and 33) that appear only once at Harappa are seen at Kanmer. The occurrence of the sign number 38 on the three seal impressions from Kanmer is also very interesting as it appears six times at Mohenjodaro only in M77. In view of the large distance between Kanmer and the metropolitan towns of Harappa and Mohenjodaro, these signs seem to indicate a definite relationship between Kanmer and Mohenjodaro. As suggested in the article such small fortified sites like Kanmer indicate their role in resource procurement and supply of beads as normally seal impressions would indicate stamping of a cargo.'
Reference
  • MAHADEVAN, I. 1977. The Indus script: texts, concordance and tables (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India 77). Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

Author

* Author for correspondence
  • D.P. Agrawal*
    Lok Vigyan Kendra, Almora 26360, India (Email: histcentre@gmail.com)
  • J.S. Kharakwal
    Department of Archaeology, Institue of Rajasthan Studies, Rajasthan Vidyapeeth, Udaipur 313001, India
  • Y.S. Rawat
    State Department of Archaeology, 1st Floor, Archives Building, Near Fire Station, Sector 17, Gandhi Nagar, Gujarat, India
  • T. Osada
    Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, 457-4 Motoyama, Kamigamo, Kita-ku, Kyoto 603-8047, Japan
  • Pankaj Goyal
    Department of Archaeology, Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, Vishrantwadi Road, Pune 411006, India
  • http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/agrawal323/

Kanmer: Ancient Village or Settlement in India 







Distribution and concentration of the sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization


Excavation revealed that the Kanmer site had been surrounded by large walls of stone.

The Indus civilization (2600 BC - 1900 BC) is one of the four great ancient civilizations. It is known for its cultural and technological achievements—its characteristic seals and scripts, fortified settlements and sewage systems—and also for its brief tenure. Indus cities and culture spread over 680,000 km2 along the Indus and Ghaggar rivers and into Gujarat in Western India, yet its urban phase lasted for only 700 years, a much shorter period than any of its contemporaries. Drawing on archaeology, Indology, and paleo-environmental study, project members compose social and environmental histories of several Indus civilization cities in order to determine whether environmental factors were the cause of their short life and rapid decline...
Major Achievements
Excavations at Kanmer and Farmana have been immensely successful. In addition to uncovering a number of structures, including a citadel with rock walls (photo 2) and diverse artefacts, excavation teams found three pendants with Indus script (photo 3) and other Indus seals with and without Indus script. These artifacts provide important data for continued efforts to decipher the Indus writing system. In Farmana, where buildings made of sun-dried bricks were found in previous excavations, a large-scale burial ground was discovered (photo 1) as were grains of rice, which have rarely been found in Indus sites. Each of these findings makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the society, culture and subsistence system of the eastern Indus...


The identical Indus seal is stamped on one side of each pendant and different lettered script is found on the reverse.


Simulation based on bathymetric data suggests that Indus period sea level was about two meters higher than in present day Gujarat. If correct, the cities which are currently found inland would have earlier been located along the coast.
Future Activities
Major excavations at the sites in Kanmer and Farmana were completed in 2008. The activities of MCRG members now shift to the analysis of obtained data. As of 2009, principal field activities will involve core sampling at Rara Lake and in the Maldives that may confirm our hypotheses of the Ghaggar and Gujarat sites. SSRG will carry out pollen and pitholith analysis on data already obtained from the excavations. Several human bones were discovered in the Farmana excavation, and a new research group specializing in DNA analysis will be formed for their analysis. In sum, our efforts are now directed towards synthesis of the findings of individual research groups in order to develop a robust description of the climate and subsistence systems of the Indus period. Source: http://www.chikyu.ac.jp/rihn_e/project/H-03.html

19th Congress of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association (IPPA), Hanoi, 29th November - 5th December 2009
Abstract
EXCAVATION AT KANMER, GUJARAT, INDIA

Kharakwal, J.S. Institute of Rajasthan Studies, JRN Rajasthan Vidyapeeth, Udaipur, India
Rawat, Y.S. State Department of Archaeology, Gujarat, India
Osada, Toshiki Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto. Japan
Kanmer (Bakarkot), a multicultural site, is located in Rapar tehsil of Kachchh district of Gujarat, India. Our controlled excavations have yielded five-stage cultural sequence at the site. Period I (i.e. Kanmer I) was marked by coarse and fine varieties of Red Ware, the latter often painted in bichrome. The charactristic Anarta material of course appears in the upper levels of this brown sandy clay deposit. Kanmer II (or Period II) is  characterised by residential structures and a strong fortification associated with the Harappan material similar to the urban phase of Dholavira. The bichrome and monochrome  pottery of Kanmer I, particularly one with a greyish or blackish surface,
gradually disappears in these levels whereas Anarta types continue. A large variety of Red Ware (e.g., Red Slipped, Black Slipped, Cream, Buff, Reserve Slipped, Coarse Red Ware and Local Ware) is predominant in this phase. Apart from these, Black-and-Red Ware and Reserve Slipped ware have also been found. This deposit is further divided into Kanmer II A and II B on the basis of appearance of new material, i.e.,Ahar type white painted Black-and-Red and Gritty Red Ware in Kanmer II B. Besides pottery, a variety of beads of semi precious stones, drill bits, rough outs and raw material, beads of faience, terracotta and paste, gold and shell and weights, seals, seal impressions, terracotta cakes and dices also mark the Harappan deposit. The remains of Kanmer III were identified as Late Harappan, which were found resting directly upon the urban phase settlement without any distinct cultural break. It appears that during this post-urban phase people did not maintain the fort wall, though several pottery types continue with some change in shape and surface treatment.


The site was reoccupied by the Early Historic (Iron Age) people after the desertion of the Harappans. Their deposit has been identified as cultural period Kanmer IV. During this period a variety of Red Ware including Red Polished Ware, Rang Mahal type Red Ware, Roman Amphorae and some West Asian pottery has been found at the site. A number of potter's kilns belonging to this period were discovered in the south central part of the mound. The last cultural level i.e., Kanmer V belonging to the Mediaeval period, was marked by residential structures and large numbers of storage pits.

The site has yielded varied faunal and floral remains. Cereals such as barley (Hordeum vulgare), bread-wheat (Triticum aestivum), dwarf-wheat (Triticum sphaerococcum), rice (Oryza sativa), field-pea (Pisum arvense), and green-gram (Vigna radiata) besides cotton (Gossypium arboretum/herbaceum) are in the collection. Perhaps rice appeared at the site during the Late Harappan phase.


The site has yielded evidence of both winter and summer crops. The faunal remains include mammals, birds, fish, reptiles and molluscan species. Among the domestic animals, cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat, pig and horse were identified. More than a dozen wild animals were identified in the collection, including the nilgai, antelopes, deer, carnivores, rodents and elephant.
kalyanaraman 5 Nov. 2009
Excavation at Kanmer revealed that the site was enclosed by massive stone-built perimeter walls. http://www.chikyu.ac.jp/rihn_e/project/4FR-3.html

Kanmer, Rapar taluka, Kutch, Gujarat, IndiaKanmer is a small settlement of Indus Civilization. It has five fold cultural sequence i.e., Early Harappan, Mature Harappan, Late Harppan, Historic and Medieval. The site is being excavated jointly by Department of Archaeology, Inst. Rajasthan Studies, JRN Rajasthan Vidyapeeth, Udiapur, India, Gujarat State Department of Archaeology, India and Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto under the general direction of J.S. Kharakwal, Y.S. Rawat and Toshiki Osada.

submitted by
j.S. kharakwal 19 April 2007




On the Western merges of The Little Rann of Kutch, a small village with ancient history.
I've been staying at an archaeological excavation camp near by, I joined an expedition of Udaipur university headed by Dr. J.S. Kharakwal excavating a mound which belongs to the Hindus Vally civilisation.
The village is in a remote area and it preserved old traditions, cult, traditional wear and religion.
Many temples and shrines for the village goddess and other deities, Sati and hero stones.
The villagers maintain primitive cultivation of fields and trashing with oxes.
They greet each other with 'Jai Mata Ji' (greetings to the goddess).Kanmer: a harappan site in kachchh, Gujarat, india, pp. 21-137 Toshiki osada ed. Linguistics, archaeology and the human past (occasional paper 2) Kyoto: Indus project, research institute for humanity and nature
http://www.megalithic.co.uk/article.php?sid=16589&noglimit=1&mode=&order=
Site Name: Farmana Harappan burial site 
Country: India Type: Ancient Village or Settlement
Nearest Town: Delhi Nearest Village: Farmana
Latitude: 28.985470N  Longitude: 76.811110E

Ancient Village or Settlement in India. 65 graves point to largest Harappan burial site next door to capital. Archaeologists from three universities have been at work since the beginning of this year in Haryana’s Sonepat district, digging for what may turn out to be one of the most significant breakthroughs in the study of South Asian protohistory.

Evidence of 65 burials has been unearthed over the past month at the site in Farmana, 60-odd km from Delhi, making it the largest Harappan burial site found in India so far.

The digging is in its third season now. Evidence of seven burials was discovered last year, and should the work continue into another season, experts say Farmana may throw up evidence of a larger number of burials than even Harappa, the Pakistani Punjab town from which the civilisation of the Indus valley (c. 3300 BC-1300 BC) takes its name.

The discovery holds enormous potential, said Prof Vasant Shinde of the Department of Archaeology, Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune, the director of the excavation project.

“With a larger sample size it will be easier for scholars to determine the composition of the population, the prevalent customs, whether they were indigenous or migrated from outside,” Prof Shinde said.

A century-and-a-half after the great civilization was discovered, historians still have no definite answers to a number of questions, including where the Harappans came from, and why their highly sophisticated culture suddenly died out.

“For the first time, we will conduct scientific tests on skeletal remains, pottery and botanical evidence found at the site, to try to understand multiple aspects of Harappan life,” Prof Shinde said.

“DNA tests on bones might conclusively end the debate on whether the Harappans were an indigenous population or migrants. Trace element analyses will help us chart their diet ¿ a higher percentage of zinc will prove they were non-vegetarians; larger traces of magnesium will suggest a vegetarian diet.”

Most chemical, botanical and physical anthropology tests will be done at Deccan College. But the more sophisticated and expensive DNA and dating tests will be conducted in Japan. The Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto and Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak, are collaborating with Deccan College under the aegis of the Archaeological Survey of India for the project.

The team also plans to carry out coring tests in lakes around the Farmana site to ascertain climatic conditions prevalent at the time of the Harappan civilization, and investigate whether the decline of the culture followed catastrophic climate change.

The burials found so far are expected to be from around 4509 BP (before present), or 2600-2200 BC. “There are three different levels of burials and at some places skeletal remains have been found one above the other. All the graves are rectangular ¿ different from other Harappan burials sites, which usually have oblong graves,” Prof Shinde said.

The site shows evidence of primary (full skeleton), secondary (only some bones) and symbolic burials, with most graves oriented northwest-southeast, though there are some with north-south and northeast-southwest orientations as well. The variations in burial orientation suggests different groups in the same community, Prof Shinde said. The differences in the numbers of pots as offerings suggest social and economic differences within the community. Also in evidence are significant signs of regional variations that contest the idea of a homogenous Harappan culture.

Prof Upinder Singh of the Department of History, Delhi University, expressed enthusiasm about the project. “If such a large Harappan cemetery has been discovered, I am sure it is going to be of significant help in historical research,” she said. “The entire fraternity of research scholars and academics would be looking forward to knowing about the findings at the site.”

Source: Indian Express March 3, 2009

Kharakwal, JS, YS Rawat and Toshiki Osada, 2007, Kanmer: a Harappan site in Kachchh, Gujarat, India. Pp. 21-137 in: Toshiki Osada (ed.), Linguistics, archaeology and the human past (Occasional paper 2) Kyoto: Indus project, Research institute for Humanity and Nature.


Megaliths


Natural deaths, unnatural deaths: stone planting Vedic samskara

In normal deaths, the soul joins the departed ancestors after this ceremony. In unnatural deaths, the merger does not happen. The soul is directly made to merge with Narayanam param devam through a ceremony called Narayana Bali.

In unnatural deaths, no cremation takes place. The body is buried and a stone is fixed on the site. As in the case of natural death ceremony, the rationale is that the soul gets fixed in this stone. But once the Narayana Bali ceremony is over, the stone (in which the soul was tied) is left in the waters. From the commentary for Pura nanuru verses 263 and 264, we come to know that Nadukal that we see in many places is not the original stone that was used to trap the departed soul for guiding it to leave for the other realm. That stone is left in running water after the ceremony. Later a location is chosen with a bed of small stones on the ground – over which a stone with the engraving of the image of the departed person and his name is installed. Red flowers and peacock feathers are decorated to this stone and regular poojas are done with incense and food. ..
In verse 260 also we find a clear mention that the soul has left for Higher worlds. The stone that is installed where the person died is used as a memorial. The Yajur Vedic mantras do describe the stone culture whereby the soul is trapped and left in the waters by which the transfer to the other realm is made. (1)


*A curious information is that this ceremony of the Nadukal is restricted to Mullai lands of Tamil nadu (forest tracts). In his commentary on sutra 5 of Tholkaapiyam Puraththinai, Nachinaarkiniyar says that it is the custom of people of Mullai tracts to leave the stone in the waters, followed by planting a stone (as a memorial). (கல் நாட்டுதல் பெரும் படைக்குப் பின்னாக கூறிர்ராலேனின் நீர்ப் படுத்தப் பின்னர், கல் படுத்து , பெயர் பொறித்து, நாட்டுதல் காட்டு நாட்டோர் முறைமை ). This is written by him for explaining the Tholkaapiya sutra 5 Puratththinai - காட்சி கால்கோ ணீர்ப்படை நடுகல்.


Kaal kol is the first level ceremony of establishing the stone.
This is followed by neer-padai by which the stone is left in the waters (the ceremony of transferring the soul to the realm of departed soul)
This is followed by planting a stone as memorial. This memorial is what we see as nadukal in many places in Tamil nadu.


* The curious feature is that Tholkaapiyam says that this custom is prevalent in Mullai of Maayon. Similar stones are found in Saraswathy Basin (Harappan) also. I have always theorized that the saraswathy civilization is post Krishna civilization of the people who left Dwaraka in the wake of the deluge...
Photo courtesy :- Dept of Archeology http://images.google.co.in/imgres?imgurl=http://www.tnarch.gov.in/images/epi-

Memorial for a hero who lost his life in a cattle ride, 6th Century CE Tiruvannamalai Dist
http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_j7IwynrIhuk/S5QEZFiWIQI/AAAAAAAABGw/OrLA4c7OcoQ/s320/nadukal.bmp
Reference:-

(1)

(1) Dear friends! A river filled with stones is flowing, try to cross it, stand up and strive to go beyond. Renounce all that which is painful and accept all, that which gives happiness.

This world is alike a river and the human being has to cross it to reach the paraloka(heaven) if the human being strives with preservance and grit he can easily cross the river of material life. (http://www.aryabhatt.com/vedas/yajurveda5.htm) YV 35/10.

ashmanvatI rIyate saM rabhadhvam uttiShThata pra taratA sakhAyaH |
atrA jahAma ye asann ashevAH shivAn vayam ut taremAbhi vAjAn || RV 10.53.8 ashmanvatI flows by. Hold tight together, keep your self erect and cross [the river], friends. There let us leave that which is not good, and we cross over to that which is auspicious. [This is the single most important element of the sauchIka agni hymns in terms of a date. It clearly mentions crossing of the river ashmanvatI to the other side where the auspicious lies. http://manasataramgini.wordpress.com/2006/11/26/the-crossing-of-ashmanvati

ashmanvatI rIyate saM rabhadhvamut tiSThata pra taratAsakhAyaH |\\
atrA jahAma ye asannashevAH shivAn vayamuttaremAbhi vAjAn

A river full of stones is flowing very fast. O friends! Get up with a zeal and cross this river well.But there is a condition. Whatever pains or restricts you, leave that here. We should cross this river to attain a position of welfare and well-being.

10.53 (varga 14) verse 8a
ashmanvatI rIyate saM rabhadhvamut tiSThata pra taratAsakhAyaH |\\
10.53 (varga 14) verse 8c
atrA jahAma ye asannashevAH shivAn vayamuttaremAbhi vAjAn ||\\
See Aashvalaayana Grhya Mantra Vyaakhya, Chapter 4, p. 248.

(Source: Ram Gopal, 1983, The history and principles of vedic interpretation, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, p.26)

http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.com/2010/03/stone-binds-energy.html

A stone between the dead body and the living relations, marks off the boundary-line of Death's domain
Rigveda 10.53.8 (cf. AV 12,2,26; VS 35,10) is rendered in a funeral rite.
Monier- Williams remarks that the rules of the AsvaUyana Grihya Sutras relating to funeral ceremonies possess great interest in their connexion with the 18th hymn of the 10th Mandala of the Rig-Veda :

" Although the Sutras direct that the texts of this hymn are to be used yet the rite must have undergone considerable modifications since the period when the hymn was composed."

" We notice even at that early epoch an evident belief in the soul's eternal existence, and the permanence of its personality hereafter, which notably contrasts with the later ideas of transmigration, absorption
into the divine essence, and pantheistic identification with the supreme Soul of the universe.

*' We learn also from this same hymn that the body in ancient times was not burnt but buried ; nor can we discover the slightest allusion to the later practice of Sati or cremation of the widow with her husband.

"The corpse of the deceased person was deposited close to a grave dug ready for its reception, and by its side his widow, if he happened to be a married man, seated herself, while his children, relatives, and
friends ranged themselves in a circle round her. The priest stood near at an altar, on which the sacred fire was kindled, and having invoked Death, called upon him to withdraw from the path of the living, and not to molest the young and healthy survivors, who were assembled to perform pious rites for the dead, without giving up the expectation of a long life themselves. He then placed a stone between the dead body and the living relations, to mark off the boundary-line of Death's domain, and offered up a prayer that none of those present might be removed to another world before attaining to old age, and that none of the younger might be taken before the elder Then the widow\s married female friends walked up to the altar and offered oblations in the fire ; after which the widow herself withdrew from the inner circle assigned to the dead, and joined the survivors outside the boundary-line, while the officiating priest took the bow out of the hand of the deceased, in order to show that the manly strength which he possessed during life, did not perish with him, but remained with his family. The body was then tenderly laid ia the grave with repetition of the words of the hymn :

" Open thy arms, earth, receive the dead With gentle pressure and with loving welcome. Enshroud him tenderly, e'en as a mother Folds her soft vestment round the child she loves. Soul of the dead 1 depart ; take thou the path The ancient path by which our ancestors have Gone before thee."

" The ceremony was concluded by the careful closing of the tomb with a stone slab. Finally a mound of earth was raised to mark and consecrate the spot."
http://www.archive.org/stream/lawsofmanuormana00murduoft/lawsofmanuormana00murduoft_djvu.txt 
Murdoch, John, 1898, "The laws of Manu; or, Manava Dharma-sástra, abridged English translation", London, Christian Literature Society of India.

Haradatta: “The gods invoked by Agni to a sacrifice address each other: ashmanvatii, i.e. the unobstructed divine army, should march forward. You should also get ready to go to the sacrifice. Traverse the journey, O friends. In our journey let us avoid uncomfortable paths and adopt the comfortable ones for the sake of sacrificial foods.” …ashmanvati (full of stones), i.e. having a stone placed towards the north, this rite riiyate proceeds, i.e. concludes. O relatives! You should get ready to traverse the paths leading to your houses…”
Ashmanvatii riiyate sam rabhadhvam uttishthata pra tarata sakhaayah atria jahaama ye asannashevaah shivaan vayam ut taremaabhi vaajaan (RV 10.53.8)
Dear friends! A river filled with stones is flowing, try to cross it, stand up and strive to go beyond. Renounce all that which is painful and accept all, that which gives happiness.

This world is alike a river and the human being has to cross it to reach the paraloka(heaven) if the human being strives with preservance and grit he can easily cross the river of material life. (http://www.aryabhatt.com/vedas/yajurveda5.htm) YV 35/10.
ashmanvatI rIyate saM rabhadhvam uttiShThata pra taratA sakhAyaH |
atrA jahAma ye asann ashevAH shivAn vayam ut taremAbhi vAjAn || RV 10.53.8
ashmanvatI flows by. Hold tight together, keep your self erect and cross [the river], friends. There let us leave that which is not good, and we cross over to that which is auspicious. [This is the single most important element of the sauchIka agni hymns in terms of a date. It clearly mentions crossing of the river ashmanvatI to the other side where the auspicious lies. http://manasataramgini.wordpress.com/2006/11/26/the-crossing-of-ashmanvati

ashmanvatI rIyate saM rabhadhvamut tiSThata pra taratAsakhAyaH |\\
atrA jahAma ye asannashevAH shivAn vayamuttaremAbhi vAjAn
A river full of stones is flowing very fast. O friends! Get up with a zeal and cross this river well.But there is a condition. Whatever pains or restricts you, leave that here. We should cross this river to attain a position of welfare and well-being.
10.53 (varga 14) verse 8a
ashmanvatI rIyate saM rabhadhvamut tiSThata pra taratAsakhAyaH |\\
10.53 (varga 14) verse 8c
atrA jahAma ye asannashevAH shivAn vayamuttaremAbhi vAjAn ||\\
See Aashvalaayana Grhya Mantra Vyaakhya, Chapter 4, p. 248.
(Source: Ram Gopal, 1983, The history and principles of vedic interpretation, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, p.26)
S. Kalyanaraman, 22 Feb. 2010
Living tradition, venerating ancestors: dolmen and Rigveda

Stone that separates the living from the dead: Rigveda
This note points to the essential connection between dolmen in many parts of the globe and the funerary practices described in the Rigveda.
Planting the stone is a way of venerating the ancestors.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dolmen A dolmen is a megalithic tomb with three or more upright stones.
The dolmen is derived from taol maen ‘stone table’ in Breton, a Celtic language. Dolmen are found in all continents of the globe.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/4/48/Muniyara.jpg/220px-Muniyara.jpg See dolmen in Marayoor, Kerala belonging to Adi Chera.
See the megalithic portal http://www.megalithic.co.uk/
See Morernani a megalithic site in India: http://www.megalithic.co.uk/article.php?sid=15839
Megalithic site found in South Sumatra
Wed, 02/17/2010 2:13 PM  The Archipelago The findings are said to date back to 5000 BCE

The living megalithic tradition in eastern Indonesia by Haris Sukendar, Indonesian National Research Centre of Archaeology, Jakarta: http://ejournal.anu.edu.au/index.php/bippa/article/view/502/491

The Continuity of Megalithic Culture and Dolmen in Indonesia
By Dr. Agus Aris Munandar, Departement of Archaeology
Faculty of Humanities University of Indonesia Dolmen is the “stone table
completely with menhir as legs” (SOKMONO, R., 1973, Pengantar Sejarah Kebudayaan Indonesia I. Yogyakarta: Yayasan Kanisius, p. 72) http://www.idolmen.org/file/pdf/s149-152.pdf

Rigvedic rite of burying the bones from the cremation includes the planting of a stone. This is intended to separate the living from the dead.

RV 10.18.9 Taking his bow from the hand of the dead man, for the sake of our vigour, energy and sgtrength, (I say) you are there; may we (who are) here, blessed with male offspring, overcome all the enemies who assail us.

Dhanur hastaad aadadaano mrutasyaasme kshatraaya carcase balaaya
Atraiva tvam ih vayam suveeraa vishvaa sprdho abhimaateer jayema RV 10.18.9

With this rica, a stone is set up between the dead and the living to separate them
“According to this approach, food or water that is offered to the pitrs is first offered to 
Visnu and thereby transformed intovisnu-prasada. The word prasada means "mercy" or 
"grace." Thus visnu-prasada is God's grace. This prasada of Visnu is then offered to the 
pitrs, who now receive God's grace instead of mere food or water. In this way, the grace 
of God has the power to elevate and sustain the pitrs in a manner that no human power 
can match. In the case of a homa or havan, a ritual performed with fire, the fire is used 
as the "delivery system" by which Visnu is first offered food. This food offering, which is 
now God's grace, is then offered to the pitrs through the fire. It is thus  Agnideva, the fire 
God, who acts as the link between this world and the world of the pitrs.” (Pancharatra tradition: Hindu Funeral Rites and Ancestor Worship [1] Antyesti, Sraddha and Tarpanahttp://www.scribd.com/doc/2676491/sraaddha1 )

Megaliths, menhir, planting a stone: abiding tradition for thousands of years
The page provides scores of examples of megaliths with menhirs all over Bharat. The practice of venerating the ancestors by planting a long stone continues even today in the antyeshti ceremonies performed after cremation of a person. The person authorized to perform the samskara, usually the eldest son or a jnaati (relative of the deceased person), includes an important process: planting of a stone. This is referred to as The meaning of the gloss, kal  is: (Tamil. Telugu. Tu. Ka. Ma.) Memorial stone in a village, as for a hero; வீரக்கல். பலர் . . . கன்னின்றவர் (குறள், 771).  A stone fixed in the house of a deceased person for ten days since his demise;சாச்சடங்கில் இறந்தார்பொருட்டுப் பத்துநாளைக்கு நாட் டப்படுங் கல். 10. A flaw in emeralds, one of eight marakata-k-kuṟṟam, q.v.; மரகதக்குற்றம் எட்டனுள் ஒன்று. (சிலப். 14, 184, உரை.) 
Megaliths are standing memorials of this Hindu samskara. A stone is planted in the house of the deceased, after cremation, for a period of ten days.

What has been found in Sembiyan Kandiyur is consistent with the practice of Pitru-medha described in As’valayana Grhya Sutra.
Post cremation Burial (Pitr-medha)
During the Vedic and early Grhya periods it was common to bury the incinerated bones of a deceased person in an urn. This was the pitr-medha ceremony. The Grhya-sutras of Asvalayana describe how the burned bones were to be collected on the third lunar day (tithi) after death. In the case of a man who had died, the bones were to be collected by elderly men and placed into a male urn. In the case of a woman, the bones were to be collected by elderly women and placed into a female urn. Urns were designed by their shape to be male or female. The performers of this ceremony were to walk three times in a counterclockwise direction around the bones while sprinkling milk and water from a particular kind of twig (sami). The bones were then placed into the urn as they were picked up individually with the thumb and fourth finger. First the bones of the feet were to be gathered and then successively the other bones were to be gathered working toward the head. After the bones had been purified and gathered they were sealed and buried in a secure location.



Megaliths, menhir, planting a stone: abiding tradition for thousands of yearshttp://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/megaliths
The page provides scores of examples of megaliths with menhirs all over Bharat. The practice of venerating the ancestors by planting a long stone continues even today in the antyeshti ceremonies performed after cremation of a person, the person authorized to perform the samskara, usually the eldest son or a jnaati (relative of the deceased person), performs an important process: planting of a stone. The meaning of the gloss, kal  is: (Tamil. Telugu. Tu. Ka. Ma.)  Memorial stone in a village, as for a hero; வீரக்கல். பலர் . . . கன்னின்றவர் (குறள், 771).  A stone fixed in the house of a deceased person for ten days since his demise; சாச்சடங்கில் இறந்தார்பொருட்டுப் பத்துநாளைக்கு நாட் டப்படுங் கல். 10. A flaw in emeralds, one of eight marakata-k-kuṟṟam, q.v.; மரகதக்குற்றம் எட்டனுள் ஒன்று. (சிலப். 14, 184, உரை.) 
Megaliths are standing memorials of this Hindu samskara. A stone is planted in the house of the deceased, after cremation, for a period of ten days.
Kalyanaraman 19 Dec. 2009

Atharva Veda refers to Iron as a metal:
Atharva Veda: 11.3.5, 6, 7
ashvaa kanaa gaavastandulaa mashakaastushaah ||5||
kabru faleekaranaah sharo'bhram ||6||
shyaamamayo'sya maamsaani lohitamasya lohitam || 7||

Horses are the grains, oxen the winnowed ricegrains, gnats the husks. (5)
Kabru is the husked grain, the rain cloud is the reed. (6)
Grey iron is its flesh, copper its blood. (7)
The above hymn is in glorification of Odana or the boiled rice, a staple diet for most Indians even now. It glorifies Odana metaphorically in many ways by saying that Brihaspati is its head, Brahma the mouth, Heaven and Earth are the ears, the Sun and Moon are the eyes, the seven Rishis are the vital airs inhaled and exhaled, and so on.
Links: 
Bronze Age India and the State in History
Metal work in Bronze Age India
See also: 
Bronze Age and Iron Age artifacts unearthed in Myanmar
The Bronze Age of Southeast AsiaThe Bronze Age of Southeast Asia By Charles Higham
Bronze age stone urns in Assam, Sulawesi, Laos: migrations over millennia from northern India through SE Asia to Indonesia
Recreating an ancient trade route

Bronze age indus quarries of Rohri hills and Ongar in Sindh



















Source:

 By Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, p. 295
http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/AA/pinnow-map-small.jpg 


Location map of Austro-speakers and location map of mineral resources
evidence a remarkable overlap,suggesting a hypothesis that mleccha
speakers were the inventors of bronze-age alloying and also of Indus script.
Megaliths, ancient temples and Sarasvati civilization continuumThis webpage provides an overview of megaliths of Bharat and perspectives on Bronze age iron in Bharat.
The so-called gap in history between post-Indus valley (ca. 1900 BCE) and historical periods (6th cent. BCE) has been bridged. The early iron assemblages of Bhagawanpura and Dadheri have bridged this gap. See notes at: 

http://www.docstoc.com/docs/17836531/megalithiciron




What were once categorized as megalithic sites [e.g. Kanmer (Kutch), Farmana (near Rakhi Garhi)], have now been recognised as Sarasvati civilization sites with the discoveries of metal artefacts and objects with Indus script.



The discovery of bronze ratha, bronze sculptures of typical Indus script animals and of a round seal containing only one pictograph: the rim of a narrow-neck jar (the most frequently occurring Indus script sign) at Daimabad, dated to ca. 1400 BCE have extended the civilization impact area south of the Vindhyas to the banks of Pravara river in Maharashtra.



The typical megaliths of Kanmer are found in the length and breadth of Bharat in scores of megalithic sites, most of which are also temple sites. Together with dolmens and mehirs, most of these megalithic sites have been recognized as iron age sites with discoveries of iron artefacts.




The discovery of iron smelters in Ganga basin (Malhar, Lohardewa, Raja-nal-ki-tila) by Rakesh Tiwari point to the dating of bronze age iron to ca. 18th cent. BCE and iron age continued into the historical periods in this basin.



The archaeological team of DK Chakrabarti and RN Singh of Univ. of Cambridge have located over 100 archaeological sites near Rakhigarhi (the largest site of the civilization excavated so far).  There are larger sites in Bhatinda, Gurnikalan (ca. 200 ha.) which need to be explored.



Together with the exploration of over 1800 archaeological sites on Sarasvati River Basin, it will also be necessary to excavate selected Megalithic sites to unearth the continuity of Sarasvati civilization beyond Daimabad in the regions south of the Vindhyas.



Megaliths are a veneration of ancestors of the civilization. So are the stupas (dagobas) found in Sarasvati civilization area and in many other parts of Bharat and regions north-west of Bharat. 



It is not a mere coincidence that the word kole.l means both a smithy and a temple in Kota and Toda languages. The artisans who worked with metals also invented the temples as places to venerate the ancestors and adarsha purusha. The techniques of ligatures used on Indus script and Indus age sculptures continue in the shilpa of utsava beras and also divinities depicted with multiple arms carrying weapons and other cultural artefacts.  All these sites become, together with water-bodies endowed with sacredness, tirthasthanas. At the tirthasthanas (as in Pehoa, Prthudaka on the banks of River Sarasvati in Haryana, near Kurukshetra), pitr-s, ancestors are venerated by the offerings of tarpanam and pinda pradaanam. If Gaya on Ganga is pitr-gaya, Sarasvati has maatr-gaya in tirthasthana such as Siddhapura (Gujarat).



The legacy of stone-cutters [sangataraasu (Te.); sang 'stone' (K.)] who could create a rock-cut reservoir continue into rock-cut caves such as those of Udayagiri and other megalithic cave/rock-art sites. Pillars similar to the polished stone pillars created in Dholavira are found in many temples and shivalingas of many megalithic sites. The image of Varaha and Mahishasura mardhini become a pan-bharatiya hindu metaphor.



The blending of adhyaatma with the sculptural tradition is unique in Hindu civilization, a veritable reverberation of dharma in its many ethical facets and facets of cultural expression as in yoga, aasanas, namaste, wearing of sindhu, veneration of shiva with perpetual dripping of water in abhishekam evoking the water-giver doing tapasya sitting on the summit of Mt. Kailas and yielding 10 of the greatest rivers of the world from Manasarovar glacier nearby. The celebration of divinity in every phenomena, in men, in women, in mountains, in waters rendering them all sacred makes the bharatabhumi itself sacred, a geographical manifestation of bharatamaataa. The world-view of Bharatiya immersed in dharma expands and merges secular, aadhyatmika and mundane life into a seamless web, eka neeDham (a web).



Sarasvati heritage is a challenge to archaeologists, geologists, art historians to help unravel the continuum of Hindu civilization and culture which lives on, as Sarasvati flows on.



A beginning can be made by revisiting megaliths and identifying sites for further exploration to define the cultural continuum of Hindu civilization.


kalyanaraman
kalyan97@gmail.com 29 Nov. 2009

http://www.acme.com/GeoRSS/?xmlsrc=http://www.megalithic.co.uk/cache/georss_79.689532_12.842249.xml (Map)



Excerpts from the article:
“There are four principal archaeological assemblages that document the Early Iron Age in South Asia: the Gandharan Grave Culture, the Painted Grey Ware Assemblage, the Pirak Assemblage, and the Megalithic Complex (although Chakrabarti [1992] points a six region division). The early iron from these assemblages has been dated to the first half of the first millennium BCE, with some dates circa 1000 BCE. (Nagaraja Rao 1971; Gaur 1983)…Painted Grey Ware sites extend from the Bahawalpur region of Pakistan east across the Punjab into Uttar Pradesh in India…The ceramic wares of the Painted Grey Ware assemblage are quite different from those of the Harappan and Post-urban Harappan that precede the assemblace in northern India and Cholistan…Jagat Pati Joshi and his tem…their excavations at Bhagawanpura and Dadheri have found evidence for Post-urban Harappan occupations followed by an overlap between the Post-urban Harappan and the Painted Grey Ware (Joshi 1976, 1978, 1993). Thus the historical gap that once existed separating the Early Iron Age culture from those of the preceding Bronze Age in northern India and Pakistan has now been closed and there is good evidence for cultural continuity between the two periods…Number of Painted Grey Ware sites: Bahawalpur 14, Punjab 108, Haryana 258, Rajasthan 101, Uttar Pradesh 218…The Megaliths of South Asia are an immense field of study…The connections have not yet been sorted out for this complex…Archaeological stratigraphy, radiocarbon dates, and the study of associated materials inform us, however, that the earliest Megaliths in the subcontinent date from somewhat early in the first or in the very late second millennium, and are associated with the early mass production of iron…Numbers of megalithic sites in Peninsular India by state (From Deo 1985-89): Tamil Nadu 389, Karnataka 300, Kerala 188, Andhra Pradesh 147, Maharashtra 90, Pondicherry 3…The earliest iron implements associated with the Peninsular Indian Megalithic are simple implements such as arrowheads, daggers, and domestic vessels. They are associated with the transitional times between the Megalithic Complex and the preceding South Indian Neolithic. There is solid evidence for cultural continuity in the region during this shift in metal technology (Shaffer 1995). The earliest date for iron in the region (ca. 1100 BCE) is from the Neolithic/Megalithic Period of Hallur on the Tungabhadra River in Karnataka (Nagaraja Rao 1971, 1981)…Excavations at Gufkral in the Vale of Kashmir by the Archaeological Survey of India (Indian Archaeology, A Review 1981-82: 19-25) have revealed a ‘Megalithic’ occupation associated with iron…
Radiocarbon dates for Gufkral Period II, Megalithic iron age
Lab. No. Calibrated date BCE (1d CAL) (Calib-3 program)
BS-434            2195 (2035) 1900
BS-431            1885 (1747) 1677
BS-433            2131 (1945) 1779
BS-371            1888 (1747) 1674
…These dates would push back the widespread use of iron into the beginnings of the second millennium BCE. There is an underlying Neolithic at Gufkral, however, and we know almost nothing about the nature and amount of iron found in Period II. Could we be documenting an instance of ‘Bronze Age Iron’ in the subcontinent here?...
Read on… http://www.docstoc.com/docs/17836531/megalithiciron 


S.NoIron Age Sites14C/ TL/ OSL Dates
1Ahar [ Rajasthan]2124 – 1707 BC [IB], 1871 – 1526 BC [IC]The Calibrated points for IB and IC be considered 2100 and 1900 BC
2Gufkral [Kashmir]1850- 1550 BC
3Peshawar and Chitral [ Northwest]1000 BC / Gandhara grave culture- 1800 BC
4  Nagda, Eran, Dangwada [Malwa]c. 2000 – 1750 BC, 1500 BC Calibrated,Nagda, 1100BC [ un calibrated]
5    Vidarbhac. 1000 BC
6Hallur, Veerapuram,  Kumaranahalli, Watgal - IIB[Deccan]Hallur- 1378 BC, 1255 BC [14C ], Veerapuram – 1525 BC, 1295 BC [14 C], KumaranaHalli – 1470 BC, 1410 BC, 1350 BC, 1160 BC [ TL ], Watgal- IIB- c.2300- 2000 BC , IIC- 2000 BC, IV- c.1500BC
7*Adichanallur,[TamilNadu]3000± 700, 3400± 700, 3160±600, 2700±600, 2600±500, 2500±530, 1920±350 BP [OSL ]
8Bahiri,  [West Bengal]1200- 1000 BC
9Golbai Sasan [Orissa]1100- 900 BC
10Barudih,[Jharkhand]1401 – 837 BC
11Dadupur, Jakherea, Raja – Nal- Tila, Malhar, Belan Valley, Jhusi- Allahabad, Lohuradeva, [UP]1700 BC,[Dadupur], 1882- 1639 BC, [Malhar] 2012 – 1742 BC, [ Raja- Nal- Tila], c. 1300 BC [Belan Valley,Jhusi- 1100 BC, Lohurdeva- 1200/1100 BC [Calibrated]
SourceIndian Archaeology*NIOTAuthor: D.K Chakravarti*OSL dates:R.K.Gartia, Manipur University

Iswal iron-age site
Megaliths: Orissa, Karnataka, other states
Ayawal* Burial Chamber (Dolmen) 
Kutkankeri* Cup and Ring marks / Rock Art
Ujjain* Ancient Temple
Vaital temple* Ancient Temple 
Lingraj temple* Ancient Temple 
Bindu Sagar Ancient Temple 
Brahmeshwara temple* Ancient Temple 
Mukteshwar Temple* Ancient Temple 
Kedar Gouri Temple* Ancient Temple 
Parsusrameswar temple* Ancient Temple 
Rajarani temple* Ancient Temple 
Konarak sun temple* Ancient Temple 
Undavalli cave temple* Ancient Temple 
Udaigiri Caves Cave or Rock Shelter
Konarak sun temple* Ancient Temple

Read on...http://www.docstoc.com/docs/17876610/megaliths2
Megaliths in Tamilnadu, Kerala 

Marayoor Muniyaras* Barrow Cemetery 
Sambandhanur burial site Burial Chamber (Dolmen) 

Kollur Burial Chamber (Dolmen) 
Sri Kailasanathar temple* Ancient Temple 
Sri Katchabeswarar temple* Ancient Temple 
Sri Ekambaranathar temple* Ancient Temple 
Sri Ranganathaswamy temple* Ancient Temple 
Rock Fort temple* Ancient Temple 
Edakkal Caves Cave or Rock Shelter 
Mamallapuram* Ancient Temple 
Mamallapuram Shore Temple* Ancient Temple 
Halebidu* Ancient Temple 
Tiger Headed Rock-Cut Cave* Ancient Temple 
Atiranachanda* Ancient Temple 
Sri brahadeeswara temple Ancient Temple 
Sri Brihadeeswara temple* Ancient Temple 
Kerareshwarah Temple* Ancient Temple 
Vijayalaiaieswar temple* Ancient Temple 
Narthamalai temples* Ancient Temple 
Ammachatram* Barrow Cemetery 
Sithannavasal* Barrow Cemetery 
Kudminatha Temple* Ancient Temple 
Read on...http://www.docstoc.com/docs/17827842/megalithstamilnadu

Megalithic sites in Bharat: links
 Bhuj* Ancient Temple Latitude: 23.254139N  Longitude: 69.661111E

 Ghandigram ancient cemetery* Standing Stones Latitude: 22.861492N  Longitude: 69.285253E
 Lothal* Ancient Village or Settlement Latitude: 22.400000N  Longitude: 72.300000E
 Mount Abu* Ancient Temple Latitude: 24.401519N  Longitude: 72.451117E
 Banaravandh* Barrow Cemetery Latitude: 24.401519N  Longitude: 72.451117E
 Maha Kalika temple* Ancient Village or Settlement Latitude: 23.830000N  Longitude: 68.780000E  Lakhpat fort* Stone Fort or Dun Latitude: 23.825503N  Longitude: 68.777458E
 Jakhou port cemetery* Ancient Village or Settlement Latitude: 23.214900N  Longitude: 68.711500E
 Gomtidwarka Temple* Ancient Temple Latitude: 22.250558N  Longitude: 68.964861E
 Dwarka* Ancient Temple Latitude: 22.230828N  Longitude: 68.970722E
 Jaisalmer area* Sculptured Stone Latitude: 26.910000N  Longitude: 70.910000E
 Udaipur* Ancient Temple Latitude: 24.784275N  Longitude: 74.677661E
 Ujjain* Ancient Temple Latitude: 23.175978N  Longitude: 75.784425E
 Bundi* Ancient Temple Latitude: 25.441144N  Longitude: 75.642408E
 Sarasvati River Indus script Ancient Village or Settlement Lat.: 27.370000N  Longitude: 74.280000E
 Ellora cave temples* Ancient Temple Latitude: 20.042492N  Longitude: 75.167508E
 Karla caves* Cup and Ring marks / Rock Art Latitude: 18.740000N  Longitude: 73.420000E
 Bhim Betka* Cup and Ring marks / Rock Art Latitude: 22.927778N  Longitude: 77.583333E
 Sanchi* Ancient Temple Latitude: 23.479342N  Longitude: 77.739819E
 Heliodorus pillar* Ancient Temple Latitude: 23.523364N  Longitude: 77.805214E
 Drugdhamna Stone Circle Latitude: 21.187430N  Longitude: 78.224230E
 Farmana Harappan burial site Ancient Village or Settlement Lat.: 28.985470N  Long.: 76.811110E




Megalithic sites
from Gauri Shankar to Rameshwaram
See http://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/kanmer The discovery of Kanmer, Rann of Kutch, as a Sarasvati civilization site points to the need for re-visiting the following megalithic sites, some of which show menhir stones and all of which have ancient temples. The heritage may be traceable to Sarasvati civilization times, if systematic archaeological exploratory work is carried out. The grand narrative of cultural artefacts and metallurgical evolution which defined Sarasvati civilization may perhaps explain why kole.l means both a smithy and a temple in Kota/Toda tradition. The sites outlined are: Gauri Shankar, Khadir, Dhrangadhra, Khotay, Anegundi, Badami, Rameshwaram.
Read on...http://www.docstoc.com/docs/17671649/megalithicsites



Megaliths, India
A good overview of "Preshistoric human colonization of India" is given by V.N. Misra here, although the megalith culture is there seen to date - incorrectly - to the Iron Age, on the unproven presumption that iron tools were necessary to make such sites. Certainly this does not apply to Neolithic megaliths and dolmens



Misra writes: "A variety of megalithic monuments, erected as burials or memorials, are found in the northern Vindhyas in southern Uttar Pradesh, Vidarbha region of Maharashtra and over most parts of south India. These monuments include cairns, stone circles, dolmens, dolmenoid cists, port-hole cists, menhirs, and rock cut caves, the last  confined to Kerala (Krishnaswami 1949; Gururaja Rao 1972; Sundara 1975). At several places in the northern Vindhyas, Vidarbha and south India, there are large megalithic fields containing several hundred burial monuments. In comparison to the burial sites, the habitation sites are few and far between, suggesting that a part of the megalithic population may have led a semi-nomadic life. The erection of these burials could be achieved only with the help of iron tools meant for quarrying and dressing large rock slabs and boulders. Some of the burial types like port-hole cists (a type of megalithic monument) are very elaborate, involving several large dressed slabs and provision of a hole in one of the slabs for insertion of new dead bodies at a later date. A number of burial sites and a few habitation sites have been excavated, the more important being Takalghat and Khapa (Deo 1970), Mahurjhari (Deo 1973) and Naikund (Deo and Jamkhedkar 1982) in Vidarbha; Brahmagiri and Chandravalli (Wheeler 1948) and Jadigenhalli (Seshadri 1960) in Karnataka; Nagarjunakonda (Subrahmanyam et al 1975) in Andhra Pradesh; Adichanallur (Rea 1902), Amirthamangalam (Banerjee 1956) and Sanur (Banerjee and Soundara Rajan 1959) in Tamil Nadu; and Porkalam (Thapar 1952) in Kerala." http://www.megaliths.net/india.htm
A note on MEGALITHS and MEGALITHIC CULTURE of south India by ramchandra rao
A large number of puzzling megalithic monuments are found all over south India: where did these people come from...are they wandering Celts..or Atlanteans fleeing from the destruction? Scythians from central asia, or very much a local group?Prehistoric Megaliths or large stone constructions dating from before written history are found in huge numbers in South India. The monuments are usually found in granitic areas.We still do not know exactly who the megalithic people were, whether they represent an immigrant group, or a local development. Since similar monuments are found in many places around the world, right from Ireland, malta, west asia, baluchistan to south east asia it is possible they represent a single group which spread all over the world. Among the possible groups are The Celts originating from central asia, who later became great seafarers: some group from West Asia like the ancient Elamites of mesopotamia: the Central Asian "Scythians", who roamed all over the world : a group of early Aryan tribes: and more fanciful, the Atlanteans washed off far and wide.The facts are known from archeology : the detailed explanations are yet to come.Structure:Most of the megaliths found appear to be graves or similar constructions. Very common are rectangular chambers made of large stone slabs. For instance near Hyderabad city the slabs are about 2 metres by one metre, about 6 cm thick.A box like structure is formed with the slabs resting on each other without any mortar. Sometimes there is an opening cut into one of the sides. Similar megaliths are found all the way from india, malta to Ireland but the usual dating of the indian megaliths is much more recent than the ones of britain/malta.Pottery:Invariably large well made, well fired wheel turned pottery is found. Usually it is black and red. Some pots still retain a shinypolish. In some areas notably Tamilnadu are urn fields, where large numbers of funeral urns filled with ashes and charred bones are seen. Sometimes terracotta sarcophagus also are found. One was of the size of a modern bathroom tub. It had a large lid and was decorated with a terracotta ram's head. Maybe some important person was buried in it.Metals:In all the south indian megaliths iron tools are found. It was an iron age culture. In sandstone area to the north copper tools were found, and they appear older. The iron tools are well made, massive, usually plough type and long crowbar -- celts or javelins. While the " javelins" might have been used for hunting, the local people even today use long steel rods for excavating soil and breaking granite boulders.Axes, arrowheads and large flat swords are seen. Horse stirrups, ladles, vessels(?), also are commonly found. In some areas bells are common, like the ones tied to necks of cows. In southern areas emblems of roosters ( the cockerel, or male 'jungle hen', gallus are reported.--- This has interesting implications.
Economy It seems to be based on agriculture, with efficient -- in fact expert use of water and irrigation. Rice seems to be introduced by the megalithic people into s. India. Various other grains also are traced. Of particular significance is the making of granite stone dams across small seasonal rivulets. Becasue of the impervious dense and hard granitic bedrock, these dams form little lakes after the rains and keep the land moist for a long time until the height of the following summer. Two crops can be raised in otherwise arid areas. ( one of the few examples of beneficial meddling by our species).Ethnic aspectsMost of the opinions about the megalithic peoples are unfortunately based on pet notions , imaginary scenarios and the like. Today's politics too colour the opinions. But based on the meager facts everyone is welcome to speculate, providing it is clearly understood to be speculation.                    http://www.fortunecity.com/greenfield/tree/21/megal.htm





                                                                                

Decoding the Indus script epigraphs of two Meluhha sites 

The pictorial motifs and the epigraphs of the Kanmer seal and Gola Dhoro (Bagasra) seals and sealing have been decoded as metalsmith guild tokens. Both sites are in Rann of Kutch, Gujarat.

The pictorial glyphs and the sign glyphs together constitute the listing of smithy/forge/metalguild workshop repertoire.

Pictorial motif of a one-horned heifer in front of standard device is common to all the five seals of Gola Dhoro (Bagasra) and a sealing of Gola Dhoro: damá¹›a = heifer, young bull, steer (G.); Rebus: tambra = copper (Skt.) kod.e 'young bull'; Rebus: kot.e 'forge'. sangad.a 'lathe, furnace'. Rebus: sam.gara 'guild' (lit. agreeing together).

Copper artefacts (Gola Dhoro); Copper knives with bone handles (Gola Dhoro)

Gola Dhoro Seals |
Side view of the seal. Seal as part of some sort of container found at Gola Dhoro.

Ancient Indus seal found at Gola Dhoro, frontal view.
 

Golo Dhoro being a very small site, we never expected to recover many Indus seals. To our great surprise the site has revealed five inscribed steatite seals with one horned animal - usually referred as unicorn, with a standard device engraved in front of it.

The backs have prominently projecting pierced boss. Seals of this type are common in urban Harappan sites and most probably they may have been used in trade and exchange transactions by the Harappans. Stamped impression of such seals on a clay/terracotta sealing have also been found in the excavation.
 

One of the steatite seals discovered this season has decorative linear patterns incised on three sides and a deep, scooped out rectangular socket-like cavity on the fourth side and originally it perhaps had a sliding lid to cover the socket. These are in addition to the usual engraved inscription and the unicorn figure on the seal and therefore it appears to be a unique one, since such seals with socket have not been reported from any other Harappan site so far.
 
The gates of the fortification have been eluding us, but during last season's excavations we have been able to locate entrance to the fort on the southern side of the settlement. However during the next proposed excavation season, we would like to probe the eastern side of the fortification where we suspect that we may be able to find another entrance. Besides, we would like to reopen the shell working and stone bead making areas.
 

Habitation at the site continued in the post-urban period too for another 200 years up to 1700 BCE. In the last phase there are indication that the trade activities and the production of various craft items, use of the fortification wall, writing and making steatite seals came to an abrupt end.

Archaeologists studying the manufacturing techniques and artistic styles of the modern artisans are begging to reconstruct how the ancient artisans produced these striking objects. They also study some relationship between these crafts and traditional trading practices in order to understand better the economic organization of the ancient cities and towns. By combining the results of these craft studies with similar information on subsistence, archaeologists are now beginning to better understand the Harappan civilization. The detailed analysis of the excavated data of Gola Dhoro is hoped to help archaeologist to better understand this unique and one of the earliest civilization of the world.
http://www.harappa.com/goladhoro/goladhorosealfind.html

Craft Production at Gola Dhoro |
 
Faience and Stone BeadsFaience Making

A large number of tubular beads and a few bangles of faience were recovered from the site. The local manufacture of faience from the site comes from the recovery of large number of chunks of white rock quartz that may have been the basic source of silica powder used in the faience production. The areas associated with the production of silica powder are mostly associated with intense burning and whitish powder and are confined to within the fortified area only.

One such interesting area measuring 3.5 x 2m is situated close to the eastern periphery of the fortification wall. Here a fine patch of fire contained a thick layer of whitish powder and small quartz pieces. X-ray Diffraction analyses of the whitish powder samples from these areas indicate it as quartz powder. The recovery of exceptionally large number and heavy stone querns and pestles kept upside down in near by area perhaps used in the preparation in silica powder. Presence of them in larger numbers at one place perhaps suggest their industrial rather than domestic use. Repeated firing and subsequent crushing of quartz to produce a fine quartz powder to be used as an abrasive in polishing of stone bead is being carried out in present day at Khambhat.

A similar technique to produce a fine silica powder for the production of faience objects seems to have been carried out by the Harappans at Gola Dhoro. Except for the areas used preparation of silica powder we have not so for recovered anything else that could be positively associated with the faience production.
 
Stone Bead Making 

Another important craft activity carried out at the site was stone bead production. The majority of the evidence of this craft comes from the southern half of the settlement outside the fortification wall. Though at present we are not able to claim to have discovered the workshop, but we are hopeful that further excavations at the site may yield fruitful evidence. This craft at the site is represented by large number of stone beads, also found in various stages of their production. The assemblage associated with stone bead production also include tapered cylindrical drills made on chert, jasper and chalcedony and constricted cylindrical drills made on a rare form of metamorphic rock that is referred to as "Ernestite" for drilling soft and hard stones respectively.

However, one of the important discoveries associated with this industry is the recovery of stockpiles of raw material, neatly kept in two clay-lined bins that containing large amounts variegated and molted jasper. Both these bins were recovered from a trench close to the interior eastern periphery of the fortification wall. A preliminary observation of these bins indicated that the materials were segregated on the bases of size and the type of raw material. One of the bins contains larger chunks of green - red - white variegated jasper, a broken stone dish and a few complete good quality T. pyrum shell.

While the other bin contains small chunks of black and white molted jasper that seems to have been extensively used at the site in the manufacture of beads. The absence of manufacturing waste of the green-red-white - variegated jasper from the site perhaps indicate that this material was not meant to be used at the site but was carefully stockpiled to be shipped to some where else for the manufacture of beads. This area was perhaps a stockpiling area of a merchant dealing with the supply of raw material to the craftsmen of the settlement as well as to other Harappan bead making workshops. We have already started looking for the resource areas of these stones, however it appears that this material was brought to the settlement that was approximately 70 kilometers southwest in Saurashtra.
http://www.harappa.com/goladhoro/faiencemaking.html

Craft Production at Gola Dhoro |
 
Eastern Gateway Gola DhoroShell Bangle Workshop

One of the most important craft activities pursued with great vigor at the site was the production of shell bangles from Turbinella pyrum. One of the fascinating discoveries associated with this craft was the recovery of a rectangular mud brick structure measuring approximately 5.60 x 3.20m with an adjoining chamber, situated on the northwestern periphery inside the fortification. Within this structure three large heaps of shell resting against the western wall, containing thousands of mostly unused shell of T. pyrum were uncovered.

In between the two shell heaps, thousands of unfinished and finished shell circlets and large quantities of micro shell wasters produced during cutting of the shell, and a grinding stone resting below the bangles, are really unique finds and undoubtedly indicate it being a shell workshop of Harappan times.
 

A preliminary study of the shell piles of the workshop indicated that one of the piles literally has hundreds of the shell that were either undersized or worm-eaten. The segregation of shell on the basis of quality indicate that the shell cutter of Bagasra separated the bad quality shell from the main piles since they could not have been effectively used in the manufacture of bangles.

This has also led us to infer that unlike another Harappan shell working site of Nageshwar on the Gulf Kutch, that the shell cutters of Gola Dhoro were not personally involved in the collection of shell. Otherwise they would have discarded bad quality shell that could have not been used later, near the source area, instead of transporting it for more than 100 kilometers to the settlement.
 

From the preliminary studies it appears that except for limited ladle manufacture from Chicoreus ramosus, the settlement basically remains one of the larger Harappan shell bangle-manufacturing centers in Gujarat. Not only the bangles but perhaps also some raw shell and especially Fasciolaria trapezium species were being traded from the site, previously believed to have been obtained from Oman for the manufacture inlay in core area.

Nevertheless, the excavations of the workshop is not complete as yet - we hope in this area, we may finally end up discovering the copper saw that used for cutting the shell.

http://www.harappa.com/goladhoro/goladhoroshellworkshop.html

Mount Padang ancient temple of 13,000 to 23,000 years ago?

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Wed, 04-03-2013 19:45 WIB
The Site of Mount Padang is the Evidence of Architectural Masterpieces of Ancient
By : the Information Desk
The Independent Research Integrated Mount Padang Team, which is facilitated by the Special Staff of President for Social Assistance and Disaster, found the stone structures of man-made beneath the ancient site of Mount Padang, at Karyamukti Village, the District of Campaka, Cianjur Regency.
According to the result of survey of team who did an archaeological excavation and geoelectric surveys on the eastern slopes of the hill in March 2013, found the structure  of colum andesite stone with near horizontal position elongated east-west.
"From the horizontal position of the colum andesite rocks and its line direction, we can conclude with certainty that the colum stones or" columnar joints "is not in a natural condition," said Danny H. Natawidjaja, Coordinator of The Independent Research Integrated Mount Padang Team in Jakarta, Tuesday (2/4).
In excavation, The Archaeological team which is led by DR. Ali Akbar from the University of Indonesia found the evidence to confirm the hypothesis of team that there are man-made structures in the basement of Mount Padang. The building structure is the same as with the structure of the stone terrace which has been revealed and become cultural sites on the hill.
The excavation also found a filler material among the stones columns, even  there is a stone column that was shattered but styled and put together again by the filler material as ancient cement.
The Ancient cement has also been found on a canyon railroads between the porch steps one and two, and also on drill core samples from a depth of 1 to 15 meters of drilling conducted by the team in 2012 and then on the site.
The Geologist team and also the center coaches of Indonesian Association of Geologists center, DR. Andang Bachtiar, find more surprising facts. The Cement material has a primary composition of 45% of iron mineral and 41% of mineral silica. The rest is 14% clay minerals and there is also the carbon element. "This is a good composition for strong cement adhesive, perhaps combining between the concepts of resin or modern strong adhesive made ​​from silica materials and the use of concentration of the iron element which become as brick amplifiers," said Danny H. Natawidjaja.
The high content of silica indicates that the cement is not the result of weathering of colum andesite rocks which is surrounded by a poor of silica. Then, the levels of iron in nature, even in the rocks at the ore mineral mining,  generally the content of iron is not more than 5%, so iron levels in "Gunung Padang cement" is many times higher than natural conditions. Therefore it can be concluded that material which is lied between the columns andesite stones are man-made grout.
 So the technology of that time seems to have known metallurgy. One common technique to obtain a high concentration of iron is to carry out the combustion process from the broken rocks with very high temperatures. Similar to the making of bricks, which burn caolinite and illite clays to produce a high concentration of iron on the brick, explain Andang.
Indications of ancient metallurgical technology is more strengthened by the findings of a lump of metal materials sized 10 inches by the team of Ali Akbar at the depth of 1 meter on the eastern slopes of Mount Padang. The rusty metal material possessed a rough surface hollow-small cavity on the surface. Presumably this material is a metal dough residue ("slug") that is mixed with carbon material which has become its combustor materials, can be from wood, coal or other. Cavities are likely to occur due to the release of CO2 when burning. The team will conduct further laboratorium analysis to investigate.
The results of radiometric analysis of the content of the carbon element in some samples of cement in drill core from the depth of 5-15 meters which was conducted in 2012 at the prestigious Laboratory, BETALAB, Miami, USA in the mid-2012 shows its age with a range between 13,000 and 23,000 years ago.
Previously, the results of carbon dating which carried out in the BATAN laboratory, the dominant quartz sand that fills the voids between the columns of andesite at the depth of 8-10 meters below the terrace of five also showed the same age range is about 13,000 years ago.
Data from drilling conducted by DR. Andang Bachtiar and microscopic analyzes of rocks from drill core samples were carried out by DR. Andri Subandrio, geologist of volcanic rocks of the Petrology laboratory ITB,  can be assured that the high resistivity body rock is andesite lava rock, the same rock type as the column of the site of mount Padang.
Another thing that is interesting from petrological analysis is finding of many microscopic cracks in the thin section of andesite stone columns that allegedly non-natural because the cracks cut its constituent mineral crystals.
Danny H. Natawidjaja states that mount Padang has same potency with Borobudur, even it is more meaningful because it can be a breakthrough of knowledge about "the craddle of civilizations" in this century, as a proof of the great monuments of the oldest civilizations in the glorious world that destroyed because of catastrophe thousands of years ago in the pre-history of Indonesia.

"It is not impossible anymore if Indonesia as archipelago nation has civilization as advanced as the ancient Egyptian civilization, even in the much older," Danny said. (WID/ES)(HN/S)

Google translation:
Tim Terpadu Riset Mandiri: Gunung Padang Truly Extraordinary
Kamis, 28 Juni 2012 , 15:13:00 WIB
Laporan: Zulhidayat Siregar

RMOL. At first, there are bumps on the hill of Mount Padang, Cianjur, West Java, is considered only in the form of terraces arranged piles of stones that simple. But, in fact it is not.
Integrated Team Independent Research has proven that the site of Mount Padang is a structure-punden giant staircase that cover the slopes of the hill and made with architecture design-construction "advance" that can be called equivalent / similar to "building construction"-Michu Pichu in Peru .
"That the results of the survey with subsurface imaging methods Geolistrik, georadar, and there are geometry showing geomagnetic-construction building in bawahsitus Gunung Padang," said Team Member DR. Boediarto Ontowirjo this afternoon (Thursday, 28/6).
He explained that the building is at least about 15 meters occupies the peak. Building under the terraces of Mount Padang seems to have large chambers (indicated by the resistivity of the structure veryhigh geoelectric survey results). One small part of the chamber that was on the porch 5 (south site) has been proven by drilling, and it is true of a cavity, but filled with sand (with uniform grain), it seems to save something.
"The estimated age of the site of Mount Padang in the topmost layer in archeology
(Based on shape similarity artifacts) allegedly approximately 2800 BC, "he said.
Of determining the absolute age based on radiometric analysis of carbon samples datingumur carbon flakes, he added, under a layer of depth to the top of the site on the 3-4meter obtained maximum age (oldest) 4500 BC. In other words, the expected life of the building in the upper layer is about 2800 - 4500 BC.
Meanwhile, below the surface of the building site allegedly an older building because radio carbon dating results of samples metricdating carbon fragments contained in sand in cavities that are drilled in the Terrace 5. Ie at depths between 8-10 meters to show its age (maximum) around 10,500 BC.
"This age is the age of the building can not be ascertained because it could have a life of its material is sand (which was brought from somewhere else). But at least it has been proved that the age of the rock-soil layers to a depth of 15 metera is a building construction is not natural rock layer (which should be millions of years old based on geological data in this region), "he said. [Zul]

http://www.rmol.co/read/2012/06/28/68876/Tim-Terpadu-Riset-Mandiri:-Gunung-Padang-Truly-Extraordinary-

AG Noorani, a stranger to history and politics -- Mohan Kishen Teng

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A Critique on “Kashmir Dispute”—book written by by A G Noorani

By Dr Mohan Kishen Teng August 5, 2013

During the last sixty five years of the Indian freedom, there is nothing that has not gone wrong in the way, India has dealt with Pakistan and the Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir. This is the gut feeling that a reader gets after going through the two volume book, The Kashmir Dispute, written by A G Nooorani, a senior advocate of the Supreme Court of India, a constitutional expert and writer of many books, among them books written on Islam and the constitutional history of Jammu and Kashmir.  The book is so interwoven in its organization that the reader is usually left lost in deciding where to stop to ponder over what the author has written. Written well in connected  episodes, miles apart from each other, the Study seeks to  convey the message that justice should have been done to the Muslims of Kashmir in 1947, and in the later years and since it was not done to them either in 1947 when Pakistan claimed the State of Jammu and Kashmir on the basis of its Muslim majority population, and ever after , because India refused to fulfill the pledge it had made to the Muslims of the State, Muslims in Pakistan, the British and the United Nations, the time had come, that justice was done to them now.

Men in India, greatest of them and indeed the noblest and the most patriotic, and men outside India, who had understood the pain of the Muslims in Kashmir, have been quoted by the author profusely, to tell the Indian people of the wrong that was done to the Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir, whose only fault was their quest for freedom. The author has been candidly clear in spelling out the content and character of the freedom the Muslims in Kashmir sought, and without reserve or compunction emphasizes that the freedom, the Muslims in Kashmir sought, was not necessarily the freedom that the people in India had fought for, but the freedom which enabled them to satisfy the aspirations, their Muslim identity reflected. 

A G Noorani is a lawyer , who has the experience of having argued in the court where rules of the game are laid down , the structure of the imperatives which govern the proceedings are clearly visible and boundaries of the law applied are drawn permanently and without variations. Perhaps conscious of the reality that the objectivity placed behind every adjudication of a legal case is arbitrarily determined, he has followed a course, where he seems to have presumed , that  so far as the determination of the  future of Jammu and Kashmir was concerned and the freedom, its people had a right to, was determined  only by the British and the Muslim League, while the people of India and the people of Jammu and Kashmir who were not Muslims, had no right to interfere with the course already laid down for the Muslims of the State.

The two volume book that Mr. Noorani has written leaves a keener student of history and politics, not to speak of an expert in the field, with a feeling that he has transgressed into a field where he himself is a stranger. In the dynamics of history and the variables which govern the course of political sociology historians do not make history. They only record its course and describe the forces and narrate the events, which are a reality that the historians cannot distort or deny. There is a method in all historical processes. And there is a method in all political development. For Hitler the invasion of Russia was a historical necessity.  Nazism was an ideology and Germany was an ideological state. So was Italy and Japan. Japan also struck Pearl Harbor out of a historical necessity. That they would be defeated is a matter of the course, history of the Second World War took. Historical facts cannot be manipulated.
 There was a time, a century before the Second World War, which ushered in the worldwide movement for decolonization, when  the flag bearers of the Concert of European imperialist powers,  manipulated history to serve their power interests. The British called India a geographical expression. So did the Muslim League. Both sought to bat for the perpetuation of the British Empire in India. They realized deep inside them that India was a nation, the expression of a six-thousand year old civilisational grid, an incredible continuity of history and a stunning expanse of civilisational frontiers, when they faced India in revolt in 1942, the Naval Mutiny of 1946, and the dogged resistance the State Army of Jammu and Kashmir offered to the invading forces of Pakistan for five days, till the Indian Army arrived in Srinagar.

History is relentless. It doesn’t forgive. It doesn’t forget.  Noorani has written these two volumes to rationalize Muslim separatist movement in India of which the Muslim separatist movement of Jammu and Kashmir is a part.  Jinnah agreed with the Congress leaders, till the Congress leaders professed faith in Indian destiny within the British Empire. Why should the Muslim League have taken birth in 1906, when the Swaraj and Swadeshi resolution of the Indian National Congress was adopted the same year? Why did Sir Mohammad Iqbal, in his presidential address to the Muslim League Session at Allahabad in 1930 call for a Muslim confederacy in the North-West, North-East, the north and south of India, after the Indian National Congress adopted the Purna Swaraj Resolution in early 1930? Why did Jinnah threaten Gandhi to non-cooperate with the Congress, if the Congress extended its movement to the princely States and virtually compelled the latter to exclude the States peoples’ movements from the national movement of India, a course the Congress adopted, which brought it to the brink of disaster in 1947? Why should the Muslim League have adopted the Lahore Resolution for Pakistan in 1940 when the British were fighting with their back to the wall?  Had the Muslim League realized that the end of British Empire in India had come?

Jinnah was no votary of the Indian freedom from the British rule, nor did he visualize a united India. Instead when he insisted upon the lapse of Paramountacy, he envisioned Pakistan, spread across the whole of India, with its mainland constituted of the Muslim majority areas of the British India in north-east and north-west and pockets of its territory constituted of the Muslim majority States and the Muslim ruled States, interspersed among the provinces and the acceding States of the Indian Dominion.
The author of the two volumes of Kashmir Dispute has perhaps been never aware of the fact that Jammu and Kashmir was geographically a part of the northern India and not the North West of India. It formed the central spur of the frontier of India in the north, which is crucially important for the unity of India and the security of its entire northern frontier. Only a small part of the borders of Jammu and Kashmir were contiguous to the borders of Pakistan in the south and north-west. A larger part of the border of the State stretched along the borders of Afghanistan, mainly the Wakhan Valley, Chinese Sinkiang in the north-east and the Tibet in the east, with a long border contiguous with East Punjab in the south and the Punjab Hill States in the north-east. The much maligned Radcliff Award, did not do anything wrong in its Boundary Award. Sir Radcliff was not a British politician and he, contrary to the fond hopes of the Muslim League leaders, that he would oblige them on the biding of the British, at home and in India, did not do so. Pathankot the largest Tehsil of the Gurdaspur District was predominantly Hindu and could by no stretch of mind be included in the West Punjab. Contrary to the figures quoted by the author in his book, the Gurdaspur District had a minimal 0.8 per cent Muslim majority. The Boundary Commission did not follow District boundaries as the basis of the demarcation of the dividing line between the West Punjab and the East Punjab. The author appears to be completely ignorant of the fact that besides the Jhelum valley road connecting Srinagar with Rawalpindi, a railway link connected Jammu with Sialkot and a tarmac road ran along the railway line, connecting Sialkot with Jammu. He also does not seem to be aware of the fact that a cart-road, which was improvised by the ruler of the State, stretched between Jammu and Madhopur in Pathankot, over which transport moved without any difficulty, taking few hours to travel from Jammu to Madhopur.

The author does not accept and in fact takes a reverse position on the basic fact that neither the partition of India nor the lapse of the Paramountacy create a prior right for the Muslims of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to opt for an alternative to the accession to India, independence or accession to Pakistan. The author’s assertive reference to the intention of Hari Singh to assume independence is a total surmise and a travesty of history. Mountbatten flew to Srinagar in the third week of June, not more than two weeks after the 3 June Declaration of 1947, and shook the Maharaja out of his wits by tendering him the advice to come to terms with Pakistan. Hari Singh used stratagem to send the Crown Representative back to the Indian capital, empty handed. Accession to Pakistan was the last act he was prepared to perform. Hari Singh was not the man to have misunderstood Mountbatten, who warned him against any attempt to assume independence.  In fact there is not the slightest of hints or pronouncements on record to suggest that Hari Singh intended to assume independence. Four personal emissaries of Jinnah, met Hari Singh secretly, and to everyone he told that he would take a decision by himself and his decision would keep in view the interests of his people. Ram Chand  Kak, a devout confident of Hari sing, acted as his interface, with the Muslim League and his strategy worked to save the State from being plunged into a civil war during the crucial months intervening between the 3 June Declaration and the date of the transfer of power.

The author has conveniently omitted to refer to and discuss the implications of the proclamation of a “Provisional Government of Azad Kashmir” by the Muslim Conference leaders and cadres at Tradkhel in Mirpur on 28 August 1947, only thirteen days after the transfer of power in India. After the proclamation of the “Provisional Government of Azad Kashmir”, anti-Hindu riots spread across the Muslim majority districts of Jammu province bordering Pakistan.

Facts of History cannot be bent to rationalize political events or influence their course. The Indian partition was foisted on the people of India by the Muslim League with the support of the British. The opinion of the people of India was not elicited on the partition of the country. Had the partition been referred to them, they would have rejected it and Pakistan would have never come into existence. The lapse of Paramountacy was also foisted on the people of the States, and when the Congress leaders beseeched the Muslim League leaders and the British to seek the opinion of the people of the princely States about the right to determine their future, Jinnah as well as Mountbatten did not listen to the Congress entreaties. Had the people of the States been accorded the right of determining their future the crisis which overtook Junahgar, the war in Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir would have never taken place. In Jammu and Kashmir the Hindus, Sikhs and the Buddhists, who constituted nearly twenty eight percent of the population of the State at that time, and with the Kashmiri speaking Muslims together formed the two thirds of the population of the State. The Kashmiri-speaking Muslims were dead set to evade accession to Pakistan, because they had opposed the Muslim League struggle for Pakistan and they knew that dreams of their freedom would be scuttled with the ascendance of the Muslim Conference, supported by the non-Kashmiri speaking Muslims of the Jammu province, to power in the State, if it acceded to Pakistan.  It is a misnomer that the accession of the State to India was brought about with the support of the Muslims alone. In fact it was because of the Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists along with the Kashmiri-speaking Muslims that the accession of the State to India was brought about.
In the resistance against the invasion of the State by Pakistan, the Hindus and Sikhs formed the frontline of defense against it in the provinces of Jammu and Kashmir and the Buddhists in the Frontier Division of Ladhakh. In Ladhakh the Buddhists kept the invaders at bay under the leadership of the legendary soldiers Captain Pirthi Chand and Captain Thapa. The left flanks of the National Conference largely constituted of the Hindus of Kashmir amongst whom were ideologues of National Conference and veteran fighters of freedom in Jammu and Kashmir. Niranjan Nath Raina Saraf, Pran Nath Jalali and Omkar Nath Trisal, defended   Srinagar.  The National Conference rank and file brought the rear of the resistance. Nearly forty thousand Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists were killed in the invasion of the State. More than ten thousand of Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist women were abducted by the invading hordes and those who escaped death, were driven out of the territories that the invaders overrun. The refugees of the territories occupied by Pakistan, Hindus and Sikhs, a million people, live in Jammu on the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control, still awaiting rehabilitation.

The premises, which the author of the Study has adopted, though arbitrarily, that the Kashmir dispute revolves round the freedom of the Muslims living in the part of the State on the Indian side of Line of Control, is only the half truth of the Kashmir dispute. The whole truth is that the Kashmir dispute revolves round the freedom of the Hindus, Sikhs and the Buddhists of the State who constitute four million of the population of the state, easily comparable with the six million of the Muslims who live on the same side. The dispute also revolves round the future of nearly two million of the Hindu and Sikh refugees, who form nearly half of the population of the Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists of the State. Among them are more than a million refugees from the territories  occupied by Pakistan, half a million of Hindus of Kashmir-Kashmiri Pandits and non- Kashmiri Pandit Hindus, who were driven out of the Kashmir province by the Jehad launched by Pakistani  Jehadi-war groups operating from that State, the militant regimes and the Muslim separatist forces in Kashmir; the Hindus driven out from their land and forced to take refuge in Jammu and the Hindus and Sikhs refugees driven out of the border areas of Jammu province from time to time, besides the Hindus of the Muslim majority areas of Jammu province driven out of their homes and hearths by the Jehad , as it spread into Jammu province in 1990, and after.


The Kashmir dispute also revolves round the territories of the Jammu and Kashmir State, which are under occupation of Pakistan. They are constituted of the parts of the province of Kashmir and the province of Jammu and the Gilgit- Baltistan regions of the frontier divisions of Ladhakh along with the Dardic Dependencies of the State, Hunza, Nagar, Punial, Yasin, Ishkoman, Darel and Koh Gizir, which formed the part of the Jammu and Kashmir State and which constituted the strategic outer flanks of the western horn of the northern frontier of the State and the northern most outposts of the British Empire in India.

The occupied territories are an integral part of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, which were invaded by Pakistan against all tenants of international law as reported by the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan, and accepted by the Security Council. The Security Council resolution envisaged the evacuation of the occupation forces from the occupied territories before the bulk of the Indian forces would begin to withdraw. The restoration of the administrative control of the occupied territories to the State Government was a precedent condition for the induction of the United Nations Plebiscite Administration into the State. The claim that the author has made, that the bulk of Indian forces were to commence evacuation when the occupation forces were nearing the completion of their evacuation, virtually suggesting that the evacuation of the occupation forces was proposed to  be concurrent is a gross distortion of facts. The United Nations documents and the Indian correspondence in regard to them, are unambiguous and clear, leaving no room for such misinterpretation that the author has attempted mainly to prove that India was on the wrong foot.

Pakistan and the Western powers dragged the Kashmir issue into Cold War., because the western powers needed to turn Gilgit-Baltistan into an advance military post, in their policy of the containment of the communist influence in Asia, and Pakistan, sought to turn the United Nations intervention in Jammu and Kashmir into an instrument to destabilize the part of the State on the Indian side of the Cease-fire Line, to put India on a defensive and consolidate its hold over the territories under its occupation. In fact Britain and its allies in the Security Council shifted their basic stand to push India to accept the induction of a Plebiscite Administration while the invading forces remained in the occupied territories along with the Muslim militia of thirty thousand men raised in the occupied territories by Pakistan there. The Indian leaders were persuaded to allow Pakistan retain a part of its forces, about one third of the forces that India retained in the State. The agreement fell through because the United Nations military mediators tampered with the figures of the quantum of troops to be retained by the two armies in the State, forcing India to stall the agreement and the fiasco came to be known as the notorious “ Delvoi Affair”.

Neither Pakistan, nor the British and their allies were interested in an impartial plebiscite in the State. They were interested in enabling Pakistan to swallow the occupied territories and then use them as a spring- board to dislodge India from the rest of the State, establishing their hold on the Shivalik plains west of river Ravi. In the post war configuration of power in Asia, the whole stretch of Kashmir valley, the rugged mountain fastnesses of the Pahar and Jhupal regions of the Jammu province and the Shivalik plains stretching to the west of the river Ravi had assumed the strategic importance, they had never acquired earlier, even in the days of the Great Game. For India, Jammu and Kashmir was central to the defense of its northern frontiers and its strategic interests in the Sanskrit Himalayas.

The stand taken by the British and their allies in the Political Committee of the United Nations General Assembly in the debate on Tibetan complaint against the Chinese aggression delivered a severe blow to the outlook of the Indian leaders about the Asian solidarity. Nehru ducked for some time under the shield of Panchsheel. But he learnt a bitter lesson when the Chinese repudiated the McMahan Line. In the post Cold War balance of World power, India cannot go the way A. G Noorani apparently suggests. All demands for separate freedom, for whoever they are made, conflict with the Unity of India.

It must be understood by everybody in India, whatever, the station he has in the Indian political class, that the British divided India at the bidding of Muslim League, to create a Muslim power on the subcontinent to safeguard their own interests in and around India. The Indian people, the people of British India as well as the people of Indian princely States, were not the retainers of the British colonial rule in India. They had fought for a united India and its independence. How should they have allowed the Balkanization of the rest of British India and the Indian States, which were geographically contiguous with India and which were placed outside the territories earmarked for Pakistan? In fact the League leaders had lost bitter time to smother into submission all the princely States within its territories, some of them including the State of Kalat, against the wishes of their rulers as well as their people. Why should the Indian people have allowed Pakistan to grab Jammu and Kashmir, which would have demolished the entire northern frontier of India?

The Indian princely States were placed outside the partition of India and virtually detached from British India by the lapse of British Paramountacy, which like the partition of India was foisted upon the people of the Indian States by the Muslim League and the British against their will and against the remonstrations of the Congress leaders. The partition of India did not, even remotely, create any prior right for Pakistan to claim the State of Jammu and Kashmir, on the basis of the Muslim majority composition of its population. The Muslim League leaders, even whether they were still in India or had left India, could not question the right of the Indian people to unite the remaining parts of the British India and the Indian States within its territories and contiguous with the Indian borders, to undo the wrong done to them  by the Muslims and the British by foisting the partition against their will, and turned down the entreaties of the  Congress leadership and the leadership of All India States People’s Conference, to recognize the right of the people of the States to determine their future. The author notes right at the outset in his book,” A plebiscite in Kashmir was a moral imperative, besides being a democratic imperative.” If the plebiscite was a moral imperative and a democratic necessity in Kashmir, was it not a moral imperative and a democratic necessity in not forcing the partition on the people of the British India? Was a plebiscite in the princely States not a moral imperative and a democratic necessity, when the lapse of the Paramountacy was imposed upon the people living in the princely States? Was a plebiscite not a moral imperative and a democratic necessity to determine the future disposition of the States?

Pakistan was not created in accordance with any moral imperative and its creation was not a democratic necessity. And if Pakistan would not have been created, the people of the five hundred and sixty-two States, including, not only the Jammu and Kashmir, but Hyderabad and Junahgarh would have united with India and repudiated the princely rule.

The partition of India was a political maneuver in which the Muslim League and the British were partners and which was intended to Balkanize India and reduce it to a geographical expression. In fact for the Indian people it was a moral imperative and democratic necessity to unite, whatever was left of India after the partition, without any consideration of whether any use of forces was involved. They had to defeat the designs of the Muslim League as well as the British. Had they faltered, they would have been defeated instead. Jammu and Kashmir was crucial to their efforts to recreate a united India. The author has rightly pointed out, “Truth to tell, India and Pakistan launched a cold war even while they were in the embryo of history.” The bitter truth is that Pakistan launched an offensive right from the time the partition plan was accepted to balkanize India and recommence the process of a second partition of India by seeking to support Muslim separatism in Jammu and Kashmir.


 (To be continued)
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