https://tinyurl.com/yxvmsoyf I suggest that Lydia coins found in hoards, include select narrative coins juxtaposing unicorn young bull and lion paw which are Indus Script hieroglyphs. This indicates that Sardis mint where such coins were minted had Meluhha artisans who signified the tradition of Indus Script Cipher on the electrum and silver coin narratives.
During the phase of the Tin-Bronze Revolution of metallurgical innovations with alloying, brass, a copper alloy (copper PLUS zinc) became a dominant metallurgical invention in juxtaposition to fine gold and ornament gold. This narrative finds expression on pictorial motifs on Lydia coin, Persepolis sculptural friezes. आरः रम् ārḥ ram आरः रम् [आ-ऋ-घञ्] 1 Brass; ताम्रारकोष्ठां परिखादुरासदाम् Bhāg.1.41.2. -2 Oxide of iron.-कूटः, -टम् brass; उत्तप्तस्फुरदारकूटकपिलज्योतिर्ज्वलद्दीप्तिभिः U.5.14. किमारकूटाभरणेन श्रियः N.लोह्यम् lōhyam लोह्यम् Brass.(Apte) This is an addendum to:
The 'unicorn' or young bull with ONE horn signifies: kunda PLUS śṛṅgi 'fine gold PLUS gold for ornaments'.
Brass is an alloy of copper and zinc. This is signified by hieroglyphs: lion and feline paw. panja 'paw''furnace'; arka 'sun''copper, gold'; arye 'lion'āra 'brass'
The juxtaposition signifier on Lydian electrum (gold-silver compound) coins between a young bull's profile and a lion's profile signies a metallurgical challenge between 1.kundaṇa 'fine gold',+ goṭī 'silver', i.e., electrum gold and 2. āra 'brass' + arka 'gold', i.e.golden brass. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace; juxtaposes शृङ्गिः śṛṅgiḥ शृङ्गिः Gold for ornaments.
शृङ्गी śṛṅgī शृङ्गी 1 Gold used for ornaments. -Comp. -कनकम् gold used for ornaments.
शृङ्गकः कम् śṛṅgakḥ kam शृङ्गकः कम् 1 A horn. -2 A horn of the moon. -3 Any pointed thing.
kunda 'young bull' rebus: yajñakuṇḍa 'fire altar, furnace'; kũdār 'turner' The joined animal parts constituting hypertext on Kyzikos electrum coins is signify a unified guild formation, a phaḍaफड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers' -- of mintwork in gold, silver, copper, brass, alloy metals.
1. One-horned bull kunda 'young bull' rebus: kundaṇa 'fine gold' kũdār 'turner (artisan)' kunda PLUSśṛṅgi 'fine gold PLUS gold for ornaments'.
3. Sun with multiple rays arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'gold', eraka 'moltencast copper'
4. Global protuberance above nose गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) 'round stone, pebble' rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver'; goṭi = silver; koḍ ‘workshop’ (Gujarati).
5. Round stones, pebbles, गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) 'round stone, pebble' rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver'; goṭi = silver; koḍ ‘workshop’ (Gujarati).
6. Fish ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'alloyed metal'(R̥gveda) khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'
7. Goat Brahui.mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats. Te. mē̃ka, mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.) mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. / Cf. Skt. (lex.)meka- goat.(DEDR 5087) Rebus: meluhha (milakkhu, mleccha, 'copper' (Pali.Saskrtam) (merchant).
What is the symbol shown below the 'feline paw'? Is it a plough? If so, the rebus rendering may be: kārṣāpaṇá m.n. ʻ a partic. coin or weight equivalent to one karṣa ʼ. [karṣa -- m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ Suśr. (cf. OPers. karša -- ) and paṇa -- 2 or āpana -- EWA i 176 and 202 with lit. But from early MIA. kā̆hā˚]Pa. kahāpaṇa -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight and coin ʼ, KharI. kahapana -- , Pk. karisāvaṇa -- m.n., kāhāvaṇa -- , kah˚ m.; A. kaoṇ ʻ a coin equivalent to 1 rupee or 16 paṇas or 1280 cowries ʼ; B. kāhan ʻ 16 paṇas ʼ; Or. kāhā̆ṇa ʻ 16 annas or 1280 cowries ʼ, H. kahāwan, kāhan, kahān m.; OSi. (brāhmī) kahavaṇa, Si. kahavuṇa, ˚vaṇuva ʻ a partic. weight ʼ.(CDIAL 3080)
Hieroglyph: karṣí ʻ furrowing ʼ Kapiṣṭh. [Cf. kāˊrṣi -- ʻ ploughing ʼ VS., karṣūˊ -- f. ʻ furrow, trench ʼ ŚBr.: √kr̥ṣ]Pr. kṣe_ ʻ plough -- iron ʼ, Paš. kaṣí ʻ mattock, hoe ʼ; Shum. káṣi ʻ spade, pickaxe ʼ; S. kasī f. ʻ trench, watercourse ʼ; L. kass m. ʻ catch drain, ravine ʼ, kassī f. ʻ small distributing channel from a canal ʼ; G. kã̄s m. ʻ artificial canal for irrigation ʼ -- Dm. Phal. khaṣīˊ ʻ small hoe ʼ perh. X khánati.Addenda: karṣí -- (kaṣĭ̄ -- f. ʻ spade ʼ lex.). [Like Av. karšivant<-> ʻ cultivator ʼ < IE. *kworsi -- with alternative development of IE. o ~ kāˊrṣi -- , kārṣīvaṇa -- ʻ cultivator ʼ T. Burrow, BSOAS xxxviii 63, 70; cf. karṣūˊ -- ~ †*kārṣū -- Turner BSOAS xxxvi 425](CDIAL 2909).
Croesus (/ˈkriːsəs/KREE-səs; Ancient Greek: Κροῖσος, Kroisos; 595 BCE – c. 546 BCE) was the king of Lydia who, according to Herodotus, reigned for 14 years: from 560 BCE until his defeat by the Persian king Cyrus the Great in 546 BCE(sometimes given as 547 BCE). Location of Sardis, the mint from which Lydia coins were produced.
niṣká m.n. ʻ gold ornament for neck or breast ʼ RV., ʻ specific weight of gold ʼ Yājñ.Pa. nikkha -- , nek˚ m.n. ʻ gold necklace, a weight of gold ʼ; Pk. ṇikkha -- m. ʻ gold ʼ, m.n. ʻ a coin ʼ; Si. nik ʻ a goldsmith's weight ʼ. (CDIAL 7470)
dramma ʻ a coin ʼ Pañcat. [← Gk. draxmh/ through MPers. draxm → NiDoc. drakhma, tr˚ F. W. Thomas JRAS 1924, 672 and Kho. droxum ʻ silver ʼ G. Morgenstierne BSOS viii 660]Pk. damma -- m. ʻ a coin ʼ; P. damm m. ʻ money, price ʼ; Ku. dām m. ʻ money, a weight (= 1 ser) ʼ; N. dām ʻ a small coin, price ʼ; A. B. dāmʻ price ʼ, Or. dāma; Mth. dām ʻ a small coin (= 1 1/4 couries) ʼ; Bhoj. dām ʻ price ʼ; H. dām ʻ copper coin (= 1/25 paisā), money, price ʼ (→ S. dāmu m. ʻ price ʼ); G. drām n. ʻ wealth ʼ, G. M. dām m. ʻ price ʼ; -- H. damṛā m. ʻ gold, silver, riches ʼ, damṛī f. ʻ a coin worth 1/4 or 1/8 paisā ʼ (→ Mth. damṛī ʻ id. ʼ, K. dumürü f. ʻ 1/16 anna ʼ).
Lydian gold coin issued under the reign of Croesus (Fifth century BC) – Obverse – Source Sacra-Moneta.com
"Ancient gold coins. Known as the “lifeblood of Mediterranean trade in the 2nd millennium BC,” gold coins were instrumental in commerce going back to the ancient civilizations of Sumer and Egypt. At first, they were traded by weight. They then could be cut up into small chunks or drawn into wire. At that time, they were viewed as a standard of accounting or used to pay taxes to rulers or temples. They were not generally used among the common folk." https://nationalcoinbroker.com/investor-services/history-of-gold-coins/
Coin of Alyattes. Circa 620/10-564/53 BCE
Weidauer Group XVII, 108 var. Triton XXI (2018) no. 497, auctioned for USD 2750. This particular coin does not bear an inscription, but it is from the same punch as contemporary coins which have the inscription WALWEL. (Classical Numismatics Group).
Lydia, Time of Alyattes EL Trite. 4.72 g, 610-561 BC. Sardes mint. Head of roaring lion right, sunburst with multiple rays on forehead / Incuse punch divided into two parts. Weidauer 86; Traité II-1, 44; BMC Lydia 7; SNG von Aulock 2869; SNG Cop 449–451; SNG Lockett 2977; Boston MFA 1764. arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'gold, copper' Weidauer 86 http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/greece/lydia/kings/alyattes/i.html
The coin features a lion similar to that on the earlier Lydian electrum coins with the sunburst or "nose wart," as well as a bull. tila2 m. ʻ mole on skin ʼ Kālid. 2. tílaka -- 2 m. ʻ sectarial mark on the forehead ʼ Yājñ., ʻ freckle ʼ VarBr̥S. 3. *tillaka -- . 4. *ṭillaka -- . [Perh. same as tilá -- 1: if so, *tillaka -- poss. < tilyà -- . For ṭ -- cf. *ṭikka -- 1] 1. S. tiru m. ʻ mole, freckle ʼ; P. til m. ʻ mole ʼ; H. til m. ʻ black spot, mole ʼ; M. tīḷ m. ʻ mole, freckle ʼ. -- Deriv. H. tilkā ʻ freckled ʼ.2. Pa. tilaka -- m. ʻ stain, mole, freckle ʼ; Pk. tilaya -- m. ʻ caste -- mark ʼ; Ku. tilo ʻ mole ʼ; N. tili ʻ small mole ʼ; B. tilā ʻ freckled ʼ; Or. tiḷā ʻ bits of metal put on ornaments ʼ; Si. talā -- ṭik ʻ caste -- mark ʼ. -- Deriv.: Or. tiḷiā, ˚ḷuā ʻ freckled, having moles ʼ; H. tilaihā m. ʻ turtle -- dove ʼ.3. P. tillṛī f. ʻ partic. kind of ornament ʼ; N. tilahari ʻ gold ornament on a woman's breast ʼ.4. N. ṭilo ʻ piece of iron presented as a coin to the departed spirit ʼ; G. ṭīlɔ m., ˚lũ n. ʻ caste -- mark ʼ, M. ṭilā m. -- Paš.lauṛ. ṭílī, weg. ṭélī f. ʻ forehead ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 181)?WPah.kṭg. tilli f. ʻ nose -- ornament for women ʼ.(CDIAL 5828)
Alyattes (Greek ἈλυάττηςAluáttēs, likely from a Lydian Walwates; reigned c. 610–560 BC), sometimes described as Alyattes I, was the fourth king of the Mermnad dynasty in Lydia, the son of Sadyattes and grandson of Ardys. He was succeeded by his son Croesus.[2] A battle between his forces and those of Cyaxares, king of Media, was interrupted by the solar eclipse of 28 May 584 BC. After this, a truce was agreed and Alyattes married his daughter Aryenis to Astyages, the son of Cyaxares. The alliance preserved Lydia for another generation, during which it enjoyed its most brilliant period.[3] Alyattes continued to wage a war against Miletus for many years but eventually he heeded the Delphic Oracle and rebuilt a temple, dedicated to Athena, which his soldiers had destroyed. He then made peace with Miletus.[4]
Alyattes was the first monarch who issued coins, made from electrum (and his successor Croesus was the first to issue gold coins). Alyattes is therefore sometimes mentioned as the originator of coinage, or of currency.[5]
The Greek form Ἀλυάττης is most likely derived from a name with initial digamma, ϝαλυάττης (walwattes), from a Lydianwalwet- (Lydian alphabet: 𐤥𐤠𐤩𐤥𐤤𐤯).[6]
WALWET hemihekte and hekte Discussion in 'Ancient Coins' started by AncientJoe, Oct 27, 2015. AncientJoe Well-Known Member The lion head coinage is among the earliest which can be definitively attributed to the Lydian kingdom. Most of these coins are anepigraphic – without a legend – but a small number contain the inscription “WALWET” in ancient Lydian. This name is thought to refer to the Memnad king known by Greek sources as Alyattes, who ruled circa 620-564 BC. Through hoard evidence, it is clear that both the inscribed and uninscribed coins were minted at the same time. Interestingly, all of the inscribed trites and hektes are struck from obverse dies which have far more detail than could fit on the coins. They contain two facing lion heads surrounding the Lydian inscription and are generally struck off-center so that only one of the lion heads is visible with the inscription. While no larger denominations have been found, it is possible that the dies were originally intended for a larger “stater”, or that there was some significance to striking with one particular side of the die. I've recently added two coins of this type to my collection - the first a hemihekte, which is exceptional for the presence of both lions and every letter of the inscription:
Kings of Lydia. temp. Alyattes EL Hemihekte - 1/12 Stater. Sardes, circa 610-560 BC. Lion’s head left with open jaws, solar-disk above forehead, confronting open jaws of lion’s head right; WALWET (in Lydian retrograde script) between / Incuse square punch. Weidauer 111 var; cf. Weidauer 99; lot 225 above (same dies). 1.17g, 7mm. Extremely Rare. Clear and with an exceptionally legible inscription, with parts of both lions. The most complete example known. From an English collection, previously in that of Otto Liman von Sanders. Ex Roma 3, lot 280 The second is a hekte, featuring a particularly clear inscription and well-centered head of the left side of the die.
LYDIAN KINGDOM. Alyattes or Walwet (ca. 610-561 BC). EL sixth-stater or hecte (11mm, 2.36 gm). Lydo-Milesian standard. Sardes(?) mint. Confronting lion's heads, only the left visible; WALWET (in Lydian script) between / Two incuse square punches side-by-side. Weidauer Group XVII, 103. Well struck, with a particularly well centered lion's head and clear inscription. Extremely Fine. Among the finest known specimens of this rare early inscribed coinage. From the Providence Collection. These coins are among the first in history to carry an inscription as well as a formal type and are exceptionally rare, with only a small number known today across all denominations. AncientJoe, Oct 27, 2015 #1+ QuoteReply Curtisimo, Ancient Aussie, Theodosius and 21 others like this. Guest User Guest Log in or Sign up to hide this ad. TIF Always learning. Supporter Pretty amazing little coins there, AJ! Somewhat relevant, recently there was an interesting example of a hekte struck on two conjoined hemihektes although it was a Miletos electrum, not a WALWET. I had dreams of winning it early on but of course was soon out of the running . For those who missed it, here is that coin (from CNG 100): (Cited from: https://www.cointalk.com/threads/walwet-hemihekte-and-hekte.270027/)
https://tinyurl.com/yd4drzhv To my knowledge, no numismatics expert has provided arguments for the choice of symbols on ancient India punch-marked coins and their meanings. I suggest that symbols are Indus Script hypertexts signifying in Meluhha sprachbund (speech union) metalwork wealth of mints which issued the coins. The earliest metal coins as currency replaced the barter system in vogue for trade transactions of early Bronze Age. The earliest coin as currency is linked with the discoveries of electrum coins in Lydia and Kyzikos.
New light on hypertexts of Lydia and Kyzikos electrum coins
Frieze on staircase wall, Persepolis.
Procession of lions, unicorns (auroch or urus) at Persepolis.
Jasminum multiflorum is signified on the Persepolis frieze. kunda 'jasmine flower' rebus: kunda 'gold, treasure of Kubera'.
Culm of millet shown on the Persepolis frieze: karba 'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron' (Tulu).
Gold stater Period:Archaic Date:ca. 560–546 B.C.E Lydia Medium:Gold Dimensions:Overall: 3/8 x 9/16 x 1/16 in. (1 x 1.4 x 0.2 cm) Credit Line:Gift of The American Society for the Excavation of Sardis, 1926 Accession Number:26.59.2 https://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/26.59.2/
Kings of Lydia, uncertain King. Early 6th century BC. EL Third Stater, or Trite. Head of roaring lion right, sun with multiple rays on forehead / Double incuse punch.BMC 6, BMFA_1764
Lydia, Kingdom of. Late 7th-Early 6th Century BCE. EL Twelfth Stater. Struck at Sardes. Lion's head right with globular protuberance on nose / Square incuse punch. Weidauer 79-85. BMC17 http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/greece/lydia/kings/uncertain/i.html
Lydia. Electrum coin. Attributed to Croesus (/ˈkriːsəs/KREE-səs; Ancient Greek: Κροῖσος, Kroisos; 595 BCE – c. 546 BCE) king of Lydia who, according to Herodotus, reigned for 14 years from 560 BC until his defeat by the Persian king Cyrus the Great in 546 BCE (sometimes given as 547 BCE). (Encyclopaedia Britannica). Electrum, is a naturally occurring pale yellow alloy of gold and silver. The composition of these first coins was similar to alluvial deposits found in the silt of the Pactolus river, which ran through the Lydian capital, Sardis. Later coins, including some in the British Museum, were made from gold purified by heating with common salt to remove the silver. ("A History of the World-Episode 25 - Gold coin of Croesus" BBC. British Museum.)
1/6 stater - electrum - Kyzikos, Mesia (550-500 a.C.) - lion with large mane above tunny fish - Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Electrum stater from the ancient city of Kyzikos, Mysia, circa 550-500 BCE. It has a chimera above a tunny fish which was the civic badge of Kyzikos. The reverse is a quadripartite incuse square. This near mint state, extremely rare coin sold for around $65,000...The feared Chimera was a monster of which a brief description in Homer’s Iliad is the earliest surviving literary reference. He depicts it as “a thing of immortal make, not human, lion-fronted and snake behind, a goat in the middle, and snorting out the breath of the terrible flame of bright fire”.
Unicorn is a hypertext of Young Bull, cattle-pen PLUS pannier PLUS horn: कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. कोंडवाड kōṇḍavāḍa n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडी kōṇḍī f (कोंडणें) A confined place gen.; a lockup house, a pen, fold, pound; a receiving apartment or court for Bráhmans gathering for दक्षिणा; a prison at the play of आट्यापाट्या; a dammed up part of a stream &c. &c.खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi)*gōrdhava ʻ lord of the cow, bull ʼ. [Cf. gōpá -- , gōpati -- , gōnātha -- m. ʻ bull ʼ. -- gṓ -- , dhava -- 3?]G. godhɔ m. ʻ bull ʼ, ˚dhũ n. ʻ young bull ʼ, OG. godhalu m. ʻ entire bull ʼ, G. godhliyũ n. ʻ young bull ʼ; -- or < *gōvardha -- . Both very doubtful.(CDIAL 4315) Pannier (cowl):Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull. Nk. khoṛe male calf. Konḍa kōḍicow; kōṛe youngbullock. Pe. kōḍi cow. Manḍ. kūḍi id. Kui kōḍi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōḍi bull; (Su. P.) kōḍi cow. (DEDR 2199) खोंडरूं khōṇḍarūṃ n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl.खोंडा khōṇḍā m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. 2 fig. A hollow amidst hills; a deep or a dark and retiring spot; a dell. 3 (also खोंडी & खोंडें) A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडी khōṇḍī f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) See under खुंडी. 2 A species or variety of जोंधळा.खुंडी khuṇḍī f A cloth doubled over and sewn at one end, forming a घोंगता, खोपा, or खोळ (an open or outspread shovel-form sack). Used in exposing grain in the market. 2 A species or variety of जोंधळा.जोंधळा jōndhaḷā m A cereal plant or its grain, Holcus sorghum. Eight varieties are reckoned, viz. उता- वळी, निळवा, शाळू, रातडी, पिवळा जोंधळा, खुंडी, काळबोंडी जोंधळा, दूध मोगरा. There are however many others as केळी, अरगडी, डुकरी, बेंदरी, मडगूप &c.(Marathi) *kōtthala ʻ bag ʼ. [Cf. *kōttha -- ]Pa. kotthalī -- f. ʻ sack (?) ʼ; Pk. kotthala -- m. ʻ bag, grainstore ʼ (kōha -- m. ʻ bag ʼ < *kōtha?); K. kŏthul, ˚lu m. ʻ large bag or parcel ʼ, kothüjü f. ʻ small do. ʼ; S. kothirī f. ʻ bag ʼ; Ku. kuthlo ʻ large bag, sack ʼ; B. kūthlī ʻ satchel, wallet ʼ; Or. kuthaḷi, ˚thuḷi, kothaḷi, ˚thiḷi ʻ wallet, pouch ʼ; H. kothlā m. ʻ bag, sack, stomach (see *kōttha -- ) ʼ, ˚lī f. ʻ purse ʼ; G. kothḷɔ m. ʻ large bag ʼ, ˚ḷī f. ʻ purse, scrotum ʼ; M. kothḷā m. ʻ large sack, chamber of stomach (= peṭā ċā k˚) ʼ, ˚ḷẽ n. ʻ sack ʼ, ˚ḷī f. ʻ small sack ʼ; -- X gōṇīˊ -- : S. g̠othirī f. ʻ bag ʼ, L. gutthlā m.(CDIAL 3511)Tip, horn: Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. ko·ṛ (obl. ko·ṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwï·ṛ (obl. kwï·ṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn. Ga. (Oll.) kōr (pl. kōrgul) id. Go. (Tr.) kōr (obl. kōt-, pl. kōhk) horn of cattle or wild animals, branch of a tree; (W. Ph. A. Ch.) kōr (pl.kōhk), (S.) kōr (pl. kōhku), (Ma.) kōr̥u (pl. kōẖku) horn; (M.) kohk branch (Voc. 980); (LuS.) kogoo a horn. Kui kōju (pl. kōska) horn, antler. (DEDR 2200) kṓṭi1 ʻ curved end of bow, edge, point of sword ʼ MBh. [√kuṭ1]Pa. kōṭi -- f. ʻ summit ʼ; Pk. kōḍi -- f. ʻ tip of bow, tip, point ʼ; S. koṛi f. ʻ pegs in the ground in two rows on which the thread is passed back and forth in preparing the warp ʼ; H. kor f. ʻ tip, point ʼ, ˚rī f. ʻ division, branch, class ʼ; Si. keḷa ʻ end ʼ.*kōṭiprāpta -- .Addenda: kōṭi -- 1: WPah.kṭg. kōṛ f. (obl. -- i) ʻ the side nearest to the hill -- slope of a terraced field ʼ; Md. koḷu ʻ end ʼ, koḷu -- fas (+ *paśca -- ) ʻ stern ʼ.(CDIAL 3497) Together, the खोंड khōṇḍa 'young bull' (Marathi) PLUS kōḍu 'horn' (Kannada) signify rebus workshop (of) goldsmith as shown by the following Meluhha words of Ancient Indian sprachbund (speech union). 1. Rebus: kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) 2. Rebus: Fine gold, gold braid: खोदणें(p. 122) khōdaṇēṃ v c & i ( H) To engrave. Thus a metals engraver is signified. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇapure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) कोंदण kōndaṇa n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems. 2 Beaten or drawn gold used in the operation. 3 The socket of a gem. कोंदणपट्टी kōndaṇapaṭṭī f The strip of beaten or drawn gold used in setting gems. कोंदणें kōndaṇēṃ v c To stuff or cram in. कोंदणें kōndaṇēṃ v i To be stuffed, obstructed, blocked up: also to be filled more comprehensively or freely; as a house or room with smoke; the heavens with thunder or a loud sound, or darkness; a person with rapture or joy &c. Ex. नादें अंबर कोंदलें ॥. Also ब्रम्हानंदें कोंदले ॥. Also to fill or pervade; as तों चंद्र गेला मावळोनि ॥ काज्हरा गगनीं कोंदला ॥. कोदा kōdā m Low and dirty work, or work involving toil and fag; mean jobs or drudgery. v काढ, निपट, उपस, कर, & v i पड. Ex. बाळंतिणीचा- दुखणेकऱ्याचा-पोराचा-म्हाताऱ्याचा-संसाराचा-चाकरीचा- कोदा मी उपसतों. (Marathi) payĕn-kō̃daपयन्-कोँद (Kashmiri) which expression signifies a furnace, kiln. Thus kundār ‘turner’ is a lapidary, metal worker who works with a furnace. payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद । परिपाककन्दुः f. a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a furnace (for smelting). -thöji -था&above;जि&below; or -thöjü -था&above;जू&below; । परिपाक-(द्रावण-)मूषा f. a crucible, a melting-pot. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । परिपाकोपयोगिशान्ताङ्गारसमूहः f.pl. a special kind of charcoal (made from deodar and similar wood) used in smelting furnaces. -wôlu -वोलु&below; । धात्वादिद्रावण-इष्टिकादिपरिपाकशिल्पी m. a metal-smelter; a brick-baker. -wān -वान् । द्रावणचुल्ली m. a smelting furnace. (Kashmiri) कन्दुmf. (√स्कन्द् Un2. i , 15), a boiler , saucepan , or other cooking utensil of iron Sus3r. Ma1lav. Comm. on कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र; an oven , or vessel serving for one W. (Monier-Williams)
-- Indus Script wealth-accounting, Sarasvati river basin archaeology of over 2000 archaeological sites (80% of the sites of Hindu civilization) & R̥gveda evidence for Sarasvati River -- resources for ancient Indian Economic history This monograph presents 1) textual evidence from R̥gveda related to Sarasvati River and the people of the civilization who lived on Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins; and 2) results of decipherment of over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions as wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork of Tin-Bronze Age Revolution.
Detail of a victory parade, from the Ishtar temple, Mari, Syria. 2400 BCE Louvre Museum. khonda 'holcus sorghum' khonda 'young bull' rebus: kond 'kiln', kundar, 'turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS karba 'stalk of millet' (holcus sorghum) rebus: karba 'iron'. The proclamation is that the gold workers have started working with iron.
Establishing Rakhigarhi as the capital of the civilization linking maritime riverine waterways of Ancient India Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa provides a detailed account of the movement of people (Videgha Māthava, Gotama Rahugaṇa) from River Sarasvati to River Sadānīra. The location of this river is central to the history of Pre-Mauryan era Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12). Sadānīra is Karatoya a tributary of Ganga and Brahmaputra. This evidence posits a hypothesis that tin (and iron) for the Tin-Bronze revolution was brought in through Rakhigarhi which linked the Yamuna-Ganga-Brahmaputra riverine waterway with the riverine Maritime waterway of River Sarasvati. Map of Meluhha and Southwest Asia (inset Bahrain) (After Fig. 1 Eric Olijdam, 2008, A possible Central Asian origin for the seal-impressed jar from the Temple Tower' at Failaka), in:Eric Olijdam & RH Spoor, eds, Intercultural relations between South and Southwest Asia, Studiesin Commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996),BAR Intrnational Series 1826 (2008): 268-287). Water-divide (close to Rakhigarhi) caused by Aravalli mountain ranges jutting into Śimla, south of the Himalayas explains eastward flow of Yamuna and westward flow of Sutlej and Sarasvati Rivers Tectonic events, after 3rd millennium BCE, resulted in eastward shift of Yamuna River (close to Rakhigarhi) and westward shift of 90-degrees and migration of Sutlej River (Ropar); both Yamuna and Sutlej were tributaries of Sarasvati River, during the mature period (3rd m. BCE) of the civilization evidenced by Indus Script inscriptions from archaeological sites on the Sarasvati River basin. Decipherment of Indus Script inscriptions discovered at Rakhigarhi is presented in
I am thankful to Prof. Vasant Shivram Shinde, VC, Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Inst. (Deened-to-be University), Pune for the map showing Palae-Yamuna close to Rakhigarhi in relation to the Saravati River Basin (also called Ghaggar Basin).
The importance of this map has to be realised in reference to Rakhigarhi as the largest archaeological settlement of Sarasvati Civilization with an extent of nearly 500 hectares.
The size of Rakhigarhi settlement and its proximity to Palaeo-Yamuna and Sarasvati River Systems makes it not only the capital of the Ghaggar basin but the capital of all five regions of Sarasvati Civilization divided into 1. Ghaggar Basin (Rakhigarhi); 2. Western Punjab (Harappa); 3. Cholistan (Ganweriwala); 4. Balochistan (Mohenjo-daro); 5. Gujarat (Dholavira).
Palaeo-Yamuna flows eastwards while Chautang and Drishadvati (tributaries of Sarasvati River System) flow westwards. The directional shift of Palaeo-Yamuna eastwards is caused by the water-divide of the Aravalli ranges jutting into the Siwalik ranges, right upto Simla, constituting the water-divide.
Geomorphological studies have to be conducted to delineate the chronological sequences of eastward shift of Yamuna River after it emerges out of the Yamuna tear in the Siwalik ranges.
The prodimity of Palaeo-Yamuna to the cluster of sites of Rakhigarhi, Farmana, Girawad, Mitathal (dated ca. 7th millennium BCE) makes Rakhigarhi the node for linking Yamuna-Ganga-Brahmaputra River Basins with the Sarasvati River (Ghaggar) Basin) rendering the Sarasvati Civilization a Metals Age Civilization working not only with copper and zinc but also with tin and iron ores (magnetite, haematite, laterite ferrite ores). Karatoya River celebrated in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa has been identified by Amara in Amara kośa, as Sadānīrā River mentioned in R̥gveda. The contact areas of Sarasvati Civilization extend into Ancient Far East for tin resouces -- of the largest tin belt of the globe in the Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween -- transported through riverine waterways and in maritime trade across the Indian Ocean.
A report on excavations at Farmana 2007-2008 by Vasant Shinde, Toshiki Osada, Akinori Uesugi, and Manmohan Kumar, Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Kyoto, Japan, 2008
Palaeo-channels of Yamuna river intersecting Sarasvati River. (After Fig. 6 Distribution of Harappan sites in relation to palaeochannels in parts of Haryana plains (modified from Bhadra et al., 2009). Note the concentration of archaeological sites along the resistivity transects. (L. Khan, R. Sinha, 2019, Discovering ‘buried’ channels of the Palaeo-Yamuna river in NW India using geophysical evidence: implications for major drainage reorganization and linkage to the Harappan Civilization, in: Journal of Applied Geophysics 167 (2019) 128-139)
This study by L.Khan and R. Sinha (2019) points to a palaeo-channel of Sutlej River joining Ghaggar close to the Siwalik ranges. To the east of this palaeo-channel flow is a Palaeo-channels of Yamuna marked as Y1 and Y2 on the map. It is notable that these Yamuna Palaeo-channels Y1 and Y2 are to the west of the present-day channel of Yamuna river flowing into New Delhi. Rakhigarhi is shown as Site 1 on the maps. Thus, there are clear indications that Rakhigarhi was located on the right-bank of Yamuna river and the left-bank of River Sarasvati (called Ghaggar). It appears that the Palaeo-channels of Yamuna River joined Drishadvati (Sarasvati-Ghaggar River channel) north of Rakhigarhi, close to Siwalik ranges (Yamunanagar). The dates of these channels close to Rakhigarhi have to be further investigated to determine if Rakhigarhi could have been a riverine port linking the Ancient Maritime waterways of Yamuna and Sarasvati Rivers of ca. 4th-3rd millennium BCE
Sarasvati River, ca. 3000 BCE (After Fig. of Mature Harappan sites by Michel Danino)https://iitgn.academia.edu/MichelDanino/Sarasvati-River Rakhigarhi is shown on the right bank of an unnamed palaeo-channel which could be the flow of River Yamuna before it migrated eastwards to join Ganga. The map of Michel Danino shows a palaeo-channel of River Sutlej joining River Sarasvati west of Anupgarh (site 4MSR of Binjor, a R̥gveda site attested archaeologically with an octagonal pillar as described in the sacred texts). At thi site, the width of the palaeo-channel of River Sarasvati is over 10 kms. with forking channel of River Sarasvati flowing southwards towards Jaisalmer, as shown on the Landsat image.
The map of Michel Danino does not locate Shatrana and does not indicate the 90-degree massive westward deflection of River Sutlej which was flowing southwards as a tributary of River Sarasvati (joining at Shatrana and creating a 20 km. wide channel of River Sarasvati at the site) NOTE: Virtually no archaeological sites on the Sutlej course (present-day) west of Ropar, but there is a series of sites south of Ropar proving the flow of Vedic River Sutlej into Vedic River Sarasvati to join the latter at Shatrana (width of paleochannel here is 20 kms.) Indus Script seals have also been discovered at Ropar. This esablishes that the westward 90-degree turn at Ropar of present-day Sutlej River AFTER the mature period of Sarasvati Civilization.
Courtesy: Maps of Sarasvati River and settlements by KS Valdiya. The settlements of Hulas and Alamgirpur are shown on the left bank of Yamuna river.
Based on the map of Michel Danino and the two maps of KS Valdiya, it is clear that more researches are needed to explain 1) how the a palaeo-channel of the Pirate River Yamuna was a tributary of the River Sarasvati joining west of Kalibangan and 2) how the two migratory palaeo-channels of River Sutlej joining River Sarasvati at Shatrana and west of Anupgarh, have to be chronologically attested.
One pointer to the chronology of eastward and westward migrations respecively of palaeo-channels of Yamuna and Sutlej is that Rakhigarhi and Kaliban have produced archaeological evidence of cylinder seals. This points to the reasonable inference that these sites had used River Sarasvati navigable channels for maritime trade with Ancient Near East (Mesopotamia) across the Rann of Kutch, Persian Gulf and Tigris-Euphrates rivers.
Definition of term 'hypertext': In this monograph, hypertext is defined as combination of sections of text and associated graphic material. Sections of text can be 'symbols' PLUS typographic ligatures or diacritical marks. Associated graphic material may be compositions of hieroglyphs, e.g. young bull PLUS horn to signify a horned young bull.
अहम्राष्ट्रीसंगमनीवसूनाम् I am the mover of nation's wealth: देवता आत्मा, ऋषिका वाक्आम्भृणी (RV 10.125) This soliloquy of R̥gveda is a metaphor for Sarasvati as a navigable waterway. Artisans and seafaring merchants traded the products documented in the wealth-accounting ledgers with people of settlements of neighbouring contact areas. On the Sarasvati river basin which is a navigable waterway, and also on settlement signs of Dilmun, Makan of the Persian Gulf, Meluhha artisans produced the wealth of a nation. This extraordinary economic activity of the Tin=Bronze revolution is documented in over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions. Three categories of most frequently displayed hypertexts of Indus Script inscriptions are described below: Hypertext Category 1: Most frequently displayed Indus Script hieroglyph (which is a hypertext) signifies pure gold, gold for ornaments
Unicorn read in Meluhha cyphertext as खोंडkhōṇḍa singin 'young bull, horned'. In plain text, the rebus reading is: kundaṇa 'fine gold', singi 'gold for ornaments'
Component hieroglyphs highlighted on the composite animal
4. Body of the animal: खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) rebus: kō̃daकोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting'; kunda 'a treasure of Kubera' Rebus: Ta.kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka.kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).5. Pannier: khōṇḍa 'sack, pannier' khōṇḍī 'pannier sack' खोंडी (Marathi) Rebus: kunda 'nidhi'; kō̃daकोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting' This is a semantic determinative of the body of the animal.
Thus, the body of the young bull PLUS face/head of onager is read together: khara 'onager' rebus: खोंडkhōṇḍa 'young bull' rebus: kō̃daकोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting'PLUS khārखार् 'blacksmith'. The expression read together rebus is: kundakara, 'turner, lapidary'.
Composite hypertext, cyphertext of the composite animal: khōṇḍa kharasingi 'young bull, onager, one-horn (horned)rebus plain text:
kōṇḍakundakhārsingi Rebus 1:'कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste'; Rebus 2: kō̃da कोँद'kiln, furnace',fine-gold smith gold for ornaments'.
Hypertext Category 2: Most frequently displayed standard device signifies gold mint treasure of smelter
"This unicorn seal was also discovered during the late 1927-31 excavations at Mohenjo-daro. One theory holds that the bull actually has two horns, but that these have been stylized to one because of the complexity of depicting three dimensions. However the manufacturing and design process behind seals was so sophisticated that the depiction of three dimensions might not necessarily have been a problem." -- Omar Khan https://www.harappa.com/seal/11.html Slide 46 https://slideplayer.com/slide/15162906/
The device is a composition with component hieroglyphs. The four component hieroglyphs are: 1.lathe; 2. portable furnace; 3. dotted circles; 4. gimlet (of lathe)
Component 1. Lathe: kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnuʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ,kũduwāʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kundʻ lathe ʼ,kundibaʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ,kundowāʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B.kũdʻ lathe ʼ,kũdā, kõdāʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or.kū˘ndaʻ lathe ʼ,kũdibā, kū̃d°ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur.kū̃dʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kundʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H.kunnāʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ,kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ,kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1] A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ,°rī f., kũdernāʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297). Rebus: kunda 'nidhi'; kō̃da कोँद
'kiln, furnace for smelting'Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇasetting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇapure gold.Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).
Component 2. Portable furnace: kammatamu 'portable gold furnace' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner coinage'.The bottom portion, the portable furnace is: కమటము (p. 246) kamaṭamu kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవానికుంపటి. "చకమటముకట్లెసంచి
యొరగల్లునుగత్తెరసుత్తెచీర్ణముల్ధమనియుస్రావణంబుమొలత్రాసునుబట్టెడనీరుకారుసానముపటుకారుమూసబలునాణెపరీక్షలమచ్చులాదిగానమరగభద్రకారకసమాహ్వయుడొక్కరుడుండునప్పురిన్" హంస. ii.కమ్మటముkammaṭamu Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. Rebus:Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin.Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage,mint.Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)
Component 3: Dotted circles on the bottom register, i.e. portable furnace:
Dotted circle is composed of dot PLUS circle.
Dot: Hieroglyph signifies strand: dhāˊtuʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f(CDIAL 6773) Rebus:. धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- (CDIAL 6773)
Circle: Hieroglyph 'roundness': वृत्त [p= 1009,2] mfn. turned , set in motion (as a wheel) RV.; a circle; vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1] 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊk, waḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄kvr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?(CDIAL 12069) வட்டம்போர்vaṭṭam-pōr,n. < வட்டு +. Dice-play; சூதுபோர். (தொல். எழுத். 418, இளம்பூ.)வட்டச்சொச்சவியாபாரம் vaṭṭa-c-cocca-viyāpāram,n. < id. + சொச்சம் +. Money-changer's trade; நாணயமாற்று முதலிய தொழில்.Pond. வட்டமணியம் vaṭṭa-maṇiyam,n. < வட் டம் +. The office of revenue collection in a division; வட்டத்து ஊர்களில் வரிவசூலிக்கும் வேலை. (R. T.) వట్ట (p. 1123) vaṭṭa vaṭṭa. [Tel.] n. The bar that turns the centre post of a sugar mill. చెరుకుగానుగ రోటినడిమిరోకలికివేయు అడ్డమాను. వట్టకాయలు or వట్టలు vaṭṭa-kāyalu. n. plu. The testicles. వృషణములు, బీజములు. వట్టలుకొట్టు to castrate. lit: to strike the (bullock's) stones, (which are crushed with a mallet, not cut out.) వట్ర (p. 1123) vaṭra or వట్రన vaṭra. [from Skt. వర్తులము.] n. Roundness. నర్తులము, గుండ్రన. వట్ర. వట్రని or వట్రముగానుండే adj. Round. గుండ్రని.
Thus, dot PLUS circle hieroglyphs together read in cyphertext dhā, dāya 'dot'
PLUS: vaṭṭa 'circle'. Together, the rebus reading to yield plain text is:धवडdhavaḍa m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावड dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावडीdhāvaḍī 'relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. (Reference to 'iron' as a category signifier is a reference to metalwork involving smelter, smithy, forge and lathe-work).
Thus, the dotted circle hypertext signifies धावड dhāvaḍa 'smelter'.
Even in the artifacts in the round, the gimlet of the lathe as a sharp pointed drill is signified. Component 4.Gimlet: In the Soma Yaga tradition, the reading is: hieroglyph: भ्रम a whirling flame RV.; a potter's wheel (सांख्यकारिका); a spring , fountain , watercourse; a gimlet or auger (Monier-Williams) बरमा or म्हा baramā or mhā m ( H) A kind of auger, gimlet, or drill worked with a string. 2 The hole or eye of a rocket.(Marathi) Ta. purai tubular hollow, tube, pipe, windpipe. Tu. perevuni to be bored, perforated; perepini to bore, perforate; burma, burmu a gimlet; berpuri a borer (DEDR 4297) rebus (metathesis): भर्म 'gold'.
Thus, together, the standard device signifies भर्म bharmakammaṭa kunda 'gold mint treasure' (of) धावड dhāvaḍa 'smelter'.
Hypertext Category 3: Most frequently used Indus Script expression in hypertext signifies wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith, supercargo The most frequently used Indus Script hypertext expression in Indus Script corpora consists of three unique hieroglyph: 1. khār 'backbone'; 2. karṇaka, 'rim-of-jar' 3. kharaḍā, 'currycomb'.
This triplet of hieroglyphs in Indus Script hypertext signifies wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith's metalwork products:
1. khār खार् 'blacksmith',
2. karaṇī, scribe/supercargo (a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale), [Note: kul-- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ(Marathi)]
खरडाkharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. (Marathi) See: karuma sharpness of sword (Tamil)(DEDR 1265) karumā, 'blaksmith' (Tamil);karmāra 'blacksmith' (R̥gveda)
Yadav, Nisha, 2013, Sensitivity of Indus Script to type of object, SCRIPTA, Vol. 5 (Sept. 2013), pp. 67-1
Thus, the Indus Script hypertext in the centre of the venn diagram the hypertext with three signs, hieroglyphs, Sign 176, Sign 342 and Sign 48 signifies rebus rendering of the Meluhha expression khār karaṇī karaḍā: 1. blacksmith, 2. supercargo (a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.), 3. wealth-accounting ledger.
I suggest that the hypertexts of Indus Script Cipher are written down documents of the traditions of Soma Yāga processing Soma in fire altars or yajña kuṇḍa-s. The following sections demonstrate that Soma is 1. आहनसं and 2. amśu.
The Vedic texts provide resources to identify Soma and its significance as wealth-yielding product in the lives of the people on the Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins from ca. 8th millennium BCE (as attested by continuous settlements of Bhirrana, Kunal and Mehrgarh).
The monograph posits that Soma is 1. आहनसं 'iron,gold'; and 2. amśu cognate ancu (Tocharian) 'iron'. (RV 10.125 veneratesTvaṣṭā, artisans who produce wealth,working in guilds. RV 10.125 explains that आहनसं is भर्मन् bharman 'support, maintenance, nourishment'. This is signified as a lathe part of the standard device on Indus Script: hieroglyph: भ्रम a whirling flame RV.; a potter's wheel (सांख्यकारिका); a spring , fountain , watercourse; a gimlet or auger (Monier-Williams) rebus (metathesis): भर्म 'gold'.
Pragmatics of the expression in Devī Sūktam (RV 10.125): अहंसोममाहनसं In this extraordinary prayer, ऋषिका वाक्आम्भृणी claims: अहंरुद्रेभिर्वसुभिश्र्चराम्यहमादित्यैरुतविश्र्वदेवैः।
अहंदधामिद्रविणंहविष्मतेसुप्राव्येयजमानायसुन्वते॥२॥ भर्मन् n. support , maintenance , nourishment , care RV. (cf.अरिष्ट- , गर्भ- , जातू-भ्°); भर्म gold; a partic. coin.
In addiion to describing herself as Rudra,Vasu, she says: अहंसोममाहनसं What does आहनसं mean? It signifies striking, beating. The pragmatics and semantics explain the Pashto expressions in the context of ironwork by a blacksmith: P آهنāhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګرāhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګرانāhan-garān. آهن رباāhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباويāhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه.اوسپنهaos-panaʿh, s.f. (3rd) Iron. Also used as an adjective to qualify another noun, signifying, Iron-like, hard. Pl. يْey. اوسپنخړيَaos-panḵẖaṟṟaey, s.m. (1st) The dross of iron left after melting. Pl. يِī. It is significant that two words/expressions P آهنāhan and اوسپنهaos-panaʿh, are explained semantically as 'Iron.'. thus, the explanation of the expression अहंसोममाहनसं may be explained as 'I am Soma, I am beaten, struck iron' (comparable to the work of a Pl. آهن ګرāhan gar blacksmith, smith who works with P آهنāhan, 'Iron'. Is Soma iron? Scholiast explains the expression in the context of the metaphor of 'the foe-destroying Soma' while Griffith translates the expression as 'highswelling- Soma' (RV 10.125.2). In RV 5.42.13, the word आहन् is explained by Wilson as: "giving form (to the rivers)", while Griffith translates it as "made for us (this All)." RV X.10.6, X.10.8 What, wanton!, wanton (Griffith) wanton, destructress (Wilson) wanton = sexually unrestrained. It appears that these semantics may have to be reviewed in the contet of the Pashto expressions. It appears that the word आहन् simply means 'strike, beat' (as iron on an anvil in a smith or forge). This is comparable to the wealth produced by the smith, iron worker,آهن ګرāhan gar (Pashto). The Pashto expression is also cognate with अशन् m. (connected with √ अश्) ([only /अश्ना (instr.) and /अश्नस् , perhaps better derived from /अश्मन् q.v. , cf.Whitney's Gr. 425 e]) , stone , rock RV. x , 68 , 8; a stone for slinging , missile stone RV. ii , 30 , 4 and iv , 28 , 5. अशनिf. (rarely m.R. Pa1n2. Sch.) the thunderbolt , a flash of lightning RV. &c; the tip of a missile RV. x , 87 , 4; a hail-stone, Kaus3.; m. pl.N. of a warrior tribe , (g.पर्श्व्-ादि , q.v.). This word is signified by a similar sounding word (homonym), the hieroglyph: श्येन m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. &c. śyēná m. ʻ hawk, falcon, eagle ʼ RV. Pa. sēna -- , ˚aka -- m. ʻ hawk ʼ, Pk. sēṇa -- m.; WPah.bhad. śeṇ ʻ kite ʼ; A. xen ʻ falcon, hawk ʼ, Or. seṇā, H. sen, sẽ m., M. śen m., śenī f. (< MIA. *senna -- ); Si. sen ʻ falcon, eagle, kite ʼ(CDIAL 12674) aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., ˚nī -- f. ŚBr. [Cf. áśan -- m. ʻ sling -- stone ʼ RV.]Pa. asanī -- f. ʻ thunderbolt, lightning ʼ, asana -- n. ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. asaṇi -- m.f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Ash. ašĩˊ ʻ hail ʼ, Wg. ašē˜ˊ, Pr. īšĩ, Bashg. "azhir", Dm. ašin, Paš. ášen, Shum. äˊšin, Gaw. išín, Bshk. ašun, Savi išin, Phal. ã̄šun, L. (Jukes) ahin, awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon; (both with n, not ṇ), P. āhiṇ, f., āhaṇ, aihaṇm.f., WPah. bhad. ã̄ṇ, bhal. ´tildemacrepsilon; f., N. asino, pl. ˚nā; Si. sena, heṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ Geiger GS 34, but the expected form would be *ā̤n; -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr f. ʻ hail ʼ (X ?). -- For ʻ stone ʼ > ʻ hailstone ʼ cf. upala -- and A. xil s.v. śilāˊ -- .Addenda: aśáni -- : Sh. aĩyĕˊr (Lor. aĩyār → Bur. *lhyer ʻ hail ʼ BurLg iii 17) poss. < *aśari -- from heteroclite n/r stem (cf. áśman -- : aśmará -- ʻ made of stone ʼ).(CDIAL 910) vajrāśani m. ʻ Indra's thunderbolt ʼ R. [vájra -- , aśáni -- ] Aw. bajāsani m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ prob. ← Sk.(CDIAL 11207) These concordances are suggested because vajrāśani, aśán, āśan > आहन्This yields the expression آهن ګرāhan gar, (lit.) 'thunderbolt (weapon) maker smith'. ahan-gār अहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16 (Kashmiri) āhan आहन्interj. of respect (Gr.Gr. 101) and adv. of assent, employed in the following compounds:--āhanōआहनो । आमिति adv. yes, used when addressing a male of equal or lower rank; it is an expression of doubtful assent. āhanūआहनू । आमि/?/ adv. yes, addressed to a junior male of rank equal to the speaker.(Kashmiri) The -gar, gārsuffix in the expressions is cognate khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.).(Kashmiri) Thus, when ऋषिका वाक्आम्भृणी claims to be soma, अहंसोममाहनसं, the expression should be pragmatically, semantically interpreted as struck or beaten Soma comparable to struck or beaten iron wealth for sustenance, nourishment (bharman) with a pun on the word bharma 'gold'.भ्रम a whirling flame RV.; a potter's wheel (सांख्यकारिका); a spring , fountain , watercourse; a gimlet or auger (Monier-Williams) It is remarkable that a synonym of Soma, amśu is cognate ancu ' iron' (Tocharian)
That Soma is amśu is cognate ancu ' iron' (Tocharian); आहनसं 'iron' is consistent with the arguments presented in
Soma is NOT a drink. Soma is EATEN by devā. That Soma is NOT a drink is emphatically stated in Chandogya Upanishad: eṣa somo rājā tad devānām annam tam devā bhakṣayanti:"That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it." [Chāndogya.Upaniṣad (Ch.Up.]
One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Somas' juice; Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes." (RV 10.85.3) Trans 2: He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the Bra_hman.as know to be Soma,, of that no one partakes. {i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods'].
Soma is a sacred metaphor.
आहन् āhan आहन् 2 P.1To strike, hit, beat; आहत āhata आहतp. p.1Struck, beaten (as a drum &c.) आहत्य āhatya आहत्यind.Having struck or beaten; striking, hitting.-वचनम्, -वादःAn explicit or energetic explanation.आहननम् āhananam आहननम् 1 Striking at, beating.-2A stick. (for beating a drum). Av.2.133.1.आहननीय āhananīya आहननीयa.Making oneself known by beating a drum.आहनस् āhanas आहनस्a.[आ-हन्-असुन्]1To be beaten or pressed out (as Soma).-2Unchaste, wanton, profligate; य आहना दुहितुर्वक्षणासु Rv.5.42.13. सोम m. (fr. √3. सु) juice , extract , (esp.) the juice of the सोम plant , (also) the सोम plant itself (said to be the climbing plant SarcostemaViminalis or AsclepiasAcida , the stalks [अंशु] of which were pressed between stones [अद्रि] by the priests , then sprinkled with water , and purified in a strainer [पवित्र] ; whence the acid juice trinkled into jars [कलश] or larger vessels [द्रोण] ; after which it was mixed with clarified butter , flour &c , made to ferment , and then offered in libations to the gods [in this respect corresponding with the ritual of the Iranian Avesta] or was drunk by the Brahmans , by both of whom its exhilarating effect was supposed to be prized ; it was collected by moonlight on certain mountains [in RV. x , 34 , 1, the mountain मूज-वत् is mentioned] ; it is sometimes described as having been brought from the sky by a falcon [श्येन] and guarded by the गन्धर्वs ; it is personified as one of the most important of Vedic gods , to whose praise all the 114 hymns of the 9th book of the RV. besides 6 in other books and the whole SV. are dedicated ; in post-Vedic mythology and even in a few of the latest hymns of the RV. [although not in the whole of the 9th book] as well as sometimes in the AV. and in the Br. , सोम is identified with the moon [as the receptacle of the other beverage of the gods called अमृत , or as the lord of plants cf.इन्दु , ओषधि-पति] and with the god of the moon , as well as with विष्णु , शिव , यम , and कुबेर ; he is called राजन् , and appears among the 8 वसुs and the 8 लोक-पालs [ Mn. v , 96] , and is the reputed author of RV. x , 124 , 1 , 5-9 (Monier-Williams)
Binjor. Sarasvati River basinBinjor Fire-altar with octagonal pillar
The structure of the octagonal yupa signifying Vajapeya Soma Yāga includes an octagonal चिालाः caṣāla signified by the hour-glass-shapedVajra
Commemorative stone yupa, Isapur – from Vogel, 1910-11, plate 23; drawing based on Vedic texts – from Madeleine Biardeau, 1988, 108, fig. 1; cf. 1989, fig. 2); C. Miniature wooden yupa and caSAla from Vaidika Samsodana Mandala Museum of Vedic sacrificial utensils – from Dharmadhikari 1989, 70) (After Fig. 5 in Alf Hiltebeitel, 1988, The Cult of Draupadi, Vol. 2, Univ. of Chicago Press, p.22)
Isapur Yupa inscription (102 CE, dated in year 24 in Kushana king Vasishka's reign) indicates performance of a sattra (yajña) of dvadasarAtra, 'twelve nights'. (Vogel, JP, The sacrificial posts of Isapur, Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India,1910- 11: 40-8).The Isapur yupa is comparable to the ring and vajraatop
The monograph is presented in the following Sections:
Section A. Ancient Economic History of Hindu Rāṣṭram on Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins
Section B. Indicators of Maritime trade by seafaring Meluhha merchants
-- Copper from Khetri mines, tin from the Tin Belt of the globe, Mekong delta
-- Source of tin from the Tin belt of the globe, the Himalayan river Mekong delta
Section C. Hypothesis of an eastern source for tin; epic tale of Enmerkar and Lord of Aratta
Section D. Rakhigarhi on the Ancient Maritime Tin Route through linked navigable Himalayan waterways from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East
Section E. Indus Script hieroglyphs on Karen Bronze Drum of Ancient Far East
Section F. Advances in metallurgy during the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th m BCE
Section G. Indus Script decipherment
--Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk is a Rosetta Stone for Indus Script, displays animals (as tributes); these animals are documented as Meluhha wealth-categories on Indus Script inscriptions
--Evidence of Meluhha Indus Script animals on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk (858-824 BCE) and displayed by Assyrian King Ashur-bel-kala (1074-1056 BCE)
Section H. Ivory tags with Egyptian hieroglyphs have been found in Abydos compare with miniature metalwork wealth-accounting tablets of Harappa
Section I. Domestication of farming, cotton and silk, 7th, 6th m BCE
Section J. Makkan and meluhha in early Mesopotamian sources --IJ Gelb
Section K. Literary evidence about Sarasvati river in the Veda, Epics and ancient texts
-- water management in Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins
Gabar band on River Hab; Dholavira water-reservoir 73.4m long, 29.3m wide, and 10m deep (one of 16 reservoirs)
-- domestication of cotton (5th m BCE), silk (3rd m BCE), rice, cereals (7th m BCE), wood products
-- contribution of metalworkers (gold, copper, tin, zinc, iron), lapidaries' work with gems and jewels, alloying & cire perdue casting metallurgical technologies, shared wealth of śreṇi guilds of artisans, and trade by seafaring Meluhha merchants
Section A. Ancient Economic History of Hindu Rāṣṭram on Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins
Ancient India was the Super Power from 8th millennium BCE, contributing upto 60% of Global GDP till 1 CE, and upto 27 % of Global GDP in 1700 CE. See the bar chart of Angus Maddison's presentation on Economic History of the World.
Multi-disciplinary knowledge systems on Ancient Indian History posit this economic reality of the civilizational glory of Ancient India in 1 Common Era.
Indus Script evidence elucidates on how ancient India became a Super Power contributing significantly to the Tin-Bronze Revolution contributing to increase in global GDP from 5th millennium BCE.
Over 8000 inscriptions of the Indus Script are wealth-accounting ledgers of metal-work and lapidary-work involving gems and jewels.
Harappa Workers' Circular Platforms (Did the artisans work with indigo vats to colour textiles?)
Chanhudaro, Sheffieldof Ancient India.
Discovered in chalcolithic levels of MehergarhMetallurgical technology,
cire perdue bronzecastings 5th m.BCE.
Gold fillets, ornaments of gold, silver,copper, bronze,ivory or shells, carnelian, agate perforated beads of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization.
Section B. Indicators of Maritime trade by seafaring Meluhha merchants
Copper from Khetri mines, tin from the Tin Belt of the globe, Mekong delta
Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu
Abstract from Iranica Antiqua, 2009:
Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al.
A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently.
This archaeometallurgical provenance study links Khetri copper mines --through Dholavira/Lothal and Persian Gulf -- with Mesopotamia. It is possible that tin from Ancient Far East (the tin-belt of the globe) was also routed through Meluhha merchants.
Source of tin from the Tin belt of the globe, the Himalayan river Mekong delta
Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel 27:12, says, "Tarshish was your (Tyre) merchant because of your many luxury goods. They gave you silver, iron, tin, and lead for your goods." "The ships of Tarshish were carriers of your (Tyre's) merchandise. You were filled and very glorious in the midst of the seas. (Ezekiel 27:25)"The mountains of Wales, just north of Cornwall have been a source of all the minerals and metals listed above in Ezekiel 27:12.
It is likely that Tarshish was NOT the source of tin-bronzes of Ancient Near East of 4th and 3rd millennia BCE because one cuneiform text specifically refers to Meluhha as the source of tin. The oldest direct evidence of pure tin is a tin ingot from the 1300 BCE Uluburun
shipwreck off the coast of Turkey which carried over 300 copper bars weighing 10 tons, and approximately 40 tin bars weighing 1 ton Another evidence comes from the three tin ingots of ca. 1200 BCE from Haifa shipwreck.
Mesopotamian EDI cuneiform texts from Ur distinguish between copper (urudu/eru) and tin=bronze (zabar/siparru). ED II/III texts from Fara (Limet 1960) mention metallic tin (AN.NA/annakum). Texts from Palace G at Ebla refer to the mixing of various ratios of 'washed' copper (a-gar(-gar)/abaru) and tin to produce bronze (Waetzoldt and Bachmann 1984; Archi 1993). The recipes are also found in the late 19th century BCE texs from Mari (Muhly 1985:282). Typical copper-tin ratios are from 6:1 to 10:1. Two collections of cuneiform texts from Kultepe and from Mari dating to 19th and early 18th centuries BCE have references to tin trade. "These texts document a trade in which tin was moving exclusively from east to west. Arriving in Mesopotamia from the east, metallic tin was transhipped up the Euphrates to Mari, or overland to Assur. From Assur the tin (in addition to Babylonian textiles) was transported via donkey caravan to various Assyrian trading colonies such as Kanesh/Kultepe in Anatolia, where it was traded for silver and gold (Larsen 1976, 1987). From Mari, the tin was traded further west to sides in Syria and Palestine (Dossin 1970; Malamat 1971), and perhaps as far as Crete (Malamat 1971:38; Muhly 1985:282)." (p.179)
Section C. Hypothesis of an eastern source for tin; epic tale of Enmerkar and Lord of Aratta
"One text from the reign of Gudea of Lagash mentions that, in addition to lapis lazuli and carnelian, tin was also traded to Mesopotamia from the land of Meluhha. The relevant passage (Cylinder B, column XIV, lines 10-13) states that 'Gudea, the Governor of Lagash, bestowed as gifts copper, tin, blocks of lapis lazuli, [a precious metal] and bright carnelian from Meluhha. (Wilson 1996; see also Muhly 1973: 306-307). This is the only specific cuneiform reference to the trade of tin from Meluhha...'A pre-Sargonic text from Lagash published by B. Foster (1997) and described as 'a Sumerian merchant's account of the Dilmun trade' mentions obtaining from Dilmun 27.5 minas (ca. 14 kg) of an-na zabar. This phrase can be literally translated as 'tin bronze', and Foster suggested the possible reading 'tin (in/for?) bronze'...The fact that the isotopic characteristics of the Aegean tin-bronzes are so similar to those from the Gulf analyzed in this study adds further weight to the hypothesis of an eastern source for these early alloys...The possibility of tin coming from these eastern sources is supported by the occurrence of many tin deposits in modern-day Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, although evidence for tin extraction is currently limited to the central Asian sites of Karnab and Mushiston, and goes only as far back as the second millennium BCE...Yener has argued cogently against a 'on-source-for-all' model of the third millennium tin trade, and does not regard the proposed tin mining and processing in the Taurus Mountains as inconsistent with the importation of large amounts of tin into Anatolia. Taurus in production is thought to have co-existed with large-scale exchange of foreign metal in the third millennium, before the eventual 'devastation' of Anatolian tin mining operations by the availability of 'purer, already packaged, readily-available tin' from the Old Assyrian trade (Yener 2000:75)...IN particular, for regions such as Baluchistan, the Indus Valley, and the Gulf, which show significant third millennium tin-bronze use, the exclusive use of tin or tin-bronze from Afghanistan and central Asia seems highly likely. Textual sources are scarce, but highlight the trade through the Gulf linking Mesopotamia with Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun as the most common source of tin in the latter third millennium BCE, after an earlier overland Iranian tin-lapis-carnelian trade hinted at by the epic tale of Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. " (pp.180-181)
Muhly, JD, 1973, Copper and tin. Transactions, The Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 43: 155-535.
Muhly, J.D. (1985), "Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy", Journal of American Archaeology,89(2), pp. 275–291
“Almost all the third millennium BCE cuneiform texts from southern Mesopotamia which mention specific toponyms as copper sources speak of copper from either Magan or Dilmun (T. F. Potts 1994:Table 4.1). Meluhha, the third polity of the Lower Sea, is mentioned only rarely as a copper supplier, and then for amounts of only a few kilograms (Leemans 1960:161). The common association of Meluhha with the supply of carnelian, lapis lazuli, gold, precious woods, and especially ivory, suggests that the toponym is to be
related to the region between the Makran coast and Gujarat, encompassing sites of the Indus civilization (Heimpel 1993).” (p.15)
“Mesopotamia, as has often been stated, lacked resources. Its lack of metal ores required this world, at times, independent city-states and, at other times, empire, to look to distant lands in order to procure its metal/ores. Mesopotamian technology, however, was not a form of administrative or scribal concern. When it came to metal technology written texts offer limited information and are all but silent on the training, organization, and recruitment of metal smiths. Similarly, the texts are vague, or more typically silent, as to the geographical provenience from whence they obtained their metal/ore, its quantity, quality, price, or techniques of fabrication. It is left to the archaeologist and the recovered metal artifacts, workshops, associated tools, and mines, to address these questions...Decades ago VG Childe placed metallurgy on the top of his list of important crafts. He maintained that the development of early civilizations was a consequence of the invention of metallurgy (Childe 1930). Bronze-working, he believed, encouraged the manufacture of tools, which in turn led to more productive agriculture, and the growth of cities. Seventy-five years ago, Childe (1930:39) could point out that ‘Other documents from Mesopotamia, also written in the wedge-like characters called cuneiform, refer to the importation of copper from the mountainous region east of the Tigris and of metal and stones from Magan (probably Oman on the Persian Gulf)”…(Lloyd Weeks) introduces us to a new corpus of metal artifacts from the United Arab Emirates. Surprisingly, a significant percentage of these metals, recovered from the site of Tell Abraq, are tin-bronzes…his volume offers an up-to-date review of the enduring ‘tin-problem’ within the context of the greater Near East. Again, Childe (1928: 157) confronted the problem: ‘The Sumerians drew supplies of copper from Oman, from the Iranian Plateau, and even from Anatolia, but the source of their tin remains unknown’…(Lloyd Weeks) states ‘…the absolute source of the metal (tin-bronze) is likely to have been far to the north and east of Afghanistan or central Asia’. The central Asian source has been given reality by the recent discovery in Uzbekistan and Tadzhikistan of Bronze Age settlements and mines involved in tin production (Parzinger and Boroffka 2003).” (From CC Lamberg-Karlovsky’s Foreword in: Weeks, Lloyd R., 2003, Early metallurgy of the Persian Gulf –Technology, trade and the bronze age world, Brill Academic Publishers, Boston, pp. vii-viii).
Map showing the location of known tin deposits exploited during ancient times
করতোয়া নদী is Sadānīra of Brahmaputra river mentioned in ancient texts, suggesting Brahmaputra as a navigable waterway linking with Sarasvati River across Rakhigarhi
Amara Kośa asserts Sadānīra to be synonym of Karatoya River. See: सदानीरा स्त्री सदा नीरं पेयमस्याः । करतोयानद्याम् अमरः । “अथादौ कर्कटे देवी त्र्यहं गङ्गा रजस्वला । सर्वा रक्तवहा नद्यः करतोयाम्बुवाहिनी” स्मृत्युक्तेः
Karatoya Mahatmya refers to the sacredness of this river. Rivers Kosi and Mahananda joined the Karatoya and "formed a sort of ethnic boundary between people living south of it and the Kochs and Kiratas living north of the river." (Majumdar, Dr. R.C., History of Ancient Bengal, First published 1971, Reprint 2005, p. 4, Tulshi Prakashani, Kolkata.) Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa provides a detailed account of the movement of people (Videgha Māthava, Gotama Rahugaṇa) from River Sarasvati to River Sadānīra. The location of this river is central to the history of Pre-Mauryan era Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12). The region of these people has been identified in this monograph and relates to the ironwork of the Bronze Age Sarasvati Civilization. It is possible that both Brahmautra and Ganga river systems were waterways which provided for maritime transport of tin ore from the Himalayan riverbasins (Irrawaddy, Salween, Mekong) which contain the richest and largest tin belt of the globe (as the rivers ground down graniterocks to create the cassiterite -- tin ore -- deposit accumulations as placer deposits). Sources of tin were critical to unleash the Tin-Bronze Industrial Revolution of ca. 4th millennium BCE.
Importance of Rakhigarhi on the water-divide linking Ganga-Yamuna-Brahmaputra waterways with Sarasvati River system
The addition of tin to copper to create bronze alloy was a revolution. The tin-bronze replaed arsenical bronze (copper + arsenic) which was a natural source and in short supply.
This Tin-Bronze Revolution is matched by the revolution of a writing system called Indus Script to document ancient India's contributions to metalwork.
Section D. Rakhigarhi on the Ancient Maritime Tin Route through linked navigable Himalayan waterways from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East
I suggest proclamation and constitution of two multi-disciplinary project teams involving archaeology, history, language studies, geochemistry, and geology for researches on: 1. Largest tin belt of the globe in AFE and role of seafaring merchants and artisans of India during the Tin-Bronze Revolution; 2. significance of Rakhigarhi as the link between Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East through navigable Himalayan riverine waterways and maritime trade through Indian Ocean Rim. I suggest that the remarkable work done by Deccan College Archaeology team in the excavations of Rakhigarhi should be expanded further by making the Deccan College a nodel networking agency for the following research missions for two multi-disciplinary projects involving archaeology, history, language studies, geochemistry, and geology: 1. To establish the sources of Tin ores for the Tin-Bronze revolution in Ancient Far East and the role played by ancient Indian seafaring merchants and artisans in reaching the tin ore resource into all parts of Eurasia; and 2. To establish the significance of Himalayan riverwaterys (Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween, Brahmaputra (karatoya), Ganga, Yamuna, Sarasvati, Sindhu) and links to the Indian Ocean Maritime routes (through Persian Gulf and Malacca straits) to enhance the importance of an Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked Hanoi (Vietnam) and Haifa (Israel) through ancient India. There is a distinct indication that the Ancient Maritime Tin Route mediated by Ancient India pre-dated the Silk road by two millennia, authenticated by Indus Script evidence on tin ingots of Haifa and on Dong Son/Karen Bronze drums of AFE.
The location of Rakhigarhi as the capital pattaṇa (riverine port) of Sarasvati Civilization is central to these missions, because Rakhigarhi is location on the ridge of the Aravalli range which constitues the water-divide between 1. west-flowing rivers of Sarasvati (Drishadvati, Chautan), Ghaggar and Sindhu and 2. east-flowing rivers of Yamuna-Ganga-Brahmaputra proximate to other Himalayan river systems of Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween in Ancient Far East (AFE). These riverine waterways make Rakhigarhi the nodal site which managed resources of tin ores from AFE; copper/zinc ores of Khetri mineral-belt; iron ore resources of Ganga-Brahmaputra basins and progressed archaeometallurgical advances to proclaim a true Metals Age, complementing the domestication of rice, cereals, cotton cultivation and sericulture to make ancient India the richest nation on the globe contributing to 33% of Global GDP by 1 Common Era (pace Angus Madsison).. These two missions call for a networking of multidisciplinary teams to unravel the ancient knowledge systems related to navigation along waterways and the Indian Ocean and metallurgical innovations in alloying and metal casting (cire perdue etc.) techniques.
Evaluating this Herodotus text to determine the sources of tin in Athens, James D. Muhly notes: "...it is nonetheless unlikely that we shall ever have exact knowledge about the sources of the tin being used to supply Minoan Crete or Mycenaean Greece...Of greater relevance is the revival of the concept of metallogenic provinces and the formation of metallic belts --copper belts, lead-zinc belts and tin-tungsten belts -- extending over wide areas, as part of the on-going research on plate tectonics and theories of continental drift. What this means for the archaeologist is that mineral deposition is unlikely to have taken place in random, isolated deposits and that theories positing the existence of such deposits are to be regarded with great skepticism. Most important of all is the absolute geological principle that tin is to be found only in association with granite rock. The concentration of tin varies within any single granite formation and among different formations, depending upon local conditions and geological heritage, but without granite there is no possibility of tin ever having been present. Therefore, large areas of the world are automatically ruled out as possible sources of tin. The island of Cyprus is one of these areas; since there is no granite there, it never could have contained deposits of tin...Tin is commonly present in association with pegmatites of quartz and feldspar. Like gold, the tin is found within veins of quartz running through the granite rock. The difference is that while gold occurs as a native metal, tin appears in the form of an oxide (SnO2) known as cassiterite. This cassiterite, again like gold, was frequently exposed and freed from its host through weathering and degradation of the quartz and granite. This degradation was often the result of action by water, the cassiterite (and gold) thus taking the form of small lumps or nuggets present in the stream bed. Although carried along by the force of the current, the cassiterite (and gold), having a specific gravity because of its density, tends to sink and concentrate in the bed of the streams. In general, concentration increases with proximity to the original deposit of the tin...This stream or alluvial tin was thus to be found in the form of small black nuggets of cassiterite known as tin-stone. Recovery involved the panning of the gravel in the stream bed, separating out the cassiterite from the worthless sand and gravel. The process was similar to that which must have also been used to recover gold, and what was done in antiquity was probably not that different from the techniques -- and even the equipment -- used by the Forty-Niners in the great Gold Rush in California and Alaska during the mid-nineteenth century. While gold was recovered as a native metal, the tin was to be found in the form of an oxide that had to be smelted together with charcoal in order to free the oxygen and reduce the oxide to metallic tin...Words for tin...are known in Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Egyptian and Ugaritic, although not in Mycenaean Greek...Sumerian AN.NA, Akkadian annaku mean tin and all Assyriologists are in agreement on this point...Mesopotamian texts...describe the addition of AN.NA/annaku to URUDU/eru in order to produce ZABAR/siparruor, in other words, of tin to copper in order to make bronze...twenty-sixth century BCE...Tin appears in the Royal Cemetery, as at Ebla, together with gold and lapis lazuli. All three materials are to be found in Afghanistan, and it is quite possible that they did all come to Mesopotamia (and to northern Syria) via an orland route across Iran...There is as yet, no hard evidence that Sumerian tin came from Afghanistan, but such a source has long been suggested on the basis of textual and archaeological evidence-- a sugestion that up to now could only be regarded as but an interesting hypothesis because of the lack of geological evidence for the existence of tin deposits in Afghanistan...east-west movement of tin is documented in the numerous Old Assyrian texts from Kultepe, the ancient karum Kanish. Again from unspecified sources to the east, the tin was brought to Assur and from there shipped overland by donkey caravan to various Assyrian merchant colonies in Anatolia...(Afghanistan's) deposits of gold and lapis lazuli, both materials highly prized by the Sumerians during the third millennium BCE, may have led ancient prospectors to tin, which was also then exported to Sumer. It is even possible that, via Mari and Ugarit, Afghan tin was carried to Middle Minoan Crete, the land of Kaptaru..." (Muhly, James D., Sources of tin and the beginnings of bronze metallurgy, in: American Journal of Archaeology, 89 (1985), pp. 277-283, 290).
· Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud made a convincing case in May 1982 for identifying the sources of tin in the Near East. Their search extended upto Afghanistan and 'the land of Meluhha'.
" In the later 4th and early 3rd millennia, greater tin values occur-5.3% in a pin from Susa B; and 5% in an axe from Mundigak III, in Afghanistan; but these are still exceptional in a period characterized by the use of arsenical copper. It is only around 2700 B.C., during Early Dynastic III in Mesopotamia, that both the number of bronze artifacts and their general tin content increase significantly. Eight metal artifacts of forty-eight in the celebrated “vase a la cachette” of Susa D are bronzes; four of them—three vases and one axe—have over 7% tin. The analyses of objects from the Royal Cemetery at Ur present an even clearer picture: of twenty-four artifacts in the Iraq Museum subjected to analysis, eight containing significant quantities of tin and five with over 8% tin can be considered true bronzes in the traditional sense...We know that the tin came from the east, but from where? Mentions in ancient texts are rare, and only one of them, dating to the time of Gudea of Lagash (2150-2111 B.C.], speaks of the tin of Meluhha. Meluhha is one of the lands east of Mesopotamia, along with Dilmun (Bahrain) and Makkan (the peninsula of Oman). Its location is still controversial, but most scholars tend to place it in Afghanistan or Pakistan. The lists of goods imported to Mesopotamia from Meluhha point to the Indus Valley and the Harappan civilization, but it is not always easy to make a distinction between those which originated in Meluhha and those which passed through Meluhha...A long-distance trade in tin is of course hypothetical...If we now turn to the “land of Meluhha,” or at least to the vast area of which parts have been identified with Meluhha, the use of tin is attested already in the late 4th or early 3rd millennium at Mundigak III in southern Afghanistan. Tin appears only in small quanities in artifacts from Shahr-i Sokhta in eastern Iran and at Tepe Yahya in southern Iran (among the sites from which artifacts were studied). In the Indus Valley, the copper-tin alloy is known at Mohenjo-Daro...Among the products attributed to Meluhha, lapis lazuli and carnelian are found in sites and tombs of the 3rd millennium. We can suggest with reasonable certainty that the tin used in Oman was in transit through Meluhha and that the most likely source was western Afghanistan...The collective indications are that western Afghanistan was the zone able to provide the tin used in Southwest Asia in the 4th and 3rd millennia. The occurrence of tin with copper ores and the signs of earl; exploitation make it obligatory for us to consider the problem of tin in direct connection with the metallurgy of copper in this region. Since our original research design was to define copper sources, the information on tin deposits was looked upon only as a complement. In order to elucidate the questions raised by our findings, a project aimed specifically at tin—its sources and metallurgy—should be organized." (Expedition, Volume 25 Issue 1 October 1982).
The largest tin belt of the globe is Southeast Asia. Tin-bronze revolution of ca. 5th millennium BCE can be explained by postulating a Tin Route which linked Hanoi to Haifa, more magnificent than and rivaling the later-day Silk Road. This Tin Route of yore was traversed by Bharatam Janam.
Source: http://pubs.usgs.gov/bul/1301/report.pdf Stanniferous ores are the key to tin-bronze revolution of 5th millennium BCE, creating the Tin Route more magnificent and stunning than the later-day Silk Road.
"Bronze is an alloy consisting primarily of copper, commonly with about 12% tin and often with the addition of other metals (such as aluminium, manganese, nickel or zinc) and sometimes non-metals or metalloids such as arsenic, phosphorus or silicon. These additions produce a range of alloys that may be harder than copper alone, or have other useful properties, such as stiffness, ductility or machinability. The archeological period where bronze was the hardest metal in widespread use is known as the Bronze Age. In the ancient Near East this began with the rise of Sumer in the 4th millennium BC, with India and China starting to use bronze around the same time; everywhere it gradually spread across regions." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bronze
"The Bronze Age is a time period characterized by the use of bronze, proto-writing, and other early features of urban civilization. The Bronze Age is the second principal period of the three-age Stone-Bronze-Iron system, as proposed in modern times by Christian Jürgensen Thomsen, for classifying and studying ancient societies. An ancient civilization is defined to be in the Bronze Age either by smelting its own copperand alloying with tin, arsenic, or other metals, or by trading for bronze from production areas elsewhere. Copper-tin ores are rare, as reflected in the fact that there were no tin bronzes in western Asia before trading in bronze began in the third millennium BCE. Worldwide, the Bronze Age generally followed the Neolithic period, with the Copper ageserving as a transition. Although the Iron Age generally followed the Bronze Age, in some areas, the Iron Age intruded directly on the Neolithic from outside the region...Bronze was independently discovered in the Maykop culture of the North Caucasus as early as the mid-4th millennium BC, which makes them the producers of the oldest known bronze. However, the Maykop culture only had arsenical bronze. Other regions developed bronze and its associated technology at different periods." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bronze_Age
"The land between the Euphrates and Tigris is sedimentary and therefore devoid of metals...Some semi-precious stones came from an even greater distance, cornelian from the Indian subcontinent, and lapis lazuli from Central Asia...The regions furthest to the East about which the ancient Mesopotamians had some knowledge appear to be the Indus valley (Meluhha) and Turkmenistan (Shimashki). The legendary country Aratta figures in several Sumerian epics as the distant adversary of Uruk. One can find references to the alleged trade between Uruk and Aratta in the secondary literature...Of great importance are the remains of the cargo discovered in two Late Bronze Age shipwrecks off the South coast of Turkey. The wreck near Cape Gelidonya (late 13th c. BCE) is thought to have come from Phoenicia. Its cargo consisted mainly of copper, tin, and bronze: copper in the shape of 34 oxhides (averaging 25 kg each)) and a number of bun ingots (averaging 3 kg each), tin ingots, and scrap bronze tools. Beter preserved is the shipwreck of Uluburun (late 14th c.) with a cargo of an estimated 20 tons of weight, including 354 copper oxhide ingots (1bout 10 tons), 121 copper bun ingots (about 1 ton), 110 tin ingot fragmens (about 1 ton), and 175 glass ingots (about 300 kg.)...The copper used in Syria and Mesopotamia came from different sources according to the textual evidence. One route led via the southern city of Ur, which possessed a harbour giving access to the Persian Gulf and beyond. The copper obtained from Tilmun from ca. 21st-18th c. BCE came from Oman, where impressive remains of ancient copper workings have been identified dating to this period...Tin is alloyed with copper to obtain bronze. It is first attested in a pin from Tepe Gawra Level VIII (ca. 3000 BCE), with a content of 5.6% tin. At the time of the royal tombs of Ur (Early Dynastic IIIa. ca. 2700 BCE), bronze appears to be the most commonly used...Weeks contrasted the very limited presence of tin-bronzes in third millennium context in sites of the Iranian Plateau to the significant use of tin-bronze in Baluchistan, the Indus Valley, the Persian Gulf and south-western Iran during the same period. Since the use of tin will have been greatest along the trade route by which it was transported, he convincingly argues that this tin came via the Indian peninsula from one or more Central Asian sources. This is the famous trade with distant Meluhha, which started in the third millennium with the growing importance of the Indus civilisation, and lasted until its decline in about 1900 BCE. The supply of tin by sea route is suggested in a passage in one of the texts of Gudea (Cyl. B xiv 13): 'Along with copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli, shining metal (and) spotless Meluhha cornelian' (RIME 3/1,96). After the collapse of Meluhha, tin apparently was traded by an overland route cross Iran. It probably was via this overland route that the tin reached Susa in western Iran from where it was distributed westwards as is documented for the Old Babylonian period. One important route in Mesopotamia ran East of he Tigris to Assur in the North, from where Assyrian traders transported large quantities of tin to Anatolia (documented for the 19th-18th c.). The fact that they exported tin to Anatolia corroborates the view that workable deposits did not exist there...The latest reference to this city (Assur) as a source of tin is contained in an Old Babylonian letter found at the Middle Euphrates site of Haradum, which dates to the reign of Ammi-shaduqa (1683-1626 BCE). The passage reads: 'I entrusted 1 talent 20 minas of tin (= 40kg) to Hushunu, the Ahlami soldier, a guard of the kārum of Haradu, (in) Assur and I had him carry it to Haradum'...King Zimrilim's merchants were allowed to purchase tin and lapis lazuli in Susa. Zimrilim used the tin as diplomatic gifts to rulers in Ugarit, Hazor and other places in the Levant. The gifts made by Zimrilim and earlier by his predecessor Yasmah-Addu (to the king of Apishal) seem to be the only attested cases of tin moving to West Syria by way of Mari...The Uluburn shipwreck discovered off the Turkish coast had a cargo of almost 1,000 kg of tin and (Cypriot) copper, and apparently was heading for a western destination when it sank...tin figures among the tribute, which Neo-Assyrian kings received in North Syria and in the region around Diyarbakir. For example, king Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BCE) received tribute from Patina (near modern Antakya), which included 600 kg of silver, 30 kg of gold, 3000 kg of iron, and 3000 kg of tin (RI-MA 2, 217 f.)...end of the Neo-Assyrian period (reign of Sin-shar-ishkun, ending 612 BCE), where tin (bdl) is mentioned as payment for a horse or a gift to the god hadad of Gozan. Less than a century later, Transeuphratene was the area where Babylonian merchants from Neo-Babylonian Uruk obtained tin for the Eanna temple according to several texts...Old Assyrian trade (20th-18th c. BCE)...linked the city of Assur with Central Anatolia...(trade) profited from the development of an institutional and legal framework to acommodate trade from about 2000 BCE onwards, in which groups of merchants from a particular town forged long-term relationships with other towns and their rulers through the kārum-system (kārum 'quay, harbour, commercial district). Non-Assyrian caravans brought tons of tin, cornelian and iron to Assur, where local merchants purchased these goods. By means of donkey caravans the goods were shipped to Anatolia and sold there for silver and gold. Kanesh was the main hub of a network of some twenty Assyrian commercial settlements in or close to economically important cities or regions in Anatolia. To facilitate this trade, Assur concluded treaties with local rulers that permitted it to establish trade colonies in existing cities of economic or logistical importance. A string of settlements also existed on the main caravan route from Assur to Anatolia in northern Iraq and Syria...The amount of tin and textiles sent by individual merchants to Anatolia differed considerably. A simple donkey load consisted of some 65 kg of tin, plus some textiles. One particular letter (Kt ck 443) announces the coming to Anatolia of a large convoy consisting of 21 donkeys, carrying 300 kg of tin and 400 assorted textiles. This represented significant load. The shipwreck of Uluburn, however, had a cargo of an estimated 10 tons of copper and 1 ton of tin. The ton of tin equals some 15 donkey-loads. Small as such an amount may seem, it is almost the total estimated yield of one of the mines discovered in Tajikistan. The shipment of textiles and tin to Anatolia was an Assyrian monopoly. There were no traders from Babylon active in Kanesh, but we know that merchants from North Syria (Ebla, Hashshum) were also involved in trade with Anatolia...Obviously, not only Mesopotamian merchants went abroad. Foreign merchants also travelled to Mesopotamia to sell goods. A royal inscription of the Old Akkadian King Sargon (2300) contains a unique hint at the extent of long-distance trade, when he claims that he 'moored the ships of Meluhha, Magan, and Tilmun at the quay of Agade' (RIME 2, 28). The tin and textiles that Assyrian merchants exported to Anatolia reached Assur by means of caravans from Babylonia, and, presumably, Susa...The coastal kingdom of Ugarit was a centre from where copper, tin, alum or lapis lazuli could be sent on to Carchemish and Hatti...Two letters addressed to the king of Ugarit by Tagubli, his representative with the court of Carchemish, deal with the sending of genuine lapis lazuli as a gift to the Hittite king. Urtenu appears as a manager of the palace storage facilities and stables, able to issue horses and donkeys, as well as copper, tin, alum, blue-purple wool, and textiles." (Jan Gerrit Dercksen, Mineral resources and demand in the Ancient Near East, in: La Natura Nel Vicino Oriente Antico, Atti del Convegno internationale, Milano, 2009, Edizioni Ares, pp. 43-75)
oSee: Tin isotope fingerprints of ore deposits and ancient bronze October 2017. The Aravalli Range, is one of the oldest fold mountain rangein the world; it is an eroded stub of ancient mountains, is the oldest range of fold mountains in India.(Roy, A. B. (1990). "Abstract. The sources and origin of tin, and the dispersion of bronze technology in the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC, are the central research topics of our multi-disciplinary research project, funded by an Advanced Grant of the European Research Council (ERC). It has the general goal to establish the tin isotopic composition of tin ores and tin-bearing artefacts, and considers the infl uence of anthropogenic processes on the isotope ratios. We discuss the tin isotopic composition of cassiterite from two major tin provinces in Europe: from Cornwall and Devon (Southern England), and from the Erzgebirge (Germany and Czech Republic). The samples from both tin provinces show a very large variation of isotopic compositions with δ124/120Sn-values ranging overall from -0.28 to 0.85‰. Although there is large overlap, on average, cassiterite from the Erzgebirge (δ124/120Sn = 0.09‰) is isotopically lighter than that of southwest England (δ124/120Sn = 0.18‰). This is due to a higher proportion of heavy isotope compositions in the samples from Cornwall and Devon. In addition, we compare the ore data with preliminary tin isotopic systematics in Early Bronze Age metal artefacts from the Únětice Culture in Central Germany and from several ancient settlements in Mesopotamia belonging to the Early Dynastic III and the Akkadian Periods. Bronze artefacts of the Únětice Culture containing more than 3 wt.% tin have rather constant isotopic compositions (δ124/120Sn = 0.2 to 0.31 ‰), despite having highly variable trace element concentrations and tin contents. This suggests the intentional addition of an isotopically homogeneous tin raw material (metal or cassiterite) to the copper ore or melt. In contrast, the tin isotopic composition of artefacts from Mesopotamia (>3 wt. % Sn) show a much larger δ124/120Sn variation from -0.2 to +0.4‰. This is even observed in single settlements such as Ur. Since there is no sizeable tin mineralization in the vicinity, this implies that the tin demand of the ancient metallurgist was covered by trading tin from different ore "
o
oEvolution of the Precambrian crust of the Aravalli Range. Developments in Precambrian Geology, 8, 327-347.) The range rose in a Precambrian event called the Aravalli-Delhi Orogen... In ancient times, Aravalli were extremely high but since have worn down almost completely by millions of years of weathering, where as the Himalayas being young fold mountains are still continuously rising.
Pre-Cambrian, sometimes abbreviated pЄ, or Cryptozoic spans from the formation of Earth about 4.6 billion years ago (Ga) to the beginning of the Cambrian Period, about 541 million years ago (Ma). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Precambrian
Aravalli range is the principal water divide between the Indus-Sarasvati basins in the north-west and Ganga-Yamuna-Brahmaputra basins in the east, covering extensive areas of the plains of north India.
maraka 'peacock' (Santali. Mu.) Rebus: मारकloha 'a kind of calcining metal' (Samskritam) Skt.mūkaka- id.(DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h‘ingot’. Muha. The quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace. (Santali) karibha 'trunk of elaphant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'. Hieroglyph: arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'. miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ (Tōrwālī) meḍhoa ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
maṇḍa (Sanskrit) OMarw. mīḍako m. ʻ frog ʼ, mīṁḍakī f. ʻ small frog ʼ,
G. me_ḍak, meḍ°m., me_ḍkī, meḍ° f.; M. mẽḍūk -- mukh n. ʻ frog -- like face ʼ. 1. Pa. maṇḍūka -- m., °kī -- f. ʻ frog ʼ, Pk. maṁḍū˘ka -- , °ḍūa -- , °ḍuga -- m., (CDIAL 9746) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’
(Mu.Ho.)
kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko] Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).(CDIAL 2595) Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To.košk heron. Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane. Pa.kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle (pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane.Br. xāxūr demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595.(DEDR 2125) కొంగ (p. 0313) [ koṅga ] konga. [Tel.] n. A bird of the heron or stork kind. బకము (Telugu) Rebus: kang 'brazier' (Kashmiri)
Ox-hide type copper and tin ingots carried on boats. Shown on three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds and two birds on the deck and a large double rudder. Discovered in Mohenjo-daro in 1931.
The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms. mr̤eka, melh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu,mleccha 'copper'. The accompanying woman carries: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'. Thus, the two merchants trade in copper and tin.
Sources:The ingots are in the Haifa Museum.
1. Madden R., Wheeler, I. and Muhly JD, 1977, Tin in the ancient near east: old questions and new finds, Expedition 19, pp. 45-47
2. Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin ingot, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 250 (Spring, 1983), pp. 51-55.
Hieroglyph: ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅga3n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk.raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P.rã̄g f.,rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku.rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng.rã̄k; N.rāṅ,rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B.rāṅ; Or.rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ,rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth.rã̄gā, OAw.rāṁga; H.rã̄g f.,rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si.ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562)
Hieroglyph: mũh 'aface'Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)
Source: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)
Section F. Advances in metallurgy during the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th m BCE
Meluhha Harappans evolved some new techniques in metallurgy and produced copper, bronze, lead, and tin.
Various sculptures, seals, bronze vessels pottery, gold jewellery, and anatomically detailed figurines in terracotta, bronze, and steatite have been found at excavation sites.(McIntosh, Jane (2008). The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives. ABC-CLIO. p. 248.)
A number of gold, terracotta and stone figurines of girls in dancing poses reveal the presence of some dance form. These terracotta figurines included cows, bears, monkeys, and dogs. Many crafts including, "shell working, ceramics, and agate and glazed steatite bead making" were practised and the pieces were used in the making of necklaces, bangles, and other ornaments from all phases of Harappan culture. Some of these crafts are still practised in the subcontinent today.(Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark (1997). "Trade and Technology of the Indus Valley: New Insights from Harappa, Pakistan". World Archaeology. 29 (2: "High–Definition Archaeology: Threads Through the Past"): 262–280). Terracotta female figurines were found (c. 2800–2600 BCE) which had red colour applied to the "manga" (line of partition of the hair).(Lal, B.B. (2002). The Sarasvati flows on, p.82)
A touchstone bearing gold streaks was found in Banawali, which was probably used for testing the purity of gold (such a technique is still used in some parts of India). (Bisht, R.S. (1982). "Excavations at Banawali: 1974–77". In Possehl Gregory L. (ed.). Harappan Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. New Delhi: Oxford and IBH Publishing Co. pp. 113–124.)
During the Early Harappan period (about 3200–2600 BCE), similarities in pottery, seals, figurines, ornaments, etc. document intensive caravan trade with Central Asia and the Iranian plateau.(Parpola, Asko (19 May 2005). "Study of the Indus Script"(PDF); 50th ICES Tokyo Session, pp.2-3).
There was an extensive maritime trade network operating between the Harappan and Mesopotamian civilisations as early as the middle Harappan Phase, with much commerce being handled by "middlemen merchants from Dilmun" (modern Bahrain and Failaka located in the Persian Gulf). (Neyland, R.S. (1992). "The seagoing vessels on Dilmun seals". In Keith, D.H.; Carrell T.L. (eds.). Underwater archaeology proceedings of the Society for Historical Archaeology Conference at Kingston, Jamaica 1992. Tucson, AZ: Society for Historical Archaeology. pp. 68–74.)
"It is generally assumed that most trade between the Indus Valley (ancient Meluhha?) and western neighbors proceeded up the Persian Gulf rather than overland. Although there is no incontrovertible proof that this was indeed the case, the distribution of Indus-type artifacts on the Oman peninsula, on Bahrain and in southern Mesopotamia makes it plausible that a series of maritime stages linked the Indus Valley and the Gulf region."(Daniel T. Potts (2009), Maritime Trade: Pre-Islamic Period iranicaonline.org) In the 1980s, important archaeological discoveries were made at Ras al-Jinz (Oman), demonstrating maritime Indus Valley connections with the Arabian Peninsula. (Maurizio Tosi, "Black Boats of Magan. Some Thoughts on Bronze Age Water Transport in Oman and beyond from the Impressed Bitumen Slabs of Ra's al-Junayz", in A. Parpola (ed), South Asian Archaeology 1993, Helsinki, 1995, pp. 745–761 (in collaboration with Serge Cleuziou).
(During-Caspers, GS Elisabeth; Reade, Julian E. (2008). The Indus-Mesopotamia relationship reconsidered. Archaeopress. pp. 12–14).
The areas of origination of the raw materials for the objects found in the royal cemeteries of Ur. http://tinyurl.com/y29xfrx4
Aratta
Dilmun
Meluḫḫa
Ḫaḫḫum
'Su-land'
(H)arallu
(Mar)daman
Keban
Marhashi
Elam
Azerbaijan
Miyana-Zanjan Region
Kerman
Taurus Mountains
Mt. Bikni
Mt. Dapara
Badakhshan
Elburz Moutains
Central Plateau
Bushire
Indus Valley
According to ECL DUring Caspers, “the Indus Valley 'unicorn' is a watered-down version, often recopied, of the commonly portrayed one-horned bovine of the late Protoliterate c-d and Early Dynastic times in Mesopotamia…”(E. C. L. During Caspers, “The Indus Valley 'Unicorn' A Near Eastern Connection?” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. 34:2, 1991, p. 312—350.)
The Standard of Ur. Frame: wood; mosaic: shell, red limestone, lapis lazuli and bitumen, Sumerian artwork, ca. 2600-2400 BCE. From tomb 779 Ur.
Gold Cup. Mesopotamian artwork, ca. 2600-2400 BCE. From the “Queen's tomb” (that of Puabi) in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, Southern Iraq.
Silver vessels found in the tomb of queen Puabi in Ur
The expression "Country of Me-lu-ha" (Me-luh-ha Ki) on Akkadian inscriptions. ("The Indus Civilization and Dilmun, the Sumerian Paradise Land". www.penn.museum.)
Sculpture of a Mesopotamian boat, 2700-2600 BCE.
Carved chlorite vessel with opposing animals. Northern Afghanistan, c. 2700-2500 BCE; Height: 6.5 cm. LACMA
[quote] During the period of theEarly Dynastic IIIroyal cemetery (ca. 2600 BC), Ur was importing elite goods from geographically distant places. These objects includeprecious metalssuch as gold and silver, andsemi-precious stones, namelylapis lazuliandcarnelian. These objects are all the more impressive considering the distance from which they traveled to reachMesopotamiaand Ur specifically.
Mesopotamia is very well suited to agricultural production for both plants and animals but is lacking in metals, minerals and stones. These materials were traded by both land and water, although bulk transportation is only possible by water as it is cheaper and faster. River transportation greatly aided Mesopotamian crafts from very early in the fourth millennium. The Euphrates provided access to Syria and Anatolia as well as the Gulf, and many trading posts were set up along the river...Most of the gold known from archaeological contexts in ancient Mesopotamia is concentrated at the royal cemetery at Ur (and later in the Neo-Assyrian graves at Nimrod). Textual evidence indicates that gold was reserved for prestige and religious functions. It was gathered in royal treasuries, temples and used for adornment of elite peoples as well as funerary offerings (such as the graves at Ur). Gold is used for personal ornaments, weapons and tools, sheet-metal cylinder seals, vessels such as fluted bowls, goblets and imitation cockle shells, and as additions to sculpture. The textual evidence for the sources of gold used in Mesopotamia is irregular. The Sumerian texts name Aratta as a source while the Gudea records mention both the mountain of Ḫaḫḫum, near Samsat in modern Turkey, and Meluḫḫa. Other texts refer to a perhaps mythical place known as (Ḫ)arallu, supposedly located in the hinterland of Iran, as a source of gold. Other possible sources are named by Shu-Sin, such as 'Su-land', most likely in western Iran, and (Mar)daman in south-eastern Turkey. Texts referring to Dilmun mention that gold is traveling to Ur up the Gulf, perhaps originating in Meluḫḫa... The 'Silver Mountains' mentioned in association with the campaigns of Sargon of Akkad are identified as the mines found at Keban on the Upper Euphrates. Other, more generic, silver-producing areas are Aratta, Dilmun, Elam, Marḫashi (also known as Barhashi or Parahshum) and Meluḫḫa...Lapis Lazuli is the best known and well-documented gemstone at Ur and in Mesopotamia in general. In the royal cemetery lapis lazuli is found as jewelry, plaques and amulets, and as inlays in gaming boards, musical instruments, and ostrich-egg vessels as well as parts of larger sculptural groups such as the "Ram in a Thicket" and as the beard of a bull attached to a lyre. Some of the larger objects include a spouted cup, a dagger-hilt, and a whetstone... There is no textual evidence which provides a clear reference to the source of Sumerian lapis lazuli although documents list Aratta, Dilmun, and Meluḫḫa in Iran. These also name mountains such as Mt. Dapara, Mt. Bikni (modern Kuh-i Alvand in western Iran) and Bahtar Mountain or Sogdia. It is almost universally acknowledged that the lapis lazuli from Mesopotamia originated in the upper reaches of the Kokcha River in the Badakhshandistrict of modern Afghanistan.This was certainly exploited at the time of the Royal Cemetery (ca. 2600 BC) with evidence of manufacture in the 3rd millennium at Shortugai (I) on the Oxus River...The stone was possibly first taken to Meluḫḫa and then traded (along with carnelian) by ship up the Gulf. There is no textual reference to a land route but several probably existed through the Zagros Mountains...Carnelian is a variety of microcrystalline quartz that is particularly suited for fine beads and seals. This semi-precious stone is second only to lapis lazuli in terms of popularity in Mesopotamia and Ur specifically. Carnelian was most likely imported as both a raw material and as manufactured beads... Charles Leonard Woolley, the excavator at Ur, attributes the carnelian found there to the Gulf area. The Indus Valley, however, has famously been exploited for its carnelian and it is likely that some of the material originated here as well.[5] Carnelian is also mentioned in many Sumerian texts including those to do with trade with Dilmun. In the Gudea inscriptions carnelian is reportedly from Meluḫḫa... In the 3rd millennium BCE, chlorite stone artifacts were very popular, and traded widely. These included disc beads and ornaments, as well as stone vases. These carved dark stone vessels have been found everywhere in ancient Mesopotamia. They rarely exceed 25 cm in height, and may have been filled with precious oils. They often carry human and animal motifs inlaid with semi-precious stones.
"Elaborate stone vessels carved with repeating designs, both geometric and naturalistic, in an easily recognizable “intercultural style”,were made primarily of chlorite; a number were produced at the important site of Tepe Yahyasoutheast of Kerman (Iran) in the middle and late 3rd millennium b.c.e. Some of these vessels were painted natural color (dark green) and inlaid with pastes and shell, and some have even been found with cuneiform inscriptions referring to rulers and known Sumerian deities. More than 500 vessels and vessel fragmentscarved in this style have been recovered from sites ranging from Uzbekistan and the Indus Valley (e.g., Mohenjo-daro) in the east to Susa and all the major Sumerian sites in Mesopotamia, including Mari, in the west and to the Persian Gulf, particularly Tarut and the Failaka Islands, in the south."[unquote] (Limet, H. (1960). Le Travail du metal au pays de Sumer au temps de la IIIe dynastie d'Ur. Paris; Pettinato, G. (1972) "Il commerlio con l'estero della Mesopotamia...all luce delle fonti letterarie e lessicale sumeriche". Mesopotamia 7. 43-166; Wyart, J. et al. (1981). "Lapis Lazuli from Sar-e-Sang, Badakhshan, Afghanistan", Gems and Gemology. 184-190; Arkell, A.J. (1936). "Cambay and the Bead Trade". Antiquity 10. 292-305; loc.cit.
"Sesame oil was probably imported from the Indus River region into Sumer: the Sumerian word for this oil is illu (Akkadian: ellu). One theory is that the word is of proto-Dravidianorigin: in Dravidian languages of South India, el or ellu stands for sesame. An alternative, proposed by Michael Witzel, is that it derived from a "para-Munda" language spoken in the Indus Valley Civilization. ..There is extensive presence of Harappan seals and cubical weight measures in Mesopotamian urban sites. Specific items of high volume trade are timber and specialty wood such as ebony, for which large ships were used. Luxury items also appear, such as lapis lazuli mined at a Harappan colony at Shortugai (modern Badakhshan in northern Afghanistan), which was transported to Lothal, a port city in Gujarat in western India, and shipped from there to Oman, Bahrain and Sumer.In the 1980s, important archaeological discoveries have been made at Ras al-Jinz (Oman), located at the easternmost point of the Arabian Peninsula, demonstrating maritime Indus Valley connections with Oman, and the Middle East in general...There is sufficient archaeological evidence for the trade between Mesopotamia and the Indian subcontinent. Impressions of clay seals from the Indus Valley city of Harappa were evidently used to seal bundles of merchandise, as clay seal impressions with cord or sack marks on the reverse side testify. A number of these Indian seals have been found at Ur and other Mesopotamian sites...The Persian-Gulf style of circular stamped rather than rolled seals, also known from Dilmun, that appear at Lothal in Gujarat, India, and Failaka Island (Kuwait), as well as in Mesopotamia, are convincing corroboration of the long-distance sea trade network, which G.L. Possehl has called a "Middle Asian Interaction Sphere"...What the commerce consisted of is less sure: timber and precious woods, ivory, lapis lazuli, gold, and luxury goods such as carnelian and glazed stone beads, pearls from the Persian Gulf, and shell and bone inlays, were among the goods sent to Mesopotamia in exchange for silver, tin, woolen textiles, perhaps oil and grains and other foods. Copper ingots, certainly, bitumen, which occurred naturally in Mesopotamia, may have been exchanged for cotton textiles and chickens, major products of the Indus region that are not native to Mesopotamia—all these have been instanced.(McIntosh, Jane (2008). The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives., p. 354; Maurizio Tosi: Die Indus-Zivilisation jenseits des indischen Subkontinents, in: Vergessene Städte am Indus, Mainz am Rhein 1987, pp. 132-133; Possehl, G.L. (2007), “The Middle Asian Interaction Sphere”, Expedition49/1; loc.cit.
Epigraphia Indus Script is presented in 3 volumes with indicated Meluhha rebus readings for the inscriptions.
Pragmatics is the branch of linguistics dealing with language in use and the contexts in which it is used, including such matters as deixis, the taking of turns in conversation, text organization, presupposition, and implicature.
Animals displayed as hieroglyphs on Indus Script inscriptions are in the context of documenting wealth categories read rebus in Meluhha.
Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk is a Rosetta Stone for Indus Script, displays animals (as tributes); these animals are documented as Meluhha wealth-categories on Indus Script inscriptions
For example, the Obelisk displays elephant as tribute from Musri to Shalamaneser III. Elephant is an Indus Script hieroglyph karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron', a Meluhha metal wealth category.
The tributes shown as specific animals, on four sides of row 3 of the obelisk are hieroglyphs of Indus Script read rebus as metalwealth or lapidary (gems, jewels) wealth categories.
Musri is an area of Kurds many of whom practice Hindu traditions even today.
The locality Musri refers to a region in Kurdistan. The tradition of Yazidi, kurds (from the region of Musri) is a continuum of Hindu traditional practices of women wearing sindhu, red vermilion tilak on their foreheads following the tradition shown on terracotta toys from Nausharo,Mehrgarh with red sindhur at the parting of their hair.
Terracotta toys from Nausharo (c. 3rd m. BCE), depicting red sindhur (vermilion) at the maang, 'parting of the hair', a traditional signifier that the person is a married woman.
Yazidi women (Kurds) wearing tilak on their foreheads.
Evidence of Meluhha Indus Script animals on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk (858-824 BCE) and displayed by Assyrian King Ashur-bel-kala (1074-1056 BCE)
Ashur-bel-kala, king of Assyria 1074-1056 BCE is apredecessor of Shalamaneser III 858–824 BCE. He (Ashur-bel-kala) was the son of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra I, succeeded his brother Ašarēd-apil-Ekurwho had briefly preceded him, and he ruled for 18 years...He had also displayed the rare animals to the people of his land. (Shigeo Yamada (2000); RIMA 2, A.0.89.7, iv 29f. The passage reads: nise matisu usebri ‘He = Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the public of his land.). The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmanesar III Relating to His Campaigns in the West. Brill. p. 253)...These he added to his collection of rare animals which he bred and dispatched merchants to acquire more, such as “a large female ape and a crocodile (and) a ‘river man’, beasts of the Great Sea” and the dromedaries he displayed in herds.(Tomoo Ishida (1982). Studies in the period of David and Solomon and other essays. Eisenbrauns. p. 219) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashur-bel-kala
Thus, the rare or exotic animals exposed to the people of Assyria are the animals shown on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk PLUS crocodile, 'river man', beasts of the Great Sea displayed by Ashur-bel-kala. These animals -- crocodile, 'river man' (i.e. fish anthropomorph), Sea beasts (fish, fish-fin symbols on Indus Script) are also Indus Script hieroglyphs.In Meluhha rebus rendering, crocodile signifies: kāru a wild crocodile rebus: khār'blacksmith'. The 'river man' may signify an anthropomorph fish. ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.ayaskara 'metalsmith' -- anthropomorth fish PLUS fish-fin khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. He wears a bracelet with a safflower hieroglyph. करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower Rebus: करड [ karaḍa ] 'hard alloy'.
The Obelisk displays on four sides of Row 3 of the Obelisk, four sets of animals on four sides. The associated cuneiform inscription describes the animals as tributes from Musri for Shalamaneser III.
The land of Musri is in Kurdistan with perhaps Meluhha settlements. This conjecture is premised on the ground that there are people in Kurdistan called Yazidis who practice Hindu traditions even today and whose ancestors were perhaps Meluhha speakers.
The animals displayed are categories of wealth (metalwork, gems, jewels) on Indus Script incriptions.
The processions of animals displayed on each of the four sides of Row 3 of the Black Obelisk of Shalamaneser III are the tributes the King of Assyria receives.
The animals shown such as water buffalo, unicorn, antelope, monkeys, elephant are Indus Script hieroglyphs which occur as pictorial motifs on Indus Script inscriptions. In Indus Script Cipher, these hieroglyphs of animals are read rebus in Meluhha and constitute wealth categories.
In particular, the third row from the top of the Black Obelisk relates to four narratives presented on four sculptural friezes related to exotic or rare tributes from Musri (according to the cuneiform inscription).
The four narratives on sculptural friezes of the Black Obelisk are as followson Side A,B,C,D:
karibha'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron'
ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'
sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara 'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa 'young bull' PLUS mer̥ha 'crumpled (horn)' rebus: kār kunda 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith'کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto)medhā 'yajna, dhanam' med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) The composite animal is deciphered as kār kunda singin PLUS singi 'horn' rebus: singi'gold for use in ornaments' (by) 'blacksmith, turner, goldsmith.'
Hieroglyph: shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn Rebus: shrangश्रंग् the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri)
susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin'
karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'
bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer
रत्नी ratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman' Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus:'armourer'Rebus: ratna 'gifts'; रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts'.
Semantics and pragmatics:
Water-buffalo: Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
River ox: Hieroglyph, short-horned bull: barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).
Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant'karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu, ˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.
Monkeys: hieroglyphs: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
This is the figure of रत्नी ratnīa monkey dressed as woman Rebus: रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts'; m. pl.N. of certain persons in whose dwelling the रत्न-हविस् (q.v.) is offered by a king (viz. the ब्राह्मण , राजन्य , महिषी ,
परिवृक्ती , सेना-नी , सूत , ग्राम-णी , क्षत्तृ , संग्रहीतृ , भाग-दुघ , and अक्षावाप) TBr. S3Br. ( °नि-त्वn.TBr. ) (RV).रत्न n. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV.
S3Br.;a jewel , gem , treasure , precious stone (the nine jewel are pearl , ruby , topaz , diamond , emerald , lapis lazuli , coral , sapphire , गोमेद ; hence रत्न is a N. for the number 9 ; but accord. to some 14) Mn. MBh. &c; रत्न--हविस् n. a partic. oblation in the राजसूय (having reference to persons who may be reckoned among a king's most valuable treasures) Ka1tyS3r. (cf.रत्न्/इन्).
Thus, the tributes received by Shalamaneser III are iron implements, metal armour, lapidary metalwork wealth from Meluhha. The unicorn signifies Hieroglyph: khoṇḍa 'young bull' Rebus: kunda 'treasure of Kubera', kundaṉa 'fine gold' PLUS singi 'horn' rebus: singi'gold for use in ornaments' (by) kār kunda 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith'کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto)
The रत्नी ratnī 'female monkey dressed as a woman' is held on a leash of a chain.
Hieroglyph: chain: śr̥ṅkhala m.n. ʻ chain ʼ MārkP., ˚lā -- f. VarBr̥S., śr̥ṅkhalaka -- m. ʻ chain ʼ MW., ʻ chained camel ʼ Pāṇ. [Similar ending in mḗkhalā -- ]Pa. saṅkhalā -- , ˚likā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ; Pk. saṁkala -- m.n., ˚lā -- , ˚lī -- , ˚liā -- , saṁkhalā -- , siṁkh˚, siṁkalā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ, siṁkhala -- n. ʻ anklet ʼ; Sh. šăṅāli̯ f., (Lor.) š*lṅāli, šiṅ˚ ʻ chain ʼ (lw .with š -- < śr̥ -- ), K. hö̃kal f.; S. saṅgharu m. ʻ bell round animal's neck ʼ, ˚ra f. ʻ chain, necklace ʼ, saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ, saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ; L. saṅglī f. ʻ flock of bustard ʼ, awāṇ. saṅgul ʻ chain ʼ; P. saṅgal m. ʻ chain ʼ, ludh. suṅgal m.; WPah.bhal. śaṅgul m. ʻ chain with which a soothsayer strikes himself ʼ, śaṅgli f. ʻ chain ʼ, śiṅkhal f. ʻ railing round a cow -- stall ʼ, (Joshi) śã̄gaḷ ʻ door -- chain ʼ, jaun. śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻ chain ʼ; Ku. sã̄glo ʻ doorchain ʼ, gng. śāṅaw ʻ chain ʼ; N. sāṅlo ʻ chain ʼ, ˚li ʻ small do. ʼ, A. xikali, OB. siṅkala, B. sikal, sikli, chikal, chikli, (Chittagong) hĩol ODBL 454, Or. sāṅk(h)uḷā, ˚ḷi, sāṅkoḷi, sikaḷā̆, ˚ḷi, sikuḷā, ˚ḷi; Bi. sīkaṛ ʻ chains for pulling harrow ʼ, Mth. sī˜kaṛ; Bhoj. sī˜kar, sĩkarī ʻ chain ʼ, OH. sāṁkaḍa, sīkaḍa m., H. sã̄kal, sã̄kar, ˚krī, saṅkal,˚klī,sikal, sīkar, ˚krī f.; OG. sāṁkalu n., G. sã̄kaḷ, ˚kḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, sã̄kḷũ n. ʻ wristlet ʼ; M. sã̄k(h)aḷ, sāk(h)aḷ, sã̄k(h)ḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, Ko. sāṁkaḷ;Si. säkilla,hä˚, ä˚ (st. ˚ili -- ) ʻelephant chainʼ. śr̥ṅkhalayati.
Addenda:śr̥ṅkhala -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) śáṅgəḷ f. (obl. -- i) ʻ chain ʼ, J. śã̄gaḷ f., Garh. sã̄gaḷ. śr̥ṅkhalayatiʻ enchains ʼ Daś. [śr̥ṅkhala -- ]Ku.gng.śāṅaīʻ intertwining of legs in wrestling ʼ (<śr̥ṅkhalita-- ); Or.sāṅkuḷibāʻ to enchain ʼ.(CDIAL 12580, 12581) வீரசங்கிலிvīra-caṅkili, n. < vīra +. 1. Gold chain worn as an armlet, as a sign of heroism; வீரத்திற்கு அறிகுறியாகக் கையிலணியும் பொன்னணி. வீரசங்கிலி கேயூரம்(பிரபுலிங். பிர. 9). 2. A woman's necklace; மகளிர் கழுத்தணி வகை. (சிலப். 6, 99, உரை.)vīra-c-caṅkili வீரச்சங்கிலிvīra-c-caṅkili, n. < வீரம்1 +. See வீரசங்கிலி. (சிலப். 6, 99, அரும்.)*இலாடம்1ilāṭam,n. <lāṭa. Name of a country, prob. modern Gujarat;பரதகண்டத்தில் ஒரு தேசம். *இலாடம்2ilāṭam,n. <radha. Name of a country, a portion of modern Bengal;வங்காள தேசப் பகுதி. (Insc.) லாடம்2lāṭam, n. < Rāḍha. A country. rāḍhāf. ʻ district in West Bengal ʼ Kathās.,˚ḍha-- m. ʻ belonging to this district ʼ lex. [MIA. <rāṣṭrá-- ??] Pk.rāḍhā-- f. ʻ name of a district ʼ, B.rāṛ(h), Or.rāṛha, H.rāṛh m.rāḍhīyaʻ belonging to Rāḍhā ʼ Prab.com. [rāḍhā-- ]N.rāṛiʻ blanket ʼ; B.rāṛiʻ belonging to Rāṛh ʼ; Or.rāṛhiʻ native of West Bengal, a class of fisherman ʼ; H.rāṛhīʻ coming from Rāṛh ʼ.(CDIAL 10698, 10690) *இலாடசங்கிலிilāṭa-caṅkili, n. < lāṭa +. Puzzle chain carried as an aid to concentration of mind by itinerant Lāṭa mendicants; கழற்று தற்குரிய ஒருவகைப் பின்னற்சங்கிலி.
Rebus: gold chain ornament inset with diamonds, land measure: சங்கிலி1caṅkili,n. <šṛṅkhalaā. [M.caṅ-kala.] 1. Chain, link;தொடர். சங்கிலிபோலீர்ப்புண்டு (சேதுபு. அகத். 12). 2. Land-measuring chain, Gunter's chain 22 yards long;அளவுச் சங்கிலி. (C. G.) 3. A superficial measure of dry land=3.64 acres;ஓர் நிலவளவு. (G. Tn.D. I, 239). 4. A chain-ornament of gold, inset with diamonds;வயிரச்சங்கிலி என்னும் அணி. சங்கிலி நுண்டொடர்(சிலப். 6, 99).saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ, saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ(S.)(CDIAL 12580)
Rebus: collection of materials: sangaha, sangraha, 'catalogue, list'. saṁgraha m. ʻ collection ʼ Mn., ʻ holding together ʼ MBh. [√grah] Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. saṁgaha -- m.; Bi. sã̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. sã̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ ← Pa. *saṁgrahati ʻ collects ʼ see sáṁgr̥hṇāti.(CDIAL 12852).
Thus the hieroglyph chain signifies rebus: sãghāṛɔ, sã̄gah signify lathe and collection of (lapidary) materials.
Section H. Ivory tags with Egyptian hieroglyphs have been found in Abydos compare with miniature metalwork wealth-accounting tablets of Harappa
Hieroglyphs displayed on such tags seem to signify products and places from which the materials were obtained. This suggests that Indus Script Cipher is also signification of wealth-categories as a logo-semantic, logo-pragmetic writing system and NOT a syllabic script.
These tags are comparable-- in size and form -- to the miniature tablets of Indus Script from Harappa.
Harappa 1995-7: MoundE, HARP Trench 11: steatite seal and incised steatite tablets (After Fig. 4. Harappa 1995-1997: Mounds E and ET; Trench 11: steatite seal H96-2796/6874-01 and incised steatite tablets (22) with the same inscriptions). "The last 2 signs of this seal are the same as those on one side of the 22 tablets (taking three strokes as a single sign)...Each tablet is three-sided with the inscription on each side comprising a single more complex sign accompanied by three or four simple strokes." The tablets are "incised with script that was to be read directly from the tablet." (Note by J. Mark Kenoyer & Richard H. meadow on Inscribed objects from Harappa excavations: 1986-2007 in: Asko Parpola, BM ande and Petteri Koskikallio eds., 2010, CISI, Vol.3: New material, untraced objects, and collections outside India and Pakistan, Part 1: Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, (pp.xliv to lviii), p. xliv http://www.harappa.com/indus/Kenoyer-Meadow-2010-HARP.pdf)
Ivory tags of Abydos are of size range from about 1 to 9 cm in breadth and 1,5 - 3 mm in thickness.
A tag from the pre-dynastic period (after O’Connor, D. 2009. Abydos: Egypt’s First Pharaohs and the Cult of Osiris. London: Thames & Hudson. p.145).
Archeologist G. Dreyer reads these two hieroglyphs, the elephant 3b and the triple mountain peaks dw, thus spelling the name of Abydos. O'Connor suggests that this may represents the name of a town, which may not be Abydos. Neither seems to address the third element, a schematic tree. (The circle upper left is a hole). This comment is excerpted from Diwiyana's blogpost: http://indusscriptmore.blogspot.com/2012/03/indus-syntax.html "In 1988 Dreyer and his colleague Werner Kaiser excavated in Abydos (Umm el-Qaab) on the cemetery "U" the burial site of the king (U-j), which is dated to the Naquada period IIIa2, known as king Scorpion I. Currently, this is the earliest known large royal tomb of old Egypt. The most important finds were about 400 large wine jars being inscribed resp. having tags showing phonetically readable characters of a script, the first of its kind in Egypt. They identify the person laid into the grave, as the inscription says "plantation of (king) Scorpion." Script also name his successor, a king Double Falcon I. The scientific importance lies in the fact of finding Egyptian hieroglyphs which predate cuneiform script. The mentioned hierogylphs are on small wooden tags applied to the jars probably marking their origin and "are fully developed", as Dreyer stated. In 1998 Dreyer found another writing on small ivory labels, he concluded that these support the challenge to the prevailing view that the first people to write were the Sumerians of Mesopotamia (modern-day Iraq) sometime before 3000 BCE" http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/235724.stm
There is a possibility that the tags with the elephant hieroglyph may signify Indus Script hypertexts read rebus in Meluhha. If this possibiity is validated archaeologically by the presence of Indus Script writers in Abydos, the readings may signify that the products described relate to metalwork of the Bronze Age.
ḍāng 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. Alternative: shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri) sriṅg-ín horned (V., C.); m. (C.) horned animal; mountain (Skt.) Rebus: Singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84.(Pali) singi'gold for use in ornaments' (Skt.)
Hieroglyph: shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn Rebus: shrangश्रंग् the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri)
kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'
The earliest evidence of cotton use in the Indian subcontinent has been found at the site of Mehrgarh and Rakhigarhi where cotton threads have been found preserved in copper beads; these finds have been dated to the Neolithic (5th millennium BCE).Cotton cultivation in the region is dated to the Indus Valley Civilization, which covered parts of modern eastern Pakistan and northwestern India between 3300 and 1300 BCE.(Jane McIntosh (2008) "The Ancient Indus Valley", Cotton has been cultivated in the subcontinent since the fifth millinium BCE. Based on archaeological evidence, preserved cotton fabric has been found in Harappa, Chanbu-daro in Pakistan Rakhigiri and Lothal in India. p.333; Moulherat, C.; Tengberg, M.; Haquet, J. R. M. F.; Mille, B. ̂T. (2002). "First Evidence of Cotton at Neolithic Mehrgarh, Pakistan: Analysis of Mineralized Fibres from a Copper Bead". Journal of Archaeological Science. 29 (12): 1393–1401; Stein, Burton (1998). A History of India. Blackwell Publishing.)
Section I. Domestication of farming, cotton and silk, 7th, 6th m BCE
Silk has a long history in India. It is known as Resham in eastern and north India, and Pattu in southern parts of India. Recent archaeological discoveries in Harappa and Chanhu-daro suggest that sericulture, employing wild silk threads from native silkwormspecies, existed in South Asia during the time of the Indus Valley Civilization (now in Pakistan) dating between 2450 BCE and 2000 BCE, while "hard and fast evidence" for silk production in China dates back to around 2570 BCE. Shelagh Vainker, a silk expert at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, who sees evidence for silk production in China "significantly earlier" than 2500–2000 BCE, suggests, "people of the Indus civilization either harvested silkworm cocoons or traded with people who did, and that they knew a considerable amount about silk."(Ball, Philip (17 February 2009). "Rethinking silk's origins". Nature. 457 (7232): 945; Good, I.L.; Kenoyer, J.M.; Meadow, R.H. (2009). "New evidence for early silk in the Indus civilization"(PDF). Archaeometry. 50 (3): 457. )
Fiber pseudomorphs preserved by copper salts on the interior of the coiled copper necklace that have been analyzed and determined to be silk from the wild silk moth, Antheraea mylitta, commonly called "Tussar" silk today. (JM Kenoyer, 2004, Ancient Textiles of the Indus Valley Region, in Tana Bana: The woven soul of Pakistan, edited by Noorjehan Bilgrami, pp. 18-31. Koel Publications, Karachi.)
Research by J. Bates et al. (2016) confirms that Indus populations were the earliest people to use complex multi-cropping strategies across both seasons, growing foods during summer (rice, millets and beans) and winter (wheat, barley and pulses), which required different watering regimes.Bates et al. (2016) also found evidence for an entirely separate domestication process of rice in ancient South Asia, based around the wild species Oryza nivara. This led to the local development of a mix of "wetland" and "dryland" agriculture of local Oryza sativa indica rice agriculture, before the truly "wetland" rice Oryza sativa japonica arrived around 2000 BCE.(Bates, Jennifer (21 November 2016). "Rice farming in India much older than thought, used as 'summer crop' by Indus civilisation"; Bates, J. (1986). "Approaching rice domestication in South Asia: New evidence from Indus settlements in northern India". Journal of Archaeological Science. 78(22): 193–201). Jarrige notes that the people of Mehrgarh used domesticated wheats and barley, while Shaffer and Liechtenstein note that the major cultivated cereal crop was naked six-row barley, a crop derived from two-row barley.Gangal agrees that "Neolithic domesticated crops in Mehrgarh include more than 90% barley," noting that "there is good evidence for the local domestication of barley." Yet, Gangal also notes that the crop also included "a small amount of wheat," which "are suggested to be of Near-Eastern origin, as the modern distribution of wild varieties of wheat is limited to Northern Levant and Southern Turkey.(Jarrige, J.-F. (1986). "Excavations at Mehrgarh-Nausharo". Pakistan Archaeology. 10 (22): 63–131; Gangal, Kavita; Sarson, Graeme R.; Shukurov, Anvar (2014). "The Near-Eastern roots of the Neolithic in South Asia". PLOS ONE. 9 (5):)
Section J. Makkan and meluhha in early Mesopotamian sources --IJ Gelb
-- R̥bhu-s are founders of yajña, are metaphors of material facets of Sarasvati Civilization. -- praṇo devī sarasvatī, triṣadasthā, 'three-sourced' saptadhātuh, 'seven ores' pañca jātā, 'five artisans' vardhayantī, 'prosperer'.
I submit that Rāṣṭrī or Devī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125 is a tribute to the five guilds of artisans of Sarasvati Civiliization.
The divinities venerated in the Rāṣṭrī Suktam (RV 10.125), specifically identified are
In this manvantara, O King, the Adityas, the Vasus, the Rudras, the Visvedevas, the Maruts, the two Asvini-kumara brothers and the Rbhus are the demigods. Their head king [Indra] is Purandara. (Srimad Bhagavatam 8.13.4)
Old Lithuanian ašva and Sanskritashva mean "horse". Ašvieniai are represented as pulling a carriage of Saulė (the Sun) through the sky] Ašvieniai, depicted as žirgeliai or little horses, are common motifs on Lithuanian rooftops,placed for protection of the house.Similar motifs can also be found on beehives, harnesses, bed frames, and other household objects. Ašvieniai are related to Lithuanian Ūsinis and Latvian Ūsiņš (cf. Vedic Ushas), gods of horses. Ašvieniai, commonly called the little horses, on the rooftop of a house in Nida
The Sun Chariot was found by first-time ploughing on Trundholm Mose, south of Højby, in September 1902. The find dates back to the old Bronze Age, about 1400 B.C. The Sun Chariot, which is made of bronze, consists of a gold coated disc of the sun, drawn by a horse, both placed on a small six-wheeled chariot. Probably a miniature version of a larger cult chariot. The original Sun Chariot is on display at the National Museu in Copenhagen and is considered to be one of the most famous Danish national treasures.
Nasatya (elder ashvin) was God of Health and Darsa (younger ashvin) was God of Medicines The twins Ashwini kummaras sons of the sun god Surya. Vedic gods that represent the brightness of sunrise and sunset
The invocation of these divinities is documented in Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125. Hence, the Rāṣṭrī Suktam R̥gveda 10.125 constitutes the centrl theme, the essence, purport and function of the R̥gveda, The divinities are manifestations of skill, artisans, seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization...
The Ashvins are mentioned 376 times in the Rigveda, with 57 hymns specifically dedicated to them: 1.3, 1.22, 1.34, 1.46-47, 1.112, 1.116-120 (c.f. Vishpala), 1.157-158, 1.180-184, 2.20, 3.58, 4.43-45, 5.73-78, 6.62-63, 7.67-74, 8.5, 8.8-10, 8.22, 8.26, 8.35, 8.57, 8.73, 8.85-87, 10.24, 10.39-41, 10.143. The Nasatya twins are invoked in a treaty between Suppiluliuma and Shattiwaza, kings of the Hittites and the Mitannirespectively. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A%C5%A1vieniai
10.125.01 I proceed with the Rudras, with the Vasus, with the ādityas, and with the Viśvedevā; I support both Mitra and Varuṇa, Agni and Indra, and the two Aśvins.[Deity Pramātmā: the word, or first of creatures].
10.125.02 I support the foe-destroying Soma, Tvaṣṭā, Pūṣan and Bhaga; I bestow wealth upon the institutor of the rite offering the oblation, deserving of careful protection, pouring forth the libation.
10.125.03 I am the sovereign queen, the collectress of treasures, cognizant (of the Supreme Being), the chief of objects of worship; as such the gods have put me in many places, abiding in manifold conditions, entering into numerous (forms.
10.125.04 He who eats food (eats) through me; he who sees, who breathes, who hears what is spoken, does so through me; those who are ignorant of me perish; hear you who have hearing, I tell that which is deserving of belief.
10.125.05 I verily of myself declare this which is approved of by both gods and men; whomsoever I will, I render formidable, I make him a Brahmā, a r̥ṣi, or a sage. [A Brahman: Brahmā, the creator].
10.125.06 I bend the bow of Rudra, to slay the destructive enemy of the Brāhmaṇa-s, I wage war with (hostile) men. I pervade heaven and earth.
10.125.07 I bring forth the paternal (heaven) upon the brow of this (Supreme Being), my birthplace is in the midst of the waters; from thence I spread through all beings, and touch this heaven with my body.
10.125.08 I breathe forth like the wind giving form to all created worlds; beyond the heaven, beyond this earth (am I), so vast am I in greatness.
Griffith translation RV 10.125
1. I TRAVEL with the Rudras and the Vasus, with the Adityas and AllGods- I wander. I hold aloft both Varuna and Mitra, Indra and Agni, and the Pair of Asvins. 2 I cherish and sustain highswelling- Soma, and Tvastar I support, Pusan, and Bhaga. I load with wealth the zealous sdcrificer who pours the juice and offers his oblation 3 I am the Queen, the gathererup- of treasures, most thoughtful, first of those who merit worship. Thus Gods have stablished me in many places with many homes to enter and abide in. 4 Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them, each man who sees, brewhes, hears the word outspoken They know it not, but yet they dwell beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it. 5 1, verily, myself announce and utter the word that Gods and men alike shall welcome. I make the man I love exceeding mighty, make him a sage, a Rsi, and a Brahman. 6 I bend the bow for Rudra that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion. I rouse and order battle for the people, and I have penetrated Earth and Heaven. 7 On the worlds' summit I bring forth the Father: my home is in the waters, in the ocean. Thence I extend over all existing creatures, and touch even yonder heaven with my forehead. 8 I breathe a strong breath like the wind and tempest, the while I hold together all existence. Beyond this wide earth and beyond the heavens I have become so mighty in my grandeur.
आ-हनस्, त्वष्टृ, पूषन्, भग
आ-हनस्obscene , lascivious , profligate RV. v , 42 , 13 ; x , 10 , 6. 8; mfn. to be beaten or pressed out (as सोम) (Monier-Williams)आहन् āhan आहन् 2 P.1To strike, hit, beat; कुट्टिममाजघान K. 1; परस्य शिर आहन्ति Sk; Ś.7.17; दुर्जयान् करिणः ... आहन्यात् Kām.19.6; said to be Ātm. when the object is some limb of one's own body; आहते शिरः; but cf. आजघ्ने विषमविलोचनस्य वक्षः Ki.17.63; so आहध्वं मा रघूत्तमम्; Bk.8.15,5.12 (see Sk. on P.I.3.28 also).-2To strike, ring, beat (as a bell, drum &c.) तुमुलकलनिनादं तूर्यमाजध्नुरन्ये Bk.1.27,17.7; Me.68; R.17.11.-3To kill, slaughter. आहत āhata आहतp. p.1Struck, beaten (as a drum &c.); हदये दिग्धशरैरिवाहतः Ku.4.25,3; R.4.23,12.77.-2Trodden; पादाहतं यदुत्थाय मूर्धानमधिरोहति Śi.2.46; गजदन्ता- हता वृक्षाः Rām.-3Injured, killed.-4Dispelled, des- troyed, removed.-5Multiplied (in Math.) सूर्याब्धि- संख्यया द्वित्रिसागरैरयुताहतैः Sūrya Ś.; एकैकमब्देषु नवाहतेषु Bṛi. S.8.22.-5Known, understood.-6Rolled (as dice).-7Uttered falsely.-तःA drum.-तम् 1A new cloth or garment.-2An old garment.-3A nonsensical or meaningless speech, an assertion of impossibility;e. g.एष वन्ध्यासुतो याति Śubhāṣ.-Comp. -लक्षणa.= आहितलक्षण q. v. under आधा.आहतिः āhatiḥ आहतिःf.1Killing.-2A blow, hit, striking.-3Coming (आगति).-4Multiplication; अंशाहतिच्छेदवधेन भक्ता Līlā.आहत्य āhatya आहत्यind.Having struck or beaten; striking, hitting.-वचनम्, -वादःAn explicit or energetic explanation.आहननम् āhananam आहननम् 1 Striking at, beating.-2A stick. (for beating a drum). Av.2.133.1.आहननीय āhananīya आहननीयa.Making oneself known by beating a drum.आहनस् āhanas आहनस्a.[आ-हन्-असुन्]1To be beaten or pressed out (as Soma).-2Unchaste, wanton, profligate; य आहना दुहितुर्वक्षणासु Rv.5.42.13.(Apte)
RV 10.10. 6 Who knows that earliest day whereof thou speakest? Who hatb beheld it? Who can here declare it?
Great is the Law of Varuna and Mitra. What, wanton! wilt thou say to men to tempt them?
RV 10.10.8 They stand not still, they never close their eyelids, those sentinels of Gods who wander round us. Not mego- quickly, wanton, with another, and hasten like a chariot wheel to meet him.
RV 5.42.13 My newest song, thought that now springs within me, I offer to the Great, the Sure Protector,
Who made for us this All, in fond love laying each varied form within his Daughters' bosom.
आ-हनस्mfn. to be beaten or pressed out (as सोम); to be skimmed (as milk) RV. The expression अहंसोममाहनसं is significant in providing a lead to the nature of the product, soma. A remarkable expression yields the early avocation of the soma presser. The expression is: ahan-gārअहन्-गार् (= ) m. a blacksmith (H. xii, 16) (Kashmiri) P آهنāhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهنګرāhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهنګرانāhan-garān. آهنرباāhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهنرباويāhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه. پنهaos-panaʿh, s.f. (3rd) Iron. Also used as an adjective to qualify another noun, signifying, Iron-like, hard. Pl. يْey. اوسپنخړيَaos-panḵẖaṟṟaey, s.m. (1st) The dross of iron left after melting. Pl. يِī.(Pashto) The Pashto expression aos-pana is cognate of R̥gveda word ayas 'alloy metal' aya 'iron' (Gujarati) अयस्steel L. ; ([cf.Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod.Germ. Eisen.]); n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold. The word āhan <अशन्m. (connected with √ अश्) ([only /अश्ना (instr.) and /अश्नस् , perhaps better derived from /अश्मन्q.v. , cf. Whitney's Gr. 425 e]) , stone , rock RV. x , 68 , 8; a stone for slinging , missile stone RV. ii , 30 , 4 and iv , 28 , 5; ( NBD. ) the firmament RV. i , 164 , i ; 173 , 2 ; x , 27 , 15 [in the first two of these three passages the form /अश्नस् has before been taken as nom. sg. m.fr. 1. अश्नq.v.]; अश्नm. (cf. /अशन्) , a stone RV. viii , 2 , 2. The early association of stone with a thunderbolt yields the term अशनीf. = अश्/अनि , the thunderbolt S3Br. xi (voc.) R. iii , 35 , 40.
त्वष्टृ m. a carpenter , maker of carriages (= त्/अष्टृ) AV. xii , 3 , 33; " creator of living beings " , the heavenly builder , N. of a god (called सु-क्/ऋत् , -पाण्/इ , -ग्/अभस्ति , -ज्/अनिमन् , स्व्-/अपस् , अप्/असाम्अप्/अस्तम , विश्व्/अ-रूप &c RV. ; maker of divine implements , esp. of इन्द्र's thunderbolt and teacher of the ऋभुs i , iv-vi , x Hariv. 12146 f. R. ii , 91 , 12 ; former of the bodies of men and animals , hence called " firstborn " and invoked for the sake of offspring , esp. in the आप्री hymns RV. AV. &c MBh. iv , 1178 Hariv. 587 ff. Ragh. vi , 32 ; associated with the similar deities धातृ , सवितृ , प्रजा-पति , पूषन् , and surrounded by divine females [ग्न्/आस् , जन्/अयस् , देव्/आनाम्प्/अत्नीस् ; cf. त्व्/अष्टा-व्/अरूत्री] recipients of his generative energy RV. S3Br. i Ka1tyS3r. iii ; supposed author of RV. x , 184 with the epithet गर्भ-पति RAnukr. ; father of सरण्यू [सु-रेणु Hariv. ; स्व-रेणु L. ] whose double twin-children by विवस्वत् [or वायु ? RV. viii , 26 , 21 f.] are यमयमी and the अश्विन्s x , 17 , 1 f. Nir. xii , 10 Br2ih. Hariv. 545 ff. VP. ; also father of त्रि-शिरस् or विश्वरूप ib. ; overpowered by इन्द्र who recovers the सोम [ RV. iii f. ] concealed by him because इन्द्र had killed his son विश्व-रूप TS. ii S3Br. i , v , xii ; regent of the नक्षत्रचित्रा TBr.S3a1n3khGr2. S3a1ntik. VarBr2S. iic , 4 ; of the 5th cycle of Jupiter viii , 23 ; of an eclipse iii , 6 ; त्वष्टुर्आतिथ्य N. of a सामन् A1rshBr. ); a form of the sun MBh. iii , 146 Hariv. 13143 BhP. iii , 6 , 15;name of an आदित्य MBh. i Hariv. BhP. vi , 6 , 37 VP. i , 15 , 130 ; ii , 10 , 16; name of a रुद्र , i , 15 , 122.
पूषन्m. (the अnot lengthened in the strong cases , butacc. °षाणम्, inMa1rkP. ) N. of a Vedic deity (originally connected with the sun , and therefore the surveyor of all things , and the conductor on journeys and on the way to the next world , often associated with सोमor the Moon as protector of the universe ; he is , moreover , regarded as the keeper of flocks and herds and bringer of prosperity ; in theब्राह्मणs he is represented as having lost his teeth and feeding on a kind of gruel , whence he is called करम्भा*द्; in later times he is one of the 12आदित्यs and regent of theनक्षत्ररेवतीorपौष्ण;du."पूषन्
भगm. (ifc. f(आ and ई). g. बह्व्-ादि) " dispenser " , gracious lord , patron (applied to gods ,esp.toसवितृ)RV. AV.; N. of an आदित्य(bestowing wealth and presiding over love and marriage , brother of the Dawn , regent of the नक्षत्रउत्तर-फल्गुनी;यास्कenumerates him among the divinities of the highest sphere ; according to a later legend his eyes were destroyed byरुद्र)ib.&c;theनक्षत्रउत्तर-फल्गुनीMBh. vi , 81; mn. = यत्न,प्रयत्न,कीर्ति,यशस्,वैराग्य,इच्छा,ज्ञान,मुक्ति,मोक्ष,
वसु a symbolical N. of the number " eight " VarBr2S.; N. of the gods (as the " good or bright ones " , esp. of the आदित्यs , मरुत्s , अश्विन्s , इन्द्र , उषस् , रुद्र , वायु , विष्णु , शिव , and कुबेर) RV. AV. MBh. R.; of a partic. class of gods (whose number is usually eight , and whose chief is इन्द्र , later अग्नि and विष्णु ; they form one of the nine गणs or classes enumerated under गण-देवता q.v. ; the eight वसुs were originally personifications , like other Vedic deities , of natural phenomena , and are usually mentioned with the other गणs common in the वेद , viz. the eleven रुद्रs and the twelve आदित्यs , constituting with them and with द्यौस् , " Heaven " , and पृथिवी , " Earth " [or , according to some , with इन्द्र and प्रजा-पति , or , according to others , with the two अश्विन्s] , the thirty-three gods to which reference is frequently made ; the names of the वसुs , according to the विष्णु-पुराण , are , 1. आप [connected with अप् , " water "] ; 2. ध्रुव , " the Pole-star " ; 3. सोम , " the Moon " ; 4. धव or धर ; 5. अनिल , " Wind " ; 6. अनल or पावक , " Fire " ; 7. प्रत्यूष , " the Dawn " ; 8. प्रभास , " Light " ; but their names are variously given ; अहन् , " Day " , being sometimes substituted for 1 ; in their relationship to Fire and Light they appear to belong to Vedic rather than Puranic mythology) RV. &c. The hieroglyph, homonymous (similar sounding word) which signifies the thunderbolt is: श्येन m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. &c; firewood laid in the shape of an eagle S3ulbas.; श्यैन mfn. coming from a hawk &c (» श्येन).
रुद्र m. N. of the number " eleven " (from the 11 रुद्रs) VarBr2S.; m. " Roarer or Howler " , N. of the god of tempests and father and ruler of the रुद्रs and मरुत्s (in the वेद he is closely connected with इन्द्र and still more with अग्नि , the god of fire , which , as a destroying agent , rages and crackles like the roaring storm , and also with काल or Time the all-consumer , with whom he is afterwards identified ; though generally represented as a destroying deity , whose terrible shafts bring death or disease on men and cattle , he has also the epithet शिव , " benevolent " or " auspicious " , and is even supposed to possess healing powers from his chasing away vapours and purifying the atmosphere ; in the later mythology the word शिव , which does not occur as a name in the वेद , was employed , first as an euphemistic epithet and then as a real name for रुद्र , who lost his special connection with storms and developed into a form of the disintegrating and reintegrating principle ; while a new class of beings , described as eleven [or thirty-three] in number , though still called रुद्रs , took the place of the original रुद्रs or मरुत्s: in VP. i , 7, रुद्र is said to have sprung from ब्रह्मा's forehead , and to have afterwards separated himself into a figure half male and half female , the former portion separating again into the 11 रुद्रs , hence these later रुद्रs are sometimes regarded as inferior manifestations of शिव , and most of their names , which are variously given in the different पुराणs , are also names of शिव ; those of the Va1yuP. are अजैकपाद् , अहिर्-बुध्न्य , हर , निरृत , ईश्वर , भुवन , अङ्गारक , अर्ध-केतु , मृत्यु , सर्प , कपालिन् ; accord. to others the रुद्रs are represented as children of कश्यप and सुरभि or of ब्रह्मा and सुरभि or of भूतand सु-रूपा ; accord. to VP. i , 8, रुद्र is one of the 8 forms of शिव ; elsewhere he is reckoned among the दिक्-पालs as regent of the north-east quarter) RV. &c (cf.RTL. 75 &c )
ऋभु R̥bhu mfn. ( √रभ्) , clever , skilful , inventive , prudent (said of इन्द्र , अग्नि , and the आदित्यs RV. ; also of property or wealth RV. iv , 37 , 5 ; viii , 93 , 34 ; of an arrow AV. i , 2 , 3)
I submit that त्वष्टृ, वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु are metaphors in Chandas in the context of wealth of a nation. Hence, the use of the central phrase: Rāṣṭram personified, deified as fem. Rāṣṭrī in R̥gveda 10.125 with the expression rendered in a soliloquy:
This राष्ट्री, 'nation' divinity of the Suktam makes an offering to Devatā ātmā.
Devatāātmā invoked in these mantra-s of R̥gveda 10.125 are an invocation of principle of life and sensation. In my view, this is a tribute to life activities of people engaged in producing, acquiring wealth for the nation to be shared as a commonwealth with all the peoples.
Since Indus Script Hypertexts in over 8000 inscriptions are wealth accounting ledgers, metalworking catalogues, I suggest that the narrative of these inscriptions constitute the quintessence of the Rāṣṭrī suktam (RV 10.125) which categorically states that I am the Rāṣṭram, the collectress, mover of wealth.
In the context of life activities, the devatā of the Suktam is ātmā, 'life principle and sensation' which is epitomised in the activities of artisans and seafaring Meluhha merchants engaged in creating the wealth of a Nation, Rāṣṭram.
Descriptors which are perceptions in awe of the might of a river
Sarasvati, the Mother of Floods
7.36: 1. LET the prayer issue from the seat of Order, for Surya with his beams hath loosed the cattle. With lofty ridges earth is far extended, and Agnis' flame hath lit the spacious surface. 2 O Asuras, O Varuna and Mitra, this hymn to you, like food, anew I offer. One of you is a strong unerring Leader, and Mitra, speaking, stirreth men to labour. 3 The movements of the gliding wind come hither: like cows, the springs are filled to overflowing. Born in the station even of lofty heaven the Bull hath loudly bellowed in this region. 4 May I bring hither with my song, O Indra, wise Aryaman who yokes thy dear BayHorses, Voracious, with thy noble car, O Hero, him who defeats the wrath of the malicious. 5 In their own place of sacrifice adorers worship to gain long life and win his friendship.He hath poured food on men when they have praised him; be this, the dearest reverence, paid to Rudra. 6 Coming together, glorious, loudly roaring - Sarasvati, Mother of Floods, the seventh-With copious milk, with fair streams, strongly flowing, full swelling with the volume of theirwater; 7. And may the mighty Maruts, too, rejoicing, aid our devotion and protect our offspring.Let not swiftmoving- Aksara neglect us: they have increased our own appropriate riches, 8 Bring ye the great Aramati before you, and Pusan as the Hero of the synod,Bhaga who looks upon this hymn with favour, and, as our strength, the bountiful Purandbi. 9 May this our song of praise reach you, O Maruts, and Visnu guardian of the future infant.May they vouchsafe the singer strength for offspring. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with blessings.( In the original, the plurals are juxtaposed with the singular sarasvatī saptathī sindhu-mātā. The notion of ‘seven mother rivers’ implicit in ‘the seventh mother river’ makes the transition possible.) See Aklujkar section §3.7 for “Mother of Floods, the seventh.”
sarasvatī the seventh (RV 7.36.6), naditama (RV 2.41.16), sindhumātā, mother of rivers (RV 7.36.6), seven mighty rivers that seek he sea (RV 1.71.7), swells with rivers (RV 6.52.6), two sapta sindhavah (RV 8.54.4), associates named dr̥ṣadvati, āpayā (RV 3.23.4), with kings on her banks (RV 8.21.18), in the mountains (RV 7.95.2), samudra, gatherer of the waters (RV 7.95.2), surpasses all other rivers in majesty and might (RV 7.95.2), fierce (RV 6.62.7), swifter than other streams (RV 6.61.13), its tempestuous roar (RV 6.61.8), bursts ridges with strong waves (RV 6.61.2), three-fold source for its spring (RV 6.61.12), prosperer of five peoples (RV 6.61.12), seven rivers joining in number (RV 6.61.12), sapta svasa, 'seven-sistered' (RV 6.61.10).
பஞ்சகம்மாளர் pañca-kammāḷar, n. < pañcan +. The five castes of artisans, viz., taṭṭāṉ, kaṉṉāṉ, ciṟpaṉ, taccaṉ, kollaṉ; தட்டான், கன்னான், சிற்பன், தச்சன் கொல்லன் என்ற ஐவகைப் பட்ட கம்மாளர். (சங். அக.) பஞ்சகம்மியர் pañca-kammiyar, n. < id. +. The five castes of artisans; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (சிற்பரத். முகவுரை, பக். 10.)
6.61:1. To Vadhryasva when. be worshipped her with gifts she gave fierce Divodasa, canceller of debts. Consumer of the churlish niggard, one and all, thine, O Sarasvati, are these effectual boons. 2 She with her might, like one who digs for lotusstems-, hath burst with her strong waves the ridges of the hills. Let us invite with songs and holy hymns for help Sarasvati who slayeth the Paravatas. 3 Thou castest down, Sarasvati, those who scorned the Gods, the brood of every Brsaya skilled in magic arts.Thou hast discovered rivers for the tribes of men, and, rich in wealth! made poison flow away from them. 4 May the divine Sarasvati, rich in her wealth, protect us well, Furthering all our thoughts with might 5 Whoso, divine Sarasvati, invokes thee where the prize is set, Like Indra when he smites the foe. 6 Aid us, divine Sarasvad, thou who art strong in wealth and power Like Pusan, give us opulence. 7 Yea, this divine Sarasvati, terrible with her golden path, Foeslayer-, claims our eulogy. 8 Whose limitless unbroken flood, swiftmoving- with a rapid rush, Comes onward with tempestuous roar. 9 She hath spread us beyond all foes, beyond her Sisters, Holy One, As Surya spreadeth out the days. 10 Yea, she most dear amid dear stream, Seven sistered-, graciously inclined, Sarasvati hath earned our praise. 11 Guard us from hate Sarasvati, she who hath filled the realms of earth, And that wide tract, the firmament! 12 Seven sistered-, sprung from threefold source, the Five Tribes' prosperer, she must be Invoked in every deed of might. 13 Marked out by majesty among the Mighty Ones, in glory swifter than the other rapid Streams, Created vast for victory like a chariot, Sarasvati must be extolled by every sage. 14 Guide us, Sarasvati, to glorious treasure: refuse us not thy milk, nor spurn us from thee. Gladly accept our friendship and obedience: let us not go from thee to distant countries.
10.64.1-17: 1. WHAT God, of those who hear, is he whose wellpraised- name we may record in this our sacrifice;and how?Who will be gracious? Who of many give us bliss? Who out of all the Host will come to lend us aid? 2 The will and thoughts within my breast exert their power: they yearn with love, and fly to all the regions round.None other comforter is found save only these: my longings and my hopes are fixt upon the Gods. 3 To Narasamsa and to Pusan I sing forth, unconcealable Agni kindied by the Gods. To Sun and Moon, two Moons, to Yama in the heaven, to Trita, Vata, Dawn, Night, and the AtvinsTwain. 4 How is the Sage extolled whom the loud singers praise? What voice, what hymn is used to laud Brhaspati? May AjaEkapad- with Rkvans swift to hear, and Ahi of the Deep listen unto our call. 5 Aditi, to the birth of Daksa and the vow thou summonest the KingsMitra and Varuna. With course unchecked, with many chariots Aryaman comes with the seven priests to tribes of varied sort. 6 May all those vigorous Coursers listen to our cry, hearers of invocation, speeding on their way; Winners of thousands where the priestly meed is won, who gather of themselves great wealth in every race. 7 Bring ye Purandbi, bring Vayu who yokes his steeds, for friendship bring ye Pusan with your songs of praise: They with one mind, one thought attend the sacrifice, urged by the favouring aid of Savitar theGod. 8 The thriceseven- wandering Rivers, yea, the mighty floods, the forest trees, the mountains, Agni to our aid,Krsanu, Tisya, archers to our gatheringplace-, and Rudra strong amid the Rudras we invoke.
9 Let the great Streams come hither with their mighty help, Sindhu, Sarasvati, and Sarayu with waves. Ye Goddess Floods, ye Mothers, animating all, promise us water rich in fatness and in balm. 10 And let Brhaddiva, the Mother, hear our call, and Tvastar, Father, with the Goddesses and Dames.
Rbhuksan, Vaja, Bhaga, and Rathaspati, and the sweet speech of him who labours guard us well! 11 Pleasant to look on as a dwelling rich in food is the blest favour of the Maruts, Rudras' Sons. May we be famed among the folk for wealth in kine. and ever come to you, ye Gods, with sacred food. 12 The thought which ye, O Maruts, Indra and ye Gods have given to me, and ye, Mitra and Varuna, Cause this to grow and swell like a milchcow with milk. Will ye not bear away my songs upon your car? 13 O Maruts, do ye never, never recollect and call again to mind this our relationship? When next we meet together at the central point, even there shall Aditi confirm our brotherhood. 14 The Mothers, Heaven and Earth, those mighty Goddesses, worthy of sacrifice, ecune with the race of Gods. These Two with their support uphold both Gods and men, and with the Fathers pour the copious genial stream. 15 This invocation wins all good that we desire Brhaspati, highlypraised- Aramati, are here, Even where the stone that presses meath rings loudly out, and where the sages make their voices heard with hymns. 16 Thus hath the sage, skilled in loud singers' duties, desiring riches, yearning after treasure, Gaya, the priestly singer, with his praises and hymns contented the Celestial people.
17 Thus hath the thoughtful sage the son of Plati, praised you, O Aditi and all Adityas. Men are made rich by those who are Immortal: the Heavenly Folk have been extolled by Gaya.
10.65.1-15: 1. MAY Agni, Indra, Mitra, Varuna consent, Aryaman, Vayu, Pusan, and Sarasvati, Adityas, Maruts, Visnu, Soma, lofty Sky, Rudra and Aditi, and Brahmanaspati. 2 Indra and Agni, Herolords- when Vrtra fell, dwelling together, speeding emulously on, And Soma blent with oil, putting his greatness forth, have with their power filled full the mighty firmament. 3 Skilled in the Law I lift the hymn of praise to these, Lawstrengtheners-, unassailed, and great in majesty. These in their wondrous bounty send the watery sea: may they as kindly Friends send gifts to make us great. 4 They with their might have stayed Heaven, Earth, and Prthivi, the Lord of Light, the firmament, the- lustrous spheres. Even as fleetfoot- steeds who make their masters glad, the princely Gods are praised, most bountiful to man. 5 Bring gifts to Mitra and to Varuna who, Lords of all, in spirit never fail the worshipper, Whose statute shines on high through everlasting Law, whose places of sure refuge are the heavens and earth. 6 The cow who yielding milk goes her appointed way hither to us as leader of holy rites, Speaking aloud to Varuna and the worshipper, shall with oblation serve Vivasvan and the Gods. 7 The Gods whose tongue is Agni dwell in heaven, and sit, aiders of Law, reflecting, in the seat of Law. They propped up heaven and then brought waters with their might, got sacrifice and in a body made it fair. 8 Born in the oldest time, the Parents dwelling round are sharers of one mansion in the home of Law. Bound by their common vow Dyaus, Prthivi stream forth the moisture rich in oil to Varuna the Steer. 9 Parjanya, Vata, mighty, senders of the rain, Indra and Vayu, Varuna, Mitra, Aryaman: We call on Aditi, Adityas, and the Gods, those who are on the earth, in waters, and in heaven. 10 Tvastar and Vāyu, those who count as Rbhus, both celestial Hotar priests-, and Dawn for happiness,
Winners of wealth, we call, and wise Brhaspati, destroyer of our foes, and Soma Indras' Friend. 11 They generated prayer, the cow, the horse, the plants, the forest trees, the earth, the waters, and the hills. These very bounteous Gods made the Sun mount to heaven, and spread the righteous laws of Aryasover the land. 12 O Asvins, ye delivered Bhujyu from distress, ye animated Syava, Vadhrmatis' son. To Vimada ye brought his consort Kamadyu, and gave his lost Visnapu back to Visvaka. 13 Thunder, the lightnings' daughter, AjaEkapad-, heavens' bearer, Sindhu, and the waters of the sea: Hear all the Gods my words, Sarasvati give ear together with Purandhi and with Holy Thoughts. 14 With Holy Thoughts and with Purandhi may all Gods, knowing the Law immortal, Manus' Holy Ones, Boongivers-, favourers, finders of light, and Heaven, with gracious love accept my songs, my prayer, my hymn. 15 Immortal Gods have I, Vasistha, lauded, Gods set on high above all other beings. May they this day grant us wide space and freedom: ye Gods, preserve us evermore with blessings.
I, therefore, submit that RV 10.125 Rāṣṭrī suktam is the R̥gveda textual metaphor Chandas equivalent of the Indus Script Hypertexts rendered in Meluhha speech forms (Indian sprachbund, speech union).
7.048.01 R.bhu, (Vibhu), and Va_ja, leaders of rites, possessors of opulence, be exhilarated by our effused (libation); may your active and powerful (horses) bring to our presence your chariot, beneficial to mankind. [r.bhuks.an.o va_jah, the use of the plural implies that the three brothers are intended]. 7.048.02 Mighty with the R.bhus, opulent with the Vibhus, may we overcome by strength, the strength (of our foes); may Va_ja defend us in battle; with Indra, our ally, may we destroy the enemy. [R.bhus: r.bhur r.bhubhih vibhvo vibhubhih: r.bhu and uru = great; vibhu vibhvah = rich or powerful]. 7.048.03 They verily, (Indra and R.bhus), overcome multitudes by their prowess; they overcome all enemies in the missile conflict; may Indra, Vibhvan, R.bhuks.in and Va_ja, the subduers of foes, annihilate by their wrath the strength of the enemy. [Missile: uparata_ti: upara = upala, a stone; upalaih pa_s.a_n.asadr.s'air a_yudhai ta_yate yuddham, war that is waged with weapons like stones, is uparatati]. 7.048.04 Grant us, deities, this day opulence; may you all, may you all, well-pleased alike, be (ready) for our protection; may the exalted (R.bhus) bestow upon us food; and do you (all) ever cherish us with blessings. [R.bhus: vasavah = Vasus; pras'asyah, an epithet of R.bhavah].
Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि):—One of the Eleven Rudras (ekādaśa-rudra), according to the Agni-purāṇa. The Agni Purāṇa is a religious text containing details on Viṣṇu’s different incarnations (avatar), but also deals with various cultural subjects such as Cosmology, Grammar and Astrology. Vṛṣākapi (वृषाकपि).—A Rudra, and a son of Bhūta and Sarūpā: Fought with Jambha in the Devāsura war.
Viṣṇu Purāṇa 1.5 being devoted to it, was the wife of Prabhasa, the eighth of the Vasus, and bore to him the patriarch Viswakarma, the author of a thousand arts, the mechanist of the gods, the fabricator of all ornaments, the chief of artists, the constructor of the self moving chariots of the deities, and by whose skill men obtain subsistence. Ajaikapad, Ahirvradhna, and the wise RudraTwashtri, were born; and the self born son of Twashtri was also the celebrated Viswarupa. There are eleven well known Rudras, lords of the three worlds, or Hara, Bahurupa, Tryambaka, Aparajita, Vrishakapi, Sambhu, Kaparddi, Raivata, Mrigavyadha, Sarva, and Kapali 17; but there are a hundred appellations of the immeasurably mighty Rudras 18.
AtharvavedaAV 20.126
[2012601] Men have abstained from pouring juice; nor counted Indra as a God. Where at the votary s store my friend Vrishakapi hath drunk his fill. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012602] Thou, Indra, heedless passest by the ill Vrishakapi hath wrought; Yet nowhere else thou findest place wherein to drink the Soma juice. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012603] What hath he done to injure thee, this tawny beast Vrishakapi, With whom thou art so angry now? What is the votary s food ful store? Supreme is Indra over all. [2012604] Soon may the hound who hunts the boar seize him and bite him in the ear, O Indra, that Vrishakapi whom thou protectest as a friend. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012605] Kapi hath marred the beauteous things, all deftly wrought, that were my joy. In pieces will I rend his head; the sinner s portion shall be woe. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012606] No dame hath ampler charms than I, or greater wealth of love s delights. None with more ardour offers all her beauty to her lord s embrace. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012607] Mother whose love is quickly won,I say what verily will be, My breast, O mother, and my head and both my hips seem quivering Supreme is Indra over all. [2012608] Dame with the lovely hands and arms, with broad hair plaits and ample hips, Why, O thou hero s wife, art thou angry with our Vrishakapi? Supreme is Indra over all. [2012609] This noxious creature looks on me as one bereft of hero s love. [p. 361] Yet heroes for my sons have I, the Maruts friend and Indra s Queen Supreme is Indra over all. [2012610] From olden time the matron goes to feast and general sacrifice. Mother of heroes, Indra s Queen, the rite s ordainer is extolled. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012611] So have I heard Indrani called most fortunate among these dames, For never shall her Consort die in future time through length of days. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012612] Never, Indrani have I joyed without my friend Vrishakapi, Whose welcome offering here, made pure with water, goeth to the Gods. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012613] Wealthy Vrishakapayi, blest with sons and consorts of thy sons, Indra will eat thy bulls, thy dear oblation that effecteth much. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012614] Fifteen in number, then, for me a score of bullocks they prepare. And I devour the fat thereof: they fill my belly full with food. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012615] Like as a bull with pointed horn, loud bellowing amid the herds, Sweet to thine heart, O Indra, is the brew which she who tends thee pours. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012616] Indrani speaks. Non ille fortis (ad Venerem) est cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet; fortis vero estille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit. Super omnia est Indra. [2012617] Indra speaks. Non fortis est ille cujus, quum sederit, membrum pilosum se extendit: fortis vero est ille cujus mentula laxe inter femora dependet. Super omnia est Indra. [2012618] O Indra, this Vrishakapi hath found a slain wild animal, Dresser, and new made pan, and knife, and wagon with a load of wood. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012619] Distinguishing the Dasa and the Arya, viewing all, I go. I look upon the wise, and drink the simple votary s Soma juice. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012620] The desert plains and steep descents, how many leagues in length they spread! Go to the nearest houses, go unto thine home, Vrishakapi. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012621] Turn thee again Vrishakapi; we twain will bring thee happiness. Thou goest homeward on thy way along this path which leads to sleep. Supreme is Indra over all. [2012622] When, Indra and Vrishakapi, ye travelled upward to your home, Where was that noisome beast, to whom went it, the beast that troubles man? Supreme is Indra over all. [2012623] Daughter of Manu, Parsu bare a score of children at a birth. [p. 362] Her portion verily was bliss although her burthen caused her grief. [p. 363]
The legend of vr̥ṣākapi The legend appears in R̥gVeda X.86 which is not an easy hymn to understand. Tilak (1893) gives a long verse by verse discussion of this hymn and concludes that the import of the legend can be understood by taking vr̥ṣākapi to represent the sun at vernal equinox when the dog star started the equinoctial year. Again Tilak interpreted this to mean vernal equinox occurring at Orion. However, it is our opinion that this legend also refers to the same event namely the equinoctical year with the Dog star and is illustrated by the figure 8.
1.020.01 This hymn, the bestower of riches, has been addressed by the sages, with their own mouths, to the (class of) divinities having birth (lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; e.g. R.bhus--R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja were pious men, who through penance became divinities). [deva_ya janmane: lit. to the divine or brilliant birth; janmane: ja_yama_na_ya, being born, or having birth; deva_ya: deva-san:gha_ya, a class of divinities, R.bhus who achieved deification: manus.ya_h santastapasa_ devatvam pra_pta_h. R.bhus were three sons of Sudhanvan, a descendant of An:giras. Through their good work (svapas = su-apas), they became divine, exercised superhuman powers and became entitled to receive praise and adoration. They dwell in the solar sphere, identified with the rays of the sun].
1.020.02 They who created mentally for Indra the horses that are harnessed (carved) at his words, have partaken of the sacrifice performed with holy acts. (s'ami_bhih = ceremonies; i.e. they have pervaded, appropriated or accepted the sacrifice peformed with tongs, ladles, and utensils; an intimation of the mechanical skills of R.bhu). [grahacamasa_dinis'pa_danaru_paih karmabhir, yajn~am, asmadi_yam a_s'ata (vya_ptavantah): they have pervaded (or accepted) our sacrifice, performed with those acts which are executed by means of tongs, ladles, and other (utensils used in oblations). R.bhus invented these implements, and attest to their mechanical skills].
1.020.03 They constructed for the Na_satya_s, a universally-moving and easy car, and a cow yielding milk. (taks.an = ataks.an, lit. they (R.bhus) chipped or fabricated, mechanically, the appendages of Indra and As'vin). [They carved (tataks.uh) Indar's horse; they did it mentally (ma_nasa)].
1.020.04 The R.bhus, uttering unfailing prayers, endowed with rectitude, and succeeding (in all pious acts; vis.t.i_ = vya_ptiyuktah, i.e. encountering no opposition in all acts), made their (aged) parents young. [satya-mantra_h = repeating true prayers, i.e. prayers certain to achieve the objects prayed for; akrata: fr. kr., to make generally].
1.020.05 R.bhus, the exhilarating juices are offered to you, along with Indra, attended by the Maruts and along with the brilliang A_dityas. [Libations offered at the third daily, or evening sacrifice, are presented to Indra, along with the A_dityas, together with R.bhu, Vibhu and Va_ja, with Br.haspati and the Vis'vedeva_s (A_s'vala_yana S'rauta Su_tra, 5.3)].
1.020.06 The R.bhus have divided unto four the new ladle, the work of the divine Tvas.t.a_ (i.e. devasambandhih taks.ana.vya_pa_rah = divinity whose duty in relations to gods is carpentry; cf. tvas.t.a_ tvas.t.uh s'is.ya_h R.bhavah = R.bhus are the disciples of Tvas.t.a_; four ladles are an apparent reference to an innovation in the objects of libation for sharing). [Tvas.t.a_ is the artisan of the gods; he is a divinity whose duty is carpentry, with relation to the gods].
1.020.07 May they, moved by our praises, give to the offere of the libation many precious things, and perfect the thrice seven sacrifices [i.e. seven sacrifices in each of three classes: agnya_dheyam (clarified butter), pa_kayajn~a (dressed viands), agnis.t.oma (soma)]. [Trira_ sa_pta_ni: trih may be applied to precious things to sa_pta_ni, seven sacrifices].
1.020.08 Offerers (of sacrifices), they held (a moral existence); by their pious acts they obtained a share of sacrifices with the gods. [a_dha_rayanta = they held or enjoyed (pra_n.a_n, i.e. vital airs, life)] [marta_sah santo amr.tatvam anas'uh: beyong mortals, they obtained immprtality (RV. 1.110.4); saudhanvana_ yajn~iyam bha_gam a_nas'a: by the son of Sudhanvan was a sacrificial portion acquired (RV. 1.60.1); r.bhavo vai deves.u tapasa_ somapi_tham abhyajayan: r.bhus won by devotion the drinking of Soma among the gods (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30)].
1.110.01 R.bhus, the rite formerly celebrated by me is again repeated, and the melodious hymn is recited in your praise; in this ceremony, the Soma is sufficient for all the gods; drink of it to your utmost content when offered on the fire. 1.110.02 When, R.bhus, you who are amongst my ancestors, yet immature (in wisdom), but desirous of enjoying (the Soma libations), retired to the forest to perform (penance), then, sons of Sudhanvan, throught he plenitude of your completed (devotions), you came to the (sacrificial) hall of the worshipper Savita_. [r.bhurvibhva_ va_ja iti sudhanvana a_n:girasasya trayah putra_h babhu_vuh (Nirukta 11.16): Sudhanvan, father of the R.bhus, was a descendant of An:giras; so is Kutsa; pra_n~cah = pu_rva ka_li_na, of a former period; Kutsa is a kinsman of R.bhus of a former period]. 1.110.03 Then Savita_ bestowed upon you immortality, when you came to him, who is not to be concealed, and representd (your desire) to partake of the libations; and that ladle for the sacrificial viands which the Asura had formed single, you made fourfold. [Who is not to be concealed: In the previous hymn, Savita_ (fr. su, to offer oblations) perhaps refers to the presenter of oblations; in this hymn, the sun is alluded to]. 1.110.04 Associated with the priests, and quickly performing the holy rites, they, being yet mortals, acquired immortality and the son of Sudhanvan, the R.bhus, brilliant as the sun, became connected with the ceremonies (appropriated to the different season) of the year. 1.110.05 Lauded by the bystanders, the R.bhus, with a sharp weapon, meted out the single sacrificial ladle, like a field (measured by a rod), soliciting the best (libations) and desiring (to participate of) sacrificial food amongs thte gods. 6 To the leaders (of the sacrifice), dwelling in the firmament, we present, as with a ladle, the appointed clarified butter, and praise with knowledge those R.bhus, who, having equalled the velocityof the protector (of the universe, the sun), ascended to the region of heaven, through (the offerings) of (sacrificial) food. [nr.bhyah = yajn~asya netr.bhyah; r.bhavo hi yajn~asya neta_rah: 'the r.bhus are the leaders of the sacrifice'; because of this position, they obtained immortality; the term is perhaps connected with antariks.asya, to the chief of the firmament; r.bhus also identified with the solar rays (a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyanti: the r.bhus are, indeed, said to be the rays of the sun]. 1.110.07 The most excellent R.bhu is in strength our defender; R.bhu, through gifts of food and of wealth, is our asylum; may he bestow them upon us, Gods, through your protection; may we, upon a favourable occasion, overcome the hosts of those who offer no libations. 1.110.08 R.bhus, you covered the cow with a hide, and reunited themother with the calf; sons of Sudhanvan, leaders (of sacrifice), through your good works you rendered your aged parents young. [Legend: a r.s.i, whose cow had died, leaving a calf prayed to the r.bhus for assistance, on which, they formed a living cow, and covered it with the skin of the dead one, from which the calf imagined it to be its own mother]. 1.110.09 Indra, associated with the R.bhus, supply us, in the distribution of viands, with food, and consent to bestow upon us wonderful riches; and may Mitra, Varun.a, Aditi--ocean, earth, and heaven, preserve them fo rus. [alternative: va_jebhir no va_jasa_tau aviddhi = protect us in battle with your horses].
1.161.01 Is this our senior or our junior who has come (to us); has he come upon a message (from the gods); what is it we should say? Agni,brother, we revile not the ladle which is of exalted race; verily we assert the dignity of the wooden (implement). [The legend: the three R.bhus were engaged in a sacrifice and about to drink the Soma; the gods sent Agni to see what they were doing. Agni noticed that they resembled each other; Agni assumed a like form. The hymn refers to this form, calling him brother, and questionign his comparative age. The next hymn states the purpose of Agni's visit is to order the conversion of one spoon or ladle, camasa, used for drinking Soma, or for libations, into four spoons]. 1.161.02 Make fourfold the single ladle; so the gods command you; and for that purpose have I come, sons of Sudhanvan; if you accomplish this, you will be entitled to sacrifices along with the gods. 1.161.03 Then said they, in answer to Agni, the messenger (of the gods). Whatever is to be done, whether a horse is to be made, or a car is to be made, or a cow is to be made, or the two (old parents) are to be made young, having done all these (acts), Brother Agni, we are then ready to do (what you desire) to be done. [cf. su_ktas 20, 110 and 111 which relate the marvels of the R.bhus]. 1.161.04 So doing R.bhus, you inquired: where, indeed, is he who came to us as a messenger? When Tvas.t.a_ observed the one ladle become four, he was immediately lost amongst the women. [gna_su antarnya_naje; the verb is explained: nyakto abhu_t; the combination of ni and anj is perhaps the converse of vyan~j, to be manifest, i.e. to be concealed, indistinct, or invisible. gna_ = stri_ (mena gna_ iti stri_n.a_m--Nirukta 3.21); str.yam a_tma_nam amanyata = he, Tvas.t.a_, fancied himself; woman, that is, he felt humbled, as feeble as a female]. 1.161.05 When Tvas.t.a_ said: let us slay those who have profaned the ladle, (designed) for the drinking of the gods; then they made use of other names for one another as the libation was poured out; and the maiden (mother) propitiated them by different appellations. [Then they made us of other names: a legend accounts for the origin of the names of the chief officiating priests; to evade the indignation of Tvas.t.a_, the R.bhus assumed the titles: adhvaryu, hota_ and udgata_;an individual engaged in priestly functions at a sacrifice is to be always addressed by these titles, and never by his own name; propitiated them by different appellations: anyair ena_n kanya_ na_mabhih sparat: kanya_ = svotpa_dayitri_ ma_ta_, a mother self-engendering]. 1.161.06 Indra has caparisoned his horses; the As'vins have harnessed their car; Br.haspati has accepted the omniform (cow); therefore, R.bhu, Vibhva and Va_ja, go the gods, doers of good deeds, enjoy your sacrificial portion. 1.161.07 Sons of Sudhanvan, from a hideless (cow) you have formed a living one; by your marvellous acts you have made your aged parents young; from one horse you have fabricated another; harness now your chariot, and repair unto the gods. 1.161.08 They, (the gods), have said, sons of Sudhanvan, drink of this water, (the Soma); or drink that which has been filtered through the mun~ja grass; or, if you be pleased with neither of these, be exhilarated (by that which is drunk) at the third (daily) sacrifice. [R.bhus may be participants of the libations offered at dawn or at noon; the right of the R.bhus to share in the third, or evening sacrifice is always acknowledged]. 1.161.09 Waters are the most excellent said one (of them). Agni is that most excellent, said another; the third declared to many the Earth (to be the most excellent), and thus speaking true things the R.bhus divided the ladle. [The earth: vardhayanti_m = a line of clouds or the earth: vadhah arkah (Nirukta 2.20.7)]. 1.161.10 One pours the red water (the blood) upon the ground; one cuts the flesh, divided into fragments by the chopper; and a third seperates the excrement from the other parts; in what manner may the parents (of the sacrifice) render assistance to their sons? [The R.bhus are identified with the priests employed in the sacrifice of a victim; the parents of the sacrifice: the parents pitr.s, = the institutor of the ceremony and his wife]. 1.161.11 R.bhus, leaders (of the rains), you have caused the grass to grow upon the high places; you have caused the waters to flow over the low places; for (the promotion of) good works; as you have reposed for a while in the dwelling of the unapprehensible (Sun), so desist not today from (the discharge of) this (your function). [R.bhus are identified in this and following hymns with the rays of the sun, as the instruments of the rain and the causes of fertility; a_dityaras'mayo api r.bhava ucyante: (Nirukta 11.16); unapprehensible Sun: agohyasya gr.he: agohya = a name of the sun (Nirukta); who is not to be hidden, aguhani_ya;or, agrahan.i_ya, not to be apprehended, literally or metaphorically; so desist not: idam na_nugacchatha; anusr.tya na gacchatha, having come forth, go not away without doing this,idam, your office of sending down rain for as long a period as you repose in the solar orb; a truism is explained in Nirukta: ya_vat tatra bhavatha na ta_vadiha bhavatha, as long as you are there, you are not here]. 1.161.12 As you glide along enveloping the regions (in clouds); where, then, are the parents (of the world)? curse him who arrests your arm; reply sternly to him who speaks disrespectfully (to you). [The parents of the world: the sun and the moon, the protectors of the world, which, during the rains, are hidden by the clouds; who speaks disrespectfully: yah pra_bravi_t pra tasma_ abravi_tana: pra prefixed to bru_ = either to speak harshly or kindly, to censure or to praise]. 1.161.13 R.bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire: who awakens us, unapprehensive (Sun), to this office (of sending rain). The Sun replies: the awakener is the wind; and the year (being ended), you again today light up this (world). [The awakener is the wind: s'va_nam bodhayita_ram = the awakener is the dog; but, s'va_nam = antarks.e svasantam va_yum, the reposer in the firmament, the wind; sam.vatsare idam adya_ vyakhyata, you have made this world today luminous, after the year has expired; i.e. the rainy season has passed, the rays of the sun and moon are again visible]. 1.161.14 Sons of Strength, the Maruts, desirous of your coming, advance from the sky; Agni comes (to meet you) from the earth; the wind traverses the firmament; and Varun.a comes with undulating waters.
4.033.01 I send my prayer as a messenger to the r.bhus; I solicit (of them) the cow, the yielder of the white milk, for the dilution (of the Soma libation); for they, as swift as the wind, the doers of good works, were borne quickly across the firmament by rapid steeds. [WSere borne quickly: as applicable to the deified mortals, the allusion is to their being transported to the sphere of the gods; if the reference is to the rays of the sun, it implies merely their dispersal through the sky]. 4.033.02 When the r.bhus, by honouring their parents with renovated (youth), and by other works, had achieved enough, they thereupon proceeded to the society of the gods, and, considerate, they bring nourishment to the devout (worshipper). 4.033.03 May they who rendered their decrepid and dropsy parents, when, like two dry posts, again perpetually young, Va_ja, Vibhavan, and R.bhu associated with Indra, drinkers of the Soma juice, protect our sacrifice. 4.033.04 Inasmuch as for a year the R.bhus preserved the (dead) cow, inasmuch as for a year they invested it with flesh, inasmuch as for a year they continued its beauty they obtained by their acts of immortality. 4.033.05 The eldest said, let us make two ladles; the younger said, let us make three: Tvas.t.a_, R.bhus, has applauded your proposal. 4.033.06 The men, (the R.bhus), spoke the truth, for such (ladles) they made, and thereupon the R.bhus partook of that libation; Tvas.t.a_, beholding the four ladles, brilliant as day, was content. 4.033.07 When the R.bhus, reposing for twelve days, remained in the hospitality of the uncealable (sun) they rendered the fields fertile, they led forth the rivers, plants sprung upon the waste, and waters (spread over) the low (places). 4.033.08 May those R.bhus who constructed the firm-abiding wheel-conducting car; who formed the all-impelling multiform cow; they who are the bestowers of food, the doers of great deeds, and dexterous of hand, fabricate our riches. 4.033.09 The gods were pleased by their works, illustrious in act and in thought; Va_ja was the artificer of the gods, R.bhuks.in of Indra, Vibhavan of Varun.a. 4.033.10 May those R.bhus who gratified the horses (of Indra) by pious praise, who constructed for Indra his two docile steeds, bestow upon us satiety of riches, and wealth (of cattle), like those who devise prosperity for a friend. 4.033.11 The gods verily have given you the beverage at the (third sacrifice of the) day, and its exhilarqation, not through regard, but (as the gift of one) wearied out (by penance); R.bhus, who are so (eminent), grant us, verily, wealth at this third (diurnal) sacrifice. [Wearied out by penance: r.te s'ra_ntasya sakhya_ya = na sakhitva_ya bhavanti deva_h, the gods are not through friendship, s'ra_nta_t tapo yukta_t r.te except one wearied by penance; ete s'ra_nta ato saduh, they, wearied out, therefore gave].
4.037.01 Divine Va_jas, R.bhus, come to our sacrifice by the path travelled by the gods, inasmuch as you, gracious (R.bhus), have maintained sacrifice among the people, (the progeny) of Manu, for (the sake of) securing the prosperous course of days. [R.bhus: the text has r.bhuks.ah, nom. sing. of r.bhuks.in, a name of Indra; here, it is equated with r.bhavah, pl. nom. of r.bhu; in the following verses r.bhuks.a_n.ah is used, the nom. or voc. pl. of r.bhuks.in]. 4.037.02 May these sacrifices be (acceptable) to you in heart and mind; may today the sufficient (juices) mixed with butter to you; the full libations are prepared for you; may they, when drunk, animate you for glorious deeds. 4.037.03 As the offering suited to the gods at the third (daily) sacrifice supports, you, Va_jas, R.bhuks.ans; as the praise (then recited supports you); therefore, like Manu, I offer you the Soma juice, along with the very radiant (deities) among the people assembled at the solemnity. [I offer you: juhve manus.vat uparasu viks.u yus.me saca_ br.had dives.u somam: upara = those who are pleased or sport near the worship of the gods, devayajana sami_pe ramantah; ta_su viks.u-praja_su = in or among such people; br.haddives.u is an epithet of deves.u implied]. 4.037.04 Va_jins, you are borne by stout horses mounted on a brilliant car, have jaws of metal and are possessed of treasures; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength, this last sacrifice is for your exhilaration. [Possessed of treasures: va_jinah = possessors either of horses or food; ayahs'ipra_ = as hard or strong as metal, ayovat sa_rabhu_ta s'ipra_h; sunis.ka_h = having good nis.kas, a certain weight of gold; sons of Indra, grandsons of strength: the text has singular nouns, son of Indra, son or grandson of strength; this is followed by vah-vos, you in the plural; last sacrifice: ityagriyam = agre bhavam, the first, the preceding; explained as tr.ti_yam savanam]. 4.037.05 We invoke you, R.bhuks.ans, for splendid wealth, mutually co-operating, most invigorating in war, affecting the senses, ever munificent, and comprehending horses. [Splendid wealth: the epithets apply to rayim, wealth: r.bhu yujam, va_jintamam, indrasvantam, sada_sa_tamam as'vinam]. 4.037.06 May the man whom you, R.bhus and Indra, favour, be ever liberal by his acts, and possessed of a horse at the sacrifice. [A horse at the sacrifice: medhasa_ta_ so arvata_, perhaps a horse fit for the as'vamedha is implied]. 4.037.07 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, direct us in the way to sacrifice; for you, who are intelligent, being glorified (by us), are able to traverse all the quarters (of space). 4.037.08 Va_jas, R.bhuks.an.s, Indra, Na_satyas, command that ample wealth with horses be sent to men for their enrichment.
8.093.01 You rise, O sun, on (the sacrifice of Indra) the showerer (of blessings), the bountiful giver, famed for his wealth, the benefactor of men. [Indra is one of the twelve A_dityas]. 8.093.02 Who cleft the ninety-nine cities by the strength of his arm, and, slayeer of Vr.tra, smote Ahi. [Ninety-nine cities: RV. 2.19.6; ahi = the cloud]. 8.093.03 May Indra, our auspicious friend, milk for us, like a richly-streaming (cow), wealth of horses, kine and barley. 8.093.04 Whatsoever, O Sun, slayr of Vr.tra, you have risen upon today-- it is all, Indra, under your power. 8.093.05 When, swelling in your might, lord of the good, you think, 'I shall not die', that thought of yours is indeed true. [Lord of the good: lord of the naks.atras]. 8.093.06 You go at once, Indra, to all those Soma-libations which are effused afar or effused near. 8.093.07 We invigorate that (great) Indra for the slaying of mighty Vr.tra, may he be a bounteous showerer (of wealth). 8.093.08 Indra was created for giving; he, the most mighty was set over the exhilarating Soma; he, the glorious one the lord of praise, is worthy of the Soma. [made = bale; Indra was created: by Praja_pati at the time of creation]. 8.093.09 The mighty (Indra), unassailed by his foes, hastens to confer wealth on his worshippers-- rendered keen by their praises as a weapon, full of strength and invincible. [r.s.vah = ugrah]. 8.093.10 Indra, worthy of our praise, do you, hymned by us, make our path plain even in the midst of difficulties, (hear us), Maghavan, if you love us. 8.093.11 You whose command and rightful empire neither god nor irresistible hero can harm. [Rightful empire: svara_jya = svargasva_mitva]. 8.093.12 Yes, deity of the handsome jaw, the two goddesses, heaven and earth, both worship your resistless consuming might. 8.093.13 It is you that keep this bright milk in the black, red, and spotted cows. 8.093.14 When all the gods fled in various directions from the splendour of the demon Ahi, and when fear of the deer seized them. 8.093.15 Then was my Indra the repeller; then did the smiter of Vr.tra put forth his might, he who has no existent enemies, the invincible. 8.093.16 (Priests), I bring to you men, for great wealth, that renowned and mighty one who utterly destroyed Vr.tra. [a_s'us.e = a_s'is.e; cars.an.i_na_m: renowned and mighty among men]. 8.093.17 O you bearing many names and praised by many, when you are present at our various Soma-libations, may we be endowed with a kine-desiring mind. [May we be endowed: maywe obtain kine; gavyaya_ = with a desire for milk; come with this mind, with this desire for milk, whenyou are present at our Soma-offerings]. 8.093.18 May the slayer of Vr.tra, to whom many libations are offered, know our desires-- may S'akra hear our praises. [bodhinmana_ = bodhanmana_h]. 8.093.19 Showerer (of blessings), with what coming of yours do you gladden us, with what coming bring you (wealth) to your worshippers? 8.093.20 At whose hymn-accompanied libations does the showerer, the lord of the Niyuts, the slayer of Vr.tra, rejoice to drink the Soma? 8.093.21 Rejoicing (in our oblations), bring us wealth a thousandfold; remember that you are the giver to your votary. 8.093.22 These Soma-libations with their wives proceed (to Indra) longing to be drunk; the stale Soma, pleasing to the taste, goes to the waters. [Ya_ska, Nirukta 5.18: patni_vantah = with their wives or protectresses: an allusion to the two kinds of water, the vasati_varyah and the ekadhana_h, used in the Soma offerings (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 2.20). At the time of the avabhr.tha, or concluding ceremonies of purification, the r.ji_s.a or stale Soma is thrown into the waters. nicumpunan.ah = ni_cama_nena pr.n.a_ti]. 8.093.23 The sacrificing priests, invigorating (Indra) by their offerings at the sacrifice, have by their might dismissed him to the avabhr.tha. 8.093.24 May those two golden-maned steeds together exulting bring him to our wholesome offering. 8.093.25 Resplendent (Agni), these Soma-libations are effused for you, the clipped grass is spread; bring Indra here for his worshippers. 8.093.26 May he give strength and his brilliant heaven and precious things to you his worshipper, and to his praising priests; worship Indra. 8.093.27 I prepare, S'atakratu, your strong (Soma) and all your praises; be gracious, Indra, to your hymners. 8.093.28 Bring us what is most auspicious, S'atakratu, (bring us) food and strength, if you have favour to us, Indra. 8.093.29 Bring us all blessings, S'atakratu, if you have favour to us, Indra. 8.093.30 Bearing the effused libation, we invoke you, mightiest slayer of Vr.tra, if you have favour to us, Indra. 8.093.31 Come with your steeds to our effused libation, lord of the Soma-- come with your steds to our effused libation. 8.093.32 Indra, S'atakratu, mightiest slayer of Vr.tra, you whose power is known in a two-fold way, come with your steeds to our effused libation. [Whose power is known in a two-fold way: i.e., you are known in your terrible form as the slayer of Vr.tra, etc., and in your merciful form as the protector of the world]. 8.093.33 Slayer of Vr.tra, you are the drinker of these Soma juices, come with your steeds to our effused libation. 8.093.34 May Indra bring to us the bounteous R.bhu R.bhuks.an.a to partake of our sacrificial viands; may he, the mighty, bring the mighty (Va_ja). [R.bhuks.an.a: was the eldest and Va_ja the youngest of three brothers. The R.bhus have a share in the evening libation between Praja_pati and Savita_ (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.30); the r.ca is addressed to the R.bhus in the evening libation on the ninth day of the dva_das'a_ha ceremony (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 5.21)].
The legend of R̥bhu-s
R̥bhu-s occur in eleven suktas in R̥gVeda, I. 20, I. 110, I.161, I. 164, IV. 33- IV.-37.
R̥bhu-s are three in number, R̥bhu, vibhvan and vaj and are the sons of Sudhanvan. They learnt many crafts under Tvaṣṭr̥, and constructed rathas and other equipment for the devas. By their hard work the devas were pleased and they were granted immortality. saudhanvanā R̥bhava¨sūraacakṣasah¨ samvatsare samapr̥cyanta dhītibhih¨ RV (I. 110.4) The R̥bhu-s, children of Sudhanvan, bright as suns, were in a year's course made associate with prayers ('connected with the ceremonies appropriated to the different seasons of the year'-Wilson) The R̥bhus represent the three seasons of the year (lunar year of 354 days) at the end of which they take rest for 12 days in the house of aghohya (the unconcealable, the sun) before they start their work again in the New Year. They are
awakened from their sleep and vasta gives the information that they were awakened by the hound.
suṣupvāmsa r̥bhavaastadāpr̥cchat āgohya ka idam no abūbudhat
R̥bhus, reposing in the solar orb, you inquire, 'who wakens us, unconcealable sun to this office of sending rain?'. Sun replies 'the awakener is the Dog and in the year you again today light up this world'. This legend can be taken as referring to the time of commencement of the year with vernal equinox. The śvāna obviously refers to the Dog star. Tilak(1893) regards this as referring to the equinox in mr̥gaśiras (identified by him with the constellation Orion, which according to him also includes the Dog-star). He supported his interpretation with a large number of quotations from R̥gveda and other Vedic texts. The date corresponding to the occurrence of vernal equinox at the Orion can be simulated assuming that the Orion is represented by its brightest star, α-Ori, also known as Betelguese. The vernal equinox occurring at α-Ori is shown in Figure 7.
Figure 7. Vernal Equinox at α-Ori. 5000 BCE. Note the passing of zero hour line of the coordinate Right Ascension (RA) through Betelguese.
Tilak(1893) in his book The Orion first proposed the date of 4500 BCE, and then later on proposed the date of 5000 BCE. However, Sengupta interprets the R̥bhu legend as referring to the heliacal rising of Canis Major after the summer solstice. But this is not the correct interpretation either, as the beginning of the New Year was most likely at the vernal equinox.
The legend refers to the vernal equinox, with the Dog star (Sirius) at the vernal equinox and is illustrated in Figure 8.
Figure 8. Vernal Equinox at Canis Major. 7100 BCE
The existence of Indian sprachbund is evidenced by the concordant lexemes used for bronze-age repertoire of bronze-age artisans. These lexemes are compiled in an Indian Lexicon.[https://www.academia.edu/37229973/Indian_Lexicon_--Comparative_dictionary_of_over_8000_semantic_clusters_in_25_ancient_Bharatiya_languages] This is a resource base for further studies in the formation and evolution of most of the Indian languages. Identifiable substrata glosses include over 4000 etyma of Dravidian Etymological Dictionary and over 1000 words of Munda with concordant semantic clusters of Indo-Aryan. That the substrata glosses cover three major language families –Dravidian, Munda and Indo-Aryan -- is a surprising discovery. There are over 1240 semantic clusters included in the Indian Lexicon from over 25 languages which makes the work very large, including cognate entries of CDIAL (Indo-Aryan etyma), together with thousands of lexemes of Santali, Mundarica and other languages of the Austro-Asiatic linguistic group, and, maybe, Language X. . Most of the lexical archive relate to the bronze-age cultural context and possible entries are relatable rebus to Indian hieroglyphs. Many are found to be attested as substratum lexemes only in a few languages such as Nahali, Kashmiri, Kannada or Telugu or lexical entries of Hemacandra’s deśī nāmamālā (Prākṛt); thus, many present-day Indian languages are rendered as dialects of an Indus language or proto-Indic lingua franca or gloss. The identification of a particular Indian language as the Indus language has presented some problems because of the received wisdom about grouping of language families in Indo-European linguistic analyses. Some claims of decipherment have assumed the language to be Tamil, of Dravidian language family; some have assumed the language to be Sanskrit, of Indo-Aryan language family. A resolution to these problems comes from a surprising source: Manu.
Mleccha, Indus language of Indian linguistic area (sprachbund). Indian linguistic area map, including mleccha and vedic (After F. Southworth, 2005; VEDIC AND MLECCHA added.) A language family, mleccha (?language X), is attested in the ancient literature of India. This is the lingua franca, the spoken version of the language of the civilization of about 5000 years ago, distinct from the grammatically correct version called Sanskrit represented in the vedic texts and other ancient literature. Ancient texts of India are replete with insights into formation and evolution of languages. Some examples are: Bharata’s Natya Shastra, Patanjali’s Mahabhashya, Hemacandra’s Deśīnāmamālā, Nighanṭus, Panini’s Aṣṭādhyayi, Tolkappiyam–Tamil grammar. The evidence which comes from Manu, dated to ca. 500 BCE. Manu (10.45) underscores the linguistic area: ārya vācas mleccha vācas te sarve dasyuvah smṛtāh [trans. “both ārya speakers and mleccha speakers (that is, both speakers of literary dialect and colloquial or vernacular dialect) are all remembered as dasyu”]. Dasyu is a general reference to people. Dasyu is cognate with dasa, which in Khotanese language means ‘man’. It is also cognate with daha, a word which occurs in Persepolis inscription of Xerxes, a possible reference to people of Dahistan, a region east of Caspian sea. Strabo wrote :"Most of the scythians, beginning from the Caspian sea, are called Dahae Scythae, and those situated more towards the east Massagetae and Sacae." (Strabo, 11.8.1). Close to Caspian Sea is the site of Altyn-tepe which was an interaction area with Meluhha and where three Indus seals with inscriptions were found, including a silver seal showing a composite animal which can be called a signature glyph of Indus writing..
The identification of mleccha as the language of the Indus script writing system is consistent with the following theses which postulate an Indian linguistic area, that is an area of ancient times when various language-speakers interacted and absorbed language features from one another and made them their own: Emeneau, 1956; Kuiper, 1948; Masica, 1971; Przyludski, 1929; Southworth, 2005.
Semantic clusters in Indian Lexicon (1242 English words and Botanical species Latin)
Economic Court: Flora and Products from Flora
Birds
Insects
Fauna
Animate phenomena: birth, body, sensory perceptions and actions
Visual phenomen, forms and shapes
Numeration and Mensuration
Economic Court: Natural phenomena, Earth formations, Products of earth (excluding flora clustered in a distinct category)
Building, infrastructure
Work, skills, products of labour and workers (fire-worker, potter/ smith/ lapidary, weaver, farmer, soldier)
Weapons and tools
Language fields
Kinship
Social formations
Pinnow’s map of Austro-AsiaticLanguage speakers correlates with bronze age sites.http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html See http://kalyan97.googlepages.com/mleccha1.pdf The areal map of Austric (Austro-Asiatic languages) showing regions marked by Pinnow correlates with the bronze age settlements in Bharatam or what came to be known during the British colonial regime as ‘Greater India’. The bronze age sites extend from Mehrgarh-Harappa (Meluhha) on the west to Kayatha-Navdatoli (Nahali) close to River Narmada to Koldihwa- Khairdih-Chirand on Ganga river basin to Mahisadal – Pandu Rajar Dhibi in Jharia mines close to Mundari area and into the east extending into Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Nicobar islands. A settlement of Inamgaon is shown on the banks of River Godavari.
Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].
Evidence related to proto-Indian or proto-Indic or Indus language
A proto-Indic language is attested in ancient Indian texts. For example, Manusmṛti refers to two languages, both of dasyu (daha): ārya vācas, mleccha vācas. mukhabāhū rupajjānām yā loke jātayo bahih mlecchavācas’cāryav ācas te sarve dasyuvah smṛtāh Trans. ‘All those people in this world who are excluded from those born from the mouth, the arms, the thighs and the feet (of Brahma) are called Dasyus, whether they speak the language of the mleccha-s or that of the ārya-s.’ (Manu 10.45)] This distinction between lingua franca and literary version of the language, is elaborated by Patañjali as a reference to 1) grammatically correct literary language and 2) ungrammatical, colloquial speech (deśī).
Ancient text of Panini also refers to two languages in śikṣā: Sanskrit and Prākṛt. Prof Avinash Sathayeprovides a textual reference on the earliest occurrence of the word, ‘Sanskrit’ :
Trans. There are considered to be 63 or 64 varṇā-s in the school (mata) of shambhu. In Prakrit and Sanskrit by swayambhu (manu, Brahma), himself, these varṇā-s were stated.
This demonstrates that pāṇini knew both samskṛta and prākṛita as established languages. (Personal communication, 27 June 2010 with Prof. Shrinivas Tilak.)
Chapter 17 of Bharatamuni’s Nāṭyaśāstra is a beautiful discourse about Sanskrit and Prakrit and the usage of lingua franca by actors/narrators in dramatic performances. Besides, Raja Shekhara, Kalidasa, Shudraka have also used the word Sanskrit for the literary language. (Personal communication from Prof. TP Verma, 7 May 2010). Nāṭyaśāstra XVII.29-30: dvividhā jātibhāṣāca prayoge samudāhṛtā mlecchaśabdopacārā ca bhāratam varṣam aśritā ‘The jātibhāṣā (common language), prescribed for use (on the stage) has various forms. It contains words of mleccha origin and is spoken in Bhāratavarṣa only…’ Vātstyāyana refers to mlecchita vikalpa (cipher writing of mleccha) Vātstyāyana’s Kamasutra lists (out of 64 arts) three arts related to language:
· deśa bhāṣā jñānam (knowledge of dialects)
· mlecchita vikalpa (cryptography used by mleccha) [cf. mleccha-mukha ‘copper’ (Skt.); the suffix –mukha is a reflex of mũh ‘ingot’ (Mu.)
· akṣara muṣṭika kathanam (messaging through wrist-finger gestures)
Thus, semantically, mlecchita vikalpa as a writing system relates to cryptography (perhaps, hieroglyphic writing) and to the work of artisans (smiths). I suggest that this is a reference to Indian hieroglyphs.
It is not a mere coincidence that early writing attested during historical periods was on metal punch-marked coins, copper plates, two-feet long copper bolt used on an Aśokan pillar at Rampurva, Sohoura copper plate, two pure tingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa, and even on the Delhi iron pillar clearly pointing to the smiths as those artisans who had the competence to use a writing system. In reference to Rampurva copper-bolt: “Here then these signs occur upon an object which must have been made by craftsmen working for Asoka or one of his predessors.” (F.R. Allchin, 1959, Upon the contextual significance of certain groups of ancient signs, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London.) The Indus script inscriptions using hieroglyphs on two pure tin-ingots found in Haifa were reviewed. (Kalyanaraman, S., 2010, The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” - Decoding Indus script as repertoire of the mints/smithy/mine-workers of Meluhha. Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies. Number 11. pp. 47–74).
Mahābhārata also attests to mleccha used in a conversation with Vidura. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa refers to mleccha as language (with pronunciation variants) and also provides an example of such mleccha pronunciation by asuras. A Pali text, Uttarādhyayana Sūtra 10.16 notes: ladhdhaṇa vimānusattaṇṇamāriattam puṇrāvi dullaham bahave dasyū milakkhuyā; trans. ‘though one be born as a man, it is rare chance to be an ārya, for many are the dasyu and milakkhu’. Milakkhu and dasyu constitute the majority, they are the many. Dasyu are milakkhu (mleccha speakers). Dasyu are also ārya vācas (Manu 10.45), that is, speakers of Sanskrit. Both ārya vācas and mleccha vācas are dasyu [cognate dahyu, daŋ́ha, daha(Khotanese)], people, in general. दाशः 1 A fisherman; इयंचसज्जानौश्चेतिदाशाःप्राञ्ज- लयो$ब्रुवन् Rām.7.46.32; Ms.8.48,49;1.34. दासः ‘a fisherman’ (Apte. Lexicon) Such people are referred to in Rgveda by Viśvāmitra as ‘Bhāratam janam.’ Mahābhārata alludes to ‘thousands of mlecchas’, a numerical superiority equaled by their valour and courage in battle which enhances the invincibility of Pandava (MBh. 7.69.30; 95.36).
Excerpt from Encyclopaedia Iranica article on cognate dahyu country (often with reference to the people inhabiting it): DAHYU (OIr. dahyu-), attested in Avestan dax́iiu-, daŋ́hu- “country” (often with reference to the people inhabiting it; cf. AirWb., cot. 706; Hoffmann, pp. 599-600 n. 14; idem and Narten, pp. 54-55) and in Old Persian dahyu- “country, province” (pl. “nations”; Gershevitch, p. 160). The term is likely to be connected with Old Indian dásyu“enemy” (of the Aryans), which acquired the meaning of “demon, enemy of the gods” (Mayrhofer, DictionaryII, pp. 28-29). Because of the Indo-Iranian parallel, the word may be traced back to the root das-, from which a term denoting a large collectivity of men and women could have been derived. Such traces can be found in Iranian languages: for instance, in the ethnonym Dahae (q.v., i) “men” (cf. Av. ethnic name [fem. adj.] dāhī, from dåŋ́ha-; AirWb., col. 744; Gk. Dáai, etc.), in Old Persian dahā “the Daha people” (Brandenstein and Mayrhofer, pp. 113-14), and in Khotanese daha“man, male” (Bailey, Dictionary, p. 155).
In Avestan the term did not have the same technical meaning as in Old Persian. Avestan dax́iiu-, dańhu- refers to the largest unit in the vertical social organization. See, for example, Avestan xᵛaētu- (in the Gathas) “next of kin group” and nmāna-“house,” corresponding to Old Persian taumā- “family”; Avestan vīs- “village,” corresponding to Avestan vərəzə̄na- “clan”; Avestan zantu- “district”; and Avestandax́iiu-, dańhu- (Benveniste, 1932; idem, 1938, pp. 6, 13; Thieme, pp. 79ff.; Frye, p. 52; Boyce, ZoroastrianismI, p. 13; Schwartz, p. 649; Gnoli, pp. 15ff.). The connection dax́iiu, dańhu- and arya- “Aryans” is very common to indicate the Aryan lands and peoples, in some instances in the plural: airiiå daŋ́hāuuō,airiianąm dax́iiunąm, airiiābiiō daŋ́hubiiō. In Yašt13.125 and 13.127 five countries (dax́iiu-) are mentioned, though their identification is unknown or uncertain; in the same Yašt (13.143-44) the countries of other peoples are added to those of the Aryans: tūiriia, sairima, sāinu, dāha.
In Achaemenid inscriptions Old Persian dahyu- means “satrapy” (on the problems relative to the different lists of dahyāva[pl.], cf. Leuze; Junge; Walser, pp. 27ff.; Herzfeld, pp. 228-29; Herrenschmidt, pp. 53ff.; Calmeyer, 1982, pp. 105ff.; idem, 1983, pp. 141ff.) and “district” (e.g., Nisāya in Media; DB 1.58; Kent, Old Persian, p. 118). The technical connotation of Old Persian dahyuis certain and is confirmed—despite some doubts expressed by George Cameron but refuted by Ilya Gershevitch—by the loanword da-a-yau-išin Elamite. On the basis of the hypothetical reconstruction of twelve “districts” and twenty-nine “satrapies,” it has been suggested that the formal identification of the Old Persian numeral 41 with the ideogram DH, sometimes used for dahyu(Kent, Old Persian, pp. 18-19), can be explained by the fact that there were exactly forty-one dahyāvawhen the sign DHwas created (Mancini).
From the meaning of Old Persian dahyuas “limited territory” come Middle Persian and Pahlavi deh“country, land, village,” written with the ideogram MTA(Frahang ī Pahlawīg 2.3, p. 117; cf. Syr. mātā), and Manichean Middle Persian dyh(MacKenzie, p. 26). At times the Avestan use is reflected in Pahlavi deh, but already in Middle Persian the meaning “village” is well documented; it appears again in Persian deh.
That Pali uses the term ‘milakkhu’ is significant (cf. Uttarādhyayana Sūtra 10.16) and reinforces the concordance between ‘mleccha’ and ‘milakkhu’ (a pronunciation variant) and links the language with ‘meluhha’ as a reference to a language in Mesopotamian texts and in the cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu. [Possehl, Gregory, 2006, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, No. 1http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/48-1/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf] This seal shows a sea-faring Meluhha merchant who needed a translator to translate meluhha speech into Akkadian. The translator’s name was Shu-ilishu as recorded in cuneiform script on the seal. This evidence rules out Akkadian as the Indus or Meluhha language and justifies the search for the proto-Indian speech from the region of the Sarasvati river basin which accounts for 80% (about 2000) archaeological sites of the civilization, including sites which have yielded inscribed objects such as Lothal, Dwaraka, Kanmer, Dholavira, Surkotada, Kalibangan, Farmana, Bhirrana, Kunal, Banawali, Chandigarh, Rupar, Rakhigarhi. The language-speakers in this basin are likely to have retained cultural memories of Indus language which can be gleaned from the semantic clusters of glosses of the ancient versions of their current lingua franca available in comparative lexicons and nighanṭu-s.
Evidence from Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa
Slokas 5.30.16 to 21 in the 29th sarga of Sundara Kandam, provide an episode of Hanuman introspecting on the language in which he should speak to Sita. This evidence refers to two dialects: Sanskrit andmānuṣam vākyam (lit. jāti bhāṣā). In this narrative mānuṣam vākyam (spoken dialect) is distinguished from Sanskrit of a Brahmin (or, grammatically correct and well-prouncedd Sanskrit used in yajña-s).
1. “antaramtvaha māsādya rākṣasīnam iha sthitah”
2. “śanairāśvāsaiṣyāmi santāpa bahulām imām”
(Staying here itself and getting hold of an opportunity even in the midst of the female-demons (when they are in attentive), I shall slowly console Sita who is very much in distress. ) 3. “aham hi atitanuścaiva vānara śca viśeṣata”
4. “vācam ca udāhariṣyāmi mānuṣīm iha samskṛtām” (However, I am very small in stature, particularly as a monkey and can speak now Sanskrit, the human language too.) 5. “yadi vācam pradāsyami dwijātiriva samskṛtām” 6. “rāvaṇam manyamānā mām sītā bhītā bhavi ṣyati”
7. vānarasya viśeṣena kathamsyādabibhāṣaṇam (If I use Sanskrit language like a llsde, Sita will get frightened, thinking that Rāva ṇ a has come disguised as a monkey. Especially, how can a monkey speak it?) 8. “avaśyameva vaktavyam mānuṣam vākyam arthavat”
9. “mayā śāntvayitum śakyā”
10. “nānyathā iyam aninditā” (Certainly, meaningful words of a human being are to be spoken by me. Otherwise, the virtuous Sita cannot be consoled.) 11. “sā iyam ālokya me rūpam jānakī bhāṣitam tathā ||
Evidence from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa for mleccha vācas
An extraordinary narrative account from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa is cited in full to provide the context of the yagna in which vaak (speech personified as woman) is referred to the importance of grammatical speech in yagna performance and this grammatical, intelligible speech is distinguished from mlecccha, unintelligible speech. The example of the usage of phrase ‘he ‘lavo is explained by Sayana as a pronunciation variant of: ‘he ‘rayo. i.e. ‘ho, the spiteful (enemies)!’ This grammatically correct phrase, the Asuras were unable to pronounce correctly, notes Sayana. The ŚB text and translation are cited in full because of the early evidence provided of the mleccha speech (exemplifying what is referred to Indian language studies as ‘ralayo rabhedhah’; the transformed use of ‘la’ where the syllable ‘ra’ was intended. This is the clearest evidence of a proto-Indian language which had dialectical variants in the usage by asuras and devas (i.e. those who do not perform yagna and those who perform yagna using vaak, speech.) This is comparable to mleccha vācas and ārya vācas differentiation by Manu. The text of ŚB 3.2.1.22-28 and translation are as follows:
yoṣā vā iyaṃ vāgyadenaṃ na yuvitehaiva mā tiṣṭhantamabhyehīti brūhi tām tu na āgatām pratiprabrūtāditi sā hainaṃ tadeva tiṣṭhantamabhyeyāya tasmādu strī pumāṃsaṃ saṃskṛte tiṣṭhantamabhyaiti tāṃ haibhya āgatām pratiprovāceyaṃ vā āgāditi tāṃ devāḥ |
asurebhyo ‘ntarāyaṃstāṃ svīkṛtyāgnāveva parigṛhya sarvahutamajuhavurāhutirhi devānāṃ sa yāmevāmūmanuṣṭubhājuhavustadevaināṃ taddevāḥ svyakurvata te ‘surā āttavacaso he ‘lavo he ‘lava iti vadantaḥ parābabhūvuḥ atraitāmapi vācamūduḥ |
upajijñāsyāṃ sa mlecastasmānna brāhmaṇo mlecedasuryā haiṣā vā natevaiṣa dviṣatāṃ sapatnānāmādatte vācaṃ te ‘syāttavacasaḥ parābhavanti ya evametadveda o ‘yaṃ yajño vācamabhidadhyau |
mithunyenayā syāmiti tāṃ saṃbabhūva indro ha vā īkṣāṃ cakre |
mahadvā ito ‘bhvaṃ janiṣyate yajñasya ca mithunādvācaśca yanmā tannābhibhavediti sa indra eva garbho bhūtvaitanmithunam praviveśa sa ha saṃvatsare jāyamāna īkṣāṃ cakre |
mahāvīryā vā iyaṃ yoniryā māmadīdharata yadvai meto mahadevābhvaṃ nānuprajāyeta yanmā tannābhibhavediti tām pratiparāmṛśyaveṣṭyācinat |
tāṃ yajñasya śīrṣanpratyadadhādyajño hi kṛṣṇaḥ sa yaḥ sa yajñastatkṛṣṇājinaṃ yo sā yoniḥ sā kṛṣṇaviṣāṇātha yadenāmindra āveṣṭyācinattasmādāveṣṭiteva sa yathaivāta indro ‘jāyata garbhobhūtvaitasmānmithunādevamevaiṣo ‘to jāyate garbho bhūtvaitasmānmithunāt tāṃ vā uttānāmiva badhnāti |
Translation: 22.The gods reflected, ‘That Vaak being a woman, we must take care lest she should allure him. – Say to her, “Come hither to make me where I stand!” and report to us her having come.’ She then went up to where he was standing. Hence a woman goes to a man who stays in a well-trimmed (house). He reported to them her having come, saying, ‘She has indeed come.’ 23. The gods then cut her off from the Asuras; and having gained possession of her and enveloped her completely in fire, they offered her up as a holocaust, it being an offering of the gods. (78) And in that they offered her with an anushtubh verse, thereby they made her their own; and the Asuras being deprived of speech, were undone, crying, ‘He ‘lavah! He ‘lavah!’ (79) 24. Such was the unintelligible speech which they then uttered, -- and he (who speaks thus) is a Mlekkha (barbarian). Hence let no Brahman speak barbarous language, since such is the speech of the Asuras. Thus alone he deprives his spiteful enemies of speech; and whosoever knows this, his enemies, being deprived of speech, are undone. 25. That Yajna (sacrifice) lusted after Vaak (speech [80]), thinking, ‘May I pair with her!’ He united with her. 26. Indra then thought within himself, ‘Surely a great monster will spring from this union of Yagna and Vaak: [I must take care] lest it should get the better of me.’ Indra himself then became an embryo and entered into that union. 27. Now when he was born after a year’s time, he thought within himself, ‘Verily of great vigour is this womb which has contained me: [I must take care] that no great monster shall be born from it after me, lest it should get the better of me!’ 28. Having seized and pressed it tightly, he tore it off and put it on the head of Yagna (sacrifice [81]); for the black (antelope) is the sacrifice: the black deer skin is the same as that sacrifice, and the black deer’s horn is the same as that womb. And because it was by pressing it tightly together that Indra tore out (the womb), therefore it (the horn) is bound tightly (to the end of the garment); and as Indra, having become an embryo, sprang from that union, so is he (the sacrifice), after becoming an embryo, born from that union (of the skin and the horn). (ŚB 3.2.1.23-25). (fn 78) According to Sayana, ‘he ‘lavo’ stands for ‘he ‘rayo’ (i.e. ho, the spiteful (enemies)!’ which the Asuras were unable to pronounce correctly. The Kaanva text, however, reads te hātavāko ‘su hailo haila ity etām ha vācam vadantah parābabhūvuh (? i.e. he p. 32 ilaa, ‘ho, speech’.) A third version of this passage seems to be referred to in the Mahā bhāṣya (Kielh.), p.2. (p.38). (fn 79) Compare the corresponding legend about Yagna and Dakṣiṇā (priests’ fee), (Taitt. S. VI.1.3.6. (p.38) (fn 79) ‘Yagnasya sīrṣan’; one would expect ‘kṛṣṇa(sāra)sya sīrṣan.’ The Taitt.S. reads ‘tām mṛgeṣu ny adadhāt.’ (p.38) (fn81) In the Kanva text ‘atah (therewith)’ refers to the head of the sacrifice, -- sa yak khirasta upasprisaty ato vā enām etad agre pravisan pravisaty ato vā agre gāyamāno gāyate tasmāk khirasta upasprisati. (p.39)(cf. śatapatha Brāhmaṇa vol. 2 of 5, tr. By Julius Eggeling, 1885, in SBE Part 12; fn 78-81).
Mesopotamian texts refer to a language called meluhha (which required an Akkadian translator); this meluhha is cognate with mleccha. Seafaring meluhhan merchants used the script in trade transactions; artisans created metal artifacts, lapidary artificats of terracotta, ivory for trade. Glosses of the proto-Indic or Indus language are used to read rebus the Indus script inscriptions. The glyphs of the script include both pictorial motifs and signs and both categories of glyphs are read rebus. As a first step in delineating the Indus language, an Indian lexicon provides a resource, compiled semantically cluster over 1240 groups of glosses from ancient Indian languages as a proto-Indic substrate dictionary. Seehttp://www.scribd.com/doc/2232617/lexicon linked at http://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/indus-writing
“The word meluh.h.a is of special interest. It occurs as a verb in a different form (mlecha-) in Vedic only in ŚB 3.2.1, an eastern text of N. Bihar where it indicates ‘to speak in barbarian fashion’. But it has a form closer to Meluh.h.a in Middle Indian (MIA): Pali, the church language of S. Buddhism which originated as a western N. Indian dialect (roughly, between Mathura, Gujarat and the Vindhya) has milakkha, milakkhu. Other forms, closer to ŚB mleccha are found in MIA *mliccha > Sindhi milis, Panjabi milech, malech, Kashmiri bri.c.hun ‘weep, lament’ (< *mrech-, with the common r/l interchange of IA), W. Pahari mel+c.h ‘dirty’. It seems that, just as in other cases mentioned above, the original local form *m(e)luh. (i.e. m(e)lukh in IA pronunciation, cf. E. Iranian bAxdhI ‘Bactria’ > AV *bahli-ka, balhi-ka) was preserved only in the South (Gujarat? >Pali), while the North (Panjab, Kashmir, even ŚB and Bengal) has *mlecch. The sound shift from-h.h.-/-kh- > -cch- is unexplained; it may have been modeled on similar correspondences in MIA (Skt. Akṣi ‘eye’ _ MIA akkhi, acchi; ks.Etra ‘_eld’ _ MIA khetta, chetta, etc.) The meaning of Mleccha must have evolved from ‘self-designation’ > ‘name of foreigners’, cf. those of the Franks > Arab farinjI ‘foreigner.’ Its introduction into Vedic must have begun in Meluh.h.a, in Baluchistan-Sindh, and have been transmitted for a long time in a non-literary level of IA as a nickname, before surfacing in E. North India in Middle/Late Vedic as Mleccha. (Pali milāca is influenced by a `tribal’ name, Piśā ca, as is Sindhi milindu, milidu by Pulinda; the word has been further `abbreviated’ by avoiding the difficult cluster ml- : Prākṛt mecha, miccha, Kashmiri m ĩ c(h), Bengali mech (a Tib.-Burm tribe) and perhaps Pashai mece if not < *mēcca `defective’ (Turner, CDIAL 10389. | Parpola 1994: 174 has attempted a Dravidian explanation. He understands Meluh.h. a (var. Melah.h.a) as Drav. *Mēlakam [mēlaxam] `high country’ (= Baluchistan) (=Ta-milakam) and points to Neo-Assyr. Baluh.h.u `galbanum’, sinda `wood from Sindh’. He traces mlech, milakkha back to *mleks. , which is seen as agreeing, with central Drav. Metathesis with *mlēxa = mēlaxa-m. Kuiper 1991:24 indicates not infrequent elision of (Dravid.) —a- when taken over into Skt. | Shafer 1954 has a Tib-Burm. Etymology *mltse; Southworth 1990: 223 reconstructs Pdrav. 2 *muzi/mizi `say, speak, utter’, DEDR 4989, tamil `Tamil’ < `own speech’.)” [Witzel, Michael, 1999, Substrate Languages in Old Indo-Aryan (Rgvedic, Middle and Late Vedic, Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies (EJVS) 5-1 (1999) pp.1-67.http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs0501/ejvs0501article.pdf]
Note: Coining a term, “Para-Munda”, denoting a hypothetical language related but not ancestral to modern Munda languages, the author goes on to identify it as “Harappan”, the language of the Harappan civilization. The author later recounts this and posits that Harappan were illiterate and takes the glyphs of the script to be symbols without any basis in any underlying language.[cf. Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel, 2005, The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis: The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization, EJVS 11-2 Dec. 13, 2005.]
ṛgveda (ṛca 3.53.12) uses the term, ‘bhāratam janam’, which can be interpreted as ‘bhārata folk’. The ṛṣi of the sūkta is viśvāmitra gāthina. India was called Bhāratavarṣa after the king Bhārata. (Vāyu 33, 51-2; Bd. 2,14,60-2; lin:ga 1,47,20,24; Viṣṇu 2,1,28,32).
Ya ime rodasī ubhe aham indram atuṣṭavam
viśvāmitrasya rakṣati brahmedam bhāratam janam
3.053.12 I have made Indra glorified by these two, heaven and earth, and this prayer of viśvāmitra protects the people of Bhārata. [Made Indra glorified: indram atuṣṭavam — the verb is the third preterite of the casual, I have caused to be praised; it may mean: I praise Indra, abiding between heaven and earth, i.e. in the firmament].
The evidence is remarkable that almost every single glyph or glyptic element of the Indus script can be read rebus using the repertoire of artisans (lapidaries working with precious shell, ivory, stones and terracotta, mine-workers, metal-smiths working with a variety of minerals, furnaces and other tools) who created the inscribed objects and used many of them to authenticate their trade transactions. Many of the inscribed objects are seen to be calling cards of the professional artisans, listing their professional skills and repertoire.
The identification of glosses from the present-day languages of India on Sarasvati river basin is justified by the continuation of culture evidenced by many artifacts evidencing civilization continuum from the Vedic Sarasvati River basin, since language and culture are intertwined, continuing legacies:
It is unlikely that Akkadian was a possible underlying language because a cuneiform cylinder seal with an Akkadian inscription, showing a seafaring Meluhhan merchant (carrying an antelope) required an interpreter, Shu-ilishu, confirming that the Meluhhan’s language was not Akkadian. There is substantial agreement among scholars pointing to the Indian civilization area as a linguistic area.
I suggest that Meluhha mentioned in Mesopotamian texts of 3rd-2nd millennium BCE is a language of this linguistic area. That meluhha and mleccha are cognate and that mleccha is attested as a mleccha vācas (mleccha speech) distinguished from arya vācas (arya speech) indicates that the linguistic area had a colloquial, ungrammatical mleccha speech – lingua franca and a grammatically correct arya speech – literary language. The substrate glosses of the Indian lexicon are thus reasonably assumed to be the glosses of mleccha vācas, the speech of the artisans who produced the artifacts and the inscribed objects with the writing system. This assumption is further reinforced by the fact that about 80% of archaeological sites of the civilization are found on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati leading some scholars to rename the Indus Valley civilization as Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.
In this context, the following monumental work by Sylvan Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean Przyluski published in the 1920’s continues to be relevant, even today, despite some advances in studies related to formation of Indian languages and the archaeological perspectives of and evidences from the civilization.
Przyluski notes the principal forms of the words signifying ‘man’ and ‘woman’ in the Munda languages:
Man: hor, hōrol, harr, hõr, haṛa, hoṛ, koro
Woman: kūṛĩ, ērā, koṛi, kol
Comparing ‘son’ and ‘daughter’ in Santali:
Son = kora hapan; daughter = kuri hapan
“…a root kur, kor is differentiated in the Munda languages for signifying: man, woman, girl and boy. That in some cases this root has taken a relatively abstract sense is proved by Santali koḍa, koṛa, which signify ‘one’ as in the expression ‘koḍa ke koḍa’ ‘each single one’. Thus one can easily understand that the same root has served the purpose of designating the individual not as an indivisible unity but as a numerical whole…Thus we can explain the analogy between the root kur, kor ‘man’ the number 20 in Munda kūṛī kūṛĩ , koḍī and the number 10 in Austro-Asiatic family ko, se-kūr, skall, gal.” (ibid., pp. 28-30).
Homonym: कोल[ kōla ] n An income, or goods and chattels, or produce of fields &c. seized and sequestered (in payment of a debt). Vधरूनठेव, सोड. 2 f The hole dug at the game of विटीदांडू, at marbles &c. कोलणें[ kōlaṇēṃ ] v c To strike the विटीin the hole कोलीwith the bat or दांडू. (In the game of विटीदांडू) 2 To cast off from one’s self upon another (a work). Ex. पैकामागावयासलागलोंम्हणजेबापलेंकावरकोल- तोलेंकबापावरकोलतो. 3 To cast aside, reject, disallow, flout, scout. कोलूनमारणेंTo kick up the heels of; to trip up: also to turn over (from one side to the other). किरकोळी[ kirakōḷī ] f (किरकोळ) A heap of miscellaneous articles.
An old Munda word, kol means ‘man’. S. K. Chatterjee called the Munda family of languages as Kol, as the word, according to him, is (in the Sanskrit-Prākṛt form Kolia) an early Aryan modification of an old Munda word meaning ‘man’. [Chatterjee, SK, The study of kol, Calcutta Review, 1923, p. 455.] Przyluski accepts this explanation. [Przyluski, Non-aryan loans in Indo-Aryan, in: Bagchi, PC, Pre-aryan and pre-dravidian, pp.28-29 http://www.scribd.com/doc/33670494/prearyanandpredr035083mbp]
Note: This area can be called speakers of ‘mleccha, meluhha’ or mleccha vācas according to Manusmṛti (lingua franca of the artisans). Manusmṛti distinguishes two spoken language-groups: mleccha vācas and arya vaacas (that is, spoken dialect distinguished from grammatically correct glosses).
“A Sprachbund…in German, plural “Sprachbünde” IPA, from the German word for “language union”, also known as a linguistic area, convergence area, or diffusion area, is a group of languages that have become similar in some way because of geographical proximity and language contact. They may be genetically unrelated, or only distantly related. Where genetic affiliations are unclear, thesprachbund characteristics might give a false appearance of relatedness…In a classic 1956 paper titled “India as a Linguistic Area”, Murray Emeneau [Emeneau, Murray. 1956. India as a Lingusitic Area. "Langauge" 32: 3-16. http://en.academic.ru/dic.nsf/enwiki/113093] laid the groundwork for the general acceptance of the concept of a Sprachbund. In the paper, Emeneau observed that the subcontinent’s Dravidian and Indo-Aryan languages shared a number of features that were not inherited from a common source, but were areal features, the result of diffusion during sustained contact.” Common features of a group of languages in a Sprachbund are called ‘areal features’. In linguistics, an areal feature is any typological feature shared by languages within the same geographical area. An example refers to retroflex consonants in the Burushaski {Berger, H. Die Burushaski-Sprache von Hunza und Nagar. Vols. I-III. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1988 ][Tikkanen (2005)]}, Nuristani [G.Morgenstierne, Irano-Dardica. Wiesbaden 1973], Dravidian, Munda and Indo-Aryan language families of the Indian subcontinent. The Munda Languages. Edited by Gregory D. S. Anderson. London and New York: Routledge (Routledge Language Family Series), 2008.
Notes on Indian linguistic area: pre-aryan,pre-Munda and pre-dravidian in India
It will be a hasty claim to make that Old Tamil or Proto-Munda or Santali or Prakṛt or Pali or any other specific language of the Indian linguistic area, by itself (to the exclusion of other languages in contact), explains the language of the Indus civilization. In this context, the work by Sylvan Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean Przyluski published in the 1920’s (cited elsewhere) continues to be relevant, even today, despite some advances in studies related to formation of Indian languages and the archaeological perspectives of and evidences from the civilization.
Some glyphs of the script are yet to be decoded. Tentative readings of such glyphs yet to be validated by the cipher code key of Indus script are detailed (including decipherment of inscriptions from scores of small sites) at http://sites.google.com/site/kalyan97/induswriting If the glyphs are unambiguously identified and read in archaeological context and the context of other glyphs of the inscription itself, it will be possible to decipher them. For this purpose, some graphemes (which have homonyms and can be read rebus) are provided from the Indian Lexicon of the Indian linguistic area.
Graphemes:
kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); ‘jackal’ (Konkani); kul id. (Santali)
kol ‘the name of a bird, the Indian cuckoo’ (Santali)
kolo ‘a large jungle climber, dioscorea doemonum (Santali)
kulai ‘a hare’ (Santali)
Grapheme: Ta. kōl stick, staff, branch, arrow. Ma. kōl staff, rod, stick, arrow. Ko. kl stick, story of funeral car. To. kws̱ stick.Ka. kōl, kōlu stick, staff, arrow. Koḍ. Klï stick. Tu. kōlů, kōlustick, staff. Te. kōla id., arrow; long, oblong; kōlana elongatedness, elongation; kōlani elongated. Kol. (SR.) kolā, (Kin.) kōlastick. Nk. (Ch.) kōl pestle. Pa. kōl shaft of arrow.Go. (A.) kōla id.; kōlā (Tr.) a thin twig or stick, esp. for kindling a fire, (W. Ph.) stick, rod, a blade of grass, straw; (G. Mu. Ma. Ko.) kōla handle of plough, sickle, knife, etc. ( Voc.988); (ASu.) kōlā stick, arrow, slate-pencil; (LuS.) kola the handle of an implement.Konḍa kōl big wooden pestle. Pe. kōlpestle. Manḍ. kūl id. Kui kōḍu (pl. kōṭka) id. Kuwi (F.)kōlū (pl. kōlka), (S. Su.) kōlu (pl. kōlka) id. Cf. 2240 Ta.kōlam (Tu. Te. Go.). / Cf. OMar. (Master) kōla stick. (DEDR 2237).कोलदंडा or कोलदांडा [ kōladaṇḍā or kōladāṇḍā ] m A stick or bar fastened to the neck of a surly dog. (Marathi)
kola [ kōla ] f. The bandicoot rat, mus malibaricos (Rajasthani)
Skanda Purana refers to kol as a mleccha community. (Hindu śabdasagara).
kolhe, ‘the koles, are an aboriginal tribe of iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kōla m. name of a degraded tribe Hariv. Pk. Kōla — m.; B. kol name of a Muṇḍā tribe (CDIAL 3532). A Bengali lexeme confirms this: কোল1 [ kōla1 ] an aboriginal tribe of India; a member of this tribe. (Bengali) That in an early form of Indian linguistic area, kol means ‘man’ gets substantiated by a Nahali and Assamese glosses: kola ‘woman’. See also: Wpah. Khaś.kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ,Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē). Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ,kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, (CDIAL 3295). कारकोळी orळ्या [ kārakōḷī or ḷyā ] a Relating to the country कार- कोळ--a tribe of Bráhmans (Marathi).
Mleccha and Bharatiya languages
Mleccha was substratum language of bharatiyo (casters of metal) many of whom lived in dvīpa (land between two rivers –Sindhu and Sarasvati -- or islands on Gulf of Kutch, Gulf of Khambat, Makran coast and along the Persian Gulf region of Meluhha).
Mleccha were bharatiya (Indians) of Indian linguistic area
According to Matsya Purāṇa (10.7), King Veṇa was the ancestor of the mleccha; according to Mahābhārata (MB. 12.59, 101-3), King Veṇa was a progenitor of the Niṣāda dwelling in the Vindhya mountains. Nirukta 3.8 includes Niṣāda among the five peoples mentioned in the ṛgveda 10.53.4, citing Aupamanyava; the five peoples are: brāhmaṇa, kṣatriya, vaiśya, śūdra and Niṣāda. Niṣāda gotra is mentioned in the gaṇapāṭha of Pāṇini (Aṣṭādhyāyī 4.1.100). Niṣāda were mleccha. It should be noted that Pāṇini associated yavana with the Kāmboja (Pāṇini, Gaṇapāṭha, 178 on 2.1.72).
Mullaippāṭṭu (59-66) (composed by kāvirippūmpāṭṭinattuppon vāṇigaṇār mahanārṇ.appūḍanār) are part of Pattuppāṭṭu, ten Tamil verses of Sangam literature; these refer to a chief of Tamil warriors whose battle-field tent was built by Yavana and guarded by mleccha who spoke only through gestures. (JV Chelliah, 1946, Pattuppāṭṭu; ten Tamil idylls, translated into English verse, South India Saiva Siddhanta Works Publishing Society, p. 91).
Mahābhārata notes that the Pāṇḍava army was protected by mleccha, among other people (Kāmboja ,śaka, Khasa, Salwa, Matsya, Kuru, Mleccha, Pulinda, Draviḍa, Andhra and Kāñci) (MBh. V.158.20). Sūta laments the misfortune of the Kaurava-s: ‘When the Nārāyaṇa-s have been killed, as also the Gopāla-s, those troops that were invincible in battle, and many thousands of mleccha-s, what can it be but Destiny?’ (MBh. IX.2.36: Nārāyaṇā hatāyatra Gopālā yuddhadurmahāh mlecchāśca bahusāhasrāh kim anyad bhāgadheyatah?)
Nahali, Meluhhan, Language ‘X’
On the banks of River Narmada are found speakers of Nahali, the so-called language isolate with words from Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda – which together constitute the indic language substratum of a linguistic area, ca. 3300 BCE on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu – a region referred to as Meluhha in Mesopotamian cuneiform records; hence the language of the inscribed objects can rightly be called Meluhhan or Mleccha, a language which Vidura and Yudhiṣṭhira knew (as stated in the Great Epic, Mahābhārata).
Elsewhere in the Great Epic we read how Sahadeva, the youngest of the Pāṇḍava brothers, continued his march of conquest till he reached several islands in the sea (no doubt with the help of ships) and subjugated the Mleccha inhabitants thereof. Brahmāṇḍa 2.74.11, Brahma 13.152, Harivaṁśa 1841, Matsya 48.9, Vāyu 99.11, cf. also Viṣṇu 4.17.5, Bhāgavata 9.23.15, see Kirfel 1927: 522: pracetasah putraśatam rājānah sarva eva te // mleccharāṣṭrādhipāh sarve udīcīm diśam āśritāh which means, of course, not that these ‘100’ kings conquered the ‘northern countries’ way beyond the Hindukuṣ or Himalayas, but that all these 100 kings, sons of pracetās (a descendant of a ‘druhyu’), kings of mleccha kingdoms, are ‘adjacent’ (āśrita) to the ‘northern direction,’ — which since the Vedas and Pāṇini has signified Greater gandhāra. (Kirfel, W. Das Purāṇa Pañcalakṣaṇa.1927.Bonn : K. Schroeder.) This can be construed as a reference to a migration of the sons of Pracetas towards the northern direction to become kings of the mleccha states. The son of Yayati’s third son, Druhyu, was Babhru, whose son and grandsons were Setu, Arabdha, Gandhara, Dharma, Dhṛta, Durmada and Praceta. It is notable that Pracetas is related to Dharma and Dhṛta, who are the principal characters of the Great Epic, the Mahābhārata. It should be noted that a group of people frequently mentioned in the Great Epic are the mleccha, an apparent designation of a group within the country, with Bhāratam janam (Bhārata people). This is substantiated by the fact that Bhagadatta, the king of Pragjyotiṣa is referred to as mleccha and he is also said to have ruled over two yavana kings (2.13).
Melakkha, island-dwellers, lapidaries
According to the great epic, Mlecchas lived on islands: “sa sarvān mleccha nṛpatin sāgara dvīpa vāsinah, aram āhāryàm àsa ratnāni vividhāni ca, andana aguru vastrāṇi maṇi muktam anuttamam, kāñcanam rajatam vajram vidrumam ca mahādhanam: (Bhima) arranged for all the mleccha kings, who dwell on the ocean islands, to bring varieties of gems, sandalwood, aloe, garments, and incomparable jewels and pearls, gold, silver, diamonds, and extremely valuable coral… great wealth.” (MBh. 2.27.25-27). The reference to gems, pearls and corals evokes the semi-precious and precious stones, such as carnelian and agate, of Gujarat traded with Mesopotamian civilization. According to Sumerian records from the Agade Period (Sargon, 2373-2247 BC), Sumerian merchants traded with people from (at least) three named foreign places: Dilmun (now identified as the island of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf); Magan (a port on the coastline between the head of the Persian Gulf and the mouth of the Sindhu river); and Meluhha. Mentions of trade with Meluhha become frequent in Ur III period (2168-2062 BCE) and Larsa dynasty (2062- 1770 BCE). To the end of the Sarasvati Civilization period, the trade declines dramatically attesting to Meluhha being the Sarasvati Civilization. By Ur III Period, Meluhhan workers residing in Sumeria had Sumerian names, leading to a comment: ‘…three hundred years after the earliest textually documented contact between Meluhha and Mesopotamia, the references to a distinctly foreign commercial people have been replaced by an ethnic component of Ur III society’ This is an economic presence of Meluhhan traders maintaining their own village for a considerable span of time.(Parpola, Simo, Asko Parpola, and Robert H. Brunswig, Jr., 1977, “TheMeluhha Village — Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late Third Millenium Mesopotamia?”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Volume 20, Part II.)
The epic also refers to the pāṇḍava Sahadeva’s conquest of several islands in the sea with mleccha inhabitants.
A reference also to the salty marshes of Rann of Kutch in Gujarat (and also, perhaps, the Makran coast, south of Karachi), may also be surmised, where settlements and fortifications such as Amri Nal, Allahdino, Dholavira (Kotda) Sur-kota-da, and Kanmer have been excavated – close to the Sarasvati River Basin as the River traversed towards the Arabian ocean. Kathāsaritsāgara (tr. CH Tawney, 1880, Calcutta; rep. New Delhi, 1991), I, p. 151 associates mleccha with Sind. Mleccha kings paid tributes of sandalwood, aloe, cloth, gems, pearls, blankets, gold, silver and valuable corals.
Nakula conquered western parts of Bhāratavarṣa teeming with mleccha (MBh.V.49.26: yah pratīcīm diśam cakre vaśe mlecchagaṇāyutām sa tatra nakulo yoddhā citrayodhī vyavasthitah). Bṛhatsamhitā XIV.21 refers to lawless mleccha who inhabited the west: nirmaryādā mlecchā ye paścimadiksthit āsteca. A Buddhist chronicle, āryaManjuśrī Mūlakalpa [ed. Ganapati Śāstri, II, p. 274] associates pratyanta (contiguous)with mlecchadeśa in western Bhāratavarṣa: paścimām diśīm āsṛtya rājāno mriyate tadā ye ‘pi pratyantavāsinyo mlecchataskarajīvinah. (trans. ‘Then (under a certain astrological combination) the kings who go to the west die; also inhabitants of pratyanta live like the mlecchas and taskara.’)
This metaphor defines the region fit for yajna. This metaphor also explains the movements of mleccha, such as kamboja-yavana, pārada-pallava along the Indian Ocean Rim as sea-faring merchants from Meluhha. This parallels the hindu-bauddha continuum exemplified by the Mathura lion capital withśrivatsa and Angkor Wat (Nagara vātika) as the largest Viṣṇu mandiram in the world, together with celebration of Bauddham in many parts of central, eastern and southeastern Asian continent. Mleccha were at no stage described in any text as people belonging to one ethnic, religious or linguistic group. This self-imposed restriction evidenced by all writers of the early Indian cultural tradition – Veda, Bauddha, Jaina alike – is of fundamental significance in understanding that mleccha constituted the core of the people on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu and were the principal architects, artisans, workers, and people, in general, of the Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization throughout its stages of evolution through phases in modes of production – pastoral, agricultural, industrial – and interactions with neighbors, trading in surplus food products and artefacts generated and sharing cultural attributes/characteristics.
Various terms are used to describe mleccha social groups and communities: pratyantadeś’a (ArthaśāstraVII.10.16), paccantimā janapada (Vinaya Piṭaka V.13.12, vol. I, p. 197), aṭavi, aṭavika (DC Sircar,Selected Inscriptions, vol. I, ‘Thirteenth Rock Edict Shābhāzgaṛhī, text line 7, p.37; ‘Khoh Copper Plate Inscription of Saimkshobha’, text line 8; Arthaśāstra VII.10.16; VII.4.43: mlecchaṭavi who were considered a threat to the state; Arthaśāstra IX.2.18-20 mentions aṭavibala, troops from forests as one of six types of troops at the disposal of a ruler). Some mleccha lived in border areas and forests, e.g.pratyanta nṛpatibhir (frontier kings: JF Fleet, CII, vol. II, ‘Allahabad Posthumous Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, text line 22, p. 116) cf. Arthaśāstra– a 4th century BCE text — I.12.21; VII.14.27; XIV.1.2; mleccha jāti are: bheda,kirāta, śabara, pulinda: Amarakośa II.10.20, a fifth century CE text).
In many Persian inscriptions Yauna, Gandhāra and Saka occur together. [For e.g., DC Sircar, Selected Inscriptions, no.2 ‘Persepolis Inscription on Dārayavahuṣ (Darius c. 522-486 BCE),’ lines 12-13, 18, p.7; no. 5, ‘Perseplis Inscription of Khshayārshā (Xerxes c. 486-465)’, lines 23, 25-6, p. 12]. Thus, yavanamay be a reference to people settled in the northwest Bhāratavarṣa (India).
There are references to Mleccha (that is, śaka, Yavana, Kamboja, Pahlava) in Bāla Kānḍa of the Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa (1.54.21-23; 1.55.2-3). Taih asit samvrita bhūmih śakaih-Yavana miśritaih || 1.54-21 || taih taih Yavana-Kamboja barbarah ca akulii kritaah || 1-54-23 || tasya humkaarato jātah Kamboja ravi sannibhah | udhasah tu atha sanjatah Pahlavah śastra panayah || 1-55-2|| yoni deśāt ca Yavanah śakri deśāt śakah tathā | roma kupeṣ u Mlecchah ca Haritah sa Kiratakah || 1-55-3 ||.Kāmboja Yavanān caivaśakān paṭṭaṇāni ca | Anvīkṣya Varadān caiva Himavantam vicinvatha || 12 || — (Rāmāyaṇa 4.43.12)
The Yavanas here refer to the Bactrian Yavanas (in western Oxus country), and the Sakas here refer to the Sakas of Sogdiana/Jaxartes and beyond. The Vardas are the same as Paradas (Hindu Polity, 1978, p 124, Dr K. P. Jayswal; Goegraphical Data in Early Purana, 1972, p 165, 55 fn, Dr M. R.Singh). The Paradas were located on river Sailoda in Sinkiang (MBh II.51.12; II.52.13; VI.87.7 etc) and probably as far as upper reaches of river Oxus and Jaxartes (Op cit, p 159-60, Dr M. R.Singh).
Vanaparva of Mahābhārata notes: “…...Mlechha (barbaric) kings of the śaka-s, Yavanas, Kambojas, Bahlikas etc shall rule the earth (i.e India) un-rightously in Kaliyuga…” viparīte tadā loke purvarūpān kṣayasya tat || 34 || bahavo mechchha r\ājānah pṛthivyām manujādhipa | mithyanuśāsinah pāpa mṛṣavadaparāṇah || 35 || āndrah śakah Pulindaśca Yavanaśca narādhipāh | Kamboja Bahlikahśudrastathābhīra narottama || 36|| MBH 3/188/34-36). Anushasanaparava of Mahābhārata affirms that Mathura, was under the joint military control of the Yavanas and the Kambojas (12/102/5). Tathā Yavana Kambojā Mathurām abhitaś ca ye ete niyuddhakuśalā dākshiinātyāsicarminah. Mahābhārata speaks of the Yavanas, Kambojas, Darunas etc as the fierce mleccha from Uttarapatha : uttaraścāpare mlechchha jana bharatasattama. || 63 || Yavanashcha sa Kamboja Daruna mlechchha jatayah. | — (MBH 6.11.63-64) They are referred to as papakritah (sinful): uttara pathajanmanah kirtayishyami tanapi. | Yauna Kamboja Gandharah Kirata barbaraih saha. || 43 || ete pāpakṛtāstatra caranti prṛthivīmimām. | śvakakabalagridhraṇān sadharmaṇo narādhipa. || 44 || — (MBh 12/207/43-44) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Invasion_of_India_by_Scythian_Tribes#Establishment_of_Mlechcha_Kingdoms_in_Northern_India
Yavana are descendants of Turvaśu, one of the four sons of Yayāti. The sons were to rule over people such as Yavana, Bhoja and Yādava (MBh. 1.80.23-4; Matsya Purāṇa 34.29-30). Yavana, descendants of Turvaśu are noted as meat-eaters, sinful and hence, anārya. [MBh. trans. PC Roy, vol. I, p. 179] These people were brought over the sea safely by Indra (RV 6.20.12). In the Mahābhārata, sons of Anu are noted as mleccha. ṛgveda notes that Yadu and Turvaśa are dāsa (RV 10.62.10):
sanema te vasā navya indra pra pūrava stavanta enā yajnaih
tvam dhunir indra dhunimtrṇor āpah sīrā na sravantīh
pra yat samudram ati śūra parśi pāraya turvaśam yadum svasti
RV 6.020.10 (Favoured) by your proection, Indra, we solicit new (wealth); by this adoration men glorify you at sacrifices, for that you have shattered with your bolt the seven cities of śarat, killing the opponents (of sacred rites), killing the opponents (of sacred rites), and giving (their spoils) to Purukutsa. [Men: puravah = manuṣyah; śarat = name of an asura].
RV 6.020.11 Desirous of opulence, you, Indra, have been an ancient benefactor of Us’anas, the son of Kavi; having slain Navavāstva, you have given back his own grandson, who was (fit) to be restored o the grandfather.
RV 6.020.12 You, Indra, who make (your enemies) tremble, have caused the waters, detained by Dhuni, to flow like rushing rivers; so, hero, when, having crossed the ocean, you have reached the shore, you have brought over in safety Turvas’a and Yadu. [samudram atipraparṣi = samudram atikramya pratirṇo bhavasi = when you are crossed, having traversed the ocean, you have brought across Turvaśa and Yadu, both standing on the future shore, samudrapāretiṣṭhantau apārayah].
Nandana, another commentator of Mānava Dharma śāstra. X.45, defines āryavāc as samskṛtavāc. Thus, according to Medhātithi, neither habitation nor mleccha speech is the ground for regarding groups as Dasyus, but it is because of their particular names Barbara etc., that they are so regarded. These people were brought over the sea safely by Indra, as noted by this ṛca. This ṛca also notes that Yadu and Turvaśa (are) dāsa; and that Turvaśu is a son of Yayāti. The sons of Yayāti were to rule over people such as Yavana, Bhoja and Yādava. Turvaśu and Yadu crossed the oceans to come into Bhāratavarṣa. In this ṛca., ‘samudra’ can be interpreted only as an ocean. The ocean crossed by Indra, may be not too far from Sindhu. Sindhu is a ‘natural ocean frontier’ in ṛgveda. Given the activities of the Meluhha along the Makran Coast (300 km. south of Mehergarh, in the neighbourhood of Karachi), Gulf of Kutch and Gulf of Khambat, (evidence? Turbinella pyrum —śankha-bangle found in a woman’s grave in Mehergarh, dated to c. 6500 BCE, yes 7th millennium BCE; the type of shell found nowhere else in the world excepting the coastline of Sindhu sāgara upto to the Gulf of Mannar).
The ocean referred to may be the ocean in the Gulf of Kutch and was situated with a number of dvīpas. In places north of Lamgham district, i.e. north bank of river Kabul, near Peshawar were regions known as Mi-li-ku, the frontier of the mleccha lands. [S. Beal, 1973, The Life of Hiuen Tsiang, New Delhi, p 57; cf. NL Dey, Geographical Dictionary of India, p. 113 for an identification of Lamgham (Lampakā) 20 miles north-west of Jalalabad.] Harivamśa 85.18-19 locates the mleccha in the Himalayan region and mleccha are listed with yavana, śaka, darada, pārada, tuṣāra, khaśa and pahlava in north and north-west Bhāratavarṣa: sa viv ṛddho yad ā rāj ā yavan ānām mah ābalāh tata enam nṛpā mlecch āh sams’rity ānuyayaus tad ā śakās tuṣār ā daradāh pāradās tan:gaṇāh khasśāh pahlavāh śataśaścānye mlecch ā haimavat ās tathā.Matsya Purāṇa 144.51-58 provides a list. Pracetā had a hundred sons all of whom ruled in mleccha regions in the north. [Matsya Purāṇa 148.8-9; Bhāgavata Purāṇa IX.23.16.] Bhīṣma Parvan of Mahābhārata notes that mleccha jāti people lived in Yavana, Kāmboa, Dāruṇā regions and are listed together with several other peoples of the northern and north-western parts of Bhāratavarṣa (MBh. VI.10.63-66: uttarāścāpare mlecchā janā bharatasattama yavanāśca śaka, kāmbojā dārun.ā mlecchajātayah). In Rāmāyaṇa IV.42.10, Sugrīva is asked to search for Sītā in the northern lands of mleccha, pulinda, sūrasena, praṣalā, bhārata, kuru, madraka, kamboja and yavana before proceeding to Himavat: tatra mlecchān pulindāmśūrasen āmś tathaiva ca prasthalān bharatāmścaiva kurūmsśca saha madraih. Mlecchas came from the valley adjoining the Himalaya. [Rājatarangiṇī , VII. 2762-64.]
When Sagara, son of Bāhu, was prevented from destroying śaka, Yavana, Kāmboa, Pārada and Pāhlava after he recovered his kingdom, Vasiṣṭha, the family priest of Sagara, absolved these people of their duties but Sagara commanded the Yavana to shave the upper half of their heads, the Pārada to wear long hair and Pahlava to let their beards grow. Sagara also absolved them of their duty to offer yajna to agni and to study the Veda. [Vāyu Purāṇa 88.122. 136- 43; Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa 3.48.43-49; 63.119-34.] This is how these Yavana, Pārada and Pahlava also became mleccha. [Viṣṇu Purāṇa 4.3.38-41.] The implication is that prior to Sagara’s command, these kṣatriya communities did respect Vasiṣṭha as their priest, studied the Veda and performed yajna. [Harivamśa 10.41-45.] Śaka who were designated as kings of mleccha jāti by Bhaṭṭa Utpala (10th century) in his commentary on Bṛhatsamhitā, were defeated by Candragupta II. That the mleccha were also adored as ṛṣi is clear from the verse of Bṛhatsamhitā 2.15:mlecchā hi yavanās teṣu samyak śāstram kadam sthitam ṛṣivat te ‘pi pūjyante kim punar daivavid dvijāh(The yavana are mleccha, among them this science is duly established; therefore, even they (although mleccha) are honoured as ṛṣi; how much more (praise is due to an) astrologer who is a brāhmaṇa’).Bṛhatsamhitā 14.21 confirms that the yavana, śaka and pahlava lived on the west. Similarly, Konow notes that Sai-wang (Saka King) mentioned in Chinese accounts should be interpreted as Saka Muruṇḍa and the territory he occupied as Kāpiśa. [Sten Konow, CII, vol. II, pp. xx ff; Sten Konow, EI, no. 20 'Taxila Inscription of the Year 136', vol. XIV, pp. 291-2.] Śaka migrated to Bhāratavarṣa through Arachosia via the Bolan Pass into the lower Sindhu, a region called Indo_Scythia by Greek geographers and calledśaka-dvīpa in Bhāratiya texts. [EJ Rapson, ed., 1922,Cambridge History of India , vol. I, Ancient India, Cambridge, p. 564.] Another view expressed by Thomas is that the migration was through Sindh and the valley of the Sindhu River. [FW Thomas, 'Sakastana', JRAS, 1906, p. 216.] Kalhaṇa notes that Jalauka, a son of Aśoka took possession of Kāśmīra, advanced as far as Kanauj, after crushing a horse of mleccha. [Rājatarangiṇī, 1.107-8.] Greek invasions occurred later, during the reign of Puṣyamitra śunga (c. 185-150 BCE). The regions inhabited by the ‘milakkha’ could be the Vindhyan region. The term, ‘mleccha‘ of which ‘milakkha’ is a variant, could as well have denoted the indigenous people (Nahali?) or of Bhāratavarṣa who had lived on the Sarasvati River basin and who moved towards other parts of Bhāratavarṣa after the gradual desiccation of the river, over a millennium, between c. 2500 and 1500 BCE. Medhātithi, commenting on the verse of Manu, defines a language as mleccha : asad avidyamān\ārthās ādhu śabdatayā vāk mleccha ucyate yathā śabarāṇām kirātānām anyeyām va antyānām: Medhātithi on Mānava Dharmaśāstra X.45 – ‘Language is called mleccha because it consists of words that have no meaning or have the wrong meaning or are wrong in form. To this class belong the languages of such low-born tribes as the śabara-s, Kirāta and so forth…’… He further proceeds to explain that āryavāc is refined speech and the language of the inhabitants of āryāvarta, but only of those who belong to the four varṇa-s. The others are called Dasyus.: ibid. – āryavāca āryāvartam vāsinas te cāturvarṇy ādanyajātīyatvena prasiddhas tadā dasyava ucyante ‘Arya (refined) language is the language of the inhabitants of āryāvarta. Those persons being other than the four varṇa-s are called Dasyus.’
In Dhammapada’s commentary on Petuvathu, Dwaraka is associated with Kamboja as its Capital or its important city.[ The Buddhist Concepts of Spirits, p 81, Dr B. C. Law.] See evidence below:
Mleccha who came to the Rājasūya also included those from forest and frontier areas (MBh. III. 48.19:sāgarān ūpagāmścaiva ye ca paṭṭaṇavāsinah simhal ān barbarān mlecchān ye ca jān:galavāsinah). Bhīmasena proceeded east towards Lohitya (Brahmaputra) and had conquered several mleccha people who bestowed on him wealth of various kinds (MBh. II.27.23-24: suhmānāmādhipam caiva ye ca sāgaravāsinah sarvān mlecchagaṇāmścaiva vijigye bharatarṣabhah evam bahu vidhān deśān vijitya pavanātmajah vasu tebhya upādya lauhityam agad balī. [NL Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 115.]
Celebrations at the Kalinga capital of Duryodhana were attended by preceptors and mleccha kings from the south and east of Bhārata (MBh. XII.4.8: ete cānye ca bahavo dakṣinām diśām āśritah mlecchā āryāśca rāj ānah prācyodicyāśca bhārata).
Bhāgadatta, the great warrior of Prāgjyotiṣa accompanied by mleccha people inhabiting marshy regions of the sea- coast (sāgarānūpavāsibhih), attends the Rājasūya of Yudhiṣṭhira (MBh. II.31.9-10:prāgjyotiṣaśca nṛpatir bhagadatto mahāyaśāh saha sarvais tathā mlecchaih sāgarānūpavāsibhih). This is perhaps a reference ot the marshy coastline of Bengal. Amarakośa II, Bhūmivarga – 6: pratyanto mlecchade śah syāt; Sarvānanda in his commentary, ṭīkāsarvasva, elaborates that mleccha deśa denotes regions without proper conduct such as Kāmarūpa: bhāratavarṣasyāntadeśah śiṣṭācārā rahitah kāmarūpādih mlecchadeśāh [Nāmalingānuśāsana, with commentary ṭīkāsarvasva, of Sarvānanda (ed. Ganapati śāstri)]; he also cites Manu that where four varṇa-s are not established that region is mlecchadeśa. A contemporary of Harṣavardhana was Bhāskaravarman of Kāmarūpa; this king was supplanted by another dynasty founded by śālastambha who was known as a mleccha overlord. [SK Chatterji, 1950, Kirāta-jana-kṛti --The Indo-Mongoloids: Their contributions to the and culture of India, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XVI, pp.143-253.]
Meluhha, Mleccha areas: Sarasvati River Basin and Coastal Regions of Gujarat, Baluchistan
Meluhha referred to in Sumerian and old Akkadian texts refers to an area in Sarasvati Civilization; Asko and Simo Parpola add: ‘…probably, including NW India with Gujarat as well as eastern Baluchistan’.[ WF Leemans, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, 1960; 'Trade Relations on Babylonia', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. III, 1960, p.30 ff. 'Old Babylonian Letters and Economic History', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. XI, 1968, pp. 215-26; J. Hansam, 'A Periplus of Magan and Meluhha', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 36, pt. III, 1973, pp. 554-83. Asko and Simo Parpola, 'On the Relationship of the Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha', Studia Orientalia,vol. 46, 1975, pp. 205-38.]
Imports from Meluhha into Mesopotamia included the following commodities which were found in north-western and western Bhāratavarṣa: copper, silver, gold, carnelian, ivory, uśu wood (ebony), and another wood which is translated as ‘sea wood’ – perhaps mangrove wood on the coasts of Sind ad Baluchistan. [J. Hansman, 'A Periplus of Magan and Meluhha', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 36, pt. III, 1973, pp. 560.] The Ur texts specifically refer to ‘seafaring country of Meluhha‘’ and hence, Leemans’ thesis that Meluhha was the west coast (modern state of Gujarat) of Bhārata. The Lothal dockyard had fallen into disuse by c.1800 BCE, a date when the trade between Mesopotamia and Meluhha also ended. [WF Leemans, 'Old Babylonian Letters and Economic History', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. XI, 1968, pp. 215-26. P. Aalto, 1971, 'Marginal Notes on the Meluhha Problem,' Professor KA Nilakanta Sastri Felicitation Volume, Madras, pp. 222-23.] In Leemans’ view, Gujarat was the last bulwark of the (Indus or Sarasvati) Civilization. Records refer to Meluhhan ships docking at Sumer. There were Meluhhans in various Sumerian cities; there was also a Meluhhan town or district at one city. The Sumerian records indicate a large volume of trade; according to a Sumerian tablet, one shipment from Meluhha contained 5,900 kg of copper (13,000 lbs, or 6 ½ tons)! The bulk of this trade was done through Dilmun, not directly with Meluhha. In our view, the formative stages of the Civilization also had their locus in the coastal areas – in particular, the Gulf of Khambat, Gulf of Kutch and Makran coast, as evidenced by the wide shell-bangle, dated to c. 6500 BCE, made of turbinella pyrum or śankha, found in Mehergarh, 300 miles north of the Makran coast.
Tanana mleccha
A Jaina text, Avasyaka Churani notes that ivory trade was managed by mleccha, who also traveled from Uttaravaha to Dakshinapatha.[ Jain, 1984, Life in Ancient India as Described in the Jain Canon and Commentaries (6th century BC - 17th century AD, p. 150.] Guttila Jataka (ca.4th cent.) makes reference to itinerant ivory workers/traders journeying from Varanasi to Ujjain. [Cowell, 1973, Jatakas Book II, p. 172 ff.] The phrase, tanana mleccha may be related to: (i) tah’nai, ‘engraver’ mleccha; or (ii) tana, ‘of (mleccha) lineage’. 1. See Kuwi. Tah’nai ‘to engrave’ in DEDR and Bsh. Then, thon, ‘small axe’ in CDIAL: DEDR 3146 *Go.* (Tr.) tarcana , (Mu.) tarc- to scrape; (Ma.) tarsk- id., plane; (D.) task-, (Mu.) tarsk-/tarisk- to level, scrape (*Voc.*1670).
Sea-faring merchants/artisans of Meluhha
Akkadian. Cylinder seal Impression. Inscription records that it belongs to ‘S’u-ilis’u, Meluhha interpreter’, i.e., translator of the Meluhhan language (EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI) The Meluhhan being introduced carries an goat on his arm. Musee du Louvre. Ao 22 310, Collection De Clercq 3rd millennium BCE. The Meluhhan is accompanied by a lady carrying a kamaṇḍalu.
Since he needed an interpreter, it is reasonably inferred that Meluhhan did not speak Akkadian.
Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) Thus, the goat conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha speaker. A phonetic determinant.mrr̤eka, mlekh ‘goat’; Rebus: melukkha Br. mēḻẖ ‘goat’. Te. mr̤eka (DEDR 5087) meluh.h.a
Bronze saw of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization
“While Prof. Thomson maintained that a Munda influence has probably been at play in fixing the principle regulating the inflexion of nouns in Indo-Aryan vernaculars, such influence appeared to be unimportant to Prof. Sten Konow… Prof. Przyluski in his papers, translated here, have tried to explain a certain number of words of the Sanskrit vocabulary as fairly ancient loans from the Austro-Asiatic family of languages. He has in this opened up a new line of enquiry. Prof. Jules Bloch in his article on Sanskrit and Dravidian, also translated in this volume, has the position of those who stand exclusively for Dravidian influence and has proved that the question of the Munda substratum in Indo-Aryan cannot be overlooked…In 1923, Prof. Levi, in a fundamental article on Pre-Aryen et Pre-Dravidian dans Vinde tried to show that some geographical names of ancient India like Kosala-Tosala, Anga-Vanga, Kalinga-Trilinga, Utkala-Mekala and Pulinda-Kulinda, ethnic names which go by pairs, can be explained by the morphological system of the Austro-Asiatic languages. Names like Accha-Vaccha, Takkola-Kakkola belong to the same category. He concluded his long study with the following observation, “ We must know whether the legends, the religion and the philosophical thought of India do not owe anything to this past. India has been too exclusively examined from the Indo-European standpoint. It ought to be remembered that India is a great maritime country… the movement which carried the Indian colonization towards the Far East… was far from inaugurating a new route…Adventurers, traffickers and missionaries profited by the technical progress of navigation and followed under better conditions of comfort and efficiency, the way traced from time immemorial, by the mariners of another race, whom Aryan or Aryanised India despised as savages.” In 1926, Przyluski tried to explain the name of an ancient people of the Punjab, the Udumbara, in a similar way and affiliate it to the Austro-Asiatic group. (cf. Journal Asiatique, 1926, 1, pp. 1-25, Un ancien peuple du Pendjab — les Udumbaras: only a portion of this article containing linguistic discussions has been translated in the Appendix of this book.) In another article, the same scholar discussed some names of Indian towns in the geography of Ptolemy and tried to explain them by Austro-Asiatic forms…Dr. J. H. Hutton, in an interesting lecture on the Stone Age Cult of Assam delivered in the Indian Museum at Calcutta in 1928, while dealing with some prehistoric monoliths of Dimapur, near Manipur, says that “ the method of erection of these monoliths is very important, as it throws some light on the erection of prehistoric monoliths in other parts of the world. Assam and Madagascar are the only remaining parts of the world where the practice of erecting rough stones still continues….The origin of this stone cult is uncertain, but it appears that it is to be mainly imputed to the Mon-Khmer intrusion from the east In his opinion the erection of these monoliths takes the form of the lingam and yoni. He thinks that the Tantrik form of worship, so prevalent in Assam, is probably due to “ the incorporation into Hinduism of a fertility cult which preceded it as .the religion of the country. The dolmens possibly suggest distribution from South India, but if so, the probable course was across the Bay of Bengal and then back again westward from further Asia. Possibly the origin was from Indonesia whence apparently the use of supari (areca nut) spread to India as well as the Pacific.” (From the Introduction by PC Bagchi and SK Chatterjee, 1 May 1929).
Kuiper notes: “ …a very considerable amount (say some 40%) of the New Indo-Aryan vocabulary is borrowed from Munda, either via Sanskrit (and Prākṛt), or via Prākṛt alone, or directly from Munda; wide-branched and seemingly native, word-families of South Dravidian are of Proto-Munda origin; in Vedic and later Sanskrit, the words adopted have often been Aryanized, resp. Sanskritized. “In view of the intensive interrelations between Dravidian, Munda and Aryan dating from pre-Vedic times even individual etymological questions will often have to be approached from a Pan-Indic point of view if their study is to be fruitful. It is hoped that this work may be helpful to arrive at this all-embracing view of the Indian languages, which is the final goal of these studies.” F.B.J. Kuiper, 1948, Proto-Munda Words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam, Verhandeling der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie Van Wetenschappen, Afd.Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks Deel Li, No. 3, 1948, p.9http://www.scribd.com/doc/12238039/mundalexemesinSanskrit
Emeneau notes: “In fact, promising as it has seemed to assume Dravidian membership for the Harappa language, it is not the only possibility. Professor W. Norman Brown has pointed out (The United States and India and Pakistan, 131-132, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1953) that Northwest India, i.e. the Indus Valley and adjoining parts of India, has during most of its history had Near Eastern elements in its political and cultural make-up at least as prominently as it had true Indian elements of the Gangetic and Southern types. [M.B.Emeneau, India as a Linguistic Area [Lang. 32, 1956, 3-16; LICS, 196, 642-51; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 171-186.] The passage is so important that it is quoted in full: ‘More ominous yet was another consideration. Partition now would reproduce an ancient, recurring, and sinister incompatibility between Northwest and the rest of the subcontinent, which, but for a few brief periods of uneasy cohabitation, had kept them politically apart or hostile and had rendered the subcontinent defensively weak. When an intrusive people came through the passes and established itself there, it was at first spiritually closer to the relatives it had left behind than to any group already in India. Not until it had been separated from those relatives for a fairly long period and had succeeded in pushing eastward would I loosen the external ties. In period after period this seems to have been true. In the third millennium B.C. the Harappa culture in the Indus Valley was partly similar to contemporary western Asian civilizations and partly to later historic Indian culture of the Ganges Valley. In the latter part of the next millennium the earliest Aryans, living in the Punjab and composing the hymns of the Rig Veda, were apparently more like their linguistic and religious kinsmen, the Iranians, than like their eastern Indian contemporaries. In the middle of the next millennium the Persian Achaemenians for two centuries held the Northwest as satrapies. After Alexander had invaded India (327/6-325 B.C.) and Hellenism had arise, the Northwest too was Hellenized, and once more was partly Indian and partly western. And after Islam entered India, the Northwest again was associated with Persia, Bokhara, Central Asia, rather than with India, and considered itself Islamic first and Indian second. The periods during which the Punjab has been culturally assimilated to the rest of northern India are ew if any at all. Periods of political assimilation are almost as few; perhaps a part of the fourth and third centuries B.C. under the Mauryas; possibly a brief period under the Indo-Greek king menander in the second century B.C.; another brief period under the Muslim kingdom of Delhi in the last quarter of the twelfth century A.D.; a long one under the great Mughals in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries A.D.; a century under the British, 1849-1947.’
“Though this refers to cultural and political factors, it is a warning that we must not leap to linguistic conclusions hastily. The early, but probably centuries-long condition in which Sanskrit, a close ally of languages of Iran, was restricted to the northwest (though it was not the only language there) and the rest of India was not Sanskritic in speech, may well have been mirrored earlier by a period when some other language invader from the Near East-a relative of Sumerian or of Elamitic or what not-was spoken and written in the Indus Valley-perhaps that of invaders and conquerors-while the indigenous population spoke another language-perhaps one of the Dravidian stock, or perhaps one of the Munda stock, which is now represented only by a handful of languages in the backwoods of Central India.
“On leaving this highly speculative question, we can move on to an examination of the Sanskrit records, and we find in them linguistic evidence of contacts between the Sanskrit-speaking invaders and the other linguistic groups within India…the early days of Indo-European scholarship were without benefit of the spectacular archaeological discoveries that were later to be made in the Mediterranean area, Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley… This assumption (that IE languages were urbanized bearers of a high civilization) led in the long run to another block-the methodological tendency of the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century to attempt to find Indo-European etymologies for the greatest possible portion of the vocabularies of the Indo-European languages, even though the object could only be achieved by flights of phonological and semantic fancy… very few scholars attempted to identify borrowings from Dravidian into Sanskrit…The Sanskrit etymological dictionary of Uhlenbrck (1898-1899) and the Indo-European etymological dictionary of Walde and Pokorny (1930-1932) completely ignore the work of Gundert (1869), Kittel (1872, 1894), and Caldwell (1856,1875)… It is clear that not all of Burrow’s suggested borrowings will stand the test even of his own principles…’India’ and ‘Indian’ will be used in what follows for the subcontinent, ignoring the political division into the Republic of India and Pakistan, and, when necessary, including Ceylong also… the northern boundary of Dravidian is and has been for a long time retreating south before the expansion of Indo-Aryan… We know in fact from the study of the non-Indo-European element in the Sanskrit lexicon that at the time of the earliest Sanskrit records, the R.gveda, when Sanskrit speakers were localized no further east than the Panjab, there were already a few Dravidian words current in Sanskrit. This involves a localization of Dravidian speech in this area no lather than three millennia ago. It also of course means much bilingualism and gradual abandonment of Dravidian speech in favor of IndoAryan over a long period and a great area-a process for which we have only the most llsd of evidence in detail. Similar relationships must have existed between Indo-Aryan and Munda and between Dravidian and Munda, but it is still almost impossible to be sure of either of these in detail… The Dravidian languages all have many Indo-Aryan items, borrowed at all periods from Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan and Modern Indo-Aryan. The Munda languages likewise have much Indo-Aryan material, chiefly, so far as we know now, borrowed rom Modern Indo-Aryan, thogh this of course llsdes items that are Sanskrit in form, since Modern Indo-Aryan borrows from Sanskrit very considerably. That Indo-Aryan has borrowed from Dravidian has also become clear. T. Burrow, The Sanskrit Language, 379-88 (1955), gives a sampling and a statement of the chronology involved. It is noteworthy that this influence was spent by the end of the pre-Christian era, a precious indication for the linguistic history of North India: Dravidian speech must have practically ceased to exist in the Ganges valley by this period… Most of the languages of India, of no matter which major family, have a set of retroflex, cerebral, or domal consonants in contrast with dentals. The retroflexes include stops and nasal certainly, also in some languages sibilants, lateral, tremulant, and even others. Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and even the far northern Burushaski, form a practically solid bloc characterized by this phonological feature… Even our earliest Sanskrit records already show phonemes of this class, which are, on the whole, unknown elsewhere in the Indo-European field, and which are certainly not Proto-Indo-European. In Sanskrit many of the occurrences of retroflexes are conditioned; others are explained historically as reflexes of certain Indo-European consonants and consonant clusters. But, in fact, in Dravidian it is a matter of the utmost certainty that retroflexes in contrast with dentals are Proto-Dravidian in origin, not the result of conditioning circumstances… it is clear already that echo-words are a pan-Indic trait and that Indo-Aryan probably received it from non-Indo-Aryan (for it is not Indo-European)… The use of classifiers can be added to those other linguistic traits previously discussed, which establish India as one linguistic area (‘an area which includes languages belonging to more than one family but showing traits in common which are found not to belong to the other members of (at least) one of the families’) for historical study. The evidence is at least as clear-cut as in any part of the world… Some of the features presented here are, it seems to me, as ‘profound’ as we could wish to find… Certainly the end result of the borrowings is that the languages of the two families, Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, seem in many respects more akin to one another than Indo-Aryan does to the other Indo-European languages. (We must not, however, neglect Bloch’s final remark and his reasons therefor: ‘Ainsi donc, si profondes qu’aient ete les influences locales, lls n’ont pas conduit l’aryen de l;inde… a se differencier fortement des autres langues indo-europeennes.’)” M.B.Emeneau, Linguistic Prehistory of India PAPS98 (1954). 282-92; Tamil Culture 5 (1956). 30-55; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 155-171.
The profundity of these observations by Emeneau and Bloch will be tested through clusters of lexemes of an Indian Lexicon, which relate to the archaeological finds of the civilization.
Tamil and all other Dravidian languages have been influenced by Sanskrit language and literature. Swaminatha Iyer [Swaminatha Iyer, 1975, Dravidian Theories, Madras, Madras Law Journal Office] posits a genetic relationship between Tamil and Sanskrit. He cites GU Pope to aver that several Indo-European languages are linguistically farther away from Sanskrit than Dravidian. He cites examples of Tamil and Sanskrit forms of some glosses: hair: mayir, s’mas’ru; mouth: vāya, vā c; ear: s śevi, śrava; hear: kēḷkeṇ (Tulu), karṇa; walk: śel, car; mother: āyi, yāy (Paiśāci). Evaluating this work, Edwin Bryant and Laurie Patton note: “It is still more simple and sound to assume that the words which need a date of contact of the fourth millennium BCE on linguistic grounds as loan words in Dravidian might be words originally inherited in Dravidian from the Proto-speech which was the common ancestor of both Dravidian and Indo-Aryan…It will be simpler to explain the situation if both Indo-Aryan and Dravidian are traced to a common language family. In vocables they show significant agreement. In phonology and morphology the linguistic structures agree significantly. It requires a thorough comparative study of the two language families to conduct a fuller study. “ Bryant, Edwin and Laurie L. Patton, 2005, The Indo-Aryan controversy: evidence and inference in Indian history, Routledge, p.197.
The influence of Vedic culture is profoundly evidenced in early sangam texts. K. V. Sarma, 1983, “Spread of Vedic Culture in Ancient. South India” in The Adyar Library Bulletin, 1983, 43:1.
Proto-Munda continuity and Language X
Sources of OIA agricultural vocabulary based on Masica (1979)
Percentage
• IE/Iir 40%
• Drav 13%
• Munda 11%
• Other 2%
• Unknown 34%
• Total 100%
Hence, a Language X is postulated; Language ‘X’ to explain a large number of agriculture-related words with no IE cognates: Colin Masica, 1991, Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge Univ. Press
Since there is cultural continuity in India from the days of Sarasvati civilization, it is possible to reconstruct Language X by identifying isoglosses in the linguistic area.
Contributions of the following language/archaeology scholars have followed up on these insights of Sylvan Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean Przyluski published over 90 years ago: Emeneau, MB, Kuiper, FBJ, Masica, CP, Southworth F. [Emeneau, MB, 1956, India as a linguistic area, in: Language, 32.3-16 •Kuiper, FBJ, 1967, The genesis of a linguistic area, Indo-Iranian Journal 10: 81-102 •Masica, Colin P., 1976, Defining a linguistic area, South Asia, Chicago, University of Chicago Press •Franklin Southworth, 2005, Linguistic Archaeology of South Asia, Routledge Curzon]
Resemblances between two or more languages (whether typological or in vocabulary) can be due to genetic relation (descent from a common ancestor language), or due to borrowing at some time in the past between languages that were not necessarily genetically related. When little or no direct documentation of ancestor languages is available, determining whether a similarity is genetic or areal can be difficult.
Further researches
In addition to studies in the evolution of and historical contacts among Indian languages, further researches are also needed in an archaeological context. Karl Menninger cites a remarkable instance. In the Indian tradition, finger signals were used to settle the price for a trade transaction. Finger gestures were a numeric cipher!
A pearl merchant of South India settling price for a pearl using finger gestures under a handkerchief. Cited in Karl Menninger, 1969, Number words and number symbols: a cultural history of numbers, MIT Press, p.212. http://tinyurl.com/26ze95s
Further work on the nature of the contacts between Indian artisans and their trade associates, say, in Meluhhan settlements in the Persian Gulf region, may unravel the the nature of long-distance contacts. Could it be that the Indus language and writing were Indus Artisans’ cryptographic messaging system for specifications of artifacts made in and exported from Meluhha?
Mainstream linguistics has no way to determine a range of dates for this sprachbund (language union). I submit that the language union relates to the bronze age inventions and trade which is complemented by and necessitated the invention of writing. In my view, the script records the archaeometallurgy transactions using lexes of Indian sprachbund. The tradition continues in ancient Indian mints which produced the early punch-marked coins. The tradition is also evidenced on the Rampurva copper bolt hieroglyphs, Sohgaura copper plate inscription and Sanchi s'rivatsa hieroglyph.
Aratta:is referred to in ancient Indian texts together with Kapisa (Gandhara) or Kamboja and Bahlika (Bactria (from Βακτριανή, the Hellenized version of Bactrian βαχλο, Bakhlo)
North-Gujarat was known as Anarta, the Kathiawar peninsula, the middle region was "Saurastra", and the south was "Lata" (Historical and Cultural Chronology of Gujarat edited by Manjulal Ranchholdlal Majmudar, Page xvii).
Vanayujan Parvatiyan Kamboja Aratta.Bahlikan (Mahabharata 7.36.36) A variant reading in Ramayana (Aratta.Kapisham.Balhim 4.44.23) replaces Kamboja with Kapisa, a region extending from Kabul valley to Kandahar (Gandhara). Pāṇini refers to the city of Kapiśi, a city of the Kapisa kingdom, modern Bagram. Thus, the location of Aratta and Bahlika are in a geographical location contiguos to Gandhara. I suggest that Aratta is a region which is proximate to Meluhha, if Meluhha is identified with the present-day Baluchistan. Meluhha interaction extended to Susa through Tepe Yahya and Jiroft which might have been referred to as Marhashi.
Enmerkar sends an envoy along with his specific threats to destroy Aratta if Aratta does not pay him the tributes, highlighting that Enmerkar was reared on the soil of Aratta. The king of Aratta replies that submission to Uruk is out of the question, because Inanna herself had chosen him to his office. The envoy responds that Inanna has been installed as queen at E-ana and has even promised Enmerkar to make Aratta bow to Uruk. Enmerkar actually sends the barley to Aratta as demanded by the king of Aratta, along with the herald and makes another demand to send even more precious stones.
What more information is needed to locate Aratta? Aratta was a region which could supply precious stones.
Gujarat was well known as the repository of the carnelian precious stones. It was also a trade entrepot handling lapis lazuli acquired from Gandhara (Afghanistan).
"The lord of Aratta, in a fit of pride, refuses and instead asks Enmerkar to deliver to him these precious stones himself. Upon hearing this, Enmerkar spends ten years preparing an ornate sceptre, then sends it to Aratta with his messenger. This frightens the lord of Aratta, who now sees that Inanna has indeed forsaken him, but he instead proposes to arrange a one-on-one combat between two champions of the two cities, to determine the outcome of the still-diplomatic conflict with Enmerkar. The king of Uruk responds by accepting this challenge, while increasing his demands for the people of Aratta to make a significant offering for the E-ana and the abzu, or face destruction and dispersal. To relieve the herald who, beleaguered, can no longer remember all the messages with which he is charged, Enmerkar then resorts to an invention: writing on tablets. The herald again traverses the "seven mountains" to Aratta, with the tablets, and when the king of Aratta tries to read the message, Ishkur, the storm-god, causes a great rain to produce wild wheat and chickpeas that are then brought to the king. Seeing this, the king declares that Inanna has not forsaken the primacy of Aratta after all, and summons his champion." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enmerkar_and_the_Lord_of_Aratta Puabi's 25 pieces of jewellery constituting the diadem and other ornaments from the Royal Cemetery of Ur in Mesopotamia discovered by Leonard Woolley.
Polished beads found in the tomb of Queen Puabi
Puabi or Shab'ad "The Sumerian princess" : Jewelry and headdress of gold and imported precious stones such as carnelian and lapis lazuli from India and Afghanistan. From the Royal Cemetery of Ur. Early Dynastic, ca. 2400 BC. The National Museum of Iraq - Baghdad.
The headdress of gold, lapis lazuli, and carnelian includes a frontlet with beads and pendant gold rings, two wreaths of poplar leaves, a wreath of willow leaves and inlaid rosettes, and a string of lapis lazuli beads, discovered on Queen Puabi’s body in her tomb at the Royal Cemetery of Ur, ca 2550 BCE. The rosette is safflower hieroglyph read rebus in Meluhha: करडी [karaḍī] f (See करडई) 'safflower' (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] ' Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.' (Marathi) [Note: अकीक [akīka] m ( A) A cornelian (Marathi). वैडूर्य [vaiḍūrya] n (Properly वैदूर्य S) A turquois or lapis lazuli.] The hieroglyph safflower was chosen because it also denoted the fire-god करडी [karaḍī] (Remo)
Carnelian beads of Puabi could not have come from Afghanistan.
In addition, to this narrative by KramerThe word sanga 'priest' (Sumerian): is cognate saṁghapati m. ʻ chief of a brotherhood ʼ Śatr. G. saṅghvī m. ʻ leader of a body of pilgrims' (CDIAL 12857)
https://tinyurl.com/y2dgaoea Gaṇeśa is signified by the hieroglyphs of elephant trunk and cobrahood. The rebus Meluhha readings are: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' फड, phaḍa 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'metalwork manufactory artisan guild'. In the sculpture, the sculptor signifies the association or guild of phaḍa 'metals manufactory' as the explanatory organization, as a factor of economic production, to produce prosperity and wealth. Śiva Purāṇa says that Gaṇeśa had two sons: Kşema (prosperity) and Lābha (wealth, profit). In northern Indian variants of this story, the sons are often said to be signifiers of Śubha (auspiciousness) and Lābha. Thus, the theme of wealth-accounting for a nation continues in such sculptural metaphors in Ancient india. See:
A rare example gaNesha with his sons kShema and lAbha from chandella or paramAra realms
क्षेम m. residing , resting , abiding at ease RV. xAV. xiii , 1 , 27TS. iii ; viii; mn. (Ved. only m. ; g.अर्धर्चा*दि) , safety , tranquillity , peace , rest , security , any secure or easy or comfortable state , weal , happiness RV. AV. VS. Mn. MBh. &c(क्ष्/एम & य्/ओग [or प्र-य्/उज्] , rest and exertion , enjoying and acquiring RV. VS. xxx , 14Pa1rGr2. MBh. xiii , 3081 ; cf.क्षेम-योग and योग-क्ष्° ; क्षेमं ते , " peace or security may be to thee " [this is also the polite address to a वैश्य , asking him whether his property is secure Mn. ii , 127], S3a1ntis3. ii , 18); m. of another deity (=क्षेमं-करी) Devi1P. ?? (Monier-Williams) kṣḗma ʻ habitable ʼ MBh., m.n. ʻ ease, happiness ʼ RV. [√kṣi1]
Pa. khēma -- ʻ tranquil ʼ, n. ʻ peace ʼ, NiDoc. kṣema; Pk. khēma -- ʻ living at ease ʼ, n. ʻ guarding something got, good fortune ʼ; S. khī˜ f. ʻ welfare ʼ; G. khem n. ʻ wellbeing ʼ; M. khev m. (euphem.?) ʻ an evil accident ʼ; Si. kema ʻ feast, happiness, magic to avert mischief ʼ, semin, he˚ ʻ softly, quietly . *akṣēma -- , sukṣēma -- , yōgakṣēmá -- .KṢAI ʻ burn ʼ: kṣapaṇa -- , kṣāṇa -- 1, kṣāpáyati1, kṣāmá -- , kṣārá -- 1; *utkṣāra -- ; -- √*jhai.Addenda: kṣḗma -- : S.kcch. khī˜ m. ʻ well -- being ʼ(CDIAL 3745) kṣēma क्षेम a. [क्षि-मन् Uṇ.1.138] 1 Conferring happiness, ease or comfort, good, beneficial, well; धार्तराष्ट्रा रणे हन्यु- स्तन्मे क्षेमतरं भवेत् Bg.1.46. -2 Prosperous, at ease, comfortable; विविशुस्ते वनं वीराः क्षेमं निहतकण्टकम् Mb.3.11.72. -3Secure, happy; विविक्तक्षेमसेवनम् Bhāg.3.28.3. -मः, -मम् 1 Peace, happiness, ease, welfare, well-being; वितन्वति क्षेममदेवमातृकाश्चिराय तस्मिन् कुरवश्चकासति Ki.1.17; वैश्यं क्षेमं समागम्य (पृच्छेत्) Ms.2.127; अधुना सर्वजलचराणां क्षेमं भविष्यति Pt.1. -2 Safety, security; क्षेमेण व्रज बान्धवान् Mk.7.7 safely; Pt.1.146. -3 Preserving, protection; आदिदेशाथ शत्रुघ्नं तेषां क्षेमाय राघवः R.15.6. -4 Keeping what is acquired; cf. योगक्षेम; तेषां नित्याभियुक्तानां योगक्षेमं वहाम्यहम् Bg.9.22. -5 Final beatitude, eternal happi- ness. -6 Basis, foundation; क्षेमे तिष्ठाति घृतमुक्षमाणा Av.3. 12.1. -7 Residence, resting-place; Av.13.1.27. -8 A star, asterism (नक्षत्र). -मः, -मा A kind of perfume. -मा An epithet of Durgā. -मम् N. of one of the seven वर्षाs in Jambu-dvīpa. शिवं यवसं सुभद्रं शान्तं क्षेमममृतमभयमिति वर्षाणि Bhāg.5.2.3. -Comp. -आश्रमः the order of a householder (गार्हस्थ्य); वेत्ति ज्ञानविसर्गं च निग्रहानुग्रहं यथा । यथोक्तवृत्तेर्धीरस्य क्षेमाश्रमपदं भवेत् ॥ Mb.12.66.6. -इन्द्रः N. of a celebrated poet of Kashmir (author of ब्रहत्कथा, भारत- मञ्जरी &c.). -कर, -कार (also क्षेमंकर) a. propitious, causing peace or security. -शूरः 'A hero in safe-places', a carpet-knight, a boaster; किं क्षेमशूरैर्विबुधैरसंयुगविकत्थनैः Bhāg.1.4.36. (Apte)
लाभ obtaining , getting , attaining , acquisition , gain , profit Mn. MBh.&c; apprehension , perception , knowledge S3am2k. Sa1h. BhP. (Monier-Williams) lābha m. ʻ finding, profit ʼ Mn. [√labh]Pa. Pk. lābha -- m. ʻ gain ʼ, Pk. lāha -- m., S. lāho m., P. lāh, lāhu, lāhā m., OAw. lāhu m., H. lāh, lāhā, lāu -- sāu m.; OG. lāhu m. ʻ profit ʼ, G. lāv, lāhāvɔ, lāvɔ m. ʻ fruition, enjoyment of pleasure ʼ; M. lāho m. ʻ acquisition, gain ʼ, lāho, hlāv m. ʻ greed, covetousness ʼ. -- Si. lab ʻ profit ʼ ← Pa.(CDIAL 11018) lābhḥ लाभः [लभ्-भावे घञ्] 1 Gaining, obtaining, acquirement, acquisition; शरीरत्यागमात्रेण शुद्धिलाभममन्यत R.12. 1; स्त्रीरत्नलाभम् 7.34;11.92; क्षणमप्यवतिष्ठते श्वसन् यदि जन्तुर्ननु लाभवानसौ R.8.87. -2 Gain, profit, advantage; सुखदुःखे समे कृत्वा लाभालाभौ जयाजयौ Bg.2.38; Y.2.259. -3 Enjoyment. -4 Capture, conquest. -5 Perception, knowledge, apprehension. -6 Treasure-trove; सप्त वित्ता- गमा धर्म्या दायो लाभः ...... Ms.1.115. -7 Wealth, riches; मित्रलाभमनु लाभसंपदः Ki.13.52. -Comp. -कर, -कृत्a. profitable, advantageous. -लिप्सा desire of gain, ava- rice, covetousness. -लिप्सुa.1 greedy, covetous. -2 desirous of gain.(Apte)
-- Unicorn on Ishtar gate is Indus Script hypertext kunda singi 'horned young bull' rebus fine gold, ornament gold; this set the Gold standard seen on Lydia electrum coin; Mušḫuššu is ironwork
-- Kudurru symbols, symbols on Ishtar gate and remembered memories of Indus Script hypertexts of metalwork wealth accounting
One panel of the sculptural friezes on Shalamanesher Black Obelisk shows uniquely horned bovines. One has two horns, one has a single horn and the third has a double-lion-sickle adapted from the iconography of Early Dynastic II period (c. 2750-2600 BCE). These can be viewed as recollected memories of Indus Script Cipher hypertexts: dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' PLUS horns of zebu: poḷa 'zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'mineral ores'; kunda singi 'young bull horned' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, gold for ornaments'; ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS double-lion-sickle: arye 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS katti 'sickle' rebus: khātī 'wheelwright'. The horns signify: koḍ 'horns' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'. Thus, a repertoire of workshops with artisans working in iron, fine gold, ornament gold, tin and metal alloys.
These rebus renderings explain why the three animal compositions are listed as 'tributes from workshops of Muśiri' by Shalamanesher II on the cuneiform inscription. Muśiri has been identified as Kurdistan (where Yazidi practice Hindu traditions of wearing tilak on their foreheads even today). See:
FS 131 (Frequency in M Corpus: 6) Inscribed object in the shape of a crescent or sickle
katti 'sickle' (Tamil) kāti the knife attached to the cock's foot (Voc. 490). ? Cf. 1208 Kol. katk-.(DEDR 1204) Rebus 1: khātā 'labour sphere account book' Rebus 2: käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). Hieroglyph: katī 'blacksmith's goldsmith's scissors' rebus: khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'
The animals exhibited by Nebudanezzar on Ishtar gate are traceable to the descriptions recorded in 3rd millennium BCE. For examples, Aurochs (Bos primigenius) is identified in"Texts as early as the Early Dynastic II period (c. 2750-2600 BCE) describe Marduk as the “bull-calf” of the sun god, Shamash (UTU)."
I submit that many symbols on Kudurrus of 2nd millennium BCE from sites of Ancient Near East are recollected, remembered memories of Indus Script hypertexts of metalwork wealth accounting. This explains why the Ishtar Gate dramatically displays 'unicorns', 'lions' and Mušḫuššu (composite animal). Composite animals as hypertexts is the hall-mark Indus Script Cipheer; each hieroglyph component is part of a hypertext message related to wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork, lapidary work with gems and jewels. The most frequent artisanal activity relates to working with fine gold and gold for ornaments signified by the 'one-horned young bull', the so-called 'unicorn'.
The monograph presents arguments to explain the Ishtar Gate Indus Script hypertexts of unicorns', 'lions' and Mušḫuššu (composite animal). "The Ishtar Gate (Arabic: بوابة عشتار) was the eighth gate to the inner city of Babylon.It was constructed in about 575 BCE by order of King Nebuchadnezzar II on the north side of the city. It was part of a grand walled processional way leading into the city. The walls were finished in glazed bricks mostly in blue, with animals and deities in low relief at intervals, these also made up of bricks that are molded and colored differently." The gates are now seen in Berlin’s Pergamon Museum.
From the inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II on the gate constructed ca. 605–562 BCE
:
"I placed wild bulls and ferocious dragons in the gateways and thus adorned them with luxurious splendor so that Mankind might gaze on them in wonder.
I let the temple of Esiskursiskur, the highest festival house of Marduk, the lord of the gods, a place of joy and jubilation for the major and minor deities, be built firm like a mountain in the precinct of Babylon of asphalt and fired bricks." (Marzahn, Joachim (1981). Babylon und das Neujahrsfest. Berlin: Berlin : Vorderasiatisches Museum. pp. 29–30.)
The cuneiform inscription of the Ishtar Gate in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin
Bull in Istanbul Ancient Orient Museum Ishtar Gate.
Istanbul Ancient Orient Museum Ishtar Gate animal june 2019 2192.jpg
An aurochs above a flower ribbon; missing tiles are replaced
One of the striding lions from the Processional Way. egelrelief från Nebukadnessars tronsal i Babylon. 604-562 f Kr. Finns utställd i arkitekturhallen på Röhsska museet.Foto: Mikael Lammgård, Röhsska museet
kola 'tiger' rebus kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'; panja 'feline paws' rebus panja 'furnace, kiln'
It is horned. sing 'horned' rebus: sing 'gold for ornaments'
It has a cobra-hood for its face.
फडाphaḍā 'cobrahood' rebus फडाphaḍā 'metals manufactory'
mũha 'face' mũha 'ingot, quantity of iron taken at one time from a furnace'
I submuit that this is a metalwork mint working in iron, gold, alloys.
T
"It appears that the choice of a particular being portrayed on a given object could be influenced by factors such as its owner’s profession, religious and/or political affiliations, and especially by the apotropaic function(s) of specific composite beings...several Mesopotamian (including Babylonian and Assyrian) kings were characterized as apkallu, implying that they were sources of creativity, wisdom, and power to sustain and protect their subjects.
Three cylinder seals, one stamp seal and two stamp impressions on tablets provide glyptic examples of the ūmu-apkallu (Ills. 2.1-2.6).
"Cylinder seal VA 7738 from Babylon (Ill. 2.2) depicts a striding, four-winged human apkallu facing right, with his right hand raised before a central tree. On the right and facing left toward the tree is a bearded, human-headed two-winged lion, slightly rampant toward the tree. Above the wing of this sphinx is a crescent moon. Behind the apkallu is a pedestal consisting of six vertical posts. A marru (spade-standard of Marduk) and double-wedged stylus (symbol of Nabu) surmount the pedestal.52 Above the marru and stylus is an eightpointed star. The scene has an awkward distribution in that none of the figures or the pedestal base are on the baseline, but rather appear to float in the air. " (CGane, 2012, opcit., p.26)
Illustration 2.2. Four-winged human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB cylinder seal: VA 7738 (Babylon) Source. Adapted from Anton Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1988), 147, no. 686.
"A worship scene on cylinder seal CBS 14366 from Nippur (Ill. 2.3) has two figures oriented to the left. On the left of the scene, a nude four-winged apkallu reaches forward to grasp the marru spade-standard of Marduk in one hand, while lifting his other hand over it. He has long hair, a beard, and a fillet about his head. Behind the apkallu is a bearded, two-winged human-headed lion that strides toward a tall emblem, perhaps the stylus of Nabu." (ibid.)
Illustration 2.3. Four-winged human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB cylinder seal: CBS 14366 (Nippur) Source. Adapted from Leon Legrain, Culture of the Babylonians from Their Seals in the Collections of the Museum (2 vols.; PBS 14.1-2; Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1925), pl. XXXIII, no. 654.
"Chalcedony stamp seal VA 6950 from Babylon (Ill. 2.4) has a schematic single figure on the face of the seal. A four-winged ūmu-apkallu stands in profile facing to the right. One arm is raised and holds an unidentifiable object. The other arm is lowered and also holds an unidentifiable object (probably a bucket). The creature maintains the posture and gesture typical of the apkallu." (ibid.)
Illustration 2.4. Four-winged human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB stamp seal: VA 6950 Bab 41132 (Babylon) Source. Adapted from Liane Jakob-Rost and Iris Gerlach, Die Stempelsiegel im Vorderasiatischen Museum (2d ed.; Mainz: Zabern, 1997), no. 216.
Illustration 2.5. Four-winged human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB stamp seal impression: BM 56251 (Sippar) Source. Adapted from Terence C. Mitchell and Ann Searight, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum. Stamp Seals III: Impressions of Stamp Seals on Cuneiform Tablets, Clay Bullae, and Jar Handles (Leiden: Brill, 2008), no. 348.
"Two stamp seal impressions, BM 56251 and BM 66789 (Ills. 2.5-2.6), on tablets from Sippar show the four-winged ūmu-apkallu in profile facing to the left. In both examples, the arms are in the typical apkallu gesture with one arm raised and one arm lowered. The scenes are only partially preserved and do not include the hands." (ibid.)
Human apkallu in same posture as on fish apkallu. "The ritual behavior, including orientation and stance, of the provenanced NB human ūmuapkallu are typical of apkallu-type beings: He stands in profile and raises one forearm; the palm of his hand is oriented downward, and with it he usually grasps a mullilu cone or sprinkler.47 His other hand is lowered and usually holds a banduddû bucket." (CGane, opcit., 2012, p.25)
Illustration 2.8. Wingless human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB stamp seal impression: GCBC 585 (Uruk) Source. Adapted from Ehrenberg, Uruk, pl. 24, no. 193
“In them, a human-apkallu, or sage, holding a cone in the raised arm and a bucket in the lowered arm, approaches a spade standard. Like the fish-apkallu discussed under nos. 67-72, the human-apkallu, carrying the same implements, also performs purification or exorcism rites. The apkallu is clad in a slit-robe with no kilt beneath it. While it is not common, human-apkallu can minister to cultic objects in first millennium glyptic. The impression recalls no. 212, showing a Mischwesen tending to a spade-standard” (Ehrenberg, Uruk, 27).
Illustration 2.10. Wingless human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB stamp seal impression: YBC 3953 (Uruk) Source. Adapted from Ehrenberg, Uruk, pl. 24, no. 191.
Fish-cloaked apkallu
"The fish-cloaked apkallu is part human and part purādu-fish, “carp.” He has a human body and a bearded human face, with a fish head on top of his human head. The rest of the fish’s body, with caudal and dorsal fins, hangs down his back. His legs and feet can be those of a goat or bull. Combining human intelligence with human and fish capabilities of terrestrial and aquatic survival and locomotion, the supernatural being is amphibious, with access both to the dry land and to the watery Apsu. " (opcit., pp.36-37)
Illustration 2.14. Fish-cloaked apkallu. NB stamp seal impression: YBC 3858 (Uruk) Source. Adapted from Ehrenberg, Uruk, pl. 9, no. 68. "all of these sealings are found on documents relating to transactions archived at the Eanna Temple of Ishtar at Uruk. As suggested in the previous section on ūmu-apkallu, it seems appropriate that apkallu figures, in this case the fish-apkallu, have a significant presence in scenes on seals belonging to temple officials." (opcit., p.39) "In tablet I of the eighth-century-BC Babylonian myth Erra and Ishum, Marduk laments regarding the apkallu: “Where are the Seven Sages of the Apsu, the holy carp, who are perfect in lofty wisdom like Ea their lord, who can make my body holy?...Neo-Babylonians continued to venerate mythical fish sages, who conveyed the basic arts of civilization to the human race. The fish-cloaked apkallu are integrally connected with the divine Ea, god of the Apsu and of wisdom.” (ibid., p.40, p.42)
The bovine
bull-man, Early Dynastic II - Achaemenid, kusarikku "bison(-man)" originally associated with the sun-god Shamash
"The so-called wild bull that roamed ancient Mesopotamia was probably identified by the Sumerian term GUD4.ALIM and the Akkadian kusarikku. 1 The wild cattle of the ancient Near East may have been aurochs (Bos primigenius, Ill. 4.1), which are now extinct, but were the probable ancestors of all modern cattle.2 The aurochs was an impressive beast, standing over six feet tall at the shoulder and armed with enormous horns.3 Alternatively, some scholars believe that the ancient wild cattle were more likely bison or wisent (Bison bison caucasicus).4 The wild bovine was portrayed in Mesopotamian iconography since pre-historic times (pre3500 BC) in natural, mythological, and religious contexts.5 Depictions of this natural animal are found in the round, in relief, and in glyptic art well into the Achaemenid period." (ibid., p.67)
Illustration 4.1. Natural bovine: Aurochs (Bos primigenius) "Texts as early as the Early Dynastic II period (c. 2750-2600 BCE) describe Marduk as the “bull-calf” of the sun god, Shamash (UTU). In the Old Babylonian period, the crescent moon could be understood as the horns of a bull that functions as the attribute animal of Sin (NANNA-SUEN).The natural bull is associated with storm deities as early as the Old Babylonian period, and possibly earlier.8 The bull especially functions as the attribute animal of the storm god Adad (ISHKUR). Roiling thunderclouds are referred to as the “bull-calves” of ISHKUR. 9 Bovines are often found in the same contexts as aspects of storms connected with the storm god, such as forked lightning bolts and thunderclouds...Nebuchadnezzar II records in the so-called East India House Inscription (III:36-64) discovered in Babylon (BM 129397) how he elaborately adorns the cellas of Nabu and Sin (here referred to as Nana) in the Ezida temple at Borsippa. Twice he mentions bulls in connection with gates:" (ibid., pp.68-70).
"36. Borsippa the city of his abode 37. I beautified, and 38. Ezida, the Eternal House, 39. in the midst thereof I made. 40. With silver, gold, precious stones, 45. copper, mismakanna-wood, cedar-wood, 42. I finished the work of it. 43. The cedar of the roofing 44. of the cells of Nebo 45. with gold I overlaid. 46. The cedar of the roofing of the gate of Nanâ, 47. I overlaid with shining silver. 48. The bulls, the leaves of the gate of the cell, 49. the lintels, the bars, the bolt, 50. the door-sill, Zarirû-stone. 51. The cedar of the roofing 52. of its chambers (?) 53. with silver I made bright. 54. The path to the cell, 55. and the way to the house, 56. (was of) glazed (?) brickwork. 57. The seat of the chapel therein 58. (was) a work of silver. 59. The bulls, the leaves of the gates, 60. with plates of bronze (?), 61. brightly I made to glisten. 62. The house I made gloriously bright, and, 63. for gazings (of wonder), 64. with carved work I had (it) filled."
The India House Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great,” translated by C. J. Ball in Records of the Past: Being Translations of the Ancient Monuments of Egypt and Western Asia (ed. A. H. Sayce; 2d ser., London: Bagster & Sons, 1890), 110, II:38-65 [cited 24 May 2012] Online: http://www.sacred-texts.com/ane/rp/rp203/rp20325.htm.
Later in the same inscription (V:56-VI:21), Nebuchadnezzar describes his construction work in Babylon and his embellishment of that capital city. Here he fabricates bulls and “dreadful serpents” of bronze, and stations them at the gates of the city walls (called Imgur-bel and Nimetti-bel) to make the entrance “unapproachable” to any incursion of evil: Column V 56. Of Imgur-bel 57. and Nimitti-bel 58. the portals, on both sides, 59. through the raising 60. of the causeway of Babylon 61. had become low 62. in their entries: 63. those portals 64. I pulled down, and Column VI 1. over against the water their foundation 2. with bitumen and burnt brick 3. I firmly laid, and 4. with burnt brick (and) gleaming uknû stone, 5. whereof bulls and dreadful serpents 6. were made, the interior of them 7. cunningly I constructed. 8. Strong cedar beams 9. for the roofing of them 10. I laid on. 11. Doors of cedar 12. (with) plating of bronze, 13. lintels and hinges, 14. copper-work, in its gates 15. I set up. 16. Strong bulls of copper, 17. and dreadful serpents, standing upright, 18. on their thresholds I erected: 19. those portals, 20. for the gazings of the multitude of the people, 21. with carven work I caused to be filled. 22. As an outwork 2 for Imgur-bel, 23. the wall of Babylon, unapproachable. (loc.cit., ibid., p.69)
"A second royal inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II (CBS 9), known as the “University Museum Cylinder,” describes in elaborate detail the bronze bulls “clothed” in gold and bulls made of silver that he placed at the Ezida temple in Borsippa (col. I): (36) In Borsippa I restored Ezida the righteous house beloved of Marduk for Nabu the illustrious son . . . (52) As for the six rooms adjoining the shrine of Nabu I adorned their cedar roof with bright silver . . . (55) I fabricated huge bulls in bronze and I clothed them with a coating of gold and adorned them with precious stones and I placed them on the threshold of the shrine gate. The threshold, the fetter, the bar, the doorwings, the lintel, the knob(?), the lock, the bolt of the shrine gate I plated with shining gold. . . (60) I covered with clear silver the cedar wood of the roof of the Dara gate through which goes and comes the son of the lord of the gods . . . (62) I fabricated huge bulls of silver and I placed them on its threshold. This gate where through goes and comes the son of the lord of the gods Nabu, when he rides in procession into Babylon, I let shine like the day. . . (65) Bulls of shining silver I planted as ornament on the threshold of the gates of Ezida.14 In the same text, the Babylonian monarch states that he put monumental bronze bulls at the gates of Babylon (II:1-2): (1) In Babylon the city of the great lord Marduk I completed the great walls Imgur-Bel and Nimitti-Bel. (2) On the threshold of their gates I placed huge bronze bulls and dread inspiring dragons.15 Bull imagery in extant NB iconography is best exemplified in relief on the walls of the famous Ishtar Gate at the entrance of sixth-century-BC Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar II describes the construction of this structure in his “Dedicatory Inscription” on a glazed brick panel of the gate: Both gate entrances of Imgur-Ellil and Nemetti-Ellil following the filling of the street from Babylon had become increasingly lower. Therefore, I pulled down these gates and laid their foundations at the water-table with asphalt and bricks and had them made of bricks with blue stone on which wonderful bulls and dragons were depicted. I covered their roofs by laying majestic cedars length-wise over them. I hung doors of cedar adorned with bronze at all the gate openings. I placed wild bulls and ferocious dragons in the gateways and thus adorned them with luxurious splendor so that people might gaze on them in wonder.16 The colossal guardian bulls and dragons in the round from the Ishtar Gate have not survived, but those rendered in glazed-brick relief are preserved and exhibited at the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (e.g., Ill. 4.2). Remnants of unglazed reliefs from the gate structure remain in situ in Babylon." (ibid., pp. 69-71)
Illustration 4.2. Natural Bovine: Bull of Adad. NB glazed brick relief: VA Bab 1976 (Ishtar Gate, Babylon)
Bull-man (kusarikku). NB cylinder seal: CBS 8933 (Nippur)
Illustration 2.1. Four-winged human-figured ūmu-apkallu. NB cylinder seal: CBS 8933 (Nippur) Source. Adapted from Beatrice Wittmann, “Babylonische Rollsiegel des 11.-7. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.” BaM 23, (1992), 247, no. 117. Erica Ehrenberg, Uruk: Late Babylonian Seal Impressions on Eanna-Tablets (AUWE 18; Mainz: Zabern, 1999), 94. On a 7th-cent.-BC bronze breastplate, a wingless ūmu-apkallu faces right toward a winged ūmu-apkallu, which is facing left. To the left of this winged figure is a fish-cloaked apkallu. The breastplate, now housed in Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum, is discussed in Dalley, “Apkallu,” IDD, 3.
"The bull-man takes over the name of the natural bovine: Sumerian GUD4.ALIM, the Akkadian equivalent of which is kusarikku. 21 The kusarikku is solidly attested in the NeoBabylonian period on two cylinder seals (Ills. 4.3-4.4), five seal impressions (Ills. 4.5-4.9), and on the Sun-god Tablet Collection, which consists of a tablet and two plaster casts of the head of this tablet, which were placed within a lidded coffer (Ills. 4.10-4.13). Illustration 4.3. Bull-man (kusarikku): Judgment or worship scene. NB cylinder seal: VA Bab 1510 (Babylon) Source. Adapted from Anton Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1988), 67, 140, no. 600.
"The bull-man is extant in iconography by the Early Dynastic II period as the protector of flocks and herds. In glyptic art of this period, bull-men appear in contest scenes, whether depicted alone, in pairs, or in threes as they struggle against wild animals or humans. Early Dynastic III period (c. 2600-2300 BC) glyptic scenes portray the bull-man fighting Lahmu, the hero with curls. This contest became the most common theme of Akkadian period (c. 2330-2190 BC) glyptic art. Also on Akkadian period seals, the bull-man is shown as an adversary to the sun god, UTU: With rebellious mountain gods, he fought against UTU, who was the supervisor of the distant regions, along with INANNA. However, during the Akkadian period, the bull-man’s association with UTU is transformed into a master-servant relationship, so he becomes a protective figure at significant entrances...The NB bull-man continued functions exhibited in earlier periods. These include guarding against intrusion by malevolent forces and attending the sun god Shamash by supporting his throne and winged disk. Because Shamash is the god of justice, the bull-man plays a subordinate role in the administration of justice.60 Additionally, the bull-man can be associated with an apkallu, who performs a purification ritual in what appears to be a judicial context. (ibid., pp.80-83)
Illustration 5.1. Winged genius against two natural lions: Contest scene. NB cylinder seal: VA 6938 (Bab 36292) (Babylon, Merkes) Source. Adapted from Anton Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1988), 74, no. 735.
Illustration 5.2. Lion. NB glazed brick relief: VA Bab 4765 (Ishtar Gate, Babylon)
"The best-known lion imagery in NB iconography is on the magnificent glazed brick reliefs lining the Processional Way and on the throne room façade of the Southern Palace in sixthcentury-BC Babylon (Ill. 5.2). In both of these locations, rows of natural lions stride in profile, emphasizing their apotropaic function. Thus, on the outer façade flanking the entrance to the throne room from the Central Court, the lions stride from the left and from the right toward the entrance through which an individual must pass to reach the king on his throne. On the reliefs lining the Processional Way, the lions pace northward, away from the Ishtar Gate and toward anyone approaching it. (Joachim Marzahn, The Ishtar Gate: The Processional Way: The New Year Festival of Babylon (Mainz: Zabern, 1994), 9.)(opcit., pp.94-95)
Lion-sickle indicates that the implement is made of arye 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass'
Illustration 5.5. Lion mace. NB stamp impression: GCBC 59 (Uruk) Source. Adapted from Erica Ehrenberg, Uruk: Late Babylonian Seal Impressions on Eanna-Tablets (AUWE 18; Mainz: Zabern, 1999), pl. 2, no. 12."The lion mace is called d Urigallu, with the divine determinative. It is most notably the standard of Ishtar and supports her star The emblem is less frequently associated with Ningirsu. It is additionally attested as the standard of Nergal and Zababa.20 Since these four deities are warlike, it is not surprising that d Urigallu is closely associated with scenes of war in iconography." (ibid. p.97)
Occasionally in NeoBabylonian iconography, a divine lion-headed emblem, depicting only the head of a natural lion on a sickle, surmounts an altar in a scene of worship (Ills. 5.3-5.4). In both of the extant provenanced examples, the lion sickle appears in front of a worshiper, whose right hand is raised in adoration. Also in both, there is an oblong object on a second altar, surmounted by a crescent, between the worshiper and the lion sickle. Illustration 5.3. Lion sickle. NB cylinder sealing: HSM 890.4.8 (Babylon) Source. Adapted from Paul-Alain Beaulieu, Legal and Administrative Texts from the Reign of Nabonidus (YOSBT 19; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), 7, pl. L, no. 5, text 101.(opcit., p.95)
Illustration 11.5. Mušḫuššu. NB glazed brick relief: VA Bab 4431 (Babylon, Ishtar Gate)
Illustration 11.22. Mušḫuššu: Worship scene. NB cylinder seal: BM 89324 (Babylon, SE Palace) Source. Adapted from Klengel-Brandt, Mit Sieben Siegeln Versehen, 103, Abb. 104.
Illustration 11.8. Marduk with mušḫuššu. NB seal: VA Bab 646 (Babylon) Source. Adapted from Evelyn Klengel-Brandt, ed., Mit Sieben Siegeln Versehen: Das Siegel in Wirtschaft und Kunst des Alten Orients (Mainz: Zabern, 1997), 100, Abb. 99.The personal seal of Marduk (VA Bab 646, Babylon; Ill. 11.8), city god of Babylon, depicts the god and his recumbent sacred animal, the mušḫuššu dragon. Marduk is garbed in an ornate robe covered with divine symbols.36 He holds his left hand, which grasps the rod and ring of kingship, against his right breast. His lowered right hand holds a scimitar. The mušḫuššu, recumbent at his feet, has two prominent horns and ears, a curled and hissing tongue, and is covered with a heavy coat of scales. Along the dragon’s neck is a mane. Both the deity and the creature are supported by a plinth evoking water, presumably representing the Apsu, which reflects the close connection between Marduk, the mušḫuššu, and the sea....a single stylus of Nabu on the back of a mušḫuššu is common.(ibid., pp.208-210).
"The overall picture shows a vast and variegated cosmic community inhabited by many kinds of beings and creatures, including gods, subdivine supernatural beings (including demons, monsters, and dragons), humans, and animals (including fish and birds)." (Ibid., p.227).
What are kudurrus?
Kudurrus are stelas or stone (or clay) slabs (called nargus or asumittu, "inscribed slab," and abnu, "stone." by the Babylonians) with inscriptions, generally of land grants, boundary markers.
Ignace Gelb et al detailt the functions of the kudurrus as documents of land tenure systems of the Bronze Age. [Ignace Gelb, Piotr Steinkeller, and Robert Whiting Jr., 1991, Earliest Land Tenure Systems in the Near East: Ancient Kudurrus by Ignace Gelb, Piotr Steinkeller, and Robert Whiting Junior (1989-1991, 2 Parts: Part 1: Text, Part 2: Plates)].
Giorgio Buccellati details field and/or temple placement of kudurrus. (Giorgio Buccellati, 1994, The Kudurrus as Monuments in: Cinquante-deux reflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancien offertes en hommage a Leon de Meyer, Pages 283-291).
Kathryn Slanski presents an 'administrative' view on the purpose of kudurrus. (Kathryn Slanski, 2000, Classification, Historiography and Monumental Authority: The Babylonian Entitlement Narus (Kudurrus), in: Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Volume 52, 2000, Pages 95-114).
Brinkman provides an economic interpretation that kudurrus were not legal documents - but mere commemoration/markers of the acquisition of land (perpetual income). (John Brinkman, 2006, Babylonian royal land grants, memorials of financial interest, and invocation of the divine, in: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient [JESHO], Volume 49, 2006, Pages 1-47).
With this background of links between Syria/Kassites with Indo-Aryan, it is instructive to find many Indus Script hieroglyphs on Kassite kudurrus.
Examples of Kassite kudurru hypertexts deploying Indus Script hieroglyphs are presented in this monograph.
Scorpion hieroglyph on a kudurru. Indus Script: bicha 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'hematite, sandstone ferrite ore'
Hieroglyph: फडा (p. 313) phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c. Ta. patam cobra'shood. Ma.paṭam id. Ka.peḍe id. Te.paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛkihood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) Rebus: phaḍaफड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.
फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. फडफरमाश or स (p. 313) phaḍapharamāśa or sa f ( H & P) Fruit, vegetables &c. furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the Ryots by Government or a public officer.
फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फड- निशी & फडनीस. फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.
फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain).
फडझडती (p. 313) phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business.
फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चाफड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचाफड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचाफड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फडपडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फडमारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फडमारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्यामापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडासयेणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion.
Turtle atop a temple on kudurru. Indus Script: kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'
eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper' arka 'gold'.
Ram atop temple on a kudurru. Indus Script: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) meḍh 'helper of merchant' (Prakrtam)
Akkadian - Late Babylonian, possibly ûmu naa´iru "roaring weather-beast". arya 'lion' rebus: ara 'brass'; khamba 'wings' rebus: kammata 'mint'.
The British Museum dates this kudurru to 1125-1100 BC:
Walters Art Museum no. 2110 kudurru A "kudurru," the Akkadian term for boundary stone, combines images of the king, gods, and divine symbols with a text recording royal grants of land and tax exemption to an individual. While the original was housed in the temple, a copy of the document was kept at the site of the land in question. This example was found at the temple of Esagila, the primary sanctuary of the god Marduk. The king Marduk-nadin-ahe is depicted with his left hand raised in front of his face; he wears the tall Babylonian feathered crown and an elaborately decorated garment with a honeycomb pattern. On the top are a sun disk, star, crescent moon, and scorpion, representing deities who witnessed the land grant and tax exemption. A snake-dragon deity emerges from a row of altars shaped like temple façades along the back.
This magnificent object is a Kudurru, a carved stone used to mark a royal land grant. Old books call them "boundary stones", but they were kept in the palace or temple archives, not placed out on the borders of the grant. This one comes from Babylon, the Second Dynasty of Isin, 1157-1025 BC; I found it in an online exhibit at the California Museum of Ancient Art.
This stone is carved of black limestone, 16.5 inches tall (42 cm). The designs are full of significance. On the front:
the Mesopotamian pantheon is presented. The four great gods come first. Anu ("father of the gods" and god of heaven) and Enlil (god of wind, kingship and the earth), are shown as a multi-horned divine crown each on its own temple facade. Then Ea (god of water, magic and wisdom), is shown as a curved stick ending in a ram's head atop a temple facade pulled by the foreparts of a horned goat. Above the first two deities, a female headdress in the shape of an omega sign, symbolizes Ninhursag ("mother of the gods" and goddess of fertility).
Reverse:
The leading Babylonian god, Marduk, and his son Nabu, appear next. A triangular spade pointing up and a scribe's wedge-shaped stylus, respectively, each sits atop a temple facade pulled by the foreparts of a snake-dragon known as a Mushus. All five temple facades float on fresh, underground waters known as the Apsu or the Deep. Following these divinities, we find the mace, perhaps a local war god, the scepter with double lion heads of Ninurta (god of war), the arrow, a symbol of the star Sirius, and the two-pronged lightning bolt of Adad. This storm god is called by the similar name Haddad in the Levant. The running bird Papsukkal (minister of the gods, associated with the constellation Orion), is followed by the scorpion Ishara (goddess of oaths), the seated dog Gula (goddess of healing) and a bird on a perch, symbolizing both Shuqamuna and Shumalia (patron deities of the Kassite royal family).
Top:
The top of the kudurru, representing the heavens, is surrounded and enclosed by the body of a large snake. Nirah (the snake god) encompasses four astral deities the crescent moon of Sin (the moon god), a multi-rayed circular sun disc of Shamash (the sun god), a star inside a disc for Ishtar (the goddess of love -especially sexuality- and war) and the lamp of Nusku (the god of fire and light). Ishtar, considered the most important Mesopotamian female deity, is associated with the morning and evening star, the planet Venus.
Mesopotamian Black Limestone Kudurru Mesopotamia; Second Dynasty of Isin, 1157-1025 BC; Height 16.5 inchesThe upper section of this finely polished black limestone kudurru is decorated in intricately carved raised relief with symbols and sacred animals representing a large group or "gathering" of Mesopotamian gods and goddesses. Kudurrus, sometimes referred to as "boundary markers," were actually land grant documents used by kings to reward their favored servants. These monuments were set up in temples to record royal land grants. The full force of the Mesopotamian pantheon was utilized both to witness and guarantee the land grant by carving the symbols and sacred animals of the deities on the kudurru. In the shape of a cylindrical ovoid, this particular kudurru was not inscribed, perhaps because the person who was to receive the land grant died before it could be finalized, or because the king changed his mind and decided not to make the land grant after all. Each kudurru is unique; a good deal of variation exists in the number and choice of deities which appear. Front:On this standing monument, the Mesopotamian pantheon is presented. The four great gods come first. Anu ("father of the gods" and god of heaven) and Enlil (god of wind, kingship and the earth), are shown as a multi-horned divine crown each on its own temple facade. Then Ea (god of water, magic and wisdom), is shown as a curved stick ending in a ram's head atop a temple facade pulled by the foreparts of a horned goat. Above the first two deities, a female headdress in the shape of an omega sign, symbolizes Ninhursag ("mother of the gods" and goddess of fertility). Reverse:The leading Babylonian god, Marduk, and his son Nabu, appear next. A triangular spade pointing up and a scribe's wedge-shaped stylus, respectively, each sits atop a temple facade pulled by the foreparts of a snake-dragon known as a Mushus. All five temple facades float on fresh, underground waters known as the Apsu or the Deep. Following these divinities, we find the mace, perhaps a local war god, the scepter with double lion heads of Ninurta (god of war), the arrow, a symbol of the star Sirius, and the two-pronged lightning bolt of Adad. This storm god is called by the similar name Haddad in the Levant. The running bird Papsukkal (minister of the gods, associated with the constellation Orion), is followed by the scorpion Ishara (goddess of oaths), the seated dog Gula (goddess of healing) and a bird on a perch, symbolizing both Shuqamuna and Shumalia (patron deities of the Kassite royal family). Top:The top of the kudurru, representing the heavens, is surrounded and enclosed by the body of a large snake. Nirah (the snake god) encompasses four astral deities the crescent moon of Sin (the moon god), a multi-rayed circular sun disc of Shamash (the sun god), a star inside a disc for Ishtar (the goddess of love -especially sexuality- and war) and the lamp of Nusku (the god of fire and light). Ishtar, considered the most important Mesopotamian female deity, is associated with the morning and evening star, the planet Venus.
Unfinished Kudurru from the Reign of Melishipak, found in Sousa. Louvre, Paris
Melli-shipak Kudurru
Melišipak kudurru-Land grant to Hunnubat-Nannaya. Louvre, Paris
Kudurru of Melishihu. Louvre, Paris. Boundary markers for property are a very old concept. They are mentioned in the Bible: Proverbs 22:28 “Do not move an ancient boundary stone set up by your forefathers.”
Kudurru of Mellishuhu. Louvre.
Moonhieroglyph on a kudurru. Indus Script: مر ḳamarA قمرḳamar, s.m. (9th) The moon. Sing. and Pl. See سپوږمي or سپوګمي (Pashto) rebus: kamar 'artisan, smith' (Santali)
Arrow atop a temple. Indus Script: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS Oriya. kāṇḍa, kã̄ṛ ʻstalk, arrow ʼ(CDIAL 3023). ayaskāṇḍa 'a quantity of iron; kāṇḍa'implements' NOTE: The Indus Script expression kole.l which signifies a temple is significant. Since kole.l is a smithy, forge', the activities related to metalwork gain sacredness and veneration as products realized in a temple. Hence, the Kassite kudurrus equate metalwork hieroglyphs and express veneration of ancestors who were metalworkers with divinities (as signified on the hieroglyphs used on kudurrus). The divinities for Kassites are: (1) Anu, (2) Enlil, (3) Ea, (4) Ninmakh, (5) Sin, (6) Nabu, (7) Gula, (8) Ninib, and (9) Marduk.
Tiger-head atop a temple. Indus Script: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron'
Rim-of-jar (upside down) atop temple. Indus Script: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS karṇika, kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karṇI 'supercaro, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale'.'
A rod (signifying 'one') atop temple. Indus Script: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS koḍa 'one' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'
Sun's rays hieroglyph on kudurrus. Indus Script: arka 'sun' rebus: arka, eraka 'copper'.
Star hieroglyph on kudurru. Indus Script: mēḍha मेढ 'polar star' (Marathi) rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Samskrtam, Santali. Mu.Ho.)
Black drongo atop a pillar on a kudurru. Indus Script: pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel' PLUS skambha 'pillar' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint', coiner, coinage
Duck atop a temple on a kudurru. Indus Script: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)
Tree atop a temple on a kudurru. Indus Script:kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS kuṭhi a sacred, divine tree, kuṭi 'temple'; kuṭhi 'smelter'
Tree and bull on a kudurru. Indus Script: kuṭhi a sacred, divine tree, kuṭi'temple'; kuṭhi 'smelter' PLUS ḍhaṅgaru, ḍhiṅgarum. ʻlean emaciated beastʼ(Sindhi) Rebus:dhangar‘blacksmith’ (Maithili)
kudurru stones of the Kassite Period (circa 1530-1155/1160 BCE) includes the following hieroglyphs:
Meli-Šipak kudurru, 1186–1172. pr. Kr. Goat-fish
Kudurru fragments. With mushhushshu.
Lion
Furrow
Scorpion-Archer
Hired-Man
Goat-Fish
Limestone kudurru reign of Marduk-nadin-ahhe: the boundary-stone consists of a block of black limestone, which has been shaped and rubbed down to take sculptures and inscriptions. Culture/period: Middle Babylonian Date: 11thC BC From: Babylon (Asia, Middle East, Iraq, South Iraq, Babylon) Materials: limestone Technique: carved British Museum number: 90841
Limestone boundary-stone (kudurru) from the time of Nabu-mukin-apli
Unfinished kudurru (boundary marker) with a horned serpent
(symbol of Marduk) around pillar at bottom. The most proeminent
gods are featured as symbols. The space for the inscription was left
unused.White limestone Kassites era, found in SusaFound by J. de Morgan.
Accession No. Sb25 Louvre Museum.
Kudurru "inachevé"Époque kassite, attribué au règne de Meli-Shipak (1186-1172 av. J.-C.)Découvert à Suse où il avait été emporté en butin de guerre au XIIe siècle avant J.-C. Calcaire Sous les anneaux du serpent qui s'enroule sur le sommet sont figurées les principales divinités du panthéon sous forme de symboles. Au-dessous, un cortège de dieux musiciens et d'animaux. Murs et tours crénelées encadrent l'emplacement réservé à une inscription qui n'a jamais été gravée. Un serpent cornu, emblème du dieu Marduk, entoure la base.
“Kudurru or a boundary stone from Babylon dating back to 1099-1082 BCE. The Kudurru was found at the Temple of Esagila in Babylon. The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, MD.
What role do villages play in ‘an urban civilisation’? Although it is likely that most of the populations of South Asia’s ancient Indus Civilisation would not have lived in cities, it is not clear what their rural way of life would have encompassed. Using ceramic assemblages excavated from Indus-period villages in northwest India, alongside ethnographic records on village organization and rural craft production, this paper argues that Indus villages were characterized by rural complexity. This comprised a range of activities, including craft production, as well as short- and long-distance socio-economic links. Drawing on historical narratives, we show how South Asian villages have been essentialized and presented as either ideal or conservative extremes. We argue for the importance of a better understanding of the breadth and nuances of the rural sphere, and for a greater research focus on village life in the Indus context.
South Asia has long been viewed as a region well suited to rural lifeways, and while this rural nature has been overly idealized, this view is also grounded in some underlying truths. Of the 717,549 settlements recorded in the 1891 Census of India (covering India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Myanmar) 715,514 were classified as villages (Baines 1893Baines, J. A.1893. General Report on the Census of India, 1891. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode.[Google Scholar], 42). Writing of India 18 years before Independence and Partition, Gandhi (1929Gandhi, M. K.November7, 1929. “What May Youth Do?” Young India. 11 (45): 364.[Google Scholar]) wrote, ‘We are inheritors of a rural civilisation. The vastness of our country, the vastness of the population, the situation and the climate of the country have, in my opinion, destined it for a rural civilisation.’ It has since been argued that it was under British colonial rule that this essentializing of India as a land of villages took place (e.g. Inden 1990Inden, R. B.1990. Imagining India. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.[Google Scholar], 30; Jodhka 2002Jodhka, S. S.2002. “Nation and Village: Images of Rural India in Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar.” Economic and Political Weekly37 (32): 3343–3353.[Google Scholar], 3343), as it fed into Orientalist narratives of stagnant societies and the unchanging East, and helped justify colonial rule as an external modernizing force (e.g. Kraemer 1963Kraemer, H.1963. Godsdiensten en Culturen: De Komende Dialoog. The Hague: Boekencentrum.[Google Scholar], 88–89; Said 1978Said, E. W.1978. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon.[Google Scholar]). This troubled history has made the task of unpicking the realities of South Asian rurality from what has historically been idealized somewhat challenging.
Figure 1. Map of the Indus cities and small sites in the text.
The first experiments with urbanism in South Asia began during the third millennium BC, when the people of what we now term the Indus Civilisation built a series of impressive cities and occupied them for an extended period (c.2600–1900 BC) (Figure 1). From the re-discovery and excavation of the first of these cities in the early twentieth century, the Indus has been considered an urban society (e.g. Marshall 1931Marshall, J.1931. Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization Volumes I-III. London: Arthur Probsthain.[Google Scholar]). Since then, large city sites such as Mohenjo-daro and Harappa have drawn a considerable amount of research, and urbanism has become such a dominant lens through which researchers have viewed the Indus Civilisation that most dating systems divide it into what are either directly or implicitly ‘Pre-urban’, ‘Urban’ and ‘Post-Urban’ chronological periods (Possehl 1977Possehl, G. L.1977. “The End of a State and the Continuity of a Tradition.” In Realm and Region in Traditional India, edited by R. G. Fox, 234–254. Durham: Carolina Academic Press.[Google Scholar]); alternatively referred to as ‘Early Harappan’ (3200–2600 BC), ‘Mature Harappan’ (2600–1900 BC) (or ‘Harappa phase’ after Kenoyer 1998Kenoyer, J. M.1998. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Google Scholar], 26), and ‘Late Harappan’ periods (1900–1600 BC) (Mughal 1970Mughal, M. R.1970. “The Early Harappan Period in the Greater Indus Valley and Northern Baluchistan (C. 3000–2400 BC).” PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania.[Google Scholar]; Possehl 2002Possehl, G. L.2002. The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press.[Google Scholar]; Wright 2010Wright, R. P.2010. The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy, and Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[Google Scholar]; contra Shaffer 1992Shaffer, J. G.1992. “The Indus Valley, Balochistan and Helmand Traditions: Neolithic through Bronze Age.” In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, Volume I, edited by R. W. Ehrich, 441–464. 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.[Google Scholar]; Kenoyer 1998Kenoyer, J. M.1998. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Google Scholar]). Orientalist narratives, too, have been influential, as although colonial archaeologists may have considered the Indus Civilisation urban, many also wrote of its rigid and unchanging nature (e.g. Piggott 1950Piggott, S.1950. Prehistoric India. Harmondsworth and Middlesex: Penguin Books.[Google Scholar], 138–141).
Despite this urban focus, the essentially rural nature of most Indus settlements has long been recognized, with Fairservis (1961Fairservis, W. A.1961. “The Harappan Civilization – New Evidence and More Theory.” American Museum Novitates. No. 2055: 1–35.[Google Scholar], 15) noting that ‘in contrast to a multiplicity of urban sites we have a majority of village sites’. More recently, arguments about the extent to which the Indus Civilisation was urbanized (e.g. Cork 2011Cork, E.2011. “Rethinking the Indus: A Comparative Re-Evaluation of the Indus Civilisation as an Alternative Paradigm in the Organization and Structure of Early Complex Societies.” In BAR International Series 2213. Oxford: Archaeopress.[Google Scholar]) and the importance of the rural sphere continue to be reiterated (e.g. Wright 2010Wright, R. P.2010. The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy, and Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[Google Scholar]; Petrie 2013Petrie, C. A.2013. “South Asia.” In The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History, edited by P. Clark, 83–104. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]; Petrie et al. 2017Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, J. Bates, Y. Dixit, C. A. I. French, D. A.Hodell, P. J. Jones, et al. 2017. “Adaptation to Variable Environments, Resilience to Climate Change: Investigating Land, Water and Settlement in Indus Northwest India.” Current Anthropology 58 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1086/690112.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). As in modern South Asia, in the Mature Harappan period there was a contrast between relatively large urban centres and much smaller settlements. However, as we will argue, rather than an urban–rural dichotomy, this relationship was a dialectic characterized by connectivity.
Within the Indus Civilisation, only four or five cities have been discovered to date, distributed across an enormous area of modern Pakistan and India. The shortest distance between two cities was 280 km (Harappa and Ganweriwala), and the longest was 839 km (Rakhigarhi and Dholavira) (Kenoyer 1997Kenoyer, J. M.1997. “Early City-States in South Asia: Comparing the Harappan Phase and Early Historic Period.” In The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches, edited by D. L. Nichols and T. H. Charlton, 51–70. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar]; Petrie 2013Petrie, C. A.2013. “South Asia.” In The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History, edited by P. Clark, 83–104. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]). Kenoyer (1997Kenoyer, J. M.1997. “Early City-States in South Asia: Comparing the Harappan Phase and Early Historic Period.” In The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches, edited by D. L. Nichols and T. H. Charlton, 51–70. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar], 54, 1998Kenoyer, J. M.1998. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Google Scholar], 50, Table 3.1) has suggested that the geographical extent of the putative states that were controlled by these cities (‘city-states’) was between 100,000 and 170,000 km2, with these areas assumed to have been vast rural hinterlands. Considering the infrequency of urban sites and the distances between them, it is likely that most Indus people would have lived in small or medium-sized settlements (Petrie 2013Petrie, C. A.2013. “South Asia.” In The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History, edited by P. Clark, 83–104. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]). Madella and Fuller (2006Madella, M., and D. Q. Fuller. 2006. “Palaeoecology and the Harappan Civilisation of South Asia: A Reconsideration.” Quaternary Science Reviews 25: 1283–1301. doi:10.1016/j.quascirev.2005.10.012.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]: Figure 9) calculated that the average site size in the Mature Harappan period was 7.2 ha, which is only slightly higher than the Early Harappan average of 4.5 ha and the Late Harappan average of 3.5 ha, indicating that villages were always predominant in terms of settled area. It is now possible to use historic map analysis and remote sensing technologies that allow the locating of what may have been previously undetectable small sites (Petrie et al. 2019Petrie, C. A., H. A. Orengo, A. S. Green, J. R. Walker, A. Garcia, F. Conesa, J. R. Knox, and R. N. Singh. 2019. “Mapping Archaeology while Mapping an Empire: Using Historical Maps to Reconstruct Settlement Landscapes in India and Pakistan.” Geosciences 9.1 (1–26): 11. doi:10.3390/geosciences9010011.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]), more extensive and accurate surveys are emphasizing the density of the Indus rural settlements (e.g. Singh et al. 2010bSingh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, V. Pawar, A. K. Pandey, S. Neogi, M.Singh, A. K. Singh, D. Parikh, and C. Lancelotti. 2010b. “Changing Patterns of Settlement in the Rise and Fall of Harappan Urbanism and Beyond: A Preliminary Report on the Rakhigarhi Hinterland Survey 2009.” Man and Environment 35 (1): 37–53.[Google Scholar], 2011Singh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, V. Pawar, A. K. 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Petrie. 2018b. “Preliminary Results from the TwoRainsSurvey in Northwest India 2017.” Man and Environment 43 (2): 84–102.[Google Scholar]), and overt attempts are being made to excavate smaller sites situated in the hinterlands of larger town and city sites (Petrie et al. 2017Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, J. Bates, Y. Dixit, C. A. I. French, D. A.Hodell, P. J. Jones, et al. 2017. “Adaptation to Variable Environments, Resilience to Climate Change: Investigating Land, Water and Settlement in Indus Northwest India.” Current Anthropology 58 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1086/690112.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). We thus now have the tools to build on earlier intuitive insights, and to turn our sights to these smaller settlements to better understand how rural communities lived.
This paper will examine rural settlements and the relationships between the rural and the urban in the Indus Civilisation in three stages. We will first characterize rural occupation and villages in the Indus region. We will then focus on ceramic assemblages from rural Indus settlements in northwest India as a means of studying the Indus economy and the materialization of identity at Indus villages. The ceramic data being discussed come from four village sites situated in the hinterland of larger towns and cities in the northwest Indian states of Haryana and Rajasthan, that were excavated by the Land, Water, Settlement project (LWS). We will then examine the socio-economic role of small settlements using comparative data from other rural sites, and consider historic and ethnographic records from India to broaden our understanding of the nature of rural dynamics and networks. Building on these data and records, an argument is made for ‘rural complexity’ (Falconer 1994Falconer, S.E.1994. "The Development and Decline of Bronze Age Civilisation in the Southern Levant: A Reassessment of Urbanism and Ruralism." In Development and Decline in the Mediterranean Bronze Age, edited by C. Mathers and S. Stoddart. Sheffield Archaeological Monographs 8. Sheffield: J.R. Collis[Google Scholar], 305): an acknowledgement of the multifaceted roles and variable nature of Indus rural sites, alongside an expansion of how we conceptualize these small settlements.
Characterizing rural occupation
Most schemes proposed by scholars to classify Indus settlements are based on size. Here we rely on those proposed by Mughal (1990aMughal, M. R.1990a. “The Harappan Settlement Systems and Patterns in the Greater Indus Valley (C. 3500–1500 BC).” Pakistan Archaeology 25: 1–72.[Google Scholar]) and Kenoyer (1998Kenoyer, J. M.1998. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Google Scholar]), who classified settlements up to 10 ha in size as villages (though Mughal distinguishes between small and large villages). We also further classify settlements between 10 and 80 ha as towns, and those greater than 80 ha as cities.
While the large size and exceptional nature of the Indus settlements that have been classified as being urban is clear, it is arguable that a better understanding of the other types of settlements is needed. Though we have classified these settlements on the basis of area, overall size is not necessarily a robust indicator of site function, and at present, the differences between Indus settlements of varying sizes is not totally clear. As Kramer (1994Kramer, C.1994. “Scale, Organization, and Function in Village and Town.” In Archaeological Views from the Countryside: Village Communities in Early Complex Societies, edited by G. M. Schwarz and S. E. Falconer, 207–212. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.[Google Scholar]) noted, archaeologists must develop ‘measures of site function independent of size’, and we will demonstrate here that Indus settlements that have been classified as villages had multiple functions beyond agriculture and food production.
The variable nature of small Indus sites has been explored in different Indus regions, including notably Cholistan (Mughal [1982] 1993Mughal, M. R.[1982] 1993. “Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert.” In Harappan Civilization: A Recent Perspective, edited by G. L. Possehl, 85–94. Second Revised ed. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar], 1990aMughal, M. R.1990a. “The Harappan Settlement Systems and Patterns in the Greater Indus Valley (C. 3500–1500 BC).” Pakistan Archaeology 25: 1–72.[Google Scholar], 1990bMughal, M. R.1990b. “The Protohistoric Settlement Patterns in the Cholistan Desert.” In South Asian Archaeology 1987, edited by M. Taddei, 143–155. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente.[Google Scholar], 1994bMughal, M. R.1994b. “The Harappan Nomads of Cholistan.” In Living Traditions: Studies in the Ethnoarchaeology of South Asia, edited by B. Allchin, 53–68. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar]) and Gujarat (e.g. Mehta [1982] 1993Mehta, R. N.[1982] 1993. “Some Rural Harappan Settlements in Gujarat.” In Harappan Civilization: A Recent Perspective, edited by G. L. Possehl, 167–174. Second Reviseded. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar]; Bhan 1994Bhan, K. K.1994. “Cultural Development of the Prehistoric Period in North Gujarat with Reference to Western India.” South Asian Studies 10: 71–90. doi:10.1080/02666030.1994.9628478.[Taylor & Francis Online],, [Google Scholar]). More recently, evidence from the small sites of Bagasra and Shikarpur (25 km apart across the Gulf of Kutch at its narrowest) has been interpreted to suggest that residents of each settlement publicly identified with one another, but privately materialized social identities in different ways (Chase et al. 2014bChase, B. P. Ajithprasad, S.V. Rajesh, A. Patel, and B. Sharma. 2014b. “Materializing Harappan Identities: Unity and Diversity in the Borderlands of the Indus Civilization.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 35: 63–78. doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2014.04.005.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). Here we will explore how identity is materialized at village settlements in Haryana and north Rajasthan in northwest India, and then consider variation between small Indus sites in different regions.
Indus villages and ceramic production in northwest India
Ceramics have long been considered one of the most ‘reliable’ indicators of an Indus Civilisation settlement, particularly in the case of identifying sites through surveys, and to a lesser extent, excavation. While the regional differences between ceramics have been a feature of the research landscape for some time (e.g. Ghosh 1952Ghosh, A.1952. “The Rajputana Desert: Its Archaeological Aspect.” Bulletin of the National Institute of Sciences in India 1: 37–42.[Google Scholar]; Bhan 1975Bhan, S.1975. Excavation at Mitathal (1968) and Other Explorations in the Sutlej-Yamuna Divide. Kurukshetra: Kurukshetra University.[Google Scholar]; Dikshit 1984Dikshit, K. N.1984. “The Sothi Complex: Old Records and Fresh Observation.” In Frontiers of the Indus Civilization: Sir Mortimer Wheeler Commemoration Volume, edited by B. B. Laland S. P. Gupta, 531–537. New Delhi: Books and Books.[Google Scholar]; Kenoyer 1989Kenoyer, J. M.1989. “Socio-Economic Structures of the Indus Civilization as Reflected in Specialized Crafts and the Question of Ritual Segregation.” In Old Problems and New Perspectives in the Archaeology of South Asia, edited by J. Mark Kenoyer, 183–192. Madison: University of Wisconsin.[Google Scholar]), it is also becoming increasingly evident that there is variation in the ceramics used at urban and rural sites within some areas (Parikh and Petrie 2017Parikh, D., and C. A. Petrie. 2017. “Urban-Rural Dynamics and Indus Ceramic Production in Northwest India: A Preliminary Analysis of the Pottery from Masudpur I and Masudpur VII.” In South Asian Archaeology and Art 2012 Volume I, Man and Environment in Prehistoric and Protohistoric South Asia: New Perspectives, edited by V. Lefèvre, A. Didier, and B. Mutin, 221–241. Turnhout: Brepols.[Google Scholar]; Petrie et al. 2018Petrie, C. A., A.S. Green, D. Parikh, and J. Bates. 2018. “Looking beneath the Veneer: Thoughts about Environmental and Cultural Diversity in the Indus Civilization.” In Walking with the Unicorn: Social Organization and Material Culture in Ancient South Asia. Jonathan Mark Kenoyer Felicitation Volume, edited by D. Frenez, G.M. Jamison, R.W. Law, M. Vidale, and R. H. Meadow, 455–476. Oxford: Archaeopress.[Google Scholar]). The ceramic assemblages discussed here are from four village sites excavated by the LWS project: Masudpur I (c.6 ha), Masudpur VII (c.1 ha), Burj (c.2 ha), and Dabli-vas Chugta (c.5-6 ha). Each of these sites has a specific spatial relationship to a more well-known, substantial and/or potentially urban settlement. Masudpur I and VII lie in the hinterland of Rakhigarhi, Burj is close to the site of Kunal, and relatively close to Banawali, while Dabli-vas Chugta is in the hinterland of Kalibangan. As small settlements under 9 ha in size, these villages present an opportunity to examine the lifeways of different rural Indus communities in northwest India. These villages were not all occupied in the same phases, with only Masudpur VII showing occupation during the Early, Mature, and Late Harappan periods. Burj was occupied during the Early and Mature phases, and Masudpur I and Dabli-vas Chugta were occupied during the Mature Harappan. The ceramic assemblages can provide valuable insights into rural life by indicating whether ceramic forms, technology, and decorative motifs were shared at urban and rural sites, and whether these settlements produced and consumed ceramics in the same way. Shared technologies and similar techniques at small and large settlements would suggest that the different ceramics in use at these settlements were in fact made by the same communities of practice (Lave and Wenger 1991Lave, J., and E. Wenger. 1991. Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]; Wenger 1999Wenger, E.1999. Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning, and Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[Google Scholar]; see Green 2016Green, A. S.2016. “Finding Harappan Seal Carvers: An Operational Sequence Approach to Identifying People in the Past.” Journal of Archaeological Science 72: 128–141. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2016.06.008.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar] for a case study of communities of practice among Indus seal carvers); differences would suggest separate communities of practice, with varying methods of training and potentially little contact. The first aspect of ceramic production we will consider is fabric, followed by form, then technology, and lastly surface decoration.
The ceramic assemblages from all four of these villages were made up of three fabrics. The first is a red fabric of medium texture and a limited quantity of inclusions that is particularly common across the Indus Civilisation; it shows the most variety in technique as well as decoration. The second is a thick and somewhat coarse red ware with more inclusions and voids. Many of the latter are channel-shaped, suggesting the addition of chaff as a temper. Vessels of this fabric are rarely decorated in any way. The third fabric is particular to northwest India: a grey fabric of fairly fine quality, which is distinguished by a grey-slipped and burnished exterior. A fourth buff fabric is also associated with this regional ceramic tradition (Garge 2010Garge, T.2010. “Sothi-Siswal Ceramic Assemblage: A Reappraisal.” Ancient Asia 2: 15–40. doi:10.5334/aa.10203.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]), although it was absent at all four LWS sites. These fabrics dominate the assemblages proportionally and have been termed Sothi-Siswal (Ghosh 1952Ghosh, A.1952. “The Rajputana Desert: Its Archaeological Aspect.” Bulletin of the National Institute of Sciences in India 1: 37–42.[Google Scholar], 37–42; Bhan 1975Bhan, S.1975. Excavation at Mitathal (1968) and Other Explorations in the Sutlej-Yamuna Divide. Kurukshetra: Kurukshetra University.[Google Scholar]; Dikshit 1984Dikshit, K. N.1984. “The Sothi Complex: Old Records and Fresh Observation.” In Frontiers of the Indus Civilization: Sir Mortimer Wheeler Commemoration Volume, edited by B. B. Laland S. P. Gupta, 531–537. New Delhi: Books and Books.[Google Scholar], 531–537; Bala 2003Bala, M.2003. “The Pottery.” In Excavations at Kalibangan: The Early Harappans 1961–1969, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India No. 98 B. edited by B.B. Lal, J.P. Joshi, B. K. Thapar, and M. Bala . 101–222. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.[Google Scholar]) or Haryana Harappan ceramics (Parikh and Petrie 2017Parikh, D., and C. A. Petrie. 2017. “Urban-Rural Dynamics and Indus Ceramic Production in Northwest India: A Preliminary Analysis of the Pottery from Masudpur I and Masudpur VII.” In South Asian Archaeology and Art 2012 Volume I, Man and Environment in Prehistoric and Protohistoric South Asia: New Perspectives, edited by V. Lefèvre, A. Didier, and B. Mutin, 221–241. Turnhout: Brepols.[Google Scholar]). No sherds of the Classic Harappan ceramics typically found at larger sites have been documented.
The Classic Harappan ceramics that are characteristic of the urban phase have distinctive vessel forms, and show the predominant use of the potter’s wheel to form the vessels, and specific approaches to surface decoration, including a dark-red slip and a particular repertoire of decorative motifs (Dales and Kenoyer 1986Dales, G. F., and J. M. Kenoyer. 1986. Excavations at Mohenjo Daro, Pakistan: The Pottery. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania.[Google Scholar]; Jenkins 1994Jenkins, P. C.1994. “Continuity and Change in the Ceramic Sequence at Harappa.” In South Asian Archaeology 1993, Volume I, edited by A. Parpola and P. Koskikallio, 315–336. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia.[Google Scholar]; Quivron 2000Quivron, G.2000. “The Evolution of the Mature Indus Pottery Style in the Light of the Excavations at Nausharo, Pakistan.” East and West 50 (1): 147–190.[Google Scholar]). Although some Classic Harappan forms found at urban settlements, such as large ornately painted jars, are absent from the four village sites that we have examined, other vessel forms including Harappan-style cooking pots, perforated jars, and dish-on-stands are present, made in the local fabrics. It is clear that there is a long tradition of region-specific forms, however, and vessel types such as basins incised with decorative motifs on the interior, as recorded in the Early Harappan phases at Kalibangan (Thapar 1975Thapar, B. K.1975. “Kalibangan: A Harappan Metropolis beyond the Indus Valley.” Expedition Winter 19–32.[Google Scholar]; Bala 2003Bala, M.2003. “The Pottery.” In Excavations at Kalibangan: The Early Harappans 1961–1969, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India No. 98 B. edited by B.B. Lal, J.P. Joshi, B. K. Thapar, and M. Bala . 101–222. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.[Google Scholar]), are specific to northwest India; they are also common at the LWS village sites. It is also notable that some vessel forms and decorative motifs that we have observed have not been recorded at any other Indus settlements, such as unusual incised and painted funnels from the Early Harappan deposits at Burj (Figure 3). During the Mature Harappan period, vessel forms are where the most overlap between the Classic and Haryana Harappan ceramic assemblages can be observed, whereas greater variation is observed in decorative treatments and technology.
Figure 3. Incised motifs of the case study village ceramics.
In terms of technology, a variety of techniques were in use at the LWS sites, many in conjunction with the potter’s wheel, and we have observed a fluidity in the techniques used to produce the same vessel. Despite the introduction of the potter’s wheel, potters continued to create Haryana Harappan ceramics using other techniques like hand and coil-building. Working with the potter’s wheel requires a long apprenticeship (Roux and Corbetta 1990Roux, V., and D. Corbetta. 1990. The Potter’s Wheel: Craft Specialization and Technical Competence. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar]) and its infrequent use in the production of rural ceramics in the Indus context has interesting implications for connections betweencommunities of practice, as well as the choices of individual potters. Perhaps most interestingly, rural potters explored complex chaînes opératoire that included the use of multiple techniques to produce a single vessel, such as coil-making and wheel-finishing. While at this point we have only studied surface traces to determine the techniques used, analysis and experimental work on surface traces and microfabrics of ceramics from Kalibangan reinforces the suggestion that coil-building, wheel-finishing, and a variety of wheel-fashioning methods were used in the region (Courty and Roux 1995Courty, M.-A., and V. Roux. 1995. “Identification of Wheel Throwing on the Basis of Ceramic Surface Features and Microfabrics.” Journal of Archaeological Science 22: 17–50. doi:10.1016/S0305-4403(95)80161-8.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]; Roux and Courty 1998Roux, V., and M.-A. Courty. 1998. “Identification of Wheel-Fashioning Methods: Technological Analysis of 4th–3rd Millennium BC Oriental Ceramics.” Journal of Archaeological Science 25: 747–763. doi:10.1006/jasc.1997.0219.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). Five sherds from Masudpur VII also showed clear evidence of textile impressions, suggesting they had been draped with textiles prior to firing. Although textile impressions on ceramics are relatively uncommon in the Indus Civilisation, they have been previously recorded at other sites, including Harappa, where jute was identified (Wright et al. 2012Wright, R. P., D. L. Lentz, H. F. Beaubien, and C. K.Kimbrough. 2012. “New Evidence for Jute (Corchorus Capsularis L.) In the Indus Civilization.” Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 4 (2): 137–143. doi:10.1007/s12520-012-0088-1.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). We have noted the use of the wheel to produce or finish rims but not the vessel body, as well as visible join marks showing where rims were attached to bodies and then wheel finished (Figure 4). There is also clear evidence for the use of extensive scraping and smoothing that in many cases may have obliterated evidence of all previous techniques used.
Figure 5. Agate, lapis lazuli, gold and carnelian beads from Masudpur I and Masudpur VII.
Surface decoration is where the Haryana Harappan ceramics differ most from the Classic Harappan, and again this variation begins in the Early Harappan and continues into the early phases of the Mature Harappan periods. At the LWS sites, some red ware vessels were decorated with both red and brown slips, the latter occasionally burnished to a deep glossy finish, and others were painted with black/brown and white pigments, which is a regionally distinct preference. These two colours were used to create what is referred to locally as bichrome pottery and that in conjunction with a set of regionally distinct motifs resulted in vessels quite clearly visually different from ceramics commonly used elsewhere. Pre-firing incised decoration is common in northwest India, where it is typically referred to as Kalibangan Fabric D (Thapar 1975Thapar, B. K.1975. “Kalibangan: A Harappan Metropolis beyond the Indus Valley.” Expedition Winter 19–32.[Google Scholar]; Bala 2003Bala, M.2003. “The Pottery.” In Excavations at Kalibangan: The Early Harappans 1961–1969, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India No. 98 B. edited by B.B. Lal, J.P. Joshi, B. K. Thapar, and M. Bala . 101–222. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.[Google Scholar]), and it was recorded at all four of these LWS village sites, even if motifs varied. In terms of painted motifs, there was a preference for bands, wavy lines, and relatively simple geometric motifs at Masudpur I, Masudpur VII and Burj, but at Dabli-vas Chugta we also observed nature-inspired motifs including floral themes that are not common on Indus pottery of this period, though have previously been reported from the nearby site of Kalibangan (Bala 2003Bala, M.2003. “The Pottery.” In Excavations at Kalibangan: The Early Harappans 1961–1969, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India No. 98 B. edited by B.B. Lal, J.P. Joshi, B. K. Thapar, and M. Bala . 101–222. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.[Google Scholar], 103, Figures 19, 21, 43) (Figure 2). None of the highly distinctive Classic Harappan decorative motifs such as pipal leaves and intersecting circles are seen at these sites, but importantly, Haryana Harappan ceramics were found at Rakhigarhi – as we observed when examining material from the original excavations (Nath 2015Nath, A.2015. Excavations at Rakhigarhi (1997–98 and 1999–2000). New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.[Google Scholar]). Our research at sites in northwest India thus suggests that in many ways a different visual vocabulary was used at smaller settlements. Crucially, the motifs observed on the ceramic vessels are often the only forms of iconography excavated at these villages, and the potential that different motifs were deliberately used to produce ceramics that were visually distinct from those used in other regions should not be overlooked.
Figure 2. Painted motifs of the case study village ceramics.
There is thus long-term variability in the form, technology and decoration of Indus-period ceramics. The Early Harappan ceramics from Masudpur VII and Burj are broadly similar and have much in common with the Sothi-Siswal types seen elsewhere in northwest India. Nevertheless, there is clear variation between the ceramic finds at these sites, which are about 50 km apart, and this material is clearly different to contemporaneous ceramics found in other parts of the greater Indus region. The Mature Harappan ceramic assemblages from Masudpur I, Masudpur VII and Dabli-vas Chugta are again broadly related, but distinct from one another and material seen elsewhere, showing both spatial and temporal variation in vessel forms and decorative styles. The regional rural ceramic economy in northwest India was clearly complex and shows a considerable degree of variation. Rural communities produced some ceramic forms similar to Classic Harappan forms, and others that were quite different, and they used some decorative motifs that were common and others that we had previously not seen. This pattern of similar ceramic forms but different techniques and decoration is particularly interesting, given what we understand of how pottery production is learned. Pottery forming is often learned through ‘vertical transmission’, inter-generationally; shape and decorative motifs are more easily imitated and are often transmitted horizontally, or peer-to-peer (Knappett 2011Knappett, C.2011. An Archaeology of Interaction: Network Perspectives on Material Culture and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar], 106–107; see also Gosselain 2000Gosselain, O.2000. “Materializing Identities: An African Perspective.” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7 (3): 187–217. doi:10.1023/A:1026558503986.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). The use of different techniques to produce the same forms suggests that Classic Harappan and Haryana Harappan ceramic material was not produced in the same workshops, and that these potters are unlikely to have been members of the same communities of practice.
Beyond the ceramic material, comparable patterns of similarities and differences between village and urban contexts may be detected in other iconographies, including small terracotta animal figurines, only some of which are similar to those found at Harappa and other urban sites. A single small red-slipped, burnished, and painted pinched-face anthropomorphic figurine found at Masudpur VII (Petrie, Singh, and Singh 2009Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, and A. K. Singh. 2009. “Investigating Changing Settlement Dynamics on the Plains: The 2009 Survey and Excavations at Masudpur (Hissar District, Haryana).” Puratattva 39: 38–49.[Google Scholar]) bears little resemblance to Indus figurines seen at urban settlements, and other figurines of this type have not been recorded at any of the Indus cities or larger settlements. Interestingly, a similar small figurine was excavated at Nagwada, although this was poorly made and had the addition of some micro-bead inlay (Hegde et al. 1990Hegde, K. T. M., V. H. Sonawane, K. K. Bhan, A. Prasad, and K.Krishnan. 1990. “Excavation at Nagwada 1987 – 1988: A Preliminary Report.” In Adaptation and Other Essays: Proceedings of the Archaeology Conference 1988, edited by N. C. Ghosh and S. Chakrabarti, 191–195. Shantiniketan: Visva-Bharati Research Publications.[Google Scholar]). That the only iconographic material and representations of humans at several small settlements look distinct from those seen at urban centres could have profound implications for our understanding of how rural communities may have self-identified.
In addition to the figurines, other material culture from these sites is seemingly at odds with the local or regional-dominated ceramic assemblages. Much of it comprises what might be described as a ‘typical’ Indus assemblage of steatite micro-beads, steatite disc beads, faience and terracotta bangles, terracotta ‘cakes’, and beads of various semi-precious and precious stones and metals, including agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli and even gold (e.g. Petrie, Singh, and Singh 2009Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, and A. K. Singh. 2009. “Investigating Changing Settlement Dynamics on the Plains: The 2009 Survey and Excavations at Masudpur (Hissar District, Haryana).” Puratattva 39: 38–49.[Google Scholar]; Singh et al. 2010aSingh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, C. A. I. French, S. Neogi, A. K.Pandey, D. Parikh, and V. Pawar. 2010a. “Geoarchaeological Survey and Excavations at Burj, Fatehabad, Haryana.” Puratattva 40: 94–101.[Google Scholar], 2012Singh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, C. A.I. French, J. Bates, A. K. Pandey, D. Parikh, C. Lancelotti, and D. I. Redhouse. 2012. “Survey and Excavations at Dabli-Vas Chugta, Hanumangarh District, Rajasthan.” Puratattva 42: 133–147.[Google Scholar]) (Figure 5). While the terracotta objects are likely to have been made from locally available raw materials, the semi-precious stones and metals were certainly not locally available (see Law 2011Law, R. W.2011. “Inter-Regional Interaction and Urbanism in the Ancient Indus Valley: A Geological Provenience Study of Harappa’s Rock and Mineral Assemblage.” In Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past Occasional Paper, 1–800. Vol. 11. Kyoto: Research Institute for Humanity and Nature.[Google Scholar]). The small artefacts from these sites thus demonstrate how these villages were embedded in wider Indus exchange and trade networks, with access to what have long been thought of as luxury items made from raw materials sourced from hundreds of kilometres away.
Taken together, this evidence suggests that the ceramics seen in the rural context are related to those seen in the neighbouring urban centre, but many ceramics seen at the urban centre are not seen in the hinterlands and vice versa. It is possible that villagers did not have access to the Classic Harappan ceramics seen in the urban context, but given they were able to access a range of other potentially more elite objects, it is not clear why ceramics would have been restricted. This pattern suggests that despite the geographic proximity and presumable socio-economic connections between urban centres and rural settlements in their hinterlands, the rural populations may have practised some amount of creative independence. It also suggests the existence of distinct communities of practice that produced these rural ceramics.
The socio-economic role of small settlements
Given the substantial distances between the Indus cities and large sites, the role of these ‘nodes’ and the nature of settlement in the intervening areas is crucial to a fuller understanding of Indus societies. Many small settlements duplicate features of larger Indus settlements such as fortifications, water systems, and planned layouts, but the function of these settlements is not clearly understood (Mughal 1994aMughal, M. R.1994a. “Ancient Cities of the Indus.” Lahore Museum Bulletin 7 (1–2): 53–59.[Google Scholar], 54). Chakrabarti (1995Chakrabarti, D. K.1995. The Archaeology of Ancient Indian Cities. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.[Google Scholar], 116) has suggested that ‘the distinction between a village, a town and a city is to some extent blurred among the Harappan settlements’, arguing that the size of a settlement seems to bear no relationship to the level of its planning and craft practices. Excavations at Allahdino, a 4 ha site in Sindh, revealed covered house drains, stone drains, and what appears to be an irrigation system (Fairservis 1979Fairservis, W. A.1979. “Preliminary Report on Excavations at Allahdino (First Season-1973).” Pakistan Archaeology 9: 95–102.[Google Scholar], 99, [1982] 1993Fairservis, W. A.[1982] 1993. “Allahdino: An Excavation of a Small Harappan Site.” In Harappan Civilization: A Recent Perspective (Second Revised Edition), edited by G. L. Possehl, 107–112. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar]). It has been described as a ‘fully developed agricultural village with an irrigation channel, a household water system and some public buildings’ (Eltsov 2008Eltsov, P. A.2008. From Harappa to Hastinapura: A Study of the Earliest South Asian City and Civilization. Leiden: Brill.[Google Scholar], 96; Hoffman 1974Hoffman, M. A.1974. A Preliminary Report on the Occupational Features at Allahdino–1973 Season. Charlottesville: University of Virginia.[Google Scholar]).
Small settlements as foci of highly specialized craft production are not uncommon in the Indus Civilisation, and several have been referred to as factory sites (e.g. Vidale 2000Vidale, M.2000. The Archaeology of Indus Crafts: Indus Craftspeople and Why We Study Them. Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.[Google Scholar], 38). It has also been suggested that medium and large ‘town-sized’ settlements played an independent rather than subordinate role that was important in both interactive processes and socio-economic control structures (Petrie 2013Petrie, C. A.2013. “South Asia.” In The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History, edited by P. Clark, 83–104. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar], 91, 94–95; Sinopoli 2015Sinopoli, C. M.2015. “Ancient South Asian Cities in Their Regions.” In The Cambridge World History III: Early Cities in Comparative Perspective, 4000 BCE–1200 CE, edited by N.Yoffee, 319–342. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar], 322; Petrie et al. 2017Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, J. Bates, Y. Dixit, C. A. I. French, D. A.Hodell, P. J. Jones, et al. 2017. “Adaptation to Variable Environments, Resilience to Climate Change: Investigating Land, Water and Settlement in Indus Northwest India.” Current Anthropology 58 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1086/690112.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). Evidence suggests that some crafts were practised in rural areas and that products were taken to urban centres from these locations. Rural craft production workshops have been found at Dubi, the Veesar Valley, in the Lower Indus near Mohenjo-daro, in Cholistan, and at sites along the Beas near Harappa (Wright 2010Wright, R. P.2010. The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy, and Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.[Google Scholar], 332). There is plentiful evidence for access to elite crafts at smaller settlements, including at some very small settlements that may have been occupied temporarily. For example, gold beads and two hoards totalling over 30,000 steatite microbeads were recovered from the temporary site of Zekhada in Gujarat (also known as Zekda or Jekhada) (Hegde, Karanth, and Sychanthavong [1982] 1993Hegde, K. T. M., R. V. Karanth, and S. P. Sychanthavong. [1982] 1993. “On the Composition and Technology of Harappan Microbeads.” In Harappan Civilization: A Recent Perspective (Second Revised Edition), edited by G. L. Possehl, 239–243. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar]). At Nagwada, finished lapis lazuli beads and gold ornaments were found buried beneath a floor; the site also had evidence for bead and shell production (Hegde et al. 1988Hegde, K. T. M., V. H. Sonawane, D. R. Shah, K. K. Bhan, A. K.Krishnan, and S. Pratapa Chandran. 1988. “Excavation at Nagwada–1986 and 1987: A Preliminary Report.” Man and Environment 12: 55–65.[Google Scholar]; Bhan 1994Bhan, K. K.1994. “Cultural Development of the Prehistoric Period in North Gujarat with Reference to Western India.” South Asian Studies 10: 71–90. doi:10.1080/02666030.1994.9628478.[Taylor & Francis Online],, [Google Scholar]). Similarly, there is ample evidence for specialized production at small settlements, such as that for bead production at Chanhu-daro, which was c.5 ha (Possehl 2002Possehl, G. L.2002. The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press.[Google Scholar], 74), and shell bangle production at Bagasra, which was a fortified settlement 1.92 ha in size (Bhan et al. 2005Bhan, K. K., V. H. Sonawane, P. Ajithprasad, and S.Pratapchandran. 2005. “A Harappan Trading and Craft Production Centre at Gola Dhoro (Bagasra).” Antiquity. 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Recent research suggests that one of their purposes was to control and record access to storage containers and rooms (Frenez and Tosi 2005Frenez, D., and M. Tosi. 2005. “The Lothal Sealings: Records from an Indus Civilization Town at the Eastern End of the Maritime Trade Circuits across the Arabian Sea.” In Studi in Onore di Enrica Fiandra: Contributi di Archaeologia Egea e Vicinorientale, edited by M. Perna, 65–103. Paris: De Boccard.[Google Scholar]). At Shikarpur a steatite seal and multiple sealings with script have been found, and five steatite Indus seals and multiple sealings with Indus script were found at Bagasra (Chase et al. 2014bChase, B. P. Ajithprasad, S.V. Rajesh, A. Patel, and B. Sharma. 2014b. “Materializing Harappan Identities: Unity and Diversity in the Borderlands of the Indus Civilization.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 35: 63–78. doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2014.04.005.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar], 66). It is not clear how the inhabitants of these settlements were fed; they may have produced their own food, or, as ‘specialist traders and craftspeople’ they may not have had to (Chase et al. 2014aChase, B., D. Meiggs, P. Ajithprasad, and P. A. Slater. 2014a. “Pastoral Land-Use of the Indus Civilization in Gujarat: Faunal Analyses and Biogenic Isotopes at Bagasra.” Journal of Archaeological Science 50: 1–15. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2014.06.013.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar], 3). It has been proposed that the ‘infrastructure of Harappan craft production encouraged the establishment of “villages” of specialized producers, such as… Chanhu Daro…and Nageshwar’ (Bhan, Vidale, and Kenoyer 2002Bhan, K. K., M. Vidale, and J. Mark Kenoyer. 2002. “Some Important Aspects of the Harappan Technological Tradition.” In Indian Archaeology in Retrospect Vol. II, Protohistory: Archaeology of the Harappan Civilisation, edited by S. Settar and R. Korisettar, 223–271. 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Evidence thus suggests that small settlements in the Indus region were not solely agro-pastoral, but that there were farming villages, villages where craft production took place, and (perhaps most likely) villages that combined these and other activities. The site of Nausharo on the Kachi Plain in Pakistan was originally thought to be a large rural centre (Jarrige 1974–1986Jarrige, J.-F.1974–1986. “Excavations at Mehrgarh-Nausharo.” Pakistan Archaeology 10–22: 63–134.[Google Scholar], 119), but was later described by the excavators as ‘a true city’ (Jarrige 1995–1996Jarrige, J.-F.1995–1996. Excavations at Mehrharh-Nausharo: Report. Mission Archeologique Française au Pakistan. Paris: Musee Guimet.[Google Scholar], 4). Despite being only 6 ha in size, detailed excavation revealed evidence for enough complexity that it was thought to qualify as an urban centre. While Nausharo is an unusual Indus site, it demonstrates the uneasy relationship between concepts of size, rurality, and agro-pastoralism when classifying sites. While these categories may overlap in varying ways, size does not indicate a primarily agro-pastoral settlement, and a rural settlement may show evidence for elite goods, manufacturing, socio-economic complexity, and links with both rural and urban settlements.
Building on Eltsov’s (2008Eltsov, P. A.2008. From Harappa to Hastinapura: A Study of the Earliest South Asian City and Civilization. Leiden: Brill.[Google Scholar]) work exploring comparative evidence for authority, Table 1 explores evidence for rural complexity, i.e. complexity at Indus settlements less than 9 ha in size, including the four case study villages. The aim of this comparison is to show the range of complex economic behaviour attested at small sites in different regions of the Indus Civilisation. It is not an exhaustive comparison, nor should it be taken to suggest that evidence from one area finds direct parallels elsewhere. It should be pointed out, however, that although some of these small settlements show evidence for fortifications, as mentioned above, a number of them are located in Gujarat where it is clear that fortified settlements are far more common than elsewhere. The regionalism demonstrated during the Mature Harappan period across the Indus zone must be taken into account when thinking about small settlements and modelling rural complexity. Moreover, while this table records for instance the presence of fortifications, the nature of these may vary considerably, or in the case of a site like Chanhu-daro, be disputed. Although many small settlements may have evidence for elite goods like beads of gold, silver, or semi-precious stone (including carnelian, agate, and lapis lazuli), these may be few in number, as at Bagasra where there were significantly fewer of these compared to steatite beads (Chase et al. 2014bChase, B. P. Ajithprasad, S.V. Rajesh, A. Patel, and B. Sharma. 2014b. “Materializing Harappan Identities: Unity and Diversity in the Borderlands of the Indus Civilization.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 35: 63–78. doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2014.04.005.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar], 69). Additionally, in some cases evidence for manufacturing is minimal, as at Surkotada, where out of 1050 beads, only 11 unfinished agate beads were found (Joshi 1990Joshi, J. P.1990. “Excavation at Surkotada 1971–72 and Exploration in Kutch.” In Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India. Vol. 87. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.[Google Scholar], 310–337), or at Allahdino, where copper slag was found in limited amounts, but no furnace has yet been excavated (Fairservis [1982] 1993Fairservis, W. A.[1982] 1993. “Allahdino: An Excavation of a Small Harappan Site.” In Harappan Civilization: A Recent Perspective (Second Revised Edition), edited by G. L. Possehl, 107–112. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH.[Google Scholar], 112). Vidale (2000Vidale, M.2000. The Archaeology of Indus Crafts: Indus Craftspeople and Why We Study Them. Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.[Google Scholar], 44) has suggested that the small amounts of unfinished beads of semi-precious stones found at many excavated Indus sites may ‘be the result of the episodic work of part-time craft specialists living outside the cities’. Whether part time or full time, it is clear that specialized craft production in the Indus was carried out at many small settlements.
Table 1. Small Indus Civilisation sites with evidence for socio-economic complexity.
Table 1. Small Indus Civilisation sites with evidence for socio-economic complexity.
Region
Site
Size in ha
Fortifications
Sealsor Sealings
Classic Harappan Ceramics
Regional Harappan Ceramics
Evidence for Manufacturing
Objects of precious metal and/or semi-precious stone
Baluchistan
Nausharo
6
X
X
X
X
X
X
Sindh
Allahdino
1.40
X
X
?
X
X
Chanhu-daro
c.5 (+?)
X?
X
X
?
X
X
Gujarat
Bagasra
1.92
X
X
X
X
X
X
Nagwada
1.54
X
X
X
X
X
Shikarpur
5
X
X
X
X
X
X
Surkotada
2–3.5
X
X
X
?
X?
X
Zekhada
4.5
X
X
X
X
Haryana
Burj
c.2
X
X
Masudpur I
c.6
X
X
Masudpur VII
c.1
X
X
Rajasthan
Dabli-vas Chugta
c.5–6
X
Rural socio-economic networks and dynamics: an ethnographic perspective
Having characterized the rural settlements of the Indus, considered the relationship between urban and rural ceramics, and discussed the economic complexity of smaller Indus sites, we now turn to ethnographic and historical perspectives. We suggest that these analogies can be used as tools to explore complexity in village life, and how ceramic production and distribution may have been integrated in urban–rural networks of the Indus. Although we do not propose direct analogues between the twenty-first century BC and the twenty-first century AD, these records will aid in our understanding of the potential breadth of socio-economic complexity in these villages, which has almost certainly been previously underestimated.
In her seminal anthropological study of ceramics in Rajasthan, Kramer (1997Kramer, C.1997. Pottery in Rajasthan: Ethnoarchaeology in Two Indian Cities. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar]) wrote about village–city interactions. She noted a variety of different economic behaviours: some rural vendors spent large parts of the year in cities, making their own pottery as well as sourcing it from villages – including their own – to sell in the city, and selling this rural pottery on to other villages (Kramer 1997Kramer, C.1997. Pottery in Rajasthan: Ethnoarchaeology in Two Indian Cities. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar], 129–130). In this scenario, rural agents use an urban centre to collect and redistribute pottery. In other scenarios, however, this redistribution happens independently of a city, with villagers buying pottery from itinerant potters, or with vendors travelling large distances to villages to buy pottery to re-sell in other villages. In many cases, kinship groups and networks played a role, with marriage contributing to the movement of ‘exotic’ or unusual pottery between villages (Kramer 1997Kramer, C.1997. Pottery in Rajasthan: Ethnoarchaeology in Two Indian Cities. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar], 130).
Rural potters have long described making vessels for their own local community, as well as selling them to vendors who in turn took them to other villages (e.g. G. Singh 2015Singh, G.2015. “A Potter’s Tale: A 100 and Counting.” In People’s Archive of Rural India. Accessed 22February 2018.https://ruralindiaonline.org/articles/a-potters-tale-a-100-and-counting.[Google Scholar]). Most recent studies in north India have shown that the market for rural potters is confined to villages within 10 km of the potter, while urban potters may supply settlements up to 200 km, or in some cases 400 km, away (Varma and Menon 2017Varma, S., and J. Menon. 2017. “Households at Work: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Variation in Ceramic Production in North India.” Journal of Archaeological, Ethnographic and Experimental Studies 9 (1): 3–29. doi:10.1080/19442890.2017.1278862.[Taylor & Francis Online],, [Google Scholar], 23). This is not dissimilar to the 10–15 km suggested by Kramer (1982Kramer, C.1982. “Ethnographic Households and Archaeological Interpretation: A Case from Iranian Kurdistan.” American Behavioral Scientist 25 (6): 663–675. doi:10.1177/000276482025006005.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]) as typical for daily or short-term interactions between inhabitants of different types of settlements, based on ethnographic work on rural settlements in Iran. These observations provide helpful models for gaining insight into the distribution of ceramics in the Indus context, and how different regional styles may have spread and reached cities and other villages in Indus-period Haryana and Rajasthan. It has been suggested that during the Indus period, some rural settlements may have had direct links with urban centres, while others may have had relatively little contact (Meadow and Kenoyer 2005Meadow, R. H., and J. M. Kenoyer. 2005. “Excavations at Harappa 2000–2001: New Insights on Chronology and City Organization.” In South Asian Archaeology 2001, edited by C.Jarrige and V. Lefèvre, 207–225. Paris: Le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.[Google Scholar]), and this has subsequently been interpreted as evidence of shifting economic and political networks (Kenoyer 2008Kenoyer, J. M.2008. “Indus Urbanism: New Perspectives in Its Origin and Character.” In The Ancient City: New Perspectives in the Old and New World, edited by J. Marcus and J. A.Sabloff, 85–109. Santa Fe, NM: SAR.[Google Scholar]).
Ethnographic work in Gujarat in the 1960s suggests that rural potters did not cluster together, to ensure that each was able to make a living. One potter, having been trained by his uncle, left to work in another village, saying, ‘if two potters stay in one village, neither of them is able to earn enough’ (Fischer and Shah 1970Fischer, E., and H. Shah. 1970. Rural Craftsmen and Their Work: Equipment and Techniques in the Mer Village of Ratadi in Saurashtra, India. Ahmedabad: National Institute of Design.[Google Scholar], 117). In spite of this, theirs is not a solitary existence as they build small family-based workshops (Fischer and Shah 1970Fischer, E., and H. Shah. 1970. Rural Craftsmen and Their Work: Equipment and Techniques in the Mer Village of Ratadi in Saurashtra, India. Ahmedabad: National Institute of Design.[Google Scholar], 117–8). Modern ceramic production in northwest India has often taken place in what Sinopoli (1998Sinopoli, C. M.1998. “Identity and Social Action among South Indian Craft Producers of the Vijayanagara Period.” In Craft and Social Identity, Archaeological Paper No. 8, edited by C. L. Costin and R. P. Wright, 161–172. Washington, DC: American Anthropological Association.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar], 163) has called ‘specialist workshops organized at the household level’, which she identified at medieval Vijayanagara in South India (AD 1340–1565). Case studies also demonstrate that professional potters in north India may have to have a second occupation, depending on whether they are based in villages, towns, or cities, which conforms to discussions of the degree to which producers were part-time or full-time specialists (see Costin 1991Costin, C. L.1991. “Craft Specialisation: Issues in Defining, Documenting, and Explaining the Organization of Production.” In Archaeological Method and Theory, edited by M. B. Schiffer, 1–56. Vol. 3. New York: Academic Press.[Google Scholar], 2001Costin, C. L.2001. “Craft Production Systems.” In Archaeology at the Millennium: A Sourcebook, edited by G. M. Feinman and T. Douglas Price, 273–327. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]). Those in villages engage in pottery production during the hot and dry season, and the festive season, but engage in other work for the rest of the year (Varma and Menon 2017Varma, S., and J. Menon. 2017. “Households at Work: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Variation in Ceramic Production in North India.” Journal of Archaeological, Ethnographic and Experimental Studies 9 (1): 3–29. doi:10.1080/19442890.2017.1278862.[Taylor & Francis Online],, [Google Scholar], 5). The monsoon season necessitates a long break from ceramic production, which further complicates the issue of how to categorize full-time specialists. Thus, ceramic specialization can vary in urban and rural contexts, and may be more fluid in villages.
The ways in which rural ceramic production were carried out across the Indus Civilisation are certainly not clear. Although no kilns or evidence of production have been found at Masudpur I, Masudpur VII, Burj or Dabli-vas Chugta, kilns were documented at the neighbouring site of Masudpur V (Petrie, Singh, and Singh 2009Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, and A. K. Singh. 2009. “Investigating Changing Settlement Dynamics on the Plains: The 2009 Survey and Excavations at Masudpur (Hissar District, Haryana).” Puratattva 39: 38–49.[Google Scholar]), and evidence for ceramic production has been seen at other smaller sites in the hinterland of Rakhigarhi, such as Lohari Ragho II (Garge 2006Garge, T.2006. “Lohari Ragho – A Harappan Satellite Site Revisited.” Man and Environment 31 (2): 43–49.[Google Scholar]; Singh et al. 2018aSingh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, A. Alam, J. Bates, A. Ceccarelli, S.Chakraborty, S. Chakradhari, et al. 2018a. “Living in the Hinterland I: Survey and Excavations at Lohari Ragho 2015–2017.” Puratattva 48: 130–141.[Google Scholar]). The variation in production techniques and decorative motifs suggests that ceramic production was diffused rather than centralized, and it appears that Classic Harappan and Haryana Harappan ceramic material was produced in different workshops, and by members of different communities of practice.
The nineteenth-century comparative jurist and legal anthropologist Maine (1871Maine, H. S.1871. Village-Communities in the East and West. London: John Murray.[Google Scholar], 117) wrote ‘Nothing can be more complex than the customs of an Indian village’.11. Quote in its entirety: ‘The truth is, that nothing can be more complex than the customs of an Indian village, though in a sense they are only binding on chiefs of families.’View all notes While life in an Indus village in northwest India would likely not have been a direct microcosm of life in a city, rural communities appear to have had the benefit of many of the same technological developments and trade networks as their urban counterparts, though no doubt less intensively. They were active producers and consumers of a range of products, growing and processing crops (e.g. Bates, Singh, and Petrie 2017Bates, J., R. N. Singh, and C. A. Petrie. 2017. “Exploring Indus Crop Processing: Combining Phytoliths and Macrobotanical Analysis to Consider the Organisation of Agriculture in Northwest India c.3200–1500BC.” Vegetation History and Archaeobotany. (special issue) 26: 25–41. [Accessed 21May2016]. doi:10.1007/s00334-016-0576-9.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]) as well as producing other commodities and in turn acquiring through exchange or other means of distribution objects of shell, semi-precious stones, and metals, precious and otherwise (Petrie, Singh, and Singh 2009Petrie, C. A., R. N. Singh, and A. K. Singh. 2009. “Investigating Changing Settlement Dynamics on the Plains: The 2009 Survey and Excavations at Masudpur (Hissar District, Haryana).” Puratattva 39: 38–49.[Google Scholar]). Many of these object types have long chaînes opératoires involving the retrieval of materials from often distant sources, treating those raw materials in specific ways (for example, carnelian must be fire-treated to achieve its signature fiery orange colour; Kenoyer, Vidale, and Bhan 1991Kenoyer, J. M., M. Vidale, and K. K. Bhan. 1991. “Contemporary Stone Beadmaking in Khambat, India: Patterns of Craft Specialization and Organization of Production as Reflected in the Archaeological Record.” World Archaeology 23 (1): 44–63. doi:10.1080/00438243.1991.9980158.[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]; Kenoyer 1998Kenoyer, J. M.1998. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Google Scholar]; Vidale 2000Vidale, M.2000. The Archaeology of Indus Crafts: Indus Craftspeople and Why We Study Them. Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.[Google Scholar]), and then manufacturing the object, frequently using labour-intensive technologies (Vidale 2000Vidale, M.2000. The Archaeology of Indus Crafts: Indus Craftspeople and Why We Study Them. Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente.[Google Scholar]; Vidale and Miller 2000Vidale, M., and H. M.-L. Miller. 2000. “On the Development of Indus Technical Virtuosity and Its Relation to Social Structure.” In South Asian Archaeology 1997 Volume 1, edited by M. Taddei and G. De Marco, 115–132. Rome: Istituto Italiano per l‘Africa e l‘Oriente.[Google Scholar]).
Evidence suggests that there was a network of socio-economic connections and dynamics that would have brought different rural populations in contact with elite goods from nearby urban centres, as well as those from further afield. The spread of regional decorative styles such as the red ware with incised decoration that has been found at Masudpur I, Masudpur VII, Burj, and Dabli-vas Chugta, and its continued popularity into the Mature Harappan phase when regional ceramic styles are believed to have become less common, is indicative of the economic links between settlements of different sizes across northwest India. Ethnographic data suggests rural potters could have traded their wares to neighbouring villages, towns, and cities, and rural communities may have been able to acquire pots from non-local as well as local potters. There are thus a number of ways in which rural ceramic production could have been organized, and this is supported by evidence that this could greatly vary between settlements and regions in the Indus Civilisation.
Conclusions
Research at villages has shown the diversity of Indus material culture, as well given us a better understanding of the regionalism that underpinned the apparent uniformity of some types of Mature Harappan material, which has been referred to elsewhere as a veneer (Meadow and Kenoyer 1997Kenoyer, J. M.1997. “Early City-States in South Asia: Comparing the Harappan Phase and Early Historic Period.” In The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches, edited by D. L. Nichols and T. H. Charlton, 51–70. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar]; Petrie 2013Petrie, C. A.2013. “South Asia.” In The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History, edited by P. Clark, 83–104. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref],, [Google Scholar]; Petrie et al. 2018Petrie, C. A., A.S. Green, D. Parikh, and J. Bates. 2018. “Looking beneath the Veneer: Thoughts about Environmental and Cultural Diversity in the Indus Civilization.” In Walking with the Unicorn: Social Organization and Material Culture in Ancient South Asia. Jonathan Mark Kenoyer Felicitation Volume, edited by D. Frenez, G.M. Jamison, R.W. Law, M. Vidale, and R. H. Meadow, 455–476. Oxford: Archaeopress.[Google Scholar]). Most ‘Harappans’ would not have lived in ‘Harappas’, and the vast majority of the population is likely to have lived in smaller settlements. Given this, and the part that small rural sites have played in major developments of our understanding of the Indus, from our knowledge of regionalism to new dates for crop domestication, these sites demand further study. The relationship between villages and the towns and cities around them appears to have been complex, and both the links that connected them as well as the social boundaries that divided them bear examination. So far, the excavation of small settlements has proved enormously fruitful, even if excavating such sites is regarded as less prestigious work. To date, excavations at the LWS villages have, among other things, yielded rare or otherwise unique material culture, and have even provided evidence for early cultivation of locally domesticated rice (Petrie et al. 2016Petrie, C. A., J. Bates, T. Higham, and R. N. Singh. 2016. “Feeding Ancient Cities in South Asia: Dating the Adoption of Rice, Millet and Tropical Pulses in the Indus Civilisation.” Antiquity 90 (354): 1489–1504. doi:10.15184/aqy.2016.210.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]; Bates, Petrie, and Singh 2017Bates, J., C. A. Petrie, and R. N. Singh. 2017. “Approaching Rice Domestication in South Asia: New Evidence from Indus Settlements in Northern India.” Journal of Archaeological Science 78: 193–201. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2016.04.018.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). The rural economy is clearly more diverse than previously thought and assumed.
In 1929, Gandhi believed that India’s past and future lay in its villages. By 1945 however, he wrote to Jawaharlal Nehru, ‘My ideal village still exists only in my imagination’ (Gandhi 1989–94Gandhi, M. K.1989–94. “Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru, October 5, 1945.” In The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi Volume 81, 319–321. New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India.[Google Scholar]). Perhaps even in a rural civilization, there is no one ‘ideal village’, but a multitude of villages of different sizes and functions, developed organically, playing different roles for their inhabitants and those of other settlements both nearby and afar. We must also keep in mind that social complexity at rural settlements has many forms, and can take an ugly turn. The village jajmani system of caste-based hereditary specialization in India (Wiser 1936Wiser, W. H.1936. The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Service. Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House.[Google Scholar]) is complex and rigidly hierarchical, as well as deeply exploitative (e.g. Chaudhry 2013Chaudhry, P.2013. “Caste as an Institutionalised System of Social Exclusion and Discrimination: Some Evidences.” International Journal of Gender and Women’s Studies 1 (1): 56–63.http://ijgws.com/journals/ijgws/Vol_1_No_1_June_2013/5.pdf.[Google Scholar]). As Jodhka (2002Jodhka, S. S.2002. “Nation and Village: Images of Rural India in Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar.” Economic and Political Weekly37 (32): 3343–3353.[Google Scholar], 3343) has pointed out, ‘for Gandhi the village was a site of authenticity…for [B.R.] Ambedkar the village was the site of oppression.’ Rather than idealize or oversimplify, it is important to study and represent the rural experience in all its breadth. We must move towards an understanding of South Asian rurality that acknowledges the diversity of the rural base, while steering clear of colonial and historic oversimplification of rural lifeways. In the search to construct an idea of national character, conducted by both British colonizers and later Indian nationalists, the commonalities of rural experiences were overstated to help build narratives for political purposes (Jodhka 2002Jodhka, S. S.2002. “Nation and Village: Images of Rural India in Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar.” Economic and Political Weekly37 (32): 3343–3353.[Google Scholar]). However, Indus and later Indian villages may have shown considerable variation, and rather than being contained, they are in fact likely to have been significantly more connected with the wider Indus world than has previously been thought.
The urban–rural dialectic (Schwartz and Falconer 1994Schwartz, G. M., and S. E. Falconer. 1994. “Rural Approaches to Social Complexity.” In Archaeological Views from the Countryside: Village Communities in Early Complex Societies, edited by G. M. Schwarz and S. E. Falconer, 1–9. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute Press.[Google Scholar]) is more complex than a straightforward relationship where villages supplied food and consumed urban goods in return. Rural settlements present a varied array of evidence and appear to have had complex and diverse relationships with urban centres. Villages were also susceptible to change, and as seen with the larger settlements at the end of the Mature Harappan period, many Indus villages were abandoned after the Late Harappan period. Instead of seeing a simple increase in the number of villages in the Late Harappan and post-urban periods when the cities were abandoned, surveys show that villages were depopulated in some areas and new villages were established (Singh et al. 2011Singh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, V. Pawar, A. K. Pandey, and D.Parikh. 2011. “New Insights into Settlement along the Ghaggar and Its Hinterland: A Preliminary Report on the Ghaggar Hinterland Survey 2010.” Man and Environment 36 (2): 89–106.[Google Scholar]; Green and Petrie 2018Green, A. S., and C. A. Petrie. 2018. “Landscapes of Urbanization and De-Urbanization: A Large-Scale Approach to Investigating the Indus Civilization’s Settlement Distributions in Northwest India.” Journal of Field Archaeology43 (4): 284–299. doi:10.1080/00934690.2018.1464332.[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®],, [Google Scholar]). Many of these settlements were subsequently abandoned, as illustrated by the fact that settlement numbers in the hinterland of Rakhigarhi shrink from 32 Late Harappan sites to 18 in the later Painted Grey Ware phase (Singh et al. 2010bSingh, R. N., C. A. Petrie, V. Pawar, A. K. Pandey, S. Neogi, M.Singh, A. K. Singh, D. Parikh, and C. Lancelotti. 2010b. “Changing Patterns of Settlement in the Rise and Fall of Harappan Urbanism and Beyond: A Preliminary Report on the Rakhigarhi Hinterland Survey 2009.” Man and Environment 35 (1): 37–53.[Google Scholar]). As Kramer (1994Kramer, C.1994. “Scale, Organization, and Function in Village and Town.” In Archaeological Views from the Countryside: Village Communities in Early Complex Societies, edited by G. M. Schwarz and S. E. Falconer, 207–212. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.[Google Scholar]) has pointed out, ‘Rural settlements may be economically (comparatively) self-sufficient, but they are not isolated’. While these village communities may have been agriculturally self-sufficient, and may potentially have self-identified as different from urban populations, their livelihood and the survival of their settlements were ultimately inextricably linked with the people living throughout the rest of the Indus Civilisation.
Acknowledgments
The research for this paper was carried out as part of the Land, Water and Settlement project, and forms a component of the PhD research by the first author. The Land, Water and Settlement project was primarily funded by a Standard Award from the UK India Education and Research Initiative (UKIERI) under the title “From the Collapse of Harappan Urbanism to the Rise of the Great Early Historic Cities: Investigating the Cultural and Geographical Transformation of Northwest India between 2000 and 300 BC.” Smaller grants were also awarded by the British Academy’s Stein Arnold Fund, the Isaac Newton Trust, the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, and the Natural Environment Research Council. The fieldwork and research carried out by Danika Parikh was funded by the Cambridge Commonwealth Trust, the Sadacc Trust, the Sir Richard Stapley Educational Trust, and Newnham and Pembroke Colleges, Cambridge. Cameron Petrie has been supported by the European Research Council under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement no. 648609). The archaeological fieldwork for this project was made possible thanks to permissions granted by A. Vaish, K. N. Srivastava, and Dr. G. S. Gupta (Director Generals, Archaeological Survey of India [ASI]), Dr. B. R. Mani (Additional Director General, ASI), and Dr. R. S. Fonia and Dr. S. P. Manik (Directors of Excavations and Explorations, ASI). We would also like to thank the project co-director, Prof. R.N. Singh (Department of AIHC and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University), and acknowledge the help and guidance of Dr V. Pawar (MD University, Rohtak), and A.K. Pandey (Department of AIHC and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University). Lastly, we would also like to thank colleagues who have read drafts of this paper, which has improved the final content.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes
1. Quote in its entirety: ‘The truth is, that nothing can be more complex than the customs of an Indian village, though in a sense they are only binding on chiefs of families.’
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Danika Parikh is a PhD candidate at the University of Cambridge. Her research focuses on the Indus Civilisation, and she has been involved in excavations and surveys with the Land, Water, Settlementproject since 2009. She is a researcher at the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge, and the Ancient India and Iran Trust. She completed an MPhil in South Asian archaeology as a Cambridge Trust scholar at the University of Cambridge in 2009, and a BA at the University of Durham in 2008.
Cameron A. Petrie
Cameron A. Petrie is Reader of South Asian and Iranian Archaeology at the University of Cambridge. He has conducted field research in India, Pakistan and Iran, and co-directed the Land, Water and Settlement (2008–2014) and TwoRains projects (2015–2020), which are focussing on human and environment interactions in northwest India. He is a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00438243.2019.1601463
https://tinyurl.com/y4soosrz -- Archaeological evidence that Sarasvati-Sindhu maritime civilization used sewn seafaring boats of Cera boat-builders -- सांगड 'canoe-float', paṭṭaṇa 'harbour, port', pattamar 'seafarring dhow' Sewn boats of Kerala dated to ca. 1900 BCE A breath-taking discovery of a shipwreck at Ayn Soukhna dated to ca. 1900 BCE by a French marine archaeology team makes 1)Sarasvati-Sindhu a maritime civilization; and 2)establishes firm links with Kerala (Cera people) boat-builders who made the seafaring vessels tor maritime trade with the Arabian Gulf. 3)Sarasvati's children moved to Cera region after the submegence of Dwaraka of the civilization 4) A hypothesis is posited that the Vēḷāḷa Vēḷir were the boat-builders of the civilization, evidenced by the shipwreck of a sewn boat in Ayn Soukhna dated to ca. 1900 BCE. Vēḷāḷa are seafaring merchants. I suggest that they are involved in boat-building as attested by the movement of people from Dwaraka to Cera region -- attested in ancient Tamil texts.
veṛhā octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) This octopus image is typographically ligatured to the protome of a horned young bull on a copper plate Indus Script inscription. Mohenjo-daro copperr plate with protome of horned young bull ligatured to an octopus: Hypertext: kunda singi veṛhā 'horned young bull, octopus' rebus: kunda singi Vēḷa 'ornament gold maker, village headman, seafaring merchant' singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold' singi 'village headman' Vēḷa =வாணிகன்vāṇikaṉ , n. < id. cf. pāṇika. 1. Merchant, trader; வியாபாரி. அறவிலைவாணிகன் (புறநா. 134). 2. Man of the trading caste; வைசி யன்; வாணிபம்vāṇipam , n. 1. See வாணிகம், 1. (W.) 2. See வாணிகம், 2. இவளை வைத்து வைத்துக் கொண்டென்ன வாணிபம் (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 9).
Astronomy has dated Mahabharata events with astonishing precision (Narahari Achar's work).
Dwaraka submergence is REAL and mentioned in the epic, Krishna tells yadava to move out.
Sangam text attests to 42 generations of Velir from Dwaraka.
Images of Balarama and Krishna are on ancient coins.
That the region of Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins was subject to frequent earthquakes caused by plate tectonics of the Indian plate moving northwards jutting into European plate at the pace of 6 cms. per year (lifting up the Himalayan ranges by 1 cm per year), is also attested in the Mahabharata epic which documents the enormity of the earthquakes and records the engulfing of Dwaraka by seawaves and submergence of Dwaraka.
The migration of River Yamuna carrying the waters of Glacial Sarasvati from Paonta Saheb to join the Ganga creating Triveni Sangamam and themigration of River Sutlej by a 90-degree turn at Ropar, to join the Sindhu river, cut off the glacial perennial waters to Vedic River Sarasvati. Thus, the Sarasvati River become a monsoon-based river with stretches of breaks in the navigable channel and the creation of saras, 'lakes' in the regions of Haryana and Rajasthan. The snapping of the navigability of the River Sarasvati impacted the seafaring merchants of Meluhha who had crossed the Persian Gulf beyond Dholavira-Surkotada in Rann of Kutch to conduct maritime trade. The snapping of trade connections led to migrations of people eastwards and southwards as evidenced by the settlements of Rakhigarhi (near Delhi) and Daimabad on Pravara River, a tributary of River Godavari. That the migrations occurred southwards is attested in Purananuru, a Sangam text in Tamil.
Recurrent earthquakes caused by plate tectonics are also indicated in ancient texts. For example, after Krishna’s atman departs the mortal body---
veṛhā octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) This octopus image is typographically ligatured to the protome of a horned young bull on a copper plate Indus Script inscription.
Mohenjo-daro copperr plate with protome of horned young bull ligatured to an octopus: Hypertext: kunda singi veṛhā 'horned young bull, octopus' rebus: kunda singi Vēḷa 'ornament gold maker, village headman, seafaring merchant'
The sea, the abode of monsters, engulfed the gem-filled Dwraka with waves soon after the people departed the place. Seeing this astounding incident, the citizens of Dwaraka ran away, exclaiming, ‘O, our fate’. (Ganguly, 1998).
Reference to Dwaraka as Thuvarai in an ancient Sangam text
Ayasipur is a Vedic expression. अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c अयस्मय (अयोमय) a. (-यीf.) Ved. Made of iron or of any metal. -यी N. of one of the three habita- tions of Asuras. pur पुर् f. (Nom. sing. पूः; instr. du. पूर्भ्याम्) 1 A town, fortified town; thus ayasipur refers to a fortification made of stone or metal. (पूरण्यभिव्यक्तमुखप्रसादा R.16.23)
துவரை² tuvarai, n. See துவாரகை. உவரா வீகைத் துவரை யாண்டு (புறநா. 201). துவாரகை tuvārakai, n. < dvārakā. The capital of Kṛṣṇa on the western side of Gujarat, supposed to have been submerged by the sea, one of catta-puri, q. v.; சத்தபுரியுளொன் றாயதும் கடலாற்கொள்ளப்பட்ட தென்று கருதப்படுவதும் கண்ணபிரான் அரசுபுரிந்ததுமான நகரம்.
This Vedic expression āyasipur is consistent with the description of Dwaraka in Puṟanāṉūru as a fortification with walls made of copper (metal).
இவர் யார் என்குவை ஆயின் இவரே ஊருடன் இரவலர்க்கு அருளித் தேருடன்
முல்லைக்கு ஈத்த செல்லா நல்லிசை படுமணி யானைப் பறம்பின் கோமான் நெடுமாப் பாரி மகளிர் யானே தந்தை தோழன் இவர் என் மகளிர் அந்தணன் புலவன் கொண்டு வந்தனனே நீயே வட பால் முனிவன் தடவினுள் தோன்றிச் செம்பு புனைந்து இயற்றிய சேண் நெடும் புரிசை உவரா ஈகைத் துவரை யாண்டு நாற்பத்து ஒன்பது வழி முறை வந்த வேளிருள் வேள விறல் போர் அண்ணல் தார் அணி யானைச் சேட்டு இருங்கோவே ஆண் கடன் உடைமையின் பாண் கடன் ஆற்றிய ஒலியற் கண்ணிப் புலிகடிமாஅல் யான் தர இவரைக் கொண்மதி வான் கவித்து இரும் கடல் உடுத்த இவ் வையகத்து அரும் திறல் பொன்படு மால் வரைக் கிழவ வென் வேல் உடலுநர் உட்கும் தானைக் கெடல்அரும் குரைய நாடு கிழவோயே !
If you ask who they are, they are his daughters, he who granted cities to those who came in need and earned great fame for gifting a chariot to the jasmine vine to climb, he who owned elephants with jingling bells, the lord of Parampu, the great king Pāri. They are my daughters now. As for me, I am their father’s friend, a Brahmin, a poet who has brought them here.
You are the best Vēlir of the Vēlir clan, with a heritage of forty nine generations of Vēlirs who gave without limits, who ruled Thuvarai with its long walls that seemed to be made of copper, the city that appeared in the sacrificial pit of a northern sage (Yaja). King who is victorious in battles!
Great king with garlanded elephants! Pulikatimāl with a bright garland who knows what a man’s responsibility is, and what you can do for bards! I am offering them. Please accept them. Lord of the sky high mountain that yields gold! You whose strength cannot be equaled on the earth that is covered by an arched sky and surrounded by the ocean, you whose army puts fear into enemies with victorious spears! O ruler of a land that can never be ruined!
Irunkovel is supposed to be 49th generation of a king from (Thuvarai) Dwaraka. It can mean two things. Assuming about 30 years per generation, 1500 years earlier Dwaraka which had walls made of copper. Dating the early phase of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization to ca. 3500 BCE, and the submergence of Dwaraka to ca. 1900 BCE (a date indicative of the drying up of Vedic River Sarasvati due to migrations of Sutlej and Yamuna rivers which were tributaries bringing in glacier waters), which necessitated the movements of Sarasvati's children down the coastline to Kerala, this text places Sangam literature text of Purananuru to ca. 400 BCE.
“Legend has it that the Pandavaprinces ...left on a pilgrimage of India, and in Kerala, each of these brothers installed Vishnuon the banks of the Pampa and nearby places and offered worship. (Chengannur - Yuddhishtra, Tiruppuliyur - Bheema, Aranmula - Arjuna, Tiruvamundur - Nakula and Tirukkadittaanam - Sahadeva). It is said that Arjuna built this temple at Nilackalnear Sabarimalai. and the image was brought here in a raft made of six pieces of bamboo to this site, and hence the name Aranmula (six pieces of bamboo). Legend has it that Arjuna built this temple, to expiate for the sin of having killed Karna on the battlefield, against the dharma of killing an unarmed enemy. It is also believed that Vishnu (here) revealed the knowledge of creation to Brahma, from whom the Madhukaitapa demons stole the Vedas.”
veṛhā octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) Rebus: veḍhn.f. ʻringʼ, m. ʻcircumferenceʼ(Marathi) Rebus: Vēḷa =வாணிகன்vāṇikaṉ , n. < id. cf. pāṇika. 1. Merchant, trader; வியாபாரி. அறவிலைவாணிகன் (புறநா. 134). 2. Man of the trading caste; வைசி யன்; வாணிபம்vāṇipam , n. 1. See வாணிகம், 1. (W.) 2. See வாணிகம், 2. இவளை வைத்து வைத்துக் கொண்டென்ன வாணிபம் (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 9).
Octopus veṛhā, unicorn (young aurochs kondh), Indus Script hypertexts (m297, h1080), are dhamma samjñā, 'professional calling cards' of jangaḍiyo bəḍhàri ʻmilitary guards in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ. The temple is kole.l. This is kole.l 'smithy, forge'.
It has been demonstrated that Zebu (Bos primigenius indicus) are descended from Indian aurochs (stylized as unicorns)
https://tinyurl.com/yc4dj5gzThe hypertexts of inscriptions on m297 (seal inscription) and h1018 (copper plate inscription) are explained as fortified enclosures of mleccha smithy guild workshops. On both these inscriptions, the cipher uses a unique hypertext orthography resulting in a semantic cluster or category: 1. composition with body parts 2. head/face of young bull (aurochs) 3. horn 4. octopus.
The hypertext of the composite orthograph pictorial motif reads rebus: jangaḍiyobəḍhàri ʻmilitary guard in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Composition with body parts. 1. सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’; jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ Head/Face (aurochs). 2. mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) kondh 'young bull' rebus: kũdār 'turner, brass-worker, engraver (writer)' kundana 'fine gold'. Horn. 3. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'.
Octopus. 4. The hypertexts of inscriptions on m297 and h1018 are explained as fortified enclosures of mleccha smithy guild workshops. veṛhā 'octopus' rebus: bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ.
On both these inscriptions, the cipher uses a unique hypertext orthography resulting in a semantic cluster or category: 1. composition with body parts 2. head/face of young bull 3. horn 4. octopus.
The hypertext of the composite orthograph pictorial motif reads rebus: jangaḍiyobəḍhàri ʻmilitary guard in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Composition with body parts. 1. सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’; jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ Head/Face. 2. mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) Horn. 3. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'. The hypertexts of inscriptions on m297 and h1018 are explained as fortified enclosures of mleccha smithy guild workshops. On both these inscriptions, the cipher uses a unique hypertext orthography resulting in a semantic cluster or category: 1. composition with body parts 2. head/face of young bull 3. horn 4. octopus.
The hypertext of the composite orthograph pictorial motif reads rebus: jangaḍiyobəḍhàri ʻmilitary guard in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
veṛhā 'octopus', kondh 'young bull' Indus Script hypertexts, bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ; kũdār 'turner, brass-worker, engraver' *இருக்குவேதம் irukku-vētam , n. < id. +. The Ṛg-vēda, the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus, consisting of 1017 hymns in archaic language, in ten maṇḍaḷas இருக்குவேள் irukku-vēḷ ~~ R̥gveda
Composition with body parts. 1. सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’; jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ Head/Face. 2. mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) Horn. 3. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'. Octopus. 4. veṛhā 'octopus' rebus: bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Left 1. Harappa h1018a copper plate with young bull + a four-pointed star-fish (Gangetic octopus?); Right 2. Mohenjo-daro seal m297a with young bull + a five-pointed star-fish (Gangetic octopus?)+ hypertext of inscription.
Pictorial motifs: The pictorial motif of the horned head or face of young bull compares with the profile on Lydia electrum coin (6th cent.BCE) shown opposed to a lion's head and feline paw. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, smelter'; arye 'lion' rebus: arā 'brass'; konda 'young bull' rebus:kundaṇa 'fine gold'; koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ'workshop'. Thus, gold, brass workshop (mint).
Octopus: veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)
Rebus: Ta.vēḷ petty ruler, chief, Cāḷukya king, illustrious or great man, hero; ? title given by ancient Tamil kings to Vēḷāḷas; vēḷir a class of ancient chiefs in the Tamil country, the Cāḷukyas, petty chiefs; ? vēḷāḷaṉ a person of Vēḷāḷa caste. Kur. bēlas king, zemindar, god; belxā kingdom; belō, (Hahn) bēlō queen of white-ants. Cf. 5507 Ta. veḷḷāḷaṉ (DEDR 5545) Ta. veḷḷāḷaṉ, vēḷāḷaṉ, veḷḷār̤aṉ man of the Vēḷāḷa caste; fem. veḷḷāḷacci, veḷḷār̤acci; veḷḷāṇmai, veḷḷāmai cultivation; vēḷāṇmai agriculture, husbandry. Ma. veḷḷāḷar Tamil Śūdras; veḷḷāyma agriculture; Veḷḷāḷas. Te. velama name of a caste, man of this caste; (DCV) agriculture; (Inscr.) vēlāṇḍu a cultivator; affix to the names of cultivator caste in Tamilnad. (DEDR 5507)
Rebus: bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ (WPah.); veṛhā, vehṛā, beṛhī 'building with a courtyard, warehouse' (Lahnda.WPah.) Alternative: vēḍaʻboatʼ(Prakritam)
A synonym in Gujarati is:koṭhārī m. ʻstorekeeperʼ; this is signified by the semantic signifier hieroglyph on the text of m297 inscription.
Hieroglyph in text of inscription on m297: Store. koṭṭha 'warehouse'
vēṣṭá m. ʻ band, noose ʼ Kauś., ʻ enclosure ʼ lex.,°aka- m. ʻ fence ʼ, n. ʻ turban ʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ]M. veṭh, vẽṭh, veṭ, vẽṭ m.f. ʻ roll, turn of a rope ʼ; Si.veṭyaʻ enclosure ʼ; -- Pa.sīsa -- vēṭha -- m. ʻ head -- wrap ʼ,vēṭhaka -- ʻ surrounding ʼ; Pk.vēḍha -- m. ʻ wrap ʼ; S.veṛhu m. ʻ encircling ʼ; L.veṛh, vehṛ m. ʻ fencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockade ʼ,veṛhā, vehṛā m. ʻ courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses ʼ; P.veṛhā, be° m. ʻ enclosure, courtyard ʼ; Ku.beṛoʻ circle or band (of people) ʼ,beṛiʻ fetter ʼ; N.berh, berʻ wrapping ʼ,ber -- bārʻ wrapping up ʼ; A.berʻ wall of house, circumference of anything ʼ; B.beṛʻroll, turn, fence, enclosure ʼ,beṛāʻ fence, hedge ʼ; Or.beṛhaʻ girth, fence round young trees ʼ, beṛāʻ wall of houseʼ; Mth.beṛʻ hedge, wall ʼ,beṛhīʻ granary ʼ; H.beṛh, beṛ, beṛhā, beṛā m. ʻ enclosure, cattle surrounded and carried off by force ʼ,beṛī f. ʻ ring on ankle ʼ; G.veḍh m. ʻ finger -- ring ʼ,veḍhɔ m. ʻ circular log, joint of the fingers ʼ; M.veḍh n.f. ʻ ring ʼ, m. ʻ circumference ʼ; Si.veḷuʻ twisted string, bandage ʼ.Addenda: vēṣṭá -- : WPah.kṭg. beṛɔ m. ʻ palace ʼ, J.beṛā m. ʻ id., esp. the female apartments ʼ, kul.beṛāʻ building with a courtyard ʼ; A. alsoberāʻ fence, enclosure ʼ AFD 234. (CDIAL 12130) vēṣṭana n. ʻ enclosing ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ bandage, band ʼMBh.,°aka -- m. ʻ a method of coitus ʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ]Pk. veṭṭhaṇa -- n. ʻ wrapping ʼ,°aga -- n. ʻ turban ʼ; K.wuṭhan f. ʻ act of twisting, a screw ʼ; S.veṭhaṇu m. ʻ pack -- cloth ʼ; MB.beṭhanaʻ turban ʼ, B.beṭanʻ wrapper, envelope, cover ʼ; Bi.beṭhanʻ washerman's ironing cloth ʼ; Bhoj.beṭhanʻ cloth wrapper of a book ʼ; H.beṭhan m.ʻ pack -- cloth, wrapper ʼ; M.veṭhaṇ n. ʻ tierope ʼ; -- Pa.vēṭhana -- n. ʻ wrap, turban ʼ; Pk.vēḍhaṇa<-> n. ʻwrapping ʼ; Kho.beḷiniʻ swaddling clothes ʼ; K.wurunu m. ʻ bedclothes, quilt ʼ; A.beranʻ act of surrounding ʼ; Or.beṛhaṇa, °ṇiʻ girth, circumference, fencing, small cloth worn by woman ʼ.Addenda:vēṣṭana -- . -- X mḗkhalā -- : A. meṭhâni (phonet. methɔni) ʻ woman's girdle ʼ AFD 206.vēṣṭáyati wraps up, encloses, surroundsʼ TBr. [vḗṣṭatēʻ clings to ʼ AV. -- √vēṣṭ]Pk. veṭṭhida -- ʻ wrapped up ʼ; Dm.byēṣṭ -- ʻ to twist ʼ, Phal.bēṣṭūˊm 1 sg., Sh.koh. bĕṭhōnṷ, K. wuṭhun: M. veṭhṇẽʻ to tie ʼ; -- Pa.vēṭhētiʻ wraps, surrounds, twists ʼ; Pk.veḍhēi, °ḍhaïʻwraps up ʼ, Kho.beḷik; K. wurunʻ to wrap oneself up in bedclothes, cover ʼ; S.veṛhaṇuʻ to twist ʼ; L.veṛhaṇʻ to wind, bandage, bind, surround ʼ; Ku.beṛṇoʻ to fence in, enclose ʼ; N.bernuʻ to roll, fold up ʼ; A.beribaʻ to surround (with fence or wall) ʼ, B.beṛā, Or. beṛhibā, Mth. beṛhab; H. beṛhnāʻ to enclose, surround ʼ; M.veḍhṇẽʻto twist, surround ʼ; Si.veḷanavāʻ to twist, entwine, (SigGr ii 464) wrap ʼ. -- X bandhati: Pk. veṁḍhia -- ʻ wrapped up ʼ); H.bẽḍhnā, bẽdhnā (see also váyati) ʻ to plait, braid, fold ʼ.(CDIAL 12131, 12132)
veṛā building with a courtyard (WPah.) Rebus: veṛhā, vehṛā m.
ʻ courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses ʼ(Lahnda) beṛɔ
m. ʻpalaceʼ, beṛā m. id. beṛāʻbuilding with a courtyardʼ (Western Pahari)
vāṛo m. ʻ cattle enclosure ʼ (Sindhi) மேடை mēṭai, n. [T. mēḍa.] 1. Platform,
raised floor. Thus the hieroglyph-multiplex signifies a workplace (maybe,
circular platform?) for the 'turner' artisan, metalworker). வேளம் vēḷam ,
n. cf. vēla. 1. Fortified place where ladies of rank captured in war were kept
as slaves by the Cōḻas; சோழராற்சிறைபிடிக்கப்பட்டஉயர்குலத்துமகளிர்அடிமையாக
வேளமேற்றி (S. I. I. iii, 217). 2. Quarters; வாசத்தலம். (S. I. I. ii, 440.)
Alternative: bēḍā f. ʻ boat ʼ lex. 2. vēḍā,vēṭī -- f. lex. 3. bhēḍa -- 3 m., bhēla -- 1, °aka -- m.n. lex.1. Pk. bēḍa -- , °aya -- m., bēḍā -- , °ḍiyā -- f. ʻ boat ʼ, Gy. eur. bero, S. ḇeṛo m., °ṛī ʻ small do. ʼ; L. bēṛā (Ju. ḇ -- ) m. ʻ large cargo boat ʼ, bēṛī f. ʻ boat ʼ, P. beṛā m., °ṛī f.; Ku. beṛo ʻ boat, raft ʼ, N. beṛā, OAw. beḍā, H. beṛā m., G. beṛɔ m., beṛi f., M. beḍā m.2. Pk. vēḍa -- m. ʻ boat ʼ.3. Pk. bhēḍaka -- , bhēlaa -- m., bhēlī -- f. ʻ boat ʼ; B. bhelā ʻ raft ʼ, Or. bheḷā.*bēḍḍa -- , *bēṇḍa -- ʻ defective ʼ see *biḍḍa -- .Addenda: bēḍā -- . 1. S.kcch. beṛī f. ʻ boat ʼ, beṛo m. ʻ ship ʼ; WPah.poet. beṛe f. ʻ boat ʼ, J. beṛī f.3. bhēḍa -- 3: A. bhel ʻ raft ʼ (phonet. bhel) ʻ raft ʼ AFD 89. (CDIAL 9308)
Text 2641 of inscription on m297
Line 1: Top line: kolom 'three' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. kuṭi = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. Together, Line 1 of the hypertext reads: 'smithy furnace, smelter'
Hieroglyph: Rim of jar:Kaṇḍa kanka ‘rim of jar’ (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the ‘rim of jar’ ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account) karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'; karNaka 'account'; Alternative: kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kanga 'brazier'.karṇaka 'rim of jar' karava 'narrow neck jar'.
Standing person with spread legs and wearing a scarf: datu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' PLUS कर्णक 'helmsman' PLUS Thus the body hieroglyph signifies mē̃d dhatuकर्णक karṇi 'an iron mineral helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.' Alternative: mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic) PLUS bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Thus, 'furnace supercargo'. kañi-āra 'helmsman' karaṇī 'scribe', supercargo -- a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe, helmsman kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. karaṇī, कारणी or कारणीक kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. 'supercargo -- a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi) karṇīka 'scribe' Rebus: कर्णिक having a helm; a steersman (Monier-Williams) కరణము karaṇamu karaṇamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. వాడు కూత కరణముగాని వ్రాతకరణముకాడు he has talents for speaking but not for writing. స్థలకరణము the registrar of a district. கரணன்karaṇaṉ , n. < karaṇa. Accountant; கணக்கன். கரணர்கள் வந்தனர் கழல் வணங்கினார் (கந்தபு. மார்க்கண். 210).கரணிகம் karaṇikam , n. < karaṇa. (Te.) karaṇikamu village accountant. கருணீகம் karuṇīkam, n. < karaṇa. [T. karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam; கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை. கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ, n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகை யொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி.
Hieroglyph: spread legs of standing person: कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread' Rebus: कर्णक 'helmsman'
Semantic determinant: body of person:mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic)mẽṛhẽt, मृदु mṛdu 'iron' (Santali.Skt.)
मेटींव[ mēṭīṃva ]pofमेटणेंA verb not in use. Roughly hewn or chiseled--a stone. (Marathi)
meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.); m.an elephant-keeperGal.(cf.मेठ).Ta.mēṭṭihaughtiness, excellence, chief, head, land granted free of tax to the headman of a village;mēṭṭimaihaughtiness; leadership, excellence.Ka.mēṭiloftiness, greatness, excellence, a big man, a chief, a head, head servant.Te.mēṭari, mēṭichief, head, leader, lord; (prob.mēṭi<*mēl-ti[cf. 5086]; Ka. Ta. < Te.; Burrow 1969, p. 277) (DEDR 5091).மேட்டி mēṭṭi, n. Assistant house-servant; waiting-boy. மேட்டி +. Headman of the Toṭṭiya caste; தொட்டியர்தலைவன். (E. T. vii, 185.) మేటి[ mēṭi ]mēti. n. Lit: a helper. A servant, a cook, a menial who cleans plates, dishes, lamps and shoes, &c. (Eng. ‘mate’) మేటి[ mēṭi ] orమేటరి mēṭi[Tel.] n. A chief, leader, head man, lord,శ్రేష్ఠుడు, అధిపుడు. adj. Chief, excellent, noble.శ్రేష్ఠమైన. మేటిదొరa noble man, lord. Bilh. ii. 50.మెరయుచునుండెడిమేటీరంబులుమేటీరంబులు, అనగామేటి, గొప్పలైన, ఈరంబులు, పొదలుlarge bushes. "తేటైనపన్నీటతీర్థంబులాడి, మేటికస్తూరిమేనెల్లబూసి." Misc. iii. 22.మేటిగా=మెండుగా.మేటిల్లుmētillu. v. n. To excel.అతిశయించు. Medinī (f.) [Vedic medin an associate or companion fr.midin meaning to be friendly.]
కోడె kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull. Nk. khoṛe male calf. Konḍa kōḍi cow; kōṛe young bullock. Pe. kōḍi cow. Manḍ. kūḍi id. Kui kōḍi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōḍi bull; (Su. P.) kōḍi cow. (DEDR 2199) *kuḍa1 ʻ boy, son ʼ, °ḍī ʻ girl, daughter ʼ. [Prob. ← Mu. (Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē); or ← Drav. (Tam. kur̤a ʻ young ʼ, Kan. koḍa ʻ youth ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 373. Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65. -- Cf. kuḍáti ʻ acts like a child ʼ Dhātup.]NiDoc. kuḍ'aǵa ʻ boy ʼ, kuḍ'i ʻ girl ʼ; Ash. kūˊṛə ʻ child, foetus ʼ, istrimalī -- kuṛäˊ ʻ girl ʼ; Kt. kŕū, kuŕuk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Pr. kyúru ʻ young of animals, child ʼ, kyurú ʻ boy ʼ, kurīˊ ʻ colt, calf ʼ; Dm. kúŕa ʻ child ʼ, Shum. kuṛ; Kal. kūŕ*lk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Phal. kuṛĭ̄ ʻ woman, wife ʼ; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ, kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, P. bhaṭ. WPah. khaś. kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛī ʻ girl ʼ; -- B. ã̄ṭ -- kuṛā ʻ childless ʼ (ã̄ṭa ʻ tight ʼ)? -- X pṓta -- 1: WPah. bhad. kō ʻ son ʼ, kūī ʻ daughter ʼ, bhal. ko m., koi f., pāḍ. kuā, kōī, paṅ. koā, kūī.(CDIAL 3245)
कोंडळी (p. 102) kōṇḍaḷī f A pole with a crook or curved member at the extremity. Used to regather into the thrashing pit the ears which fly out during the thrashing.
Rebus: कोंदण (p. 102) kōndaṇa n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems. 2 Beaten or drawn gold used in the operation.(Marathi) కుందనము kundanamu. [Tel.] n. Solid gold, fine gold. అపరంజి. कोंदणपट्टी (p. 102) kōndaṇapaṭṭī f The strip of beaten or drawn gold used in setting gems.
कोदा (p. 102) kōdā m Low and dirty work, or work involving toil and fag; mean jobs or drudgery. v काढ, निपट, उपस, कर, & v i पड. Ex. बाळंतिणीचा- दुखणेकऱ्याचा-पोराचा-म्हाताऱ्याचा-संसाराचा-चाकरीचा- कोदा मी उपसतों.
कोंडण (p. 102) kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. कोंड (p. 102) kōṇḍa m C A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. 5 Grounds under one occupancy or tenancy. 6 f R A deep part of a river. 7 f (Or कोंडी q. v.) A confined place gen.; a lock-up house &c. कोंडळी (p. 102) kōṇḍaḷī f A pole with a crook or curved member at the extremity. Used to regather into the thrashing pit the ears which fly out during the thrashing. कोंडी (p. 102) kōṇḍī f (कोंडणें) A confined place gen.; a lockup house, a pen, fold, pound; a receiving apartment or court for Bráhmans gathering for दक्षिणा; a prison at the play of आट्यापाट्या; a dammed up part of a stream &c. &c.
Rebus: कोंड (p. 102) kōṇḍa m C A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. 5 Grounds under one occupancy or tenancy. 6 f R A deep part of a river. 7 f (Or कोंडी q. v.) A confined place gen.; a lock-up house &c.
khōṇḍa 'young bull' rebus: कोंदkōnda 'engraver, script'PLUS veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)
HYPERTEXT EXPRESSION: veṛhā 'octopus' plus kōnda 'young bull' rebus: plain text: kōnda 'engraver, scribe' PLUSbēṛā (Ju. ḇ -- ) m. ʻ large cargo boat ʼ Meaning: The engraver deivers to the boat (the detailed metalwork products). m297: koḍa 'sluice'; Rebus: koḍ'artisan's workshop
1. P. khodṇā ʻ to dig, carve ʼ, khudṇā ʻ to be dug ʼ; Ku. khodṇo ʻ to dig, carve ʼ, N. khodnu, B. khodā, khudā, Or. khodibā, khud°; Bi. mag. khudnī ʻ a kind of spade ʼ; H. khodnā ʻ to dig, carve, search ʼ, khudnā ʻ to be dug ʼ; Marw. khodṇo ʻ to dig ʼ; G. khodvũ ʻ to dig, carve ʼ, M. khodṇẽ (also X khānayati q.v.). -- N. khodalnu ʻ to search for ʼ cf. *khuddati s.v. *khōjja -- ?
2. B. khõṛā ʻ to dig ʼ or < *khōṭayati s.v. *khuṭati.
3. B. koṛā, kõṛā ʻ to dig, pierce ʼ, Or. koṛibā ʻ to cut clods of earth with a spade, beat ʼ; Mth. koṛab ʻ to dig ʼ, H. koṛnā.
4. K. godu m. ʻ hole ʼ, g° karun ʻ to pierce ʼ; N. godnu ʻ to pierce ʼ; H. godnā ʻ to pierce, hoe ʼ, gudnā ʻ to be pierced ʼ; G. godɔ m. ʻ a push ʼ; M. godṇẽ ʻ to tattoo ʼ.
5. L. goḍaṇ ʻ to hoe ʼ, P. goḍṇā, goḍḍī f. ʻ hoeings ʼ; N. goṛnu ʻ to hoe, weed ʼ; H. goṛnā ʻ to hoe up, scrape ʼ, goṛhnā (X kāṛhnā?); G. goḍvũ ʻ to loosen earth round roots of a plant ʼ.
6. S. guḍ̠aṇu ʻ to pound, thrash ʼ; P. guḍḍṇā ʻ to beat, pelt, hoe, weed ʼ.
Addenda: *khōdd -- . 1. S.kcch. khodhṇū ʻ to dig ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) khódṇõ, J. khodṇu.
2. *khōḍḍ -- : WPah.kc. khoḍṇo ʻ to dig ʼ; -- kṭg. khoṛnõ id. see *khuṭati Add2.(CDIAL 3934)
खोदकाम (p. 122) khōdakāma n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver.
खोदगिरी (p. 122) khōdagirī f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work.
खोदणावळ (p. 122) khōdaṇāvaḷa f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving.
खोदणी (p. 122) khōdaṇī f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. v लाव, मांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith's die.
खोदणें (p. 122) khōdaṇēṃ v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or -पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe.
खोदाई (p. 122) khōdāī f ( H) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving.
खोदींव (p. 122) khōdīṃva p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured.
ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (R̥gveda) PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe, helmsman
कोंदkōnda 'youngbull' rebus: कोंदkōnda 'engraver, script'PLUS veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) Rebus: beṛɔm.ʻpalaceʼ, beṛām. id. beṛāʻbuilding with a courtyardʼ (Western Pahari) vāṛom. ʻ cattle enclosure ʼ (Sindhi) மேடை mēṭai,n. [T.mēḍa.] 1. Platform, raised floor. மேடை mēṭai, n. [T. mēḍa.] 1. Platform, raised floor; தளமுயர்ந்த இடப்பகுதி. 2. Artificial mound; செய்குன்று. (W.) WPah.kṭg. bəḍhāˋr m. ʻstorehouse, granaryʼ(CDIAL 9442)baḍal -- väḍa ʻ goldsmith's trade ʼ(Sinhala)(CDIAL 9441) WPah.kṭg. bəḍhàri m. ʻ man in charge of treasure and stores of a temple ʼ(CDIAL 9443)
கோவேள் kō-vēḷ, n. < gōkōva.] Potters; குயவர். இருங் கோவேட்களுஞ் செம்பு செய்ஞ்ஞரும் (மணி. 28, 34) செந்தீவேள்-தல் [செந்தீவேட்டல்] cen-tī-vēḷ-, v. intr. < id. +. To perform Vēdic sacrifice; யாகம் பண்ணுதல். செந்தீவேட்ட சிறப் புரைத்தன்று (பு. வெ. 9, 15, கொளு). செம்பியன்தமிழவேள் cempiyaṉ-tami- ḻa-vēḷ, n. < id. +. A title conferred by the later Cholas; பிற்காலத்துச் சோழர்களாற் கொடுக் கப்பட்டுவந்த பட்டங்களில் ஒன்று. (S. I. I. iii, 221.)
వెలనాడు velanāḍu or వెల్నాడు vela-nāḍu. n. The name of a subdivision of the Telugu country in ancient times. The name of a particular subdivision of Brahmins. బ్రాహ్మణులలో నొకతెగవారు.
Ta. vēḷ (vētp-, vēṭṭ-) to offer sacrifices, marry; n. marriage; vēḷvi sacrifice, marriage; vēḷvu sacrifice; presents of food from the bridegroom's to the bride's house and vice versa at a wedding; vēṭṭal marriage; vēṭṭāṉ, vēṭṭōṉ husband; vēṭṭāḷ wife; viḷai (-pp-, -tt-) to perform as worship. Ma. vēḷvi, vēr̤vi sacrifice; vēḷkka to marry as brahmans before the holy fire; vēḷi, vēḷvi marriage, bride, wife; vēḷppikka fathers to marry children. Ka.bēḷ to offer into fire or with fire as ghee, animals, etc.; bēḷuve oblation with fire, burnt-offering; bēḷamba destruction of human life in fire. Tu. belcaḍe a devil-dancer, one possessed with Kāḷī. Te. vēlucu to put or throw in a sacrificial fire, offer up a burnt sacrifice; vēl(u)pu god or goddess, deity, divinity, a celestial, demi-god, immortal; vēlpuḍu worship; vēlimi oblation; (inscr.) vēḷpu god. (DEDR 5544) வேள்¹-தல் [வேட்டல்] vēḷ- , 9 v. tr. [K. bēḷ.] 1. To offer sacrifices; யாகஞ் செய்தல். ஓதல் வேட்டல் (பதிற்றுப். 24, 6). 2. To marry; மணம்புரிதல். மெய்ந்நிறை மூவரை மூவரும் வேட் டார் (கம்பரா. கடிமணப். 102). 3. To desire; விரும்புதல். வயவுறு மகளிர் வேட்டுணி னல்லது (புற நா. 20). 4. To love; சினேகித்தல். மலர்ந்து பிற் கூம்பாது வேட்டதே வேட்டதா நட்பாட்சி (நலாடி, 215).
வேள்² vēḷ , n. < வேள்-. 1. Marriage; கலி யாணம். வேள்வாய் கவட்டை நெறி (பழமொ. 360). 2. Desire; விருப்பம். (W.) 3. Kāma; மன்மதன். வேள்பட விழிசெய்து (தேவா. 1172, 8). 4. Skanda; முருகக்கடவுள். (பிங்.) 5. One belonging to the Vēḷir class; வேளிர்குலத்தான். தொன்முதிர் வேளிர் (புறநா. 24). 6. Cāḷukya king; சளுக்குவேந்தன். (பிங்.) 7. Petty ruler; chief; சிற்றரசன். (சூடா.) 8. Title given by ancient Tamil kings to Vēḷāḷas; பண்டைத் தமிழரசரால் வேளாளர் பெற்ற ஒரு சிறப் புரிமைப் பெயர். (தொல். பொ. 30.) செம்பியன் தமிழவேள் என்னுங் குலப்பெயரும் (S. I. I. iii, 221). 9. Illustrious or great man; hero; சிறந்த ஆண் மகன். (யாழ். அக.) பாப்பைவேளே (பெருந்தொ. 1766). 10. Earth; மண். (யாழ். அக.) வேள்புலம் vēḷ-pulam , n. < வேள் +. The country of the Cāḷukyas; சளுக்கியர்க்குரிய நாடு. (S. I. I. iii, 160.)வேள்புலவரசன் vēḷpula-v-aracaṉ , n. < வேள்புலம் +. Cāḷukya king; சளுக்கு வேந்தன். (திவா.)வேள்வி vēḷvi , n. < வேள்-. [T. M. vēḷvi, K. bēluve.] 1. Sacrifice. See ஐவகைவேள்வி, 1. முன்முயன் றரிதினின் முடித்த வேள்வி (அகநா. 220). 2. Spiritual discipline. See ஐவகையாகம், 2. 3. Sacrificial pit; ஓமகுண்டம். (பிங்.) 4. Service, worship; பூசனை. (பிங்.) வேள்வியி னழகியல் விளம்பு வோரும் (பரிபா. 19, 43). 5. Marriage; கலியா ணம். நாமுன்பு தொண்டுகொண்ட வேள்வியில் (பெரியபு. தடுத்தாட். 127). 6. Benevolence; gift; கொடை. (பிங்.) 7. Religious merit; புண்ணியம். ஆள்வினை வேள்வியவன் (பு. வெ. 9, 27). 8. (Puṟap.) Theme eulogising a warrior on his destroying his enemies to feast devils with their dead bodies. See களவேள்வி. பண்ணி தைஇய பயங்கெழு வேள்வியின் (அகநா. 13). 9. The 10th nakṣatra. See மகம், 2.வேள்விக்கபிலை vēḷvi-k-kapilai , n. < வேள்வி + கபிலை². Cow that yields milk, ghee, etc., necessary for a sacrifice; யாகத்துக் குரிய பால் முதலியனவற்றை உதவும் பசு. வேள்விக் கபிலை பாற்பயங் குன்றுதலானும் (தொல். பொ. 177, உரை).வேள்விக்குண்டம் vēḷvi-k-kuṇṭam , n. < id. +. Sacrificial pit; ஓமகுண்டம். (பிங்.)வேள்விக்குவேந்தன் vēḷvikku-vēntaṉ , n. < id. +. See வேள்விநாயகன். (சூடா.)வேள்விச்சாலை vēḷvi-c-cālai , n. < id. + சாலை¹. Sacrificial hall; யாகசாலை. வேள்விச்சாலை யின் வேந்தன் போந்தபின் (சிலப். 30, 170).வேள்வித்தறி vēḷvi-t-taṟi , n. < id. +. See வேள்வித்தூணம். (பிங்.)வேள்வித்தூண் vēḷvi-t-tūṇ , n. < id. +. See வேள்வித்தூணம். (சூடா.)வேள்வித்தூணம் vēḷvi-t-tūṇam , n. < id. + தூணம்². Stake to which the sacrificial victim is fastened; யாகபலிக்குரிய பிராணியைக் கட்டிவைக்குந் தம்பம். மணிச்சிரல் . . . வேள்வித் தூணத் தசைஇ (பெரும்பாண். 316).வேள்விநாயகன் vēḷvi-nāyakaṉ , n. < id. +. Indra, as the lord of sacrifices; இந்திரன். (பிங்.)வேள்விநிலை vēḷvi-nilai , n. < id. +. 1. (Puṟap.) Theme describing the greatness of sacrifices performed by a king; அரசன் யாகஞ் செய்த பெருமையைப் புகழ்ந்து கூறும் புறத்துறை. (பு. வெ. 9, 15.) 2. (Puṟap.) Theme describing the benevolence of a chief in making gifts of red cows, in the early hours of the day; தலை வன் சேதாவினை நாட்காலையிற் கொடுக்குங் கொடைச் சிறப்பினைக் கூறும் புறத்துறை. (தொல். பொ. 90.)வேள்விமுதல்வன் vēḷvi-mutalvaṉ , n. < id. +. 1. Sacrificer, one who performs a sacrifice; யாகத்தலைவன். (பரிபா. 3, 4-5, உரை.) 2. See வேள்விநாயகன். விலங்கென விண்ணோர் வேள்விமுதல்வன் (பரிபா. 5, 31).வேள்வியாசான் vēḷvi-y-ācāṉ , n. < id. +. Priest who conducts a sacrifice; யாகஞ் செய்விக் கும் புரோகிதன். (தொல். பொ. 75, உரை.)வேள்வியாசிரியன் vēḷvi-y-āciriyaṉ , n. < id. +. See வேள்வியாசான். (தொல். பொ. 75, உரை.)வேள்வியாளன் vēḷvi-y-āḷaṉ , n. < id. + ஆளன். 1. Brahmin; பிராமணன். (திவா.) 2. Munificent person; கொடையாளன். (பிங்.) வேள்வியின்பதி vēḷviyiṉ-pati , n. < id. + பதி&sup4;. Viṣṇu, as the Lord of sacrifice; திருமால். (பிங்.) வேள்வு vēḷvu , n. < வேள்-. 1. Sacrifice; யாகம். விழவும் வேள்வும் விடுத்தலொன்றின்மையால் (சீவக. 138). 2. Presents of food-stuffs from the house of the bridegroom to that of the bride and vice versa, at a wedding; விவாகத்தில் மண மக்கள்வீட்டார்கள் வரிசையாக வெடுக்கும் உணவுப் பண்டம். C. N. 3. Rare commodity; அரும் பண்டம். (யாழ். அக.) வேள்வெடு-த்தல் vēḷveṭu- , v. intr. < வேள்வு + எடு-. 1. To send presents of food- stuffs from the house of the bridegroom to that of the bride and vice versa, at a wedding; மணமகன்வீட்டாருக்கு மணமகள்வீட்டாரும் மண மகள்வீட்டாருக்கு மணமகன்வீட்டாரும் விருந்துக்குரிய வரிசைப்பண்டங்களை யனுப்புதல். C. N. 2. To gather together and carry varied articles; பலபண்டந் தேடிக் கொண்டுபோதல். (யாழ். அக.)
வேளாண்மாந்தர் vēḷāṇ-māntar , n. < வேளாண்மை +. Vēḷāḷas; வேளாளர். (தொல். பொ. 635.) வேளாண்மாந்தரியல்பு vēḷāṇmāntar- iyalpu, n. < வேளாண்மாந்தர் +. Characteristics of the Vēḷāḷas, ten in number, viz., āṇai-vaḻi-niṟṟal, aḻintōrai-niṟuttal, kaikkaṭaṉ-āṟṟal, kacivakattuṇmai, okkal-pōṟṟal, ōvā-muyaṟci, maṉṉiṟai- tarutal, oṟṟumai-kōṭal, viruntu-puṟantarutal tiruntiya-v-oḷukkam; ஆணைவழிநிற்றல் அழிந் தோரைநிறுத்தல் கைக்கடனாற்றல் கசிவகத்துண்மை ஒக்கல்போற்றல் ஓவாமுயற்சி மன்னிறைதருதல் ஒற்றுமைகோடல் விருந்துபுறந்தருதல் திருந்திய வொழுக்கம் என்ற வேளாளர்க்குரிய பத்துவகைத் தன்மைகள். (W.) வேளாண்மை vēḷ-āṇmai , n. < வேள் + ஆள்-. 1. Gift, bounty, liberality; கொடை. (பிங்.) 2. Beneficence, help; உபகாரம். விருந்தோம்பி வேளாண்மை செய்தற் பொருட்டு (குறள், 81). 3. Cultivation of the soil, agriculture, husbandry; பயிர்செய்யுந் தொழில். 4. Truth; சத்தியம். (பிங்.) வேளாண்மைதானும் விளைந்திட (கொண்டல்விடு. 84). வேளாண்வாகை vēḷāṇ-vākai , n. < id. +. (Puṟap.) Theme of exalting a Vēḷāḷa for doing the duties laid upon him by caste rules; வேளாளன் செய்தற்குரிய கடமைகளை நிறைவேற் றலைக் கூறும் புறத்துறை. (பு. வெ. 8, 11.)
வேளாப்பார்ப்பான் vēḷā-p-pārppāṉ , n. < வேள்- + ஆ neg. +. Worldly-minded Brahmin, as not performing sacrifices; இலௌகிகப் பிராமணன். (அகநா. 24.)
வேளாளரறுதொழில் vēḷāḷar-aṟu-toḻil ,n. < id. +. The six occupations of the Vēḷāḷas, viz., uḻavu, pacu-k-kāval, vāṇipam, kuyiluvam, kārukaviṉai, irupiṟappāḷarkkēval-ceyal; உழவு பசுக்காவல் வாணிபம் குயிலுவம் காருகவினை இரு பிறப்பாளர்க்கேவல்செயல் என்னும் வேளாளர்க்குரிய அறுவகைத்தொழில். (திவா.)
உழவு¹ uḻavu ,n. < உழு-. [M.uḻavu.] 1. Ploughing; உழுகை. உழந்து முழவே தலை (குறள், 1031). 2. Agriculture, husbandry; வேளாண் மை. உழவின் மிக்க வூதியமில்லை.
, n. 1. See வாணிகம், 1. (W.) 2. See வாணிகம், 2. இவளை வைத்து வைத்துக் கொண்டென்ன வாணிபம் (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 9).
குயிலுவம் kuyiluvam , n. < குயில்²-. Playing on stringed musical instruments, drums, tabrets, clarionets, horns; வாத்தியம் வாசிக்கை. (திவா.)
காருகன்¹ kārukaṉ , n. < kāruka. 1. Weaver; நெய்வோன். கட்டுநுண்வினைக் காருக ரிருக்கை யும் (சிலப். 5, 17). 2. Washerman; வண்ணான். (சூடா.) 3. Painter; ஓவியன். (யாழ். அக.) காருகம்¹ kārukam , n. < kāruka. 1. Spinning and weaving; நெய்யுந்தொழில். (சிலப். 5, 17, உரை.) 2. Menial service, servile labour as carrying burdens; ஊழியவேலை. (W.)
ஏவல் ēval
,n. < ஏவு-. Assistance to Brahmin priests (16 priests mentioned in Veda tradition), Services, duties; பணிவிடை. ஏவன்முற்றி (அரிச். பு. மயான. 1).
வேளாளன் vēḷ-āḷaṉ , n. < வேள் +. 1. Liberal person; உபகாரி. வேளாளனென்பான் விருந்திருக்க வுண்ணாதான் (திரிகடு. 12). (பிங்.) 2. Vēḷāḷa, a caste; ஒரு சாதி. 3. A person of Vēḷāḷa caste; வேளாளசாதியான். 4. Vaišya; வைசியன். (பிங்.) 5. Šūdra; சூத்திரன். (பிங்.)வேளான் vēḷāṉ , n. < id. 1. A caste title; ஒரு சாதிப்பட்டப்பெயர். மதுராந்தக மூவேந்த வேளான் (S. I. I. ii, 10). 2. A title of persons belonging to the Kuyavar caste; குயவரது சாதிப் பட்டப்பெயர். Mod.வேளிர் vēḷir , n. < வேள். 1. A class of ancient chiefs in the Tamil country; தமிழ் நாடாண்ட ஒருசார் அரசர்குலத்தார். நாற்பத்தொன் பது வழிமுறை வந்த வேளிருள் வேளே (புறநா. 201). 2. The Cāḷukyas; சளுக்குவேந்தர். (திவா.) 3. Petty chiefs; குறுநிலமன்னர். (சூடா.)
வேளூர் vēḷ-ūr , n. < வேள் +. Vaittīcuraṉ-kōyil, a Šiva shrine in the Tanjore District; தஞ்சாவூர்ஜில்லாவி லுள்ள வைத்தீசுரன் கோயில் என்னுஞ் சிவதலம். வேளூர் வைத்தியநாதனை (குமர. பிர. முத்துக். 2).
kṓṣṭha2 n. ʻ pot ʼ Kauś., ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ MBh., ʻ inner apartment ʼ lex., °aka -- n. ʻ treasury ʼ, °ikā f. ʻ pan ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. *kōttha -- , *kōtthala -- : same as prec.?] Pa. koṭṭha -- n. ʻ monk's cell, storeroom ʼ, °aka<-> n. ʻ storeroom ʼ; Pk. koṭṭha -- , kuṭ°, koṭṭhaya -- m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ; Sv. dāntar -- kuṭha ʻ fire -- place ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) kōti (ṭh?) ʻ wooden vessel for mixing yeast ʼ; K. kōṭha m. ʻ granary ʼ, kuṭhu m. ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhü f. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ; S. koṭho m. ʻ large room ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ storeroom ʼ; L. koṭhā m. ʻ hut, room, house ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ shop, brothel ʼ, awāṇ. koṭhā ʻ house ʼ; P. koṭṭhā, koṭhā m. ʻ house with mud roof and walls, granary ʼ, koṭṭhī, koṭhī f. ʻ big well -- built house, house for married women to prostitute themselves in ʼ; WPah. pāḍ. kuṭhī ʻ house ʼ; Ku. koṭho ʻ large square house ʼ, gng. kōṭhi ʻ room, building ʼ; N. koṭho ʻ chamber ʼ, °ṭhi ʻ shop ʼ; A. koṭhā, kõṭhā ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ factory ʼ; B. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ bank, granary ʼ; Or. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, °ṭhī ʻ factory, granary ʼ; Bi. koṭhī ʻ granary of straw or brushwood in the open ʼ; Mth. koṭhī ʻ grain -- chest ʼ; OAw. koṭha ʻ storeroom ʼ; H. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ granary, large house ʼ, Marw. koṭho m. ʻ room ʼ; G. koṭhɔ m. ʻ jar in which indigo is stored,warehouse ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ large earthen jar, factory ʼ; M. koṭhā m. ʻ large granary ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ granary, factory ʼ; Si. koṭa ʻ storehouse ʼ. -- Ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kūṭhürü f. ʻ small room ʼ; L. koṭhṛī f. ʻ small side room ʼ; P. koṭhṛī f. ʻ room, house ʼ; Ku. koṭheṛī ʻ small room ʼ; H. koṭhrī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; M. koṭhḍī f. ʻ room ʼ; -- with -- ra -- : A. kuṭharī ʻ chamber ʼ, B. kuṭhrī, Or. koṭhari; -- with -- lla -- : Sh. (Lor.) kotul (ṭh?) ʻ wattle and mud erection for storing grain ʼ; H. koṭhlā m., °lī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; G. koṭhlɔ m. ʻ wooden box ʼ.Addenda: kṓṣṭha -- 2: WPah.kṭg. kóṭṭhi f. ʻ house, quarters, temple treasury, name of a partic. temple ʼ, J. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, koṭhī f. ʻ granary, bungalow ʼ; Garh. koṭhu ʻ house surrounded by a wall ʼ; Md. koḍi ʻ frame ʼ, <-> koři ʻ cage ʼ (X kōṭṭa -- ). -- with ext.: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H. kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ.(CDIAL 3546)kōṣṭhapāla m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ W. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, pāla -- ]M. koṭhvaḷā m. (CDIAL 3547)*kōṣṭharūpa ʻ like a room ʼ. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, rūpá -- ]B. kuṭru ʻ tent ʼ.(CDIAL 3548)*kōṣṭhāṁśa ʻ share of store ʼ. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, áṁśa -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāsa -- m. ʻ share, portion ʼ, adj. ʻ divided into ʼ (ā felt as contraction of a -- a and preserved before ṁs; consequent āṁs > ās: cf. re -- establishment of prefix ā before MIA. double consonant, e.g. Pk. āṇavēdi < *āṇṇ° replacing aṇṇ -- < Sk. ājñ -- ); Si. koṭasa, kohoṭa ʻ share, part, piece ʼ.(CDIAL 3549)kōṣṭhāgāra n. ʻ storeroom, store ʼ Mn. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, agāra -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāgāra -- n. ʻ storehouse, granary ʼ; Pk. koṭṭhāgāra -- , koṭṭhāra -- n. ʻ storehouse ʼ; K. kuṭhār m. ʻ wooden granary ʼ, WPah. bhal. kóṭhār m.; A. B. kuṭharī ʻ apartment ʼ, Or. koṭhari; Aw. lakh. koṭhār ʻ zemindar's residence ʼ; H. kuṭhiyār ʻ granary ʼ; G. koṭhār m. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ, koṭhāriyũ n. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. koṭhār n., koṭhārẽ n. ʻ large granary ʼ, -- °rī f. ʻ small one ʼ; Si. koṭāra ʻ granary, store ʼ. kōṣṭhāgārika -- .Addenda: kōṣṭhāgāra -- : WPah.kṭg. kəṭhāˊr, kc. kuṭhār m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ, J. kuṭhār, kṭhār m.; -- Md. kořāru ʻ storehouse ʼ ← Ind.(CDIAL 3550)kōṣṭhāgārika m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ BHSk. [Cf. kōṣṭhā- gārin -- m. ʻ wasp ʼ Suśr.: kōṣṭhāgāra -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāgārika -- m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ; S. koṭhārī m. ʻ one who in a body of faqirs looks after the provision store ʼ; Or. koṭhārī ʻ treasurer ʼ; Bhoj. koṭhārī ʻ storekeeper ʼ, H. kuṭhiyārī m.Addenda: kōṣṭhāgārika -- : G. koṭhārī m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ. (CDIAL 3551)
Note on vēḷir who migrated 49 generations before Puṟanānūṟu text of Sangam times from Dwāraka
In Tirumoolar's Tirumanthiram, the northern sage "Vaṭapāl Tavamuni" is said to have created the "Fire-pit"; வடபால் முனிவன் is mentioned in Puṟanānūṟu in the context of vēḷir migration from Dwāraka (Sarasvati river basin)
அங்கி உதயம் வளர்க்கும் அகத்தியன்
அங்கி உதயஞ்செய் மேல்பா லவனொடும்
அங்கி உதயஞ்செய் வடபால் தவமுனி
எங்கும் வளங்கொள் இலங்கொளி தானே" (திருமூலர் திருமந்திரம் - 338)
This is a reference to the Veda culture of Civilization of the 2nd millennium BCE when the migration of
vēḷir occurred.
Chief vēḷir was tuvarāpati for 49 generations, notes Puṟanānūṟu a text of Sangam times.
The text is dated to ca. 5th cent.BCE.
Thus, Chief vēḷir (வேளிருள் வேளே!) who was Dwāraka ruler (துவரை ஆண்டு) migrated into velanāḍu (vēḷ region of Andhra Pradesh), ca. 1750 BCE (computing an average of 25 years per generation).
வேள் vēḷ A man from eighteen to fifty years of age, ஆண்மகன்.வேளான் vēḷāṉ , n. < id. 1. A caste title; ஒரு சாதிப்பட்டப்பெயர். மதுராந்தக மூவேந்த வேளான் (S. I. I. ii, 10). 2. A title of persons belonging to the Kuyavar caste; குயவரது சாதிப் பட்டப்பெயர். Mod. குயவன்¹ kuyavaṉ, n. < id. [M. kuyavaṉ.] Potter; குசவன். திருநீலகண்டத்துக் குயவனார்க் கடி யேன் (தேவா. 736, 1).
*இருக்குவேதம் irukku-vētam , n. < id. +. The Ṛg-vēda, the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus, consisting of 1017 hymns in archaic language, in ten maṇḍaḷas இருக்குவேள் *இருக்குவேதம் irukku-vētam , n. < id. +. The Ṛg-vēda, the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus, consisting of 1017 hymns in archaic language, in ten maṇḍaḷas இருக்குவேள் irukku-vēḷ , n. A line of powerful chieftains who flourished about the 8th and 9th cc. at Koḍumbāḷūr, in the Pudukōṭṭa state; ஒருசார் சிற்றரசர். (Insc.) , n. A line of powerful chieftains who flourished about the 8th and 9th cc. at Koḍumbāḷūr, in the Pudukōṭṭa state; ஒருசார் சிற்றரசர். (Insc.)
•Migration from Tuvarai mentioned in Puṟanānūṟu 201 is also referred to in a 12th century inscription (Pudukottai State inscriptions, No. 120) cited by AvvaiS. Turaicāmi in Puranaanuru, II (SISSW Publishing Soc., Madras, 1951). tuvaraimānakarninrupontatonmaipārttukkiḷḷivēntannikaril ten kavirnādutannilnikar̤vittanitiyāḷar
201. இவர் என் மகளிர்!
பாடியவர்: கபிலர்.
பாடப்பட்டோன் : இருங்கோவேள்.
திணை; பாடாண். துறை: பரிசில்.
குறிப்பு: பாரி மகளிரை உடன் கொண்டு சென்ற காலத்துப் பாடியது.)
"The technique of assembly by lashings is one of the world's oldest for constructing boats. It was in use in Antiquity in Egypt and in Homeric Greece. In the present day, this method is still used in the Indian Ocean, most notably in India itself, at Kerala, where, nevertheless, the technique is unfortunately dying out. This film takes us to Kerala on the Malabar Coast, and into a network of lakes and lagoons and canals known as The Backwaters, where the last of these "sewn" boats are still employed. We shall follow the work of traditional carpenters who continue to practise this ancient technique and begin to understand its subtleties."
"Scholars long underestimated the seafaring capabilities of the ancient Egyptians, but recent excavations beside the Red Sea demand respect for the mastery of shipbuilding technology of about 4,000 years ago. The unique ability to acquire Mediterranean cedar for use in building Red Sea ships provided the Egyptians access to what they called the marvels of Punt. While the frontier staging ground at Gawasis expands our knowledge of how and when they sailed south to return with incense and other cargoes, many details remain obscure. Nonetheless, ship timbers and maritime artefacts at Gawasis illustrate the technological, administrative and bureaucratic nature of ancient Egyptian engagement with the world beyond the Nile. Studying these abandoned ship planks and equipment—the products of shipyards operating under an approach that recalls assembly-line construction—informs us about ship technology and shipbuilders, as well as the use of watercraft at sea in ancient Egypt. Min of the Desert relied on archaeological data for its design and internal structure. Thick planks interlocked along their edges and fastened by deep, unpegged mortise-and-tenon joints created its structurally sound hull. Min’s sailing performance proved that a rig copied directly from the Hatshepsut Punt reliefs was efficient and effective and conclusively demonstrates the feasibility of extended sea voyages in indigenous Egyptian craft." https://www.britishmuseum.org/PDF/Ward.pdf British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 18 (2012): 217–32 Building pharaoh’s ships: Cedar, incense and sailing the Great Green Cheryl Ward
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hqbne2m Ain Sukhna, (Arabic: العين السخنة el-ʿĒn el-Soḵna) archaeological explorations have shown an ancient pharaonic Red Sea port and settlement from whichseafaring expeditions were organised. The sewn sailing boats discovered at this site dated to 19th cent. BCE based on a study of ceramic materials and dating of wood by radiocarbonne (14C). Research is ongoing on the techniques used in making the sewn boats studying the techniques used even today in Malabar Coast of Kerala. Preliminary results indicate that the techniques used for making the Ain Sukhna boats and the present-day rafts called catamarans (lit. kaṭṭumaram) of Kerala are comparable. See: http://drs.nio.org/drs/bitstream/handle/2264/4029/Int_J_Naut_Archaeol_41_148a.pdf
Indian boat building traditions. The ethnological evidence, Persee, Vol.3, No.2, pp. 547-568. http://somasiridevendra.navy.lk/assets/files/p_research.pdfSean McGrail, Lucy Blue, Eric Kentley, Colin Palmer, Boats of South Asia Book Review 2004)
The hypothesis posited is that boat-builders from the West Coast of India had transferred the technology of building catamarans.
"The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea or Periplus of the Red Sea (Greek: Περίπλους τῆς Ἐρυθράς Θαλάσσης, Latin: Periplus Maris Erythraei) is a Greco-Romanperiplus, written in Greek (c. 1st-3rd cen.), describing navigation and trading opportunities from Roman Egyptian ports like Berenice along the coast of the Red Sea, and others along Northeast Africa and the Sindh and South western India...Many trade goods are mentioned in the Periplus, but some of the words naming trade goods are seen nowhere else in ancient literature, and so we can only guess as to what they might be. For example, one trade good mentioned is "lakkos chromatinos". The name lakkosappears nowhere else in ancient Greek or Roman literature. The name re-surfaces in late medieval Latin as lacca, borrowed from medieval Arabic lakk in turn borrowed from Sanskritic lakh, meaning lac i.e. a red-colored resin native to India used as a lacquer and used also as a red colorant.Some other named trade goods remain obscure." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Periplus_of_the_Erythraean_Sea#
"Hatshepsut who came to the throne of Egypt in 1478 BCE had funded a mission to the Land of Punt.(which could be the horn of Africa close to Rann of Kutch). Five ships, each measuring 70 feet (21 m) long bearing several sails and accommodating 210 men that included sailors and 30 rowers. Many trade goods were bought in Punt, notably frankincense and myrrh."
Noting that several ships of 6th century Greece are sewn boats (assembly by lashings), Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (The Centre d'etudes Alexandrines) has presented a splendid video on the techniques of making sewn boats in the Malabar coast of Kerala. These rafts are called கட்டுமரம் kaṭṭu-maram ,n. < id. +. 1.Catamaran, used for deep sea fishing; raft made of logs of wood lashed or joined together; மீன்பிடிப்பதற்காக மரங்களாற் பிணைக்கப் பட்ட மிதவை. கோக்காமரம் kōkkā-maram is a seafaring raft: ,n. prob. கோ- + கால்¹ +.Loc. 1. A kind of raft orcatamaran; கடலிற்செலுத்தும் கட்டுமரவகைகளில் ஒன்று. மேங்கா mēṅkā , n. A kind of catamaran; கடலில் ஓடும் கட்டுமரவகை. Loc.Ancient Polynesian catamaran (developed as early as 1500 BCE) Catamaran, Tamil Nadu. கடப்பா kaṭappā,n. perh. கட்டு- + பாய். Sail of acatamaran;கட்டுமரத்திற் கட்டும் பாய்.Loc.
மடி³ maṭi Double catamaran; இரட்டைக் கட்டுமரம். (G. Tn. D. I, 229.)
Hieroglyphs: 1. lathe; 2. body formed of two or more animals: G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ; M. sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together, part of a turner's apparatus ʼ,sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻlatheʼCDIAL 12859)
Double-canoe, raft: saṁghāṭa m. ʻ fitting and joining of timber ʼ R. [√ghaṭ] Pa. nāvā -- saṅghāṭa -- , dāru -- s° ʻ raft ʼ; Pk. saṁghāḍa -- , °ḍaga -- m., °ḍī -- f. ʻ pair ʼ; M. sãgaḍ m.f. ʻ float made of two canoes joined together ʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), Si. san̆gaḷa ʻ pair ʼ, han̆guḷa, an̆g° ʻ double canoe, raft ʼ (CDIAL 12859)
Boats of Ayn Sukhna
(French original and bibliography appended)
August 10, 2014 | by Francis Leveque | * Fr | wood | 2nd half of the third millennium BC. AD | Egypt (Upper Egypt) (Egypt)
The site of Ayn Sukhna on the Egyptian shores of the Gulf of Suez (70 km south of Suez) delivered archaeologists 2 vessels used in the Middle Kingdom. Ongoing excavations have been conducted since 2001 by a Franco-Egyptian team led by prof. Mahmoud Abd el-Zaziq (University of Suez), Dr. Georges Castel (IFAO) and prof. Pierre Tallet (University of Paris IV-Sorbonne).
The site
The site has many inscriptions evoking maritime expeditions in the Middle Kingdom by Mantouhotep Pharaohs (Eleventh Dynasty, the early twentieth century. BC.), Amenemhat II, Sesostris I, Amenemhet III (twelfth dynasty, first quarter the second millennium). Excavations have also revealed the seals of the fourth and fifth dynasties pharaohs, which traces the use of the site to the High Empire (middle of the third millennium).
The site consists of tunnels dug into the rock to serve as warehouses, buildings, copper ore processing plants. The galleries are located approximately 500 m from the shore. Among the 6 galleries, 3 of them the access is through a building built under the High Empire.
Two other (G2 and G9 galleries) are freely and still retained the dismantled wooden boats. They are about 20 meters long, 3 meters wide and 2 meters high. However the storage timber were burned and reduced to the state of charcoal (the ceiling collapsed during the fire, the fire was smothered and continued smoldering). The best preserved parts of the G2 gallery could be consolidated and removed to a laboratory study. But parts of the G9 gallery were studied in situ.
Woods
The planks were carefully arranged, superimposed on an unknown height but that exceeded 70 cm G9 gallery and isolated from soil by wedges. The whole was bound by ropes. Have been identified very long parts forming the shell and a thicker which served as a keel. Other pieces in the particular morphology formed the ends. However there is a lack of structural members, superstructure and rigging. Several hypotheses: either they do not exist or they were on top and completely burned, or they are stored elsewhere in a still gallery to find.
The boards are very thick: 9 to 13 cm. Retained widths are usually between 30 and 50 cm, but some are up to 70 cm. The analysis shows that the boards are predominantly cedar wood and sometimes oak. The posts are acacia. The structural parts are made of wood imported from Mediterranean while the connecting pieces are common species in Egypt.
The boards retain their assemblies combining two complementary, not exclusive techniques:
- Like a system resembling strips of wood taking place in mortise. The posts 7 cm wide, 2 cm thick and the depth of the mortise can reach 15 cm.
- Cords of a ligating system passing loop in mortises L cut along the edges of the boards to be joined (0.5 cm diam.). There are a dozen cords by ligation.
Sometimes pins (diam. 2 to 3 cm) complete the above assemblies.
the anchors
Gallery 9 contained two large limestone anchors, weighing respectively 80 and 100 kg.
Restitution
Room dimensions and morphology corresponds to those of the Empire through the vessels found in the funeral of Sesostris III at Dahshur complex. If we take these to model, it is then led to restore, as the volume of timber and distribution in galleries, boats of about 13.50 to 15 m long.
The region of destination of ships is probably located in the Sinai to Serabit El-Khadim where inscriptions confirm this, especially at a place called Rod el-Air. Rock carvings of boats which one can think that they are in direct contact with the remains of Ayn Sukhna show two types of vessels, both with a crescent-shaped hull and cabin but which are distinguished by their device steering (lateral or axial) and the cabin layout.
Dating
The study of ceramic materials and dating of wood by radiocarbonne (14C) indicate that the vessels were deposited in the late Middle Kingdom (late nineteenth century. BC.) Or at the beginning of the Second Intermediate period (early eighteenth century.). But the woods were in use during the Middle Kingdom and some parts date back to the end of the Old Kingdom (2500-2300 BC.). They should therefore be subject to special attention which reflect the storage in the underground galleries.
Use, maintenance and destruction
The destination of these ships was probably the Sinai at a distance of about 100 km, to enjoy its metal resources (copper) and precious stones (turquoise). They had used regularly but not permanently so they were arranged between two expeditions.
The long use of certain parts stored on shore shows that did not produce a new ship every shipment. The parts were carefully maintained. So do not imagine a royal workshop installed in the Nile valley constantly producing new parts for new boats. By cons, for several centuries one could replace parts alike; expertise was therefore never lost. Nothing says that the workshop was located so far from the place of use. No vestige does not prove the presence of an on-site workshop.
Why a fire broke out in two separate but adjacent galleries? It may be that a voluntary act of destruction intended to harm, by the interruption of shipments, on whom this advantage. Why then the site has he been used more? Have we completely stopped borrowing the sea or did you set up a different mode of travel, and in which locations?
Les bateaux à Ayn Sukhna
10 août 2014 | par Francis Leveque | *fr | bois | 2e moitié du IIIe millénaire av. J.-C. | Egypte (Haute Egypte) ( Egypte )
Le site d’Ayn Sukhna sur les rives égyptiennes du golfe de Suez (70 km au sud de Suez) a livré aux archéologues 2 navires ayant servi au Moyen Empire. Les fouilles en cours sont menées depuis 2001 par une équipe franco-égyptienne sous la direction du prof. Mahmoud Abd el-Zaziq (université de Suez), du Dr. Georges Castel (IFAO) et du prof. Pierre Tallet (université de Paris IV-Sorbonne). Le site Le site comporte de nombreuses inscriptions évoquant des expéditions maritimes sous le Moyen Empire par les pharaons Mantouhotep (XIe dynastie, début du XXe s. av. J.-C.), Amenemhat II, Sesostris I, Amenemhat III (XIIe dynastie, premier quart du IIe millénaire). Les fouilles ont également révélé des sceaux de pharaons des IVe et Ve dynasties, ce qui fait remonter l’utilisation du site au Haut Empire (milieu du IIIe millénaire). Le site se compose de galeries creusées dans la roche pour servir d’entrepôts, de bâtiments, d’ateliers de transformation du minerai de cuivre. Les galeries se trouvent à environ 500 m du rivage. Parmi les 6 galeries, l’accès de 3 d’entre elles se fait par un bâtiment construit sous le Haut Empire. Deux autres (galeries G2 et G9) sont d’accès libre et conservaient encore les bois de bateaux démontés. Elles mesurent environ 20 m de longueur, 3 m de large et 2 m de haut. Cependant les bois entreposés ont été calcinés et réduits à l’état de charbon de bois (le plafond s’est effondré lors de l’incendie, le feu a été étouffé et il s’est poursuivi en combustion lente). Les pièces les mieux conservées de la galerie G2 ont pu être consolidées et enlevées pour une étude en laboratoire. Mais les pièces de la galerie G9 ont été étudiées in situ. Les bois Les planches ont été soigneusement rangées, superposées sur une hauteur inconnue mais qui dépassaient les 70 cm de la galerie G9 et isolées du sol par des cales. Le tout était lié par des cordages. On a identifié des pièces très longues formant le bordé et une plus épaisse qui servait de quille. D’autres pièces à la morphologie particulière formaient les extrémités. En revanche on constate l’absence de pièces de charpente, de superstructure et de gréement. Plusieurs hypothèses : soit elles n’existaient pas, soit elles étaient sur le dessus et ont entièrement brulé, soit elles sont rangées ailleurs dans une galerie encore à trouver. Les planches sont très épaisses : 9 à 13 cm. Les largeurs conservées sont le plus souvent comprises entre 30 et 50 cm, mais certaines mesurent jusqu’à 70 cm. L’analyse montre que les planches sont majoritairement en bois de cèdre et parfois en chêne. Les tenons sont en acacia. Les pièces de structures sont en bois importés de Méditerranée tandis que les pièces d’assemblage sont d’essences commune en Egypte. Les planches conservent leurs assemblages alliant 2 techniques complémentaires et non exclusives : un système de tenons ressemblant à des languettes de bois prenant place dans des mortaises. Les tenons mesurent 7 cm de largeur, 2 cm d’épaisseur et la profondeur des mortaises peut atteindre 15 cm. un système de ligature de cordelettes (diam. 0.5 cm) passant en boucle dans des mortaises en L taillées le long des bords des planches à assembler. On compte une douzaine de cordelettes par ligature. Parfois des chevilles (diam. 2 à 3 cm) viennent compléter les assemblages ci-dessus.
Les ancres
La galerie 9 contenait deux grosses ancres de calcaire, pesant respectivement 80 et 100 kg. Restitution Les dimensions des pièces et leur morphologie correspond à celles des bateaux du moyen Empire retrouvés dans le complexe funéraire de Sésostris III à Dahchour. Si on prend ces derniers pour modèle, on est alors conduit à restituer, selon le volume des bois et leur répartition dans les galeries, des bateaux d’environ 13,50 à 15 m de long. La région de destination des navires est sans doute à situer dans le Sinaï, vers Serabit El-Khadim où des inscriptions le confirment, notamment au lieu-dit Rod el-Air. Des gravures rupestres d’embarcations dont on peut penser qu’elles sont en rapport direct avec les vestiges d’Ayn Sukhna montrent 2 types de navires, tous les deux avec une coque en forme de croissant et une cabine mais qui se distinguent par leur appareil de gouverne (latéral ou axial) et la disposition de la cabine. Datation L’étude du matériel céramique et les datations du bois par radiocarbonne (14C) indiquent que les navires ont été déposés à la fin du Moyen Empire (fin du XIXe s. av. J.-C.), voire au début de la Deuxième Période Intermédiaire (début du XVIIIe s.). Mais les bois étaient en usage pendant le Moyen Empire et certaines pièces remontent jusqu’à la fin de l’Ancien Empire (2500-2300 av. J.-C.). Ils devaient donc faire l’objet d’une attention particulière dont témoignent le rangement dans les galeries souterraines. Usage, entretien et destruction La destination de ces navires était sans doute le Sinaï à une distance d’environ 100 km, pour profiter de ses ressources métallifères (cuivre) et de pierres précieuses (turquoises). Ils ont dû servir régulièrement mais pas en permanence c’est pourquoi ils étaient rangés entre deux expéditions. Le long usage de certaines pièces stockées sur ce rivage montre qu’on ne fabriquait pas un navire neuf à chaque expédition. Les pièces étaient soigneusement entretenues. Il ne faut donc pas imaginer un atelier royal installé dans la vallée du Nil produisant en permanence des pièces nouvelles pour des bateaux neufs. Par contre, pendant plusieurs siècle on a pu remplacer des pièces à l’identique ; le savoir-faire n’a donc jamais été perdu. Rien ne dit que l’atelier ait été situé si loin du lieu d’usage. Aucun vestige ne prouve non plus la présence d’un atelier sur place. Pourquoi un incendie s’est déclaré dans 2 galeries adjacentes mais bien séparées ? Il ne peut s’agir que d’un acte volontaire de destruction destiné à nuire, par l’interruption des expéditions, à celui à qui cela profitait. Pourquoi ensuite le site n’a-t-il plus été utilisé ? A-t-on cessé complètement d’emprunter cette voie maritime ou a-t-on mis en place un autre mode de déplacement, et dans quels lieux ?
Bibliographie :
M. Abd el-Raziq , New inscriptions at El-Ein el-Sukhna, in Memnonia, vol. 10 , 1999
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, V. Ghica, Les inscriptions d’Ayn Soukhna, in MIFAO , vol. 122 , 2002
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, L’exploration archéologique du site d’Ayn Soukhna (2001-2004), in Actes Du Neuvième Congrès International Des Égyptologues, Grenoble, 6-12 septembre 2004, Leuven, Paris , 2007
P. Tallet, E. Mahfouz, The Red Sea in pharaonic times : Recent discoveries along the Red Sea Coast. Proceedings of the Colloquium held in Cairo/Ayn Soukhna 11th–12th January 2009, IFAO, Le Caire , 2009
P. Tallet, Prendre la mer à Ayn Soukhna au temps du roi Isesi, in BSFE, vol. 177/178 , 2010
P. Tallet , Les Égyptiens et le littoral de la mer Rouge à l’époque pharaonique, in CRAIBL , vol. 2 , 2010
P. Pomey, Les bateaux d’Ayn Soukhna. Les plus vieux vestiges de navires de mer actuellement connus., in Egypte Afrique & Orient, vol. 64, Les bateaux et la navigation en Egypte ancienne II, Centre vauclusien d'égyptologie , 2012
Pierre Tallet, Ayn Sukhna and Wadi el-Jarf : Two newly discovered pharaonic harbours on the Suez Gulf , in British Museum studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, vol. 18, British Museum, Londres , 2012
Mahmoud Abd el-Raziq, Georges Castel, Pierre Tallet
Ayn Soukhna III. Le complexe de galeries-magasins
Storage gallery complexes can now be considered a major characteristic of the pharaonic « periodic harbours » that have been successively identified on the sites of Mersa Gawasis, Ayn Soukhna and Wadi el-Jarf. In between two expeditions, those caves were used to store the sailing equipement, and especially dismanteled boats waiting for their next use. The systematic excavation of this whole Ayn Soukhna cave complex has allowed a better understanding of this site’s purpose thank to the discovery, in two of those galleries, of remains of boats that were carfully stored there before being destroyed by fire. It also shows the long use of the harbour by the Egyptians, between the Old Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom.
The archaeological work in Ayn Soukhna was led in the framework of a joint project of the IFAO, the Ismaïlia University and the Paris-Sorbonne University (CNRS UMR 8167). It was made possible, amongst other factors, by the help of several French companies that we want to thank here : Total Egypt, Air Liquide, Cairo Metro-Line 3 (Bouygues, Vinci), dam of Assiut (Vinci), Colas Rail, Gaz de France, Eletricité de France, Saint Gobain.
Le CNRS
Le Centre national de la recherche scientifique has presented a video of a marine archaeological exploration of a shipwreck in Ayn Soukhna (northern part of Suez canal). The shipwreck dated to ca. 1900 BCE (the mature phase of Sindhu-Sarasvati Civilization) is of a pattamar, 'seafaring dhow' which is a sewn boat from Kerala.
"The technique of assembly by lashings is one of the world ’ s oldest for constructing boats. It was in use in Antiquity in Egypt and in Homeric Greece. In the present day, this method is still used in the Indian Ocean, most notably in India itself, at Kerala, where, nevertheless, the technique is unfortunately dying out. This film takes us to Kerala on the Malabar Coast, and into a network of lakes and lagoons and canals known as The Backwaters, where the last of these “sewn” boats are still employed. We shall follow the work of traditional carpenters who continue to practise this ancient technique and begin to understand its subtleties." https://videotheque.cnrs.fr/doc=4124?langue=EN
Collaborators: Grégory Marouard (archaeologist, université de Poitiers), Virpi Perunka (ceramologist, University of Liverpool), Philippe Fluzin (archaeo-metallurgist, UMR 5060), Patrice Pomey (CNRS, Centre Camille Jullian), Alain Lecler, Ihab M. Ibrahim (photographers, IFAO).
Sponsors: Électricité de France (2003-2007), Total-Égypte (2001-2008), Air Liquide (2005-2008), Gaz de France (2007-2008), Société du métro du Caire – ligne 3 (2008).
Campaign dates: September - October.
Ain Soukhna – overall layout of the site..
Ain Soukhna is located on the west coast of the Gulf of Suez, about 120 km from the greater Cairo region. The name means “hot spring” in Arabic and refers to the sulphurous springs that are to be found in the vicinity of the archaeological remains. A Pharaonic-era settlement was discovered here in 1999 thanks to the presence of very numerous hieroglyphic inscriptions carved on the rocks indicating a sizeable occupation in the 2nd millennium BC. Archaeological excavation of the site since 2001 have gradually led to a better understanding of what were the different activities of this installation in antiquity. In the very earliest times, it is likely that the relatively modest deposits of copper here were mined, and then it would seem that this site was regularly occupied by expeditions heading for farther destinations, notably for the Sinai peninsula where the Egyptians exploited the copper and turquoise mines. The present work at this site has exposed an important logistical centre of multiple functions. Because of the many threats hanging over the site (local tourist and industrial developments), it is worth emphasising that the work undertaken at Ain Soukhna should be characterised as a salvage excavation.
History of the excavation
Fig. 1. Ain-Soukhna - The structure built against the rock.
Excavation of the Ain Soukhna site began in 2001, particularly within the small natural circle that is overhung by the Pharaonic inscriptions. Very early on, nine galleries, carved into a rather soft layer of schist, were revealed. The form of these cavities, which were carved in an identical fashion, are the same length (some 20 metres) and run parallel to each other, seemed to indicate that they were originally conceived as a large-scale storage facility. Three passageways [G4, G5 and G7] differ slightly from this ensemble in that their entrances were originally enclosed by a rectangular building 15 x 5 metres, whose roof was supported by posts [fig. 1]. A single and relatively narrow entry on the east side gave access to the ensemble of this complex. Numerous imprints of seals showing the names of kings of the 6th and 5th dynasties indicate the great age of this installation.
Fig. 2. Gallery 2 with the remains of the carbonised boat.
It is possible that two galleries (G9 and G2) were designed from the first for a different use, that of storing boats which, between expeditions, could be left on site. In any case, such a function is well attested for the following period, the Middle Kingdom. In fact, during the campaigns from 2006 to 2008, the remains of a boat some 15 metres in length were unearthed. This vessel had been dismantled and carefully stored in gallery G2 [fig. 2]. The more than likely accidental burning of this structure has paradoxically led to its partial preservation to the present day. The intensity of the fire caused the roof of the gallery to collapse upon the remains, extinguishing the flames, and sealing the archaeological context. During the 2008 campaign, other remains of a boat were also discovered in the adjacent gallery (G9).
Fig. 3.The installations of Kom 14.
Other important installations connected to the expeditions are to be found lower down on the site, on a natural promontory near the sea. The traces of several successive buildings have been unearthed here, the biggest of which dates back to the Old Kingdom [photo 3]. Around a square building, which appears to be the initial core of this complex, some ten chambers and corridors were progressively added. The ensemble in its final state must have presented a terraced appearance, following the relief of the ground and covering a surface area of roughly 600 m2. Below this hill, close to sea level, two ramps, presently being cleared, are probably part of port facilities.
Ain Soukhna was also occupied for a strictly limited period of its history by a remarkable ensemble of metallurgical workshops [figs. 4 & 5]. These installations are to be found over almost the entirety of the site, from the foot of the mountain, on slopes exposed to the wind, to the lower section, close to the shore. To date, more than 50 bloomeries, functioning with natural ventilation, have been studied. The exceptional state of preservation of these furnaces will allow for a better understanding of the techniques use in the Middle Kingdom to extract copper from malachite. It is most likely that the ore was imported during that period from the Sinai peninsula. Alongside the archaeological excavation, experiments using replicas of these furnaces have been made to reconstruct the entire process involved in the copper smelting operating chain.
Fig. 4. Metallurgical workshop of Wadi 2 - east.
Fig. 5. Workshops and housing, sector S 25.
Future perspectives
The coming years of excavation on the site will be aimed at:
continued clearing of the upper part of the site, and particularly the excavation of the latest galleries found there (G1, G6 et G9);
excavation of a large Middle Kingdom workshop complex in the lower part of the site. The metallurgical activities here seem to be interwoven with those of everyday life in the context of a village that spreads over almost a hectare.
continuation of the excavation at the foot of Kom 14, where there appear to be large port facilities, clearly dated by the archaeological context to the Old Kingdom.
continuation of experiments in recreating the ancient metallurgical techniques.
Bibliography
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, V. Ghica, Les inscriptions d’Ayn Soukhna, MIFAO 122, Le Caire, 2002.
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, «Dans le golfe de Suez, les mines de cuivre d’Ayn Soukhna», Archéologia 414, 2004, p. 10-21.
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, «Ayn Soukhna et la mer Rouge», Égypte, Afrique et Orient 41, 2006, p. 3-6.
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, «L’exploration archéologique du site d’Ayn Soukhna (2001-2004)», in J.-Cl. Goyon, Chr. Cardin (éd.), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, OLA 150, Louvain, 2007, p. 61-68.
M. Abd el-Raziq, G. Castel, P. Tallet, G. Marouard, Ph. Fluzin, «Le cuivre des pharaons», La Recherche 413, novembre 2007, p. 46-50.
Institut français d'archéologie orientale — 37, rue al-Cheikh Ali Youssef B.P. 11562 Qasr al-Aïny 11441 Le Caire - Égypte
https://www.ifao.egnet.net/archeologie/ayn-soukhna/#en Sindhu-Sarasvati-Mesopotamia relations developed during the second half of 3rd millennium BCE and continued into the mature phases of the civilization upto 1900 BCE attested by the use of a uniform standard for Indus Script CIpher across a widespread civilization area which extended from Ahicchatra to Daimabad, from Lothal to Tigris-Euphrates across the Persian Gulf. Around this time, there is evidence of maritime activity between the West Coat of India and Egypt (Suez canal). The evidence comes from a shipwreck in Ayn Soukhna. The ship is a sewn boat from Kerala, the Westcoast of India. "Mesopotamia had already been an intermediary in the trade of Lapis Lazuli between the South Asia and Egyptsince at least about 3200 BCE, in the context of Egypt-Mesopotamia relations"(Demand, Nancy H. (2011). The Mediterranean Context of Early Greek History. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 71–72.)(Burton, James H.; Price, T. Douglas; Kenoyer, J. Mark. "A new approach to tracking connections between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia: initial results of strontium isotope analyses from Harappa and Ur". Journal of Archaeological Science. 40 (5): 2286–2297.) Who made the seafaring boats of the civilization made? Archaeological evidence points to the boat-builders of West coast of India. The evidence of Indus Script with the standard device points to the making and use of catamarans for cargo of maritime trade. Standard device of Indus Script signifies signifies sã̄gah 'catalogue' The 'standard device' of Indus Script Corpora signifies catalogue of wealth accounting categories: kunda, 'nidhi', kammaṭa, 'mint'. The 'standard device' is 1. a pair of hieroglyph components; the components are: 2.lathe;and 3.portable furnace.
m0008
Figure C is a line drawing based on Mohenjo-daro seal 'standard device' on inscription m0008
1. सांगड sãgaḍ 'a composite formed of two parts'
2. kunda 'lathe'3. kammaṭa 'portable furnace'.
Line drawingskunda 'lathe'kammaṭa 'portable furnace'. The dotted circle on the;crucible of the portable furnace is also a hypertext. A dotted circle hieroglyph is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi).
Thus, the hypertext of the 'standard device' has three signifiers: 1. सांगड sãgaḍ 'a composite formed of two parts'; 2. kunda 'lathe' 3. kammaṭa 'portable furnace'. In accordance with the semantic design feature Indus Script cipher, the Meluhha rebus readings are: 1. Hieroglyph: सांगड sãgaḍ 'a composite formed of two parts'Rebus: sã̄gah 'catalogue' 2. Hieroglyph: kunda 'lathe' कुन्द 'a turner's lathe L.' Rebus: कुन्द kunda 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures (N. of a गुह्यक Gal. ) L.''the number " nine " W.' कुन्द--कर 'a turner'. 3.Hieroglyph: kammaṭa 'portable furnace'Rebus: Ta.kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma.kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka.kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) Section 2. Semantic structure of Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union) Meluhha words and expressions signified by hypertext 'standard device' components
Hypertext: सांगड sāṅgaḍa सांगडी sāṅgaḍī f (Commonly सांगड) m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. 3 That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. सांगड्या sāṅgaḍyā a sometimes सांगडी a That works a सांगड or canoe-float. (Marathi) M. sãgaḍ f. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together, part of a turner's apparatus ʼ, m.f. ʻ float made of two canoes joined together ʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼl saṁghāṭa m. ʻ fitting and joining of timber ʼ R. [√ghaṭ]Pa. nāvā -- saṅghāṭa -- , dāru -- s° ʻ raft ʼ; Pk. saṁghāḍa -- , °ḍaga -- m., °ḍī -- f. ʻ pair ʼ; Ku. sĩgāṛ m. ʻ doorframe ʼ; N. saṅār, siṅhār ʻ threshold ʼ; Or. saṅghāṛi ʻ pair of fish roes, two rolls of thread for twisting into the sacred thread, quantity of fuel sufficient to maintain the cremation fire ʼ; Bi. sĩghārā ʻ triangular packet of betel ʼ; H. sĩghāṛā m. ʻ piece of cloth folded in triangular shape ʼ; G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ(CDIAL 12859) जांगड jāṅgaḍa f ( H) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or जांगड वही The account or account-book of goods so taken. 3 Linking together (of beasts): joining or attaching (as a scholar to a superior one, in order to learn). v घाल, कर. Also the state, linkedness, co-yokedness, attachment, association. जांगड jāṅgaḍa ad Without definitive settlement of purchase--goods taken from a shop. sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati). jangadiyo 'military guards carrying treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati) The mercantile agents who were jangadiyo received goods on jangad 'entrusted for approval'. An ancient Near East accounting system was jangaḍ. The system of jangaḍsimply meant 'goods on approval' with the agent -- like the Meluhhan merchant-agents or brokers living in settlements in ancient near East -- merely responsible for showing the goods to the intended buyers. సంగడము (p. 1272) saṅgaḍamu sangaḍamu. [from Skt. సంగతమ్.] n. Dumb-bells, సాముచేయువారు తిప్పేలోడు. Help, assistance, aid, సహాయము. Friendship, జత, స్నేహము. Meeting, చేరిక. Nearness, సమీపము. A retinue, పరిచారము. Service, సేవ. An army, సేన. "అనవుడు వాడునగుచు నీవిక్రమంబునకు నా వెరపు సంగడంబుగాదె." M. VII. iv. 59. "ఉ అంచెలుగట్టి కాలి తొడుసైచనననీవుగదమ్మప్రోదిరా, యంచలివేటి సంగడములయ్యెను." Swa. v. 72. Trouble, annoyance, ంాటము, సంకటము. సంగడమువాడు sangaḍamu-vāḍu. n. A friend or companion. చెలికాడు, నేస్తకాడు. సంగడి sangaḍi. n. A couple, pair, జంట జత. Friendship, స్నేహము. A friend, a fellow, a playmate, నేస్తకాడు. A raft or boat made of two canoes fastened side by side. Rebus: सं-ग्रह a compendium , summary , catalogue , list , epitome , abridgment , short statement (एण or आत् , " shortly " , " summarily " , " in few words ") (कठ-उपनिषद्. MBh. &c)(Monier-Williams)saṁgraha m. ʻ collection ʼ Mn., ʻ holding together ʼ MBh. [√grah]Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. saṁgaha -- m.; Bi. sã̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. sã̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ ← Pa.*saṁgrahati ʻ collects ʼ see sáṁgr̥hṇāti. (CDIAL 12852)sáṁgr̥hṇātiʻ seizes ʼ RV. 2. *saṁgrahati.3.saṁgrāhayatiʻ causes to be taken hold of, causes to be comprehended ʼ BhP. [√grah]1. Pa.saṅgaṇhātiʻ collects ʼ, Pk.saṁgiṇhaï; Or.saṅghenibāʻ to take with, be accompanied by ʼ.2. Pa. fut.saṅgahissati, pp.saṅgahita-- ; Pk.saṁgahaïʻ collects, chooses, agrees to ʼ; Si.han̆ginavāʻ to think ʼ,hän̆genavā,än̆g°ʻ to be convinced, perceive ʼ,han̆gavanavā,an̆g°ʻ to make known ʼ.3. Or.saṅgāibā ʻ to keep ʼ.*saṁgōpayatiʻ hides ʼ. [Cf.saṁgupta-- ʻ well hidden ʼ MBh.,saṁgōpana-- n. ʻ concealment ʼ Pañcat. -- √gup] Pa.saṅgōpētiʻ guards ʼ; Pk.saṁgōvēiʻ hides ʼ, caus.saṁgōvāvaï; Si.san̆gavanavā,ha°ʻ to cause to be hidden ʼ. (CDIAL 12850)
Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka.kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold.(DEDR 1725)
kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdā, kõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibā, kū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi. kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m.(CDIAL 3295) kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1]A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ. (CDIAL 3297)
Decipherment of सांगड sāṅgaḍa सांगडी sāṅgaḍī 'joined animal parts' on Indus Script hypertext
The semantics of सांगड sāṅgaḍa सांगडी sāṅgaḍī f (Commonly सांगड) m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together is realized by combining hieroglyphs of animal body parts as shown in the following example.
Seal.National Museum, Delhi. No.135 konda 'young bull' rebus: konda 'smelter furnace' kundana 'fine gold' kunda 'a nidhi of Kubera'. barat, barad, 'ox' rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi). Text of inscription: ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' aya 'iron' (Gujarati) PLUS khambhaṛā 'fin' (Lahnda) Rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236).
Thus, the message is: Products from mint: fine gold and mixed alloys. The goods from the smelter are documented for invoicing on jangaḍ 'approval basis'.
The Meluhha word which explains 'joined animals' signified on the seal is: sãgaḍf. ʻ a body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together (Marathi) Rebus: Marathi. sãgaḍ m.f. ʻfloat made of two canoes joined togetherʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), Si. han̆guḷa, an̆g° ʻdouble canoe, raftʼ. [Other rebus reading alternatives are: sáṁgata 'united, union'; sāṅga ʻcompany, companion'; saṁghātá 'adamantine glue' as in expression vajra saṁghātá; sangara 'proclamation'; S سنګرsangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments. Pl. سنګرونهsangarūnah (Pashto)]. Allographs are: 1. Lathe: sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe' (Gujarati) sã̄gāḍī f. ʻlatheʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 12859) 2. Fire-pan: san:ghāḍo, saghaḍī (G.) = firepan; saghaḍī, śaghaḍi = a pot for holding fire (G.)[cula_ sagaḍi_portable hearth (G.)] aguḍe = brazier (Tu.) Thus, the two allographs are: Meluhha speech variants of san:gaḍa, ‘lathe, portable furnace’.
Sculpture of the head of Sumerian ruler Gudea, c. 2150 BCE Look at the remarkable iconography of the ear of this sculpture and that of Mohenjodaro priest who is Potṟ 'purifier priest' (R̥gveda) called Potti in Malayalam to signify a temple priest. The trefoil designss on the shawl he wears signifies in Meluhha Indus Script that he is dhāvaḍ 'smelter of iron'. He is a pōtadāra पोतदार 'wealth assayer'..
Trading station of Suktagen-Dor The Sindhu-Sarasvati Valleys Civilization extended westward as far as the Harappan trading station of Sutkagan Dor Fertility figurine of the Halaf culture, Mesopotamia, 6000-5100 BCE. Louvre; Fertility figurine from Mehrgarh, Indus Valley, c.3000 BCE. ("Figure féminine - Les Musées Barbier-Mueller". www.musee-barbier-mueller.org.) Model of the diffusion of agriculturefrom the Fertile Crescent after 9000 BCE The trade routes between Mesopotamia and the Indus would have been significantly shorter due to lower sea levels in the 3rd millennium BCE Cylinder seal of Ibni-Sharrum
“The Western coast of India had very early trans-oceanic trade even before the second millennium BCE. From archaeological points, there are several indications about the antiquity of the trade between India and Egypt for numerous products but there is dearth of evidence and proof that exchanges had taken place through the ports of West coast. British named the region Canara which was mainly comprised of maritime countries of Tuluva, Haiga and Hindu Konkan and also neighboring areas of Malabar. Written sources concerning the maritime history of the Canara for this period are rare but several Greek and Roman writers have referred quite a few ports of West coast of India which have suggested vital trading links with the Mediterranean countries.” (Shilpi Shrivastava and Dr. Choodamani Nandagopal, Agents of Commerce in Pre-Colonial Canara, in: International Journal of Scientific Research, Vol. 5. Issue 2, Feb. 2016, pp. 417-419).
Trade contactw with Persian Gulf sites of the civilization are well attested. http://www.indoeurohome.com/Meluhha-Dilmun.html Sign 12 kut.i ‘water carrier’; rebus: kut.hi ‘furnace’ Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); dia. 2.6, ht. 0.9 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 11-12, pl. II, no. 12; Porada 1971: pl.9, fig.5; Parpola, 1994, p. 183; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R., JRAS, 1932, 476). An unmistakable example of an 'heiroglyphic' seal. urseal6 Cylinder seal; BM 122947; U. 16220 (cut down into Ur III mausolea from Larsa level; U. 16220), enstatite; Legrain, 1951, No. 632; Collon, 1987, Fig. 611.Humped bull stands before a plant, feeding from a round manger or a bundle of fodder (or, probably, a cactus); behind the bull is a scorpion and two snakes; above the whole a human figure, placed horizontally, with fantastically long arms and legs, and rays about his head. takaram tin, white lead, metal sheet, coated with tin (Ta.); tin, tinned iron plate (Ma.); tagarm tin (Ko.); tagara, tamara, tavara id. (Ka.) tamaru, tamara, tavara id. (Ta.): tagaramu, tamaramu, tavaramu id. (Te.); t.agromi tin metal, alloy (Kuwi); tamara id. (Skt.)(DEDR 3001). trapu tin (AV.); tipu (Pali); tau, taua lead (Pkt.); tu~_ tin (P.); t.au zinc, pewter (Or.); taru_aum lead (OG.); tarvu~ (G.); tumba lead (Si.)(CDIAL 5992). takar sheep, ram, goat (Ta.); tagar ram (Ka.); tagaru (Tu.); tagaramu, tagaru (Te.); tagar (M.)(DEDR 3000). t.agara = taberna montana (Skt.) ran:ga, ran: pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (an~jana) (Santali). ran:ga ron:ga, ran:ga con:ga = thorny, spikey, armed with thorns; edel dare ran:ga con:ga dareka = this cotton tree grows with spikes on it (Santali) [Note the thorns on the round object in front of the bull on the Ur cylinder seal impression – U 16220] Shu-ilishu cylinder seal The meluhhan is shown on the Akkadian cylinder seal carrying an antelope ; this is an artistic style of depicting a phonetic determinant for the word read rebus : meluhha : mr..eka ‘antelope, goat’ (Te.) Meluhha-speaker, merchant. He is a copper merchant/smith. The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin. The Meluhha merchant carries melh,mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'.
The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms.
Meluhha is said to explain the origin of the Sanskritmleccha, meaning "speaker who mispronounces and uses ungrammatical expressions." See: Parpola, Asko; Parpola, Simo (1975). "OnSee the relationship of the Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha". Studia Orientalia. 46: 205–238. khār 'blacksmith' + khōṇḍa 'bull calf'کار کند kār-kund 'Adroit, clever, experienced; A director, a manager' bagala ‘pleiades’ Rebus: bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (G.) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagalā (M.);bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Ka.) Bagala is a dhow, a seafaring vessel.
کار کنده kār-kunda shown on Harappa h179 tablet. His head-dress is kūdī 'bunch of twigs' (Sanskrit) which signifies Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali) कूदी f. a bunch of twigs , bunch (v.l.कूट्/ई) AV. v , 19 , 12Kaus3.accord. to Kaus3.,Sch. = बदरी, "Christ's thorn".(Monier-Williams)The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus’ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield’s ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk,98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).[Note the twig adoring the head-dress of a horned, standing person].
Early users of monsoon winds for navigation -- Sila Tripathi (2017)
Abstract. The maritime history of India can be traced back to the Harappan Civilization. Studies suggest that even at that time, monsoon winds and currents assisted in navigation. Recent archaeological exploration and excavations along the Indian margin, Persian Gulf, Red Sea, and coasts of Southeast Asia provide convincing evidence about a maritime network and connections between mariners of India and other parts of the world in ancient times. The author of Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (PES) (60–100 CE) has credited Hippalus (~45 CE), the Greek mariner, with the discovery of monsoon winds and the mid-ocean route to the Indian ports from the Mediterranean. However, archaeological findings of Harappan Civilization, as well as the Vedic and Sangam period texts, suggest that the mariners of India who were trading in the Indian Ocean and adjoining seas had knowledge about monsoon winds much before Hippalus. In this paper, an attempt has been made to demonstrate the fact that knowledge of the monsoon winds was familiar to Indian mariners during the Harappan Civilization as well as in the later period.
bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) PLUS daTo 'claws of crab' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS xoli 'fish-tail' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron' PLUS .khareḍo 'a currycomb' Rebus: खरड kharaḍ 'scribe'करडा [ karaḍā ]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.; kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati)
A potsherd is a broken piece of ceramic material, especially one found in an Archaeological excavation) of a boat belonging to the Mohenjo-Daro period.) Shows a masted boat of c. 2000 BCE.A planked boat with a steering oar on the quarter and a mast near amidships the evidence of a sailed boat in ancient India. “Masted vessels are depicted in outline on second/first century BCE coins from Chandraketugarh in Ganges delta and similar vessels are shown on a Sri Lanka monument and on first century BCE terracotta seals. Boats, with planking fitted together with joggles and projections, and fastened by flat, double-dovetail shaped clamps, are depicted on a second century BCE medallion from a monastery at Bharhut, and on the east gate of a first century BCE stupa I at Sanchi in central India. Two-masted ships, with a sheerling rising towards bow and stern, are seen on coins found along the Andhra, Bay of Bengal coast that had been issued by the second century CE Satavahanas. These vessels have a steering oar on each quarter and their shroud-less masts are supported by forestay and backstay. There is also a ship symbol depited on coins found on the Coromandel coast that were issued by the Pallavas in the fourth century CE.” (Sean McGrail, opcit., p.52)
A Bharhut sculptural frieze flanks an elephant rider signifying his palm and flanked by two ox-hide ingot hieroglyphs on both sides of the doorway. There are three other friezes which signify ox-hide ingots as hiereoglyphs flanking doorways.
Indus Script: Supercargo of copper smithywork ingots
The pair of ox-hide ingots which flank doorways on Bharhut scultpural friezes also occur on an Indus Script inscription on Mohenjo-daro prism tablet m1429. The two ox-hide ingots are shown as cargo on a boat flanked by two palm trees and twwo auatic birds.
Hieroglyph: కారండవము [kāraṇḍavamu] n. A sort of duck. కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. कारंडव [kāraṇḍava ] m S A drake or sort of duck. कारंडवी f S The female. karandava [ kârandava ] m. kind of duck. कारण्ड a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 கரண்டம் karaṇṭam, n. Rebus: Rebus: karaḍā ‘hard alloy’ (Marathi)
The other two sides of the tablet also contain Indus Script inscriptions. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas metal' PLUS karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' Together, Side 2: kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’. Thus, together read rebus: ayakara ‘metalsmith’.
On side 3 of the tablt, there are 8 hieroglyphic 'signs' signifying the nature of the metalwork involved for the cargo. This is a two part inscription.
Part 1 of the inscription from l.
कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 rebus: karNI 'helmsman, supercargo'. The hieroglyph of a standing person with legs spread out is thus a semantic determinant of the adjoining hieroglyph: rim of jar: karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account'. The next two hieroglyphs from the left are a pair of ingots: dhALako 'ingots' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus, cast ingots.
Part 2 of the inscription from l.
karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account'
ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'
kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS circumscript of oval: dhALko 'ingot'. Thus ingot for smithy/forge work.
m1429 Prism tablet with Indus inscriptions on 3 sides.
Slide 24. Moulded tablet, Mohenjo-daro.Three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds at the top of two poles. Two birds sit on the deck and a large double rudder extends from the rear of the boat. On the second side is a snout nosed gharial with a fish in its mouth. The third side has eight symbols of the Indus script.
Material: terra cotta.Dimensions: 4.6 cm length, 1.2 x 1.5 cm width Mohenjo-daro, MD 602.Islamabad Museum, NMP 1384.Dales 1965a: 147, 1968: 39
The shape of he boat on the moulded tablet is comparable to the Bronze Age Uluburn ship which had a shipwreck.I suggest that this boat carried a supercargo (rebus: karNi Most frequently-occurring hieroglyph on Indus writing corpora: 'rim-of-jar') of copper and tin ingots, based on a rebus reading of the hieroglyphs on three sides of the prism tablet, including a text in Indus writing, apart from the ligatured hieroglyph of a crocodile catching a fish in its jaws [which is read ayakara 'blacksmith'; cf.khar'blacksmith' (Kashmiri);karavu'crocodile' (Telugu);ayo'fish' rebus:aya'metal (tin+ copper alloy)'.
bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagalā (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Kannada) Rebus: bangala = kumpaṭi = angāra śakaṭī = a chafing dish a portable stove a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Telugu) cf. bangaru bangaramu = gold (Telugu)
Side B:
karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा[karaḍā]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)
A pair of birds కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] n. A sort of duck. కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. कारंडव [kāraṇḍava ] m S A drake or sort of duck. कारंडवी f S The female. karandava [ kârandava ] m. kind of duck. कारण्ड a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 கரண்டம் karaṇṭam, n. Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy (metal)'. tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali)
Rebus readings of the other 2 sides of the Mohenjo-daro tablet:
Side A: kārua wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu)ghariyalid. (Hindi)
kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) கராம் karām, n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலைவகை. முதலையு மிடங்கருங் கராமும் (குறிஞ்சிப். 257). 2. Male alligator; ஆண் முதலை. (திவா.) కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator. (Telugu) Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu)khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
khār 1खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.)Side C: Text 3246 on the third side of the prism. kāḍकाड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा[ khaḍā ]mA small stone, a pebble (Marathi) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’shapes objects on a lathe’ (Gujarati)kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘account scribe’. kārṇīm. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi)
Alloy ingots
A pair of ingots with notches in-fixed as ligatures.
ढाल [ ḍhāla ] f (S through H) The grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments: also the standard or banner of a chieftain: also a flag flying on forts &c. ढालकाठी [ ḍhālakāṭhī ] f ढालखांब m A flagstaff. (Paras'u?) Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati). I suggest that the gloss ḍhālako denotes the oxhide ingot.
ḍhālako ‘large ingot’.खोट[khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi) khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) Thus the pair of ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.
Rebus: kol iron, working in iron, blacksmith (Tamil) kollan blacksmith, artificer (Malayalam)kolhalito forge.(DEDR 2133).2. kaṇḍe A head or ear of millet or maize (Telugu) Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘stone (ore)(Gadba)’ Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).
kolmo ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Thus, the pair of glyphs may denote lapidary work – working with stone, mineral, gemstones.
ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayas ‘metal’.
kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali) karṇika id. (Samskritam) Rebus: kārṇī m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi)
कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 rebus: karNI 'helmsman' करण m. writer , scribe W. m. a man of a mixed class (the son of an outcast क्षत्रिय Mn. x , 22 ; or the son of a शूद्र woman by a वैश्य Ya1jn5. i , 92; or the son of a वैश्य woman by a क्षत्रिय MBh. i , 2446 ; 4521 ; the occupation of this class is writing , accounts &c ) (Samskrtam) कारणी or
कारणीक [ kāraṇī or kāraṇīka ] a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. (Marathi) [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1] Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman (CDIAL 2836)
कर्णिक A knot, round protuberance
कारण a number of scribes or कायस्थs W. करण m. a man of a mixed class (the son of an outcast क्षत्रियMn. x , 22 ; or the son of a शूद्र woman by a वैश्यYa1jn5. i , 92 ; or the son of a वैश्य woman by a क्षत्रियMBh. i , 2446 ; 4521 ; the occupation of this class is writing , accounts &c )m. writer , scribe W.
karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAl 2836)
कर्णिक a. Having a helm. -कः A steersman.
कर्णिन् karṇinकर्णिन् a. 1 Having ears; Av.1.1.2.-2 Long- eared.-3 Barbed (as an arrow). -m. 1 An ass.-2 A helmsman.-3 An arrow furnished with knots &c. (Apte)
kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ]Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.(CDIAL 3058)
கருணீகம் karuṇīkam, n. <karaṇa. [T. karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam;கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை.
கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ , n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகையொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி.
गांवकुळकरणी(p. 234) [ gāṃvakuḷakaraṇī ] m The hereditary village-accountant: in contrad. from देशकुळकरणी Districtaccountant.
देशकुळकरण [ dēśakuḷakaraṇa ] n The office of देशकुळकरणी.देशकुळकरणी [ dēśakuḷakaraṇī ]
m An hereditary officer of a Mahál. He frames the general account from the
accounts of the several Khots and Kulkarn̤ís of the villages within the Mahál;
Saka Sakas: In Afghanistan at Encyclopædia Iranica"The ethnonym Saka appears in ancient Iranian and Indian sources as the name of the large family of Iranian nomads called Scythians by the Classical Western sources and Sai by the Chinese (Gk. Sacae; OPers. Sakā)." Scythia and Parthia in about 170 BC (before the Yuezhi invaded Bactria). Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saka Kirāta are mleccha
Among the people termed Mlechcha in ancient Indian texts are Sakas, Hunas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Pahlavas,Bahlikas and Rishikas (Kambojas). The Amarakosha described Kiratas, Khasas and Pulindas as the Mleccha-jatis. Indo-Greeks, Scythians, and Kushanaswere also mlecchas. "The Kirāta (Kirat) (Sanskrit: किरात) is a generic term in Sanskrit literature for people who had territory in the mountains, particularly in the Himalayas and North-East India and who are believed to have been Sino-Tibetan in origin. The Kiratas are Limbu, Rai, Yakkha, Sunuwar and Lepcha tribes of Eastern NepalThe Kiratas in Distant Past A Sanskrit-English Dictionary refer the meaning of 'Kirat' as a 'degraded, mountainous tribe, a savage and barbarian' while other scholars attribute more respectable meanings to this term and say that it denotes people with the lion's character, or mountain dwellers." (Radhakumud Mukharji (2009), Hindu Shabhyata, Rajkamal Prakashan Pvt Ltd). Mleccha are mentioned in the Yajurveda (Shukla XXX.16; Krisha III.4,12,1), Atharvaveda (X.4,14). and Manu's Dharmashastra (X.44). "(Kirata) are characterized as barbaric in their ways and Mongoloid in appearance (Shafer 124). From the widespread area in which the literary sources place the Kiratas Heine-Geldern (167) concludes that the name was a general designation for all the Mongoloid peoples of the north and east. Shafer (124), on the basis of the nomenclature of their kings, concludes that they spoke a Tibeto-Burmic language and were the predecessors of the Kirantis, now living in the easternmost province of Nepal.(Casson, Lionel (1989). The Periplus Maris Erythraei. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 234). Ancient texts give n indication of the geographical position of mleccha speakers. "In the Mahabharata, Bhima meets the Kiratas to the east of Videha, where his son Ghatotkacha is born; and in general the dwellers of the Himalayas, especially the eastern Himalayas, were called Kiratas.In general they are mentioned as "gold-like", or yellow, unlike the Nishadas or the Dasas, who were dark Austric people." {Chatterji, S. K. (1974). Kirata-Jana-Krti. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, p.31).https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirata Sylvain Lévi (1985) concluded that Kirata was a general term used by the Hindus of the plains to designate the Tibeto-Burman speaking groups of the Himalayas and Northeast.(Concept of tribal society 2002 Page 32 Deepak Kumar Behera, Georg Pfeffer "Does this mean that the Kirata were a well-defined group, a kind of ancient Himalayan tribe, which has been there for times immemorial (as popular usage often implies)? A critical look at the evidence leads to different considerations. Already the Indologist Sylvain Lévi concluded that Kirata was a general term used by the Hindus of the plains to designate the Tibeto-Burman speaking groups of the Himalayas and Northeast Thus it is unlikely that the Kirata who ruled the Kathmandu Valley were a particular ethnic group. Rather the evidence suggests that they were forefathers of the present day Newar (the Tibeto-Burman speaking indigenous people of the valley). Meluḫḫa or Melukkha is the Sumerian name of a prominent trading partner of Sumer during the Middle Bronze Age (3rd millennium BCE). Most historians associate Melukkha with Sarasvati (Indus) Civilization.."Sumeriantexts repeatedly refer to three important centers with which they traded:Magan,Dilmun, and Meluhha.Maganis usually identified withEgyptin laterAssyriantexts; but the Sumerian localization of Magan was probablyOman.Dilmunwas aPersian Gulfcivilizationwhich traded with Mesopotamian civilizations, the current scholarly consensus is that Dilmun encompassedBahrain,Failaka Islandand the adjacent coast ofEastern Arabiain thePersian Gulf.The location of Meluhha, however, is hotly debated. There are scholars today who confidently identify Meluhha with theIndus Valley Civilization(modernSouth Asia) on the basis of the extensive evidence of trading contacts between Sumer and this region." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meluhha The glyptic tradition of writing endures in Bharatiya tradition. The svastika_, the tree, the range of mountains, the dotted circle, the leaf, the tiger looking back, the antelope looking back, hooded serpent, are all heiroglyphic metaphors representing meaning, the material phenomena which provide for life-sustaining activities organized in a community which lives together, in an inter-dependent economy. The glyphs on the epigraphs are semantic indicators of a bharatiya language substratum called mleccha or bha_s.a_, the parole (va_k) a dialectical continuum traceable in all languages of Bharat: vedic mantra or Sanskrit lexemes (s’abda or dha_tu) or va_kyapadi_ya (lit. steps of va_k) elaborated by Bhartr.hari. The dialectical continuum evidenced by languages of Bharat (of all linguistic families) is matched by the cultural continuum in all parts of Bharat with the over-5000-year-old roots found on the banks of River Sarasvati. The texts of contiguous civilizations provide evidences of speakers of Bharatiya languages moving into new lands west of River Sindhu. The evidences relate to Bogazkoi inscriptions, Mitanni treaties and the glyphs of Mesopotamia and Elam, apart from Avestan texts which can be demonstrated as a direct evolution from Vedic. When availability of soma, electrum, diminishes, substitutes – plants -- are used both in the Avestan and the Bra_hman.a periods, succeeding the Vedic periods. Juxtaposed to this evidence cluster, there is no evidence whatsoever, either textual or archaeological, supporting movements of people into Bharat during the lithic or chalcolithic or bronze or iron ages. Mlecchita vikalpa is one of the 64 arts listed by Vatsyayana in the vidya_samuddes’a shloka (Purpose of learning). This term is interpreted as cryptography. Sarasvati civilization has yielded about 4000 epigraphs inscribed or painted on a variety of material including copper plates and bronze weapons/tools. Over 45 sites where objects with epigraphs have been discovered – dated circa 3300 BCE to 1500 BCE. The sites extend from Tepe Gawra on Tigris river on the west to Alamgirpur on Yamuna river on the east; from Altin Tepe in the north -- east of Caspian Sea (south of Turkmenistan) to Maski on Krishna river on the south. Mlecchita Vikalpa (Cryptography: Vatsyayana, Mahabharata); Meluhha – Baloch Every Baloch knows that his ancestors were of Hindu, Bauddha, Jaina or Zoroastrian traditions and even earlier maritime traditions which extended from Tigris-Euphrates to the Mekong delta in South-east Asia during the days of Mesopotamian Civilization and what cuneiform texts refer to as the region of Meluhha. The language of Baloch is cognate with Mleccha (Meluhha) which was the ancient spoken dialect of the region. The maritime contacts extended from Gandhara (Kandahar) to Bangkok, during the days of Mahabharata. Meluhha lay to the east of Magan and linked wit carnelian and ivory. Carnelian! Gujarat was a carnelian source in the ancient world. The Strait of Malacca (Malay: Selat Melaka, Indonesian: Selat Malaka; Jawi: سلت ملاک) or Straits of Malacca is a narrow, 550 mi (890 km) stretch of water between the Malay Peninsula (Peninsular Malaysia) and the Indonesian island of Sumatra...The strait is the main shipping channel between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean, linking major Asian economies such as India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, China, Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. Over 94,000 vessels pass through the strait each year (2008) making it the busiest strait in the world, carrying about 25% of the world's traded goods, including oil, Chinese manufactured products, coal, palm oil and Indonesian coffee.About a quarter of all oil carried by sea passes through the Strait, mainly from Persian Gulf suppliers to Asian markets...In the 7th century the maritime empire of Srivijaya based on Palembang, Sumatra, rose to power, and its influence expanded to the Malay peninsula and Java. The empire gained effective control on two major choke points in maritime Southeast Asia; the Strait of Malacca and the Sunda Strait. By launching a series of conquests and raids on potentially rival ports on both side of the strait, Srivijaya ensured its economic and military domination in the region lasted for about 700 years. Srivijaya gained a great benefit from the lucrative spice trade, the tributary trade system with China, and trade with Indian and Arab merchants."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strait_of_Malacca The strait is narrow, only 2.8 km (1.5 nautical miles) wide, with a depth of 25 metres or 82 feet. Map of the Kingdom of Siam and Strait of Malacca. Map based on the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a source of information about the Indian Ocean region during the early centuries CE. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Kedah#/media/File:Periplous_of_the_Erythraean_Sea.svg
Silk Road routes connecting Ancent Near East and Ancient Far East through India, in the context of Ancient Maritime Gold-silver-tin route along Himalayan waterways and Indian Ocean Rim Location of Chi Tu as indicated in the map of Transpeninsula route-ways."Chinese Sui Dynasty annals of the 7th century describe an advanced kingdom called Chi Tu or Raktamrittika (as in Kelantanese history) as being in Kelantan, which the name was later changed to "Sri Wijaya Mala". The founding of Sri Wijaya Mala was 667 BCE with its capital called "Valai", and it was situated along the upper Kelantan river of Pergau, known for its rich gold mines. It was until 570 BCE that the kingdom changed its name to Sri Wijaya." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chi_Tu An settlement and port as early as 1st century is the archaeological site of Sungai Batu Kedah. "Three kinds of craft are described by the author of the Periplus: light coasting boats for local traffic, larger vessels of a more complicated structure and greater carrying capacity, and lastly the big ocean-going vessels that made the voyages to Malaya, Sumatra, and the Ganges." (Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta (2000) [1935]. Cholas (fifth printing ed.). Chennai: University of Madras. pp. 86 & 318.) What was the language the sea-faring traders with Mesopotamia spoke? Mleccha, meluhhan. [quote] "Baloch" is the corrupted form of Melukhkha, Meluccha or Mleccha, which was the designation of the modern eastern Makkoran during the third and the second millennia B.C., according to the Mesopotamian texts.6 Dr. Munir Ahmad Gechki, a history professor in Balochistan University, however, relates it to "Gedrosia" or "Bedrozia" the name of the Baloch country in the time of Alexander the Great (356-323 BC)".7 Muhammad Sardar Khan theorised that the term Baloch is a derivative of Belus, the title of Babylonian or Chaldian Kings. Nimrud, the son of Kush or Cush or Kooth, was called Nimrud the Belus.8 The followers of Nimrud were known as Belusis. Among the Arabs Belusis were pronounced Balos.9 Thus the word Baloch has come from Belusis or Balos, Sardar Khan and Marri argue. According to G. P. Tate10, however, the name has historically meant "nomads". It would therefore be a synonym for "bedouin". The burden of this note is to establish that the underlying language of the epigraphs was mleccha and the writing system used the rebus (lexemes evoked by glyphs which denote similar sounding words). The smiths/miners/artisans of the civilization who were sea-faring merchants and who created the riverine, maritime Sarasvati civilization wrote these epigraphs to record their property possessions and the repertoire related to smithy, minerals, metals, alloys, metal artifacts, varieties of furnaces, smelters and the nature of their professions/skills as karmaara. The glyphs of the civilization are abiding records of such metaphors, glyphs such as the svastika_, the dotted-circle, the endless knot, the branches of a tree or twigs from a branch, the horns. The glyphs are an artisan’s way of representing meaning, representing life-activities unraveling the nature of material phenomena – of the minerals which could be moulded into metals and artifacts of a civilization. Cracking the code This metaphor as the communication medium is succinctly expressed by a great grammarian, Tolka_ppiyan in Tamil: ella_ccollum porul. kur-ittan-ave (all words are semantic indicators). (Tol. Col. Peya. 1) For each morpheme conveyed by a pictorial motif, a similar sounding ‘substantive’ morpheme (homonym) will be identified. The formula in this rebus methodology is: Image = Sound = Meaning Rebus (Latin: ‘by means of things’) is a graphemic expression of the phonetic shape of a word or syllable. Rebus uses words pronounced alike (homophones) but with different meanings. Sumerian script was phonetized using the rebus principle. So were the Egyptian heiroglyphs based on the rebus principle. The rebus system of writing, thus, is governed by the organizing principle: all glyphs are phonetic indicators or phonetic determinants. Thus over 1,0000 glyphs represented on epigraphs of the civilization are semantic indicators. These are heiroglyphs governed by a concordance: image = sound = meaning. A glyph evokes an associated sound; the sound evokes a meaning. This can be illustrated by the splendid glyph of the Bra_hman.i or Zebu bull. There is no basis to assume that the Bhils of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh originally spoke a non-IE language, probably Nahali, yet: "No group of Bhils speak any but an Aryan tongue. (...) it is unlikely that traces of a common non-Aryan substratum will ever be uncovered in present-day Bhili dialects." (von Fürer-Haimendorf 1956:x, quoted in Kuiper 1962:50). The history and formation of jaati bhaasha or Bharatiya Language Community is a history of a Linguistic Area (from circa 6500 BCE to the present day) recording interactions among Tamil, Prakrits, Samskr.tam, and Austric languages/dialects. A Linguistic Area is defined as a region where language-speakers absorb features of languages from one another and make them their own. Thus a family of languages enlarges into a Language Community. The area extended from Takshas’ila/Gandhara in the West along the Indian Ocean Rim and Himalayan ranges into Srilanka, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand. The importance of Gujarat (and hence, the Indian Ocean Rim as also Hemachandra’s Des’inaamamaala) in unravelling the linguistic area of Bha_rata is stated in the following terms by Colin P. Masica: "...the entire Indo-Aryan realm (except for Sinhalese) constitutes one enormous dialectical continuum...The speech of each village differs slightly from the next, without loss of mutual intelligibility, all the way from Assam to Afghanistan....Mitanni kingdom... Indo-Iranians appear in northern Syria a full half millennium before their appearance in western Iran. How did they get there?...To call these Mitanni kings 'Indo-Iranians', however, is to beg an important question...Some have held that these linguistic fragments are specifically Indo-Aryan. Others including Burrow (1955) held they represent undifferentiated Indo-Iranian, before the split between Iranian and Indo Aryan...An Indo-Aryan identification would demand an earlier dating of the Iranian/Indo-Aryan split; with it have also been associated speculations regarding the route taken by the Aryans to India (e.g., the Asia Minor route...), or, possibly a back migration of Aryans from India. (If the latter, the date of the Aryan settlement of India would have to be moved back far enough to allow not only for them to reach Syria by 1500 BC, but also for their language to have died out by then, leaving only the terminological residue noted...)...the philological evidence alone does not allow an Indian origin of the Aryans...there is the matter of the nature of the common vocabulary shared by Sanskrit with the rest of Indo-European, which points to a more northerly ultimate home...The native Dravidian vocabulary has not been reconstructed. Burrow and Emeneau's Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (1960) only assembles materials for it... The civilization seems to have continued peacefully in Gujarat until a comparatively late period, i.e. 800 BC (Fairservis 1975: 307), after which it dissolved into the subsequent culture, which makes that area one of prime importance in detecting any Harappan influence on Aryan language and culture." (Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991). Braziers The search for minerals and metals and for inventions of new alloys took Bharatiya from the banks of River Sarasvati, far and wide, establishing contacts with contemporary civilizations of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Europe and perhaps also Thailand (where evidence for early bronze age has been discovered). It is no mere coincidence that (1) the lexeme bharatiya means 'caster of metals' in Gujarati and (2) the name of a script which diffused out of Bharat was called Brahmi, another name for Sarasvati, divinity va_k, lingua franca. Bha_rati_ is a name of Sarasvati_, the godess of Speech, word, eloquence, literary composition, dramatic art; bha_rati_ means relating to Bha_rata, that is, India. In R.gveda (1.188.8), Bha_rati_, the godess of Speech is invoked with Il.a_ and Sarasvati_: bha_rati_l.e sarasvati. Bha_rati_ is also the name of a bird, a quail (Telugu). Thus, when a bull is depicted with a bird, the reference could be to bha_rati_ the bird with a rebus representation for the following substantive etyma: bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharatal. = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhart-i_ya_ = a brazier, worker in metal; bhat., bhra_s.t.ra = oven, furnace. The context for decoding inscribed objects is thus apparent. Tools of trade of metal-workers! The language is des’i or bha_s.a_ or Meluhhan! Yes, the Meluhhan which was understood by both Vidura and Yudhis.t.ira in the Maha_bha_rata. The people from Milakku are copper-workers, since milakku means ‘copper’ in Pali language. Meluhhans are referred to in the texts of Mesopotamian civilization. Sumerian had words of a substrate language, for example, tibira, ‘merchant’ may relate to ta_m(b)ra, ‘copper’; san:gi, ‘priest’ could relate to sa_n:ghvi_, ‘pilgrim’s companion’ (Gujara_ti_). The key to decoding is, thus, provided by the ancient lexemes of the present-day languages of the region, with intense interactions, for example, Gujara_ti_, Punja_bi_, Kon:kan.i, Kannad.a, Telugu, Tamil, Brahui, Mundari, Santali. Substrate and ad-strate words of these languages of Bha_rata hold the key to unraveling the linguistic area of the civilization, ca. 3300 to 1500 BCE. There are some indications of close contacts between Sumerian and Dravidian as seen from a few agricultural vocabulary: ur 'millstone' (Sumerian); ur-al 'mortar' (Ta.); ulu_khala (Skt.) ili 'sesame' (Sumerian), ellu/u_lu 'sesame oil' (Akkadian); el., el.l.u 'Sesamum indicum' (Ta.); tila, jar-tila 'sesame' (Vedic)(Blazek, V. and C. Boisson, The Diffusion of Agricultural Terms from Mesopotamia. Archiv Orientalni 60, 1992, 16-37) It is possible that IE *kwe-kw-lo- ‘wheel’ may be related to Sumerian gilgul 'wheel'; (GIS-); gigir 'wagon'. a_n.i which occurs in the R.gveda as ‘lynch pin’ is considered foreign to both Dravidian and Vedic. IE rota ‘rotate’ may also relate to urut.t.u ‘roll’; urul. ‘roll’ (Ta.) The semantic expansion of the Bharatiya Language Community was concordant with the expansion of the Metals Age (Bronze and Iron) emerging out of the Lithic (Stone) Age along the basins of great Himalayan rivers: Sarasvati, Sindhu, Ganga, Brahmaputra and Mekong (Maa Ganga). The need for writing system is correlated to the evolution of the Metals Age involving trade exchanges of metal artifacts and lapidary/mineral products. Neolithic and Harappan period settlements in the cradle of the Sarasvati Civilization. The delta area is now called Rann of Kutch. [After KS Valdiya, 2002, Fig. 1.3] The premise for using the spectrum of attested, ancient lexemes of the Bharatiya Language Community is that there is a remarkable cultural continuum evidenced by many facets such as: the cire perdue technique for making bronze statues, women wearing sindhur at the parting of the hair, s’ankha industry (since 6500 BCE), veneration of s’ivalinga as a metaphor of the summit of Mt. Kailas (Manasarovar), acharya wearing uttariyam leaving the right-shoulder bare, yoga and forms of salutation using namaste and arya/ayya as a respectful form of address. Our hypothesis is that the traders with their seals, and people who travelled in Swat and Seistan, in search of minerals, were the bronze-age smiths and lapidaries of Meluhha. Meluhhan There is evidence of a substrate language of anient Sumer; this language could be located in Bha_rata in the contemporaneous Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization ca. 3500 -2500 BCE. Like the influence of Celtic on ancient Gaul, Sumerian shows signs of a substrate language in the use of professional names such as sanga 'priest', simug 'blacksmith' and tibira 'copper smith', 'metal-manufacturer'; craftsman like nangar 'carpenter', a:gab 'leather worker'; agricultural terms, like engar 'farmer', apin 'plow' and absin 'furrow'. tambira = copper (Pkt.) tibira = merchant (Akkadian) Sumerian or (written LU2 URUDU-NAGAR, i.e. "[person] copper.carpenter") means "metal worker, coppersmith".[ii]
tibhi = to prop by means of a post with a V-shaped head, a prop with a V-shaped head (Santali). tabar = a broad axe (P.lex.) taber = face downwards, upper side down; taber akanae he is lying on his face, or stomach (Santali) [Note the glyph of a woman lying upside down.]
Rebus: t.ibri, t.ebra = small, short of stature with large stomach (Santali) Rebus: tebr.a, tebor. ‘three times, thrice’; tebr.age emok hoyoktama you will have to give thee times that (Santali) The glyptic representation is three long linear strokes:
Recording property items
Any number of reasonable speculations may be made given the object types such as tablets which may have had many duplicates and objects such as seals and bangles which could have been carried on the person possessing the object perhaps worn on the wrist. If the script was intended to serve a personal marker in a disciplined cultural group there is a possibility that the script was used not to record personal names but to record personal items of property or OTHER items of value entrusted to the person by the collective cultural group. The script could thus be hypothesized to have served the purpose of recording the name of a commodity or product and the quantities or VALUE of such products.
"The amount of copper involved in this trade was quite considerable. One text from Ur (UET 5 796), dated to the reign of Rim-Sin of Larsa (1822-1763 BCE), records the receipt in Dilmun of 611 talents, 6 2/3 minas of copper (presumably from Magan). This shipment, according to the text, was weighed according to the standard of Ur, giving a modern equivalent of 18,333 kilograms (40,330 pounds) of copper. One-third of this copper was earmarked for delivery to Ea-na_s.ir of Ur, a merchant who had close connections with Magan and the Dilmun copper trade...This contact beween Metopotamia and the Indus Valley, the land of Melukkha, was clearly by sea and must have brought products across the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. These products included the copper of Magan. Did they also include the tin of Afghanistan and Central Asia, perhaps the tin designated by Gudea, king of Lagash (now known to be a contemporary of Ur-Nammu, king of Ur, circa 2100 BCE), as the tin of Melukkha?" (James D. Muhly, 1995, Mining and Metalwork in Ancient Western Asia, in: Jack M. Sasson, ed. 1995, Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. III, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, pp. 1501-1521).
Two tin ingots with Sarasvati epigraphs
Two other rosetta stones are the two late bronze age tin ingots from the harbor of Haifa, Israel contain glyphs used in epigraphs of Sarasvati civilization!
The picture of these two ingots was published by J.D. Muhly [New evidence for sources of and trade in bronze age tin, in: Alan D. Franklin, Jacqueline S. Olin, and Theodore A. Wertime, The Search for Ancient Tin, 1977, Seminar organized by Theodore A. Wertime and held at the Smithsonian Institution and the National Bureau of Standards, Washington, D.C., March 14-15, 1977]. Muhly notes:"A long-distance tin trade is not only feasible and possible, it was an absolute necessity. Sources of tin stone or cassiterite were few and far between, and a common source must have served many widely scattered matallurgical centers. This means that the tin would have been brought to a metallurgical center utilizing a nearby source of copper. That is, copper is likely to be a local product; the tin was almost always an import...The circumstances surrounding the discovery of these ingots are still rather confused, and our dating is based entirely upon the presence of engraves signs which seem to be in the Cypro-Minoan script, used on Cyprus and at Ugarit over the period 1500-1100 BCE. The ingots are made of a very pure tin, but what could they have to do with Cyprus? There is certainly no tin on Cyprus, so at best the ingots could have been transhipped from that island. How did they then find their way to Haifa? Are we dealing with a ship en route from Cyprus, perhaps to Egypt, which ran into trouble and sank off the coast of Haifa? If so, that certainly rules out Egypt as a source of tin. Ingots of tin are rare before Roman times and, in the eastern Mediterranean, unknown from any period. What the ingots do demonstrate is that metallic tin was in use during the Late Bronze Age...rather extensive use of metallic tin in the ancient eastern Mediterranean, which will probably come as a surprise to many people." (p.47)
We will demonstrate that the symbols incised on the ingots are not Cypro-Minoan symbols but Harappan pictographs. m-1336a 2515 (Mahadevan) m-1097 (On this seal, the antelope appears in the middle of the inscription; it is apparently this pictograph that gets normalised as a 'sign', Sign 184 and variants].
The sign pictographs are: Sign 137 and variants Sign 142 and variants kulhi ‘the village street’ (Santali) Rebus: kol metal (Ta.)
Sign 249 Sign 252 and variants This pictograph clearly refers to an antelope as depicted on the Mohenjodaro copper plate inscription: (m-516b shown).
Sign 182 is a stylized glyph denoting a ram or antelope: tagar (Skt.); rebus: takaram ‘tin’ (Ta.)
On each ingot, there are two signs as shown below:
[Let us refer to these signs as, 'antelope' and X]
[Let us refer to these signs as, X and 'mould' or ‘liquid measure’]. Liquid measure: ran:ku; rebus: ran:ku = tin; rebus: ran:ku = antelope. Thus both liquid measure glyph and antelope glyphs are graphonyms (graphically denoting the same rebus substantive: ran:ku, ‘tin’. X glyph which is common to epigraphs on both the tin ingots may refer to an ‘ingot’ or a dha_tu ‘mineral’. upadha_tu an inferior metal, a semi-metal: svarn.am ma_ks.ikam ta_rama_ks.ikam tustham ka_syam rati sindu_ram s'ila_jatu (Skt.)(Skt.lex.) siddha-rasa quick-silver (Ka.lex.) siddha-dha_tu quick-silver (Skt.); ore (as gold) (Ka.lex.) cittam < kit.t.a iron dross (Ta.lex.) siddha-patra hemp-leaves for smoking etc. (Ka.lex.) dha_tu strength, courage (Ka.); dha_tu-ged.u strength to be impaired or be gone; to become deprived of strength or courage (Ka.); dha_tunas.t.a loss of strength (Ka.)(Ka.lex.) The semant. ‘strength’ points to the dha_tu being tin since the addition of tin as an alloy strengthened copper. sapta-dha_tu, tridha_tu ‘seven/three elements’ are recurrently occurring compound lexemes in R.gveda.
In RV 6.044.23 the term used is: tridha_tu divi rocanes.u = ‘three-fold amr.tam hidden in heaven’ is the metaphor; and in RV 8.044.12 the term is: tridha_tuna_ s’arman.a_.
6.044.23 This Soma made the dawns happily wedded to the sun; this Soma placed the light within the solar orb; this (Soma) has found the threefold ambrosia hidden in heaven in the three bright regions. [ayam tridha_tu divi rocanes.u, trites.u, trites.u vindat amr.tam nigu_l.ham = Soma becomes as it were ambrosia when received or concealed in the vessels at the three diurnal ceremonies, which ambrosia is properly deposited with the gods abiding in the third bright sphere, or in heaven].
8.040.12 Thus has a new hymn been addressed to Indra and Agni, as was done by my father, by Mandha_ta_, by An:girasa; cherish us with a triply defended dwelling; may we be the lords of riches. [Triply defended dwelling: tridha_tuna_ s'arman.a_ = triparvan.a_ gr.hen.a, with a house of three joints; in RV. 1.34.6, tridha_tu s'arma = va_tapitta s'les.ma dha_tutrayas'amana vis.ayam sukham; in RVV 1.85.12 s'arma tridha_tu_ni = pr.thivya_dis.u tris.u stha_nes.u avasthita_ni sukha_ni gr.ha_ni va_; Note: it is possible that the term may simply mean, three elements, copper, silver, gold]. Rebus (for the glyptic of crossing over):
da~_t.u = cross over; da.t.- (da.t.-t-) to cross (Kol.); da_t.isu – to cause to pass over (Ka.); da.t.- (da.t.y-) to cross (mark, stream, mountain, road)(Ko.); ta_t.t.uka to get over or through (Ma.); ta_n.t.u = to cross, surpass (Ta.)(DEDR 3158).
Rebus: ta_t.u = to strike against, come in contact with (Ka.); ta_d.uni = to gore, butt; ta_d.u = goring (Tu.); ha-n.t.u to collide (Tu.); ta_n.t.i = to hit (Kor.)(DEDR 3156).
ta_tu = powder, dust, pollen (Ta.); to.0 = powdery, soft (of flour or powdered chillies)(To.). There is a possibility that the early semant. Of ‘dha_tu’ was cassiterite, powdery tin mineral.
The three signs used have parallels in the inscriptions of the civilization; in m-1336 the 'antelope' pictograph appears together with the 'mould' pictograph; X sign occurs on many inscriptions with many variants elaborating it as a junction of four roads:
The Sign 249 which is shown on the second tin ingot of Haifa, Israel is a representation of an ingot, assuming that this shows an ingot is shaped like the one taken out of a mould. The X sign (with a ligatured perpendicular short linear stroke) is common on both the tin ingots.
ran:ku a species of deer; ran:kuka (Skt.)(CDIAL 10559). ra_n:kava made from the hair of the ran:ku deer (Ka.lex.) ra~_kat. big and boorish (M.)(CDIAL 10538). cf. ran:ka slow, dull (Skt.)(CDIAL 10538). cf. ro_hi a kind of deer (R.)(CDIAL 10870). rauhis.a, ro_his.a a kind of deer (Ka.lex.) ran:ku ‘antelope’ (Santali) ran:ku = a species of deer (Skt.); ran:kuka id. (Skt.)(CDIAL 10559). ra_n:kava belonging to the ran:ku deer (MBh.); made from the hair of the ran:ku deer, woollen (R.); coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100); a woollen cover or blanket (MBh.R.); ra_n:kava ku_t.a s'a_yin lying on a heap of woollen rags (MBh.); ra_n:kavajina a woollen skin; ra_n:kavastaran.a a woollen coverlet (R.); ra_n:kavastr.ta covered with a woollen rug (Skt.); ra_n:kavaka coming from ran:kiu (said of men) (Pa_n. 4.2.134); ra_n:kava_yan.a coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100). ran:ku a species of deer or antelope (Skt.lex.) ran:ku = a species of deer or antelope, the spotted axis (mare)(Ka.lex.)
kurunga = a kind of antelope; kurunga miga = the antelope deer (Pali); kulunga, kulanga (Skt.)(Pali.lex.) kulan:ga (MaitrS.); kulun:ga (TS); kuran:ga, kurun:ga (Pkt.); kuram.ga (Pali); kuran:g (P.); karam.gi_ (OG.); kura~g (G.); kurunga (Si.); kurangu the elk Rusa aristotelis (Si.)(CDIAL 3320). cf. kuran:g light chestnut colour (Kho.)(CDIAL 3321). kuran:ga = a species of antelope, antelope or deer (in general); kulun:ga = an antelope (VS 24; TS 5); kuran:gaka, kulan:ga = antelope; kuran:gama = an antelope; kuran:ga_yate to take the shape of an antelope (Skt.lex.) kurahu antelope (Kuwi), kuran:ga (Ka.) kulanga, kulunga = going in a herd, antelope (VS.); kulmi = a herd (TS. ii.4.5.2)
Mleccha, copper
mlecchamukha = copper (Skt.); what has the copper coloured complexion of the Greek or Mahomedans]. meriya = a rock; merayu = to shine, glitter (Te.lex.) mer = a kind of large copper or brass pot (G.lex.) cf. milakkhu = copper (Pali); mleccha = copper (Skt.)
mer.ed, me~r.ed iron; enga mer.ed soft iron; sand.i mer.ed hard iron; ispa_t mer.ed steel; dul mer.ed cast iron; i mer.ed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bicamer.ed iron extracted from stone ore; balimer.ed iron extracted from sand ore; mer.ed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) Substantive: med.o merchant’ clerk (Hem.Dec.); mehto a schoolmaster, an accountant, a clerk, a writer (G.) Glyph: med.ho a ram, a sheep (G.); mid.hia_o (Dh.Des.); men.d.h, men.d. a ram (Skt.); medhya a goat; fr. medh a sacrifice (Skt.) mr..eka = goat (Te.); mlekh (Br.) mer.h, mer.ha_, me~d.ha_ ram (H.), med.hia_o (Dh.Des.) ram, goat, sheep (G) mid.iyo = having horns bent over forehead (G.)(CDIAL 10120). me~r.a_, me~d.a_ = ram with curling horns (H.)(CDIAL 10120). me_t.am = goat (Ta.lex.) [cf. the pictorial motif of antelope with head turned backwards]. merom me~t = the goat’s eye (Santali.lex.) mes.a = ram (RV 8.2.40) mer.om = a goat; mer.om jel = the hind of the ravine deer, gazella bennettii; mer.om (Santali)
mer.go = with horns twisted back; mer.ha, m., mir.hi f.= twisted, crumpled, as a horn (Santali.lex.)
mer.hao = to entwine itself, wind round, wrap around, roll up (Santali.lex.) [Note the endless knot motif]. h702At h702Bt 4601 m0271 Goat-antelope with horns turned backwards and a short tail
Three caprids. Tepe Yahya. Cylinder seal reconstructed from seven fragments. To the left of this pair is a third caprid rampant with head turned back whose horns are viewed frontally rather than in profile. Beneath the belly of each animal is a four-sided cross. There are 9 fragments of clay slab wall sealings. Wall plaster is preserved on the reverse of most fragments. Seal is carefully roled along horizontal axis of sealing. Lamberg-Karlovsky 1971: pls. 4, 5; cf. Fig. 10.27 in Pittman, 2001, opcit. Two caprids with heads turned back rampant against a stepped platform (mountain) surmounted by a tree.
‘Fish’ glyph on gold pendant Writing on metal objects has been demonstrated in a gold fillet discovered in Mohenjo-daro with an Indus Script Inscription. 3 Gold pendants: Jewelry Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3The inscription reads Meluhha rupaka, 'metaphor' rebus translation: kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'; sal
aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron'(Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
Thus, the inscription is: kancu sal (bronze workshop), dhatu aya kaṇḍ kolami mineral, metal, furnace/fire-altar smithy.
The inscription is a professional calling card -- describing professional competence and ownership of specified items of property -- of the wearer of the pendant.
This is an extraordinary evidence of the Indus writing system written down, with hieroglyphs inscribed using a coloured paint, on an object.
Three gold pendants are shown on the bottom right-corner of the image. An enlargement of one of the pendants reveals an Indus Script inscription from Mohenjodaro, written in ink (perhaps, iron oxide pigment). The comments made by John Marshall on three curious objects at bottom right-hand corner of Pl. CLI, B3: “Personal ornaments…Jewellery and Necklaces…Netting needles (?) Three very curious objects found with the studs and the necklace appear to be netting needles of gold. They are shown just above the ear-studs and also in the lower right-hand corner of Pl. CLI, B, 3-5 and 12-14. The largest of these needles (E 2044a) is 2.5 inches long. The handle is hollow and cylindrical and tapers slightly, being 0.2 inch in diameter at the needle-end. The needle point is 0.5 inch long and has a roughly shaped oval eye at its base. The medium sized needle (E 2044b) is 2.5 inches long and of the same pattern: but the cap that closed the end of the handle is now missing. The point which has an oval eye at its base is 0.3 inch long. The third needle (E 2044c) is only 1.7 inches long with the point 0.3 inch in length. Its handle, which is otherwise similar to those of the other two needles, is badly dented. The exact use of these three objects is open to question, for they could have been used for either sewing or netting. The handles seem to have been drawn, as there is no sign of a soldered line, but the caps at either end were soldered on with an alloy that is very little lighter in colour than the gold itself. The two smaller needles have evidently been held between the teeth on more than one occasion.” (p.521)." I surmise that all the three gold objects could be pendants tagged to other jewellery such as necklaces. The pendants were perhaps worn with a thread of fibre passing through the eye of the needle-like ending of the pendants. Why needle-like endings? Maybe, the pendants were used as 'writing' devices 1) either to engrave hieroglyphs into objects; 2)or to use the needle-ending like a metal nib to dip into a colored ink or liquid or zinc-oxide paste or cinnabar-paste. This possibility is suggested by the use of cinnabar in ancient China to paint into lacquer plates or bowls. Cinnabar or powdered mercury sulphide was the primary colorant lof lacquer vessels. "Known in China during the late Neolithic period (ca. 5000–ca. 2000 B.C.), lacquer was an important artistic medium from the sixth century B.C. to the second century A.D. and was often colored with minerals such as carbon (black), orpiment (yellow), and cinnabar (red) and used to paint the surfaces of sculptures and vessels...a red lacquer background is carved with thin lines that are filled with gold, gold powder, or lacquer that has been tinted black, green, or yellow." http://www.metmuseum.org/exhibitions/listings/2009/cinnabar
A fish sign, preceded by seven short numeral strokes, also appears on a gold pendant: Golden pendant with inscription from jewelry hoard at Mohenjo-daro. Drawing of inscription that encircles the gold ornament. Needle-like pendant with cylindrical body. Two other examples, one with a different series of incised signs were found together. The pendant is made from a hollow cylinder with soldered ends and perforated point. Museum No. MM 1374.50.271; Marshall 1931: 521, pl. CLI, B3. [After Fig. 4.17a, b in: JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 196].
kanac konoc, kana kona, kana kuni ‘the corners, in the corners’ (Santali)
bat.hi = a furnace for melting iron-ore (Santali.lex.)
bhati = the unripe kernel of certain fruits (especially of the Palmyra palm, the Ebony tree, and makar.kenda). The kernel is taken out and eaten, the palm kernel as it is, the Ebony kernel after cleaning with water rubbing it on a stone. (Desi. Bhati).
Bharatiya tradition continues in copper plate inscriptions
Some glyphs on line 1: kut.hi = tree; rebus: kut.hi = smelting furnace; kos.t.ha_ga_ra = storehouse; s'u_la = spear; cu_l.a = kiln; kan.d.kanka = rim of jar; rebus: copper furnace; bat.a = quail; rebus: kiln.
The Sohgaura copper plate refers to a pair of kos.t.ha_ga_ra (dva_ra kot.t.haka); the two storehouses described as tri-garbha (i.e. having three rooms) are illustrated on line 1. (Fleet, JRAS, 1907). The illustrations indicate that the three rooms are in three storeys, with supporting pillars clearly seen. The inscription refers to the junction of three highways named Manavati, in two villages called Dasilimita and Usagama. The storehouses were made at this junction for the goods of people using the highways, which are indicated in line 3 by mentioning the three places to and from which they led. One of the names give is reognized by Fleet as Chanchu. (Fleet, JRAS, 63, 1894 proceedings, 86, plate, IA 25. 262; cf. Sohgaura copper plate/B.M. Barua. The Indian Historical Quarterly, ed. Narendra Nath Law. Reprint. 41)
Punch-marked coins from 5th cent. BCE, from many parts of Bharat, depict many glyphs, many of which are comparable to the glyphs depicted on inscribed objects of the Sarasvati Sindhu Civilization.
As the heiroglyphic code unravels, the meaning of the glyphs and their importance in the context of the lives of braziers is reinforced. Many glyphs are property possessions of lapidaries and metallurgists and evoke the tools of trade – furnaces, minerals and metals -- used in the smithy.
It is hypothesised that the inscriptions on copper plates and the symbols on punch-marked coins are the work of inheritors of the Sarasvati brazier-tradition.
This cultural tradition explains why copper plates are used for property transactions during the historical periods and also explains why many symbols on punch-marked coins are directly comparable with the Sarasvati heiroglyphs.
This is the most emphatic evidence for discerning the cultural continuity into historical periods of the tradition whose roots are to be found on the banks of River Sarasvati, dating back to 5,500 years Before Present.
[After Pl. 10 to 13 in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian Symbols: Numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan]
Tha pattern of punch-marked coin hoard sites is comparable to the pattern of black and red ware/rice cultivation sites of proto-historic periods.
(This note is based on: S. Kalyanaraman, 1982, Indian Lexicon, available on the internet at http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati; S. Kalyanaraman, 2004, Sarasvati, an encyclopaedic work in 7 volumes: Sarasvati: Civilization; Sarasvati: R.gveda; Sarasvati: River; Sarasvati: Bharati; Sarasvati: Technology; Sarasvati: Language ; Sarasvati: Epigraphs, Bangalore, Babasaheb (Umakanta Keshav) Apte Smarak Samiti; S. Kalyanaraman, 2006, Bharatiya Languages -- History and Formation of Jaati-bhaasha -- Mlecchita Vikalpa – Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Decipherment of Indus Script, Banga;pre. Babasaheb (Umakanta Keshav) Apte Smaraka Samiti which includes Protovedic Continuity Theory of Bharatiya Languages http://protovedic.blogspot.com and a comprehensive corpus of inscriptions of Sarasvati civilization – Indus Script). Cf. S. Kalyanaraman, 2006, Bronze age trade and writing system of Meluhha (Mleccha) evidenced by tin ingots from the near vicinity of Haifa, presented in: Bronze Age Trade Workshop in Fifth International Conference on Archaeology of Ancient Near East, April 2006 http://jitnasa.india-forum.com/Docs/icaane_workshop.pdf) [ii] tibira, ‘coppersmith, metal-manufacturer’ and similar-sounding lexemes
Image: gimlet: tamar hole made by a gimlet; a borer, gimlet, drill (Ma.); tamar boring instrument; gimlet, spring awl (Ta.); tamiru gimlet (Tu.); tamire, tagire the pin in the middle of a yoke (Te.); tavar (-v-, -nt-) to bore a hole; n. hole in a board (Ta.)(DEDR 3078). tau~ri giddiness, dizziness (Ku.); tavar id. (M.)(CDIAL 5688). ta~v, tav, tava_ giddiness (M.)(CDIAL 5689). tavar to bore a hole (Tiv. Tiruva_y. 9,9,1); tamar hole, as in a plank, commonly bored or cut (Tiruvil.ai. Ma_n.ikka. 61) Image: groove or mortise: tavan.ai-p-poruttu a groove or mortise on the top of a gate or door-post (Ta.lex.) tamire = the pin the middle of a yoke (Te.lex.) tavan.ai joint, in carpentry (Ta.lex.) tavar = hole (Ta.lex.) tamar = hole, commonly bored or cut (Ta.Ma.)(Ta.lex.) tava_l.i-ttal = to make flutings or grooves, as in carpentry; to dig a channel; tala_l.ippu cavity in a moulding, groove (Ta.lex.) tavar-aiva_ri = handspike, a tool used on a ship; tavar-ai mu_t.t.a_n- = anchor chain; tavar-ai < dabara (Te.) capstan, machine for winding up a cable in small craft (Ka.lex.) tavan. = circle drawn with lime, or string tied around a limb, above the site of a poisonous bite with incantations to stop the spread of poison; tavan.ai = joint, as in carpentry (Ta.lex.) cf. ta_mare = ringworm (Ka.); ta_mara id. (Te.); ta_mra = a kind of leprosy with large red spots (Skt.)(DEDR 3164).
Thank you for this informative piece and I agree with your conclusions. Might there be a relationship between the Hebrew ka'aru - to pierce and the word tavar- to bore a hole? Both seem to pertain to the language of metal work.
Donal B. Buchanan, in ashort article, ("A short introduction to the study of the Indus Script with comments on the corner symbols", ESOP,The Epigraphical Society Occasional Papers, Volume 28, pp. 16-21) presents some examples of symbols which appear on 'corners' of inscriptions. The examples he cites include the following examples whichinclude thorn-bush, feeding-trough.
Further review of the 'feeding-trough' hieroglyph is preseented in this monograph.
There are two orthographic variants of this 'feeding-trough' hieroglyph:
'Fe\eding-trough' Variant 1
'Feeding-trough' Variant 2
It may be seen from Variant 2 of the 'feeding-trough' hieroglyph, that an unambiguous signifier 'three stripes' has been ligatured at the bottom of the trough.:
Ta. paṭṭai painted stripe Ma. paṭṭa stripe. Ka. paṭṭe, paṭṭi id. Koḍ. paṭṭe striped ;Tu. paṭṭè stripe. Te. paṭṭe stripe or streak of paint; paḍita stripe, streak, wale. (DEDR 3877).
A semantic determinant for the 'feeding trough' is another etymon: marāyi
(Tulu): Ta. maravai a wooden utensil or bowl. Ma. maravi id. Ka. marage, maragi, marige wooden basin, a sort of bucket; (Gowda) margili a small vessel with handle for serving food. Tu. marāyi trough, bowl (DEDR 4714).
It is, therefore, possible that two words were signified by the Variant 2 (with stripes): paṭṭa + mara.
Together, the hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertext suggests the rebus rendering: paṭṭamara, 'dhow, seafaring vessel'. Phonetic variants in Indian sprachbund of the dhow are: पतेमारी (p. 276) patēmārī फतेमारी (p. 314) phatēmārī (Marathi).
This rebus reading may be an additional layer of the rebus rendering suggested: Tiger, etc. in front of the feeding-trough was deciphered as: Hieroglyph: pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattharaka 'merchant' pattar ‘guild, goldsmith’.
The presence of 'feeding trough' hieroglyph on a score of Indus inscriptions signifies the cargo carried on the paṭṭamara 'dhow, seafaring sail boat': guild merchant's cargo of metalwork handed over to the supercargo as shipment on paṭṭamara 'dhow'..
bagala 'dhow, seafaring vessel' by bagala 'pleaides'
koṭiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' by koDiya 'one-horned young bull'
sangaDa 'double-canoe' by sangaDa 'lathe/brazier' or 'joined animals'
Koṭiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' is also spelt as Cutch Cotiyah as seen from the following reference: [quote] Cutch Cotiyahs. These boats belong to the ports of Cutch, Mandivee, Poar Bunder, and some to Kurrachee, in the territory of Sinde. They trade between Bombay and those ports. They are very well built, with a square tuck, and many of them have a regular built stern, with ports, and are handsomely carved. Some have a deck fore and aft, but more commonly they have frame-work between the beams – to ship and unship, for the facility of storage – and a bamboo deck.Their general length is from 30 ft. to 50 ft., by 12 ft. to 23 ft. in breadth, and 7 ft. to 10 ft. deep. They are navigated by a crew of 15 to 20 men and a tindal. They are latine-rigged, with main and mizzen sails, both masts raking forward, as usual with the native latine-rigged boats. [unquote](Henry Coleman Folkard, The sailing boat, London, Edward Stanford, 1854, p.443)
Similarly, sangaDa 'double-canoe, catamaran, seafaring vessel' is also spelt as jangada in Brazil (Portuguese), just as bagala is spelt variantly as baglah, bhagala.
An ancient seafaring sailboat called Pattamar is also spelt as Patamar
http://www.siffs.org/books/indianboatdesign.pdf James Hornell discusses in his book (1920): The origins and ethnological significance of Indian boat designs, Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta.
Probably the earliest depiction of Canonore town , from 1572 Date: first Latin edition of volume I was published in 1572. After: an unidentified Portuguese manuscript."
‘Mahratta Grabs and Gallivats attacking an English Ship’ from cover page of ‘The Malabar Pirates….’ by John Biddulph
[An early woodcut bird-eye's view of the town of Calicut. India] Plant et Figure de la riche cit de Calecut en la premiere Inde.
Author: Belleforest, F. de.
PlaceAndYear: Paris, 1575.
Description: Francois de Belleforest (1530-1583). Edited a French edition of Sebastian Mnster's 'Cosmography', named 'La Cosmographie universelle', 1575. An early woodcut bird-eye's view of the town of Calicut as seen from the sea, with ships in the foreground and right a ship's yard.
Pattamar
Composition Richard Konkolski
[quote]Pattamar was the father of all the Malabar craft. It is most probably a Hindi name meaning messenger or despatch vessel, converted by the Mussulman seaman to Phatemari - the snake of victory. The Portuguese found the name when they first penetrated the Indian seas. It was basically a large two-or three-masted dhow of India.
Pattamar was a lateen-rigged dhow type of cargo-vessel. It was large, fast, and able vessel with sharp forward hull, with great sheer, with "dhow" manner square sterns in general, butwithout a poop deck. Instead of poop they had a bamboo and palm-leaf deck-house running almost all the way to the foremast. When loaded and making seapassage their low waistsby was usualy raised by wash-strakes of palm matting to keep out the sea.
They could be distinguished by their red paint and black gunwales and the globe painted in bright colours on the stern transom. The lengths did not exceed about 75 feet and the tonnage was up to 300 tons.
The basic rig was that of the lateen with bowsprit and jib, but there were many variations of it. They carried two to three suits of sails of varying sizes for various weather conditions. Sailors could always make a temporary new yard if needed from the collection of odd spars generally carried on board for all sorts of purposes. As known, the lateen sails reached as far south as Ceylon, where they could be seen in combination with staysails and fore-and-aft mizens.
Pattamars were used by the Mohammedan seamen on the Bombay coast from Colombo all the way to Aden.[unquote]
https://ia600301.us.archive.org/10/items/sailingboattreat00folk/sailingboattreat00folk_bw.pdfHenry Coleman Folkard, 1854, The sailing boat, treatise on sailing boats and small yachts, their varieties of type, sails, rig, etc. with practical instructions in sailing and management, also the one-design and restricted classes fishing and shooting boats, sailing chariotsand ice yachts, foreign and colonial boats, canoes etc., 1st edition, London, Edward Stanford (590 pages)
"The Patamar (Portuguese), (English: Pattamar, Patimar, French: Patemar, Patmar),is a type of IndianDhow. (Sebastião Rodolfo Dalgado, Portuguese Vocables in Asiatic Languages, AES (Reprint Lisbon 1913 edn.) 1988.) It was traditionally used in the western coast of the Indian subcontinent as a cabotage vessel between Gujarat and Ceylon, usually for the transport of rice. Some can still be seen on the Malabar Coast."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PatamarCabotage (/ˈkæbətɪdʒ, -tɑːʒ/) is the transport of goods or passengers between two places in the same country by a transport operator from another country. It originally applied to shipping along coastal routes, port to port, but now applies to aviation, railways, and road transport as well.Cabotage rights are the right of a company from one country to trade in another country. In aviation, it is the right to operate within the domestic borders of another country. Most countries do not permit aviation cabotage, and there are strict sanctions against it, for reasons of economic protectionism,
national security, or public safety. One notable exception is the European Union, whose Member States all grant cabotage rights to each other.(""European transport policy for 2010: time to decide" EU Commission White paper". Ec.europa.eu.)
मारणें (p. 379) māraṇēṃ To drive in (nails, pegs, stakes): to apply, fix, fasten, clap on (locks, rafters, fetters, anything whatever when smartness of action or firmness of fixture is implied) for the cases in which मारणें is employed in construction with nouns to express a work or an action forcibly or smartly performed or done are, without any hyperbole, several hundred. मारणें thus is to be classed with घालणें, टाकणें, लावणें, पाडणें, हाणणें, ठोकणें, and a few others, of the large use of all which wherever vehemence or vigor, activity or animation, are to be signified, notifications appear in every sheet of the dictionary. पतेमारी (p. 276) patēmārī f (पत्ता Tidings, मारी from मारणें Bringer, carrier, conveyer.) A sort of swift sailing vessel, a pattymar. फतेमारी (p. 314) phatēmārī f ( H A letter-carrier.) A small sailing vessel, a patimar. 699paṭṭa1 m. ʻ slab, tablet ʼ MBh., °ṭaka -- m., °ṭikā -- f. Kathās. [Derivation as MIA. form of páttra -- (EWA ii 192), though very doubtful, does receive support from Dard. *paṭṭa -- ʻ leaf ʼ and meaning ʻ metal plate ʼ of several NIA. forms of páttra -- ] Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ slab, tablet ʼ; Pk. paṭṭa -- , °ṭaya -- m., °ṭiyā<-> f. ʻ slab of stone, board ʼ; NiDoc. paṭami loc. sg., paṭi ʻ tablet ʼ; K. paṭa m. ʻ slab, tablet, metal plate ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ flat board, leaf of door, etc. ʼ, püṭü f. ʻ plank ʼ, paṭürü f. ʻ plank over a watercourse ʼ (< -- aḍikā -- ); S. paṭo m. ʻ strip of paper ʼ, °ṭi f. ʻ boat's landing plank ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ board to write on, rafter ʼ; L.paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ, f. ʻ beam ʼ, paṭṭā m. ʻ lease ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ narrow strip of level ground ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ sandy plain ʼ, °ṭā m. ʻ board, title deed to land ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ writing board ʼ; WPah.bhal. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ, °ṭo m. ʻ central beam of house ʼ; Ku. pāṭo ʻ millstone ʼ, °ṭī ʻ board, writing board ʼ; N. pāṭo ʻ strip, plot of land, side ʼ, °ṭi ʻ tablet, slate, inn ʼ; A. pāṭ ʻ board ʼ, paṭā ʻ stone slab for grinding on ʼ; B. pāṭ, °ṭā ʻ board, bench, stool, throne ʼ, °ṭi ʻ anything flat, rafter ʼ; Or. pāṭa ʻ plain, throne ʼ, °ṭi, paṭā ʻ wooden plank, metal plate ʼ; Bi. pāṭ ʻ wedge fixing beam to body of plough, washing board ʼ, °ṭī ʻ side -- piece of bed, stone to grind spices on ʼ, (Gaya) paṭṭā ʻ wedge ʼ; Mth. pāṭ ʻ end of handle of mattock projecting beyond blade ʼ, °ṭā ʻ wedge for beam of plough ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ plank, seat ʼ; H. pāṭ, °ṭā m. ʻ slab, plank ʼ, °ṭī ʻ side -- piece of bed ʼ, paṭṭā m. ʻ board on which to sit while eating ʼ; OMarw. pāṭī f. ʻ plank ʼ; OG.pāṭīuṁ n. ʻ plank ʼ, pāṭalaü m. ʻ dining stool ʼ; G. pāṭ f., pāṭlɔ m. ʻ bench ʼ, pāṭɔ m. ʻ grinding stone ʼ, °ṭiyũ n. ʻ plank ʼ, °ṭṛɔ m., °ṭṛī f. ʻ beam ʼ; M. pāṭ m. ʻ bench ʼ, °ṭā m. ʻ grinding stone, tableland ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ writing board ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ metal plate, slab ʼ. -- Deriv.: N. paṭāunu ʻ to spread out ʼ; H. pāṭnā ʻ to roof ʼ.paṭṭakila -- ; *akṣapaṭṭa -- , *upparapaṭṭa -- , kaṣapaṭṭikā -- , *catuṣpaṭṭa -- , candanapaṭṭa -- , *talapaṭṭa -- , *tāmrapaṭṭa -- , *dhurapaṭṭa -- , *dhūḍipaṭṭa -- , *pakṣapaṭṭa -- , *prastarapaṭṭa -- , *phalapaṭṭa -- , lalāṭapaṭṭa -- , śilāpaṭṭa -- , *śr̥ṅgapaṭṭa -- , *skandhapaṭṭa -- .Addenda: paṭṭa -- 1: WPah.kṭg. pāṭ m. ʻ mill -- stone ʼ (poss. Wkc. pāṭ m. ʻ female genitals ʼ, paṭṭɔ m. ʻ buttocks, back ʼ; bhal. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ Him.I 110); kṭg. paṭḷɔ m. ʻ small wooden stool ʼ. 7705paṭṭana n. ʻ town ʼ Kauṭ., °nī -- f. lex. 2. páttana -- n. MBh. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 383 and EWA ii 192 with ṭṭ replaced by IA. tt. But its specific meaning as ʻ ferry ʼ in S. L. P. B. H. does lend support to its derivation by R. A. Hall in Language 12, 133 from *partana -- (√pr̥ ~ Lat. portus, &c.). Poss. MIA. pattana -- , paṭṭana -- ʻ *ferry ʼ has collided with Drav. loanword for ʻ town ʼ]1. Pa. paṭṭana -- n. ʻ city ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ a kind of village ʼ; Pk. paṭṭaṇa -- n. ʻ city ʼ; K. paṭan m. ʻ quarter of a town, name of a village 14 miles NW of Śrinagar ʼ; N. pāṭan ʻ name of a town in the Nepal Valley ʼ; B. pāṭan ʻ town, market ʼ; Or. pā̆ṭaṇā, °anā ʻ town, village, hamlet on outskirts of a big village ʼ; Bi. paṭnā ʻ name of a town ʼ; H. pāṭan m. ʻ town ʼ, G. pāṭaṇn.; M. pāṭaṇ ʻ name of a town ʼ; Si. paṭuna ʻ town ʼ. -- Pa. paṭṭana -- n. ʻ harbour, port ʼ, Pk. paṭṭaṇa -- n.; H. paṭnī, pā̆ṭaunī, pāṭūnī m. ʻ ferryman ʼ; Si. paṭuna ʻ harbour, seaport ʼ. 2. Pk. pattaṇa -- n. ʻ town ʼ, Si. patana. -- S. pataṇu m. ʻ ferry ʼ (whence pātaṇī m. ʻ ferryman ʼ, f. ʻ ferry boat ʼ); L. pattan, (Ju.) pataṇ m. ʻ ferry ʼ; P. pattaṇ ʻ ferry, landing -- place ʼ, pattaṇī, °tuṇī m. ʻ ferryman, one who lives near a ferry ʼ; B. pātanī ʻ ferryman ʼ. paṣṭha8015 *paṣṭha ʻ young animal ʼ. 2. *pāṣṭha -- . [Connexion with paṣṭhaváh -- ʻ four or five year old bull ʼ VS. (ND 374 a 21, EWA ii 241) very doubtful: and in absence of other evidence for -- ṣṭh -- orig. rather *paṭṭha -- , *pāṭṭha<-> ~ *pāḍḍa -- q.v.] 1. S. paṭha f. ʻ kid of 8 or 9 months ʼ; L. paṭṭh, paṭṭhṛī f., paṭhōrā m., °rī f. ʻ kid ʼ, paṭṭhā m., °ṭhī f. ʻ young donkey ʼ; P. paṭṭh f. ʻ young she -- goat not yet giving milk, pullet ʼ, paṭṭhā m. ʻ young he -- goat or cock or man or grass ʼ, paṭṭhī f. ʻ young girl before puberty ʼ, paṭhor, °rī f., °rā m. ʻ young goat ʼ; WPah. bhal. paṭhe_r m.f. ʻ well -- developed lamb ʼ; Ku. pāṭho m.,°ṭhī f. ʻ kid, lamb ʼ, paṭṭhā ʻ young man ʼ, paṭhaṅaro ʻ young she -- goat ʼ, gng. pāṭh m., pyeṭh f. ʻ kid ʼ; N. pāṭho m., °ṭhi f. ʻ kid ʼ; A. paṭhā ʻ full -- grown uncastrated goat ʼ, pāṭhī ʻ she -- goat ʼ; B. pã̄ṭ(h)ā ʻ he -- goat, young ram ʼ, pã̄ṭhi ʻ young she -- goat, any young female animal ʼ; Or. peṇṭhā m., °ṭhī f. ʻ kid, lamb ʼ; Bi. pāṭhā m., °ṭhī, paṭhiyā f. ʻ kid ʼ, Bhoj. pāṭhā,paṭṭhā; H. pāṭhā, paṭṭhā, paṭh m. ʻ young full grown animal ʼ, paṭhiyā f. ʻ young she -- goat ʼ; M. pāṭ(h) f. ʻ kid ʼ; Si. päṭavā, päṭiyā ʻ young of any animal, young person ʼ, -- ext. kk -- : Sh. faṭikĕr m.f. ʻ foal ʼ; Si. päṭikkī ʻ girl ʼ. 2. K.pog. pāṭh ʻ kid ʼ; S. pāṭho, pāṭhuru m. ʻ 10 or 12 months old kid ʼ; P. pāṭhā m. ʻ young elephant ʼ; H. pāṛhī f. ʻ young buffalo ʼ (or < *pāḍḍa -- ?). *paṣṭharūpa -- ; *ajapaṣṭha -- , *avipaṣṭha -- . Addenda: *paṣṭha -- : S.kcch. paṭṭh m. ʻ young goat ʼ. paṣṭharūpa8016 *paṣṭharūpa ʻ young animal ʼ. [*paṣṭha -- , rūpá -- ] Bi. paṭhrū ʻ kid, lamb ʼ; Bhoj. paṭharū ʻ buffalo calf ʼ. paṣṭhaváh -- see *paṣṭha -- . pastíya8017pastíya (°tyà -- ) n., °tíyā -- (°tyāˋ -- ) f. ʻ dwelling ʼ (metr.) RV. Kal.rumb. pastīˊ ʻ storehouse ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) pesti ʻ storeroom for chaff, barn ʼ. 3877Ta. paṭṭai painted stripe (as on a temple wall), piebald colour, dapple. Ma. paṭṭa stripe. Ka. paṭṭe, paṭṭi id. Koḍ. paṭṭe striped or spotted (as tiger or leopard); paṭṭati n.pr. of dappled cow. Tu. paṭṭè stripe. Te. paṭṭe stripe or streak of paint; paḍita stripe, streak, wale. 3878Ta. paṭṭai flatness; paṭṭam flat or level surface of anything, flat piece (as of bamboo). Ko. paṭ flatness (of piece of iron, of head); paṭm (obl.paṭt-) ground for house. To. poṭ site of dairy or house. ? Koḍ. paṭṭi space before house, spreading space; maṇa-paṭṭi sandbank. Nk. paṛ place. Pa. paḍ place, site. Pe. paṭ kapṛa top of the head. Manḍ.paṭ kapṛa id. Malt.paṭa numeral classifier of flat objects. Cf. 3843 Ta. paṭam Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ(CDIAL 7700) 3876Ta. paṭṭai bark of tree. Ma. paṭṭa id. Ka. paṭṭe rind or bark of trees. Te. paṭṭa, paṭṭamu bark. Cf. 3897 Ga. panḍaŋ. Ta. paṭṭai palmyra timber, rafter; paṭṭiyal lath, reeper. Ma. paṭṭa areca bough. Ka. paṭṭe palmyra timber, rafter, areca bough; paṭṭi piece of timber of door-frame, rafter, joist;paṭṭika board. Tu. paṭi rafter. Te. paṭṭe bar or spar of wood, piece of timber of door-frame; paṭṭi plank; paṭṭika plank, board, bar of wood. Kol. paṭṭe plank. Nk. paṭi id. Pa. peṭṭi (pl.peṭkul) beam, post. Ga. (P.) paṭiya beam. Kui paṭi beam; paṭa board. Kur. paṭṭā beam in oilmill. (DEDR 3875) 4079Ta. pātti bathing tub, watering trough or basin, spout, drain; pattal wooden bucket; pattar id., wooden trough for feeding animals. Ka. pāti basin for water round the foot of a tree. Tu. pāti trough or bathing tub, spout, drain. Te. pādi, pādu basin for water round the foot of a tree.(DEDR 4079) prastha2 m.n. ʻ a measure of weight or capacity = 32 palas ʼ MBh.Pa. pattha -- m. ʻ a measure = 1/4 āḷhaka, cooking vessel containing 1 pattha ʼ; NiDoc. prasta ʻ a measure ʼ; Pk. pattha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ a measure of grain ʼ; K. path m. ʻ a measure of land requiring 1 trakh (= 9 1/2 lb.) of seed ʼ; L. patth, (Ju.) path m. ʻ a measure of capacity = 4 boras ʼ; Ku. pātho ʻ a measure = 2 seers ʼ; N. pāthi ʻ a measure of capacity = 1/10 man ʼ; Bi. pathiyā ʻ basket used by sower or for feeding cattle ʼ; Mth. pāthā ʻ large milk pail ʼ, pathiyā ʻ basket used as feeding trough for animals ʼ; H. pāthī f. ʻ measure of corn for a year ʼ; Si. pata ʻ a measure of grain and liquids = 1/4 näliya ʼ. *prasthapattra -- .Addenda: prastha -- 2: WPah.poet. patho m. ʻ a grain measure about 2 seers ʼ (prob. ← Ku. Mth. pāˊtra n. ʻ drinking vessel, dish ʼ RV., °aka -- n., pātrīˊ- ʻ vessel ʼ Gr̥ŚrS. [√pā1] Pa. patta -- n. ʻ bowl ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ little bowl ʼ, pātĭ̄ -- f.; Pk. patta -- n., °tī -- f., amg. pāda -- , pāya -- n., pāī -- f. ʻ vessel ʼ; Sh. păti̯ f. ʻ large long dish ʼ (← Ind.?); K. pāthar, dat. °trasm. ʻ vessel, dish ʼ, pôturu m. ʻ pan of a pair of scales ʼ (gahana -- pāth, dat. pöċü f. ʻ jewels and dishes as part of dowry ʼ ← Ind.); S. pāṭri f. ʻ large earth or wooden dish ʼ, pāṭroṛo m. ʻ wooden trough ʼ; L. pātrī f. ʻ earthen kneading dish ʼ, parāt f. ʻ large open vessel in which bread is kneaded ʼ, awāṇ. pātrī ʻ plate ʼ; P. pātar m. ʻ vessel ʼ, parāt f., parātṛā m. ʻ large wooden kneading vessel ʼ, ḍog. pāttar m. ʻ brass or wooden do. ʼ; Ku.gng. pāi ʻ wooden pot ʼ; B. pātil ʻ earthern cooking pot ʼ, °li ʻ small do. ʼ Or. pātiḷa, °tuḷi ʻ earthen pot ʼ, (Sambhalpur) sil -- pā ʻ stone mortar and pestle ʼ; Bi. patĭ̄lā ʻ earthen cooking vessel ʼ, patlā ʻ milking vessel ʼ, pailā ʻ small wooden dish for scraps ʼ; H. patīlā m. ʻ copper pot ʼ, patukī f. ʻ small pan ʼ; G. pātrũ n. ʻ wooden bowl ʼ, pātelũ n. ʻ brass cooking pot ʼ, parāt f. ʻ circular dish ʼ (→ M. parāt f. ʻ circular edged metal dish ʼ); Si. paya ʻ vessel ʼ, päya (< pātrīˊ -- ). *kācapātra -- , khaḍgapātra -- , tāmrapātra -- .pāthá -- m. ʻ way, path ʼ Pāṇ.gaṇa. [pánthā -- ]śabdapātha -- .Addenda: pāˊtra -- : S.kcch. pātar f. ʻ round shallow wooden vessel for kneading flour ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) pərāt f. (obl. -- i) ʻ large plate for kneading dough ʼ ← P.; Md. tilafat ʻ scales ʼ (+ tila < tulāˊ -- )(CDIAL 8055). Mth. pāthā ʻ large milk pail ʼ, pathiyā ʻ basket used as feeding trough for animals ʼTu. pāti trough or bathing tub. These variant pronunciations in Maithili and Tulu indicate the possibility that the early word which signified a feeding trough was pattha, patthaya 'measure of grain' (Prakrtam). The suffix -mar in Pattimar which signifies a dhow, seafaring vessel is related to the word மேங்கா mēṅkā , n. A kind of catamaran; கடலில் ஓடும் கட்டுமரவகை. Loc. கட்டுமரம் kaṭṭu-maram, n. < id. +. 1. Catamaran, used for deep sea fishing; raft made of logs of wood lashed or joined together; மீன்பிடிப்பதற்காக மரங்களாற் பிணைக்கப் பட்ட மிதவை. 2. Post to which is bound Arāvāṉ to be offered as a sacrifice in the festival of kūttāṇṭaiCm. பெரியமரம் periya-maram , n. < id. +. A large catamaran; கடலோடிகளது பெரிய கட்டு மரம். Loc. மரம் maram , n. [T. mrānu, K. Tu. mara, M. maram.] 1. Tree; விருட்சம். வற் றன் மரந்தளிர்த் தற்று (குறள், 78). 2. Endogenous plants; உள்வயிரமுள்ள தாவரம். அகக்காழனவே மர மென மொழிப (தொல். பொ. 641). 3. Wood, timber; அறுக்கப்பட்ட மரம். 4. Medicinal shrub or root; மூலிகை. (பிங்.) 5. Ship or boat; மரக்கலம். பெருங்கட னீந்திய மரம் வலியுறுக்கும் (பதிற்றுப். 76, 4) கல்மரவை kal-maravai , n. < கல் +. Utensils made of potstone; கற்சட்டி. Tinn. மரவை maravai , n. < id. [T. marage.] Wooden utensil or bowl; மரத்தாலான பாத்திரம். படிமரவை paṭi-maravai , n. < படி³ +. A wooden vessel in which weights are kept by merchants; வியாபாரிகள் படிக்கற்களை யிட்டுவைக் கும் மரவை.
Ta. maravai a wooden utensil or bowl. Ma. maravi id. Ka. marage, maragi,marige wooden basin, a sort of bucket; (Gowda) margili a small vessel with handle for serving food. Tu. marāyi trough, bowl (DEDR 4714) This -mar suffix is a semantic reinforcement of pattha 'feeding trough' and hence, patta-mar is a 'feeding trough' which is an Indus Script hieroglyph used to signify pattamar 'dhow, seafaring vessel, sailing boat'.. Ta. maravam, maravu, marā, marām seaside Indian oak, Barringtonia racemosa; small Indian oak, B. acutangula; common cadamba, Anthocephalus cadamba; marā-maramsal tree; pipal. Ma. marā-maram the sal tree. (DEDR 4713)
Ta. maram (in cpds. marattu-) tree, wood, timber; marakkāl a measure. Ma. maram tree, wood, timber; marakkāl a measure. Ko. marm (obl. mart-) tree. To. me·ṇ (obl.me·ṇt-) id. Ka. mara id.
Koḍ. mara id. Tu. mara id.; mar(a)kalů a measure of salt equal to 28 pounds. Te. m(r)ānu, m(r)ã̄ku tree. Kol. ma·k (pl. ma·kul) id. Nk. māk id. Pa. meri (pl.merkul) id. Ga. (Oll.) mar, marin (pl. markil), (S.) māren (pl. markīl) id. Go. (Tr.) maṛā, (most other dialects) mara, maṛa, (Ko.) māra, māṛa, (Ma.) marnu, mārnu id. (Voc. 2712); (Koya Su.) māra id.; (LuS.) muranoo id.
Konḍa maran (pl. marak) id. Pe. mar (pl. -ku) id. Manḍ. mar (pl. -ke) id. Kui mrahnu, mrahunḍi (pl. mrahka), (K.) mrānu id. Kuwi (Su.)mārnu (pl. mārka), (F.) mṛānū (i.e. mrānū; pl. mārka), (S.) marnu, mrānu, (Isr.) mrānu/ marnu (pl. marka), (P. Ḍ.) mara id. Kur. mann id. Malt.
manu id. (DEDR 4711).
Ta. toṉṉai cup made of plantain or other leaf. Ma.donna cup made out of a leaf, for brahmans to drink pepper-water, etc. Ka.donne, jonne leaf-cup. Tu.donnè cup made of plantain leaves, etc. Te.donne cup made of leaves. Ga. (S.&super2;) dona leaf-cup. Go.(A.) ḍona id. (Voc. 1613). Konḍadone id. Manḍ.duna id. Kuiḍono, (P.) ḍoho id.; ḍoo balance word inkali ḍoo leaf-cup. Kuwi (F) dunnō (Su.) dono id.; (Isr.) ṭono cup-like container made of leaves. / Turner, CDIAL, no. 6641, dróṇa- (e.g. H. donā, Mar. ḍoṇā leaf-cup). (DEDR App. 45)
drṓṇa1 n. ʻ wooden trough ʼ RV., ʻ a measure of capacity ʼ Yājñ., drōṇī -- 1 f. MBh., °ṇikā -- f. lex. 2. drṓṇya -- ʻ *like a trough ʼ (ʻ pertaining to a trough ʼ RV.). [In meaning ʻ boat ʼ perh. X *ḍōṅga -- of separate non -- Aryan origin; but for semantic relationship of ʻ trough -- boat ʼ cf. Bi. nāw ʻ feeding trough ʼ < nāvāˊ -- . -- dru -- ]1. Pa. dōṇa -- n. ʻ wooden pail, a measure ʼ, dōṇī -- , °ṇikā -- f. ʻ wooden trough, roughly shaped canoe ʼ; Pk. dōṇa -- m. ʻ a measure ʼ, dōṇī -- f. ʻ boat ʼ; Gaw. luṅ ʻ millrace ʼ (< *drōṇaka-- ); K. ḍūna m. ʻ leaf plate ʼ, ḍūnu m. ʻ walnut ʼ; WPah. (Joshi) jūṇ m. ʻ a grain measure = 16 pāthās ʼ; Ku. doṇ, dūṇ, ʻ a grain measure = 32 ser ʼ, duṇo, ḍuṇo m. ʻ cup made of leaves sewn together ʼ; N. dunu ʻ leaf folded into a cup ʼ; A. don ʻ a grain measure = 5 ser, one bighā of land ʼ, duni, dunari ʻ small basket containing rice &c. and carried in a procession to fetch water at a marriage ʼ; B. donā ʻ leaf cup ʼ (ODBL 330 wrongly < damanaka -- ), duni ʻ wooden trough, canoe ʼ; Or. duuṇī ʻ sloop ʼ; Bi. don ʻ long log of wood hollowed like a spoon to act as irrigating lever ʼ, donā, donī ʻ small leaf platter ʼ, Bhoj. Aw.lakh. dōnā; H. don m. ʻ wooden trough or channel used in irrigation ʼ, donā m. ʻ leaf cup ʼ, °nī f. ʻ small do. ʼ, ḍonī f. ʻ small trough, small boat, boatshaped receptacle of leaves for ghee ʼ; G. droṇ m. ʻ leaf cup ʼ; M. doṇ f. ʻ trough ʼ, ḍoṇ n.f. ʻ scooped out tree as trough ʼ, ḍoṇā m. ʻ leaf cup ʼ, ḍoṇī f. ʻ small trough, canoe ʼ, ḍoṇgẽ n. ʻ wooden trough ʼ; Si. deṇiya ʻ trough ʼ, deṇa ʻ canoe ʼ; Md. dōni ʻ boat ʼ.2. L. ḍonā m. ʻ leaf cup ʼ, P. ḍonnā, ḍūnnā, ḍūnã̄ m., Or. danā (a = o?): or < MIA. *doṇṇa -- < drṓṇa -- 1; <-> the words for ʻ cup ʼ in N. A. B. Bi. Aw. Bhoj. H. above may be < MIA.dōṇa -- or *doṇṇa -- drauṇika -- ; *drōṇadhānuka -- , *drōṇavāha -- ; <-> drōnī -- 2. *drōṇa -- 2 ʻ bow ʼ see druṇa -- .Addenda: drṓṇa -- 1: Garh. doṇ ʻ a weight of 32 seers ʼ; A. doṇ ʻ basket containing a certain measure
*drōṇavāha ʻ making the trough flow ʼ. [drṓṇa -- 1, vāhá -- ] Bi. dŏnwāh ʻ man who works the hollow irrigation log ʼ. drōṇī -- 1 ʻ trough ʼ see drṓṇa -- 1. (CDIAL 6641, 66430
*ḍōṅga1 ʻ trough, dug -- out canoe, boat ʼ. 2. *ḍaṅga -- 4. 3. *ḍiṅga -- 1. 4. *ḍēṅga -- 1. 5. *ḍōṇṭa -- 1. [Though prob. of non -- Aryan origin, it may have affected the meaning of drṓṇa -- 1] 1. Pk. ḍoṁgī -- , °galī -- f. ʻ small box for betel ʼ, ḍuṁgha<-> m. ʻ water -- vessel made of coconut shell ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) ḍūṅo ʻ small earthen vessel ʼ; K. ḍū̃ga m. ʻ a kind of covered boat ʼ; P. ḍõgā m., °gī f., ḍõghā m., °ghī f. ʻ a deep boat ʼ; Ku. ḍuṅo ʻ ferry boat ʼ; N. ḍũgo, ḍuṅo ʻ small boat (usu. of one piece of wood) ʼ; A. ḍoṅgā ʻ canoe made of plaintain -- sheath ʼ; B.ḍoṅa, ḍuṅi ʻ canoe, boat ʼ; Or. ḍuṅgi ʻ dug -- out canoe ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. ḍō̃gī ʻ boat ʼ; H. ḍõgā m. ʻ trough, canoe, ladle ʼ; G. ḍũgɔ m. ʻ tobaccopipe ʼ; M. ḍõgā m. ʻ a sort of boat or canoe ʼ. 2. Or. ḍaṅgā ʻ small country boat, dug -- out canoe ʼ, ḍaṅgi ʻ canoe ʼ. 3. A. B. ḍiṅā ʻ boat, canoe ʼ, Or. ḍiṅgā. 4. Bhoj. ḍē̃gi ʻ boat ʼ; H. ḍẽgī f. ʻ small boat, canoe ʼ. 5. S. ḍ̠ū̃ḍo m., °ḍī f. ʻ boat ʼ; L. ḍōṇḍā m. ʻ boat ʼ, mult. ḍūṇḍā m., (Ju.) ḍ̠ū̃ḍ̠ī f.; N. ḍũṛ, ḍũṛh ʻ trough, wooden or bamboo water -- channel, gutter. ʼ (CDIAL 5568)
Ta. ōṭam boat, raft, float, vessel; ōṭāvi shipwright, boatbuilder. Ma. ōṭam boat; ōṭāyi shipbuilders; ōṭi a large seaboat (long and narrow, chiefly from the Laccadives). Ka. ōḍa boat.Tu. ōḍa id. Te. ōḍa ship, vessel. Pa. ōḍa boat, trough. Go. (M.) ōḍa, (Ko. S.) ōṛa boat (Voc. 437); (Pat.) oda (i.e. ōḍa) donga. / Cf. Skt. hoḍa- boat, raft; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14174. The IA words are probably < Dr.; Parpola 1977-78, pp. 243 ff. (DEDR 1039) hōḍa m. ʻ raft, boat ʼ lex. [← Drav., Kan. ōḍa., &c. DED 876]
H. hoṛī f., holā m. ʻ canoe, raft ʼ; G. hoṛī f. ʻ boat ʼ; M. hoḍī f. ʻ canoe made of hollowed log ʼ. -- See uḍupa -- . Addenda: hōḍa -- : Md. oḍi ʻ large kind of boat ʼ ← Drav.(CDIAL 14174)
Were tigers, rhinoceroses, boars domesticated since feeding troughs are shown on Indus Script inscriptions? Such wild animals were NOT domesticated but were used as hieroglyphs to signify Bronze Age metalwork.
This rhetorical question is intended to underscore that the Indus Script cipher is a messaging system with hieroglyphs as signifiers. Both the animals and feeding troughs are hieroglyphs. The signified are Bronze Age metal- or mint-work catalogues documenting the merchandise of seafaring merchants who are also Supercargo -- merchant's representatives responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.
. Sign 342 Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी [p= 257,3] f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karNI, 'Supercargo responsible for trading cargo of a vessel'.
That such a functionary existed in the mature period of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization is evidenced by a remarkable two-sided tablet (m1405) which shows a pattharika, 'merchant' graduating as a karNI, 'Supercargo functionary' on a seafaring vessel.
m1405 Pict-97 Reverse: Person standing at the centre pointing with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand pointing to the Sign 15.Obverse: A tiger and a rhinoceros in file.
The tablet signifies three animals: tiger, rhinoceros, ox:
kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith'
kāṇḍā 'rhinoceros' Rebus:khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.
barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत bharata A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin bel [Hem. Des. ba-i-lī fr. Skt. balīvarda = a bull] a bull; a bullock; an ox (G.lex.) Rebus:bali bica ‘iron sand ore’ (Mu.)
pattar'trough' Rebus pattar, vartaka 'merchant, goldsmith' paṭṭaḍa smithy, shop'.
kuTi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' kanda 'pot' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' kanka, karanika 'rim of jar' rebus: kāraṇika 'smelter producer'. Thus the hieroglyph-multiplex is an expression: kuThi kāraṇika 'smelter-maker.' kuTi karaṇī 'Supercargo smelter' (i.e. Supercargo responsible for trading produce from smelter and carried by seafaring vessel).
This tablet is a clear and unambiguous example of the fundamental orthographic style of Indus Script inscriptions that: both signs and pictorial motifs are integral components of the message conveyed by the inscriptions. Attempts at 'deciphering' only what is called a 'sign' in the entire Indus Script Corporwill result in an incomplete decoding of the message catalogued on the inscribed object.
barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.(Marathi)
pattar'trough'; rebus pattar, vartaka 'merchant, goldsmith' (Tamil) பத்தர்² pattar , n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.
The Pali expression usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ provides the semantics of the word kāraṇika as relatable to a 'maker' of a product. usu-kāraṇika is an arrow-maker. Thus, kuTi kāraṇika can be explained as a smelter-maker. Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. The Marathi word for Supercargo is: kārṇī . Thus, it can be suggested that kuTi kāraṇika was an ovrseer of the cargo (from smelter) on a merchantship. In the historical periods, the Supercargo has specific duties "The duties of a supercargo are defined by admiralty law and include managing the cargo owner's trade, selling the merchandise inports to which the vessel is sailing, and buying and receiving goods to be carried on the return voyage...A new supercargo was always appointed for each journey who also had to keep books, notes and ledgers about everything that happened during the voyage and trade matters abroad. He was to present these immediately to the directors of the Company on the ship's return to its headquarters."
कारण 1[p= 274,2] a number of scribes or कायस्थs W. instrument , means;that on which an opinion or judgment is founded (a sin, mark; a proof; a legal instrument, document), Mn. MBh.
कारणिक [p= 274,3] mfn. (g.काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge Pan5cat. a teacher MBh. ii , 167.
B. kerā ʻ clerk ʼ (kerāni ʻ id. ʼ < *kīraka -- karaṇika<-> ODBL 540): very doubtful. -- Poss. ← Ar. qāri', pl. qurrā'ʻ reader, esp. of Qur'ān ʼ.(CDIAL 3110) कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread', 'rim of jar', 'pericarp of lotus' karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'. kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ] Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.(CDIAL 3058) kāraṇa n. ʻ cause ʼ KātyŚr. [√kr̥1] Pa. kāraṇa -- n. ʻ deed, cause ʼ; Aś. shah. karaṇa -- , kāl. top. kālana -- , gir. kāraṇa -- ʻ purpose ʼ; Pk. kāraṇa -- n. ʻ cause, means ʼ; Wg. (Lumsden) "kurren"ʻ retaliation ʼ, Paš. kāran IIFL iii 3, 97 with (?); S. kāraṇu m. ʻ cause ʼ; L. kārnā m. ʻ quarrel ʼ; P. kāraṇ m. ʻ cause ʼ, N. A. B. kāran, Or. kāraṇa; Mth. kāran ʻ reason ʼ, OAw. kārana, H. kāran m., G. kāraṇ n.; Si. karuṇa ʻ cause, object, thing ʼ; -- postpositions from oblique cases: inst.: S. kāraṇi, kāṇe, °ṇi ʻ on account of ʼ, L. awāṇ. kāṇ, Addenda: kāraṇa -- : Brj. kāran ʻ on account of ʼ.(CDIAL 3057) kiraka m. ʻ scribe ʼ lex.
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex on m1405 is read rebus from r.: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka eraka bharata pattar'goldsmith-merchant guild -- helmsman, smelting furnace account (scribe), molten cast metal infusion, alloy of copper, pewter, tin.'
Indus inscription on a Mohenjo-daro tablet (m1405) including ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph as component of a ligatured glyph (Sign 15 Mahadevan)
It will be demonstrated in this monograph that this inscribed object is decoded as a professional calling card: a blacksmith-precious-stone-merchant with the professional role of copper-miner-smelter-furnace-scribe-Supecargo
m1405At Pict-97: Person standing at the center points with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand points to the ligatured glyph.
The inscription on the tablet juxtaposes – through the hand gestures of a person - a ‘trough’ gestured with the right hand; a ligatured glyph composed of ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph and ‘water-carrier’ glyph (Sign 15) gestured with the left hand.
A characteristic feature of Indus writing system unravels from this example: what is orthographically constructed as a pictorial motif can also be deployed as a 'sign' on texts of inscriptions. This is achieved by a stylized reconstruction of the pictorial motif as a 'sign' which occurs with notable frequency on Indus Script Corpora -- with orthographic variants (Signs 12, 13, 14).
This inscribed object is decoded as a professional catalogue calling card: a blacksmith-precious-stone-merchant with the professional role of copper-miner-smelter-furnace-scribe-Supercargo.
The inscription on the tablet juxtaposes – through the hand gestures of a person - a ‘trough’ gestured with the right hand; a ligatured glyph composed of ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph and ‘water-carrier’ glyph (Glyph 15) gestured with the left hand.
Water-carrier glyph kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ (Telugu); Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛīf. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛif. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛohouse, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍitemple (Telugu) [The bull is shown in front of the trough for drinking; hence the semantics of ‘drinking’.]
The most frequently occurring glyph -- rim of jar -- ligatured to Glyph 12 becomes Glyph 15 and is thus explained as a kanka, karṇaka: ‘furnace scribe’ and is consistent with the readings of glyphs which occur together with this glyph. Kan-ka may denote an artisan working with copper, kaṉ (Ta.) kaṉṉār ‘coppersmiths, blacksmiths’ (Ta.) Thus, the phrasekaṇḍ karṇaka may be decoded rebus as a brassworker, scribe. karṇaka, karNIka ‘scribe, accountant’.karNi 'supercargo'
Glyph15 variants (Parpola)
The inscription of this tablet is composed of four glyphs: bison, trough, shoulder (person), ligatured glyph -- Glyph 15(rim-of-jar glyph ligatured to water-carrier glyph).
Each glyph can be read rebus in mleccha (meluhhan).
balad m. ʻox ʼ, gng. bald, (Ku.) barad, id. (Nepali. Tarai) Rebus: bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(Punjabi)
pattar ‘trough’ (Ta.), rebus paṭṭar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants (Ta.); perh. vartaka (Skt.) pātharī ʻprecious stoneʼ (OMarw.) (CDIAL 8857)
This inscribed object is decoded as a professional calling card: a blacksmith-precious-stone-merchant with the professional role of copper-miner-smelter-furnace-scribe.
m1405At Pict-97: Person standing at the center points with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand points to the ligatured glyph.
The inscription on the tablet juxtaposes – through the hand gestures of a person - a ‘trough’ gestured with the right hand; a ligatured glyph composed of ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph and ‘water-carrier’ glyph (Glyph 15) gestured with the left hand.
Water-carrier glyph kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ (Telugu); Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛīf. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛif. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛohouse, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍitemple (Telugu) [The bull is shown in front of the trough for drinking; hence the semantics of ‘drinking’.]
The most frequently occurring glyph -- rim of jar -- ligatured to Glyph 12 becomes Glyph 15 and is thus explained as a kanka, karṇaka: ‘furnace scribe’ and is consistent with the readings of glyphs which occur together with this glyph. Kan-ka may denote an artisan working with copper, kaṉ (Ta.) kaṉṉār ‘coppersmiths, blacksmiths’ (Ta.) Thus, the phrasekaṇḍ karṇaka may be decoded rebus as a brassworker, scribe. karṇaka, karNIka ‘scribe, accountant’.karNi 'supercargo'
Glyph15 variants (Parpola)
The inscription of this tablet is composed of four glyphs: bison, trough, shoulder (person), ligatured glyph -- Glyph 15(rim-of-jar glyph ligatured to water-carrier glyph).
badhia ‘castrated boar’ (Santali); baḍhi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ (Santali)
kol ‘tiger’; Vikalpa rebus: kolhe ‘smelters of iron’.
ran:gā ‘buffalo’; ran:ga ‘pewter or alloy of tin (ran:ku) sal ‘bos gaurus’ bison; sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)
ibha ‘elephant’ (Skt.); ib ‘iron’ (Santali)
Animal glyph: elephant ‘ibha’. Rebus ibbo, ‘merchant’ (Gujarati).
bel [Hem. Des. ba-i-lī fr. Skt. balīvarda = a bull] a bull; a bullock; an ox (G.lex.) Rebus:bali bica ‘iron sand ore’ (Mu.)
baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS muka 'ladle' rebus; mū̃h 'ingot', quantity of metal got out of a smelter furnace (Santali)
kolom 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
Doubling of this signifies dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus doubling of the right parenthesis results in a hieroglyph-multiplex as shown on the elephant copper plate inscription m1486 text
This hieroglyph-multiplex is thus read as: kuṭilika 'bent, curved' dula 'pair' rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin)
The 'curve' hieroglyph is a splitting of the ellipse. kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh.
Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'Old Englishār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl, °lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984)
Hieroglyphs: कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. कौटिलिक [p= 315,2] m. (fr. कुटिलिकाPa1n2. 4-4 , 18) " deceiving the hunter [or the deer Sch.] by particular movements " , a deer [" a hunter " Sch.] Ka1s3. f. ( Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18) कुटिलिकाcrouching , coming stealthily (like a hunter on his prey ; a particular movement on the stage) Vikr.कुटिलिक" using the tool called कुटिलिका " , a blacksmith ib. कुटिलक [p= 288,2]f. a tool used by a blacksmith Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18Ka1s3.mfn. bent , curved , crisped Pan5cat.
The hieroglyph-multiplex may be a variant of split ellipse curves paired: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS mū̃h 'ingot' (Paired split ellipse or a pair of right parentheses) -- made of -- kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin)
karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'; karNaka 'account'; Alternative: kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kanga 'brazier'.
Thus, the entire inscription is a metalwork catalogue: supercargo of iron, cast bronze metal ingots, our of smithy furnace and forge.
Trough PLUS buffalo/bull
Other examples of trough as a hieroglyph on Indus writing seals shown in front of animals.
A trough is shown in front of some domesticated animals and also wild animals like rhinoceros, tiger, elephant. The trough glyph is clearly a hieroglyph, in fact, a category classifier. Trough as a glyph occurs on about one hundred inscriptions, though not identified as a distinct pictorial motif in the corpus of inscriptions. Why is a trough shown in front of a rhinoceros which was not a domesticated animal? A reasonable deduction is that ‘trough’ is a hieroglyph intended to classify the animal ‘rhinoceros’ in a category.
Chanhudaro22a ḍhangar ‘bull’. Rebus: ḍhangar‘blacksmith’ pattar ‘trough’. Rebus: pattar (Ta.), battuḍu (Te.) goldsmith guild (Tamil.Telugu)khōṭ ‘alloyed ingot’;kolmo ‘rice plant’. Rebus: kolami ‘smithy’.koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Vikalpa: baddī = ox (Nahali); baḍhi = worker in wood and metal (Santali)ḍāngrā = a wooden trough just enough to feed one animal. cf. iḍankar̤i = a measure of capacity, 20 iḍankar̤i make a par-r-a (Ma.lex.) ḍangā = small country boat, dug-out canoe (Or.); ḍõgā trough, canoe, ladle (H.)(CDIAL 5568). Rebus: ḍānro term of contempt for a blacksmith (N.) (CDIAL 5524)
Stamp seal witha water-buffalo, Mohenjo-daro. “As is usual on Indus Valley sealsthat show a water buffalo,this animal is standing with upraisedhead and both hornsclearly visible. (Mackay, 1938b, p. 391). A feeding trough is placed in front of it, and a doublerow of undecipherable script fills the entire space above. The horns areincised to show the natural growth lines. During the Akkadian period,cylinder seals in Mesopotamia depict water buffaloes in a similar pose that may have been copied from Indus seals (seecat. No.135)(For a Mesopotamian seal with water buffalo,see Parpola1994, p. 252 and Collon 1987, no.529 – Fig. 11).”(JMK –Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Professor of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin, Madison) (p.405). பத்தர்¹ pattar , n. 1. See பத்தல், 1, 4, 5. 2. Wooden trough for feeding animals; தொட்டி. பன்றிக் கூழ்ப்பத்தரில் (நாலடி, 257).
[Original 1931 text] This animal also rarely appears on the seals, Nos. 341-7 being the only examples that we have as yet. In every case it is the single horned animal that is represented, probably the great Indian rhinoceros which was formerly found along the base of the Himalayas as far as Peshawar, where it was hunted by the Emperor Babar. The animal's thick hide is well represented on Seal 345, where the wrinkles and folds of the skin are very true to life. Rough excrescences on the skin are indicated in some of the examples by means of holes made with a fine drill. In others hatched lines are employed. In every case the animal is rendered with extreme fidelity, even to the wicked pig-like eye. Fom this, I think, it can safely be affirmed that the animal was very well known to the people of Mohenjo-daro; in ancient times it was probably very common in Sind and perhaps still further west. It does not appear on any seals from Elam or Mesopotamia. [Marshal, Vol. II, p. 387]
Other animal motifs appearing on seals found primarily at the largest cities include dangerous wild animals like the rhinoceros, the water buffalo, the gharial (crocodile) and the tiger. All of these animals would have been familiar to people living at the edge of the thick jungles and swampy grasslands of the Indus plain and they were revered as totemic animals, closely associated with important myths and legends. https://www.harappa.com/slide/seals-mohenjo-daro
Although it was surely a wild animal, some of the rhinoceros figurines wear collars. While a collar might indicate domestication, it is unlikely that this is the case with the rhinoceros, although they may have been held as captives.
Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 3.3 x 8.7 x 4.5 cm.
Tell AsmarCylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE. ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'.gaṇḍa,kāṇḍā 'rhinoceros' Rebus:khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. karā 'crocodile' Rebus: khar 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) Alternative: ghariyal 'crocodile' karibha 'trunk of elephant' rebus: karb 'iron'.
Tu.ajirda karba very hard iron; Ta. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native metal (DEDR 192) Tu. kari soot, charcoal; kariya black; karṅka state of being burnt or singed; karṅkāḍuni to burn (tr.); karñcuni to be burned to cinders;karñcāvuni to cause to burn to cinders; kardů black; karbairon; karvāvuni to burn the down of a fowl by holding it over the fire (DEDR 1278). खर्व (-र्ब) a. [खर्व्-अच्] N. of one of the treasures of Kubera (Samskritam)
Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr seal; ca. 3200-3000 BC; serpentine; cat.1; boar and bull in procession; terminal: plant; heavily pitted surface beyond plant.
m0489a,b,c Mohenjo-daro prism tablet
A standing human couple mating (a tergo); one side of a prism tablet from Mohenjo-daro (m489b). Other motifs on the inscribed object are: two goats eating leaves on a platform; a cock or hen (?) and a three-headed animal (perhaps antelope, one-horned bull and a short-horned bull). The leaf pictorial connotes on the goat composition connotes loa; hence, the reading is of this pictorial component is: lohar kamar = a blacksmith, worker in iron, superior to the ordinary kamar (Santali.)]
kāruvu ‘crocodile’ Rebus: ‘artisan, blacksmith’. pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Telugu) Thus, the depiction of animals in epigraphs is related to, rebus: pasra = smithy (Santali)
pisera_ a small deer brown above and black below (H.)(CDIAL 8365). ḍān:gra = wooden trough or manger sufficient to feed one animal (Mundari). iṭan:kārri = a capacity measure (Ma.) Rebus: ḍhan:gar ‘blacksmith’ (Bi.)
Hieroglhyphs: elephant (ibha), boar/rhinoceros[kāṇḍā mṛga 'rhinoceros' (Tamil)], tiger (kol), tiger face turned (krammara), young bull calf (khōṇḍa) [खोंड m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi)], antelope, ḍangurʻbullockʼ,melh ‘goat’ (Brahui)
Rebus mleccha glosses: Ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'; kāṇḍā, 'tools, pots and pans, metalware'; kol 'worker in iron, smithy'; krammara, kamar 'smith, artisan', kõdā 'lathe-turner' [B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or. kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ‘lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)], khũṭ‘guild, community’, ḍāṅro ’blacksmith’ (Nepalese) milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) [Meluhha!]
Iron (ib), carpenter (badhi), smithy (kol ‘pancaloha’), alloy-smith (kol kamar)
tam(b)ra copper, milakkhu copper, bali (iron sand ore), native metal (aduru), ḍhangar ‘smith’.
The early glosses signifying crocodile: grābhá m. seizer. (√grabh).(Rigveda) निग्राभ [ nigrābha ] [ ni-grābhá ] m. pressing down , letting sink (Samskritam) In long-a vocalism: grábha- 'action of seizing' vs. grābhá- 'handful, grasp'. ghabh-, 1. ghrebh-, gherbh-, root extension ghrebha- 'to take, grab, seize' (IE) ghreib- 'to grip, grab' (IE) The early forms ghrebha, grābhá have yielded கரவு² karavu, n. < கரா 'alligator' (Tamil). The Khmer word is cognate: krapeh 'crocodile'.Phnom Krapeh means 'Crocodile mountain'. The Vietnamese word is:con sấu. Malay word is: buaya, Javanese
'baya'. Austronesian word for crocodile is: uaea. Pokorny's dictionary provides the form: grabh 'to capture' which is cognate with the early Tamil form:karavu, karā 'crocodile' and more significantly, the phonetically proximate Khmer form, krapeh 'crocodile'.
karabu is probably, early pronunciation of the Meluhha gloss; the hieroglyph signifying this morphme, which connoted the semantics 'crocodile' presents a rhebus-metonymy-layered gloss: karb 'iron' which can be consistently deciphered on Indus Script -- as demonstrated in this monograph. karṓti ʻ does ʼ Br̥ĀrUp. [√kr̥1] Pk. karēi, karaï, A. kariba, B. karā, Or.karibā, Mth. karab, Bhoj. karal, OAw. karaï, H. karnā, OMarw. karaï, G. karvũ, M. karṇẽ, Ko. koruka, Si. karaṇavā, inscr. 3 pl. pres. karat Pa. kārēti ʻ constructs, builds ʼ; Pk. kārēi ʻ causes to be made ʼ;Or. karāibā (CDIAL 2814). This set from Indian sprachbund relates the morpheme karab (and variants) to the semantics: 'constructs, builds'. This is as close as possible to the semantics of an artificer, a vis'vakarman
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/itihasa-of-bharatam-janam-makara-manda.html The hieroglyph components which create the hieroglyph multiplex of makara include: gavialis gangeticus, elephant, fish, fish-tail, tiger. The components signify: kariba (that is, kar + iba, 'crocodile + elephant), 'artificer, builder' PLUS aya 'fish' + kola 'tiger', xolA 'tail' rebus: aya, ayas 'iron, metal' + kole.l 'smithy'. Thus, the makara hieroglyph multiplex signifies as plain text: kariba aya kole.l 'artificer-builder, iron, metal smithy'.
Makara with fish-tails and emergence of a smith, ivory-carver, artificer. Plaque from Casket V. Begram. Site 2, Chamber 10. Ivory. Inv. no.: MG 1901. Makara, eagle panel. Begram. Site 2, Chamber 13. Ivory. Inv. nos.: MA 209, 210.Musee Guimet.
In this rendering as mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher), the hieroglyph sets which appear on Indus Script Corpora gain a new consistent semantic category, guild: 'metalcaster/metalworker/artificer guild'.
H. sainī, senī f. ʻ ladder ʼ rebus: seṇi 'guild'; seṇimokkha the chief of an army (Pali) The core is a glyphic ‘chain’ or ‘ladder’. Glyph: kaḍī a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaḍiyaṇa, kaḍiyeṇa a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.)
The glyphics are: 1. Glyph: ‘one-horned young bull’: kondh ‘heifer’. kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’. 2. barad, barat 'ox' rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Molesworth Marathi Dictionary). balad m. ʻox ʼ, gng. bald, (Ku.) barad, id. (Nepali. Tarai) Rebus: bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(Punjabi) 3. Glyph: ‘ram’: meḍh ‘ram’. Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’. 4. Glyph: ‘antelope’: mr̤eka ‘goat’. Rebus: milakkhu ‘copper’. Vikalpa 1: meluhha ‘mleccha’ ‘copper worker’. Vikalpa 2: meṛh ‘helper of merchant’. 5. Glyph: ‘zebu’: poL Rebus: poL 'magnetite'. 6. The sixth animal can only be guessed. Perhaps, a tiger (A reasonable inference, because the glyph ’tiger’ appears in a procession on some Indus script inscriptions. Glyph: ‘tiger?’: kol ‘tiger’. Rebus: kol ’worker in iron’. Vikalpa (alternative): perhaps, rhinoceros. gaṇḍa ‘rhinoceros’; rebus: khaṇḍ ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. Vikalpa (alternative): perhaps, ghariyal: karabu 'crocodile''ghariyal' rebus: karb 'iron'; karavu 'crocodile' rebus: khar 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
Tell AsmarCylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE. ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'.gaṇḍa,kāṇḍā 'rhinoceros' Rebus:khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. karā 'crocodile' Rebus: khar 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) Alternative: ghariyal 'crocodile' rebus: karb 'iron'.
కరువు [ karuvu ] karuvu. [Tel.] n. Melting: what is melted. The clay mould for a metal image. A crucible. కరుగు. (Telugu) Ta. karai (-v-, -nt-) to dissolve in water, be reduced from solid to liquid form, wear away (as soil by the action of water), become emaciated, become gradually attenuated; (-pp-, -tt-) to dissolve in water (tr.), melt, liquefy, extirpate; karaiyal dissolving, melting, that which is dissolved; karaivu dissolving, tenderness of mind. Ma. karakkuka to melt, dissolve. Ko. karg- (kargy-) to dissolve, melt (intr.), be affected in the heart (by fear); kark- (karky-) to dissolve, melt (tr.). To. karx- (karxy-) to dissolve, melt (intr.); kark- (karky-) id. (tr.). Ka. karagu, karaṅgu, kargu to be dissolved, melt away, decrease in bulk, become softened to pity or love, pine away; karagisu, karigisu, kargisu to cause to be dissolved, melt; (Hav.) karaḍu to melt. Koḍ. kar- (kari-) to be digested; karak- (karaki-) to digest; (Shanmugam) to dissolve; [Shanmugam) karak dissolving. Tu. karaguni
to melt (intr.), dissolve, liquefy, become thin, become affected, softened, melt with pity; karagāvuni, kargāvuni to melt (tr.), liquefy, affect the mind, afflict; karavuni to be dissolved, melted, digested; karapuni to digest. Te. karãgu to melt (intr., tr.), dissolve, liquefy; karãgincu, karãcu to melt (tr.), dissolve, liquefy; karugu what is melted, a crucible; (K.) krã̄gu to be melted away; (K.) krã̄cu to melt (tr.). Ga. (S.3) karŋ-ēr- to be melted. Go. (Ma.) kari-, (W.) kaṛītānā, (Ko.) karŋg- to melt, dissolve (Voc. 530); (Koya Su.)karṅ- to melt. Konḍa (BB 1972) kariŋ- to melt, be dissolved. Kuwi (F.) karangali to be dissolved, be melted; (Su.) karŋg- to melt (intr.).(DEDR 1292) Ta. karu mould, matrix; karukku engraving, carving, embossed work. Ma. karu figure, mould; karukku-paṇi embossed work; karaṭu the original of a copy. Ka. karu embossed work, bas-relief;karuv-iḍu to put bosses or raised figures, mould, model. Tu. karu, garu, karavi a mould. Te. karugu, karuvu id. Kuwi (S.) garra form, mint; ḍālu- gara womb (for ḍālu, see 1123)(DEDR 1280).
Ta. karu foetus, embryo, egg, germ, young of animal; karuppai womb; karuvam foetus, embryo. Ma. karu embryo, yolk; karuntala generation. Ko. karv foetus of animal, larva of bees; pregnant (of animals). To. kef pregnant, in: kef ïr pregnant buffalo, kef nïl- to become pregnant, of animals. Ka. kandu foetus of beasts (? or with 1411 Ta. kaṉṟu). Te. karuvu foetus; (B.) kari uterus of animals;karugu an unopened ear of corn. Pa. kerba (pl. kerbel) egg. Ga. (Oll.) karbe id. Go. (Ko.) garba egg (Voc. 1054); (Koya Su.) garbūm id. ? Malt. káre to form as the stone or seed of a fruit. (DEDR 1279) Iron: wesi (Javanese), besi (Malay), dek (Khmer), Sumerian AN.BAR
Akkadian PAR.ZILLU Aramaic PAR.ZEL Hebrew BAR.ZEL Arabic FIR.ZILun Lithuanian geležis, but zalvaris (zhal.varis) 'bronze' Latvian DZELS "iron" Latvian zelts (ZEL.TS) "gold" but zils (ZILs) "blue"
Gavialis is a genus of crocodylians that includes the living gharialGavialis gangeticus and several extinct species, including Gavialis bengawanicus, Gavialis breviceps, Gavialis browni, Gavialis curvirostris, Gavialis hysudricus, Gavialis leptodus, Gavialis lewisi, andGavialis pachyrhynchus. Most species, including G. gangeticus, come from the Indian Subcontinent.(Lull, R. S. (1944). "Fossil gavials from north India". American Journal of Science242 (8): 417–430.) while G. bengawanicus is known from Java. Gavialis likely first appeared in the Indian Subcontinent in the early Miocene around 20 million years ago and dispersed into the Malay Archipelago through a path called the Siva–Malayan route in the Quaternary. Remains attributed to Gavialis have also been found on Sulawesi and Woodlark Island east of the Wallace Line, suggesting a prehistoric lineage of Gavialis was able to traverse marine environments and reach places possibly as far as western Oceania.(Delfino, M.; De Vos, J. (2010). "A revision of the Dubois crocodylians, Gavialis bengawanicus and Crocodylus ossifragus, from the Pleistocene Homo erectus beds of Java". Journal of Vertebrate Paleontology30 (2): 427.)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gavialis The Gharial (Gavialis gangeticus) is a unique species of crocodilian, characterized by its long, thin snout and the bulbous growth at the end of its snout. Though millions of years ago there were several similar species, today the Gharial is the last remaining species of this ancient line, the last surviving species of the family Gavialidae. The gharial gets its name from the Hindi word “ghara” which means pot. The “ghara” is a bulbous blob begins growing on the nostrils at the tip of the snout as soon as the males reach maturity. This strange form, called the ghara, turns the hissing noise commonly made by crocodilians into a buzzing noise, as air is forced through the nasal passage. It may also act as a sound amplifier, carrying the produced buzzing sound for great distances across water. The ghara may also help females identify mature males.
A skull of the extinct Gavialis species G. bengawanicus, which lived in the Pleistocene
Males are larger than females and only mature males have a bulbous growth at the end of their snouts.
கரவு² karavu, n. < கரா. cf. grāha. Alligator; முதலை. கரவார்தடம் (திவ். திருவாய். 8, 9, 9). கரா karā , n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலை. கராவதன் காலினைக்கதுவ (திவ். பெரியதி. 2, 3, 9). 2. Male alligator; ஆண்முதலை. (பிங்.) கராம் karām , n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலைவகை. முதலையு மிடங்கருங் கராமும் (குறிஞ்சிப். 257). 2. Male alligator; ஆண் முதலை. (திவா.) కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator. (Telugu) grāh ग्राह् । ग्राहः m. a crocodile.krumकृम्, (Gr.Gr. 21) krümüकृमू&below;, or (Śiv. 855), kṻrmकू&above;र्म् । कूर्मः m. (f. krumiñüकृमिञू&below;, q.v.), a tortoise (Śiv. 1755, 1817; Rām. 599); a crocodile (only El. krím).(Kashmiri) Gaha2 [Sk. graha, gaṇhāti, q. v. for etym.] "seizer," seizing, grasping, a demon, any being or object having a hold upon man. So at S i.208 where Sānu is "seized" by an epileptic fit (see note in K.S.i.267, 268). Used of dosa (anger) Dh 251 (exemplified at DhA iii.362 by ajagara˚ the grip of a boa, kumbhīla˚ of a crocodile, yakkha˚ of a demon). sagaha having crocodiles, full of e. (of the ocean) (+sarakkhasa) It 57. (Pali) grāhá (grābhá -- m. ʻ seizing ʼ RV.) ʻ seizing ʼ Yājñ., m. ʻ handle of sword ʼ lex. 2. ʻ rapacious animal living in the water ʼ Mn. [√grah]1. Pa. gāha -- n. ʻ grip, eclipse ʼ; Pk. gāha -- m. ʻ seizing, obstinacy ʼ; Kho. grah ʻ eclipse ʼ, Sh. grã̄ m. or < gráha -- ; S. g̠āha f. ʻ hilt of sword ʼ; Bi. gāhī ʻ third smallest sheaf ʼ; OAw. gāhā ʻ one who takes ʼ; H. gāh m. ʻ seizure, plot ʼ; M. gāhī, gāvī f. ʻ smith's pincers ʼ; Si. inscr. gahe loc. ʻ with regard to the receipt ʼ.2. Pk. gāha -- m. ʻ rapacious animal such as a crocodile ʼ, Kho. grah ʻ water animal which seizes a man in the river, the animal which swallows moon or sun when eclipsed ʼ; Sh. grã̄ m. ʻ crocodile ʼ, K. grāh m., H. gāh m.(CDIAL 4382)
karuvu n. Melting: what is melted (Te.)कारु [ kāru ] m (S) An artificer or artisan. 2 A common term for the twelve बलुतेदार q. v. Also कारुनारु m pl q. v. in नारुकारु. (Marathi) कारिगर, कारिगार, कारागीर, कारेगार, कारागार [ kārigara, kārigāra, kārāgīra, kārēgāra, kārāgāra ] m ( P) A good workman, a clever artificer or artisan. 2 Affixed as an honorary designation to the names of Barbers, and sometimes of सुतार, गवंडी, & चितारी. 3 Used laxly as adj and in the sense of Effectual, availing, effective of the end. बलुतें [ balutēṃ ] n A share of the corn and garden-produce assigned for the subsistence of the twelve public servants of a village, for whom see below. 2 In some districts. A share of the dues of the hereditary officers of a village, such as पाटील, कुळकरणी &c. बलुतेदार or बलुता [ balutēdāra or balutā ] or त्या m (बलुतें &c.) A public servant of a village entitled to बलुतें. There are twelve distinct from the regular Governmentofficers पाटील, कुळकरणी &c.; viz. सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग (These four constitute पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to चार पाचुंदे, twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the महार to आठ पाचुंदे); कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी constitute दुसरी orमधली कास or वळ, and are entitled, each, to तीन पाचुंदे; भट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी form तिसरी or धाकटी कास or वळ, and have, each, दोन पाचुंदे. Likewise there are twelve अलुते or supernumerary public claimants, viz. तेली, तांबोळी, साळी, माळी, जंगम, कळवांत, डवऱ्या, ठाकर, घडशी, तराळ, सोनार, चौगुला. Of these the allowance of corn is not settled. The learner must be prepared to meet with other enumerations of the बलुतेदार (e. g. पाटील, कुळ- करणी, चौधरी, पोतदार, देशपांड्या, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, सुतार, कुंभार, वेसकर, जोशी; also सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, कुंभार as constituting the first-class and claiming the largest division of बलुतें; next न्हावी, परीट, कोळी, गुरव as constituting the middle class and claiming a subdivision of बलुतें; lastly, भट, मुलाणा, सोनार, मांग; and, in the Konkan̤, yet another list); and with other accounts of the assignments of corn; for this and many similar matters, originally determined diversely, have undergone the usual influence of time, place, and ignorance. Of the बलुतेदार in the Indápúr pergunnah the list and description stands thus:--First class, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, महार; Second, परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग; Third, सोनार, मुलाणा, गुरव, जोशी, कोळी, रामोशी; in all fourteen, but in no one village are the whole fourteen to be found or traced. In the Panḍharpúr districts the order is:--पहिली or थोरली वळ (1st class); महार, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, दुसरी or मधली वळ(2nd class); परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग, तिसरी or धाकटी वळ (3rd class); कुळकरणी, जोशी, गुरव, पोतदार; twelve बलुते and of अलुते there are eighteen. According to Grant Duff, the बलतेदार are सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, मांग, कुंभार, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, जोशी, भाट, मुलाणा; and the अलुते are सोनार, जंगम, शिंपी, कोळी, तराळ or वेसकर, माळी, डवऱ्यागोसावी, घडशी, रामोशी, तेली, तांबोळी, गोंधळी. In many villages of Northern Dakhan̤ the महार receives the बलुतें of the first, second, and third classes; and, consequently, besides the महार, there are but nine बलुतेदार. The following are the only अलुतेदार or नारू now to be found;--सोनार, मांग, शिंपी, भट गोंधळी, कोर- गू, कोतवाल, तराळ, but of the अलुतेदार & बलुते- दार there is much confused intermixture, the अलुतेदार of one district being the बलुतेदार of another, and vice lls. (The word कास used above, in पहिली कास, मध्यम कास, तिसरी कास requires explanation. It means Udder; and, as the बलुतेदार are, in the phraseology of endearment or fondling, termed वासरें (calves), their allotments or divisions are figured by successive bodies of calves drawing at the कास or under of the गांव under the figure of a गाय or cow.) (Marathi)kruciji ‘smith’ (Old Church Slavic)
Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr seal; ca. 3200-3000 BC; serpentine; cat.1; boar and bull in procession; terminal: plant; heavily pitted surface beyond plant.
m1431B
Mohenjo-daro m1431 four-sided tablet. Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?]
One side (m1431B) of a four-sided tablet shows a procession of a tiger, an elephant and a rhinoceros (with fishes (or perhaps, crocodile) on top?).
koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.)कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)] baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali)
koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)]baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) baṭhi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kuṭhi) (Santali) bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; iṭa bhaṭa = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhaṭa a potter’s kiln; cun bhaṭa = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhaṭaea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhaṭṭhā (H.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a barzier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Skt.) mẽṛhẽt baṭi = iron (Ore) furnaces. [Synonyms are: mẽt = the eye, rebus for: the dotted circle (Santali.lex) baṭha [H. baṭṭhī (Sad.)] any kiln, except a potter’s kiln, which is called coa; there are four kinds of kiln: cunabat.ha, a lime-kin, it.abat.ha, a brick-kiln, ērēbaṭha, a lac kiln, kuilabaṭha, a charcoal kiln; trs. Or intrs., to make a kiln; cuna rapamente ciminaupe baṭhakeda? How many limekilns did you make? Baṭha-sen:gel = the fire of a kiln; baṭi [H. Sad. baṭṭhi, a furnace for distilling) used alone or in the cmpds. arkibuṭi and baṭiora, all meaning a grog-shop; occurs also in ilibaṭi, a (licensed) rice-beer shop (Mundari.lex.) bhaṭi = liquor from mohwa flowers (Santali)
ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaṇḍa'arrow' Rebus: khāṇḍa‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.ayaskāṇḍa is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib ‘iron'. Alternative: కరటి [ karaṭi ] karaṭi. [Skt.] n. An elephant. ఏనుగు (Telugu) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kāṇḍa 'rhimpceros' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. The text on m0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.
Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा[khāṇḍā]A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.
m0489A One side of a prism tablet shows: crocodile + fish glyphic on the top register. Glyphs: crocodile + fish Rebus: ayakāra ‘blacksmith’ (Pali)
Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा[khāṇḍā]A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.
It is possible that the broken portions of set 2 (h1973B and h1974B) showed three animals in procession: tiger looking back and up + rhinoceros + tiger.
Reverse side glyphs:
eraka ‘nave of wheel’. Rebus: era ‘copper’. āra 'spokes' Rebus:āra 'brass'.
Identifying Meluhha gloss for parenthesis hieroglyph or ( ) split ellipse: குடிலம்¹ kuṭilam, n. < kuṭila. 1. Bend curve, flexure; வளைவு. (திவா.) (Tamil) In this reading, the Sign 12 signifies a specific smelter for tin metal: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/ kuṭila, 'tin (bronze)metal; kuṭila, katthīl= bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Samskritam) See: http://download.docslide.us/uploads/check_up03/192015/5468918eb4af9f285a8b4c67.pdf It will be seen from Sign 15 that the basic framework of a water-carrier hieroglyph (Sign 12) is superscripted with another hieroglyph component, Sign 342: 'Rim of jar' to result in Sign 15. Thus, Sign 15 is composed of two hieroglyph components: Sign 12 'water-carrier' hieroglyph; Sign 342: "rim-of-jar' hieroglyph (which constitutes the inscription on Daimabad Seal 1). kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decoded: kaṇḍ karṇaka ‘furnace scribe' Daimabad Seal 1 (Sign 342: Two hieroglyph components: jar with short-neck and rim-of-jar) -- distringuished from broad-mouthed rimless pot which is another Sign hieroglyph. Each hieroglyph component of Sign 15 is read in rebus-metonymy-layered-meluhha-cipher: Hieroglyph component 1: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/kuṭila, 'tin metal'. Hieroglyph component 2: kanka, kārṇī-ka 'rim-of-jar' rebus: kanka, kārṇī-ka m. ʻsupercargo of a shipʼ 'scribe'.
Ligatured hieroglyph 15 using two ligaturing components: 1. water-carrier; 2. rim-of-jar. The ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph connotes: furnace account (scribe). Together with the glyph showing ‘water-carrier’, the ligatured glyphs of kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ + ‘rim-of-jar’ can thus be read as: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka ‘smelting furnace account (scribe)’.
Two characteristic hieroglyphs are often seen in front of one-horned young bull and other animals signified,unambiguously, on Indus Script inscriptions: 1. सांगडsāṅgaḍa lathe, portable furnace 2. patthara feeding trough. A third characteristic feature is animals joined together which is also signified by सांगडsāṅgaḍa. The lathe, portable furnace hieroglyph-multiplex is
generally shown in front of a one-horned young bull; whereas, the feeding
trough hieroglyph is shown in front of animals, even wild animals As signifiers, the lathe or feeding trough have to be consistently related to what the associated animals signify.
This note demonstrates that both 1. the animals as well as 2. the devices (lathe or feeding trough) fronting them are related to Bronze Age metalwork cataloguing as descriptions of resources used or products produced.
Rebus readings of सांगडsāṅgaḍa and patthara are central to the
decipherment of Indus Script cipher in the context of Bronze Age revolution.
sangaDa,lathe, gimlet; portable furnace सांगडThat member of a turner's
apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied.; सांगड
(p. 840) [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) A float composed of two canoes or boats
bound together: also a link of two pompions &c. to swim or float by.
2 f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined
[An allograph pattara 'trough' is a glyph used in front of many types of animals including wild animals and composite animal glyphs. pātra ‘trough’; patthar ‘merchant’. It also connotes a 'guild'.]
पात्र pātra, (l.) s. Vessel, cup, plate; receptacle. [lw. Sk. id.] (Nepali) pātramu A utensil, ఉపకరణము. Hardware. metal vessels. (Telugu) பத்தல் pattal, n. பத்தர்¹ pattar 1. A wooden bucket; மரத்தாலான நீரிறைக்குங் கருவி. தீம்பிழி யெந்திரம் பத்தல் வருந்த (பதிற்றுப். 19, 23).
Ku. pathrauṭī f. ʻ pavement of slates and stones ʼ.(CDIAL 8858) Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop.(DEDR 3865). pathürü f. ʻ level piece of ground, plateau, small village ʼ; S. patharu m. ʻ rug, mat ʼ; Or. athuripathuri ʻ bag and baggage ʼ; M. pāthar f. ʻ flat stone ʼ; OMarw. pātharī ʻ precious stone ʼ.(CDIAL 8857) Allograph Indus script glyph: pātra 'trough' in front of wild/domesticated/composite animals. pattar 'trough' (DEDR 4079) 4080 Ta. cavity, hollow, deep hole; pattar (DEDR 4080) Rebus: பத்தர்² pattar , n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths. It was a smiths' guild at work on circular platforms of Harappa using tablets as category 'tallies' for the final shipment of package with a seal impression.
Kaŋsa [cp. Sk. kaŋsa; of uncertain etym., perhaps of Babylonian origin, cp. hirañña] 1. bronze Miln 2; magnified by late commentators occasionally into silver or gold. Thus J vi.504 (silver) and J i.338; iv.107; vi.509 (gold), considered more suitable to a fairy king. -- 2. a bronze gong Dh 134 (DhA iii.58). -- 3. a bronze dish J i.336; āpānīya˚ a bronze drinking cup, goblet M. i.316. -- 4. a "bronze," i. e. a bronze coin worth 4 kahāpaṇas Vin iv.255, 256. See Rhys Davids, Coins and Measures §§ 12, 22. -- "Golden bronze" in a fairy tale at Vv 54 is explained by Dhammapāla VvA 36 as "bells." -- It is doubtful whether brass was known in the Ganges valley when the earlier books were composed; but kaŋsa may have meant metal as opposed to earthenware. See the compounds. -- pattharika a dealer in bronze ware Vin ii.135 -- loha bronze Miln 267 Pattharika [fr. patthara] a merchant Vin ii.135 (kaŋsa˚).
Lothal: Terracotta model. Provision for fixing sail
This monograph posits links between Sindhu-Sarasvati Civilization and Mari of the 3rd millennium BCE and posits that the 'unicorn' standard carried on a victory procession signifies gold for ornaments produced by the artisans of the civilization who produced over 8000 inscriptions in Meluhha Indus Script. This links with the presence of Meluhha colonies in the Ancient Near East authenticated by cuneiform texts and trade in copper, tin, semi-precious stones with Meluhha. The Mohenjo-daro priest is Potr, dhavad, 'purifier priest, smelter', Potadar 'assayer of metals'. The priest of Mari is also likely to be in thie genre of temple administrators regulating trade by artisans and seafaring merchants of Meluhha who documented their wealth-creation activities on Indus Script inscriptions as wealth-accounting, metalwork, lapidary-work ledgers. This is also attested as tributes from Musiri recorded on Shalamaneser II Black Obelisk.
After Fig 6.2 Unicorn seal, detail of head, H95-2491, scanning electron miscroscope photo ( Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Iconography of the Indus Unicorn: Origins and Legacy, in: Shinu Anna Abraham, Praveena Gullapalli, Teresa P. Raczek, Uzma Z. Rizvi, (Eds.), 2013,Connections and Complexity, New Approaches to the Archaeology of South Asia, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California, pp. 107-126) Hieroglyph III (three linear strokes): kolom 'three' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'village headman' singi 'gold for ornaments'; koḍiyum 'neck ring' rebus:koḍ 'workshop'; khara 'onager (face)' rebus: khār'blacksmith'; खोंड khōṇḍa 'A young bull' rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'. Composite hypertext, cyphertext: khōṇḍa khara singi kolom 'young bull, onager, one-horn (horned)rebus plain text: kōṇḍa kunda khār singi kolimi 'कोंड[kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजाor village, composed generally of the huts of one caste, kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace',fine-gold smith gold for ornaments smithy/forge'. The reading of khara 'onager' ligatured to a young bovine is reinforced by: کرś̱ẖʿkar or ḵ́ẖʿkar, 'horn' (Pashto) PLUS खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf (Marathi). کار کندkār-kund(corrup. of Pکار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.)کار کندهkār-kundaʿh. (Pashto) P کارkār, s.m. (2nd) Business, action, affair, work, labor, profession, operation.
Singin (adj.) [Vedic śṛngin] having a horn Vin ii.300; J iv.173 (=cow); clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53. Rebus: Singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84. -- nada gold Vv 6428; VvA 284. -- loṇa ( -- kappa) license as to ginger & salt Vin ii.300, 306. -- vaṇṇa gold-coloured D ii.133. -- suvaṇṇa gold VvA 167.(Pali)
Cuneiform text related to the four sides reads in translation from Akkadian:
The hieroglyphs are rendered in cuneiform script as: camels, river-ox (buffalo), sakea (unicorn), susu (antelope), elephants, monkeys. These hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha expressions since Musri is an area of Kurds many of whom practice Hindu traditions even today. The readings in Meluhha expressions, of the hypertexts and plan texts are: karibha'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron' ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter' sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara 'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa 'young bull' PLUSmer̥ha 'crumpled (horn)' rebus: kār kunda 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith' کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) medhā 'yajna, dhanam' med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
Two monkey anthropomorphs are held in leash following the elephant.
The first monkey is read rebus as: कुठारु 'monkey' (Monier-Williams) Rebus: कुठारु 'armourer' (Monier-Williams)
The second monkey anthropomorph turns its head backwards. The rebus readings of this second animal are:
ūkam, 'Female monkey' rebus: ukku 'steel' PLUS kammara 'turn back' rebus: kamar'blacksmith'.Thus, steelsmith. This reinforces the semanics signified by the elephant: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus; karba, ib 'iron' PLUS panja 'claws' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'
Hieroglyph: Female monkey: ஊகம்1ūkam, n. 1. Female monkey; பெண் குரங்கு. (திவா.) 2. Black monkey; கருங் குரங்கு. பைங்க ணூகம்பாம்பு பிடித்தன்ன(சிறுபாண். 221). 3. cf. ஊகை2. இயூகம்iyūkam, n. < ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (பெருங். வத்தவ. 17, 14.) வல்லூகம்2val-l-ūkam, n. < வல்1 + ஊகம்1. (W.) 1. Male monkey; ஆண்குரங்கு. 2. Large ape; முசு.கருவிரலூகம்karu-viral-ūkam, n. < கரு-மை +. A catapultic machine, of the shape of a monkey with black claws, mounted on the walls of a fort in ancient times and intended to seize and bite the approaching enemy; கரிய விரல்களையுடைய குரங்குபோலிருந்து சேர்ந்தாரைக் கடிக்கும் மதிற்பொறி. கருவிரலூகமுங் கல்லுமிழ் கவ ணும் (சிலப். 15, 208).காரூகம்kār-ūkam, n. < கார் + ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (திவா.) யூகம்1yūkam, n. < ஊகம்1. 1. Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. யூகமொடு மாமுக முசுக்கலை (திருமுரு. 302). (பிங்.) 2. Female monkey; பெண்குரங்கு. (திவா.)
Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te.ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)
On this sculptural frieze, the first animal from the left has been mentioned in the cuneiform inscription and translated as a river- or water-ox (buffalo). It is possible that the iconography of the animal may signify an aurochs or zebuand thus, the animal may be a composite animal in Indus Script Cipher tradition of iconography. The animal has a scarf on its shoulder and the horns merge into a circle. The cleft hoofs of the three bovines are clearly indicated in the iconography. ukṣán1 m. ʻ bull ʼ RV. [√ukṣ]Pk. ukkhā nom. sg. m. ʻ ox ʼ, vacchāṇa -- m. X vr̥ṣabhá<-> or vatsá -- .mahōkṣá -- .ukhá m. ʻ cooking -- pot ʼ AV., ukhāˊ -- f. RV.Or. uhā ʻ an earthen pot ʼ.úkhya -- .úkhya ʻ being in a cauldron ʼ ŚBr., ʻ boiled in a pot ʼ Pāṇ. [ukhá -- ]Pa. Pk. ukkhā -- f. ʻ cooking -- pot ʼ; A. ukhāiba ʻ to boil slightly ʼ, ukhowā ʻ rice boiled and dried before husking ʼ; -- Pa. ukkhali -- f. ʻ pot for cooking rice in ʼ; Si. ikiliya ʻ pot ʼ.Addenda: úkhya -- : WPah.kṭg. ókkhər ʻ kitchen utensil (vessel, kettle) ʼ (Him.I 9 or < †aukhya -- ).(CDIAL 1628 to 1630) mahōkṣá m. ʻ a large bull ʼ ŚBr. [mahā -- , ukṣán -- ] H. mahoch m. ʻ great ox, blockhead ʼ.(CDIAL 9978)
Source: Jeremy A. Black, A. R. George, J. N. Postgate, Tina BreckwoldtOtto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000 - A concise dictionary of Akkadian. The Akkadian expression alpu 'bull' alpu nāri is translated as 'water, river ox'.
Hieroglyph: scarf on the shoulder of the bovine: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā] Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)
I suggest that the Meluhha expression which is consistent with the iconography and the cuneiform inscription is that the animal is a zebu. Thus, the animal with the scarf on its neck is read rebus as: पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the animal signifies the wealth resource tribute of iron magnetite ore PLUS circle as horn: vaṭṭa 'circle'. Thus, the expression of scarf PLUS horns is read as: dhã̄i 'mineral ore' PLUS vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: dhāvaḍ'smelter'. Thus, the mineral wealth as a tribute signified by this composite animal signifies smelted iron, magnetite ore.
"Mari is not considered a small settlement that later grew,but rather a new city that was purposely founded during the MesopotamianEarly Dynastic period Ic. 2900 BC, to control the waterways of theEuphratestrade routes that connect theLevantwith theSumeriansouth.The city was built about 1 to 2 kilometers away from the Euphrates river to protect it from floods,and was connected to the river by an artificialcanalthat was between 7 and 10 kilometers long, depending on whichmeander it used for transport, which is hard to identify today.(Margueron, Jean-Claude (2013). "The Kingdom of Mari". In Crawford, Harriet (ed.). The Sumerian World. Translated by Crawford, Harriet. Routledge, p.520)
"The city is difficult to excavate as it is buried deep under later layers of habitation.[4] A defensive system against floods composed of a circular embankment was unearthed,[4] in addition to a circular 6.7 m thick internal rampart to protect the city from enemies.[4]An area 300 meters in length filled with gardens and craftsmen quarters[5] separated the outer embankment from the inner rampart, which had a height of 8 to 10 meters and was strengthened by defensive towers....Mari's (Tell Harriri) position made it an important trading center as it controlled the road linking between the Levant and Mesopotamia. The Amorite Mari maintained the older aspects of the economy, which was still largely based on irrigated agriculture along the Euphrates valley. The city kept its trading role and was a center for merchants from Babylonia and other kingdoms, it received goods from the south and east through riverboats and distributed them north, north west and west.[174] The main merchandises handled by Mari were metals and tin imported from the Iranian Plateau and then exported west as far as Crete. Other goods included copper from Cyprus, silver from Anatolia, woods from Lebanon, gold from Egypt, olive oil, wine, and textiles in addition to precious stones from modern Afghanistan...Mari was classified by the archaeologists as the "most westerly outpost of Sumerian culture".(Gadd, Cyril John (1971). "The Cities of Babylonia". In Edwards, Iorwerth Eiddon Stephen; Gadd, Cyril John; Hammond, Nicholas Geoffrey Lemprière (eds.). Part 2: Early History of the Middle East. The Cambridge Ancient History (Second Revised Series). 1 (3 ed.). Cambridge University Press, p.97. )...A journal devoted to the site since 1982, is Mari: Annales de recherches interdisciplinaires...Since the beginning of excavations, over 25,000 clay tablets in Akkadian language written in cuneiform were discovered...The language of the texts is official Akkadian, but proper names and hints in syntax show that the common language of Mari's inhabitants was Northwest Semitic...Excavations stopped as a result of the Syrian Civil War that began in 2011 and continues to the present (2019).The site came under the control of armed gangs and suffered large scale looting. A 2014 official report revealed that robbers were focusing on the royal palace, the public baths, the temple of Ishtar and the temple of Dagan.
These inlaid mosaics, composed of figures carved in mother-of-pearl, against a background of small blocks of lapis lazuli or pink limestone, set in bitumen, are among the most original and attractive examples of Mesopotamian art. It was at Mari that a large number of these mosaic pieces were discovered. Here they depict a victory scene: soldiers lead defeated enemy captives, naked and in chains, before four dignitaries.
A victory scene
The pieces that make up this shell mosaic composition were found scattered on the floor of the Temple of Ishtar, and therefore the reconstruction of the original panel is based on guesswork, all the more so in that the shell pieces are missing. The shell figures were arranged on a wooden panel covered with a layer of bitumen. The whole composition was organized in several registers, and the frame of the panel was emphasized by a double red and white line of stone and shell. The spaces between the figures were filled by small tiles of gray-black shale. The panel depicts the end of a battle, with soldiers leading their stripped and bound captives before dignitaries. The soldiers wear helmets, carry spears or adzes, and are dressed in kaunakes (fleecy skirts or kilts) and scarves. The dignitaries wear kaunakes and low fur hats, and each carries a long-handled adze on the left shoulder. Their leader appears to be a shaven-headed figure: stripped to the waist and wearing kaunakes, he carries a standard showing a bull standing on a pedestal. The lower register, on the right, features traces of a chariot drawn by onagers, a type of wild ass.
The art of mosaic
Many fragments of mosaic panels were discovered in the temples of Mari. Used to decorate the soundboxes of musical instruments, "gaming tables," or simple rectangular wooden panels, the pieces of mosaic seen here were like scattered pieces of a jigsaw puzzle when they were found. Mosaic pictures were particularly prized in Mesopotamia. Fragments can be found in Kish, Tello, and Tell Asmar, in Mesopotamia, and in Ebla, Syria, where these extremely fragile works of art did not survive the destruction of the buildings in which they were housed. Only the Standard of Ur (Mesopotamia) has been preserved, an object which offers many points of comparison with the present work, since one side of this artifact is devoted to the theme of war. We know that the fragments discovered at Mari were manufactured locally, for the workshop of an engraver using mother-of-pearl was found in the palace. By the delicacy of their carving and engraving, the mother-of-pearl figures produced in this capital of a kingdom on the Middle Euphrates distinguish it from other centers of artistic production; they sometimes even surpass works of art produced in the Mesopotamian city of Ur. One of the distinctive features of Mari is the diversity of the scenes depicted: battles and scenes of offerings made to the gods, religious scenes with priests and priestesses, and sacrifices of rams.These scenes provide us with invaluable insights into the social, political, and religious life of Mari.
Bibliography
Contenau G., Manuel d'archéologie orientale depuis les origines jusqu'à Alexandre : les découvertes archéologiques de 1930 à 1939, IV, Paris : Picard, 1947, pp. 2049-2051, fig. 1138 Parrot A., Les fouilles de Mari, première campagne (hiver 1933-1934), Extr. de : Syria, 16, 1935, paris : P. Geuthner, pp. 132-137, pl. XXVIII Parrot A., Mission archéologique de Mari : vol. I : le temple d'Ishtar, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique, LXV, Paris : Institut français d'archéologie du Proche-Orient, 1956, pp. 136-155, pls. LVI-LVII
The remains of the royal palace of Mari. "The Royal Palace of Mari was the royal residence of the rulers of the ancient kingdom of Mari in eastern Syria. Situated centrally amidst Palestine, Syria, Babylon, Levant, and other Mesopotamian city-states, Mari acted as the “middle-man” to these larger, powerful kingdoms.[2] Both the size and grand nature of the palace demonstrate the importance of Mari during its long history, though the most intriguing feature of the palace is the nearly 25,000 tablets found within the palace rooms.[3] The royal palace was discovered in 1935, excavated with the rest of the city throughout the 1930s, and is considered one of the most important finds made at Mari[4]André Parrotled the excavations and was responsible for the discovery of the city and the palace. Thousands of clay tablets were discovered through the efforts of André Bianquis, which provided archaeologists the tools to learn about, and to understand, everyday life at the palace and in Mari.[5] The discovery of the tablets also aided in the labeling of various rooms in terms of their purpose and function...The palace reached its grandest state with its last renovation under king Zimri-Lim in the 18th century BC; in addition to serving as the home of the royal family, the palace would have also housed royal guards, state workers, members of the military, and those responsible for the daily activities of the kingdom...Statues of gods and past rulers were the most common among statues unearthed at the Palace of Zimri-Lin. The title of Shakkanakku (military governor) was borne by all the princes of a dynasty who reigned at Mari in the late third millennium and early second millennium BC. These kings were the descendents of the military governors appointed by the kings of Akkad. Statues and sculpture were used to decorate the exterior and interior of the palace. Zimri-Lin used these statues to connect his kingship to the gods and to the traditions of past rulers. Most notable of these statues are the statue of Iddi-Ilum, Ishtup-Ilum, the Statue of the Water Goddess, and Puzur-Ishtar."
Cylinder dating to the Second Kingdom. (25th century BCE)
The lion of Mari. (22nd century BCE)
Goddess of the vase. (18th century BCE). Statue of a Water Goddess. Was originally a fountain, with water flowing out of the vase. The circular design of the mouth of the vase compares with the design of Eyes in the Eye Temple.
Investiture of Zimri-Lim (19th cent. BCE)
Puzur Ishtar, Shakkanakku of Mari. (c. 2050 BCE). Former Governor of Mari.
The kingdom of Nagar c. 2340 BCE.
Eye figurines from the Eye Temple."During the third millennium BC, the city was known as "Nagar", which might be of Semitic origin and mean a "cultivated place". The name "Nagar" ceased occurring following the Old Babylonian period,however, the city continued to exist as Nawar, under the control of Hurrian state of Mitanni. Hurrian kings of Urkesh took the title "King of Urkesh and Nawar" in the third millennium BC; although there is general view that the third millennium BC Nawar is identical with Nagar, some scholars, such as Jesper Eidem, doubt this.Those scholars opt for a city closer to Urkesh which was also called Nawala/Nabula as the intended Nawar."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tell_Brak"
कुन्द is a name of विष्णु, Kubera's treasure. Rebus pictographs Meluhha signifiers of कुन्द lapidary, goldsmith, metalworker setter of gems in gold jewels. Shown with a standard device (lathe, portable furnace) which is sangaḍ, he is also rebus: jangaḍiyo 'guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' (Gujarati). The rebus expression jangaḍ signifies a unique method of invoicng on approval basis which is practised even today by jewellers and diamond workers of Gujarat.
Reinforcement is provided by many artifacts with Indus Script hypertexts which signify a cattlepen. The word in Indian sprachbuns for a cattlepen is:कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa f A fold orpen.कोंडवाडkōṇḍavāḍa C (कोंडणें & वाडा) Apenor fold for cattle.कोंडीkōṇḍī ...confined place gen.; a lockup house, apen, fold, pound Rebus: Fine gold: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇapure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold.(DEDR 1725)
Evidences for the signifier of one-horned young bull ('unicorn') on Ancient Near East artifacts including cylinder seals are presented in this monograph.
कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa, 'cattlepen', Mesopotamia Rebus: kundaṇa 'fine gold' Rebus: konda 'lapidary, metalworker, setting gems in find gold jewels'. singi 'horned' rebus: singi ;gold for ornaments'. śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् Ficus infectoria (i.e. a semantic determinative) rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments' shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.
Mudhif and three reed banners
Figure 15.1. Sealing with representations of reed structures with cows, calves, lambs, and ringed
bundle “standards” of Inana (drawing by Diane Gurney. After Hamilton 1967, fig. 1)
Three rings on reed posts are three dotted circles: dāya 'dotted circle' on dhā̆vaḍ priest of 'iron-smelters', signifies tadbhava from Rigveda dhāī ''a strand (Sindhi) (hence, dotted circle shoring cross section of a thread through a perorated bead);rebus: dhāū, dhāv ʻa partic. soft red ores'. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)
Cylinder seal impression, Uruk period, Uruk?, 3500-2900 BCE. Note a load of livestock (upper), overlapping greatly (weird representation), and standard 'mudhif' reed house form common to S. Iraq (lower).
Cattle Byres c.3200-3000 B.C. Late Uruk-Jemdet Nasr period. Magnesite. Cylinder seal. In the lower field of this seal appear three reed cattle byres. Each byre is surmounted by three reed pillars topped by rings, a motif that has been suggested as symbolizing a male god, perhaps Dumuzi. Within the huts calves or vessels appear alternately; from the sides come calves that drink out of a vessel between them. Above each pair of animals another small calf appears. A herd of enormous cattle moves in the upper field. Cattle and cattle byres in Southern Mesopotamia, c. 3500 BCE. Drawing of an impression from a Uruk period cylinder seal. (After Moorey, PRS, 1999, Ancient mesopotamian materials and industries: the archaeological evidence, Eisenbrauns.)
A cow and a stable of reeds with sculpted columns in the background. Fragment of another vase of alabaster (era of Djemet-Nasr) from Uruk, Mesopotamia.
·Fragment of a stele, raised standards. From Tello.
·Hieroglyphs: Quadrupeds exiting the mund (or mudhif) are pasaramu, pasalamu ‘an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped’ (Telugu) పసరము [ pasaramu ] or పసలముpasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి.
·A cow and a stable of reeds with sculpted columns in the background. Fragment of another vase of alabaster (era of Djemet-Nasr) from Uruk, Mesopotamia. Limestone 16 X 22.5 cm. AO 8842, Louvre, Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Paris, France. Six circles decorated on the reed post are semantic determinants of Glyphआर [ āra ] A term in the play of इटीदांडू,--the number six. (Marathi) आर [ āra ] A tuft or ring of hair on the body. (Marathi) Rebus: āra ‘brass’. काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. The rebus reading of the pair of reeds in Sumer standard is: khānḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’.
Rebus: pasra = a smithy, place where a black-smith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) పసారము [ pasāramu ] or పసారుpasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. అంగడి.
·Both hieroglyphs together may have read rebus: *kāṇḍāra: *kāṇḍakara ʻ worker with reeds or arrows ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , kará -- 1] L. kanērā m. ʻ mat -- maker ʼ; H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers ʼ.(CDIAL 3024). Rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'. khaṇḍa 'implements' (Santali) लोखंड (p. 423) lōkhaṇḍa n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडकाम (p. 423) lōkhaṇḍakāma n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी (p. 423) lōkhaṇḍī a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron.
·and modern mudhif structure (Iraq) compare with the Toda mund (sacred hut)
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·The Uruk trough. From Uruk (Warka), southern Iraq. Late Prehistoric period, about 3300-3000 BC
·A cult object in the Temple of Inanna?
·This trough was found at Uruk, the largest city so far known in southern Mesopotamia in the late prehistoric period (3300-3000 BC). The carving on the side shows a procession of sheep approaching a reed hut (of a type still found in southern Iraq) and two lambs emerging. The decoration is only visible if the trough is raised above the level at which it could be conveniently used, suggesting that it was probably a cult object, rather than of practical use. It may have been a cult object in the Temple of Inana (Ishtar), the Sumerian goddess of love and fertility; a bundle of reeds (Inanna's symbol) can be seen projecting from the hut and at the edges of the scene. Later documents make it clear that Inanna was the supreme goddess of Uruk. Many finely-modelled representations of animals and humans made of clay and stone have been found in what were once enormous buildings in the centre of Uruk, which were probably temples. Cylinder seals of the period also depict sheep, cattle, processions of people and possibly rituals. Part of the right-hand scene is cast from the original fragment now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
·J. Black and A. Green, Gods, demons and symbols of -1 (London, The British Museum Press, 1992)
·H.W.F. Saggs, Babylonians (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
·D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
·H. Frankfort, The art and architecture of th (London, Pelican, 1970)
·Sumerian mudhif facade, with uncut reed fonds and sheep entering, carved into a gypsum trough from Uruk, c. 3200 BCE (British Museum WA 12000). Photo source.
·Fig. 5B. Carved gypsum trough from Uruk. Two lambs exit a reed structure identifical to the present-day mudhif on this ceremonial trough from the site of Uruk in northern Iraq. Neither the leaves or plumes have been removed from the reds which are tied together to form the arch. As a result, the crossed-over, feathered reeds create a decorative pattern along the length of the roof, a style more often seen in modern animal shelters built by the Mi'dan. Dating to ca. 3000 BCE, the trough documents the extraordinry length of time, such arched reed buildings have been in use. (The British Museum BCA 120000, acg. 2F2077)
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·End of the Uruk trough. Length: 96.520 cm Width: 35.560 cm Height: 15.240 cm
·284 x 190 mm. Close up view of a Toda hut, with figures seated on the stone wall in front of the building. Photograph taken circa 1875-1880, numbered 37 elsewhere. Royal Commonwealth Society Library. Cambridge University Library. University of Cambridge.
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·The Toda mund, from, Richard Barron, 1837, "View in India, chiefly among the Nilgiri Hills'. Oil on canvas. The architecture of Iraqi mudhif and Toda mund -- of Indian linguistic area -- is comparable.
·The hut of a Toda Tribe of Nilgiris, India. Note the decoration of the front wall, and the very small door.
·Rebus Meluhha readings: kōṭhā 'warehouse' kuṭhāru 'armourer, PLUS kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS ḍhāla 'flagstaff' rebus: ḍhālako 'large ingot'. Thus, the message is: armoury, smithy, forge ingots.
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·m0702 Text 2206 showing Sign 39, a glyph which compares with the Sumerian mudhif structure.
·- ढालकाठी [ ḍhālakāṭhī ] f ढालखांब m A flagstaff; esp.the pole for a grand flag or standard.
·ढाल [ ḍhāla ] 'flagstaff' rebus: dhalako 'a large metal ingot (Gujarati) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati). The mudhif flag on the inscription is read rebus: xolā'tail' Rebus: kole.l 'smithy, temple'. The structure is goṭ 'catttle-pen' (Santali) rebus: koṭṭhaka 'warehouse'. [kōṣṭhāgāra n. ʻ storeroom, store ʼ Mn. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, agāra -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāgāra -- n. ʻ storehouse, granary ʼ; Pk. koṭṭhāgāra -- , koṭṭhāra -- n. ʻ storehouse ʼ; K. kuṭhār m. ʻ wooden granary ʼ, WPah. bhal. kóṭhār m.; A. B. kuṭharī ʻ apartment ʼ, Or. koṭhari; Aw. lakh. koṭhārʻ zemindar's residence ʼ; H. kuṭhiyār ʻ granary ʼ; G. koṭhār m. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ, koṭhāriyũ n. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. koṭhār n., koṭhārẽ n. ʻ large granary ʼ, -- °rī f. ʻ small one ʼ; Si. koṭāra ʻ granary, store ʼ.WPah.kṭg. kəṭhāˊr, kc. kuṭhār m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ, J. kuṭhār, kṭhār m.; -- Md. kořāru ʻ storehouse ʼ ← Ind.(CDIAL 3550)] Rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer,
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·Field symbol is zebu (bos indicus). pōḷa'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' [pōlāda] 'steel'.
·Text 1330 (appears with Zebu glyph) showing Sign 39. Pictorial motif: Zebu (Bos indicus) This sign is comparable to the cattle byre of Southern Mesopotamia dated to c. 3000 BCE. Rebus Meluhha readings of gthe inscription are from r. to l.: kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge' PLUS goṭ 'cattle-pen' rebus: koṭṭhāra 'warehouse' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) PLUS kanka, karṇika कर्णिक 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale'. Read together with the fieldsymbol of the zebu,the message is: magnetite ore smithy, forge, warehouse, iron alloy metal, bronze merchandise (ready for loading as cargo).
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·goṭ = the place where cattle are collected at mid-day (Santali); goṭh (Brj.)(CDIAL 4336). goṣṭha (Skt.); cattle-shed (Or.) koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी [ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi)
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·koṭṭhaka1 (nt.) "a kind of koṭṭha," the stronghold over a gateway, used as a store -- room for various things, a chamber, treasury, granary Vin ii.153, 210; for the purpose of keeping water in it Vin ii.121=142; 220; treasury J i.230; ii.168; -- store -- room J ii.246; koṭthake pāturahosi appeared at the gateway, i. e. arrived at the mansion Vin i.291.; -- udaka -- k a bath -- room, bath cabinet Vin i.205 (cp. Bdhgh's expln at Vin. Texts ii.57); so also nahāna -- k˚ and piṭṭhi -- k˚, bath -- room behind a hermitage J iii.71; DhA ii.19; a gateway, Vin ii.77; usually in cpd. dvāra -- k˚ "door cavity," i. e. room over the gate: gharaŋ satta -- dvāra -- koṭṭhakapaṭimaṇḍitaŋ "a mansion adorned with seven gateways" J i.227=230, 290; VvA 322. dvāra -- koṭṭhakesu āsanāni paṭṭhapenti "they spread mats in the gateways" VvA 6; esp. with bahi: bahi -- dvārakoṭṭhakā nikkhāmetvā "leading him out in front of the gateway" A iv.206; ˚e thiṭa or nisinna standing or sitting in front of the gateway S i.77; M i.161, 382; A iii.30. -- bala -- k. a line of infantry J i.179. -- koṭṭhaka -- kamma or the occupation connected with a storehouse (or bathroom?) is mentioned as an example of a low occupation at Vin iv.6; Kern, Toev. s. v. "someone who sweeps away dirt." (Pali)
· One-horned young bulls and calves are shown emerging out of कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa cattlepens heralded by Inana standards atop the mudhifs. The Inana standards are reeds with three rings. The reed standard is the same which is signified on Warka vase c. 3200–3000 BCE. Ring on a standard is also shown on Jasper cylinder seal with four standardd bearers holding aloft Indus Script hypertexts. See:
कुन्द a turner's lathe (Monier-Williams) कुन्द N. of विष्णुMBh. xiii. 7036; one of कुबेर's nine treasures (N. of a गुह्यकGal. ) (Monier-Williams) Fine gold, lapidary work: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇapure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold(DEDR 1725) kunda is thus a lapidary, a worker with a lathe, setting gems in gold jewels. A cognate word signifies a cattle-pen: कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. कोंडणी kōṇḍaṇī f (Poetry. कोंडणें) Shut up, confined, embarrassed, or perplexed state, lit. fig. Ex. ऐशा विचाराच्या घालुनि कोंडणीं ॥ काय चक्रपाणि निजले ती ॥. कोंडणें kōṇḍaṇēṃ v c To shut up; to stop or block up; to confine gen. (a person in a room, a stream by an embankment, the breath &c.) 2 fig. To pose, puzzle, confute, silence. कोंडी kōṇḍī f (कोंडणें) A confined place gen.; a lockup house, a pen, fold, pound; a receiving apartment or court for Bráhmans gathering for दक्षिणा; a prison at the play of आट्यापाट्या; a dammed up part of a stream &c. &c.कोंडवाड kōṇḍavāḍa n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.(Marathi) gōṣṭhá m. ʻ cow -- house ʼ RV., ʻ meeting place ʼ MBh. 2. *gōstha -- . [gṓ -- , stha -- ]1. Pa. goṭṭha -- n. ʻ cowpen ʼ, NiDoc. goṭha, Pk. goṭṭha -- , guṭ˚ n.; Ash. gōṣṭ -- klōm ʻ ceiling ʼ; Tir. guṣṭ ʻ house ʼ, Woṭ. goṭ; Kal. rumb. ghōṣṭ ʻ cattle shed ʼ; Mai. goṭ ʻ house ʼ, Phal. ghōṣṭ, Sh. goṭ m.; K. guṭh, dat. ˚ṭhas m. ʻ place in a village where the cattle collect ʼ; S. goṭhu m. ʻ village, town ʼ; WPah. bhal. gɔ̈̄ṭh n. ʻ standing ground for cattle in meadow or forest ʼ; Ku. goṭh ʻ cattle shed ʼ, gng. ʻ lower storey of house ʼ; N. goṭh ʻ cowshed ʼ; B. goṭh ʻ pasture land, herd, flock ʼ; Or. goṭha ʻ herd, flock ʼ, (Ambalpur) guṭhaʻ cattle pen ʼ; Bhoj. goṭh ʻ cowpen ʼ; G. goṭhɔ m. ʻ cattle yard ʼ; M. goṭhā m. ʻ cowpen ʼ ˚ṭhī ʻ pen for calves ʼ, Ko. goṭ. -- Ext. -- la -- in Si. goṭaluva ʻ hut, cottage ʼ? <-> Sv. gušʻ house ʼ is unexpl. -- Sh. goṣ ʻ house ʼ (unless a lw. with loss of -- ṭ and subsequent treatment of -- ṣ > -- ẓ<-> in obl. like an orig. -- ṣ -- ) prob. < ghōṣa -- .2. Chil. got ʻ house ʼ; P. kgr. gohth f. ʻ place where sheep are penned for the night in the high ranges ʼ.gōṣṭhī -- , gauṣṭha -- ; *gōṣṭhapāla -- ; *saṁbandhigōṣṭha -- .Addenda: gōṣṭhá -- . 1. Sv. guš (goš Buddruss) with regular š < s̊ṭh ZDMG 116, 414; S.kcch. goṭh m. ʻ village ʼ; Garh. goṭh ʻ cowshed ʼ, Brj. goṭh f.†gōṣṭhika -- .(CDIAL 4336)
The standard bearer looks like the priest shown on the Tell al Ubaid temple architectural frieze.
Figure 15.6. Tell al Ubaid, Temple of Ninhursag. Tridacna shell inlaid architectural frieze with bitumen
and black shale. Early Dynastic period (ca. 2600 b.c.) (Hall and Woolley 1927)
Figure 15.5. Tell al Ubaid, Temple of Ninhursag. Tridacna shell-inlaid architectural frieze with bitumen
कोंडी (p. 102) kōṇḍī f (कोंडणें) A confined place gen.; a lockup house, a pen, fold, pound; a receiving apartment or court for Bráhmans gathering for दक्षिणा; a prison at the play of आट्यापाट्या; a dammed up part of a stream &c. &c. कोंडवाड (p. 102) kōṇḍavāḍa n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle. कोंडण (p. 102) kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. कोंडमार (p. 102) kōṇḍamāra or -मारा m (कोंडणें & मारणें) Shutting up in a confined place and beating. Gen. used in the laxer senses of Suffocating or stifling in a close room; pressing hard and distressing (of an opponent) in disputation; straitening and oppressing (of a person) under many troubles or difficulties; कोंडाळें (p. 102) kōṇḍāḷēṃ n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round. कोंड (p. 102) kōṇḍa m C A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. 5 Grounds under one occupancy or tenancy. 6 f R A deep part of a river. 7 f (Or कोंडी q. v.) A confined place gen.; a lock-up house &c.
Shell plaque of a Sumerian Soldier with a Battleaxe from the city of Mari. same time period as the Royal Tombs of Ur. Louvre
Cuneiform texts evidence trade of Ancient Near East areas with Meluhha and Shu-ilishu seal attests a language called Meluhha.
Indus Script inscriptions use a logo-semantic writing system to express Meluhha words related to wealth accounting ledgers of metalwork.
A vivid link to priest image carrying, in a procession, the banner of 'one-horned young bull' of Sarasvati Civilization is presented on a painting in Mari (showing association with metalwork/metal weapons).
Frieze of a mosaic panel Circa 2500-2400 BCE Temple of Ishtar, Mari (Tell Hariri), Syria Shell and shale André Parrot excavations, 1934-36 AO 19820 (Fig.2) Indus Script Cipher provides a clue to the standard of Mari which is signified by a young bull with one horn.
On the Mari mosaic panel, a similar-looking priest leads a procession with a unique flag. The flagpost is a culm of millet and at the top of the post is a rein-ring proclaiming a one-horned young bull. All these are Indus Script hieroglyphs. The 'rein rings' are read rebus: valgā, bāg-ḍora 'bridle' rebus (metath.) bagalā 'seafaring dhow'.
Hypertexts on a procession depicted on the schist panel inlaid with mother of pearl plaques are: 1. culm of millet and 2. one-horned young bull (which is a common pictorial motif in Harappa (Indus) Script Corpora.
Culm of millet hieroglyph: karba 'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron'. One-horned young bull hypertext/hyperimage: कोंद kōnda ‘young bull' कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, turner'. कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln; kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln' (Kashmiri) Thus, an iron turner (in smithy/forge).
The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu
EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI(interpreter of Meluhha language).
The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin. The Meluhha merchant carries melh,mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile:kuṭhāru'crucible'rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'
Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms. I also suggest that on the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal, a significant hieroglyph is shown. It is a crucible which may have been used by the copper-tin artisans to work with an extraordinary invention called ukku in Kannada produced in a crucible. I suggest that Kannada word ukku is the root word because of semantic association signified by cognate words: uggi, urika which mean 'burning'. Crucible steel process is vividly explained by these etyma. "Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name." (MASSIMO VIDALE Ravenna Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC Published in Melammu Symposia 4: A. Panaino and A. Piras (eds.), Schools of Oriental Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (Milan: Università di Bologna & IsIao 2004), pp. 261-80. Publisher: http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/)
The 1977 paper of Simo Parpola et al reviews texts containing references to Meluhha and Meluhhans, focussing on 9 texts dated to Ur III times (22nd to 21st cent. BCE) and included references to Sargonic texts (24th to 23rd cen. BCE). (Parpola S., A. Parpola & R.H. Brunswig, Jr. (1977) “The Meluhha Village. Evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia.” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 20, 129-165.)
Massimo Vidale provides a succint summary of the general picture presented in the paper of Simo Parpola et al. The surprising references relate to the fact that metals like gold, silver and tin were imports from Meluhha and involved Meluhhan settlers in Ancient Far East. "The maximum archaeological evidence of Indian imports and Indusrelated artefacts in Mesopotamia may be dated to latest phases of ED III (at the Royal Cemetery of Ur) and immediately later to the Akkadian period, when, as widely reported, Sargon claimed with pride that under his power Meluhhan ships docked at his capital, and at least one tablet mentions a person with an Akkadian name qualified as a “the holder of a Meluhha ship.”… (pp.262, 263)… according to the literary sources, between the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC Meluhhan ships exported to Mesopotamia precious goods among which exotic animals, such as dogs, perhaps peacocks, cocks, bovids, elephants (? Collon 1977) precious woods and royal furniture, precious stones such as carnelian, agate and lapislazuli, and metals like gold, silver and tin (among others Pettinato 1972; During Caspers 1971; Chakrabarti 1982, 1990; Tosi 1991; see also Lahiri 1992 and Potts 1994). In his famous inscriptions, Gudea, in the second half of the 22nd century BC, states that Meluhhans came with wood and other raw materials for the construction of the main temple in Lagash (see Parpola et al. 1977: 131 for references). Archaeologically, the most evident raw materials imported from India are marine shell, used for costly containers and lamps, inlay works and cylinder seals; agate, carnelian and quite possibly ivory. Hard green stones, including garnets and abrasives might also have been imported from the Subcontinent and eastern Iran (Vidale & Bianchetti 1997, 1998-1999; Heimpel et al. 1988; Vidale 2002; see also Collon 1990, Tallon 1995 and Sax 1991). Carnelian could have been imported in form of raw nodules of large size (as implied by some texts) to be transformed into long beads, or as finished products. As we shall see, recent studies would better suggest that the Indus families in Mesopotamia imported raw materials rather than finished beads (Kenoyer 1997; Kenoyer & Vidale 1992; Inizan 2000), and expediently adapted their production to the changing needs of the Mesopotamian demand and markets. To the same period is ascribed a famous cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, “Meluhha interpreter” (Sollberger 1970; Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name…… the Mesopotamian demand and markets. To the same period is ascribed a famous cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, “Meluhha interpreter” (Sollberger 1970; Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name." (MASSIMO VIDALE Ravenna Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC Published in Melammu Symposia 4: A. Panaino and A. Piras (eds.), Schools of Oriental Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (Milan: Università di Bologna & IsIao 2004), pp. 261-80. Publisher: http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/)
Among the imports from Meluhha into the Ancient Near East, the imports of silver and tin metals are significant because these two metals were the principal engines of the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th millennium BCE and for laying the foundations of monetary systems based on currency-based transactions which emerged in 7th century BCE with the Lydia electrum coins and Aegean Turtle silver staters of 480 to 457 BCE.
Massimo Vidale, 2017, A “Priest King” at Shahr-i Sokhta? in: Archaeological Research in Asia The paper discusses the published fragment of a statuette made of a buff-grey limestone, recently found on the surface of Shahr-i Sokhta (Sistan, Iran) and currently on exhibit in a showcase of the archaeological Museum of Zahedan (Sistan-Baluchistan, Iran). Most probably, it belongs to a sculptural type well known in some sites of Middle and South Asia dating to the late 3rd-early 2nd millennium BCE - a male character sitting on the right heel, with the left hand on the raised left knee, and a robe leaving bare the left shoulder.
Images of Zahedan torso (Shahr-i-Sokhta):
"In this new light, the Zahedan torso confirms that the same sculptural model had a widespread distribution, which is encountered in a single leg and lap fragment at Gonur Depe on the Murghab delta in Margiana, in the head found at Mundigak on the Arghandab river in Kandahar, Afghanistan, in other heads from sites of the Seistan basin, as well as in various states of conservation at least two major sites of the greater Indus valley such as Mohenjo-Daro (12 specimens) and Dholavira (one fragment; for references see below). As far as chronology is concerned, the picture is quite partial, but somehow coherent. Mundigak IV, 3, the context of the head found near the terraced building of Mundigak (Casal 1961), is contemporary to Shahr-i Sokhta late Period III to Period IV (Phases 3 to 0, ca. 2200–1800 BCE, according to the ceramic evidence presented in Biscione 1974and 1979). The head from Tepe Chah-i Torogh 2, on the other hand, was found on the surface of a site exclusively covered by pottery of Period IV, phase 1 (the main phase of occupation of the Burnt Building, see Tosi 1983). According to the absolute chronology established in Salvatori and Tosi 2005. “A circumstantial evidence for a dating of Shahr-i Sokhta phase 1 between 2200 and 2000 BC comes from the presence of pottery types strongly related to the ceramic production of the Late Namazga V - early Namazga VI of Margiana and Bactria (Biscione 1979: figs. 7, 8, 10)”. This fits very well also with the general surface context at Shahr-i Sokhta where the sculptural fragment discussed in this paper was reportedly found. On the other hand, all the stone sculptures of the same model from Mohenjo-Daro were notoriously found in the uppermost and latest layers of the city's settlement, i.e. to late horizons grossly belonging (following the chronology established at Harappa) to Harappa 3C period, ca. 2200–1900 BCE (Kenoyer, 1991a,b). The Dholavira fragmentary statue visible in Fig. 5 (Bisht 2015: 593–594; figs. 8.306–307) was found in a Stage VI secondary context, dated ca.1950–1800 BCE, although the discoverer suspects that the statue was made in an earlier period, to be vandalized in the early 2nd millennium BC. The fragment from room 132 of the “Royal Sanctuary” of Gonur North, in Fig. 6 (Sarianidi 2005, 118, 121, fig. 30; Sarianidi 2009, 89–90; 104–105, fig. 31; Bakry 2016) may be generically dated between the last two centuries of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BCE, further supporting the discussed chronological horizon.The general evidence therefore agrees with the absolute chronology of Shahr-i Sokhta proposed by Salvatori and Tosi 2005 (see also Cortesi et al. 2008, contraJarrige et al. 2011). After Mohenjo-Daro, Shahr-i Sokhta and its hinterland is where this sculptural model is most consistently attested. The distribution reveals an interaction sphere that on the threshold of the 3d and the beginning of the 2nd millennium, probably for a short period, extended from southern Turkmenia to the Rann of Kutch - a hypothesis already explored in Winckelmann, 1994, although, I believe, in too wide cross-cultural terms. The nature of this interaction sphere depends upon the interpretation of this peculiar image. For which reason part of the people of different civilizations made and circulated across such an enormous area, and in the context of completely different societies, the same statuettes?"
The Seated Nobleman of L-Area as it was excavated. "Seated male figure with head missing (45, 46). On the back of the figure, the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair and a braided lock of hair or ribbon hanging along the right side of the back. A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body." (Gregory Possehl, Indus Age: The Beginnings, p. 78)." (Plate 2.29 in the book, facing p. 92.)
Male Statue . "[The Seated Nobleman was] found above pavement in N.E. corner of Chamber 75 in L-Area. (its datum was 2.5 feet below datum.) Late Period. Material, veined grey alabaster. The figure, which is 11.5 inches high, is obviously that of a male and is dressed in a thin kilt-like garment fastened round the waist. (It is not clear how Mr. Mackay infers the existence of this kilt beneath the outer garment.–[ED.].) Another garment or shawl of thin material is worn over the left shoulder and under the right arm, and appears to hang down over the kilt. The left knee of the figure is raised, but there is nothing to indicate the position of the right foot beneath it. The sculptor, and not subsequent weathering, is responsible for this lack of detail. The left arm is carried around the side of the left knee, so that the hand clasps the front of the knee. This hand is only roughly indicated, and the sculptor evidently was not clear how it should be arranged. Indeed, it is difficult to believe that the same man carved both the arms and hands, for the right arm, though of rough workmanship, shows some power of modeling, whereas the left arm and hand are positively shapeless. (It should not be forgotten that the left arm is hidden beneath the mantle or shawl, while the right arm is bare. It is not to be expected, therefore, that there should be much definition in the modeling of the left arm. Probably the mantle itself was painted, and this would have made a great difference to the apparent uncouthness of the lower part of the figure.) A squarish projection at the back of the head is evidently intended to represent a knot of hair. It is, however, unfinished and shows the chisel marks of the preliminary dressing. There is somewhat more finish about what may be a rope of hair hanging down the back." (John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro, Plate C, 1-3 (L 950), pp. 358-9)
Seated male figure with head missing. On the back of the figure, the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair and a braided lock of hair or ribbon hanging along the right side of the back.
A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body.
Material: limestone
Dimensions: 28 cm height, 22 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, L 950
Islamabad Museum
"Priest King", Mohenjo-daro
Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro. Fillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress.
Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object.
Material: white, low fired steatite
Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
National Museum, Karachi, 50.852
Male head, Mohenjo-daro Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided or wavy combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the head and a plain fillet or headband with two hanging ribbons falling down the back
The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the pronounced lower jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are framed by long eyebrows. The wide mouth is very similar to that on the "Priest-King" sculpture. Stylized ears are made of a double curve with a central knob.
Material: sandstone Dimensions: 13.5 cm height Mohenjo-daro, DK-B 1057 Mohenjo-daro Museum, MM 431
Other pronunciation variants for the word meluhha are: milakkha, milakkhuka 'a regional dialect speaker, explained as"Andha -- Damil'ādi.";milakkhu 'copper', milāca 'a wild man of woods' (Pali) mleccha- inmleccha-mukha 'copper'; mleccha 'a person who lives by agriculture or by making weapons' (Samskrtam). Milakkha [cp. Ved. Sk. mleccha barbarian, root mlecch, onomat. after the strange sounds of a foreign tongue, cp. babbhara & mammana] a barbarian, foreigner, outcaste, hillman S v.466; J vi.207; DA i.176; SnA 236 (˚mahātissa -- thera Np.), 397 (˚bhāsā foreign dialect). The word occurs also in form milakkhu (q. v.).Milakkhu [the Prk. form (A -- Māgadhī, cp. Pischel, Prk. Gr. 105, 233) for P. milakkha] a non -- Aryan D iii.264; Th 1, 965 (˚rajana "of foreign dye" trsl.; Kern, Toev. s. v. translates "vermiljoen kleurig"). As milakkhukaat Vin iii.28, where Bdhgh expls by "Andha -- Damil'ādi."Milāca [by -- form to milakkha, viâ *milaccha>*milacca> milāca: Geiger, P.Gr. 622; Kern, Toev. s. v.] a wild man of the woods, non -- Aryan, barbarian J iv.291 (not with C.=janapadā), cp. luddā m. ibid., and milāca -- puttā J v.165 (where C. also expls by bhojaputta, i. e. son of a villager).(Pali) म्लेच्छm. a foreigner , barbarian , non-Aryan , man of an outcast race , any person who does not speak Sanskrit and does not conform to the usual Hindu institutions S3Br. &c (f(ई); a person who lives by agriculture or by making weapons L.; ignorance of Sanskrit , barbarism Nyāyam. Sch.; n. copper L.; vermillion.)
In the reviews of ancient languages of India, Prakrit is linked with many dialects. One such dialect is Paiśācī which could also have the characteristic mis-pronunciations of words which are labeled 'mleccha'. The mleccha, according to Mahābhārata are located all over ancient India and are active participants in the events recorded in the Great Epic. One Paiśācī language work is attested in Jaina Maharashtri dialect (cf. a fragmentary text discussed by Alfred Master). Thus, languages such as Paiśācī, Pali, Ardhamāgadhi, Jaina Maharashtri can be clubbed under the group called 'mleccha' (with mis-pronounced words and ungrammatical expressions in local speech parlance). Such dialects are seen as Indian sprachbund (speech union) with links to literary forms attests in ancient texts in Samskrtam and Chandas. Some linguists also see links between Paiśācī and Gondi (with speakers in in the present-day states of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Telangana, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh). Links of Ardhamāgadhi with Munda, Santali, Mon-Khmer languages are also attested.
Ardhamagadhi Prakrit was a Middle Indo-Aryan language and a Dramatic Prakrit thought to have been spoken in modern-day Uttar Pradesh and used in some early Buddhism and Jainism. It was likely a Central Indo-Aryan language, related to Pali and the later Sauraseni Prakrit.[3]
It was originally thought to be a predecessor of the vernacular Magadhi Prakrit, hence the name (literally "half-Magadhi").
TheravadaBuddhist tradition has long held that Pali was synonymous with Magadhi and there are many analogies between it and an older form of Magadhi called Ardhamāgadhī "Proto-Magadhi" -- derivative from Prakrit. Ardhamāgadhī was prominently used by Jain scholars (Constance Jones; James D. Ryan (2006). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase Publishing. p. 42.) and is preserved in the Jain Agamas. Both Gautama Buddha and the tirthankaraMahavira preached in Magadha.
Other Prakrits, such as Paiśācī, are reported in old historical sources but are not attested. "The most widely known work, although lost, attributed to be in Paiśācī is the Bṛhatkathā (literally "Big Story"), a large collection of stories in verse, attributed to Gunadhya. It is known of through its adaptations in Sanskrit as the Kathasaritsagara in the 11th century by Somadeva, and also from the Bṛhatkathā by Kshemendra. Both Somadeva and Kshemendra were from Kashmir where the Bṛhatkathā was said to be popular." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PaishachiThe 13th-century Tibetan historian Buton Rinchen Drub wrote that the early Buddhist schools were separated by choice of sacred language: the Mahāsāṃghikas used Prākrit, the Sarvāstivādins used Sanskrit, the Sthaviravādins used Paiśācī, and the Saṃmitīya used Apabhraṃśa.(Yao, Zhihua. The Buddhist Theory of Self-Cognition. 2012. p. 9).
":The term Prakrit, which includes Pali, is also used as a cover term for the vernaculars of North India that were spoken perhaps as late as the 4th to 8th centuries, but some scholars use the term for the entire Middle Indo-Aryan period. Middle Indo-Aryan languages gradually transformed into Apabhraṃśa dialects, which were used until about the 13th century. The Apabhraṃśas later evolved into Modern Indo-Aryan languages."(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apabhraṃśa)
Prakrits (/ˈprɑːkrɪt/; Sanskrit: प्राकृतprākṛta; Shauraseni: pāuda; Jain Prakrit: pāua) are classified as Middle-Indo-Aryan spoken languages. "The phrase "Dramatic Prakrits" often refers to three most prominent of them: Shauraseni, Magadhi Prakrit, and Maharashtri Prakrit. However, there were a slew of other less commonly used Prakrits that also fall into this category. These include Pracya, Bahliki, Daksinatya, Sakari, Candali, Sabari, Abhiri, Dramili, and Odri. There was a strict structure to the use of these different Prakrits in dramas. Characters each spoke a different Prakrit based on their role and background; for example, Dramili was the language of "forest-dwellers", Sauraseni was spoken by "the heroine and her female friends", and Avanti was spoken by "cheats and rogues" (Banerjee, Satya Ranjan. The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians : a linguistic study. Calcutta: Vidyasagar Pustak Mandir, 1977, pp.19-21)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prakrit
Sten Konow, ("181 [95] - The home of the Paisaci - The home of the Paisaci - Page - Zeitschriften der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft - MENAdoc – Digital Collections". menadoc.bibliothek.uni-halle.de) Felix Lacôte (Félix Lacôte (4 March 2018). "Essai sur Guṇāḍhya et la Bṛhatkathā") & Alfred Masterhave explained that Paiśācī was the ancient name for Pāli, the language of the Pāli Canon of Theravada Buddhism.(See embedded monograph on a fragment of Paiśācī): Alfred Master, 1948, An Unpublished Fragment of Paiśācī in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,University of London, Vol. 12,No. 3/4, Oriental and African Studies Presented to Lionel David Barnett by His Colleagues, Past and Present (1948), pp. 659-667
Standard of Mari. The standard-bearer has a shaven face and head. The staff upholding the one-horned young bull is खोंड a variety of jōndhaḷā Holcus sorghum; the hieroglyph signifies karba 'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron'.
Ka. guddali, gudli a kind of pickaxe, hoe. Koḍ. guddali hoe with spade-like blade. Tu. guddali, guddoli, (B-K.) guddoḷi a kind of pickaxe; guddolipuni to dig with a pickaxe. Te. guddali, (VPK) guddili, guddela, guddēli, guddēlu a hoe; guddalincu to hoe. Nk. kudaḷ spade. Go. (G. Mu.) kudaṛ spade, axe; (Ma. M. Ko.) guddaṛ spade, hoe (Voc. 749); (LuS.) goodar hoe. Konḍa gudeli hoe-like instrument for digging. Malt. qodali a spade. Cf. 1719 Ta. kuttu. / Cf. Skt. kuddāla- spade, hoe; Turner, CDIAL, no. 3286.(DEDR 1722) Rebus: kunda 'lapidary, metalworker setter of gemstones in fine gold jewels'. Stool, squat: Ta. kuntu (kunti-) to sit on the heels with legs folded upright, squat; n. sitting on the heels, squatting. Ma. kuttuka to squat, sit on one's heels. Ka. kuntu, kūtu having sat down. Tu. (B-K.) kutoṇu to sit. Te. gontu-gūrcuṇḍu to squat, sit with the soles of the feet fully on the ground and the buttocks touching it or close to it; kudikilu, kudikilãbaḍu to squat down; kundikāḷḷu, kundikundikāḷḷu a boys' game like leapfrog; kundē̆lu hare. Go. (Ko.) kud- to sit (Voc. 748); caus. (KoyaT.) kup-, (KoyaSu.) kuppis-; (many dialects) kuttul a stool to sit on (Voc. 745).(DEDR 1728) Rebus: kunda 'lapidary, metalworker setting gemstones in fine gold jewels'.
Triangula tablet. Horned seated person. crocodile. Split ellipse (parenthesis). On this tablet inscription, the hieroglyphs are: crocodile, fishes, person with a raised hand, seated in penance on a stool (platform). eraka 'raised hand' rebus: eraka 'molten cast, copper' arka 'copper'. manca 'platform' rebus: manji 'dhow, seafaring vessel' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'
dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'. Thus, cast iron.
Hieroglyph: kamaḍha 'penance' (Prakrit) kamaḍha, kamaṭha, kamaḍhaka, kamaḍhaga, kamaḍhaya = a type of penance (Prakrit)
Rebus: kamaṭamu, kammaṭamu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammaṭīḍu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kãpṛauṭ jeweller's crucible made of rags and clay (Bi.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil)
kamaṭhāyo = a learned carpenter or mason, working on scientific principles; kamaṭhāṇa [cf. karma, kām, business + sthāna, thāṇam, a place fr. Skt. sthā to stand] arrangement of one’s business; putting into order or managing one’s business (Gujarati)
The composition of two hieroglyphs: kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) + kamaḍha 'a person seated in penance' (Prakrit) denote rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) + kamaṭa'portable furnace'; kampaṭṭam 'coinage, coin, mint'. Thus, what the tablet conveys is the mint of a blacksmith. A copulating crocodile hieroglyph -- kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) + kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) -- conveys the same message: mint of a blacksmith kāru kampaṭṭa'mint artisan'.
m1429B and two other tablets showing the typical composite hieroglyph of fish + crocodile. Glyphs: crocodile + fish ayakāra ‘blacksmith’ (Pali) kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) aya 'fish' (Munda) The method of ligaturing enables creation of compound messages through Indus writing inscriptions. kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi).
Pali: ayakāra ‘iron-smith’. ] Both ayaskāma and ayaskāra are attested in Panini (Pan. viii.3.46; ii.4.10). WPah. bhal. kamīṇ m.f. labourer (man or woman) ; MB. kāmiṇā labourer (CDIAL 2902) N. kāmi blacksmith (CDIAL 2900).
Kashmiri glosses:
khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji or -güjü - लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu - लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 - लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wānवान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.
Thus, kharvaṭmay refer to an anvil. Meluhha kāru may refer to a crocodile; this rebus reading of the hieroglyph is.consistent with ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) [fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)]
Orthography of face of seated person on seal m0304 tvaṣṭṛ, ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker', hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora signify iron smelters
I suggest that orthography of face of seated person on seal m0304 signifies tvaṣṭṛ, ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker', so do similar hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora signify iron smelters
Sign 169
Sprout: Kui gunda (gundi-) to sprout, bud, shoot forth into bud or ear; n. a sprouting, budding. ? Kuwi (Isr.) kunda a very small plot of ground (e.g. for seed-bed). Kur. kundnā to germinate, bud, shoot out; kundrnā to be born; kundrkā birth; kundrta'<-> ānā to generate, beget, produce. Malt. kunde to be born, be created.(DEDR 1729) Rebus: kunda 'lapidary, metalworker setting gemstones in fine gold jewels'. Dottted circle: Kui gunduri (pl. gunduraka) a round thing, circle; round, circular, surrounding; gunjeri round, circular, surrounding, all around. Kuwi (F.) kūndrōmi grāyu a round hole. (DEDR 1730) kuṇḍalá1 n. ʻ ring, ear -- ring ʼ ĀśvGr̥., ʻ bracelet ʼ Śiś., ʻ coil of a rope ʼ lex. 2. *kōṇḍala -- . 3. *guṇḍala -- . 4. *gundala -- . [← Drav. Burrow BSOAS xii 374, EWA i 226]1. Pa. kuṇḍala -- n. ʻ ring, esp. ear -- ring ʼ; Pk. kuṁḍala<-> m.n. ʻ ear -- ring ʼ, m. ʻ circle ʼ; K. kŏnḍul, ˚ḍolu ʻ ring -- shaped, annular ʼ; S. kuniru m. ʻ ear -- ornament of yogis, round piece of wood in a donkey's saddle ʼ, ˚ri f. ʻ sitting in a circle ʼ; Ku. kunlo ʻ horoscope ʼ (from the circular form in which drawn), gng. kunaw; N. kũṛulo ʻ circle, coil ʼ (k˚ pārera basnu ʻ to lie curled up ʼ), ˚li ʻ fold of a snake ʼ, ˚linu ʻ to be curled up ʼ, kũṛar ʻ coil ʼ (← Bi.); Or. kuṇḍaḷa ʻ ear -- ring, coil of a rope ʼ, ˚ḷiā ʻ wearing ear -- drops, spiral ʼ; OAw. kuṁḍara ʻ ear -- ring ʼ; H. kũṛrā m. ʻ line drawn in a circle, magic circle from the centre of which one curses ʼ; G. kũḍaḷ n. ʻ ear -- ring ʼ, ˚ḍā̆ḷī f. ʻ small ring or circle ʼ, ˚ḍāḷũ n. ʻ large circle ʼ; M. kũḍaḷī f. ʻ circle, ring ʼ; OSi. koḍulu ʻ ear -- ornament ʼ, Si. kon̆ḍola ʻ ear -- ring ʼ, ˚lā ʻ snake ʼ; -- prob. ← E: L. kuṇḍal m. ʻ rim ʼ, awāṇ. kuṇḍul ʻ coil ʼ; P. kuṇḍal m. ʻ iron ring round an ox's neck, coil, ear -- ring ʼ, ˚lī f. ʻ ring, coil, curl ʼ; Ku. kuṇḍalī ʻ head of a drum ʼ. -- Poss. Tor. (Biddulph) koror, f. kerer ʻ round ʼ.2. Pk. koṁḍala -- = kuṁḍala -- ; M. kõḍḷẽ n. ʻ circle, enclosure ʼ; -- H. kõṛarā m. ʻ iron ring round the mouth of a bucket ʼ, ˚rī f. ʻ wooden ring holding the leather of a huṛuk drum ʼ or poss. < kauṇḍalá -- ; -- H. koṛār m. ʻ circular band round the wood of an oil -- press ʼ with -- āl<-> as in G. forms above or < kuṇḍalākāra -- .3. N. gũṛulo, ˚li, ˚linu = kũṛulo, &c. above; H. gõṛarā = kõṛarā above, gũḍlī, gẽṛulī, gẽṛurī f. ʻ a round mat to place pots on ʼ.4. H. gū̃dlā ʻ round, circular ʼ, m. ʻ ring, circle, coil ʼ.kauṇḍalá -- ; kuṇḍalākāra -- ; *upakuṇḍala -- .kuṇḍala -- 2 ʻ mountain ebony ʼ see kuddāla -- 2.Addenda: kuṇḍala -- 1: S.kcch. kūṇḍāṛo m. ʻ circle ʼ, tūṅgal m. ʻ a kind of ear -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 3268)कोंडाळें kōṇḍāḷēṃ n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round. 3 A ring or little cake made of भाजणी or mixed flour.(Marathi) Rebus: kunda 'lapidary, turner, setter of gemstones in fine gold jewels'.
Pillar: Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post.(DEDR 1723) Rebus: kunda 'lapidary, goldsmith setting gemstones'
Ringstone columns of Mohenjo-Daro are Indus Script Hypertexts, metalwork catalogues
Indus Script Hypertext: pillar or ringstone column: meḍ(h) 'post' rebus medhā, 'yajña, nidhi, dhanam'. This hieroglyph is reinforced as a phonetic determinant, by the endless-knot motif on the reverse of the tablets.
The text including the endless-knot motif reads: meḍhi'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages) medhā, 'yajña, nidhi, dhanam'
"Mackay's final interpretation was that ring-stones, as Cousins had suggested, were column segments, originally threaded onto an innter tapering wooden shaft.While the transversal dowel-holes fastened the stone to the inner shaft, the cup-marks were mason's devices used for planning the assemblage of the rings. He also proposed that the twenty-seven or twenty-eight rings belonged to two monumental columns made of fourteen segments each, whose height would have been near to 3.5 m...the few impressed terracotta tablets found at Mohenjo-Daro (Figure 7), bearing on both faces the same figures and most probably impressed after the same moulds or seals. All come from DK area. On one side they show a labyrinth-like cross and two signs. On the opposite face, they bear in high relief what I identify as the image of a column made of six superimposd ring-stones. The lowermost segments are thinner and flat, and I am tempted to identify them as a flat square base capped by a concave ring...Besides supporting the evidence of Dholavira, these rare tablets show the relevance of the symbol of the composite column in Indus iconography." (Massimo Vidale, 2010, Aspects of palace life at Mohenjo-Daro, in: South Asian Studies, Vol. 16, No.1, pp. 69-70)
Hieroglyph: pillar, post: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., ˚thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP. 1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), miho, miyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽh, mẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. meh, mehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur) mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīr, mīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛha, mehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī, meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(CDIAL 10317)
गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. गोदा [ gōdā ] m A circular brand or mark made by actual cautery (Marathi)गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Used in trials of strength among the Athletæ. 4 A stone in temples described at length underउचला 5 fig. A term for a round, fleshy, well-filled body. 6 A lump of silver: as obtained by melting down lace or fringe. गोटुळा or गोटोळा [ gōṭuḷā or gōṭōḷā ] a (गोटा) Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi)
·
·Rebus: krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) कोठी [ kōṭhī ] f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. (Marathi)
·कोठी The grain and provisions (as of an army); the commissariatsupplies. Ex. लशकराचीकोठीचालली-उतरली- आली-लुटली. कोठ्या [ kōṭhyā ] कोठा [ kōṭhā ] m (कोष्ट S) A large granary, store-room, warehouse, water-reservoir &c. 2 The stomach. 3 The chamber of a gun, of water-pipes &c. 4 A bird's nest. 5 A cattle-shed. 6 The chamber or cell of a hunḍí in which is set down in figures the amount. कोठारें [ kōṭhārēṃ ] n A storehouse gen (Marathi)
https://tinyurl.com/ycfsgwdv meḍhi'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading:: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt 'iron' (Samskrtam. Santali)med 'copper' (Slavic languages) मेधा 'धन'Naigh. ii , 10; yajña. These metaphors explain why the endless knot motif adorns a copper plate inscription. (Samskrtam.Santali) A new copper plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta branch, datedsaka 806 (AS Altekar,Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXII, 1933-34, pp. 64-76). The endless knot motif signifies: meḍhi 'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages) मेधा धनNaigh. ii , 10; yajña.
Figures 1-4
"Another interesting motif from a BMAC seal which can be followed through the centuries is the endless knot (Fig. 1)(After: Sarianidi, V. I., Bactrian Centre of Ancient Art, Mesopotamia, 12 / 1977, Fig. 59 / 18). It reappears on mediaeval metalwork (Bowl, Khorasan, early 13th century in: Melikian-Chirvani, A. S., Islamic Metalwork from the Iranian World, London, 1982, No. 26.), and together with the interlaced motif of the seal from Fig. 2 on a 14th century Italian painting depicting an Anatolian carpet (Erdmann, K., Der orientalische Knüpfteppich, Tübingen, 2. Aufl, 1960, Abb. 18). Additionally, it can be seen on a very important carpet from eastern Anatolia, now in the Vakiflar Museum in Istanbul(Balpinar, B.,Hirsch, U.,Vakiflar Museum Istanbul II: Teppiche - Carpets, Wesel, 1988, Pl. 62), as well as on many 19thcentury Lori- and Bakhtiari weavings (Opie, J., Tribal Rugs, London, 1992, Fig. 4.16) Another seal includes the kind of endless knot ornament (Sarianidi, V. I., Soviet Excavations in Bactria: The Bronze Age, Fig. 11 / 9, in: Ligabue, G., Salvatori, S., eds., Bactria An ancient oasis civilization from the sands of Afghanistan, Venice, 1990) that is part of the Chinese symbol of happiness (Opie, J., Tribal Rugs, London, 1992, Fig. 4.11), connects the medallions on a 12th century bronze kettle from Samarqand (von Gladis, A., Islamische Metallarbeiten des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts, Abb. 219, in: Kalter, J., Pavaloi, M., eds., Usbekistan, Stuttgart, 1995), on a group of East Anatolian carpets from the 15th century (Balpinar, B.,Hirsch, U.,Vakiflar Museum Istanbul II: Teppiche - Carpets, Wesel, 1988, Pl. 37), and on carpets in Timurid miniatures (Briggs, A., 1940, cited in: Pinner, R., Franses, M., Two Turkoman Carpets of the 15th century, in: Turkoman Studies I, London, 1980, Fig. 130)." http://www.turkotek.com/salon_00040/salon.html
Hayricks on pedestal of m0304
Haystack, heap of straw: Ta. kuntam haystack. Ka. kuttaṟi a stack, rick.(DEDR 1724)kuṇḍa3 n. ʻ clump ʼ e.g. darbha -- kuṇḍa -- Pāṇ. [← Drav. (Tam. koṇṭai ʻ tuft of hair ʼ, Kan. goṇḍe ʻ cluster ʼ, &c.) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 374]Pk. kuṁḍa -- n. ʻ heap of crushed sugarcane stalks ʼ; WPah. bhal. kunnū m. ʻ large heap of a mown crop ʼ; N. kunyũ ʻ large heap of grain or straw ʼ, baṛ -- kũṛo ʻ cluster of berries ʼ.(CDIAL 3266) *kuṇḍaka ʻ husks, bran ʼ.Pa. kuṇḍaka -- m. ʻ red powder of rice husks ʼ; Pk. kuṁḍaga -- m. ʻ chaff ʼ; N. kũṛo ʻ boiled grain given as fodder to buffaloes ʼ, kunāuro ʻ husk of lentils ʼ (for ending cf. kusāuro ʻ chaff of mustard ʼ); B. kũṛā ʻ rice dust ʼ; Or. kuṇḍā ʻ rice bran ʼ; M. kũḍā, kõ˚ m. ʻ bran ʼ; Si. kuḍu ʻ powder of paddy &c. ʼAddenda: kuṇḍaka -- in cmpd. kaṇa -- kuṇḍaka -- Arthaś.(CDIAL 3267)कोंडा kōṇḍā m Bran, husk of corn gen. 2 fig. Miliary scab, scurf. 3 fig. Rash, any efflorescence on the body. 4 A small kind of bamboo. 5 Commonly कोंयंडा. कोंड्याचा मांडा करणें To make, by culinary skill, a savory dish out of coarse materials. कोंडेकड kōṇḍēkaḍa n A cake composed of rice-bran well peppered and salted.(Marathi)
कुन्द m. ( Un2. iv , 101) a kind of jasmine (Jasminummultiflorum or pubescens) MBh. &c; n. the jasmine flower (Monier-Williams).
SumerSumer was first permanently settled between c. 5500 and 4000 BCE. Bhirrana-Kunal and Mehrgarh date to 8th m. BCE. I have suggested a rebus reading of the curious flagpost carried in a procession by a priest of Mari. The reading is based on Meluhha linguistics (Indian sprachbund'language union' words. This clearly shows that Meluhha people had moved into Mari and celebrated their competence in metalwork signified by the one-horned young bull: khonda 'holcus sorghum' khonda 'young bull' rebus: kond 'kiln', kundar, 'turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS karba 'stalk of millet' (holcus sorghum) rebus: karba 'iron'. The proclamation message of the procession is that the gold workers have started working with iron,another metalwork wealth category.
Frieze of a mosaic panel Circa 2500-2400 BCE Temple of Ishtar, Mari (Tell Hariri), Syria Shell and shale André Parrot excavations, 1934-36 AO 19820 panel depicts proclamation of metalwork competence ofkonda, 'one-horned young bull' (rebus kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln') from Tell Hariri, ancient Mari, Temple of Ishtar -- graduating from gold to iron. The contacts with Meluhha (Sarasvati_Sindhu Civilization area) during the mature phase of the civilization are suggested by the date of the mosaic panel, ca. 2500 BCE. I suggest that the priest shown on the Mari frieze mosaic panel is sanga 'priest' a word derived from Gujarati word sanghvi. saṅgin ʻ attached to, fond of ʼ MBh. [saṅgá -- ]Pk. saṁgi -- , saṁgilla -- ʻ attached to ʼ; S. L. P. saṅgī m. ʻ comrade ʼ (P. also ʻ one of a party of pilgrims ʼ), N. saṅi, Or. sāṅga, ˚gī, H. saṅgī m., M. sãgyā, sāgyā m.Addenda: saṅgin -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) sɔ́ṅgi m. ʻ friend ʼ, kṭg. sɔ́ṅgəṇ, kc. sɔṅgiṇ f., J. saṅgī, saṅgu m. (prob. ← H. Him.I 212)(CDIAL 13084)
Substrate sanga 'priest' in Sumerian is from sangvi 'priest' (Gujarati)
“Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin are:
professional names such as simug ‘blacksmith’ and tibira ‘copper smith’, ‘metal-manufacturer’ are not in origin Sumerian words.
Agricultural terms, like engar ‘farmer’, apin ‘plow’ and absin ‘furrow’, are neither of Sumerian origin.
Craftsman like nangar ‘carpenter’, agab ‘leather worker’
Religious terms like sanga ‘priest’
Some of the most ancient cities, like Kish, have names that are not Sumerian in origin.
These words must have been loan words from a substrate language. The words show how far the division in labor had progressed even before the Sumerians arrived.”
Jerald Jack Starr Nashville, Tennessee has set up a http://sumerianshakespeare.com portal to establish that the people of Mari of ca. 3rd millennium BCE and the Sumerians are the same people. The trade contacts of Meluhha with Sumer is firmly anchored by the decipherment of the Susa pot Indus Script hypertexts.
Sb 2723 (After Harper, Prudence Oliver, Joan Aruz, Francoise Tallon, 1992, The Royal city of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, Metropolitan Musem of Art, New York.)
Indus Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water;
aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
baTa 'quail' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'.
kāṇḍa 'water' Rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements'.
Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baTaayaskāṇḍa 'metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.
Sargon (2334-2279 BCE) founded the Akkad dynasty which saw inter-regional trade routes, from Dilmun and Magan to Susa and Ebla. Later Naram-Sin (c. 2254-2218 BCE) conquered the cities of Mari and Ebla. Agade of Sargon boasted of gold, tin and lapis lazuli brought from distant lands. A description (Kramer, Samuel Noah, 1958: History Begins at Sumer (London: Thames & Hudson, 289-290) reads: When Enlil had given Sargon, king of Agade, Sovereignty over the high lands and over the low lands ... under the loving guidance of its divine patron Inanna. Its houses filled with gold, silver, copper, tin, lapis lazuli; ... The Martu (Amorites) came there, that nomadic people from the west, 'who know not wheat' but who bring oxen and choice sheep; The folk from Meluhha came, 'the peole of the black lands', Bearing their exotic products; The Elamites came and the Sabareans, peoples from the East and the North, With their bundles like 'beasts of burden'... In this narrative, Meluhha folk from the black lands were those who required a translator. (Se Shu-ilishu cylinder seal of an Akkadian translator). See:
Unfortunately, archaeological work has not been done on the so-called Stupa at Mohenjo-daro. I suggest that this is a ziggurat and compares with the ziggurat at the ancient city of Mari. Ruins of ziggurat in ancient city of Mari. Mari, Syria - a ziggurat near the palace. "Mari was an ancient Semitic city in modern-day Syria. Its remains constitute a tell located 11 kilometers north-west of Abu Kamal on the Euphrates river western bank, some 120 kilometers southeast of Deir ez-Zor. It flourished as a trade center and hegemonic state between 2900 BCE and 1759 BCE. As a purposely-built city, the existence of Mari was related to its position in the middle of the Euphrates trade routes; this position made it an intermediary between Sumer in the south and the Levant in the west." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gala_(priests) I suggest that this Ziggurat of Mari is derived from the Ziggurat of Mohenjo-daro (referred to as 'stupa'). Both the Ziggurat of Mari and the stupa of Mohenjo-daro compare with the stepped pyramid shown on Sit Shamshi bronze. Mohenjo-daro ziggurat.
This study conducts an epigraphic analysis of the yet undeciphered inscriptions of the ancient Indus Valley civilization and seeks to prove that just like proto-cuneiform administrative tablets of ancient Mesopotamia, or modern fiscal stamps and ration tokens, Indus seals and tablets too were formalized data-carriers that used both document-specific and linguistic syntaxes to convey messages. Analyzing various combinatorial patterns of Indus signs (e.g., typical co-occurrence restrictions present between some signs; tendency of some signs to form collocations; syntactic order(s) maintained between certain signs; strong positional preferences demonstrated by some signs; and the capability of certain signs to occur alone in inscriptions), this paper argues that Indus signs represented different content-morphemes and functional-morphemes—not phonograms used for spelling words—the majority of the inscriptions were logographic. Categorizing several Indus logograms into nine functional classes, it explores the way each sign-class has played unique functional roles for conveying complete messages through the brief inscriptions. By glossing the signs of the inscriptions using the names of their respective functional classes the study unravels the formulaic phrase-structures maintained by the majority of the inscriptions, where signs identified as phrase-final signs typically occur at the terminal positions of the semantic phrases, while signs used as connective-morphemes join semantically autonomous constituents in certain subordinating and coordinating ways, to form longer composite inscriptions. The study identifies certain Indus signs as numerical and metrological signs, which frequently collocate with specific lexemes, and clearly quantifying them in certain ways. This article also analyses the underlying relationships between certain metrological and phrase-final signs; examines the compositional nature of Indus collocations; and argues that some of the repeated sign-sequences were probable examples of linguistic reduplication. Analyzing the occasional occurrences of certain attributive quantifier signs as substantive lexemes, this paper suggests that in some inscriptional contexts those quantifier signs possibly represented certain commonly used metonyms of Indus civilization. Finally, this study explores the compositional semantics of Indus inscriptions without assigning any sound value to the signs and without speculating about whether the script encoded the speech of any specific ancient language.
Introduction
Discovered from nearly 4000 ancient inscribed objects, comprising seals, sealings, tablets, ivory rods, pottery shards etc., Indus inscriptions, are one of the most enigmatic legacies of the Indus Valley civilization (henceforth IVC), which flourished between 2600 BCE and 1900 BCE, spread over a vast region of 680,000–800,000 square km of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent (Kenoyer, 2010). Right from the first publication of an inscribed seal in 1875, Indus Script (henceforth ISC) has suffered several avowed decipherments, most bereft of substantial scholarly consensus. The major factors incommoding decipherment are: absence of bilingual texts; extreme brevity of the inscriptions; ignorance about the language(s) encoded by ISC (if any); and poor chronological control in the existing ISC corpora (Wells, 2011). The meagre points of scholarly consensus can possibly be summarized as: right-to-left direction of the majority of the inscriptions, numerical nature of certain stroke-like signs; functional homogeneity of certain terminal signs, and some generally adopted techniques of segmenting the inscriptions into initial, medial and terminal clusters. Barring these few points, huge controversies surround almost every aspect of ISC. For example, certain scholars consider the script as logo-syllabic (Parpola, 1994, p. 85; Wells, 2011, p. 116; Hunter, 1934; Wells, 2015, p. 32, 85), some others take it as logographic (Koskenniemi and Parpola, 1982, p. 10; Mahadevan, 1978, 1986, 2014), whereas some even deny that it encoded “speech” at all (Farmer et al. 2004). Phonetic and semantic interpretations of individual Indus signs also vary widely. For example, Mahadevan took , the most frequent sign of ISC, as a Dravidian “pronominal masculine singular suffix”, sometimes conveying an ideographic meaning of a “sacrificial vessel with food offerings” (Mahadevan, 2014, p. 10, 17). Wells (2015, p. 88) considered as a terminal marker that might have been a verbal ending with the sound value “-ay”, which also means “cow” and “mother” in proto-Dravidian. But to Bonta (2010, p. 76–82) is a predicate or root, expressing the meanings “be” or “belong to”, that was possibly a general predicate-marker. Scrutinizing various decipherment efforts of ISC, Possehl (2002, p. 139) has stated that, “a certain amount of impatience on the part of some researchers” of ISC, has driven them to move “quickly from an initial hypothesis to a series of conclusions and readings”.
In my view, the semantic comprehension of Indus inscriptions needs to build on a thorough understanding of their internal structure and archeological contexts. With no established relationship with other ancient Indic scripts, and with our little knowledge of its underpinning language(s) if any, ISC at present falls in the most difficult category of un-deciphered inscriptions. However, remembering how the Linear B script of ancient Greece was rescued from a similar condition through the methodical structural and contextual analysis done by Kober (1948) and Ventris (Ventris and Chadwick, 1953), an exhaustive structural analysis has been attempted here too, to understand the mechanisms used by Indus inscriptions to convey meanings. A contextual analysis of the inscriptions has also been performed, based on the excavation reports and corresponding analysis done by several leading archeologists. This article attempts to establish that the inscribed seals, sealings and tablets of IVC were “formalized data carriers” (a term coined by Nissen et al. (1993) to describe the proto-cuneiform administrative tablets of ancient Mesopotamia), which used both linguistic and non-linguistic (document-specific) syntaxes to convey their meanings. After analyzing the combinatorial patterns and graphemic features of Indus signs, and the type of objects in which certain signs frequently occurred, this study classifies several signs into nine functional sign-classes, and examines these sign-classes’ roles in the phrase-structure of the inscriptions. This study also formulates certain criteria to identify the lexeme-signs, probes the nature of the collocations and the repeated sign-sequences present in the script, and discusses the compositional semantics of Indus inscriptions. Finally, through analysis of the co-occurrence preferences and co-occurrence restriction patterns demonstrated by different sign-classes, and comparison of those patterns with the patterns permitted by “phonological co-occurrence restrictions” and “semantic co-occurrence restrictions” in natural languages, it strongly suggests that most of the Indus inscriptions were logographic in nature.
Materials and methods
Corpora and conventions
Mahadevan’s digitized corpus of Indus inscriptions (Mahadevan, 1977), whose Input-Data-File (henceforth IDF-80), was further enhanced with provenance-and-iconography-related details in 1980, is the primary corpus used for generating all the statistics used in this study. However, the excellent corpus compiled by Wells and maintained by Fuls (Wells and Fuls, 2006), and Parpola’s photographic corpora of inscribed objects (henceforth CISI) (Joshi and Parpola, 1987; Shah and Parpola, 1991; Parpola et al., 2010) are also used for accommodating certain inscriptions not included in IDF-80, and for visualizing the inscribed artifacts. All the serial numbers used here, for referring to the signs, artifacts, inscription-lines, and inscribed-sides, are sourced from IDF-80, if not mentioned otherwise.
Since save a few inscriptions that have radial or boustrophedon arrangements, most of the Indus inscriptions were read from-right-to-left, all the inscription-lines are represented here in a normalized right-to-left direction. For example, the inscription of seal-#1325 (Fig. 1a), originally engraved in left-to-right direction in intaglio, is shown in right-to-left direction in Fig. 1f, the way its impression on a sealing should be read. The inscribed-line sides and inscription-line are numbered as S1, S2 etc., and L1, L2 etc., whereas the only inscription-line present on a side, and the only inscribed-side of an object are referred to as L0, and S0, respectively (see Fig. 1f). Any doubtfully read sign is marked with an asterisk (“*”). However, before considering any such sign-sequence, I have doubly verified them using the other corpora mentioned above.
Fig. 1
Schematic representations of inscriptions found on different type of media. a An inscribed stamp seal of Mohenjo-daro; b An inscribed sealing of Harappa; c An inscribed copper-tablet of Mohenjo-daro; d Three inscribed miniature-tablets of Harappa; e Some inscribed pottery; f Representation of inscriptions using sign-numbers and side-line-numbers; gDistinct inscription-lines extracted from the miniature-tablets of d
This article mainly focuses on understanding ‘how’ Indus inscriptions conveyed meanings, rather than on deciphering ‘what’ meanings were exactly conveyed. In the contextual analysis, archeological evidence, culled from the works of several leading archeologists, are used and studied in the light of the script-internal patterns, to establish that the inscribed seals, sealings and tablets were formalized data-carriers. For studying the syntactic structure of Indus inscriptions, a computer-assisted corpus analysis of IDF-80 is performed. For classifying the signs, I have used a manual feature extraction process, which focuses mainly on the signs’ positional preferences, co-occurrence-preferences and co-occurrence restriction patterns. Occasionally, the feature-engineering process also considers the graphemic similarities between combinatorially similar signs, and the archeological contexts of the artifacts, where the signs mostly occur in. While analyzing the morphological characteristics and combinatorial patterns of repeated sign-sequences (, etc.) and collocations (, etc.), certain universal linguistic rules that may have caused such patterns in linguistic texts, are considered.
Often multiple Indus objects contain identical inscriptions (see Fig. 1d). Thus, while analyzing a sign’s combinatorial patterns, only the distinct inscription-lines (henceforth DILs) containing the sign are considered (see Fig. 1g), so that repeated counting of a common inscription does not skew the statistics.
Since the corpus-analysis needs to exhaustively explore archeological and script-internal evidence, the essential points for each part of Section “Results and discussion” are included in the main text, while some part of the supportive detailed analysis is included in different sections of Supplementary-File Supp1.
Considering the typical brevity of Indus inscriptions (around 70% of the DILs contain only 1 to 5 signs), and the limited number of inscriptions found till date, this study prefers manual feature-engineering over unsupervised machine-learning algorithms, as the latter needs a much larger training set. Some of the Python programs used for searching the corpus are included in the supplementary-file Supp2.
Since ISC has been researched for nearly 140 years by several erudite scholars, an elaborate literature survey is provided in the supplementary file Supp3, which marks off the aspects of this study that are novel, from the ones that build on certain existing viewpoints, or differ from them.
Results and discussion
The results of this study are mostly obtained from two categories of analysis: (i) contextualization of the inscriptions using external evidence; and (ii) structural study of the inscriptions based on script-internal evidence. Both methods help us understand the mechanisms through which meanings were conveyed by these atypically brief inscriptions.
Contextualizing the formalized data-carriers of IVC
By the term “formalized data-carriers” I refer to any object that carries information of a specific semantic scope, and uses certain pre-defined structures for their message conveyance. Ability to identify certain inscribed objects of IVC as “formalized data-carriers” assumes significance because such data-carriers use both non-linguistic document-specific syntaxes and linguistic syntaxes in their written content. For example, as shown in Fig. 2a, different types of information (e.g., the name of the issuing country, the purpose of the data-carrier, or its denominational monetary value) are placed in different predefined positions in the stamps used in modern India. Similarly, the obverse and reverse sides of currency-coins contain different categories of information (Fig. 2a). But, all these syntactical rules are purely document-specific, and have nothing to do with the informing languages used in the objects. Yet, even in brief messages of formalized data-carriers, linguistic phrases often obey certain grammatical, language-specific syntaxes. For example, since English mainly uses prenominal adjectives, the stamps of Fig. 2b contains constructs where the numerical adjectives preceded the monetary nouns (e.g., “One Anna”, “3 Cents”). Moreover, the word-orders used in the genitives follow the “adjective-noun” order so that phrases like “United States Postage” are never constructed as “Postage United States”. Contrarily, stamps of Fig. 2c, written in languages like Italian, Romanian and French, generally use post-nominal adjectives, giving us constructs like “Lire 30”, “Lei Zece Mii”, “Poste Vaticane” and ‘Colonie Italiane’, where the substantive words precede the attributive words.
Fig. 2
Schematic diagrams of certain formalized data-carriers of modern times. a Some coins and stamps of India; b Stamps of some countries whose informing languages use pre-positive adjectives; c Stamps of some countries whose informing languages use postpositive adjectives
Now, as elaborated in Section-S1 of supplementary-file Supp1, this study identifies the seals, sealings, and tablets of IVC as “formalized data-carriers” based on the following evidence: (i) miniature size and portable nature of the seals and tablets; (ii) fixed positioning maintained between inscriptions and their iconography (see Fig. 3b); (iii) fixed and formulaic structures used in the sign-sequences of the inscriptions (Fig. 3b); (iv) enormously expensive, regulated and painstaking processes used for manufacturing the durable and intricately made seals and tablets; and finally (v) standardized usage of identical and near-identical inscriptions across distant Indus locations (as distant as 600–900 km) (see Fig. 4). Each of these features can be compared to the characteristics of various “formalized data carriers” of the present time, such as the revenue stamps, currency notes, or trade permits issued in a modern country, every one of which must: (i) be portable and durable in nature; (ii) have a specific pre-defined format for conveying their information; (iii) be made in a regulated way with intricate security features to resist counterfeiting; and (iv) be used in a standardized manner in every distant part of a country.
Fig. 3
Distribution of Indus inscriptions across artifact-types a, and their structural similarities with the structures found in modern data-carriers b, c
Identical Indus inscriptions found in distant Indus locations. a A map showing selected Indus locations (adapted from a map included in Mahadevan’s corpus (1977, p. 29)); bVisual comparison of pair-wise distances between Indus locations (all distance-calculations are taken from Possehl, 1999, cited in Yadav, 2013.); c A grid listing the common inscriptions found in different locations
This study further claims that, the domain of usage of these formalized data-carriers was mainly some commercial activities and related administrative activities of IVC in which metrology and standardization played crucial roles. The archeological evidence that leads to this claim are: (i) the inscribed seals and tablets were almost always found concentrated near craft areas, such as bead and shell workshops, or near fortified city gates where traded goods were supposedly measured and taxed; (ii) the seals were quite often found along with standardized weights of IVC; (iii) seal impressions were found in clay-tags attached to packed merchandises; (iv) inscribed objects were rarely found in religious contexts such as in grave goods; and (v) they were often discarded as trash after use (Kenoyer, 2010; Parpola, 1994; Bhan, 2011; Wells, 2011; Possehl, 2002; Kenoyer, 2005; Mackay, 1931). Section-S1 of supplementary-file Supp1 provides further details.
This contextualization enlightens the subsequent structural analysis, when we proceed to distinguish document-specific syntaxes used in Indus inscriptions from syntaxes more likely to be language-driven.
Structural analysis of Indus inscriptions
This structural analysis hinges on the basic postulation that the complete inscription content of each unbroken seal, sealing and tablet (independent to the iconographies, if any) was a semantically complete message, complete with respect to the context and the purpose designated to it. As discussed above, the standardized use of these painstakingly made artifacts strongly indicate that their formulaic inscriptions cannot be just random scribbles or decorative designs. They must have conveyed complete, meaningful messages of great importance to the people of IVC. However, the inscriptions found on potshards, and the inscriptions of the artifacts which were broken or damaged so irretrievably that some part of their inscription-contents are no more readable, are excluded from the list of semantically complete messages.
Even though this postulation sounds obvious and platitudinous, its methodical pursuit helps immensely in the structural analysis, especially in identifying various Indus signs as logograms (see Section “Identification of lexeme-signs based on semantic completeness of inscriptional units”).
Since 79% of the 2906 inscribed objects of IDF-80 could convey their messages using only single inscription-lines, I treat all inscription-lines as semantically complete phrases, and use them as the basic units of this structural analysis. The only exceptions might be the ‘split-sequences’ (Mahadevan, 1977, p. 12), where possibly due to space-constraints faced by scribes, a continuous sign-sequence was sometimes split between more than one inscription-lines carved on the same sides of the artifacts. For example, the inscription-line , which carries the complete message of seal #2618, got split into the sequences and that occur in separate lines on the same inscribed-side on seal #6112.
Sections “Identification of lexeme-signs based on semantic completeness of inscriptional units”–“Unclassified Indus signs and their probability of being lexemes” are mainly dedicated to classifying the functionally similar Indus signs into separate sign-classes, exploring the roles of the sign-classes in Indus phrase-structure, and formulating certain criteria for identifying the lexeme-signs.
Identification of lexeme-signs based on semantic completeness of inscriptional units
Using the basic postulation stated above, we can straightaway recognize more than 10% of the Indus signs (49 signs) as lexemes (LEX-signs), based on the four simple criteria stated below (see Fig. 5a–d).
Fig. 5
Certain isolable occurrences of Indus signs. Single signs occurring alone: in an object a, in an inscribed side b, in the last inscription-line of an inscribed side c, and in all sides of the same object d. Column-1 provides representative examples of each scenario. Column-2 provides the list of signs identified using the corresponding scenario
Criterion-1. Aloneness in an object: Since the total inscription-content of a complete and unbroken seal, sealing or tablet must be a semantically complete message, if a single sign occurs as the total inscription content of such an inscribed object (Fig. 5a-Column1), that sign must contain some lexical meaning on its own, as it single-handedly expresses the complete message of that object (Fig. 5a-Column2 identifies 28 LEX-signs using Criterion-1).
To preclude inclusion of casually scribbled signs, or decorative symbols as lexeme-signs, Criteria 1–4 exclusively considers inscriptions found in seals, sealings, and tablets (formalized data-carriers) only. The inscriptions of pottery, bangles, bronze-implements etc. are not considered.
Criterion-2. Solitariness in an inscribed side: If a sign occurs alone in an inscribed side of an unbroken artifact and the inscriptions on the other sides are recognizable as semantically complete phrases, then this single sign cannot be a syntactic continuation of the inscription on other sides, and must hence be a semantically autonomous lexeme-sign (Fig. 5b demonstrates 16 LEX-signs, identified using Criterion-2).
As discussed in later sections, semantically complete phrases are recognizable if they end with well-known terminal-signs, such as phrase-final signs, crop-like signs, and encapsulated signs, or occur independently in other inscribed objects. Since Indus scribes seldom split inscription-lines on different sides, each inscribed-side of a seal/tablet functions as a syntactic boundary (Parpola, 1994). Moreover, as discussed before, generally the obverse-side and reverse-side inscriptions demonstrate clearly distinct semantic scopes. All these facts reinforce Criterion-2.
Criterion-3. Aloneness in a syntactically isolated inscription-line: If in an artifact with multiple inscription-lines on a single side, the last inscription-line contains a single sign, while the penultimate inscription-line is recognizable as a semantically complete inscription, then that single sign of the last line should be a semantically autonomous lexeme-sign (Fig. 5c-Column1). Nine such signs are identified as lexemes (Fig. 5c-Column2).
Criterion-4. Single sign repeated on all sides of an object: If each inscribed-side of a sealing or tablet contains a single sign, then the meaning of that sign must be the complete message conveyed by that object, and that sign must be a semantically autonomous logogram. As shown in Fig. 5d, two such logograms are identified.
Interestingly, signs like , , and are identified as logograms by more than one criteria stated above.
All the sign-classes identified in the sections below, are listed together in Fig. 6, for convenience of readers.
Fig. 6
Indus sign-classes along with the list of their member signs
Excluding the 89 DILs which contain only single signs, and 323 DILs whose terminal signs are irretrievably lost, 1998 DILs of IDF-80 remain. Among these, in 1293 DILs (i.e., 65%), the terminal signs belong only to the very selective set of the 12 signs listed in Fig. 6a, b. Since Indus inscription-lines are semantically complete phrases, and these 12 signs predominantly occur in the final positions in the majority of such phrases irrespective of their inscription-lengths (see Fig. 7a, b), they are classified as “phrase-final” (PF) signs. The PF-signs are further categorized as phrase-final-type-1 (PF1) and Phrase-final-type2 (PF2) signs, since the signs classified as PF2s () predominantly follow the signs classified as PF1s (), thus constructing <PF1 PF2> sequences (PF-clusters) such as , , , , etc.
Fig. 7
Phrase-final occurrences of signs in inscription-lines. a Terminal occurrences of PF1-signs in inscription-lines of different lengths. b Terminal occurrences of PF1-signs followed by PF2-signs
It is important to note that terminal occurrences in a few inscriptions alone cannot entitle a sign to be classified as a PF, since one of the main classification criteria is the high percentage of terminal occurrences. For example, considering only completely legible DILs, such percentages for the PF1-signs are: (90.8%), (88.75%), (87.1%), (89.4%), (100%), and (90.8%).
Another important classifying feature for a PF-sign is that it should be syntactically and semantically detachable from its preceding sign-sequence, playing a phrase-level syntactic role, rather than being a semantic continuation of its preceding sequence. For example, the bigram , which repeatedly got followed by PF1 , could independently occur in sealing #4823 (Fig. 8a), proving the detachability of from its preceding sequence. Similarly, comparing the complete inscription-lines , and , , we realize the detachability of PF2-signs (Fig. 8b). These patterns prove that the phrase-level PF-signs are not integral parts of the meanings conveyed by their preceding sequences. Thus, the phytomorphic signs (, etc.) which occur quite frequently in terminal positions, are not classified as PF-signs (see Section “Crop-like signs (CROP-signs)”), as they demonstrate a strong affinity towards their preceding stroke-signs (e.g., etc.), rather than playing a generic and detachable phrase-level role.
Fig. 8
Certain combinatorial characteristics of PF-signs. a, b Examples where the preceding sign-sequences of PF1-signs and PF2-signs occur independently in other objects. c Pseudo-medial positions of PF-signs
Though in some inscription-lines the PF-signs occur in apparently medial positions, as demonstrated in Fig. 8c, those inscription-lines actually comprise multiple shorter juxtaposed semantic messages, and the medial positions of the PFs are actually phrase-final positions of the semantically complete constituents.
Since certain PF1-signs (, ) and PF2-signs () are already identified as lexemes (see Fig. 5), the other PF1s and PF2s must also be lexemes, considering their functional homogeneity (Fig. 9a, b, respectively, show how the PF1-signs, and PF2-signs often occur in mutually similar inscriptional-contexts).
Fig. 9
Certain other combinatorial features of PF-signs. a, b Different PF1 and PF2 signs used in similar inscriptional-contexts. c Graphemic similarities between the signs that have special affinity towards specific PF1-signs
Figure 9c imparts an important insight regarding the functional nature of PF-signs, showing how signs with similar graphemes show a strong affinity towards specific PF-signs. For example, in constructs like etc., the pincer-like signs are typically followed by PF1 , whereas the fish-like-signs usually show a special affinity for PF1-sign . Now, in a script where lexemes are represented by individual signs (Section “Identification of lexeme-signs based on semantic completeness of inscriptional units”), choice of similar graphemes for a group of signs should logically be governed by the similar semantic meanings of those signs, proving that certain PF-signs were functionally more suitable to certain semantic groups.
Some other interesting observations, such as the affinity between specific PF1 and PF2 signs and the patterned occurrences where PF2-signs either appear without PF1-signs, or occur preceding them, are discussed in Section-S2 of supplementary-file Supp1.
Pre-phrase-final signs (PPFs)
Although a large number of signs have regularly preceded PF1s in different inscriptions, a specific few show remarkable affinity towards the PF1s, so that they get positioned immediately before PF1s in almost all their occurrences (see Table 1). This study classifies 10 such signs (Fig. 6e) as pre-phrase-final (PPF) signs.
Table 1 The percentage of occurrences of pre-phrase-final signs in positions that immediately precede the PF1 signs in inscriptions
An intriguing feature of PPFs (also used as their identification criterion) is that, if an inscription contains a PPF-sign, it is extremely unlikely that the inscription’s PF1-sign would follow any sign other than the PPF. For example, in inscription-lines and , sign directly preceded . But whenever the PPFs and occur in similar inscriptions (e.g., or ), sign gets distanced from , as the PPFs get the preference to occur immediately before . Figure 10a, b contains more such examples.
Fig. 10
Combinatorial and graphemic characteristics of PPFs. a Inscription-lines ending with PF1-signs and not containing any PPF-sign. b Inscription-lines containing the same sign-sequences present in a, with an extra PPF-sign positioned immediately before the PF1. c A ligature sign constituted of conjoined PPF and PF1 signs
Figure 10c demonstrates another interesting fact about the PPF-sign . As observed by Mahadevan (1986), sign , which occurred in only one DIL preceding the PF2-sign , is graphically constituted by combining the graphemes of PPF-sign and PF1-sign . This study argues that the construction of this ligature confirms the semantic affinity shared by the PPF and PF1 signs.
Identification of more logograms in relation to the PF-signs
The phrase-level syntactic roles played by the PF-signs, their occurrences as the boundaries of the semantically complete phrases, and their syntactic and semantic detachability from the preceding sign-sequences, help me propose the following criteria for identifying lexeme signs.
Criterion-5: Solitary occurrences after PF1-signs: Since PF1-signs and PF-clusters denote the boundaries of semantically complete messages, a sign occurring alone after such a sequence in a complete inscription-line (Fig. 11a) cannot be an indispensable part of its preceding sign-sequence, and must be a lexeme-sign that signifies some meaning on its own. Figure 11a lists 22 such lexeme-signs.
Fig. 11
Identification of logograms based on their associations with PF-signs. a Signs occurring alone after PFs, b Signs occurring alone with PFs. Column-1 contains representative examples of the patterns. Column-2 lists all the signs that have occurred in such patterns
Criterion-6: Signs occurring alone with PF1-signs or PF-clusters:Here I make a crucial proposition that if any sign occurs alone with a PF1-sign or a PF-cluster in a complete inscription-line (Fig. 11b) at least once, that sign must be a lexeme-sign. The lexemes identified by Criterion-6 are henceforth referred to as Alone-With-Phrase-Final (AWPF) lexemes.
The basis of this proposition is primarily the type of functional roles played by the PF1-signs. The rigid preference for terminal positions makes PF1s the most predictable part of Indus inscription-lines. From Shannon’s theory of self-information (Shannon, 1948) and its applications in semiotics (Floridi, 2015), we know that in any semantic domain, the information content of a message is inversely proportional to its expected value or probability. Thus in the semantic domain of Indus inscriptions, the information content of the highly predictable PF1-signs must have been restricted to a specific and limited semantic range. Moreover, since as many as 1293 distinct inscription-lines needed PF1-signs as part of their messages, the semantic role of PF1s must have been associated with the general usage of those inscriptions. So, given the generic type of meanings conveyed by PF1-signs, obviously the remaining parts of the inscription-lines had to convey the main information that semantically differentiated the message of one seal from the other. For example, in the modern stamps of Fig. 2a, the country-name, stamp-type, and monetary-units are generic common information, whereas the denominational monetary values expressed by the numeral nouns (Two, Four, Eight, Ten etc.) carry the main information that semantically distinguishes one stamp from the other. Similarly, in the inscription-sets in Fig. 11b (e.g. , , , and ), different single signs occur alone with the same PF-sign. Therefore, these inscriptions’ messages semantically differed only by these single signs preceding the PFs, indicating that they must be semantically autonomous lexemes.
Seventy-nine distinct signs are identified as AWPF lexemes by using Criterion-6 (Fig. 11b-Column2). Considering that all the PPF-signs have occurred at least once as an AWPF sign, I claim that all the PPF-signs were lexeme-signs.
Connective-morphemes (CMs) and composite inscriptions
Connective-morphemes (CMs) are possibly the most important entities in the structural compositionality of Indus inscriptions. In case of natural languages, the term “connective” is generally defined as “conjunctions, prepositions, adverbs and other particles which share the function of encoding semantic relations between sentences, or rather, between semantic objects, some of which can be meanings of sentences” (Blühdorn, 2010). Interestingly, many inscription-lines of ISC can be represented in the form <X CM Y>, where X and Y are either single-sign lexemes or semantically complete sign-sequences that have occurred independently as meaningful inscription-lines in one or more inscribed objects (see Fig. 12).
Fig. 12
CM-signs conjoining semantically complete constituents to form composite inscriptions. aSchematic diagrams of seals containing a composite inscription and its shorter constituents. b More examples of composite inscriptions (column-1) and their constituents (column-2)
For example, the inscription-line of seal #2169 (Fig. 12a), comprises smaller constituents and (joined by CM-sign ), which are semantically complete messages of seals #6109 and #1225, respectively. Generally the signs that occur in between such semantically complete messages, belong to a very selective set (, and ). Interestingly, often their combinations () also occur in between the autonomous constituents of composite inscriptions. The reasons for which these signs and their combinations are classified as connective-morphemes are that:
(i) They form clearly visible juncture points in Indus inscriptions (elaborated below).
(ii) The signs , , , and , almost never occur alone in inscriptions, and rarely occur in any isolable position that characterize the lexeme-signs.
(iii) Some of these signs, i.e., , , and , are much smaller in size (almost one-third) than all the other full-length Indus signs, indicating a graphemic feature consciously chosen by Indus scribes, to make their juncture-property more visual.
To demonstrate the obvious juncture-property of these signs, let us analyze the 88 composite inscriptions listed in Fig. 13. Almost all of the Y-constituents of these DILs are semantically complete messages that occurred independently in other objects, and terminated with either PF-signs or CROP-signs (see Section “Crop-like signs (CROP-signs)” for CROP-signs). On the other hand, the X-parts consisted of single signs belonging to a very selective set ( and ). Thus, the semantic-scopes of the X and Y parts clearly differed, and quite arguably the semantic role of the signs positioned at the juncture points was that of connective-morphemes.
Fig. 13
More examples of composite inscriptions of the “X CM Y” pattern
It is noteworthy that the full-length stroked-jar CM-signs () are also classified as metrological signs in Section “Metrological signs (METs)”, since in certain inscriptions their syntactic and contextual behaviors are clearly comparable to the behaviors of numerical signs (see Section “Numerical signs (NUMs)”). However, if we compare some similar DILs such as , , and , it becomes evident that just like CMs and , too has connected the usual pre-connective sign with the usual post-connective phrase . This implicit connective role must have been associated with the semantic role these metrological signs have played in such inscriptions. Figure 14ashows more examples where both single and composite CM-signs occur in similar inscriptional contexts, demonstrating their functional homogeneity.
Fig. 14
Functional homogeneity of CMs a, and their patterns of occurrences in split-sequence inscriptions b
Another notable feature of CM-signs is that they were syntactically bound to the pre-connective sequences, not the post-connective ones. As shown in Fig. 14b, whenever a composite inscription got split between two different lines, the “X-parts” followed by the CM-signs always remained in the first line, whereas the “Y-parts” got transferred to the second line. Thus, the pre-connective parts were obviously more strongly attached to the CM-signs, as otherwise at least in some instances the scribes would have kept the “CM Y” parts together.
Semantic completeness and distinct semantic scopes of the pre-connective and post-connective sequences
Generalizing the observations made in Section “Connective-morphemes (CMs) and composite inscriptions“, I shall now propose that the pre-connective and post-connective constituents of any composite inscription-line constructed by using CM-signs must be semantically complete. So, any sign sequence that occurs as a complete pre-connective or post-connective constituent at least once, can be labeled as a semantically complete phrase with certainty.
Semantic completeness of pre-connective constituents: (i) Pre-connectives present in composite inscriptions of 650 inscribed objects contain only single signs. There are 92 such signs that have occurred alone as pre-connectives at least once. Now, since many of these pre-connective signs are already identified as lexemes using other criteria (e.g., signs etc., identified employing Criterion-1 (Fig. 5a); and signs etc., identified employing Criterion-6 (Fig. 11b), it is quite logical to expect that the other functionally homogeneous pre-connective single signs were also lexemes.
(ii) As shown in Fig. 15a, the pre-connective constituents of the obverse-side composite inscriptions of seals #5056 and #2626, also got repeated in their reverse bosses. Most possibly, these pre-connectives indicated the purpose or category of these seals and were present on the reverse boss as mnemonics or colophons so that the scribes could choose the right seal when several stamp-seals were kept in their stable upside-down position. Whatever be the reason for such occurrences, by separating out the pre-connective constituents on the reverse boss, Indus scribes have left an unmistakable clue about their semantic completeness.
Fig. 15
Evidence of semantic completeness of pre-connective sequences. a Pre-connective part of the inscription on the obverse side being repeated on reverse boss; b Same bigrams appearing in pre-connective and post-connective parts of different inscriptions
(iii) Sometimes the sign-sequence occurring as the pre-connective of one inscription gets combined, to occur as a ligature in the pre-connective of some other inscription (e.g., compare the inscriptions , , , and of seals #7107, #5091, #1048, and #2340, respectively). This pattern indicates the cohesive bonding present between the pre-connective sign-sequences that led to the formation of such ligature units.
(iv) Often, the pre-connective constituent of one inscription occurs in the post-connective part of another inscription (see Fig. 15b), proving that the pre-connectives were semantic units that occurred unaltered in different inscriptional contexts. Moreover, often the pre-connectives consisted of frequent collocations of IDF-80 (e.g., (101 DILs), (43 DILs) etc.).
All these patterns establish that pre-connective parts of composite inscriptions always held semantically complete phrases.
Semantic completeness of post-connective sequences: By searching IDF-80 programmatically, 135 distinct inscription-lines are found that have also occurred as post-connective constituents in 260 composite DILs. For example, the inscription-line , which occurs alone in 4 seals, one sealing and three pottery-shards, also occurs as post-connective in inscriptions and . This evidence alone satisfactorily indicates the semantic completeness of post-connective inscriptions.
Distinct semantic scopes: Sign usages of the pre-connectives visibly differ from that of the post-connective constituents. Signs that frequently occur in pre-connective positions (e.g., etc.) occur with much less frequency as post-connectives. Moreover, when the signs and occur in the terminal positions of post-connective constituents (e.g., , , , , , etc.) and non-composite inscription-lines (, , etc.), they are mostly preceded either by stroke-signs, or by signs like , , or . But in pre-connective positions (e.g., , , etc.), and generally follow a different set of signs (, , etc.), stroke-signs rarely preceding them in such contexts. Moreover, unlike the post-connective constituents that frequently end with PFs and ENCs (see Section “Encapsulated (ENC) signs”), typical pre-connective constituents rarely contain such terminal signs. Accordingly, the type of information content of the pre-connective and post-connective sequences undoubtedly differs.
Lexeme-signs based on the semantic completeness of pre-connective and post-connective constituents
Criterion-7: Since all pre-connective constituents are semantically complete phrases, a sign occurring alone as the pre-connective constituent of a composite inscription (see Fig. 16a-Column1), is identifiable as a logogram. Figure 16a-Column2 lists 92 such lexeme-signs.
Fig. 16
Certain combinatorial patterns (Column-1) used to identify lexeme-signs (Column-2) of composite inscriptions. Signs occurring alone in pre-connectives a and post-connectives b. Signs occurring alone with phrase-finals in post-connectives c
Criterion-8: Since all post-connective constituents are semantically complete phrases, a sign occurring solitarily as a post-connective constituent (Fig. 16b-Column1), is likewise identifiable as a lexeme-sign. Figure 16b-Column2 lists 32 such lexeme-signs.
Criterion-9: This is a corollary of Criterion-6 and Criterion-8. Since post-connective constituents are semantically complete phrases, equivalent to semantically complete inscription-lines, the signs that occur alone with PF1-signs or PF-clusters in post-connective constituents (see Fig. 16c-Column1) are equivalent to the AWPF-lexemes (Criterion-6). Figure 16c-Column2 lists 52 such signs.
Frequent pre-connective lexemes (PCLs)
As discussed in Section “Lexeme-signs based on the semantic completeness of pre-connective and post-connective constituents”, 92 distinct lexeme-signs have occurred alone as pre-connectives in the inscriptions of 650 objects. Now, among these signs, the most frequent 5 signs () have occurred as pre-connectives in 500 objects. That only 5% of the 92 signs occurred as pre-connectives in more than 75% of such objects, irrefutably proves that certain signs were much more suitable to the semantic scope of pre-connective constituents than others. So, these 5 signs (Fig. 6f) are classified as pre-connective lexeme (henceforth PCL) signs, based on their startlingly strong liking for pre-connective positions (see Table 2). Although has a much lower percentage of pre-connective occurrences, its combinatorial patterns closely resemble the patterns of other PCLs in many inscriptions (see Fig. 17a).
Table 2 The percentage of pre-connective occurrences of PCL signs
Different combinatorial patterns of PCLs. a PCLs occurring in similar pre-connective contexts; b PCLs preceding PF1s; c PCLs occurring in the terminal positions
Some other signs ( and ) also demonstrate, just as PCLs, very high percentages of pre-connective occurrences. But since each of them occurs in less than 10 DILs, they are excluded from the “frequent” PCL list.
The examples in Fig. 17a demonstrate the functional homogeneity of PCL-signs. Moreover, even in non-pre-connective contexts, PCLs appear in mutually similar patterns (Fig. 17b, c).
Interestingly, as depicted in Table 3, certain PCL-signs reveal special affinity towards specific CM-signs (e.g., occurs with in 95% cases, whereas never occurs as a construct in IDF-80).
Table 3 Association between specific PCL and CM signs
Reanalysing the “X CM Y” formats presented in Fig. 13, and searching the rest of IDF-80, we see that finding a “Y CM X” inscription such as or remains extremely unlikely. This clearly indicates that the semantically distinct pre-connective and post-connective constituents mostly maintained a hierarchical relationship, akin to the subordinate and main clauses of natural language constructs, where cause-effect or purposive relationships are often expressed through the ordering of the subordinate and main clauses with respect to the purposive or causal conjunctions.
In Indus inscriptions, post-connectives must have functioned as principal clauses as they occur very frequently as independent inscription-lines (135 independent DILs have also functioned as post-connective constituents in 260 composite inscriptions). Contrastingly, despite being semantically complete, the pre-connectives generally do not occur as independent messages (e.g., occurs alone in only five objects, whereas in 277 objects it occurs in the pre-connective part), indicating that they were the subordinate clauses that provided some additional information about the post-connective main clause. As observed by linguists, generally subordinating conjunctions maintain “a fixed serial position in relation to their internal” arguments i.e., the subordinate clauses, “but not to their external argument” i.e., the principal clause (Blühdorn 2010). Thus, the abovementioned attachment of Indus CMs to the pre-connective sequences (Fig. 14b) reinforces my conjecture that the pre-connectives functioned as the subordinate clauses in Indus inscriptions.
Interestingly, some CM-signs (mostly and ) seem to have functioned also as coordinating conjunctions in certain composite inscriptions. There, the constituents occurring on either side of the CMs were similar in terms of their structure and sign content, and had similar levels of semantic independence (see Fig. 18b). For example, regarding the inscription of seal #4297, both the constituents and have occurred as the complete message of different seals, sealings, tablets and ivory rods, and both have terminated with PF-signs, unlike the pre-connectives of typical subordinated clauses. Generally, in natural languages, unlike the relata of subordinating conjunction, “the relata of coordinators are typically of the same morphosyntactic category” (Blühdorn, 2010). Thus, in the inscriptions of Fig. 18b, the CMs were arguably expressing some “and/or” kind of coordinating relationship, not any hierarchical subordinating relation. Interestingly, the typical PCL-signs ( etc.) seldom occur in such inscriptions, indicating that the subordinated composite inscriptions had a different semantic nature compared to the coordinated ones.
Fig. 18
Example inscriptions where CM-signs work as subordinating conjunctions a and coordinating conjunctions b
There are certain phytomorphic signs ( and ) in IDF-80, which show a special tendency of following various kind of stroke-signs (see Fig. 19a). Moreover, when preceded by stroke-signs, they occur in the terminal positions of inscription-lines without any PF-signs following them (Fig. 19a). These phytomorphic signs are clustered together because of their functional homogeneity, and considering the close resemblance of their graphemes with the sheaves of grains or crops, their sign-class is named as CROP-signs (Fig. 6h). However, determination of whether these signs were semantically associated to grains or crops is not of concern here.
Fig. 19
Certain characteristic combinatorial patterns of CROP-signs. a CROP-signs occurring in terminal positions preceded by stroke-numerals; b CROP-signs preceded by sign ; cPre-connective occurrences of CROP-signs
Three main features of CROP-signs are discussed below:
(i) Strong preference for specific preceding signs: Among the 319 DILs where CROP-signs occur, they generally follow a predictable set of signs. For example, CROP-sign occurs in 15 DILs, in 13 of which it follows sign , and in 1 sign , demonstrating a very strong affinity to three-stroked signs. Signs that most frequently precede CROP-signs are: Stroke-signs (100 DILs); sign (75 DILs); signs and (26 DILs); and sign (17 DILs). However, in pre-connective contexts (see Fig. 19c), CROP-signs generally follow a different set of signs (, etc.).
(ii) Terminal occurrences: CROP-signs have occurred at terminal positions without any posterior PF1-signs, in 161 DILs, i.e., 50% of their total occurrences. But whenever sign precedes CROP-signs (see Fig. 19b), they are generally followed by PF1-signs (49 DILs).
(iii) Similarity between the ligatures: Graphically, signs and are ligatures of and , made by putting their graphemes inside ovals. Interestingly, just like and , their ligatures also demonstrate strong functional homogeneity by appearing in very similar inscriptions (e.g., compare the DILs , and , ).
Numerical signs (NUMs)
There are 22 Indus signs, constituted by arranging long and short strokes in different horizontal and vertical patterns (see Fig. 6d). I identify these signs as numerical (NUM) signs based on their graphical appearances, combinatorial patterns and archeological contexts of usage. A vital clue regarding these stroke-signs’ functionality is that a huge number of Indus pottery vessels and potsherds contain such signs in their body and rim inscriptions (see Fig. 1e), which according to Kenoyer “could be relating to accounting, such as the measure of the oil or grain placed in the jar prior to sealing it” (Kenoyer, 2006). Since several unbroken pottery vessels are found with only some stroke-signs inscribed on their body (see Fig. 1e), this research also argues that those strokes must have conveyed either the vessels’ absolute capacity or the quantity of their content.
Interestingly, such stroke-signs also appear in typical patterns in Indus seals and tablets. For example, in each of the eight sets of 2-signs-long inscription-lines listed in Fig. 20, only the numbers of strokes constituting the stroke-signs vary, whereas their succeeding signs remain same. Now, repeating a sign n-times, to express the n-th multiple of its quantity, was a common technique used in the “cumulative-additive” and “multiplicative-additive” numerical systems of several ancient scripts, such as Egyptian Hieroglyphs, Aramaic, Proto-Elamite and Assyro-Babilonian (Chrisomalis, 2010; Nissen et al., 1993; Gardiner, 1969, p. 190–200). Many cubical dice of IVC (Dales, 1968, p. 14–23) also have used repetition of dots to express numerical values. Thus I propose that the repeated-stroke Indus signs also represented some quantification values, and their following signs represented the objects of that quantification. Since only a limited number of strokes have found use in the whole corpus, these signs possibly represented different denominations of some standard metrics used in ancient Indus economy. It is additionally contended here that the absolute quantities represented by the stroke-signs possibly varied depending on the types of objects they quantified. The proto-cuneiform numerals have demonstrated such context-dependent variances of the absolute value of the same numeral signs, depending on whether the quantified objects were animals, cereals or agricultural fields (Nissen et al., 1993, p. 131).
Fig. 20
Certain usage patterns of numerical signs. a Inscriptions where a common sign follows different stroke-signs. b Graphical representation of common inscriptional contexts shared by numerical signs
Thus, based on the patterns of the inscription-lines listed in Figs. 20a, 14 stroke-signs (, , , , , , , , , , , , , ) are identified as NUM-signs, in the first iteration. In the graph of Fig. 20b, the nodes represent the NUM-signs. Here, whenever two NUM-signs occur preceding a common sign, corresponding NUM-sign-nodes get connected with an edge labeled with the common sign’s serial-number. Since the resultant graph turns into a connected multigraph containing many cycles, it is clearly visible that all these NUM-signs shared very similar inscriptional contexts, and were functionally homogeneous.
The stroke-signs , , , , , , , and are also classified as NUM-signs, based on their graphical, combinatorial and contextual similarities compared to the 14 NUM-signs classified above (see examples in Fig. 21, and detailed discussion in Section-S3 of supplementary-file Supp1). Non-stroke signs , , , , and too are classified as NUM-signs, since, like stroke-numerals, they also demonstrate striking combinatorial and contextual similarities (see examples in Fig. 22, and detailed discussion in Section-S3 of supplementary-file Supp1).
Fig. 21
Stroke-signs sharing common inscriptional contexts with other stroke-numerals. Examples relating to sign a, b, c, d, and e
Identification of NUM-signs facilitates detection of another class of signs, namely the metrological (MET) signs (Fig. 6g). Unlike the NUM-signs whose numerical values may change based on the objects of quantification, the MET-signs (, , , , , , , ) seem to represent different denominational values of fixed mensural standards represented through their basic graphemes. The identification process for each MET-sign is separately discussed below.
MET-signs, , and: The 241 multi-sided sealings and tablets recorded in IDF-80, whose reverse sides typically contain one of the four inscriptions: , , and , provide the most crucial clue regarding the nature of the rimless jar-line sign . Since these <NUM-> constructs contained only 4 variants of stroke-numerals, it becomes clear that they conveyed values related to some standardized quantification process which could assume mainly four numerical denominations. Since, unlike other quantified lexeme signs, rarely occurs in obverse inscriptions, it possibly represented a special standard of quantification. Interestingly, the obverse-sides of these multi-sided artifacts always contained usual semantically complete inscriptions. For example, inscription-line , which occurs alone in seals of Lothal and Mohenjo-daro, also appears on the obverse-side of eleven such multi-sided objects of Harappa. Since each of the reverse-side inscriptions , and has occurred at least once with (Fig. 23a), it is evident that the message of , was applicable to all the denominational quantities of the metrological-standard represented by sign . Thus, possibly represented some standard equivalency, which was applicable to all such obverse-side messages. Since all but one of these multisided objects were found in Harappa, Harappa must have been the center of some administrative bureaucracy where this quantification and standardization process associated with sign was commonly practised.
Fig. 23
Certain typical occurrences of MET-signs. a Occurrences of on reverse-side inscriptions; b Graphical similarity between and a ritual vessel iconography; cCertain numeral-like occurrences of stroked-jar signs; d Occurrences of stroked-jar signs in pottery graffiti. e Occurrences of signs , , and
Now, the rimless jar-like appearance of tempts its interpretation as an ancient volumetric unit. In fact, using the dimensions of some Indus vessels bearing the <NUM > constructs, Wells (2015, p. 59–65) and Fuls (2010) have sought to deduce the volumetric value represented by . Although presently available data is inadequate to validate their results, a very important graphemic clue corroborating this conjecture is obtained from certain bas-relief tablets of Mohenjo-daro, where the inscription-line is positioned beside the iconography of “a sitting man making offering to a tree”. Interestingly, as shown in Fig. 23b, “the offering vessel” held by the man in the iconography is graphically identical to sign (Parpola, 1994, p. 109; Wells, 2015, p. 56). Satisfaction about graphically representing a vessel strengthens the interpretation that it functioned as a volumetric unit, especially since volumetric units were often represented by such symbols in ancient scripts. For example, the pictographic symbol of bevelled-rim bowls had entered the proto-Sumerian texts as an ideographic sign ‘ninda’ (initially , then transformed to ) (Nissen, 2011, p. 70). Since bevelled-rim bowls were vessels of standardized quantities, possibly used in daily ration disbursement, the ‘ninda’ symbol, which was a standard measurement unit, also signified grain-ration as a derived meaning (Nissen, 2011, p. 70–71). The study accordingly argues that just as the ‘ninda’ sign, sign also represented some standardized volumetric unit prevalent in ancient IVC.
Interestingly, in the Mesopotamian context, “A sign composed of the NINDA sign with vertical strokes above it appeared from the Uruk III (Jemdet Nasr) phase onwards, and this sign certainly signified ‘ration’ during the third millennium B.C. (Sumerian bur, Akkadian Naptānum)” (Millard, 1988, p. 53). Intriguingly, the descriptions of such stroked- signs closely match the stroked- graphemes of signs and , which have occurred in 15 inscribed objects of IDF-80. Thus based on their graphemic similarity, and shared numerical notation with , signs and are also identified as MET-signs.
METs, , : Although the stroked-jar signs , and are already classified as CM-signs, as discussed below, in some inscriptions they have evidently pronounced metrological overtones as well.
(i) Graphemic evidence: Signs , , and (was discovered after the compilation of IDF-80, (Mahadevan, 1977:25)) are composed by putting different numbers of strokes inside the grapheme of the jar-like PF1-sign , clearly indicating the use of some shared numerical notation.
(ii) Usage patterns similar to stroke-numerals: As shown in Fig. 23c, signs , and often occur in similar inscriptional contexts as other stroke-numerals (e.g., , , etc.).
(iii) Archeological evidence: Numerous pre-firing inscriptions and post-firing graffiti, often coexisting in the rim and body of the pottery vessels used for trading commodities in IVC, consisted of both inscriptions and simple tally marks used for accounting (Kenoyer, 2006). In my view, the frequent presence of <NUM-CROP> constructs in numerous pottery shards (see CISI) indicate that the CROP-signs possibly represented a special type of commodity, whose standard quantification values were expressed through their accompanying numerals. So, when the stroked-jar signs appear in the rim and body inscriptions together with stroke-numerals, it strongly indicates that they also represented some standard quantification system used in IVC. For example, the inscriptions and were found, respectively, in the rim and body of a large-sized jar (#2931, CISI #M-2062) of Mohenjo-daro (Fig. 23d). Notably, two types of quantifier-quantified constructs have coexisted in this jar: i)The ligature made of NUM-sign and CROP-sign , that possibly quantified the jar’s content; and ii) the stroked-jar sign following the NUM-sign that probably represented the absolute volume of the jar. Similarly in the inscription found on jar #2936 (CISI #M-2061), the stroked-jar sign precedes a CROP-sign, resembling the <NUM-sign CROP-sign> construct of jar #2931. Interestingly, in a parallel pattern, the co-occurrences of the ‘ninda’-sign () with the phytomorphic grain-unit “SE” (the crop-sign of barley ) in proto-cuneiform tablets, have helped Sumerologists to find the rough value of the grain-based numerical system (Nissen et. al., 1993).
All such direct and indirect evidence corroborates my claim about the metrological functionality of the stroked-jar signs.
MET Sign Sign shows a very strong association with CROP-signs (Fig. 19b). Of 299 DILs where CROP-signs occur, 112 contain <NUM-CROP> constructs; whereas in 73 DILs sign precedes the CROP-signs. Intriguingly, when preceded by NUM-signs, CROP-signs mostly occur in the terminal-positions, without any PF1-signs following them. But, when CROP-signs are preceded by , in 87% cases some PF1-sign follows the CROP-signs (e.g., , , etc.), indicating that in such contexts sign semantically replaces the NUM-signs, and in doing so it needs PF1-signs to follow the constructs. Thus, through sharing a contrastive context with NUMs, sign indicates that it is functionally connected to some quantification and metrology.
Some other inscriptions also suggest that sign could be functionally replace the numeral quantifiers. For example, though sign collocates with NUM-sign in 101 DILs, when preceded bysign is never followed by a numeral,. Similarly, in sealing #7280 of Lothal, has preceded in a position that is pre-dominantly occupied by stroke-numerals.
MET-sign: The sign , graphically comprising two anthropomorphic figures carrying a triangular object suspended from a shoulder pole, provides an interesting graphical clue about the nature of sign . Since the grapheme of closely resembles the suspended object of (see Fig. 23e), sign seems to have represented something that had to be carried, possibly a symbol of some weight-based system. Combinatorially, in seal #1537, sign precedes CROP-sign just like the stroke-numerals. It also often occurs adjacent to the stroke-numerals, and MET-signs and (Fig. 23e). Moreover, in certain seals, is found in similar positions as MET-sign (Fig. 23e). Considering all these, is classified as a metrological sign.
Nature of the quantifier signs and their relationship with pre-connectives and phrase-finals
As discussed before, the numerical signs of ISC used such a restrictive number of strokes in such restricted patterns, that they were surely incapable of representing the ad hoc quantities used in daily commercial transactions. In fact, their pre-designed usages in seals and pre-firing pottery tally marks clearly indicate that they represented various standardized quantities used in IVC’s economy, just like the restrictive range of numerals found in modern tax-tokens, currency-coins and measuring cans. Below, I shall discuss the intriguing relationship shared by the quantifier signs and the pre-connective and PPFs.
(i) Numerical pre-connectives and metonyms: Revealingly, the NUM-signs and MET-signs have appeared alone in the pre-connective positions of some composite inscriptions, found in seals excavated from several different locations of IVC (see Fig. 24a, b). Now, NUM-signs and MET-signs are characteristically attributive lexemes, generally used for quantifying their left-adjacent substantives. Since pre-connective signs are supposed to be substantive lexemes, the use of quantifier-signs in such positions is apparently unexpected. A possible explanation of these usages is that certain numerical and metrological values were so closely associated with certain commercial or economic processes that they were used as the metonyms of those processes, and hence could play the roles of substantives or nouns. A good Indic example of such metonymy is that the fraction “ṣaḍbhāga”, meaning one-sixth, also signified the royal tax, because the rate of that tax was traditionally fixed to be one-sixth of the produce (Thapar, 2015).
Fig. 24
Connection between NUM, MET, PCL and PF1-signs. a NUM-signs in pre-connective positions; b MET-signs in pre-connective positions; c PF1-signs following < CROP> constructs
Semantic connection between PF1s and METs: As discussed before, while preceding the CROP-signs of ISC, the contrastive patterns demonstrated by the MET-sign and the stroke-numerals (Fig. 24c), strongly suggest that they signified different modes of standardized quantification, and the PF1-signs were applicable in only one of these modes, indicating an indirect semantic link between PF1-signs and metrology. Moreover, the MET-signs , and use the graphemes of the most frequent PF1-sign . Now, in logographic scripts, the choice of similar graphemes for different logograms strongly indicates some underlying semantic connection between them. Thus, though the phrase-level role of PF1s suggests that they were not metrological qualifiers themselves, they surely had some strong connection with quantification and metrology.
Encapsulated (ENC) signs
Nineteen signs of ISC are constituted by enclosing graphemes of certain other signs inside typical 4-stroke circum-graphs (see Fig. 25a). This special graphemic feature helps to cluster these signs into a special sign-class, called ENCs. Since ENCs could occur alone in complete inscription-lines (Fig. 25c), and in post-connective constituents (Fig. 25d), they were indubitably logograms (Criterion-1, Criterion-8).
Fig. 25
Graphical and combinatorial features of Enclosed signs—a List of ENC-signs and their basic graphemes; b ENC-signs replacing their basic signs and PF1s in similar inscriptional contexts; c ENC-signs occurring alone in artifacts; d ENC-signs occurring alone as post-connectives; e ENC-signs getting directly followed by PF2-signs
A scrutiny of the combinatorial patterns of ENCs reveals that they very often substitute the constructs made by their basic signs and PF1-signs, in identical inscriptional contexts (Fig. 25b). For example, comparing the DILs and , or and , we find that replaces the construct made by its basic sign and PF1-sign , in otherwise identical contexts. Interestingly, just like PF1s, ENCs too frequently occur in the terminal positions (Fig. 25d), often preceding PF2-signs (Fig. 25e). Moreover, ENCs are rarely followed by PF1-signs (only in 4 of 110 objects). Thus, the circum-graph of ENCs must have played a similar semantic role as the PF1-signs. On the other hand, the ENCs completely retained the semantic content of their basic signs, as the frequent collocations formed by their basic signs (e.g., and ), are also maintained in their enclosed forms (e.g., and ).
Unclassified Indus signs and their probability of being lexemes
Excluding the 254 lexemes and functional morphemes identified above, 163 unclassified signs remain (sorted and grouped in Fig. 26according to their frequency of occurrences in DILs). Now, 133 (81%) of these unclassified signs occur in only one to five DILs, whereas 44% occur in just one DIL. This study argues that having occurred in very few of the artifacts excavated till now, these signs possibly missed the isolable positions used as the criteria for identifying lexemes. However, if we consider the startling graphical (Fig. 27a) and combinatorial similarities (Fig. 27b) shared by these signs with their classified counterparts, it becomes evident that a large number of these signs were undoubtedly lexemes too.
Fig. 26
Unclassified Indus signs grouped by their frequency of occurrences in distinct inscription-lines
Generative processes used to create new Indus signs
One of the arguments made by Farmer et al. (2004), to deny ISC the status of a “genuine script” is that in genuine scripts “the percentages of singletons and other rare signs” are expected to “drop as new examples of those signs showed up in new inscriptions”. But, in ISC, “those percentages appear to be rising instead over time, suggesting that at least some Indus symbols were invented ‘on the fly’ only to be abandoned after being used once or a handful of times” (Farmer et al., 2004). Despite the incisive novelty of their observation, a different perspective regarding this is provided below, that might induce second thoughts about their conclusion.
First, notwithstanding the finding of different infrequent signs in new excavations, “the new signs have more often been ligatures of two or more signs already known as separate graphemes than entirely new signs” (Parpola, 1994, p. 79). For example, the one-timer compound sign comprises the graphemes of lexemes and . Figure 27a shows more such examples. As already discussed by Parpola (1994, p. 79–80), ISC had used certain standard methods of making more complex and compound graphemes from basic graphemes. Some of these methods were: adding modifiers such as or to basic signs (, , , , , and , , , , etc.); joining graphemes of certain basic signs to the hand(s) of an anthropomorphic sign (); making mirror-image sign pairs (, , ); constructing ENC-signs by putting basic signs inside a 4-stroke circum-graph (, , , etc.); inserting graphemes of basic signs inside an oval (, , , ); or simply conjoining graphemes of two or more basic signs (). Now, the use of generative rules to construct new phonetic, semantic or grammatical units by reusing existing ones is a universal characteristic of linguistic systems, goaded by the need to strike a balance between “economy of derivation” and “economy of representation” (Chomsky, 1995). Because ISC also uses such generative modifiers (, etc.), many new signs could possibly be constructed and deciphered by Indus people without much ado, and even if those signs are infrequent in the artifacts excavated yet, this detracts little from ISC’s status of a “genuine script”. Rather such generative patterns strongly indicate the linguistic nature of the Indus signs.
Secondly, as Wells (2011, p. 74–75) shows, signs like PF1 had assumed certain allographic variations in different stratigraphic layers of Indus valley locations. But the sign’s functional features remained same in all these variations. This type of data proves that Indus phrases have used the key functional signs in the same way for quite a long period. On the other hand, the general substantive lexemes that mainly function as content-morphemes carrying information, possibly represented an open class of lexemes with potential to subsume some new member-signs with further excavations of Indus artifacts. This is possibly because, if some of the Indus signs represented certain commodities used in IVC, a new sign would then be needed whenever a new type of commodity is used.
Collocations and repeated sign sequences
Collocations of ISC
In the Oxford dictionary (2016), the term ‘collocation’ is defined as “The habitual juxtaposition of a particular word with another word or words with a frequency greater than chance”. Interestingly, in Indus inscriptions too, certain signs co-occur adjacently, maintaining a specific order, in far-greater-than-chance frequencies. Since Indus signs do not demonstrate statistically significant correlations beyond the bigram level (see Section-S4 of supplementary-file Supp1), this study concentrates mostly on the bigrams of ISC.
Identifying the “true collocations” of ISC is an important task. For, when “reading” the inscriptions, one must know which parts of them should be “read” together as smaller semantic units. Here “true collocations” refer to the frequently co-occurring sign-sequences of ISC that are really connected through some semantic relation. This study tries to exclude the “false collocations”, where the adjacent signs do not really share any semantic link. For example, all of the following bigrams, i.e., (11 DILs), (10 DILs), and (19 DILs) are “false collocations”, as in each of their occurrences, they were part of the trigrams , and , where the bigram (101 DILs) was the “true collocation”. Although, in this scenario, comparison of the relative bigram frequencies of a sequence could help in identifying the “true collocations”, that method fails in certain cases. For example, the bigrams and have occurred in 39 DILs and 11 DILs, respectively. Thus, an unsupervised algorithm, modeled to consider relative bigram frequencies, would segment the inscription-line as , which would be patently wrong. Being a PF1-sign, is not an integral part of its preceding phrase. Contrarily, the lexeme-sign has a pronounced affinity towards NUM-signs ( is preceded by NUM-signs in 109 DILs, and is the eighth most frequent bigram of IDF-80). Thus knowledge of the Indus sign-classes helps us identify as the “true collocation”, ignoring the misleading bigram frequencies.
Even among the “true collocations”, this study further distinguishes between “general collocations”, where certain signs frequently co-occur due to the semantic relationships shared by their sign-classes, and the “fixed collocations”, where the co-occurrences are driven by the semantic bonds between the individual signs. For example, the frequent <PCL CM> constructs (, , etc.) or <PF1 PF2 > constructs (, , etc.), are “general collocations”, in which knowledge of the semantic affinity between the sign-classes (e.g., the affinity between PCLs and CM-signs) and knowledge of some such constructs, may help one guess more such constructs rightly. For example, by replacing sign of with another PCL-sign , one can surmise the existence of (227 DILs). Contrarily, (101 DILs), is a “fixed collocation”, as here occurs exclusively with a specific NUM-sign . Thus, replacing the of by any other stroke-numeral does not generate any such collocation that actually occurs.
With “general collocations” (<PCL CM>, <PF1 PF2>, <PPF PF1>, etc.) already explored, this section focuses on the “fixed collocations” present in ISC. To find these, I exclude all the bigrams that contain any PF1s or CM-signs, since such signs have certain fixed phrase-structural roles to play, and hence do not usually form fixed pairs with specific individual lexemes.
Unfortunately, as discussed above, no straightforward formula exists that can exclude all the “false collocations” found while parsing the inscriptions. However, this study proposes that, if the same sign-sequence occurs as a semantic unit in different inscriptional-contexts in different DILs, one can confidently identify it as a “true collocation”, even if such a sequence occurs in only 3 to 4 DILs. The possible “inscriptional contexts” are: (i) occurrence alone in an inscription (Fig. 28 column-1); (ii) occurrence alone with only PF-signs in an inscription (Fig. 28 column-2); (iii) occurrence in both pre-connective (Fig. 28 column-3) and post-connective constituents (Fig. 28 column-4) of different inscriptions; and (iv) occurrence as part of a non-composite inscription-line containing other sign-sequences (Fig. 28column-5). A strong example of such a “true collocation” is the moderately frequent bigram (12 DILs), which has occurred in all such different inscriptional contexts (see Fig. 28).
Fig. 28
Bigram collocations occurring in different inscriptional contexts. Instances where the same collocation occurs: as the only inscription-content in inscribed objects (Column-1), alone with phrase-finals (Column-2), in pre-connective (Column-3) and post-connective constituents (Column-4), or as part of a longer sign-sequence in non-composite inscriptions (Column-5)
Figure 29 lists the 55 most frequent bigrams (excluding the ones containing PF1s and CMs) of ISC, sorted by their frequency in DILs. The ‘F’ and ‘T’ marks in the figure signify “False collocations” and “True collocations”, respectively. However, among the infrequent bigrams (less than 10 DILs) not listed in Fig. 29, some are arguably “true fixed collocations”, as they meet the abovementioned criterion of occurrence as a unit in different inscriptional contexts (e.g., (6 DILs)).
Fig. 29
A list of bigrams which occurred in at least 10 distinct inscription-lines. The count of DILs for each bigram and whether they are True (T) collocations or False (F) collocations is mentioned above each entry
Compositional collocations and genitive constructs
In natural languages, compositional collocations are defined as collocations, whose meanings can be derived by combining the meanings of their shorter constituents. As analyzed below, many of the collocations of ISC are compositional in nature.
For example,comparing the occurrences of the collocation (11 DILs) and its constituent sign , this study finds that their inscriptional contexts are sometimes very similar. For instance, comparing the pre-connective constituents of (seal #1306) and (seal #2024), it is found that the lexeme-sign (Criteria 6-7) has preceded sign , once individually, and once as part of the collocation . Similarly, in inscriptions (seal #6123) and (seal #2137), the individual sign and its collocation precedes the CROP-sign in similar contexts. So, the meaning of must have been independently applicable in all these DILs. Thus, in , the collocate NUM-sign possibly added some optional attributive detail to the meaning of , substantiating the compositional nature of the collocation.
Moreover, many of the Indus collocations are constructs where NUM-signs or MET-signs precede certain CROP-signs (e.g., , , , , , etc.) or certain specific lexemes (e.g., , , , etc.). Since NUM-signs and MET-signs are numerical qualifiers that quantify their adjacent lexeme-signs in some way (Mahadevan, 1986), such collocations can be described as qualifier-qualified constructs, which are inherently compositional in nature.
However, distinguishing between the collocates as “qualifiers” and “qualifieds”, may not always be so straightforward. For example, for collocation , both collocates and have individually occurred as AWPF-lexemes in different inscriptions (e.g., , , , , etc.). Moreover, sign has also occasionally functioned as a PCL sign, making determination of which one of them was attributive in nature quite difficult. I suggest that such collocations were possibly genitive constructs where one nominal sign qualifies the other, depending on their sequence.
Duplicated, triplicated and quadruplicated signs of ISC
The repeated sign-sequences of Indus inscriptions often demonstrate quite different combinatorial patterns compared to their non-repeated counterparts, which suggests that such sign-repetition was possibly some morphological tool used to introduce certain semantic changes. For example, unlike the PF2-sign , which typically follows PF1s, ENCs or CROP-signs in phrase-final positions, could occur as a complete post-connective constituent ( in seal #2347). Similarly, although sign seldom occurs in phrase-final positions, frequently assume the role of PF1-signs (compare DILs like and , or constructs like , , and ).
IDF-80 records only four triplicated sequences ( (2 DILs), (1 DIL), (1 DIL), and (1 DIL)), and one quadruplicated sequence ( (2 DILs)). But, as shown in Fig. 30, duplicated sign-sequences are quite frequent.
Fig. 30
A list of duplicated sign-sequences, with their count of occurrences and example inscriptions
Repetition of an entire word, or partial repetition of its stem or root, is linguistically known as reduplication, which is a morphological device often used to denote “number (plurality, distribution, collectivity), distribution of an argument, tense, aspect (continued or repeated occurrence; completion; inchoativity), attenuation, intensity, transitivity (valence, object defocusing), or reciprocity” (Rubino, 2013). Several languages of Indian subcontinent use various forms of reduplication (Mohan, 2008). At this stage, it is difficult to identify all the functionalities served by the duplicated signs of ISC. But certain signs, particularly those which often get preceded by numerals, share, when repeated, intriguingly similar inscriptional contexts with their corresponding <NUM SIGN> constructs (see Fig. 31). For example, (where follows the two-stroked numeral ) and , share very similar inscriptional contexts (Fig. 31b), indicating that in such constructs, duplication possibly has served a similar quantifying role as the NUM-sign (Fig. 31a-c provide more such examples).
Fig. 31
Repeated-sign sequences and their corresponding <NUM LEXEME> constructs occurring in similar contexts. a Repeated CROP-signs; b Repeated fish-like signs; c Repeated rimless-jar signs
Visualizing the phrase-structures of Indus inscriptions
Having identified the lexemes, their sign-classes, and the collocations, we can now analyze how the inter-related sign-classes contributed in the process of making meanings through the inscriptions. I shall first describe a glossing method that helps visualize the phrase-structures, and then formulate certain rules to dissect the inscriptions into different semantic segments.
Glossing Indus inscriptions
To visualize the formulaic structures of Indus inscriptions, I programmatically parse the DILs of ISC (only completely undamaged inscription-lines), and apply a sign-by-sign glossing method to replace each sign, using the abbreviated name (PF1, PCL, etc.) of its sign-class. The lexeme-signs that are not categorized into any functional sign-class are simply glossed as LEX. Figure 32ademonstrates the step-by-step glossing procedure. Figure 32b shows three inscription-lines getting glossed through different steps. Now, CM-signs having been glossed before MET-signs, some of the metrological occurrences of the polyvalent signs , and get wrongly glossed as CMs. Luckily, however, the inscriptional contexts can help to easily distinguish their metrological occurrences from the connective ones.
Fig. 32
Glossing Indus inscriptions. a A sequence chart of the glossing algorithm. b Examples of the glossed outputs at different stages. The newly glossed results of each step are highlighted in red
Interestingly, using the procedure depicted in Fig. 32a, many distinct inscription-lines get glossed into same pattern groups (Fig. 33). For example, 57 DILs get glossed as <LEX PF1> s (, etc.), 39 DILs as <LEX LEX PF1> s (e.g., ), 37 DILs as <PCL CM LEX PF1> s (, etc.) and 31 DILs as <PCL CM LEX LEX PF1> (e.g., ). This proves that despite containing different signs, such DILs shared very similar structures.
Fig. 33
Representative examples of different patterns of glossed inscription-lines
Certain inscription-segmentation techniques naturally emerge from the results of the structural analysis. Each of the techniques is explained step-by-step, through segmenting a 14-signs-long inscription-line (seal #2654), which is one of the two longest inscription-lines recorded in IDF-80.
(A) Segmentation-Step1, using PFs: Since the PF1-signs and PF-clusters denote the syntactic and semantic boundaries of semantically complete phrases, they can be used to identify the shorter semantically complete messages (if any) present in an inscription-line.
Example:
Here using the PF1-signs and , this longer inscription gets segmented into two semantically complete phrases.
(B) Segmentation-Step2, using CMs: If a CM-sign is present in an inscription-line, then the inscription-content present on either side of it can be separated out as pre-connective and post-connective constituents.
Example:
Here, the second semantic constituent is a composite inscription that got segmented into pre-connective and post-connective parts.
(C) Segmentation-Step3, collocations and repeated sequences: The collocations and repeated-signs present in the inscription-lines (if any) should be identified to mark the smaller semantic segments of the message.
Example:
There are three bigram collocations and one duplicated sign-sequence in the above message.
(D) Glossing-STEP-4, glossing individual signs: Each individual sign of the inscription-line can be glossed with the abbreviated name of its sign-class to visualize the formulaic structure of each inscriptional segment.
Example:
Fig. 34 demonstrates the segmentation process of another long inscription.
Compositional semantics of Indus inscriptions
In linguistics, compositional semantics explores the ways through which the meaning of a phrase, a sentence, or a longer constituent is built using the meanings of its smaller semantic units. A demonstration of how it is possible to get a basic idea about the compositional semantics of the Indus inscriptions without inferring the meaning of even a single Indus sign follows.
The characteristic brevity of Indus inscriptions (around 70% of the 2409 DILs contain only one to five signs) is often reported as a major problem that incommodes the decipherment process. However, certain relatively short inscriptions can be extremely useful in understanding the compositional semantics of the longer ones. For example, if an inscription-line L1 occurs in Seal1, and consists of the sign-sequence <X Y Z>, and a longer inscription-line L2 occurs in Seal2, comprising the sequence <A B X Y Z>, then the part <X Y Z> in L2 can be safely separated out as a semantically complete unit, as it was capable of conveying Seal1’s complete message.
The examples in Fig. 35 bring out the above pattern. For example, all the <LEX PF1> constructs listed in Fig. 35a (, , , and ), are either complete inscription-lines or complete post-connective constituents, and their meanings must have been mainly informed by the meanings of the lexemes , , , and , since the accompanying PF1-signs convey meanings of much more generic scopes applicable to a large number of other inscriptions (see Criterion-6). For the convenience of discussion, let us name the information-contents of , , , and as INF-A, INF-B, INF-C, and INF-D, respectively. Now, each of the semantically complete <LEX LEX PF1> constructs (, and ) of the inscriptions listed in Fig. 35b, is made of pair-wise combinations of signs , and , followed by a PF1-sign. Therefore, their meanings can be represented as INF-B and INF-C (), INF-C and INF-D (), and INF-B and INF-D (), other than the generic meanings of their respective PF1-signs. Similarly, the meaning of the <LEX LEX LEX LEX PF1> inscription comprises INF-A, INF-B, INF-C, and INF-D, supplemented by the generic meaning of the most frequent PF1-sign (see Fig. 35c). Since in each of the inscriptions the lexemes were used without any additional change to their graphemes, and no other sign occurred in between them, their juxtaposing technique possibly was an agglutinative one. All this evidence clearly indicates that often the longer inscriptions were simply composed of the information-units used in different smaller inscriptions.
Fig. 34
Segmentation tree of a 13 signs-long inscription a and its final glossed form b
The semantic compositionality of the 13-signs-long inscription-line can be analyzed by applying this same principle. As already demonstrated in Fig. 4, its post-connective constituent is made of two bigram collocations ( and ) and one trigram collocation (), each of which has occurred in other inscriptions as their main semantic content (see Fig. 36). Similarly, the pre-connective constituent of consists of two bigram collocations ( and ), each of which has typically occurred as semantic units in pre-connective parts of other inscriptions. Moreover, both and occur together in the pre-connective part of inscription in seal #2018. Thus even the message of the second longest inscription-line of IDF-80 is merely composed of many shorter messages. Analyzing many such examples, a generalization can be safely ventured that the longer Indus inscriptions were structurally no different than the shorter inscriptions, as they just contained more units of information, not different types of information.
Fig. 35
Demonstrating how the meanings of certain longer Indus inscriptions b, c were made of informational units present in smaller inscriptions a
We could, thus, get a good idea of the semantic compositionality of Indus inscriptions without ascribing any meaning or sound to its constituent signs.
Co-occurrence restriction patterns maintained in Indus phrases
“Co-occurrence restrictions”, both syntactic and semantic, in the context of lexical affinity, lexical repulsion, and grammaticality, is an oft-quoted term in linguistics (Cruse, 1986). Interestingly Indus sign-classes too evince various forms of co-occurrence restrictions.
For example, in IDF-80:
Not a single inscription-line contains more than one PPF-sign.
The PF1-signs rarely occur adjacent to each other. Only 9 DILs contain <PF1 PF1> constructs such as , , and . Moreover, multiple non-adjacent PF1-signs seldom occur inside the same semantic unit.
Only 8 DILs contain <PF2 PF2> sequences (, , , ). Moreover, multiple non-adjacent PF2-signs rarely occur in an inscription-line.
Only 1 DIL contains more than one ENCs (), and that too in separate semantic units.
These patterns very strongly suggest that a single Indus message could logically contain maximum one value from the semantic scope of certain sign-classes. This scenario is comparable to that of the stamps of Fig. 2a, where each stamp could contain only one monetary unit (“Anna”, “Rupee” etc.). However, occasionally multiple units might co-occur to express mixed values like “1 Rupee 25 Paise”, comparable to the infrequent occurrences of <PF1 PF1> and <PF2 PF2> constructs.
One of the interesting co-occurrence restriction patterns existing between different sign-classes is that, not a single inscription exists where a PPF-sign has preceded an ENC-sign. As ENCs contain the semantics of PF1-signs too (see Section “Encapsulated (ENC) signs”), the way PF2-signs follow ENCs (Fig. 25e), PPF-signs should expectedly precede them in some inscriptions. Therefore this complete absence of <PPF ENC> constructs indicates that ENCs included the semantic role of PPF-signs too, rendering their presence redundant.
These co-occurrence restriction patterns may prove to be crucial clues for understanding certain semantic aspects of Indus inscriptions.
The logographic nature of Indus inscriptions
Since 254 lexeme signs are already identified, and the high probability that many unclassified signs were lexemes is already discussed, adding another section discussing the logographic nature of ISC may seem apparently unnecessary. Yet, since many scholars continue to believe that a significant number of Indus signs have functioned as phonograms, this point needs pressing from diverse perspectives.
Co-occurrence restriction patterns reject the phonogram hypothesis
A very compelling, nearly unassailable proof of the logographic nature of Indus inscriptions comes from the co-occurrence restriction patterns maintained in them. Various natural languages across the world use different co-occurrence restriction patterns in their phonological, as well as grammatical and lexical constructs. But phonological co-occurrence restrictions, being mostly based on “‘articulatory economy’, ‘auditory contrast’ and ‘articulatory-acoustic stability’”, are completely different in nature from their semantic counterparts, which are in turn influenced by the “physical and physiological properties of the speech production and perception systems” (Solé, 1999). This is why phonological co-occurrence restrictions pertain to the locales of syllables, morphemes and small words only, seldom operating in larger domains of phrases or sentences. Often phonemes that cannot co-occur in a syllable can appear in the root and suffix of a polysyllabic word (MacEachern, 1999, p. 28). Contrastively, semantic co-occurrence restrictions, originating in needs of logical compatibility between different linguistic elements, operate at the levels of collocations, phrases, sentences and even discourse (Cruse, 1986, p. 103–104, p. 277–279).
The co-occurrence restriction patterns of ISC are intriguing. For example, while the CROP-signs and individually occur in 162 and 137 DILs, respectively, they have not co-existed in the same DIL even once. Moreover, certain signs such as and have occurred exclusively with and its ligature , in artifacts found from various Indus locations. Since and occur in inscriptions found from similar stratigraphic levels of same Indus locations (Mahadevan, 1977), they were contemporary signs. Thus, such special affinity between , and proves that and must have been separate signs, not allographs. Then, if CROP-signs were phonograms, what stopped them from co-occurring in different positions of the same inscription even once? Similarly, if the PPF-signs occurring in 309 DILs were phonograms, why did not a single DIL contain multiple PPFs? Phonological co-occurrence restrictions might restrict adjacency, but cannot operate in inscriptional domain for longer inscriptions.
The co-occurrence restrictions between signs that can sometimes occur adjacently are even more revelatory. For example, among the 326 DILs containing PF2s, only 10 contain two PF2-signs, among which 6 DILs contain <PF2 PF2> constructs. Similarly while many <CM CM> constructs () exist, only two DILs contain both of and . Finally, among the 1338 DILs containing PF1s, only 41 have two PF1s, while just one DIL contains three PF1s. The general lexeme-signs also demonstrate the same occurrence-patterns as the functional sign-classes. For example, among the 288 DILs where occurs, only 11 DILs contain two non-adjacent signs, while 7 have its reduplicated form . None of the other fish-like signs (, , , etc.) occur more than once in the same DIL, whereas they often co-occur adjacent to each other. Similarly, PCL-sign occurs in 167 DILs. But excluding the 5 DILs with , only 3 DILs contain more than one sign. Thus, neither the PCLs and Fish-signs, nor the PF1s, PF2s, CROP-signs, ENCs, CMs, and PPFs were phonograms, since they all demonstrated inscription-level co-occurrence restriction patterns, while adjacency was occasionally allowed for them, which evidently violates the rules of phonological co-occurrence restriction. Analyzing such “low sign-repetition rates in individual inscriptions”, Farmer et al. (2004) have earlier argued that “little if any sound encoding existed” in Indus inscriptions.
The longer inscriptions make the phonogram hypothesis about PF1s appear even more absurd. For example, analyzing the long seal-inscription (#1087), and the shorter seal-inscriptions, (#8001), (#2549), (#4289), (#4285), (#2269), and (#3228), we find that these shorter inscriptions are formed using the marked smaller constituents of . Now, if these constituents were phonetically constructed, it is startling to see that each short inscription needed the help of the supposed PF1 phonograms to complete their supposed word-sounds. Then how is it possible that such a long inscription needed the PF1-sound only at the end, nowhere before? No natural language can suffer such skewed sounds for their words.
The triplicated and quadruplicated sequences of ISC (, , , etc.), further buttress my arguments against the phonogram-hypothesis, as Indic languages seldom contain triplicated or quadrupled phonemes to form a word.
Countering the hypothesis that logograms and phonograms co-existed in ISC
Some scholars argue athwart all this evidence that ISC has used a mixed system of writing, where both logograms and phonograms co-existed (Wells, 2015, p. 53, p. 71). Truly, certain ancient scripts (e.g., Egyptian and Maya Hieroglyphs) have used both phonetic signs and lexemes in the same texts. But, the coexistence of such signs always maintained specific pre-defined rules in such scripts. For example, the Egyptian Hieroglyphs used primarily phonetic spellings, comprising mostly consonant signs, while their accompanying logograms/ideograms functioned as semantic complements that distinguished between homophonous sounds. On the other hand, Maya Hieroglyphs primarily used logograms, which were either followed or preceded by phonetic complements to indicate the pronunciations of the words (Mora-Marín, 2008, p. 195–213). Thus, if Indus Inscriptions contained mixed writing, we should have seen two conspicuously different sign-classes representing the logograms and phonograms. Now, as discussed before, since the PF-signs are syntactically detachable from their preceding sequences, and demonstrate a distinct phrase-level role, they show the most conspicuous combinatorial contrast compared to other signs. Thus, if the PFs are phonograms, their preceding sign-sequences must be logograms and vice versa. But as aforestated, PFs were not phonograms (Section “Co-occurrence restriction patterns reject the phonogram hypothesis”), but logograms (Section “Phrase-final (PF) signs and their subcategories”). Thus, the sign-sequences preceding the PFs should complementarily be phonograms. But, as shown in Section “Co-occurrence restriction patterns reject the phonogram hypothesis”, the CROP-signs, CMs, PPFs, ENCs, PCLs and many other general signs (e.g., the fish-like signs) are also not phonograms. So, the inscriptions that are constituted mostly with these signs cannot be instances of mixed writing.
Strict positional preferences and co-occurrence preference patterns disprove the phonogram hypothesis
For a proof by contradiction, let us first assume that Indus inscriptions were phonetically written. Next, let us analyze the most frequent 30 signs, each of which has occurred in more than 80 DILs. These 30 signs (sorted below in decreasing order of frequency) have collectively occurred in 87% of the 2409 DILs.
Among these signs, the PF-signs , , , and , and the PPF-sign are reputed for their rigid preferences for terminal and pre-phrase-final positions. The CM-signs , , , and are mainly located in between two semantically complete constituents. The PCLs , and dominantly occur in the initial positions of pre-connective constituents. CROP-signs and mostly occur glued to specific NUM-signs and MET-signs such as , etc. The other frequent signs, such as , , , , , etc. very often occur as part of fixed collocations (e.g., , , , , ). Therefore, if these signs are to spell out words phonetically, words of a grievously restricted phonetic range would result, which is simply unacceptable for the words of any natural language. Thus the hypothesis that Indus inscriptions were phonetically constructed cannot be accepted, at least not for most of the inscriptions excavated till date.
How the logogram model explains the structural peculiarities of ISC
It can do it for all the structural features seen in ISC, as argued below.
Co-occurrence restrictions: As established in Section “Contextualising the formalized data-carriers of IVC”, the semantic domain of Indus inscriptions was dominantly associated with some formalized data-carriers and metrological devices that were used in specific commercial processes of IVC. Now, the inscription-level co-occurrence restrictions demonstrated between the members of the functional sign-classes of ISC suggest that the nature of the inscriptions’ messages was probably such that, generally only one member of a certain sign-class (e.g., PPFs) could apply to one message. This pattern is characteristic to the texts of various modern data-carriers and metrological devices. For example, a modern container that measures some liquid will only contain metrological units like litre/milliliter, whereas a dry measure weight will be inscribed with units like pound, gram etc.
Some of the reduplicated sign-sequences possibly were special morphological units, whose meanings were derived from the meaning of the basic signs using some specific rules. Thus sign-adjacency was permitted for certain sign-classes, whereas inscription-level co-occurrences were prohibited for them.
Co-occurrence preferences: The co-occurrence preferences of specific collocates quite obviously indicate that certain lexemes were semantically more compatible to each other in the semantic scope of the inscriptions. As discussed before, Indus collocations were compositional in nature, signifying that certain attributive lexemes were more applicable to certain substantive lexemes, leading to the formation of fixed collocations.
Compositionality of longer inscriptions: The longer inscriptions found in certain formalized data-carriers are expected to demonstrate semantic compositionality by getting constructed with semantic units present in smaller inscriptions present in other data-carriers (see Fig. 35). For example, the texts used in different ration-tokens of a country can be (i) “Meat” (ii) “Fats” (iii) “Cheeses” (iv) “Sugar” (v) “Fish” etc. Now, another token may contain a longer text such as “Meat, Fats, Fish, and Cheeses”, which basically conjoins some related rationed items that may individually occur in other tokens.
Positional preferences: The positional preferences of certain signs might be a simple document-specific format. For example, in the stamps shown in Fig. 2a, the phrases like “Share transfer” or “India Non Judicial”, occur in the bottommost parts and denote the type of the stamps. This positional preference is just document-specific, not bound by any linguistic rules. Similarly, the positional preferences of PF1s and PF2s might have been a document-specific convention maintained in Indus seals and tablets.
Order of signs: Unlike certain possible document-specific formats, the syntactic orders maintained in the bigram collocations (e.g., the <NUM CROP> constructs) seem to be influenced by linguistic rules. For example, the languages that use prenominal adjectives generally place qualifying morphemes before the qualified morphemes. Interestingly, prenominal adjectives and <qualifier qualified> constructs find use in most of the Indic languages.
Conclusion
The most important contribution of this study should possibly be that, if a researcher agrees with its results, s/he would no longer try to treat Indus signs as phonograms in order to spell out words. Moreover, since the inscribed objects are identified as formalized data-carriers, in which linguistic syntaxes and document-specific syntaxes can play equally important roles, a researcher would not have to explain each syntactic feature from a linguistic and grammatical aspect. The focus of the future semantic analysis should be on understanding the semantic role of each of the functional sign-classes and the reason behind their interdependence. For example, the reasons behind the relatedness of the MET-signs and PF1s, the substantive-type occurrences of the NUM-signs, the semantic relationship between pre-connective and post-connective constituents, the very restrictive usages of the NUM-signs and the high probability of the <NUM CROP> collocations, should be seriously explored in any future semantic analysis. Often in logographic writing systems, the grapheme chosen for a logogram resembles the real world objects which symbolize the semantic concept of the logogram (though over time those graphemes might go beyond recognition by getting more stylized and abstract). Since many Indus signs are quite pictorial in nature (e.g., some versions of sign clearly demonstrate a man bearing loads on a shoulder yoke (see CISI seal H-1046)), it might be possible to trace some signs back to the concepts/objects they symbolized. Since the archeological evidence strongly suggests that ISC was used in some highly standardized socio-economic activity of ancient Indus life, one should explore the functionality of the sign-classes and investigate whether most of the graphemes used for the logograms of a functional sign-class are related to some particular socio-economic symbolic dealing. In this context, the historical evidence extracted from the earliest available literatures of ancient India should be thoroughly analyzed. Additionally, the archeological and historical evidence obtained from the civilizations which were ancient trade partners of Indus valley (e.g., the ancient Mesopotamian civilization), and the archeological, linguistic and historical evidence found from the civilizations of the Bactria–Margiana Archeological Complex which were related to Indus civilization in several interesting ways, should also be consulted.
Data availability
The digitized corpus of Indus inscriptions (Mahadevan, 1977), enhanced in 1980, is maintained by the IndusResearch Centre of Roja Muthiah Research Library Trust (http://rmrl.in), and is available to any bona fide scholar upon request.
Additional information
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I am grateful to late Padmashri Iravatham Mahadevan for providing me access to the Indus Research Center (IRC) of the Roja Muthiah Research Library (RMRL) and for subsequent encouragement, and Chandrasekhar Subramanian for his commiseration there. I thank IRC and RMRL institutionally. I also acknowledge the great generosity of Dr. Andreas Fuls for providing access to resources of ICIT database and other valuable resources, with the kind permission of Dr. Bryan K. Wells. I thank Professor Steve Bonta for helping with some data and resources. I remember with gratitude the indulgence of Hemant Shergare, my senior colleague and boss in Infor Inc. My heartiest thanks go to Dr. Ronojoy Adhikari, who fired my imagination about the Indus Valley Script, and gave useful initial leads.
I submit that any claim of decipherment should include decipherment of pictographs presented in this monograph.
Cuneiform text related to the four sides of Shalamaneser II Black obelisk
reads in translation from Akkadian:
The hieroglyphs are rendered in cuneiform script as: camels, river-ox (buffalo), sakea (unicorn), susu (antelope), elephants, monkeys.
Hieroglyph: रत्नी ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman; Rebus: रत्निन् mfn.
possessing or receiving gifts
Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus kuṭhāru कुठारु 'armourer' carry ratna 'gifts'; hence, shown as tributes to Shalamaneser by Meluhha artisans and merchants रत्निन्mfn. possessing or receiving gifts RV. (Monier-Williams)
Hieroglyph: रत्न n. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV. S3Br.; a jewel , gem , treasure , precious stone (the nine jewel are pearl , ruby , topaz , diamond , emerald , lapis lazuli , coral , sapphire , गोमेद ; hence रत्न is a N. for the number 9 ; but accord. to some 14) Mn. MBh. &c (Monier-Williams)
राति rāti राति a. Ved. 1 Liberal, favourable, generous. -2 Ready. -तिः A friend (opp. to अरातिः). -f. 1 Giving, bestowing, presentation. -2 Wealth; विज्ञानमानन्दं ब्रह्म रातिर्दातुः परायणम् Bṛi. Up.3.9.28; Bhāg.5.5.3. -3 A favour. -4 A gift, present. -Comp. -साच् a. (-षाच्) bestowing gifts, liberal, bountiful.(Apte)
Rebus: रत्निन्m. pl. N. of certain persons in whose dwelling the रत्न-हविस् (q.v.) is offered by a king (viz. the ब्राह्मण , राजन्य , महिषी , परिवृक्ती , सेना-नी , सूत , ग्राम-णी , क्षत्तृ , संग्रहीतृ , भाग-दुघ , and अक्षावाप) TBr. S3Br. ( °नि-त्वn.तैत्तिरीय-ब्राह्मण) రత్నము ratnamu. [Skt.] n. A jewel, precious stone, gem. మణి. A masterpiece of fine thing, the best of its kind of species స్వజాతిశ్రేష్ఠము, నవరత్నములు the nine precious stones, viz., మౌక్తికము a pearl, పద్మరాగము an emerald, వజ్రము a diamond. ప్రవాళము a coral, మరకతము. an emerald నీలము a sapphire, గోమేధికము an agate. పుష్యరాగము a ruby, వైడూర్యము a cat's eye. అశ్వరత్నము a jewel of a horse, i.e., a noble stead. స్త్రీరత్నము an unrivalled woman. గగనరత్నము the sun, as the gem of heaven. అప్సరోరత్నములు the most lovely of nymphs. రత్నకంబళము ratna-kamba-lamu. n. A carpet. తివాసీ. రత్నగర్భ .ratna-garbha n. The earth; as producing gems. భూమి. "వైశ్యకన్యకల్గీరనగింజలాడుతరిక్రిందనునిచినదివ్యరత్నముల్పౌరులుద్రొక్కుచున్జనగపాతుకొనంధరణీపురంధ్రికిన్వారకరత్నగర్భయనునామముబెట్టిరిసత్కవీశ్వరుల్." T. ii. 20. రత్నగర్భుడు ratna-garbhuḍu. n. Kubēra, the god of wealth, కుబేరుడు. The god of the sea, సముద్రుడు. రత్నసానువు ratna-sānuvu. n. An epithet of Mount Meru as having " gems in its slopes." మేరుపర్వతము, హేమాద్రి. రత్నాకరము ratn-ākaramu. n. The abode of gems, that is, the ocean. సముద్రము. రత్నావళి ratnā-vaḷi. n. A necklace of gems.रत्नम् ratnam रत्नम् [रमते$त्ररम्-नतान्तादेशः Uṇ.3.14]1 A gem, jewel, a precious stone; किंरत्नमच्छामतिः Bv.1.86; नरत्नमन्विष्यतिमृग्यतेहितत् Ku.5.45. (The ratnas are said to be either five, nine or fourteen; see the words पञ्चरत्न, नवरत्न, and चतुर्दशरत्न respectively.) -2 Anything valuable or precious, any dear treasure. -3 Anything best or excellent of its kind; (mostly at the end of comp.); जातौ जातौ यदुत्कृष्टं तद् रत्नमभिधीयते Malli; कन्यारत्नमयोनिजन्म भवतामास्ते वयं चार्थिनः Mv.1.3; अग्रेसरीभवतु काञ्चनचक्ररत्नम् Nāg.5.37; so पुत्र˚, स्त्री˚ V.4.25; अपत्य˚ &c. -4 A magnet. -5 Water. -Comp. -अङ्कः N. of Viṣṇu's car. -अङ्गः coral. -अचलः, -रोहणः legendary mountain located in Ceylon and supposed to produce jewels at the rumbling of clouds for the benefit of all comers; श्रेणीवर्जनदुर्यशोनिबिडितव्रीडस्तु रत्नाचलः N.12.67. -अधिपतिः a superintendent of precious stones. -अतुविद्धa. set or studded with jewels. -आकरः 1 a mine of jewels. -2 the ocean; रत्नेषु लुप्तेषु बहुष्वमर्त्यैरद्यापि रत्नाकर एव सिन्धुः Vikr. 1.12; रत्नाकरं वीक्ष्य R.13.1. -आभरणम् an ornament of jewels. -आलोकः the lustre of a gem. -आवली 1 a necklace of jewels. -2 N. of a Nāṭikā attributed to Śrīharṣa. -कन्दलः coral. -करः N. of Kubera. -कर्णिका an ear-ring with jewels. -कुम्भः a jar set with jewels. -कूटः N. of a mountain. -खचितa. set or studded with gems. -गर्भः 1 Kubera. -2 the sea. (-र्भा) the earth. -च्छाया splendour of jewels. -त्रयम् 1(with Buddhists) बुद्ध, धर्म and संघ. -2 (with Jainas) सम्यग् दर्शन, सम्यग् ज्ञान and सम्यक् चारित्र. -दर्पणः a mirror studded with jewels. -दीपः, -प्रदीपः 1 a jewel-lamp. -2 a gem serving as a lamp; अर्चिस्तुङ्गानभिमुखमपि प्राप्य रत्नप्रदीपान् Me.7. -धेनुः a cow symbolically represented by jewels. -नखः a poniard with its hilt set with jewels; कटितटनिविष्टरत्ननखः Dk.2.1. -नाभः N. of Viṣṇu. -नायकः a ruby. -निधिः 1 the ocean. -2 N. of Viṣṇu. -3 of Meru. -4 a wag-tail. -पञ्चकम् the 5 jewels (viz. gold, silver, pearls, the राजावर्त diamond and coral). -पारायणम् the sheet-anchor of all jewels; रत्नपारायणं नाम्ना लङ्केति मम मैथिलि Bk.5.89. -प्रभा the earth. -माला a jewel-necklace. -मुख्यम् a diamond. -राज्m. a ruby. -राशिः 1 a heap of gems. -2 the ocean. -वरम् gold. -वर्षुकम् the Puṣpaka car. -षष्ठी a vow or fast to be observed on the 6th day of a particular fortnight; it is a ग्रीष्मव्रत; अहं खलु रत्नषष्ठीमुपोवितासम् Mk.3. -सानुः N. of the mountain Meru. -स्a. producing jewels; न मामवति सद्वीपा रत्नसूरपि मेदिनी R.1.65. -सूः, -सूतिःf. the earth.
Pasaramu 'cattle' పసరము pasaramu or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి. rebus: pajhar 'smelter, smithy', rebus: పసారము pasāramu or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. associated triplets of hypertext clusters. Thus, clusters of animals (expanded also as a composite animal or animals shown in procession) are wealth-accounting classifiers of distinct metalwork categories related to a smelter or a smithy. prasara m. ʻ advance, extension ʼ Kālid. [√sr̥]Pk. pasara -- m. ʻ extension ʼ; Ku. pasarʻ extension of family, lineage, family, household ʼ; N. pasalʻ booth, shop ʼ; B. Or. pasarāʻ tray of goods for sale ʼ; M. pasar m. ʻ extension ʼ; -- N. pasarʻ the two hands placed together to receive something, one hand so held out ʼ, H. pasar m. ʻ hollowed palm of hand ʼ: rather < prasr̥ta -- .(CDIAL 8824) prasāra m. ʻ extension ʼ Suśr., ʻ trader's shop ʼ
These hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha expressions since Musri is an area of Kurds many of whom practice Hindu traditions even today.
The readings in Meluhha expressions, of the hypertexts and plan texts are:
karibha'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron'
ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'
sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa'young bull' PLUS mer̥ha'crumpled (horn)' rebus: kār kunda'blackmith, turner, goldsmith' کارکندهkār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) medhā 'yajna, dhanam' med 'iron'med'copper' (Slavic)khar 'blacksmith' kunda 'fine gold' PLUS singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'golf for ornaments';thus, the 'unicorn' shown on the obelisk as a tribute signifies fine gold, ornament gold'
susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS
Horns of the antelope on Shalamaneser II Black Obelisk signify two protomes of felines. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, tins melter, metalcasting smelter.
karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'
bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuṭhāru कुठारुmonkey; rebus:kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer PLUSरत्नीratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman'.
Significance of animals as hieroglyphs on Indus Script
Pasaramu 'cattle' పసరముpasaramu or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి. rebus: pajhar 'smelter, smithy', rebus: పసారము pasāramu or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. associated triplets of hypertext clusters. Thus, clusters of animals (expanded also as a composite animal or animals shown in procession) are wealth-accounting classifiers of distinct metalwork categories related to a smelter or a smithy. prasara m. ʻ advance, extension ʼ Kālid. [√sr̥]Pk. pasara -- m. ʻ extension ʼ; Ku. pasar ʻ extension of family, lineage, family, household ʼ; N. pasal ʻ booth, shop ʼ; B. Or. pasarā ʻ tray of goods for sale ʼ; M. pasar m. ʻ extension ʼ; -- N. pasar ʻ the two hands placed together to receive something, one hand so held out ʼ, H. pasar m. ʻ hollowed palm of hand ʼ: rather < prasr̥ta -- .(CDIAL 8824) prasāra m. ʻ extension ʼ Suśr., ʻ trader's shop ʼ Nalac. [Cf. prasārayati ʻ spreads out for sale ʼ Mn. -- √sr̥] Paš. lāsar ʻ bench -- like flower beds outside the window ʼ IIFL iii 3, 113; K. pasār m. ʻ rest ʼ (semant. cf. prásarati in Ku. N. Aw.); P. puhārā m. ʻ breaking out (of fever, smallpox, &c.) ʼ; Ku. pasāro ʻ extension, bigness, extension of family or property, lineage, family, household ʼ; N. pasār ʻ extension ʼ; B. pasār ʻ extent of practice in business, popularity ʼ, Or. pasāra; H. pasārā m. ʻ stretching out, expansion ʼ (→ P. pasārā m.; S. pasāro m. ʻ expansion, crowd ʼ), G. pasār, °rɔ m., M. pasārā; -- K. pasôru m. ʻ petty shopkeeper ʼ; P. pahārā m. ʻ goldsmith's workshop ʼ; A. pohār ʻ small shop ʼ; -- ← Centre: S. pasāru m. ʻ spices ʼ; P. pasār -- haṭṭā m. ʻ druggist's shop ʼ; -- X paṇyaśālā -- : Ku. pansārī f. ʻ grocer's shop ʼ.(CDIAL 8835)
Sign 15 reads: Sign 12 kuṭi 'water-carrier' (Telugu) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 15 reads: kuṭhi karṇika 'smelter helmsman/scribe/supercargo'.
Semantics of the expression कारणिकa. (-का or -कीf.) include: a teacher MBh. ii , 167. कच्चित्कारणिका धर्मे सर्वशास्त्रेषु कोविदाः Mb.2.5.34.; mfn. (g. काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge (Pañcatantra)(Monier-Williams); Causal, causativ (Apte)
Thus, Sign 342 karṇika 'rim-of-jar' read कारणिक signifies that the scribe,engraver performed the functions for the guild of 'inspecting' or 'judging' the quality of the metal products categorised, classified and catalogued in the wealth accounting ledgers.
Pairs associated withbuffalo FS 6 (FS 15, 16, 17)
Hieroglyhph: buffalo: Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).(CDIAL 10538, 10559) Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1] Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567). The decipherment of all these pairs have been subsumed in the decipherment of 31 triplets presented at
Sign 123 kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, kuṭhi khāṇḍā smelter metalware.
Sign 343 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍākarṇī'metalware supercargo'.
FS 4 FS Fig. 11 to 13aḍar 'harrow' Rebus: aduru = gaṇiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada); bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus:bhaṭa 'furnace'l karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī 'scribe, supercargo'.
Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharataḷ = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)
käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). rebus: khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'ʼVikalpa: bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
Hieroglyph: dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583). Rebus: ḍhālako a large metal ingot PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.
Variants of Sign 293 Sign 293 is a ligature ofSign 287 'curve' hieroglyph and 'angle' hieroglyph (as seen on lozenge/rhombus/ovalshaped hieroglyphs). The basic orthograph of Sign 287 is signifiedby the semantics of: kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass' Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl, °lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. Sign 293 may be seen as a ligature of Sign 287 PLUS 'corner' signifier: Thus, kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS kuṭila 'curve' rebus: kuṭila 'bronze/pewter' (Pewter is an alloy that is a variant brass alloy). The reading of Sign 293 is: kanackuṭila 'pewter'. Sign 123 is comparable to Sign 99 'splinter' hieroglyph. kuṭi 'a slice, a bit, a small piece'(Santali) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā kuṭhimetalware smelter.
kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.Note: Hieroglyph: कर्ण [p= 256,2] the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c Rebus: कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R. कर्णी f. of °ण ifc. (e.g. अयस्-क्° and पयस्-क्°) Pa1n2. 8-3 , 46" N. of कंस's mother " , in comp. Rebus: karṇī, 'Supercargo responsible for cargo of a merchant essel'.
FS 7 FS Fig.20Hypertext of Sign 267 is composed of rhombus/oval/bun-ingot shape and signifier of 'corner' hieroglyph. The hypertext reads: mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bell-metal'. Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements, metalware'. PLUS 'split parenthesis' is a split of oval hieroglyph read rebus: Sign 373 mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot).
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'PLUS 'notch' खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā sal 'equipment workshop'
Sign 403 is a duplication of dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingot. mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dulmũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.
FS 9kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (oval-/rhombus-shaped like a bun-ingot)
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign 67 khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma.kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭamcoinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) PLUS ayo, aya'fish' rebus: aya'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क); steel L. ; ([cf.Lat.aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth.ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ.e7r , iron ; Goth.eisarn ; Mod.Germ.Eisen.]). Thus, ayo kammaṭa 'alloy metalmint'.
FS 11 FS Fig. 26 to 28
Cluster 6
Hypertext reads: mē̃ḍ koḍ dul kāṇḍā'cast iron workshop'; 'metalcast equipment'.
Variants of Sign 245 Hieroglyph: khaṇḍa'divisions' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware' Duplicated Sign 245: dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.
Sign 25 ciphertext is composed of Sign 1 and Sign 86. mē̃ḍ 'body' rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.)Hypertext reads in a constructed Meluhha expression: mē̃ḍ koḍ 'iron workshop'.
koḍa 'sluice'; Rebus: koḍ 'artisan's workshop (Kuwi) Vikalpa: सांड [ sāṇḍa ] f (षद S) An outlet for superfluous water (as through a dam or mound); a sluice, a floodvent. सांडशी [ sāṇḍaśī ] f (Dim. of सांडस, or from H) A small kind of tongs or pincers.
Sign 48 is a 'backbone, spine' hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharataḷ = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit. )baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi)
käti ʻwarrior' (Sinhalese)(CDIAL 3649). rebus: khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights'ʼVikalpa: bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
Sign 358 मुष्टिक 'fist' rebus: मुष्टिक goldsmith. The rebus reading of upraised arm: eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper' araka 'gold'. Since, the fists are ligatured to the rim of jar, the rebus reading includes the two rebus expressions:1. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: कर्णिक m. a steersman (Monier-Williams) karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi). 2. dula'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS muka 'fist' rebus: mũhe 'ingot'. Thus, together dulmũhe 'ingot, metalcasting'.
FS 25 FS Fig.51The underlying sign design principle सांगडsāṅgaḍa 'joined parts'is HTTP hypertext transfer protocol. A hypertext on an Indus Script inscription is composed of hieroglyphs joined together which are classified as both composite 'signs' and composite 'field symbols', for e.g.,: 1. on field symbols with composite animals such as hieroglyphs of a bovine body with bos indicus (zebu horns), ram (hoofs), cobrahood (tail), elephant trunk, human face, scarfs on neck. Each animal part is read rebus to identify the 'metal' signified in the hyper-cluster of animals called 'composite animal'.
kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.Hieroglyph: dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583). Rebus: ḍhālakoa large metal ingot PLUS Sign 403 is a duplication of dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingot. mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dulmũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot' and ḍhālakoa large metal ingot.
kūdī ‘bunch of twigs’ (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) Vikalpa: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra ‘smithy, forge’ (Santali)
Triplet frequency 12. preferred FS 07karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' PLUS pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild'.
Sign 403 is a duplication of dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingot. mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dulmũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.
Sign 103 is hypertext composed of Sign 87 dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, the pair Sign 103 and Sign 403 signify ingots and metalware.
Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'.
Sign 160 is a variant of Sign 137Variants of Sign 137 dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' (Santali) PLUS Sign 134 ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka 'bright'. Thus, together,
Sign 138 reads: dhakka dhatu 'bright mineral ore'
Triplet frequency 12, preferred FS 44 tree (FS 75) kuṭhi. 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace', 'factory'
Sign 178 is a ligature of 'three short strokes' and 'crook' hieroglyph shown infixed with a circumscript of duplicated four short strokes as in Sign 179
Sign 178 is: kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu.) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock. मेढा [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Together: kolami meḍ 'iron smithy'.
Sign 389 is a composite hypertext composed of Sign 169 infixed in 'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingot. mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'.
Sign 169 may be a variant of Sign 162. Sign kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 389 reads: mũhã̄kolami 'ingot smithy/forge'.
The post by BA Mukhopadhay concludes that the Indus Script cannot be logo-syllabic, phonograms, but only logo-graphic, mostly using lexemes ( A lexeme is a basic lexical unit of a language consisting of one word or several words, the elements of which do not separately convey the meaning of the whole.)
[quote]
Strict positional preferences and co-occurrence preference patterns disprove the phonogram hypothesis
For a proof by contradiction, let us first assume that Indus inscriptions were phonetically written. Next, let us analyze the most frequent 30 signs, each of which has occurred in more than 80 DILs. These 30 signs (sorted below in decreasing order of frequency) have collectively occurred in 87% of the 2409 DILs.
Among these signs, the PF-signs , , , and , and the PPF-sign are reputed for their rigid preferences for terminal and pre-phrase-final positions. The CM-signs , , , and are mainly located in between two semantically complete constituents. The PCLs , and dominantly occur in the initial positions of pre-connective constituents. CROP-signs and mostly occur glued to specific NUM-signs and MET-signs such as , etc. The other frequent signs, such as , , , , , etc. very often occur as part of fixed collocations (e.g., , , , , ). Therefore, if these signs are to spell out words phonetically, words of a grievously restricted phonetic range would result, which is simply unacceptable for the words of any natural language. Thus the hypothesis that Indus inscriptions were phonetically constructed cannot be accepted, at least not for most of the inscriptions excavated till date...The most important contribution of this study should possibly be that, if a researcher agrees with its results, s/he would no longer try to treat Indus signs as phonograms in order to spell out words. Moreover, since the inscribed objects are identified as formalized data-carriers, in which linguistic syntaxes and document-specific syntaxes can play equally important roles, a researcher would not have to explain each syntactic feature from a linguistic and grammatical aspect. The focus of the future semantic analysis should be on understanding the semantic role of each of the functional sign-classes and the reason behind their interdependence. [unquote]
Two examples from Indus Script Corpora demonstrate that the 'signs''ligatured signs' and pictorial motifs (field symbols) are all hieroglyphs deployed to composed Indus Script Hypertexts in Meluhha to document wealth-producing metalwork activitries.
See: Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' proclamations on Indus Script
https://tinyurl.com/ybe89ee9
Pictorial motifs: erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying
uprooted trees] thwarted by a person in the middle with outstretched hands
m0478B tablet erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying uprooted trees].Aḍaru twig; aḍiri small and thin branch of a tree; aḍari small branches (Ka.); aḍaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali) ḍhaṁkhara — m.n. ʻbranch without leaves or fruitʼ (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524) Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' (Maithili)•era, er-a = eraka = ?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.) •era_ = claws of an animal that can do no harm (G.) •era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali) •Rebus: er-r-a = red; eraka = copper (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) agasa_le, agasa_li, agasa_lava_d.u = a goldsmith (Te.lex.) Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.)
heraka = spy (Skt.); eraka, hero = a messenger; a spy (Gujarati);er to look at or for (Pkt.); er uk- to play 'peeping tom' (Ko.) Rebus: erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.) eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada)
Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali) kola, ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.); rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith, ‘alloy of five metals, panchaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu) Hieroglyph: era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali)
The rim of jar PLUS lid is read as hypertext rebus as: dhakka karni 'bright metal supercargo'.
kuṭhi karṇī, 'smelter accountant (supercargo)'dhakkakarṇī m. ʻferry accountant (supercargo) at quay, wharfʼ.
Variants of Sign 342
This is an addendum to: Demonstration of hypertext process on Indus Script cipher with examples of joined animals https://tinyurl.com/y95289xmThe process deployed is सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'joined animal parts' to create a catalogue or list. Indus Script hypertext reads rebus sã̄gah, saṅgrahḥ संग्रहः 'catalogue, list' of metalwork artisan guild. When pictorial motifs provide catalogue items of wealth-accounting ledgers, ligaturing is the process deployed to create text expressions using hieroglyph-combinations.
For example, on a unique seal the pictorial motifs (or field symbols) are fused with ligatured 'signs' to convey a unique message on an Indus inscription.
m1405At Pict-97: Person standing at the center points with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand points to the ligatured glyph. Side B: tiger, rhinoceros in procession. kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron', kolle 'blacksmith' gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá --1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H. (CDIAL 4000). காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Gujarati) Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)
The inscription on the tablet juxtaposes – through the hand gestures of a person - a ‘trough’ gestured with the right hand; a ligatured glyph composed of ‘rim-of-jar’ glyph and ‘water-carrier’ glyph (Sign 15) gestured with the left hand.
The Pali expression usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ provides the semantics of the word kāraṇika as relatable to a 'maker' of a product. usu-kāraṇika is an arrow-maker. Thus, kuTi kāraṇika can be explained as a smelter-maker. Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. The Marathi word for Supercargo is: kārṇī . Thus, it can be suggested that kuTi kāraṇika was an ovrseer of the cargo (from smelter) on a merchantship. In the historical periods, the Supercargo has specific duties "The duties of a supercargo are defined by admiralty law and include managing the cargo owner's trade, selling the merchandise inports to which the vessel is sailing, and buying and receiving goods to be carried on the return voyage...A new supercargo was always appointed for each journey who also had to keep books, notes and ledgers about everything that happened during the voyage and trade matters abroad. He was to present these immediately to the directors of the Company on the ship's return to its headquarters."
कारण 1[p= 274,2] a number of scribes or कायस्थs W. instrument , means;that on which an opinion or judgment is founded (a sin, mark; a proof; a legal instrument, document), Mn. MBh.
कारणिक [p= 274,3] mfn. (g.काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge Pan5cat. a teacher MBh. ii , 167.
B. kerā ʻ clerk ʼ (kerāni ʻ id. ʼ < *kīraka -- karaṇika<-> ODBL 540): very doubtful. -- Poss. ← Ar. qāri', pl. qurrā'ʻ reader, esp. of Qur'ān ʼ.(CDIAL 3110) कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread', 'rim of jar', 'pericarp of lotus' karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'. kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ] Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.(CDIAL 3058) kāraṇa n. ʻ cause ʼ KātyŚr. [√kr̥1] Pa. kāraṇa -- n. ʻ deed, cause ʼ; Aś. shah. karaṇa -- , kāl. top. kālana -- , gir. kāraṇa -- ʻ purpose ʼ; Pk. kāraṇa -- n. ʻ cause, means ʼ; Wg. (Lumsden) "kurren"ʻ retaliation ʼ, Paš. kāran IIFL iii 3, 97 with (?); S. kāraṇu m. ʻ cause ʼ; L. kārnā m. ʻ quarrel ʼ; P. kāraṇ m. ʻ cause ʼ, N. A. B. kāran, Or. kāraṇa; Mth. kāran ʻ reason ʼ, OAw. kārana, H. kāran m., G. kāraṇ n.; Si. karuṇa ʻ cause, object, thing ʼ; -- postpositions from oblique cases: inst.: S. kāraṇi, kāṇe, °ṇi ʻ on account of ʼ, L. awāṇ. kāṇ, Addenda: kāraṇa -- : Brj. kāran ʻ on account of ʼ.(CDIAL 3057) kiraka m. ʻ scribe ʼ lex.
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex on m1405 is read rebus from r.: kuṭhi kaṇḍa kanka eraka bharata pattar'goldsmith-merchant guild -- helmsman, smelting furnace account (scribe), molten cast metal. Meaning of hypertexts so derived enable reading in Meluhha expressions and understanding of the purport of Indus Script inscriptions in the context of documenttion of wealth-accounting ledgers related to metalwork.
I suggest that the animals as hieroglyphs displayed on Shalamaneser III black obelisk and earlier in 11th cent. BCE by Ashur-bel-kala are symbolic references in Meluhha Indus Script Cipher to metals and lapidary artifacts (gems, jewels) imported from Meluhha or made by Meluhha artisans settled in Ancient Near East. The display of crocodile by Ashur-bel-kala in 11th cent. BCE is also a display of an Indus Script hieroglyph. In Meluhha rebus rendering, crocodile signifies: kāru a wild crocodile rebus: khār'blacksmith'. The 'river man' may signify an anthropomorph fish. ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.ayaskara 'metalsmith' -- working in khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడుkammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. He wears a bracelet with a safflower hieroglyph. करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower Rebus: करड [ karaḍa ] 'hard alloy'.
A fish-apkallu drawn by AH Layard from a stone relief, one of a pair flanking a doorway in the Temple of Ninurta at Kalhu. British Museum. Reproduced in Schlomo Izre'el, Adpa and the South Wind, Language has the power of life and death, Eisenbrauns, 2001.
Below, a fish-man in a sea from a bas-relief in the palace of the Assyrian king Sargon II, ca.
721-705 BCE at Dur-Sharken, modern Khorsabad. (p. 131. fig. 107. "merman and mermaid."
Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia,
An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press.
Austin. 1992. ISBn 0-292-70794-0. paperback)
"Aššūr-bēl-kala, inscribed aš-šur-EN-ka-la and meaning “Aššur is lord of all,”[1] was the king of Assyria 1074/3–1056 BC, the 89th to appear on the Assyrian Kinglist. He was the son of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra I, succeeded his brother Ašarēd-apil-Ekurwho had briefly preceded him, and he ruled for 18 years....nišē mātīšu ušebri, “he (Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the people of his land...(Shigeo Yamada (2000); RIMA 2, A.0.89.7, iv 29f. The passage reads: nise matisu usebri ‘He = Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the public of his land.). The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmanesar III Relating to His Campaigns in the West. Brill. p. 253)...These he added to his collection of rare animals which he bred and dispatched merchants to acquire more, such as “a large female ape and a crocodile (and) a ‘river man’, beasts of the Great Sea” and the dromedaries he displayed in herds.(Tomoo Ishida (1982). Studies in the period of David and Solomon and other essays. Eisenbrauns. p. 219) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashur-bel-kala
RIMA 2, A.0.89.7, iv 29f. The passage reads: nise matisu usebri ‘He = Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the public of his land.
Frequently occurring pairs of 'signs' on Corpora (M77) are also linked with Field Symbols to identify lapidary clusters of metals manufactory (phaḍa, paṭṭaḍa) recorded on daybooks of metalwork catalogues.
Source: Sundar Ganesan, Chandrasekhar Subramanian, GC Suresh Babu, and Iravatham Mahadevan, 2009, "The Indus Script: text and context, a statistical-positional analysis of significant text segments" -- (Research monograph of Indus Research Centre, Roja Muthiah Research Library, Chennai.
(Products) Investigated daybook 179 final position; 90 on miniature tablets कारणिक investigating; khareḍo 'a currycomb' rebus: kharada खरडें daybook
(Products out of) Iron furnace 111 solus; 63 on miniature tablets kolom 'three' rebus:Ta. kol working in iron, lacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë. blacksmith; baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron', bhaṭa 'furnace'.
(Products from smelter) Bharat alloy (copper, zinc, tin) investigated52 initial position, 8 solus; 43 on miniature tablets baraḍo =spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat 'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) ;कारणिक investigating Associatedwith FS 83: Dotted circledhāvaḍ 'smelter'(Products out of) Metalcasting smithy investigated88 final position;16 miniature tabletsdula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'PLUS kolmo 'riceplant' rebus:Ta. kol working in iron, lacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë. blacksmith; कारणिक investigating(Silver/gold braid products of furnace) Investigated daybookFSFig. 123 (FS 85) associated with (Freq. 11) bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa'furnace'कारणिक investigating; khareḍo 'a currycomb' rebus: kharada खरडें daybook. M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ rebus: P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ,H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Artisans' workshop products from smelter investigated
FS Fig.75 to 77 FS Code 44 associated with(Freq. 6) kōḍi corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b) G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻangleʼ Rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'(B.) कोंद kōnda 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems' (Marathi) koḍ 'artisan's workshop' (Kuwi) koḍ = place where artisans work (G.); ingot smelter; kuṭi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'; कारणिक investigating.
Alloy metal iron metalcasting ingots investigated
FS Fig. 68FS Code 37 associated with aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal, iron' aya 'iron' (Gujarati); dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'; mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'; कारणिक investigating.
Tinsmith panjasmeltering tin-bronze
FS Fig. 63 to 67FS Code 36 associated with aya'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār 'blacksmith', thus aya-kara 'metalsmith;
Triplet 1: aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal, iron' PLUS ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS kuṭi 'curve; rebus: कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin)
Triplet 2: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS pajhaṛ= to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra 'smithy, forge' (Santali) panja 'smelter' PLUS . कारणिक investigating.
Triplet 3 ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS कारणिक investigating.
Tinsmith working in smithy/forge, producing tin-bronze
FS Fig.51FS code 25 associated with सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'joined animal parts' rebus: samgaha,samgraha 'catalogue' PLUS pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra 'smithy' (Santali) PLUS ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS कारणिक investigating.
https://tinyurl.com/y5slbla9 Why are animals chosen as hieroglyphs on Indus Script Cipher? The reason is provided by the phonetics, semantics, and pragmatics of Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'language union') expressions which signify barter trade of metalwork products. For example, hieroglyph pasara 'animal' rebus pasra 'smithy'; tiria 'animal' rebus: tiṟ(u) 'barter, trade'. This is an addendum to:
Cluster analysis of Indus writing system design principle, of 33 sāṅgāḍī 'joined parts'; Field symbols for samgaha wealth categories catalogues for accounting ledgers https://tinyurl.com/y8p7b8q2
-- pasra 'smithy' signified by Indus Script hieroglyphs pasara, paśu 'animals' rebus pasāru 'shops'. -- trade goods bartered which relate to metalwork are: pasara, paśu 'animals' rebus:pasra 'smithy', pahārā 'goldsmith's workshop', pasāru పసారు 'shop', lōhṭiyā 'Ironmonger' = lōhahaṭṭika = loha 'metal' PLUShàṭṭi ʻshop, workshop'. -- deren 'horned (animals)', tiria 'animals', i.e. 'animals with horns' or 'animals which move sideways' is a hieroglyphic classifier of trade or bartered goods, to signify tiṟa 'an offering',tiṟ(u) 'to exchange, barter, pay'. There are cunieform texts which establish that during early bronze age, goods were traded across long distances. The choice of the animals is thus explained as a system of traded goods in Indus Script Cipher, a hieroglyphic representation in writing.
-- mer̥ha deren 'animal with crumpled horn' (as a unicorn) signifies rebus med 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic) PLUS deren 'horn' rebus tiṟ(u) '(for) trade, barter'; thus, a unicorn with a crumpled horn signifies an ironmonger, or shop of iron goods offered for trade. FS 1-7 1159 One-horned young bull (bos indicus aurochs)
FS 8-9 5 Two-horned young bull (bos indicus aurochs)
FS 10 54 Bos indicus, zebu
FS 11-13 95 Short-horned bull or ox (aurochs)
FS 15-17 14 Buffalo
FS 18-20 55 Elephant
FS 22-23 16 Tiger
FS 24-25 5 Horned tiger
FS 16-28 39 Rhinoceros
FS 29 1 Two rhinoceroses
FS 30-38 36 Goat-antelope, short tail
FS 39-41 26 Ox-antelope
FS 42 10 Hare
FS 43 1 Hare
FS 51 20 Fabulous animal
FS 56 9 Fabulous animal
FS 63-67 49 Gharial (crocodile + fish)
FS 68 14 Fish
FS 73 9 Entwined serpent, pillar or rings on pillar
FS 74 4 Bird (eagle) in flight
FS 105 3 Person grappling two tigers
FS 112 Fro m R. - a tiger; a goat: a seated personage on a pedestal; a person seated on a Iree with a tiger below.
FS 110 From R, a fabulous animal as in FS. 51; a person seated
on a tree with a tiger below; a svastika within a square border; an elephant.
FS 47
FS 48
FS 51 (Frequency in M Corpus 20) Fabulous animal with the body of a ram. horns of a
bull. trunk of an elephant. hindlegs of a tiger and an upraised serpent-like tail.
FS 52
FS 53 FS 52, FS 53 Fabulous animal with the body of a tiger. a human head and horns of an antelope.
Cluster 6 Spearing a bovine cluster, smelter work Slide 89 Plano convex molded tablet showing an individual spearing a water buffalo with one foot pressing the head down and one arm holding the tip of a horn. A gharial is depicted above the sacrifice scene and a figure seated in yogic position, wearing a horned headdress, looks on. The horned headdress has a branch with three prongs or leaves emerging from the center.
On the reverse (90),a female deity is battling two tigers and standing above an elephant. A single Indus script depicting a spoked wheel is above the head of the deity.
Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 3.91 length, 1.5 to 1.62 cm width Harappa, Lot 4651-01 Harappa Museum, H95-2486 Meadow and Kenoyer 1997 karA 'crocodile' Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
One side of a molded tablet m 492 Mohenjo-daro (DK 8120, NMI 151. National Museum, Delhi. A person places his foot on the horns of a buffalo while spearing it in front of a cobra hood. FS 99 Person throwing a spear at a sho rt·ho rned bull and placing o ne foot on the head of the animal; a hooded serpe nt at L.
nAga 'snake' Rebus: nAga 'lead, tin'
Hieroglyph: kolsa = to kick the foot forward, the foot to come into contact with anything when walking or running; kolsa pasirkedan = I kicked it over (Santali.lex.)mēṛsa = v.a. toss, kick with the foot, hit with the tail (Santali)
kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pancaloha’ (Ta.) •kolhe (iron-smelter; kolhuyo, jackal) kol, kollan-, kollar = blacksmith (Ta.lex.)•kol‘to kill’ (Ta.)
(s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā id. rebus: phaḍā, paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory'. Vikalpa: kulā 'hood of snake' rebus: kol 'working in iron'
Hieroglyph: rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ Rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ. paTa 'hood of serpent' Rebus: padanu 'sharpness of weapon' (Telugu)
Hieroglyph: kunta1 ʻ spear ʼ. 2. *kōnta -- . [Perh. ← Gk. konto/s ʻ spear ʼ EWA i 229]1. Pk. kuṁta -- m. ʻ spear ʼ; S. kundu m. ʻ spike of a top ʼ, °dī f. ʻ spike at the bottom of a stick ʼ, °diṛī, °dirī f. ʻ spike of a spear or stick ʼ; Si. kutu ʻ lance ʼ.2. Pa. konta -- m. ʻ standard ʼ; Pk. koṁta -- m. ʻ spear ʼ; H. kõt m. (f.?) ʻ spear, dart ʼ; -- Si. kota ʻ spear, spire, standard ʼ perh. ← Pa.(CDIAL 3289)
Rebus: kuṇṭhamunda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'
Allograph: कुंठणें [ kuṇṭhaṇēṃ ] v i (कुंठ S) To be stopped, detained, obstructed, arrested in progress (Marathi) Rebus: kuṇṭhamunda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'.
Slide 90.
m0489A One side of a prism tablet shows: crocodile + fish glyphic above: elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, tiger looking back and up. m1431A m1431B Crocodile+ three animal glyphs: rhinoceros, elephant, tiger It is possible that the broken portions of set 2 (h1973B and h1974B) showed three animals in procession: tiger looking back and up + rhinoceros + tiger. Reverse side glyphs: eraka ‘nave of wheel’. Rebus: era ‘copper’. Animal glyph: elephant ‘ibha’. Rebus ibbo, ‘merchant’. Composition of glyphics: Woman with six locks of hair + one eye + thwarting + two pouncing tigers + nave with six spokes. Rebus: kola ‘woman’ + kaṇga ‘eye’ (Pego.), bhaṭa ‘six’+ dul ‘casting (metal)’ + kũdā kol (tiger jumping) + era āra (nave of wheel, six spokes), ibha (elephant). Rebus: era ‘copper’; kũdār dul kol ‘turner, casting, working in iron’; kan ‘brazier, bell-metal worker’; The glyphic composition read rebus: copper, iron merchant with taṭu kanḍ kol bhaṭa ‘iron stone (ore) mineral ‘furnace’. Glypg: ‘woman’: kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) Glyph: ‘impeding, hindering’: taṭu (Ta.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Ta. taṭu (-pp-, -tt) to hinder, stop, obstruct, forbid, prohibit, resist, dam, block up, partition off, curb, check, restrain, control, ward off, avert; n. hindering, checking, resisting; taṭuppu hindering, obstructing, resisting, restraint; Kur. ṭaṇḍnā to prevent, hinder, impede. Br. taḍ power to resist. (DEDR 3031)
FS 100 Person throwing a spear at a buffalo and placing one foot .
FS 101 Person throwing a spear at a buffalo and placing one foot. on its head: three persons standing near a tree at the centre.
FS 105 Person grappling with two tigers standing on either side of him (her?) and rearing on their hindlegs
कुंठणें [ kuṇṭhaṇēṃ ] v i (कुंठ S) To be stopped, detained, obstructed, arrested in progress (Marathi) Rebus: kuṇṭhamunda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'.
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith. Thus, dul kolhe,'metal casting smelter'. kola 'woman' rebus:kol 'working in iron' (Semantic determinative). baṭa 'six' (knots on hairstyle) rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.goṭa 'pellets' rebus: gota 'laterite, ferrite ore'.
The note has recorded evidence that கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam 'mint' has a synonym (demonstrably, a phonetic variant in mleccha/meluhha): khambhaṛā 'fin' (Lahnda) rebus: kammaTa 'mint' and these two expressions are combined in the Begram ivory (Plate 389)
FS 106 Nude female figure upside down with thighs drawn apart
and a crab (?) issuing from her womb: two tigers standing face to face rearing on the ir hindlegs at L.
FS 107 Drummer and a tiger.
FS 108 Person kneeling under a kino tree facing a tiger
FS 109 (Frequency of occurrence in M Corpus:5) Pcrson seated on a machan on a kino tree; a tiger below looking up at him/her.
FS 111 (Frequency of occurrence in M Corpus: 3) From R.-a woman with outstretched arms flanked by two men holding uprooted trees fn their hands: a person seated on a tree wit h a tiger below: a tall jar with a lid.
Molded terracotta tablet (H2001-5075/2922-01) with a narrative scene of a man in a tree with a tiger looking back over its shoulder. The tablet, found in the Trench 54 area on the west side of Mound E, is broken, but was made with the same mold as ones found on the eastern side of Mound E and also in other parts of the site (see slide 89 for the right hand portion of the same scene). The reverse of the same molded terra cotta tablet shows a deity grappling with two tigers and standing above an elephant (see slide 90 for a clearer example from the same mold). https://www.harappa.com/indus3/185.html heraka 'spy' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper' kuTi 'tree' rebus:kuThi 'smelter' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' barad 'bull' rebus: baraDo 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'.
Cluster 7 A metallurgical process narrative in four clusters -- four sides of a tablet:
Side 1.Tiger looks back, person on tree.
Side 2 Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right.
Side 3. a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?]
Side 4. Bos indicus, zebu
FS 116 One side of 4-sided tablet Mohenjodaro m1431. From R. - A person holding a vessel; a woman with a plallet; a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a kino tree.
The following glyphics of m1431 prism tablet show the association between the tiger + person on tree glyphic set and crocile + 3 animal glyphic set.
Mohenjo-daro m1431 four-sided tablet. Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?]
One side (m1431B) of a four-sided tablet shows a procession of a tiger, an elephant and a rhinoceros (with fishes (or perhaps, crocodile) on top?).
koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)] baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) bhástrā f. ʻ leathern bag ʼ ŚBr., ʻ bellows ʼ Kāv., bhastrikā -- f. ʻ little bag ʼ Daś. [Despite EWA ii 489, not from a √bhas ʻ blow ʼ (existence of which is very doubtful). -- Basic meaning is ʻ skin bag ʼ (cf. bakura<-> ʻ bellows ʼ ~ bākurá -- dŕ̊ti -- ʻ goat's skin ʼ), der. from bastá -- m. ʻ goat ʼ RV. (cf.bastājina -- n. ʻ goat's skin ʼ MaitrS. = bāstaṁ carma Mn.); with bh -- (and unexpl. -- st -- ) in Pa. bhasta -- m. ʻ goat ʼ, bhastacamma -- n. ʻ goat's skin ʼ. Phonet. Pa. and all NIA. (except S. with a) may be < *bhāsta -- , cf. bāsta -- above (J. C. W.)]With unexpl. retention of -- st -- : Pa. bhastā -- f. ʻ bellows ʼ (cf. vāta -- puṇṇa -- bhasta -- camma -- n. ʻ goat's skin full ofwind ʼ), biḷāra -- bhastā -- f. ʻ catskin bag ʼ, bhasta -- n. ʻ leather sack (for flour) ʼ; K. khāra -- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ; -- S. bathī f. ʻ quiver ʼ (< *bhathī); A. Or. bhāti ʻ bellows ʼ, Bi. bhāthī, (S of Ganges) bhã̄thī; OAw. bhāthā̆ ʻ quiver ʼ; H. bhāthā m. ʻ quiver ʼ, bhāthī f. ʻ bellows ʼ; G. bhāthɔ,bhātɔ, bhāthṛɔ m. ʻ quiver ʼ (whence bhāthī m. ʻ warrior ʼ); M. bhātā m. ʻ leathern bag, bellows, quiver ʼ, bhātaḍ n. ʻ bellows, quiver ʼ; <-> (X bhráṣṭra -- ?) N. bhã̄ṭi ʻ bellows ʼ, H. bhāṭhī f.OA. bhāthi ʻ bellows ʼ AFD 206.(CDIAL 9424)
ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaṇḍa'arrow' Rebus: khāṇḍa‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.ayaskāṇḍa is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib ‘iron'. Alternative: కరటి [ karaṭi ] karaṭi. [Skt.] n. An elephant. ఏనుగు (Telugu) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kāṇḍa 'rhimpceros' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. The text on m0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.
Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा[khāṇḍā]A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.
Hieroglyph: heraka ‘spy’. Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper, gold'; eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion'; era ‘copper’. āra 'spokes' Rebus:āra 'brass'. Hieroglyph: हेर [ hēra ] m (हेरक S through or H) A spy, scout, explorator, an emissary to gather intelligence. 2 f Spying out or spying, surveying narrowly, exploring. (Marathi) *hērati ʻ looks for or at ʼ. 2. hēraka -- ,°rika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ lex., hairika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ Hcar., ʻ thief ʼ lex. [J. Bloch FestschrWackernagel 149 ← Drav., Kuiēra ʻ to spy ʼ, Malt. ére ʻ to see ʼ, DED 765]
1. Pk. hēraï ʻ looks for or at ʼ (vihīraï ʻ watches for ʼ); K.ḍoḍ. hērūō ʻ was seen ʼ; WPah.bhad. bhal. he_rnū ʻ to look at ʼ (bhal. hirāṇū ʻ to show ʼ), pāḍ. hēraṇ, paṅ. hēṇā, cur. hērnā, Ku. herṇo, N. hernu, A. heriba, B. herā, Or. heribā (caus. herāibā), Mth. herab, OAw. heraï, H. hernā; G. hervũ ʻ to spy ʼ, M. herṇẽ. 2. Pk. hēria -- m. ʻ spy ʼ; Kal. (Leitner) "hériu"ʻ spy ʼ; G. herɔ m. ʻ spy ʼ, herũ n. ʻ spying ʼ. Addenda: *hērati: WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) hèrnõ, kc. erno ʻ observe ʼ; Garh. hernu ʻ to look' (CDIAL 14165) Ko. er uk- (uky-) to play 'peeping tom'. Kui ēra (ēri-) to spy, scout; n. spying, scouting; pl action ērka (ērki-). ? Kuwi (S.) hēnai to scout; hēri kiyali to see; (Su. P.) hēnḍ- (hēṭ-) id. Kur. ērnā (īryas) to see, look, look at, look after, look for, wait for, examine, try; ērta'ānā to let see, show; ērānakhrnā to look at one another. Malt. ére to see, behold, observe; érye to peep, spy. Cf. 892 Kur. ēthrnā. / Cf. Skt. heraka- spy, Pkt. her- to look at or for, and many NIA verbs; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14165(DEDR 903)
Hieroglyph: ã̄gru sprout, rebus: aṅgar 'carbon element (to carburize moltencast, molten metal), charcoal' --: aṅkurá 1. ʻ *hooked ʼ. 2. m. ʻ sprout ʼ Uṇ., ʻ tumour ʼ Suśr. [*aṅku -- : √añc]1. Gy. as. agura ʻ crooked ʼ JGLS new ser. ii 331; Ash. áklə ʻ top of shoulder ʼ, Kt. ákři ʻ upper part of arm ʼ, Wg. akřá ʻ peg ʼ, Pr. uku ʻ shoulder ʼ; A. ã̄korā ʻ crooked, bent ʼ.2. Pa. aṅkura -- m. ʻ sprout ʼ, Pk. aṁkura -- m., N. ã̄kuro (lw. with k), B. Mth. ã̄kur; Or. āṅkuribā ʻ to cut off ears of ripe rice ʼ; H. ãkurā m. ʻ sprout ʼ, M. ã̄kūr m., ã̄krī f. ʻ tender spike of a tree ʼ; Si. akura, akara ʻ sprout, tumour ʼ.*aṅkurayati, *upāṅkura -- .Addenda: aṅkurá -- . 2. Garh. ã̄gru ʻ sprout ʼ, ãgryɔṇu ʻ to sprout ʼ.(CDIAL 109) Rebus: áṅgāra--: Niṅg. aṅgāˊr ʻ fire ʼ; Md. aguru ʻ charcoal ʼ. aṅgula-- [Cf. daśāṅgulá-- RV.](CDIAL14200) áṅgāra m. n. ʻ glowing charcoal ʼ RV., °aka -- lex. 2. *iṅgāra -- ,iṅgāla -- m. Vāsav. com.1. Pa. aṅgāra -- m. ʻ charcoal ʼ, Pk. aṁgāra -- , °aya -- , aṁgāla -- , °aya -- m., Gy. eur. angár ʻ charcoal ʼ, wel. vaṅār m. (v -- from m. article), germ. yangar (y -- from yag, s.v. agní -- 1); Ash. aṅāˊ ʻ fire ʼ, Kt. aṅǻ, Gmb. aṅāˊ, Pr. anéye, Dm. aṅgar (a < ā NTS xii 130), Tir. Chilis Gau. K. nār (n < ṅ -- , not ← Psht. nār ← Ar. AO xii 184), Paš. aṅgāˊr, Shum. ã̄r (← Paš. NOGaw 59), Gaw. Kal. Kho. aṅgāˊr, Bshk. äṅgāˊr, Tor. aṅā, Mai. agār, Phal. aṅgṓr, Sh. agāˊr, ha° m.; S. aṅaru m. ʻ charcoal ʼ (a < ā as in Dm.), L. aṅgār m., P. aṅgyār, °rā m., EP. ãgeār (y or e from MIA. aggi < agní -- 1?), WPah. bhid. aṅgāˊrõ n., pl. -- ã, Ku. aṅār (ḍaṅār id. X ḍājṇo < dahyátē), N. aṅār, A. āṅgār, eṅgār, B. āṅgār, āṅrā, Or. aṅgāra; Bi. ãgarwāh ʻ man who cuts sugar -- cane into lengths for the mill ʼ (= pakwāh); OMth. aṁgāra, Mth. ãgor, H. ãgār, °rā m., G. ãgār, °rɔ m., M. ãgār m., Si. an̆gura. -- Wg. ãdotdot;ř, ã̄īˊ ʻ fire ʼ (as opp. to aṅarīˊk ʻ charcoal ʼ, see aṅgāryāˊ -- ) poss. < agní -- 1, Morgenstierne NTS xvii 226.
2. Pa. iṅghāḷa -- ʻ glowing embers (?) ʼ, Pk. iṁgāra -- , iṁgāla, °aya -- ; K. yĕngur m. ʻ charcoal ʼ, yĕnguru m. ʻ charcoal -- burner ʼ; M. ĩgaḷ, ĩgḷā m., Ko. ĩgḷo. -- Deriv. M. ĩgḷā m. ʻ a kind of large ant ʼ, ĩgḷī f. ʻ a large black deadly scorpion ʼ.aṅgāraka -- , aṅgāri -- , aṅgāryāˊ -- ; aṅgāradhānī -- , *aṅgāravarta -- , *aṅgārasthāna -- , *aṅgr̥ṣṭha -- .Addenda: áṅgāra -- : Md. an̆guru ʻ charcoal ʼ.aṅgāraka ʻ *red like embers ʼ, m. ʻ charcoal; name of various plants ʼ (aṅgārikā -- f. ʻ stalk of sugar -- cane, flower of Butea frondosa ʼ). 2. m. ʻ the planet Mars ʼ. [áṅgāra -- ]1. Pa. aṅgāraka -- ʻ red like charcoal ʼ; S. aṅārī f. ʻ smut in wheat ʼ; WPah. bhal. aṅāˊri f. ʻ a plant with red flowers ʼ.2. Pa. aṅgāraka -- m. ʻ Mars ʼ, Pk. aṁgāraya -- m.; S. aṅāro m. ʻ Tuesday ʼ.aṅgāradhānī -- ,°ikā -- f. ʻ portable stove ʼ lex. [áṅgāra -- , dhāˊna -- ]Paš. aṅgarāˊn, aṅgaranīˊ ʻ fireplace *aṅgāravarta m. ʻ fire stone ʼ. [áṅgāra -- , *varta -- 3]Ash. aṅalawaṭ (r -- r > l -- r). *aṅgārasthāna n. ʻ fireplace ʼ. [áṅgāra -- , sthāˊna -- ]Dm. aṅgarthäĩ (perh. a Dm. cmpd.). -- See *agnisthāna -- .aṅgāri f., aṅgāritā -- f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ lex. [áṅgāra -- ]H. ãgārī f.Addenda: aṅgāri -- : †*aṅgāriṣṭha -- .130a †*aṅgāriṣṭha -- ʻ portable brazier ʼ. [aṅgāri -- , stha -- : cf. agniṣṭhá -- ]WPah.kṭg. garṭhɔ m. ʻ charcoal ʼ; J. gārṭhā m. ʻ a small burning coal ʼ.131aṅgāryāˊ -- , *aṅgāriyā -- , f. ʻ heap of embers ʼ. [Cf. aṅgā- rīya -- ʻ fit for making charcoal ʼ, aṅgārikā -- f., angāritā -- f. ʻ portable fireplace ʼ lex.: áṅgāra -- ]Wg. aṅarīˊk, aṅgríč ʻ charcoal ʼ; Paš. aṅgerík ʻ black charcoal ʼ, Shum. ãdotdot;gerík; Phal. aṅgerīˊ ʻ charcoal ʼ, aṅgerīˊṣi f. ʻ black charcoal ʼ; Ku. aṅāri ʻ sparks ʼ; G. ãgārī f. ʻ small hearth with embers in it ʼ.(CDIAL 125 to 131). This signifies the carbon dhatu or carbon element which enters through godhuma, 'wheat chaff smoke' into the molten metal to harden it.
m1429 Three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds at the top of two poles. Two birds sit on the deck and a large double rudder extends from the rear of the boat. On the second side is a snout nosed gharial with a fish in its mouth. The third side has eight symbols of the Indus script.
Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 4.6 cm length, 1.2 x 1.5 cm width Mohenjo-daro, MD 602 Islamabad Museum, NMP 1384 Dales 1965a: 147, 1968: 39
The large oxhide ingots were signified by ḍhālako a large metal ingot (Hieroglyph: dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583).
kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1] Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059)करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi) kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1] Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059)करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi)
m1186 FS 114 From R. - a horned pe rsonage standing between the branches of a pipal trec: a low pedestal with some offerings: a horn ed personage kneeling in adoration; a ram;a row of seven robed figures in the lower register.
bahulā f. pl. ʻ the Pleiades ʼ VarBr̥S., °likā -- f. pl. lex. [bahulá -- ] Kal. bahul ʻ the Pleiades ʼ, Kho. ból, (Lor.) boul, bolh, Sh. (Lor.) b*lle.(CDIAL 9195) Rebus: baghla 'dhow, cargo boat'.
FS 95
Cluster 9 Bier cluster, wheelwright category
FS 96 Person standing at the centre between a two-tiered
structure at R. and a short·horned bull standing near a trident-headed post at L.
khaḍū1 m. ʻ bier ʼ lex. 2. khaṭṭi -- m. lex. [Cf. kháṭvā -- ] 1. B. khaṛu ʻ bier ʼ.2. B. khāṭi ʻ bier ʼ, Or. khāṭa.(CDIAL 3785) Rebus: khāti 'wheelwright'. Text of inscription: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUSarā'spoke of wheel' rebus: arā'brass'. Hieroglyph:buffalo: rã̄go 'buffalo' Rebus: rāṅgā 'zinc alloy, spelter, pewter'. Thus, cast spelter Hieroglyph: body: mēd 'body' (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ 'iron' (Ho.)
कंस[p= 241,1] mn. ( √कम् Un2. iii , 62), a vessel made of metal , drinking vessel , cup , goblet AV. x , 10 , 5 AitBr. S3Br. &c; a metal , tutanag or white copper , brass , bell-metal
The animal was rather large, measuring 2.5 metres (8.2 ft) in length, making it the second-largest known nonmarine turtle or tortoise, surpassed only by Colossochelys atlas from Asia, which lived in the Pleistocene. It lived in Australia and New Caledonia. Remains have also been found on the island of Efate in Vanuatu, associated with settlements from the Lapitaculture...When the first fossil remains (a vertebra) were found, they were originally thought to be from a large monitor lizard, similar to, but smaller than Megalania, so the genus was named accordingly. Later, when more remains were found, it was realized that the "small roamer" was actually a turtle, and not a lizard. Synonyms include Miolania and Ceratochelys."
There are examples of copper plates with the pictorial motifs of large turtles combined back to back, as a pair to signify: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.
m1528Act
m1529Act2920
m1529Bct
m1532Act
m1532Bct
m1534Act
m1534Bct
1703 Composition:
Two horned heads one at either end of the body. Note the dottings on the thighs which is a unique artistic feature of depicting a turtles (the legs are like those of an elephant?). The body apparently is a combination of two turtles with heads of turtles emerging out of the shell and attached on either end of the composite body.
Copper tablet type B18, B17b. Tortoise with mirror duplicaes.
Hieroglyph: two large turtles joined back to back. Thus, signifying meta casting using cire perdue (lost-wax) technique of creating mirror image metal castings from wax casts.
The hieroglyph multiplex on m1534b is now read rebus as: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS kassa 'turtle' rebus: kãsā 'bell-metal' kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kãsā kammaṭa'bell-metal coiner, mint, portable furnace'.
kamaṭha crab, tortoise (Gujarati); ‘frog’ (Skt.); rebus: kammaṭa ‘mint’ (Kannada)kampaṭṭam ‘coiner, mint’ (Tamil).கமடம், [ *kamaṭam, ] s. A turtle, a tortoise, ஆமை (Winslow Tamil lexicon) కమఠము [ kamaṭhamu ] kamaṭhamu. [Skt.] n. A tortoise.
Rebus: కమటము [ kamaṭamu ] kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. Allograph: कमटा or ठा [ kamaṭā or ṭhā ] m (कमठ S) A bow (esp. of bamboo or horn) (Marathi). Allograph 2: kamaḍha ‘penance’ (Pkt.) Rebus: Ta.kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma.kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka.kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)
m1532b On another copper tablet, the emphasis is clearly on the turtle's shell like that of Meiolania's shell.
On copper tablet m1543, the correct identification of the animal heads will be turtle species comparable to Meiolania, a horned large turtle of New Guinea.
Hieroglyph: kassa ‘turtle’: kacchapa m. ʻ turtle, tortoise ʼ MBh. 2. *kacchabha -- . [By pop. etym. through kaccha -- for kaśyápa -- VS. J. Charpentier MO xxvi 110 suggested equivalence in MIA. of kassa -- = kaccha -- to explain creation of kacchapa -- ~ kassapa -- . But K. kochuwu, unless a loan from Ind., points to *kakṣapa -- , which would make the formation earlier.] 1. Pa. kacchapa -- m. ʻ tortoise, turtle, °pinī -- f., Pk. kacchava -- m., °vī -- f., K. kochuwu m. (see above), S. kachãũ, °chū̃ m., L. kachū̃ m., P. kacchū, kacchūkummã̄ m. (< kūrmá -- 1), N. kachuwā, A. kācha, B. kāchim, Or. kechu, °cho, kẽchu, kaï˜cha, °ca, kachima, °cima, Mth. kāchu, Bhoj. Aw. lakh. kachuā; H. kachuā, °chwā m., °uī, °wī f. ʻ tortoise, turtle ʼ, kach -- mach m. ʻ dwellers in the water ʼ (< mátsya -- ) whence kacch, kach m. ʻ turtle, tortoise ʼ, M. kāsav, kã̄s° m., Ko. kāsavu. 2. Pk. amg. kacchabha -- , °aha -- m., °bhī -- f.; Si. käsum̆bu, °ubu H. Smith JA 1950, 188; -- G. kācbɔ m., °bī f. with unexpl. retention of -- b -- and loss of aspiration in c. Addenda: kacchapa -- . 1. A. kācha (phonet. -- s -- ) ʻ tortoise ʼ AFD 217. 2. *kacchabha -- (with -- pa -- replaced by animal suffix -- bha -- ): Md. kahan̆bu ʻ tortoise -- shell ʼ.(CDIAL 2619)
Rebus: OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food.
kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; K. kanzü f. ʻ clay or copper pot ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. kāˊṁsya -- ; -- *kaṁsāvatī -- ? Addenda: kaṁsá -- 1: A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya -- . (CDIAL 2576) It is possible that the word in Tamil for ‘gold, money’ is cognate with these etyma of Indian sprachbund: காசு³ kācu , n. prob. kāš. cf. kāca. [M. kāšu.] 1. Gold; பொன். (ஆ. நி.) 2. Necklace of gold coins; அச்சுத்தாலி. காசும்பிறப்புங்கலகலப்ப (திவ். திருப்பா. 7). 3. An ancient gold coin = 28 gr. troy; ஒருபழையபொன்னாணயம். (Insc.) 4. A small copper coin;சிறுசெப்புக்காசு. நெஞ்சேயுனையோர்காசாமதியேன் (தாயு. உடல்பொய். 72). 5. Coin, cash, money; ரொக்கம். எப்பேர்ப்பட்டபலகாசாயங்களும் (S.I.I. i, 89). 6. Gem, crystal bead; மணி.நாண்வழிக்காசுபோலவும் (இறை. 2, உரை, பக். 29). 7. Girdle strung with gems; மேகலாபரணம்.பட்டுடைசூழ்ந்தகாசு (சீவக. 468). 8. (Pros.) A formula of a foot of two nēr acaiveṇpā; வெண்பாவின்இறுதிச்சீர்வாய்பாட்டுள்ஒன்று. (காரிகை, செய். 7.) 9. The hollow in the centre of each row of pallāṅkuḻi; பல்லாங்குழியாட்டத்திற்காய்கள்சேர்தற்குரியநடுக்குழிகள்.
1)కంచరవాడు (p. 224) kañcaravāḍu kanṭsu. n. Bellmetal. కంచుకుండ a bowl or vessel or bellmetal.కంచువాద్యము a cymbal made of bellmetal. కంచుతీసినట్లు as... 2) కంచము (p. 223) kañcamu kanṭsamu. [Tel.] n. A metal plate or dish. కంచుకంచము a dish made of bell metal. మాకంచములోరాయివేసినాడు he threw a stone into our place, i.e., took away our bread, he disturbed us. మందకంచము a dish which as a rim. ఆకుకంచము a dish which has none.
2)) కంసర (p. 227) kaṃsara or కంసలల kamsara. [Tel.] n. Smithery; working in gold: adj. Of the goldsmith caste. కంసలది a woman of that caste. కంసలపని the business of a gold-smith.
3)కంసము (p. 227) kaṃsamu kamsamu. [Skt.] n. Bellmetal.కంచు. 4) కాంస్యము (p. 265) kāṃsyamu kāmsyamu. [Skt.] n. Bellmetal. కంచు.
4)కంసాలి (p. 227) kaṃsāli or కంసాలవాడు kamsāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith or silversmith.
5)కంచరవాడు (p. 224) kañcaravāḍu or కంచరి kanṭsara-vaḍu. [Tel.] n. A brazier, a coppersmith. కంచుపనిచేయువాడు. కంచరది a woman of that caste. కంచరిపురుగు kanṭsari-purugu. n. A kind of beetle called the death watch. కంచు kanṭsu. n. Bell metal. కంచుకుండ a bowl or vessel or bell metal. కంచువాద్యము a cymbal made of bell metal. కంచుతీసినట్లు as bright or dazzling as the glitter of polished metal. Sunbright.ఆమెకంచుగీచినట్లుపలికె she spoke shrilly or with a voice as clear as a bell.
కాంచనము (p. 265) kāñcanamu kānchanamu. [Skt.] n. Gold. కాంచనవల్లి a piece of gold wire.కాంచనాంబరము tissue, gold cloth.
Kāñcana काञ्चनa. (-नीf.) [काञ्च्-ल्युट्] Golden, made of gold; तन्मध्येचस्फटिकफलकाकाञ्चनीवासयष्टिः Me.81; काञ्चनंवलयम् Ś.6.8; Ms.5.112. -नम् 1 Gold; समलोष्टाश्मकाञ्चनः Bg. 14.24. (ग्राह्यम्) अमेध्यादपिकाञ्चनम् Ms.2.239. -2 Lustre, brilliancy. -3 Property, wealth, money. (Apte). kāñcaná ʻ golden ʼ MBh., n. ʻ gold ʼ Mn.Pa. kañcana -- n. ʻ gold ʼ, °aka -- ʻ golden ʼ; Pk. kaṁcaṇa<-> n. ʻ gold ʼ; Si. kasuna ʻ gold ʼ, kasun -- ʻ golden ʼ. (CDIAL 3013)காஞ்சனம்¹ kāñcaṉam , n. < kāñcana. Gold; பொன். (திவா.) కాంచనము (p. 265) kāñcanamu kānchanamu. [Skt.] n. Gold. కాంచనవల్లి a piece of gold wire. కాంచనాంబరము tissue, gold cloth.
The hieroglyph multiplex on m1534b is now read rebus as: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS kassa 'turtle' rebus: kãsā 'bell-metal' kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kãsā kammaṭa
'bell-metal coiner, mint, portable furnace'.
Cluster 16 Seated person in penance, mint classifier
FS 80 (Frequency in M Corpus:3) Horned personage seated on a pedestal.
FS 89 (Frequency in M Corpus: 6) Standing personage with ho rns and bovine features holding a bow in one hand and an arrow or an uncertain object in the other.
kamaṭha 'penance' Rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner';
Cluster 18 ayakara 'metalsmith' cluster, alloy metal smithy, forge classifier
FS 63
FS 64
FS 65
FS 66
FS 67 FS 63 to FS 67 Gharia1. sometimes with a fish held in its jaw and/ or surrounded by school of fish. (Frequency in M Corpus: 49)
FS 68 Inscribed object in the shape of a fish (Frequency in M Corpus: 14) ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क);steel L. ; ([cf.Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod.Germ. Eisen.])
Cluster 19 Smelter cluster, wealth-category of smelted mineral ores
FS 75
FS 76
FS 77 (Frequency of occurrence in M Corpus: 34) Kino tree generally within a railing or on a platform. kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'
Cluster 20 Magnetite, ferrite ore cluster wealth-category or wealth-classification
FS 10 (Frequency in M Corpus 54) Bos indicus, zebu. Humped bull.
Hieroglyph: पोळ pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. पोळी (p. 305) pōḷī fig. A dewlap. पोळी पिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living. पोळा (p. 305) pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.
Rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. To burn: पोळभाज pōḷabhāja f (पोळणें & भाजणें To burn &c.) In agriculture. A comprehensive term for the operations connected with the burning of the ground.
Metal casting clusters (cire perdue, 'lost wax method')
FS 14
FS 127 A large device in the upper register s howing a number of
small circles in three rows with ano the r row of short vertical lines below (identified as a 'seed-drill "!). I suggest that this is an orthographic representation of a bee-hive with horns and 'notches'. पोळpōḷa n C (Or पोळें) A honeycomb PLUS koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' PLUS 'notches' hieroglyph: 'notch' hieroglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, pōḷakoḍ khāṇḍā'haematite, ferrite ore workshop,metalware smelter.' (Alternative explanation of the field symbol: A large device in the upper register showing a number of small circles in three rows with another row of short vertical lines below (identified as a 'seed-drill "!)
Sign 222 isSign 216 + notch (slanted stroke) Hieroglyph: katī 'blacksmith's goldsmith's scissors' rebus: khātī m. ʻ 'member of a caste of wheelwrights' PLUS 'notch' hieroglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. (Marathi). Thus, khātī khāṇḍā 'wheelwright, equipment' of Ka. kāru pincers, tongs. Te. kāru id. Ga. (S.3) kāru id. (< Te.).(DEDR 1473) Ka. paṭakāru tongs, pincers. Te. paṭakāru, paṭukāṟu pair of tongs, large pincers. (DEDR 3864) Rebus: khārखार् 'blacksmith'.(Kashmiri)
Sign 254 if duplicatedSign 86 (long linear stroke) koḍa 'one' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' dula 'two, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS 'three horizontal strokes' kolom 'three' rebus; kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus hypertext of Sign 254 reads: dulkoḍkolimi 'metal casting smithy, forge'
The cluster of hypertexts in Text message of FS 127 reads:
ayo dhakka, ayo ḍhāḷako khātī khāṇḍā 'bright metal alloy, alloymetal large ingot, wheelwright, equipment' dulkoḍkolimi 'metal casting smithy, forge'.
Modifier on Sign 72: sloping stroke: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) The ligatured glyph is read rebus as: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (Gujarati).
The inscription hypertext of FS 127 reads: pōḷakoḍ khāṇḍā'haematite, ferrite ore workshop,metalware smelter.' PLUS ayo dhakka, ayo ḍhāḷa khātī khāṇḍā 'bright metal alloy, alloymetal ingot, wheelwright, equipment' dulkoḍkolimi 'metal casting smithy, forge'.
It is an orthographic variant of a bee-hive. Hieroglyph: पोळ pōḷa n C (Or पोळें) A honeycomb. पोळें pōḷēṃ n C A cake-form or flat honeycomb. पोळा pōḷā m (पोळ) The cake-form portion of a honeycomb. 3 A kindled portion flying up from a burning mass, a flake. 4 C A nest of bees or of उंबील or हुरण (species of ant) formed on trees by doubling over and gluing together leaves. 5 C A portion of the दाढ (loppings and straw strewed over ground to be turned) remaining unburned. 6 C पोकळा or the flowers of शेगवा rolled up in a plantain-leaf and broiled over the fire. An eatable amongst children.
Cluster 21 Dhokra 'cire perdue' metal cassting artisans classifier
FS 103 Horned (female) personage with a tail and bovine legs
standing near a kino tree attacking a horned tiger rearing on its hindlegs.
Dhokra kamar as a Meluhha hieroglyph: Dholavira, Mohenjo-daro seals Rebus: lost-wax casting
On both the seals (Mohenjodaro and Dholavira), a decrept woman is signified with breasts hanging down to convey the semantics 'decrepit'. The decrepit woman on both seals is ligatured to the back of a bovine (buttock). On both the seals the woman is shown with her arm upraised signifying semantics of 'striking':P. ṭhokṇā ʻ to strike ʼ; Ku. ṭhokṇo ʻ to wield ʼ; N. ṭhoknu ʻ to knock ʼ; A. ṭhūkiba ʻ to strike ʼ, B. ṭhokā, ṭhukā, Or. ṭhukibā; H. ṭhoknā ʻ to knock, make firm ʼ; G. ṭhokvũ ʻ to strike ʼ, M. ṭhokṇẽ (CDIAL 5513) The rebus rendering is a phonetic determinant: dhokra/dokra 'cire perdue, lost-wax metalcaster'.
Plate II. Chlorite artifacts referred to as 'handbags' f-g (w 24 cm, thks 4.8 cm.); h (w 19.5 cm, h 19.4 cm, thks 4 cm); j (2 28 cm; h 24 cm, thks 3 cm); k (w 18.5, h 18.3, thks 3.2) Jiroft IV. Iconography of chlorite artifacts. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jiroft-iv-iconography-of-chlorite-artifacts
An allograph to signify dhokra/dokra is a dhokra 'basket or wallet.' This hieroglyph is shown on a number of 'basket-shaped or wallet-shaped' stone sculptures from Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex. Hieroglyph: N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛīf. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N.ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra ‘cire perdue’ casting metalsmith.
The hieroglyph of dhokaṛa 'an old female with breasts hanging down' and ligatured to the ḍhōṅgā 'buttock' of a bovine is also deployed on a Mohenjo-daro seal; rebus: dhokra.dokra 'cire-perdue lost-wax metal casting artifice' PLUS dhangar'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'; thus, the hypertext signifies: cire-perdue metalcaster smith. On a Mohenjo0daro seal this is reinforced by two hieroglyphs: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'. kuṭhi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi'smelter'. On a Dholavira seal, the reinforcing hieroglyphs are a pair of crocodiles: karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) PLUS dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' Thus, together, metalcaster blacksmith.
Mohenodaro seal. Pict-103 Horned (female with breasts hanging down?) person with a tail and bovine legs standing near a tree fisting a horned tiger rearing on its hindlegs.
Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyphs written on two sides. Hieroglyphs: dhokaṛa ʻdecrepit, hanging down (of breasts)' (Oriya)(CDIAL 5567).
M. ḍhẽg n. ʻ groin ʼ, ḍhẽgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. M. dhõgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. (CDIAL 5585). Glyph: Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner’s lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Tiger has head turned backwards. క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali)
Cluster 22 dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ, dhā̆vaḍ'iron-smelters' cluster, Iron, steel product cluster m0304 Seal impression and other field symbol components
FS 50 Fabulous animal with features of an ox and a rhinoceros
facing the special c ult object.
baḍhia 'a castrated boar, a hog' (Santali) বরাহ barāha 'boar' Rebus:baḍhi 'worker in wood and iron' (Santali) bāṛaï 'carpenter' (Bengali) bari 'merchant' barea 'merchant' (Santali) ...gaṇḍa 'rhinoceros'; rebus: khaṇḍ 'tools' barad, balad, ''ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy metal (copper, zinc, tin)
FS 19
FS 20 (Frequency in M Corpus: 55) Elephant. sometimes with a tTOugh in front.
FS 124 (Frequency in M Corpus: 4) The 'endless knot' motif.
मेध = yajña
मेधा =धन (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्कii , 10.)
Variant of endless knot motif is twisted, plaited threads or strands of rope. FS 102 Group of persons vaulting over an uncertain bovine animal.
मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ' iron' (Munda). Rebus: medha 'yajna'., medhā'dhanam'.
FS 98 Short-ho rned bull trampling a prostrate person underneath.
meṭṭu to tread, trample, crush under foot, tread or place the foot upon (Te.); meṭṭu step (Ga.); mettunga steps (Ga.). maḍye to trample, tread (Malt.)(DEDR 5057) మెట్టు [ meṭṭu ] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు, నడుచు, త్రొక్కు. "మెల్ల మెల్లన మెట్టుచుదొలగి అల్లనల్లనతలుపులండకు జేరి." BD iv. 1523. To tread on, to trample on. To kick, to thrust with the foot.మెట్టిక meṭṭika. n. A step , మెట్టు, సోపానము (Telugu)
Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.)
ḍhanga = tall, long shanked; maran: ḍhangi aimai kanae = she is a big tall woman (Santali.lex.)
Rebus: ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (WPah.): ḍānro = a term of contempt for a blacksmith (N.)(CDIAL 5524) ṭhākur = blacksmith (Mth.); ṭhākar = landholder (P.); ṭhakkura – Rajput, chief man of a village (Pkt.); ṭhakuri = a clan of Chetris (N.); ṭhākura – term of address to a Brahman, god, idol (Or.)(CDIAL 5488). dha~_gar., dhã̄gar = a non-Aryan tribe in the Vindhyas, digger of wells and tanks (H.); dhāngar = young servant, herdsman, name of a Santal tribe (Or.); dhangar = herdsman (H.)(CDIAL 5524).
Cluster 24 Dance-step cluster, iron smithy/forge
FS 93 (Frequency in M Corpus:2) Three dancing figures in a row
kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'
meḍ 'to dance' (F.)[reduplicated from me-]; me id. (M.) in Remo (Munda)(Source: D. Stampe's Munda etyma) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.)
See: Octopus veṛhā, unicorn (young aurochs kondh), Indus Script hypertexts are professional calling cards of jangaḍiyo bəḍhàri ʻmilitary guards in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ https://tinyurl.com/y9
FS 23 (Frequency in M Corpus 16) Tiger. generally with a trough in front.
kūṭāgāra n.m. ʻ apartment on the roof of a house ʼ R. [kūˊṭa -- 4, agāra -- ]
Pa. kūṭāgāra -- n. ʻ building with an upper storey ʼ; Pk. kūḍāgāra -- n. ʻ house shaped like a crest ʼ; Si. kuḷāra ʻ balcony, gabled house ʼ.(CDIAL 3398) Rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'
Cluster 27 Double-axe cluster, armourer category
FS 129 (Frequency in M Corpus: 17) Inscribed object in the shape of a double·shield or double-axe.
FS 133 Double-axe without shaft
kuṭhāra m. ʻ axe ʼ R., °raka -- m. VarBr̥S., °rī -- f. lex., °rikā -- f. Suśr. [kuṭhātaṅka -- m., °kā -- f. lex. Prob. ← Drav. and conn. with √kuṭṭ EWA i 223 with lit.]Pa. kuṭhārī -- f., Pk. kuḍhāra -- m., kuhāḍa -- m., °ḍī -- f. (for ṭh -- r ~ h -- ḍ see piṭhara -- ), S. kuhāṛo m., L. P. kuhāṛā m., °ṛī f., P. kulhāṛā m., °ṛī f., WPah. bhal. kurhāṛi f., Ku. kulyāṛo, gng. kulyāṛ, B. kuṛā̆l, °li, kuṛul, Or. kuṛāla, kurāṛha, °ṛhi, kurhāṛi, kuṛāri; Bi. kulhārī ʻ large axe for squaring logs ʼ; H. kulhāṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ axe ʼ, G. kuhāṛɔ m., °ṛī f., kuvāṛī f., M. kurhāḍ, °ḍī f., Si. keṇeri Hettiaratchi Indeclinables 6 (connexion, if any, with keṭeri,°ṭēriya ʻ long -- handled axe ʼ is obscure).Addenda: kuṭhāra --: WPah.kṭg. khəṛari, kəṛari f. ʻ axe ʼ.(CDIAL 3244) Rebus: kuThAru 'armourer' कुठारु [p= 289,1] an armourer L.
Cluster 28 Seafaring merchant clusters
FS 6
Cluster 29 Smithy, forge clusters
FS 7 (Frequency of occurrence in M Corpus: 1159) Unicorn, generally facing a standard device.
FS 44 Row of animals in file (a unicorn, an elephant and a
rhinoceros from R.); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at R.
Cluster30 Equipment making black-smithy/-forge
FS 42 (Frequency in M Copus:10 ) Hare facing a bush.
FS 43 (Frequency in M Copus:5) Inscribed object in the shape of a hare.
Examples of incised copper tablets (Hieroglyph-multiplex (FS 42 field symbol): hare PLUS thorn/bush):
Hieroglyph kharā 'hare' (Oriya): *kharabhaka ʻ hare ʼ. [ʻ longeared like a donkey ʼ: khara -- 1?]N. kharāyo ʻ hare ʼ, Or. kharā, °riā, kherihā, Mth. kharehā, H. kharahā m(CDIAL 3823) ``^rabbit'' Sa. kulai `rabbit'.Mu. kulai`rabbit'.KW kulai @(M063) खरगोस (p. 113) kharagōsa m ( P) A hare. (Marathi)
Rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) K. khāra -- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ(CDIAL 9424) khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -; or । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü , a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü ; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -। लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü - । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् ।लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.
Hare in front of the bush: Hieroglyph kharā 'hare' (Oriya) Rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) PLUS kaṇḍɔ m. ʻ thorn'; kaṇṭa1 m. ʻ thorn ʼ BhP. 2. káṇṭaka -- m. ʻ thorn ʼ ŚBr., ʻ anything pointed ʼ R. 1. Pa. kaṇṭa -- m. ʻ thorn ʼ, Gy. pal. ḳand, Sh. koh. gur. kōṇ m., Ku. gng. kã̄ṇ, A. kāĩṭ (< nom. *kaṇṭē?), Mth. Bhoj. kã̄ṭ, OH. kã̄ṭa. 2. Pa. kaṇṭaka -- m. ʻ thorn, fishbone ʼ; Pk. kaṁṭaya<-> m. ʻ thorn ʼ, Gy. eur. kanro m., SEeur. kai̦o, Dm. kãṭa, Phal. kāṇḍu, kã̄ṛo, Sh. gil. kóṇŭ m., K. konḍu m., S. kaṇḍo m., L. P. kaṇḍā m., WPah. khaś. kaṇṭā m., bhal. kaṇṭo m., jaun. kã̄ḍā, Ku. kāno; N. kã̄ṛo ʻ thorn, afterbirth ʼ (semant. cf.śalyá -- ); B. kã̄ṭā ʻ thorn, fishbone ʼ, Or. kaṇṭā; Aw. lakh. H. kã̄ṭā m.; G. kã̄ṭɔ ʻ thorn, fishbone ʼ; M. kã̄ṭā, kāṭā m. ʻ thorn ʼ, Ko. kāṇṭo, Si. kaṭuva. kaṇṭala -- Addenda: kaṇṭa -- 1. 1. A. also kã̄iṭ; Md. kaři ʻ thorn, bone ʼ.2. káṇṭaka -- : S.kcch. kaṇḍho m. ʻ thorn ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) kaṇḍɔ m. ʻ thorn, mountain peak ʼ, J. kã̄ḍā m.; Garh. kã̄ḍu ʻ thorn ʼ. (CDIAL 2668) Rebus: kaNDa 'implements'. Thus, hare in front of thorn/bush signifies: khār खार् 'blacksmith' PLUS kaNDa 'implements', i.e. implements from smithy/forge.
Cluster 31 Tin smithy, forge clusters
FS 33 -FS 38 Goat-antelope with a short tail (and different types of
boms), sometimes with a trough in front. ranku ‘antelope’ rebus: ranku ‘tin’ krammara ‘turn back’ rebus:kamar ‘blacksmith’.
FS 34
FS 36
FS 32
FS 37
FS 38 (Frequency in M Corpus: 36) Goat-antelope with a short tail (and different types of boms), sometimes with a trough in front.
FS 41 (Frequency in M Corpus: 26) Ox-antelope with a long tail, generally with a trough
in front .
Cluster32 Alloy metal clusters
FS 9 (Frequency in M Corpus: 5) Bull with two long horns (otherwise resembling the 'unicorn' ), generally facing the special standard device.
FS 16
FS 17 (Frequency in M Corpus 14) Buffalo. generally with a trough in front.
FS 13 (Frequency in M Corpus: 95) Short-horned bull, generally with head lowered over a trough.
FS 29 Fabulous animal of uncertain desc ription with two heads. one at either end of the hody. (Ref. 1703)
Cluster 33 Metal equipment, product clusters
--Metalwork samgaha, 'catalogues' cluster सं-ग्रह complete enumeration or collection , sum , amount , totality (एण , " completely " , " entirely ") (याज्ञवल्क्य), catalogue, list
FS 28 (Frequency in M Corpus: 39) Rhinoceros. generally with a trough in front.
FS 31
Cluster 34 śreṇi Goldsmith Guild clusters
FS 46
FS 57
FS 58
FS 59
FS 60
Cluster 34a Three tigers joined, smithy village,smithy shop category
FS 61 Composite motif, three tigers joined together
.kol 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' cāli 'interlocked' rebus śālikā 'village of artisans,shop'. Thus kolimi śālikā 'smithy village,smithy shop'
FS 62 Composite mo tif consist ing of six heads of animals viz.thnse of unicorn . short-horned bull. antelope. tiger and of two ulher uncertain animals radiating oulwarth. from a ring. (Frequency: 62 M Corpus) Seal of a Metal guild-master. Hieroglyph: śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace) are: blacksmith, turner, smelter, coppersmith, ironsmith (magnetite ore), Supercargo who is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.
m417 Glyph: ‘ladder’: H. sainī, senī f. ʻ ladder ʼ Rebus: Pa. sēṇi -- f. ʻ guild, division of army ʼ; Pk. sēṇi -- f. ʻ row, collection ʼ; śrḗṇi (metr. often śrayaṇi -- ) f. ʻ line, row, troop ʼ RV. The lexeme in Tamil means: Limit, boundary; எல்லை. நளியிரு முந்நீரேணி யாக (புறநா. 35, 1). Country, territory.
The glyphics are: Semantics: ‘group of animals/quadrupeds’: paśu ‘animal’ (RV), pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)
This guild, community of smiths and masons evolves into Harosheth Hagoyim, ‘a smithy of nations’. It appears that the Meluhhans were in contact with many interaction areas, Dilmun and Susa (elam) in particular. There is evidence for Meluhhan settlements outside of Meluhha. It is a reasonable inference that the Meluhhans with bronze-age expertise of creating arsenical and bronze alloys and working with other metals constituted the ‘smithy of nations’, Harosheth Hagoyim.
sãgaḍf. ʻa body formed of two or more fruits or animals or men &c. linked together' (Marathi). This gloss sãgaḍ as a body of written or pictorial material of hieroglyphs (voiced in Meluhha speech) can be used to create a ciphertext with elements of enhanced cyber-security encryptions. This ciphertext can be called: Hieroglyphmultiplextext. Rebus 1: sãgaḍ māṇi 'alloying adamantine glue, सं-घात caravan standard' -- vajra saṁghāṭa in archaeometallurgy, deciphered in Indus Script Corpora. Enhanced encryption cyber-security. Rebus 2: जांगड [jāṅgaḍa] ad Without definitive settlement of purchase--goods taken from a shop. जांगड [ jāṅgaḍa ] f ( H) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or जांगड वही The account or account-book of goods so taken.Rebud 3: sangaDa 'a cargo boat'. Rebus 4: sangaRh 'proclamation'.
śrēṇikā-- f. ʻ tent ʼ lex. and mngs. ʻ house ~ ladder ʼ in *śriṣṭa --2, *śrīḍhi -- .-- Words for ʻ ladder ʼ seeśrití -- . -- √śri]H.sainī,senī f. ʻladder ʼ; Si.hiṇi,hiṇa,iṇi ʻ ladder, stairs ʼ (GS 84 <śrēṇi -- ).(CDIAL 12685). Woṭ. Šen ʻ roof ʼ, Bshk. Šan, Phal. Šān(AO xviii 251) Rebus: seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. Śreṇi in meaning “guild”; Vedic= row] 1. A guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). — 2. A division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. Senā and seniya). (Pali)
*śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720) *śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ, °ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭh, śeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M.śeṭh, °ṭhī, śeṭ, °ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭu, hi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12726)
This denotes a mason (artisan) guild -- seni -- of 1. brass-workers; 2. blacksmiths; 3. iron-workers; 4. copper-workers; 5. native metal workers; 6. workers in alloys.
The core is a glyphic ‘chain’ or ‘ladder’. Glyph: kaḍī a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaḍiyaṇa, kaḍiyeṇa a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.)
The glyphics are:
1. Glyph: ‘one-horned young bull’: kondh ‘heifer’. kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’.
2. Glyph: ‘bull’: ḍhangra ‘bull’. Rebus: ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’. koD 'horns' rebus: koD 'workshop'
Indus Script Corpora evidence points to the early working with magnetite, ferrite ore as seen by the signifier hieroglyph पोळpōḷa, 'bos indicus, zebu'. The prologue dedication is first to this bos indicussignified by the synonym: Nanda, nandi. The word नांदीnāndī signifies prologue dedication.
पोळ (p. 305) pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. Rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. As eulogium or praise of the divine, the synonym used is: नंदी (p. 256) nandī m (S) The bull on which Mahádeva rides. A stone-bull is fixed in front of all temples to Mahádeva. The word nanda has specific meanings in the context of trade transactions. नंद (p. 256) nanda m नंदकी f (नंद was a proper name.) A clandestine or covert term, amongst dealers and brokers, for दल्लाली or the fees of brokerage. De- vised to keep the secrets of trade from the employer of the broker and the mere customer. Its vocabulary is भुरका One rupee, ढोकळा One pysa, केवली One, अवारू Two, उधानू Three, पोकू Four, मुळू Five, शेली Six, पवित्रू Seven, भंगी Eight, तेवसू or लेवनू Nine, अंगुळू Ten, एकडू Eleven, रेघी Twelve, ठेपरू Thirteen, चोपडू Fourteen, तळी Fifteen. To this last term the first four numerals successively added (the sense of addition being expressed by तान) form successively 16, 17, 18, 19, as भुरका तान तळी अवारू तान तळी, उधानू तान तळी, पोकू तान तळी. काटी stands for 20; then भुरका तान काटी, अवारू तान काटी &c. express 21, 22 &c. बिटी is 100, ढकार 1000, फाटा is An̤á, अवारू फाटे Two án̤ás, मंगी फाटे Eight án̤ás, तळी फाटे Fifteen án̤ás, दुकार One án̤á, चकार Two án̤ás, पकार Four án̤ás, टाली Half a rupee. The नंद vocabulary however has variations. Expressive of the above account the following अभंग has been composed, मुळू 5 वदनाचा उधानु 3 नेत्राचा ॥ अंगूळू 10 हातांचा स्वामी माझा ॥1॥ मुगुट जयाचा केव- ळ्या 1 आगळी कांटी 20 पवित्र तळवटी चरण ज्याचे ॥2॥ ढकार 1000 वदनाचा आला वर्णावया ॥ जिव्हा त्याच्या चिरल्या वर्णवेना ॥3॥ शेली 6 वेडावली पोकू 4 भौनावली ॥ अगुंळूमंगि 18 थकली नकळे त्यांसी ॥4॥ सद्भावें शरण आवारू 2 जोडून ॥ खेचरवीसा म्हणे स्वामी माझा ॥5॥. नंद थाकणें or ठेवणें To make (i. e. obtain) नंद or secret brokerage.
Another onnotation is a mystical figure of lines drawn on the sacred cloth held at marriages between bride and bridegroom: नंद (p. 256) nanda m (S) Red lines or figures, esp. the mystical figure called स्वस्तिक, drawn on the अंतःपट or cloth which, at marriages, is held between the bride and bridegroom. 2 Vertigo incidental to puerperal women. नंदाचा पासोडा (p. 256) nandācā pāsōḍā m नंदाचा शेला m The अंतःपट (cloth held at marriages between the bride and bridegroom) having red lines or figures drawn over it, esp. the mystical figure called स्वस्तिक which is termed नंद. नंदी nandī (Or नंद) The lines or figures drawn with कुंकूं &c. upon the अंतःपट.
Thus, the terms nanda, nandi get associated with mystic, vikalpa signifiers as in पोळ (p. 305) pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large, as a rebus signifier of: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'.
While rendering eulogies and prayers to the divine, the oblations are signified as नांदीमुख nāndīmukha
A set of synonymous words & expressions: नांदी (p. 259) nāndī f S Eulogium of a king or praise of a deity recited in benedictory verses at the opening of a drama &c. नांदीमुख nāndīmukha n S नांदीश्राद्ध n S Oblations to the manes offered on festal occasions. నాంది (p. 640) nāndi nāndi. [Skt.] n. A preliminary. The exordium, prelude, prologue dedication, or praise of a deity, recited in benedictory verses at the commencement of a religious ceremony or poem. నాందీ యాగము the opening rite. Anand. vi. 1. The opening benedictory verses in a drama. నాటకప్రథమాంగము, మొదలుపెట్టడము. నాందీకరుడు or నాందివాది nāndī-karuḍu. n. One who pronounces the benediction. ఆశీర్వాదముచేయువాడు.
నంది (p. 626) nandi or నందికేశ్వరుడు nandi. [Skt.] n. The name of the bull of Siva. A bull, వృషభము.
A synonym for 'bull', bos indicus, is: poḷa 'zebu' which is a definitive Indus Script hieroglyph. Rebus signifier of poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'-- a metalwork for wealth creation by artisans of Sarasvati_Sindhu Civilization. This Indus Script hieroglyph which signifies 'zebu' or poḷa is seen on early inscriptions of Indus Script as on the paintings of Nausharo pots. The bird perched on the shoulder of the zebu painting is black drongo: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo',rebus: pōlaḍ, 'steel', The zebu is tied to a post with a rope to signify: meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end;mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)Vikalpa: Glyph: ‘zebu’: khũṭ ‘zebu’. Rebus: khũṭ ‘guild, community’ (Semantic determinant of the ‘jointed animals’ glyphic composition). kūṭajoining, connexion, assembly, crowd, fellowship (DEDR 1882) Pa. gotta ‘clan’; Pk. gotta, gōya id. (CDIAL 4279) Semantics of Pkt. lexeme gōya is concordant with Hebrew ‘goy’ in ha-goy-im (lit. the-nation-s).Pa. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Pk. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.; Gau. gū ʻ house ʼ (in Kaf. and Dard. several other words for ʻ cowpen ʼ > ʻ house ʼ: gōṣṭhá -- , Pr. gūˊṭu ʻ cow ʼ; S. g̠oṭru m. ʻ parentage ʼ, L. got f. ʻ clan ʼ, P. gotar, got f.; Ku. N. got ʻ family ʼ; A. got -- nāti ʻ relatives ʼ; B. got ʻ clan ʼ; Or. gota ʻ family, relative ʼ; Bhoj. H. got m. ʻ family, clan ʼ, G. got n.; M. got ʻ clan, relatives ʼ; -- Si. gota ʻ clan, family ʼ ← Pa. (CDIAL 4279). Alternative: adar ḍangra ‘zebu or humped bull’; rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.); ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’ (H.)
6. The sixth animal can only be guessed. Perhaps, a tiger (A reasonable inference, because the glyph ’tiger’ appears in a procession on some Indus script inscriptions. Glyph: ‘tiger?’: kol ‘tiger’.Rebus: kol ’worker in iron’. Vikalpa (alternative): perhaps, rhinoceros. gaṇḍa ‘rhinoceros’; rebus:khaṇḍ ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. Thus, the entire glyphic composition of six animals on the Mohenjodaro seal m417 is semantically a representation of a śrḗṇi, ’guild’, a khũṭ , ‘community’ of smiths and masons.
Cattle were domesticated ∼10,000 years ago, but analysis of modern breeds has not elucidated their origins. Verdugo et al. performed genome-wide analysis of 67 ancient Near Eastern Bos taurus DNA samples. Several populations of ancient aurochs were progenitors of domestic cows. These genetic lineages mixed ∼4000 years ago in a region around the Indus Valley. Interestingly, mitochondrial analysis indicated that genetic material likely derived from arid-adapted Bos indicus (zebu) bulls was introduced by introgression.
Genome-wide analysis of 67 ancient Near Eastern cattle, Bos taurus, remains reveals regional variation that has since been obscured by admixture in modern populations. Comparisons of genomes of early domestic cattle to their aurochs progenitors identify diverse origins with separate introgressions of wild stock. A later region-wide Bronze Age shift indicates rapid and widespread introgression of zebu, Bos indicus, from the Indus Valley. This process was likely stimulated at the onset of the current geological age, ~4.2 thousand years ago, by a widespread multicentury drought. In contrast to genome-wide admixture, mitochondrial DNA stasis supports that this introgression was male-driven, suggesting that selection of arid-adapted zebu bulls enhanced herd survival. This human-mediated migration of zebu-derived genetics has continued through millennia, altering tropical herding on each continent.
The extinct Eurasian aurochs (Bos primigenius) was domesticated circa 10,500 years before present (yr B.P.) within the restricted locality of the Upper Euphrates and Tigris drainages of the Fertile Crescent (1, 2). However, the true extent and nature of interactions between humans and aurochs resulting in modern day domestic cattle are obscure.
Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) diversity in modern Bos taurus cattle suggests a highly restricted initial domestic pool of ~80 females (3–5). However, a more complex relationship with wild populations is evidenced by introgression from local aurochs into British cattle and the genomic divergence of B. indicus (zebu) cattle from the Indus Valley region (6, 7). Zebu genomic influence is pervasive in modern Near Eastern herds (8). Two theories account for this: one suggests an origin from genomically intermediate Near Eastern aurochs, whereas a second hypothesizes that these Near Eastern herds resulted from an introgression of domestic zebu genomes into the region from the east, either in a discrete active process—perhaps responding to climate fluctuation—or a passive diffusion over many millennia (9).
To analyze now-obscured early cattle genome strata from the region of B. taurus domestication, we retrieved genome-wide data from 67 ancient bovines (including six aurochs). These date from Mesolithic to early Islamic periods, and despite poor preservation, which is typical of the region, we obtained an average genome coverage of 0.9× (table S1).
The pattern of genetic variation in extant cattle is well established. European B. taurus, West African B. taurus, and B. indicus of South Asian origin represent three distinct apices in plotted principal components (PCs) (Fig. 1A). Geographically intermediate populations, such as Near Eastern and East African animals, fall in genetically intermediate positions (7, 8, 10). Projecting ancient cattle genomes (provenance shown in Fig. 1B) against this genetic landscape (Fig. 1A), we observe that to the left of PC1, earlier (Neolithic and Bronze Age) genomes fall in three geographical clusters (a, Balkans; b, Anatolia/Iran; and c, southern Levant) along with modern European and African B. taurus, whereas B. indicus breeds are separated and represented on the far right of the PC plot (Fig. 1A). This suggests that cattle origins included two divergent aurochs populations that formed the basis of the B.indicus–B. taurus divide.
Fig. 1Procrustes projection principal components analysis of ancient cattle.
(A) Ancient animals are projected on modern 770K Bovine single-nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) genotypes, shown as background gray asterisks (figs. S1 and S2). Four clusters are highlighted: Neolithic Balkans, which plot with modern Europeans (a); a group of mainly Anatolian and Iranian cattle close to four aurochs from the Near East (b); and Levantine cattle that fall into two groups, a cluster of earlier samples (c) and a cluster of later samples (d) close to contemporary Near Eastern cattle with B. indicus admixture. (B) Approximate geographical distribution of ancient sample sites.
Six ancient aurochs genomes, including four from the greater Near East, provide additional context: two ~9000-year-old samples from the Levantine Aceramic village of Abu Ghosh (Abu1 and Abu2), a 7500-year-old sample from the early Anatolian settlement Çatalhöyük (Ch22), and a 7000-year-old Armenian aurochs (Gyu2) (11). These four genomes fall close to the Anatolia and Iran ancient domestic cattle cluster (Fig. 1A, cluster b) and reveal this as the oldest ancestral stratum of B. taurus. The genomic signature of this earliest population has been obscured in modern Near Eastern cattle by later admixture. From this group, we sequenced a well-preserved 8000-year-old Anatolian genome (Sub1) (11) to 13.5× coverage and use this in D statistics testing for zebu introgression in other ancient individuals (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2Zebu introgression through time in the greater Near East.
Whole genome D statistic calculations with a gaur (B. gaurus) as an outgroup and the Neolithic Anatolian domestic genome Sub1 as a representative nonadmixed individual (see inset). Lower coverage samples with <200 informative sites were excluded. A step change in zebu introgression is apparent circa 4000 yr B.P. MtDNA counts of taurine (gray) and the single zebu (black) mtDNA in ancient domestic cattle are graphed (bottom, with a shared time axis) in 250-year intervals.
B. indicus cattle are adapted to, and predominate in, modern arid and tropical regions of the world (11). Zebu cattle originated circa 8000 yr B.P. (12). However, despite archaeological evidence for contact between civilizations of the Fertile Crescent region and the Indus Valley (9), the influence of the zebu genome is detectable in ancient Southwest Asian cattle only 4000 years later (Fig. 2). However, after ~4000 yr B.P., hybrid animals (median 35% indicine ancestry) are found across the Near East, from Central Asia and Iran to the Caucasus and Mediterranean shores of the southern Levant (table S2 and fig. S1). During this period, depictions and osteological evidence for B. indicusalso appear in the region (9, 13). In contrast to autosomal data, but similar to earlier work (14), we find persistence of B. taurus mitochondria, suggesting introgression may have been mediated by bulls (Fig. 2).
This sharp influx may have been stimulated by the onset of a period of increased aridity known as the 4.2-thousand-year abrupt climate change event (9, 15–17). This multicentury drought coincided with empire collapse in both Mesopotamia and Egypt as well as a decline in the Indus civilization and has been accepted as the boundary defining the onset of our current geological age, the Meghalayan (18).
Three features of this zebu influx after ~4000 yr B.P. attest that the influx was likely driven by adaptation and/or human agency rather than passive diffusion. First, the extent of indicine introgression does not follow a simple east-to-west gradient; for example, it is pronounced in Levantine genomes from the western edge of the Near East. Second, the introgression was widespread and took place in a relatively restricted time interval after four millennia of barely detectable B. indicus influence. Third, it was plausibly driven by bull choice, as we observe up to ~70% autosomal genome change but a retained substratum of B. taurus mtDNA haplotypes (Fig. 2and table S3). Hybrid B. taurus–B. indicus herds may have enabled the survival of communities under stress and perhaps facilitated expansion of herding into more-peripheral regions. Restocking after herd decline may have also been a factor. Westward human migration has been documented around this time (19, 20) along with archaeological evidence for the appearance of other South Asian taxa such as water buffalo and Asian elephants in the Near East (21), suggesting the movement of large animals by people.
Before zebu admixture, ancient southern Levantine animals occupy a distinctive space within the PC plot (Fig. 1A, cluster c), toward modern African cattle and adjacent to a 9000-yr-B.P. Epipalaeolithic Moroccan aurochs (Th7). A 7000-yr-B.P. Mesolithic British aurochs genome (CPC98) (6) also plots away from the core Anatolia/Iran ancestral Near Eastern cluster and close to Neolithic Balkan (cluster a) and modern European cattle. These genetic affinities in ancient cattle suggest an early secondary recruitment from diverse wild populations.
Concordantly, D statistic tests of allele sharing by cattle population pairs with three divergent aurochs confirm that early cattle exhibit asymmetric relationships with different wild populations (Fig. 3). The most extreme deviations are found in comparisons featuring the B. taurus Levantine population (Fig. 1, cluster c); these share the least affinity with the British and Armenian aurochs (z-score > 5.67; P < 10−5) but more with the Moroccan Epipalaeolithic sample. We infer that a distinct strain of aurochs, probably from the Levant and similar to those ranging across North Africa, had considerable input into early cattle in the southern Levant. The Mesolithic British aurochs also shows asymmetric affinity with the Neolithic Balkans samples, implying that the hybridization of European aurochs (6) was initiated more than 7000 years ago, close to the onset of human herding of cattle in Europe. These findings are supported by a qpgraph analysis (figs. S2 and S3) and cannot be explained by cattle-into-aurochs admixture, as both the British and Moroccan aurochs have securely predomestic dates. Although each of these three aurochs have divergent mtDNA haplotypes falling outside normal B. taurus variation, ancient domesticates display typical modern domestic haplotypes (fig. S4). This points toward common matrilineal origins for domestic taurine cattle and away from an archaeologically less parsimonious interpretation that our observed ancient genetic structure may have arisen from separate domestications; it also suggests that introgression may have been via mating with wild males. Sexually mature bulls, because of size and aggression, were likely the most dangerous stock in Neolithic villages, and thus unsupervised field insemination by aurochs bulls may have played a role in early herd management (22).
Fig. 3Clade integrity of ancient population pairs with respect to aurochs introgression.
(A) The test D(gaur, aurochs; ancient group1, ancient group2) reveals asymmetric affinities of aurochs genomes with pre-4000-yr-B.P. cattle populations. Levantine cattle show reduced allele sharing relative to other populations with the Armenian (Gyu2) and British (CPC98) aurochs but more with the Moroccan aurochs (Th7). Balkan cattle show asymmetric affinities with the British aurochs. Bars denote two standard errors. (B) Geographical location of aurochs tested. (C) Distribution of ancient domestic cattle groups tested; post-4000-yr-B.P. Near Eastern samples were excluded because of their zebu admixture.
Distinct genotypes and phenotypes in B. taurus cattle native to Africa, such as tolerance of tropical infections, have been attributed to either local domestication or introgression from African aurochs (10, 23). However, ancient Levantine genome affinity with North African aurochs hints that this distinctiveness may have origins in the southern Fertile Crescent. Supporting this, the B. taurusmtDNA haplogroup (T1), which is almost fixed in African cattle populations (24), is the most frequent in the southern Levant, including earliest samples, but was not found among other ancient domesticates (table S3).
B. taurus were initially derived from a restricted northern Fertile Crescent genetic background, but early domestic cattle outside this region gained heterogeneous inputs from diverse aurochs strains, including contributions specific to European and African cattle ancestors. After ~4200 yr B.P., gross genome turnover reflecting the spread of B. indicus, and likely associated with climate change, was effected by cattle herders throughout southwest and central Asia, representing the start of a global B. indicus genome diaspora (25) that continues today.
A Zebu-Shaped Weight from Tel Beth-Shemesh Author(s): Ely Levine, Shlomo Bunimovitz and Zvi Lederman Source: Israel Exploration Journal, Vol. 61, No. 2 (2011), pp. 146-161 Published by: Israel Exploration Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23214237
The choice of Zebu to create a bronze weight indicates the association of the bovine with metalwork. This association is explained emphatically as an Indus Script hieroglyph read rebus in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'language union' of Sindhu-Sarasvati Civilization): पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel
Magnetite, ferrite ore cluster wealth-category or wealth-classification
FS 10 (Frequency in M Corpus 54) Bos indicus, zebu. Humped bull.
Hieroglyph: पोळ pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. पोळी (p. 305) pōḷī fig. A dewlap. पोळी पिकणें g. of s. To begin to fare sumptuously; to get into good living. पोळा (p. 305) pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.
Rebus: पोळ pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. To burn: पोळभाज pōḷabhāja f (पोळणें & भाजणें To burn &c.) In agriculture. A comprehensive term for the operations connected with the burning of the ground.
-- Tributes, Indus Script hieroglyphs, from Musiri to Shalamaneser are gold and other wealth product imports from Meluhha
-- Imports from Meluhha into Ancient Near East include wood, metals, metal equipment, weapons, precious stones, gems and jewels, all signified by Indus Script hieroglyphs read rebus in Meluhha
-- Imports included सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'combined animals, hieroglyphs' rebus: सांगड sāṅgaḍa'double-canoe, raft' (This is archaeologically validated by the shipwreck of sewn boats from Kerala at Ayn Soukhna, north of Suez Canal on the Red Sea.) See:
laṅgūr ʻthe langur monkey Semnopithecus schistaceusʼ Rebus: lāˊṅgala n. ʻplough'
bull, scarf, ring: dhātu 'scarf' rebus: dhã̄i 'mineral ore' PLUS vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: dhāvaḍ'smelter' PLUS पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4' .Thus, smelted magnetite ferrite (iron) ore. Since the list in Akkadian says 'water ox' the reading is also:
ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'
kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'kunda singi'horned young bull': khoṇḍa 'young bull'singi 'horned'. *śārṅgala ʻ horned ʼ. [śārṅga -- ] Paš.lauṛ. ṣaṅgala ʻ a small horn ʼ; K. hã̄gul m. ʻ the stag Cervus wallichii ʼ.(CDIAL 12410) Rebus: Combinations of parts of animals to create composite iconographs are called:सांगड sāṅgaḍa This signifies rebus a 'double-canoe, raft': Rebus: saṁghāṭa m. ʻ fitting and joining of timber ʼ R. [√ghaṭ]Pa. nāvā -- saṅghāṭa -- , dāru -- s˚ ʻ raft ʼ; Pk. saṁghāḍa -- , ˚ḍaga -- m., ˚ḍī -- f. ʻ pair ʼ; M. sãgaḍ m.f. ʻ float made of two canoes joined together ʼ (LM 417 compares saggarai at Limurike in the Periplus, Tam. śaṅgaḍam, Tu. jaṅgala ʻ double -- canoe ʼ), Si. san̆gaḷa ʻ pair ʼ, han̆guḷa, an̆g˚ ʻ double canoe, raft ʼ.(CDIAL 12859).Thus, the tributes have been carried as cargo on double-canoes, rafts. Rebus: samgraha'collection (of materials)'.
ranku'antelope' rebus:ranku'tin'PLUS horns, two protomes of felines. kola'tiger' rebus: kol'working in iron'kolhe'smelter' PLUS dula'pair' rebus: dul'metal casting'. Thus,tin metal castings.
susu is antelope; the translation in Meluhha: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin'
G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ; Tu. sã̄gāḍī f. ʻ latheʼ
Akkadian reading is: bazitu/uqupu 'monkey/ape'; the Meluhha translations are:
śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ Rebus: सांगड sāṅgaḍa f (संघट्ट S) 'A float composed of two canoes or boats bound together' (loaded with gems, jewels): मर्कट( Un2. iv , 81) a monkey , ape VS. &c Rebus: marakata n. ʻ emerald ʼ R.Pk. maraada -- , maragaya -- m.n.; Si. marā ʻ emerald ʼ, adj. ʻ greenʼ(CDIAL 9868) मरकत marakata m S An emerald. (Marathi) PLUS रत्नीratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman'Rebus: ratnin 'possessing gifts', rátna n. ʻ gift ʼ RV., ʻ treasure, jewel ʼ Mn. [√raṇ1]Pa. ratana -- n. ʻ jewel ʼ
Executive sumary; the readings in Meluhha expressions, of the hypertexts and plan texts as tributes to Shalamaneser II are:
karibha'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron' ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter' sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script:singi 'horned' PLUS खोंड khōṇḍa 'A young bull' rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'. Rebus: kunda 'fine gold' singi 'ornament gold'
susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer, scribe'. laṅgūr ʻthe langur monkey Semnopithecus schistaceusʼ Rebus: lāˊṅgala n. ʻplough' मर्कट( Un2. iv , 81) a monkey , ape VS. &c Rebus: marakata n. ʻ emerald ʼ R.Pk. maraada -- , maragaya -- m.n.; Si. marā ʻ emerald ʼ, adj. ʻ greenʼ(CDIAL 9868) मरकत marakata m S An emerald. (Marathi)
-- रत्नी ratnī + śã̄gaḍ 'female monkey + chain' rebus ratna sangar 'gems trade' saṅgaha'collection' proclamation of Indus Script hypertext display on Shalamaneser Obelisk shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.
-- रत्नी ratnī 'female monkey' dressed as woman' rebus ratnin 'possessing gifts'
-- rátna n. ʻ gift ʼ RV., ʻ treasure, jewel ʼ Mn. [√raṇ1]Pa. ratana -- n. ʻ jewel ʼ, Pk. rayaṇa -- , ladaṇa -- m.n., Si. ruvan -- a. ratnākara m. ʻ jewel -- mine, ocean ʼ Kāv. [rátna -- , ākara -- ]Pa. ratanākara -- m. ʻ mine of jewels or precious metals ʼ, Pk. rayanāara -- m.; -- Si. ruvanāra ʻ ocean ʼ (EGS 148) prob. ← Pa.(CDIAL 10600, 10601)
Other Meluhha imports signified on other Indus Script hieroglyphs
Import of pearls, stones from Meluhha
śilpi 'architect'
Indus Script Sign7, Sign 17
शिला śilā m ( A) Armour or a piece of armour.
शिल्प śilpa n (S) A manual or mechanical art, any handicraft.
शिल्पकर्म śilpakarma n (S) Mechanical or manual business, artisanship.
शिल्पकार śilpakāra m or शिल्पी m (S) An artisan, artificer, mechanic.
शिल्पविद्या śilpavidyā f (S) Handicraft or art: as disting. from science.
शिल्पशाला śilpaśālā f (S) A manufactory or workshop.
शिल्पशास्त्र śilpaśāstra n (S) A treatise on mechanics or any handicraft.
शिल्पी śilpī a (S) Relating to a mechanical profession or art.
*sippī ʻ shell ʼ. [← Drav. Tam. cippi DED 2089]Pa. sippī -- , sippikā -- f. ʻ pearl oyster ʼ, Pk. sippī -- f., S. sipa f.; L. sipp ʻ shell ʼ, sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ, (Ju.) sip m., sippī f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ; P. sipp m., sippī f. ʻ shell, conch ʼ; Ku. sīp, sīpi ʻ shell ʼ; N. sipi ʻ shell, snail shell ʼ; B. sip ʻ libation pot ʼ, chip ʻ a kind of swift canoe ʼ S. K. Chatterji CR 1936, 290 (or < kṣiprá -- ?); Or. sipa ʻ oyster shell, mother -- of -- pearl, shells burnt for lime ʼ; Bi. sīpī ʻ mussel shells for lime ʼ; OAw. sīpa f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ, H. sīp f.; G. sīp f. ʻ half an oyster shell ʼ, chīp f. ʻ shell ʼ; M. śīp, śĩp f. ʻ a half shell ʼ, śĩpā m. ʻ oyster shell ʼ; -- Si. sippiya ʻ oyster shell ʼ ← Tam.(CDIAL 13417)Ta. ippi pearl-oyster, shell; cippi shell, shellfish, coconut shell for measuring out curds. Ma. ippi, cippi oyster shell. Ka. cippu, sippu, cimpi, cimpe, simpi, simpu, simpe oyster shell, mussel, cockle, a portion of the shell of a coconut, skull, a pearl oyster; (Gowda) cippi coconut shell. Tu. cippi coconut shell, oyster shell, pearl; tippi, sippi coconut shell. Te. cippa a shell; (kobbari cᵒ) coconut shell; (mōkāli cᵒ) knee-pan, patella; (tala cᵒ) skull; (muttepu cᵒ) mother-of-pearl. Go. (Ma.) ipi shell, conch (Voc. 174). / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 13417, *sippī-; Pali sippī- pearl oyster, Pkt. sippī- id., etc. (DEDR 2535)
Import of kuddāla 'ebony wood' from Meluhha:
Sign 12 kudāḷi f. ʻ hoe ʼ; Rebus: kuddāla 'ebony'
kuddāla1 m.n. ʻ a kind of spade or mattock ʼ. 2. *kōddāla -- . 3. kuḍḍāla -- ʻ spade ʼ Apte. [Prob. ← Drav. EWA i 229 with lit.]1. Pa. kuddāla -- , ˚aka -- m.n. ʻ spade, hoe ʼ; Pk. kuddāla<-> m. ʻ mattock ʼ; Gaw. kundāˊl ʻ hoe ʼ; P. kudāl, ˚lā m. ʻ mattock ʼ; WPah. jaun. kudāwa ʻ pickaxe ʼ; B. kudāl, ˚li ʻ hoe, spade ʼ; Or. kudāḷi ʻ one -- sided pickaxe ʼ; Mth. kudār ʻ mattock ʼ, ˚rī ʻ do. with narrow blade ʼ (→ B. kuddār, Or. kudāra ʻ spade ʼ, ˚ri ʻ one -- sided pickaxe ʼ); Bhoj. kudār ʻ hoe ʼ; Aw. lakh. kudāri ʻ pickaxe ʼ; H. kudāl, ˚ār m. ʻ mattock ʼ, ˚lī, ˚rī f. ʻ small do. ʼ, kudrā m.; M. kudā̆ḷ m.f. ʻ hoe ʼ, kudḷā m. ʻ large hoe ʼ, ˚ḷī f. ʻ small hoe ʼ, ˚ḷẽ n. ʻ hoe ʼ; -- Si. udalu ʻ mattock ʼ prob. X uddālayati (D. E. Hettiaratchi Univ. of Ceylon Review vi 292 < cmpds. such as keṭi -- hudaluvak = Pa. kuṇṭha -- kuddālaka -- ).2. Pk. koddāla -- m., ˚liyā -- f. ʻ mattock ʼ, S. koḍ̠ari f. ʻ hoe, spade ʼ (→ Brah. kōḍāl), ˚ryo m. ʻ worker with a k˚ ʼ; L. kodā̆l m. ʻ mattock ʼ, kodali f. ʻ hoe ʼ, Ku. N. kodālo, ˚li; A. B. kodāl ʻ hoe ʼ, Or. kodāḷa, Bi. kŏdārī, Mth. kodār, ˚ri; G. kɔdāḷɔ m. ʻ spade ʼ, ˚ḷī f. ʻ hoe ʼ; -- other Ind. forms with ku -- may be < ko -- before following long syllable.3. Pk. kuḍḍāla -- , kuḍāla -- n. ʻ part of a plough ʼ; Wg. koṇḍāl, kondāl ʻ mattock, hoe ʼ.Addenda: kuddāla -- 1: WPah.poet. kudaḷe f. ʻ spade, pickaxe ʼ, J. kudāḷi f. ʻ hoe ʼ; -- Md. oḍā (oḍalek) ʻ adze ʼ < *uddāla -- 2.(CDIAL 3286)
kuddāla -- 2,˚dala -- , kuṇḍala -- , kudāla -- , ˚āra -- m. ʻ the tree Bauhinea variegata ʼ. 2. kōvidāra -- m. Gobh. [Poss. conn. with uddāla -- 1]1. Pk. kuddāla -- m. ʻ a partic. tree ʼ; A. kurāl ʻ a kind of tree ʼ (< *kuḍḍāla -- ); Or. kudāḷa, ˚āra ʻ B. variegata ʼ.2. Pa. kōviḷāra -- m. ʻ B. variegata ʼ; Ku. kuirāl ʻ a partic. wild tree ʼ; N. koirālo ʻ B. variegata ʼ; -- Si. kaḷuvara ʻ ebony, Diospyros ebenum ʼ perh. pop. etym. from kaḷu -- hara -- ʻ black heartwood ʼ EGS 41.(CDIAL 3287)
Leopard weight, Shahi Tump shows leopard and stag karaḍa (Pkt.): Kol. keḍiak tiger. Nk. khaṛeyak panther. Go. (A.) khaṛyal tiger; (Haig) kariyāl panther (Voc. 999). Kui kṛāḍi, krānḍi tiger, leopard, hyena. Kuwi (F.) kṛani tiger; (S.) klā'ni tiger, leopard; (Su. P. Isr.) kṛaˀ ni (pl. -ŋa) tiger. / Cf. Pkt. (DNM) karaḍa- id. (DEDR 1132) Rebus: करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. PLUS *śārṅgala ʻ horned ʼ. [śārṅga -- ]Paš.lauṛ. ṣaṅgala ʻ a small horn ʼ; K. hã̄gul m. ʻ the stag Cervus wallichii ʼ.(CDIAL 12410) Rebus: samgraha 'collection'.Thus, collection of hard metal alloys.
kēndum. ʻ a kind of ebony, Diospyros embryopteris ʼ, kendu 'copulation'
m0489a,b,c Mohenjo-daro prism tablet
A standing human couple mating (a tergo); one side of a prism tablet from Mohenjo-daro (m489b). Other motifs on the inscribed object are: two goats eating leaves on a platform; a cock or hen (?) and a three-headed animal (perhaps antelope, one-horned bull and a short-horned bull). The leaf pictorial connotes on the goat composition connotes loa; hence, the reading is of this pictorial component is: lohar kamar = a blacksmith, worker in iron, superior to the ordinary kamar (Santali.)]
dhanam, 'cattle' rebus: dhanam 'wealth'. Alternative: pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Telugu) Thus, the depiction of animals in epigraphs is related to, rebus: pasra = smithy (Santali)
pisera_ a small deer brown above and black below (H.)(CDIAL 8365). ḍān:gra = wooden trough or manger sufficient to feed one animal (Mundari). iṭan:kārri = a capacity measure (Ma.) Rebus: ḍhan:gar ‘blacksmith’ (Bi.)
Hieroglhyphs: elephant (ibha), boar/rhinoceros [kāṇḍā mṛga 'rhinoceros' (Tamil)], tiger (kol), tiger face turned (krammara), young bull calf (khōṇḍa) [खोंड m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi)], antelope, ḍangurʻbullockʼ,melh ‘goat’ (Brahui)
Rebus mleccha glosses: Ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'; kāṇḍā, 'tools, pots and pans, metalware'; kol 'worker in iron, smithy'; krammara, kamar 'smith, artisan', kõdā 'lathe-turner' [B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or. kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ‘lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)], khũṭ‘guild, community’, ḍāṅro ’blacksmith’ (Nepalese) milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali) [Meluhha!]
Iron (ib), carpenter (badhi), smithy (kol ‘pancaloha’), alloy-smith (kol kamar)
tam(b)ra copper, milakkhu copper, bali (iron sand ore), native metal (aduru), ḍhangar ‘smith’.
Imports from Meluhha into Ancient Near East
Daniel T Potts provides a succinct account of the imports from Meluhha into Ancient Near East from 3rd millennium BCE (Excerpts attached). Cuneiform texts record the imports as wood, stones, animals. Shalamaneser II Black Obelisk records a list of animals as tributes from Musiri (a place with Meluhha contacts and may have imported the list of tributes from Meluhha). The list of animals are 'symbols' read rebus in Meluhha as Indus Script hieroglyphs signifying wealthy products which are offered as tributes and which are imported from Meluhha.
Meluhha expressions of Indian lexicon (Indian sprachbund, 'language union'
marakata n. ʻ emerald ʼ R.Pk. maraada -- , maragaya -- m.n.; Si. marā ʻ emerald ʼ, adj. ʻ green ʼ.(CDIAL 9868) मरकत marakata m S An emerald. (Marathi)
मर्कट m. ( Un2. iv , 81) a monkey , ape VS. &c; n. an iron monkey-shaped bolt; मर्कटी f. a female ape (Monier-Williams) markáṭa1 m. ʻ monkey ʼ VS., markaṭī -- f., ˚ṭaka -- m. lex., maṅkaḍa -- m. Schmidt Nachtr. [Poss. ext. with -- ṭa -- of marka -- m. BhP. which may be ← Drav. Kan. maṅga ʻ monkey ʼ T. Burrow BSOAS xii 389 and DED 3777]Pa. makkaṭa -- m. ʻ monkey ʼ, ˚ṭī -- f., NiDoc. makaḍ'a F. W. Thomas AO xii 40, Pk. makkaḍa -- m., ˚ḍī f., maṁkaḍa -- , ˚kaṇa -- m., Ap. makkala -- m., Kt. makeŕ, (Kamdesh) māgŕə̃, Wg. mákäŕ, Dm. makäŕ, Paš.kuṛ. makṓṛ, Kal.rumb. mŕāko, makŕṓŕyak, Kho. mukuḷ, Bshk. makīr (< markaṭī -- ?), Phal. māˊkaṛ, N. mākul, Or. mākaṛa, māṅkaṛa; G. mākṛũ, mã̄k˚ n. ʻ red -- faced monkey ʼ, mākṛī f. ʻ female monkey ʼ; M. mākaḍ m. ʻ baboon ʼ, makḍī f. ʻ female monkey ʼ; Ko. māṁkaḍa ʻ monkey ʼ, Si. makul.(CDIAL 9882) मकडी makaḍī f (मर्कट S) A female monkey or ape. Pr. लकडीवांचून मकडी वठणीस येत नाहीं. The word seems confined to this proverb. मर्कट markaṭa m n (S) A monkey or an ape.(Marathi) माकड mākaḍa n m (मर्कट S) A baboon, a monkey of short tail and red muzzle, Macacus radiatus. Pr. मा0 मारलें आणि पाला हगलें Applied to useless punishment. Pr. माकडाला काकडी (मिळणें) Used where a person is pleased and full-satisfied at very little cost. माकडचेष्टा mākaḍacēṣṭā f Monkey-tricks; mischievous pranks. माकडतोंड्या mākaḍatōṇḍyā a Baboon-faced. (Marathi)
Ka. siṅgaṇika, siṅgaḷīka a black monkey. Tu. ciṅglike a large kind of ape. Te. (B.) siṅgilīkamu the great black monkey (DEDR 2502) చింకలిక్క chinkalikka. n. A red faced monkey.సింగిలీకము ṣingilīkamu. [Tel.] n. The great black monkey, పెద్ద నల్లకోతి. "ముంగిస సివంగిశోణంగిసింగిలీక గుంపు. మానిసికోతులగొన్నికొనియె." H. v. 400. సింగిణి, సింగాణి singāni. [from Skt. శార్ఙ్గ.] adj. Made of horn. కొమ్ముతోచేసిన. "సింగాణివిండులు." S. i. 158.
kuṭhāru 'monkey' Rebus: kuṭhāru'armourer'
खोंड khōṇḍa 'A young bull' rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'.
Singin (adj.) [Vedic śṛngin] having a horn Vin ii.300; J iv.173 (=cow); clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53. Rebus: Singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84. -- nada gold Vv 6428; VvA 284. -- loṇa ( -- kappa) license as to ginger & salt Vin ii.300, 306. -- vaṇṇa gold-coloured D ii.133. -- suvaṇṇa gold VvA 167.(Pali)
Sissoo or Pakistani rosewood: 12424śiṁśápā f. ʻ the tree Dalbergia sissoo ʼ AV., śiśapā -- f. R. [IA. *śīśampā -- → Pers. šīšam → P. sīsam m., H. śīsam m., G. sisam n.; -- MIA. *śĭ̄hava → Psht. šəwa IIFL iii 3, 169]Pa. siṁsapā -- f. ʻ Dalbergia sissoo ʼ, Pk. sīsavā -- f., sīsama -- m.n., Paš.weg. šəwa (← Psht.?); Sh. šīsṷ ʻ poplar ʼ; P. sissū m., sīsõ, sīhõ f. ʻ D. sissoo ʼ, N. sisau, A. xixu, B. Or. sisu, H. sīso, ˚sõ m., sisaī f., M. śisav, śĩs˚, śĩsvā, śisā m., śisvī, śiśī f.
12425 *śiṁśapātaila ʻ oil from the wood of Dalbergia sissoo ʼ. [śiṁśápā -- , tailá -- ] M. śĩsvel, śĩsvyel n. ʻ id. ʼ
Tail: 8151piccha n. ʻ tail -- feather ʼ MBh., ˚chaka -- m.n. lex., ˚chikā -- f. ʻ a kind of chowrie, bunch of peacock's feathers (?) ʼ Ratnāv. 2. *piñja -- 2. [piñjā -- f. ʻ switch ʼ lex., piñjalī -- f. ʻ bunch of grass ʼ Gobh., ˚la -- n. lex., piñjulá -- n. PārGr̥., piñjūlī -- f. Kauś., (with darbhá -- ) ˚lá -- n. MaitrS., piñjīlá -- n., puñjīla -- n. TS. -- If *piñja -- ʻ bunch ʼ (~ puñja -- ʻ heap ʼ?) is the earlier word, then piccha -- , (Pa.) piñcha -- ʻ *bunch of tail -- feathers ʼ are poss. from *piñja<-> X púccha -- . Neither EWA ii 271 (piccha -- and púccha<-> < *pr̥ṣṭhya -- ) nor T. Burrow BSOAS xi 348 (← Drav., contested in PMWS 132) are convincing]1. Pa. piccha -- , piñcha -- n. ʻ tailfeather ʼ; Pk. piccha -- , piṁcha -- , ˚aḍa -- n. ʻ tail -- feather, tail ʼ, B. pẽcā ʻ tail -- piece (as of a fish) ʼ, Or. picha ʻ tail -- feather ʼ, OM. piṁcha; G. pīch, pīchũ, pī˜ch n. ʻ feather ʼ, M. pīs; Si. pihā ʻ wing ʼ. 2. Pa. piñja -- n. ʻ tail -- feather ʼ; Si. pen̆da ʻ bird's tail ʼ; <-> Gy. pal. pínǰi ʻ tail ʼ rather < púccha -- . Addenda: piccha -- : A. phichā (phonet. -- s -- ) ʻ tail of a fish ʼ AFD 212, pich (phonet. -- s) ʻ rear ʼ AFD 218.
Sissoo wood: 8153picchalā f. ʻ Dalbergia sissoo, Bombax heptaphyllum ʼ lex. [picchala -- ] A. pisalā ʻ a kind of forest tree ʼ.
Leopard: kolhā: krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu -- m. Pāṇ. [√kruś]Pa. koṭṭhu -- , °uka -- and kotthu -- , °uka -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. koṭṭhu -- m.; Si. koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42; -- Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H. kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m.(CDIAL 3615 Rebus: koṭiya 'dhow'.
sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa'young bull'rebus: kār kunda'blackmith, turner, goldsmith' کارکندهkār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) khar 'blacksmith' kunda 'fine gold' PLUS singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'golf for ornaments';thus, the 'unicorn' shown on the obelisk as a tribute signifies fine gold, ornament gold' kunda 'fine gold' PLUS singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'gold for ornaments';thus, the 'unicorn' shown on the obelisk as a tribute signifies fine gold, ornament gold.'
Hieroglyph: scarf on the shoulder of the bovine: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā] Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the animal signifies the wealth resource tribute of iron magnetite ore PLUS circle as horn: vaṭṭa 'circle'. Thus, the expression of scarf PLUS horns is read as: dhã̄i 'mineral ore' PLUS vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: dhāvaḍ'smelter'. Thus, the mineral wealth as a tribute signified by this composite animal signifies smelted iron, magnetite ore.
Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant' karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2.kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryankar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S.karahu, ˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karabaʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk.kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛoʻ young calf ʼ; Or.kālhuṛiʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si.kalam̆bayāʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá --: OMarw. karahaʻcamelʼ.PLUS
śr̥ṅkhalaka-- ʻ chained camel ʼ Pāṇ. Rebus: Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ(of equipment) śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ rebus: sanghāta 'vajra, metallic adamantine glue'. Thus, the metallurgist has achieved and documented the alloy of copper, as adamantine glue.சங்கிலி. A chain-ornament of gold.
The second monkey anthropomorph turns its head backwards. The rebus readings of this second animal are:
ūkam, 'Female monkey' rebus: ukku 'steel' PLUS kammara 'turn back' rebus: kamar'blacksmith'.Thus, steelsmith. This reinforces the semanics signified by the elephant: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus; karba, ib 'iron' PLUS panja 'claws' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'
Hieroglyph: Female monkey: ஊகம்1ūkam, n. 1. Female monkey; பெண் குரங்கு. (திவா.) 2. Black monkey; கருங் குரங்கு. பைங்க ணூகம்பாம்பு பிடித்தன்ன(சிறுபாண். 221). 3. cf. ஊகை2. இயூகம்iyūkam, n. < ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (பெருங். வத்தவ. 17, 14.) வல்லூகம்2val-l-ūkam, n. < வல்1 + ஊகம்1. (W.) 1. Male monkey; ஆண்குரங்கு. 2. Large ape; முசு.கருவிரலூகம்karu-viral-ūkam, n. < கரு-மை +. A catapultic machine, of the shape of a monkey with black claws, mounted on the walls of a fort in ancient times and intended to seize and bite the approaching enemy; கரிய விரல்களையுடைய குரங்குபோலிருந்து சேர்ந்தாரைக் கடிக்கும் மதிற்பொறி. கருவிரலூகமுங் கல்லுமிழ் கவ ணும் (சிலப். 15, 208).காரூகம்kār-ūkam, n. < கார் + ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (திவா.) யூகம்1yūkam, n. < ஊகம்1. 1. Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. யூகமொடு மாமுக முசுக்கலை (திருமுரு. 302). (பிங்.) 2. Female monkey; பெண்குரங்கு. (திவா.)
Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te.ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)
Daniel T. Potts (ed.), A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, John Wiley & SOns, pp. 759-769
kēndu m. ʻ a kind of ebony, Diospyros embryopteris ʼ, ˚uka -- m. ʻ D. glutinosa (yielding a sort of tar) ʼ lex. [Cf. tinduka -- , tumbara -- ]A. kendu ʻ the tree Diospyros tomentosa ʼ; B. kendu ʻ D. embryopteris ʼ; Or. kendu ʻ D. embryopteris, D. glutinosa ʼ, H. kẽdū m.(CDIAL 3464)
kendu 'copulation': Ta. cē (-pp-, -tt-) to dwell, lie, remain, sleep; cēppu (cēppi-) to abide, remain; cēkkai cot, bed, roost, dwelling place, nest. Ma. cēkuka, cēkkuka to roost; cēkal, cēyal, cēkka, cēkku a roost. Ka. kē (kēd-) to lie down, repose, copulate with; kēvu, (K.2) kendu copulation. Tu. kedoṇuni to lie down, rest; (B-K.) ketoṇu, katoṇu to lie down; kerapāvu to cause to lie down; kēlů abode of a Pariah. Kol. ke·p- (ke·pt-) to make (child) to sleep. Kur. kīdnā, kīd'ānā to allow or invite one to lie down for rest or sleep, put to bed (a child, a sick person), lay in the grave. Malt. kíde to lay down.(DEDR 1990)
मरकत marakata m S An emerald.
मारकट mārakaṭa a (Qualif. form of मारका) Rather given to butting or kicking.
सांगड sāṅgaḍa m f (संघट्ट S) A float composed of two canoes or boats bound together: also a link of two pompions &c. to swim or float by.
सांगड sāṅgaḍa m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together.
साग sāga m ( H or शाक S) The teak tree or wood, Tectona grandis.
सांग sāṅga f (शक्ति S through H) A spear or a javelin (esp. a spear) altogether of iron.
Monkeys as tributes on Shalamaneser Black Obelisk Female monkedy dressed as a woman: रत्नी ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman. रत्न ratna n (S) A gem, a jewel, a precious stone. 2 A common term for the fourteen precious things produced by the ocean when it was churned by the gods and giants. See चौदा रत्नें. 3 fig. A term of praise for an excellent thing in general, a jewel.
markáṭa1 m. ʻ monkey ʼ VS., markaṭī -- f., ˚ṭaka -- m. lex., maṅkaḍa -- m. Schmidt Nachtr. [Poss. ext. with -- ṭa -- of marka -- m. BhP. which may be ← Drav. Kan. maṅga ʻ monkey ʼ T. Burrow BSOAS xii 389 and DED 3777]Pa. makkaṭa -- m. ʻ monkey ʼ, ˚ṭī -- f., NiDoc. makaḍ'a F. W. Thomas AO xii 40, Pk. makkaḍa -- m., ˚ḍī f., maṁkaḍa -- , ˚kaṇa -- m., Ap. makkala -- m., Kt. makeŕ, (Kamdesh) māgŕə̃, Wg. mákäŕ, Dm. makäŕ, Paš.kuṛ. makṓṛ, Kal.rumb. mŕāko, makŕṓŕyak, Kho. mukuḷ, Bshk. makīr (< markaṭī -- ?), Phal. māˊkaṛ, N. mākul, Or. mākaṛa, māṅkaṛa; G. mākṛũ, mã̄k˚ n. ʻ red -- faced monkey ʼ, mākṛī f. ʻ female monkey ʼ; M. mākaḍ m. ʻ baboon ʼ, makḍī f. ʻ female monkey ʼ; Ko. māṁkaḍa ʻ monkey ʼ, Si. makul.(CDIAL 9882)
மரகதப்பச்சைmarakata-p-paccai , n. < id. +. A variety of green stone; நாகப்பச்சை. (யாழ். அக.)மரகதம்marakatam,n. <marakata. 1. Emerald, one ofnava-maṇi, q.v.;நவமணியு ளொன்றான பச்சை யிரத்தினம். மரகத மணியோடு வயிரங் குயிற்றிய(சிலப். 5, 147). 2. Green colour;பச்சைநிறம். மரகதக்கதிரும்(பெரியபு. அமர்நீதி. 7).மரகதன்marakataṉ,n. <marakata. Kubēra;குபேரன். (பிங்.)
lākṣiká ʻ dyed with lac ʼ lex. 2. *lākṣaka -- ʻ red ʼ. [lākṣāˊ -- ]1. Kal. lac̣hīˊa ʻ red ʼ; S. lākhī ʻ dyed with lac ʼ; L.khet. lākhī ʻ red ʼ; G. lākhī ʻ coloured like sealing wax ʼ; M. lākhī ʻ having the colour of lac ʼ; -- poss. Ḍ. lāč f. ʻ fox ʼ (c̣h?).2. Dm. lâc̣hâ ʻ red ʼ; L. lākkhā ʻ red, brown, black (of cattle) ʼ, khet. lākhā ʻ red ʼ; P. lākkhā ʻ red, brown, black ʼ; H. lākhā m. ʻ lac dye ʼ; G. lākhũ n. ʻ red mark on the skin ʼ, M. lākhẽ n.; -- perh. N. lākhu ʻ monkey, langur ʼ (< ʻ brown ʼ, cf. kapilá -- ). Addenda: lākṣiká -- . 1. WPah.kc. lakhi ʻ dark (e.g. of a forest) ʼ.2. *lākṣaka -- : WPah.kṭg. lákhɔ ʻ dark brown (of animals) ʼ.(CDIAL 11003)
Kuwi (F.) nangelli ploughshare; (Isr.) nāŋgeli plough. / Cf. Skt. lāṅgala-, Pali naṅgala- plough; Mar. nã̄gar, H. nã̄gal, Beng. nāṅgal id., etc.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11006. (DEDR 2907)lāˊṅgala n. ʻ plough ʼ RV. [→ Ir. dial of Lar in South Persia liṅgṓr ʻ plough ʼ Morgenstierne. -- Initial n -- in all Drav. forms (DED 2368); PMWS 127 derives both IA. and Drav. words from Mu. sources]Pa. naṅgala -- n. ʻ plough ʼ, Pk. laṁgala -- , ṇa˚, ṇaṁgara<-> n. (ṇaṁgala -- n.m. also ʻ beak ʼ); WPah.bhad. nã̄ṅgal n. ʻ wooden sole of plough ʼ; B. lāṅal, nā˚ ʻ plough ʼ, Or. (Sambhalpur) nã̄gar, Bi.mag. lã̄gal; Mth. nã̄gano ʻ handle of plough ʼ; H. nã̄gal, nāgal, ˚ar m. ʻ plough ʼ, M. nã̄gar, ˚gor, nāgār, ˚gor m., Si. nan̆gul, nagala, nagula. -- Gy. eur. nanari ʻ comb ʼ (LM 357) very doubtful.lāṅgalin -- .Addenda: lāṅgala -- : A. lāṅgal ʻ plough ʼ (CDIAL 11006)
lāṅgūlá (lāṅgula -- Pañcat., laṅgula -- lex.) n. ʻ tail ʼ ŚāṅkhŚr., adj. ʻ having a tail ʼ MBh., ʻ penis ʼ lex. 2. *lāṅguṭa -- . 3. *lāṅguṭṭa -- . 4. *lāṅguṭṭha -- . 5. *lēṅgula -- . 6. *lēṅguṭṭa -- . [Cf. lañja -- 2. -- Variety of form attests non -- Aryan origin: PMWS 112 (with lakuṭa -- ) ← Mu., J. Przyluski BSL 73, 119 ← Austro<-> as.]1. Pa. laṅgula -- , na˚ n. ʻ tail ʼ, Pk. laṁgūla -- , ˚gōla -- , ṇaṁgūla -- , ˚gōla -- n.; Paš. laṅgūn n. ʻ penis ʼ; K. laṅgūr m. ʻ the langur monkey Semnopithecus schistaceus ʼ; P. lãgur, lag˚ m. ʻ monkey ʼ; Ku. lãgūr ʻ long -- tailed monkey ʼ; N. laṅgur ʻ monkey ʼ; B. lāṅgul ʻ tail ʼ, Or. laṅgūḷa, lāṅguḷa; H. lagūl, ˚ūr m. ʻ tail ʼ, laṅgūr m. ʻ longtailed black -- faced monkey ʼ; Marw. lagul ʻ penis ʼ; G. lãgur, ˚ul (l?) m. ʻ tail, monkey ʼ, lãguriyũ n. ʻ tail ʼ; Ko. māṅguli ʻ penis ʼ (m -- from māṅgo ʻ id. ʼ < mātaṅga -- ?); Si. nagula ʻ tail ʼ, Md. nagū.2. Or. lāṅguṛa, nā˚ ʻ tail ʼ, nāuṛa ʻ sting of bee or scorpion ʼ (< *nāṅuṛa?); Mth. lã̄gaṛ, nāgṛi ʻ tail ʼ; . nã̄goḍā, nã̄gāḍā,
nã̄gḍā, nã̄gā m. ʻ scorpion's tail ʼ.3. Sh.jij. laṅuṭi ʻ tail ʼ, Si. nan̆guṭa, nag˚, nakuṭa. -<-> X lamba -- 1: Phal. lamḗṭi, Sh.koh. lamŭṭo m., gur. lamōṭṷ m.4. Pa. naṅguṭṭha -- n. ʻ tail ʼ.5. A. negur ʻ tail ʼ, B. leṅguṛ.6. Aw.lakh. nẽgulā ʻ the only boy amongst the girls fed on 9th day of Āśvin in honour of Devī ʼ.Addenda: lāṅgūlá -- [T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 65, comparing lāṅgula -- ~ Pa. nȧguṭṭha -- with similar aṅgúli -- ~ aṅgúṣṭha -- , derives < IE. *loṅgulo -- (√leṅg ʻ bend, swing ʼ IEW 676)]1. Md. nagū (nagulek) ʻ tail ʼ (negili ʻ anchor ʼ?).(CDIAL 11009)
vānara m. ʻ monkey ʼ Mn. [Der. vanar -- in cmpd. ʻ forest ʼ RV. -- vána -- 1] Pa. vānara -- m. ʻ monkey ʼ, Pk. vāṇara -- m., Sh.gur. vandur m. (← L. *vāndur), K. wã̄dur, wānur m., S. vānaru m., P.ludh. bāndar (→ L.awān. bã̄drī f.), WPah.bhal. bānar n., bhiḍ. bã̄dar n., Ku. bānar, N. bã̄dar, bã̄dhar, bānar, A. bāndar, B. bã̄dar, Or. bāndara, Bi. Mth. bānar, OAw. bānara, lakh. bã̄dar, H. bã̄dar, bã̄drā m., ˚rī f., Marw. bã̄dro m., G. vã̄dar, vã̄drɔ m., ˚rī f., ˚rũ n., M. vã̄dar m.n., Ko. vāṁdar, Si. van̆durā, f. vän̆durī, ˚diri; -- Gy. as. (Baluči) banur ← Ind.Addenda: vāˊnara -- : WPah.kṭg. bandər m. ʻ monkey ʼ (← H.?), poet. bandro ʻ brown ʼ, J. bāndar m. ʻ monkey ʼ, poet. bandri f. ʻ she -- monkey ʼ, Garh. bã̄dar m.(CDIAL 11515)
mayūˊra m. ʻ peacock ʼ VS., in cmpds. RV., mayūrīˊ -- f. ʻ peahen ʼ RV. 2. *mōra -- . 3. *majjūra -- (< *mayyūra<-> with early eastern change -- yy -- > -- jj -- ?). [mayūka -- , marūka -- 1 m. lex. -- J. Bloch BSL 76, 16 ← Drav. (cf. DED 3793); J. Przyluski BSL 79, 100 ← Austro -- as. (cf. also Savara māˊrā ʻ peacock ʼ Morgenstierne); H. W. Bailey BSOAS xx 59, IL 21, 18 connects with Khot. murāsa -- as orig. an Indo -- ir. colour word. -- EWA ii 587 with lit.]1. Pa. mayūra -- m. ʻ peacock ʼ, Pk. maūra -- , maūla -- m.; Sh. (Lor.) maiyūr m. ʻ cock munāl pheasant ʼ; A. mairā ʻ peacock ʼ, B. maür, maur, Or. maïra m., ˚rī f., Si. mayurā, miyurā.2. Pa. mōra -- m., mōrinī -- f., Aś.gir. mora -- , Pk. mōra<-> m., ˚rī -- f., K. mōr m., S. moru m., L. P. mōr m., Ku. Mth. Bhoj. mor, OAw. mora m., H. mor m., ˚rī, ˚rinf., OMarw. moraḍī f., G. M. mor m., Si. mōrā; <-> H. (dial.) mhor, murhā m., Ko. mhōru.3. Aś.shah. man. majura -- , kāl. majula -- , jau. majūla -- , N. majur, mujur, Or. (Bastar) mañjura, OAw. maṁjūra m., Si. modara, monara. *mayūrapakṣala -- .Addenda: mayūˊra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) mōr ʻ peacock ʼ.(CDIAL 9865)
morakkaka (loha) 'calcining metal'.Ta. nīṟu (nīṟi-) to become slaked (as lime), be turned to ashes or calcined (as metals or stones); perish, be ruined; n. ashes, dross of any substance after it has been burned, sacred ashes, dust, slaked lime; nīṟṟu (nīṟṟi-) to slake (as lime), reduce to ashes or powder, calcine (as metals), calcinate; nivaṟu (nivaṟi-) to be powdered. Ma. nīṟuka to be slaked and powdered as lime, burn to ashes; nīṟal burning grief; nīṟṟuka to burn to ashes, slake shells for lime; nīṟu ashes. Ka. nīṟupowder, ashes. Te. niguṟu, nivuṟu, nīṟu ashes upon live coal. Nk. (Ch.) īd ashes. Pa. nīd id. Ga. (P.) nīr id. Go. (Tr.) nīr (gen.nītā,pl.nīhk), (W. Ph. Mu. etc.) nīr, (Ma.) nīr̥(i) (obl.nīṭ-) id. (Voc. 2004). Konḍa nīṟu id. Pe. nīz/nīs id. Manḍ. nīy-darambu id. (for darambu, see 3092).(DEDR 3693)
Hieroglyph: Chain links: śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ (WPah.) śr̥ṅkhala m.n. ʻ chain ʼ MārkP., °lā -- f. VarBr̥S., śr̥ṅkhalaka -- m. ʻ chain ʼ MW., ʻ chained camel ʼ Pāṇ. [Similar ending in mḗkhalā -- ] Pa. saṅkhalā -- , °likā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ; Pk. saṁkala -- m.n., °lā -- , °lī -- , °liā -- , saṁkhalā -- , siṁkh°, siṁkalā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ, siṁkhala -- n. ʻ anklet ʼ; Sh. šăṅāli̯ f., (Lor.)š*lṅāli, šiṅ° ʻ chain ʼ (lw .with š -- < śr̥ -- ), K. hö̃kal f.; S. saṅgharu m. ʻ bell round animal's neck ʼ, °ra f. ʻ chain, necklace ʼ, saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ,saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ; L. saṅglī f. ʻ flock of bustard ʼ, awāṇ. saṅgul ʻ chain ʼ; P. saṅgal m. ʻ chain ʼ, ludh. suṅgal m.; WPah.bhal. śaṅgul m. ʻ chain with which a soothsayer strikes himself ʼ, śaṅgli f. ʻ chain ʼ, śiṅkhal f. ʻ railing round a cow -- stall ʼ, (Joshi) śã̄gaḷ ʻ door -- chain ʼ, jaun. śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻ chain ʼ; Ku. sã̄glo ʻ doorchain ʼ, gng. śāṅaw ʻ chain ʼ; N. sāṅlo ʻ chain ʼ, °li ʻ small do. ʼ, A. xikali, OB. siṅkala, B. sikal, sikli, chikal, chikli, (Chittagong) hĩol ODBL 454, Or.sāṅk(h)uḷā, °ḷi, sāṅkoḷi, sikaḷā̆, °ḷi, sikuḷā, °ḷi; Bi. sīkaṛ ʻ chains for pulling harrow ʼ, Mth. sī˜kaṛ; Bhoj. sī˜kar, sĩkarī ʻ chain ʼ, OH. sāṁkaḍa, sīkaḍa m., H. sã̄kal, sã̄kar,°krī, saṅkal, °klī, sikal, sīkar, °krī f.; OG. sāṁkalu n., G. sã̄kaḷ, °kḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, sã̄kḷũ n. ʻ wristlet ʼ; M. sã̄k(h)aḷ, sāk(h)aḷ, sã̄k(h)ḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, Ko. sāṁkaḷ; Si. säkilla, hä°, ä° (st. °ili -- ) ʻ elephant chain ʼ.śr̥ṅkhalayati.Addenda: śr̥ṅkhala -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) śáṅgəḷ f. (obl. -- i) ʻ chain ʼ, J. śã̄gaḷ f., Garh. sã̄gaḷ.śr̥ṅkhalayati ʻ enchains ʼ Daś. [śr̥ṅkhala -- ]
Ku.gng. śāṅaī ʻ intertwining of legs in wrestling ʼ (< śr̥ṅkhalita -- ); Or. sāṅkuḷibā ʻ to enchain ʼ.(CDIAL 12580, 12581)சங்கிலி¹ caṅkili, n. < šṛṅkhalaā. [M. caṅ- kala.] 1. Chain, link; தொடர். சங்கிலிபோ லீர்ப்புண்டு (சேதுபு. அகத். 12). 2. Land-measuring chain, Gunter's chain 22 yards long; அளவுச் சங்கிலி. (C. G.) 3. A superficial measure of dry land=3.64 acres; ஓர் நிலவளவு. (G. Tn. D. I, 239). 4. A chain-ornament of gold, inset with diamonds; வயிரச்சங்கிலி என்னும் அணி. சங்கிலி நுண்டொடர் (சிலப். 6, 99). 5. Hand-cuffs, fetters; விலங்கு. Rebus: sangaha, sangraha, 'catalogue, list'. saṁgraha m. ʻ collection ʼ Mn., ʻ holding together ʼ MBh. [√grah] Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. saṁgaha -- m.; Bi. sã̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. sã̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ ← Pa. *saṁgrahati ʻ collects ʼ see sáṁgr̥hṇāti.(CDIAL 12852). sáṁgr̥hṇāti ʻ seizes ʼ RV. 2. *saṁgrahati. 3. saṁgrāhayati ʻ causes to be taken hold of, causes to be comprehended ʼ BhP. [√grah] 1. Pa. saṅgaṇhāti ʻ collects ʼ, Pk. saṁgiṇhaï; Or. saṅghenibā ʻ to take with, be accompanied by ʼ. 2. Pa. fut. saṅgahissati, pp. saṅgahita -- ; Pk. saṁgahaï ʻ collects, chooses, agrees to ʼ; Si. han̆ginavā ʻ to think ʼ, hän̆genavā, än̆g° ʻ to be convinced, perceive ʼ, han̆gavanavā, an̆g° ʻ to make known ʼ.
-- Indus writing is world’s first Wealth Accounting system
-- Economic and cultural roots of Hindu civilization -- R̥gveda, Sarasvati River, Indus Script inscriptions
-- Indus Script wealth-accounting, Sarasvati river basin archaeology of over 2000 archaeological sites (80% of the sites of Hindu civilization) & R̥gveda evidence for Sarasvati River
-- resources for ancient Indian Economic history
1. Navigable waterway of Sarasvati River;
2. Common language;
3. Common Writing system called Indus Script; the decipherment indicates meticulous documentation of wealth-accounting ledgers by guilds of artisans and seafaring merchants;
4.Industrial scale organization of production of tin-bronze age products traded along an Ancient maritime Tin Route between Hanoi (Vietnam) and Haifa (Israel);
5. Creating the shared wealth of a nation through guilds governed by Veda traditions of dharma, satyam.
6. Wealth Accounting System evolved into a Monetary System for transactions. As wealth-accounting system for barter trade transactions matured into a monetary system, ca. 7th cent BCE, Indus Script hieroglyphs continued to be used on ancient mint coins together with Brāhmī, Kharoṣṭhī, Greek syllabic scripts
"Musri (Assyrian: Mu-us-ri), or Muzri, was a small ancient kingdom, in northern areas of Iraqi Kurdistan. The area is now inhabited by Muzuri (Mussouri) Kurds.
Musriis also a geographical name mentioned in severalNeo-Assyrian
Could the reference to Musri on the Black Obelisk of Shalamaneser II be a reference to Muciri port in India's west coast, Kerala?
முசிறிmuciṟi , n. Muziris, an ancient sea-port, near Cranganore; மேற்கடற்கரையி லுள்ள பழைய துறைமுகப்பட்டினம். முழங்குகடன் முழவின் முசிறியன்ன (புறநா. 343, உரை).முசிரிmuciri , n. See முசிறி. முகையவிழ் தார்க்கோதை முசிரியார் கோமான் (முத்தொள். 6).
முசிறுmuciṟu , n. cf. முயிறு. 1. Red ant, Formica smaragdina; செந்நிற
முள்ள எறும்பு வகை. 2. One easily enraged; surly, irritable person;கடுகடுப்
புள்ளவ-ன்-ள். 3. Seeமுசு¹. (W.)
मुचिरmfn. liberal , munificent , Un2. , i , 52 Sch.; charity, virtue; wind; a deity (Monier-Williams) முசிரம்muciram , n. < mucira. Liberality, generosity; வள்ளன்மை. (W.)
[quote] Muziris (Tamil: Muchiri, (A. Sreedhara Menon (1967). "Muchiri - A Survey of Kerala History") roughly identified with medieval Muyirikode,[1] or Mahodaya/Makotai Puram) was an ancient harbour - possible[2] seaport and urban centre - on the Malabar Coast (modern-day Indian state of Kerala) that dates from at least the 1st century BCE, if not earlier. Muziris, or Muchiri, found mention in the bardic Tamilpoems and a number of classical sources. [unquote] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muziris
"The important known commodities "exported" from Muziris were spices (such as black pepper and malabathron), semi-precious stones (such as beryl), pearls, diamonds, sapphires, ivory, Chinese silk, Gangetic spikenard and tortoise shells. The Roman navigators brought gold coins, peridots, thin clothing, figured linens, multicoloured textiles, sulfide of antimony, copper, tin, lead, coral, raw glass, wine, realgar and orpiment." (Steven E. Sidebotham. Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route, pp 191. University of California Press 2011; George Gheverghese Joseph (2009). A Passage to Infinity. New Delhi: SAGE Publications Pvt. Ltd. p. 13.)
"the city where the beautiful vessels, the masterpieces of the Yavanas [Ionians], stir white foam on the Culli [Periyar], river of the Chera, arriving with gold and departing with pepper-when that Muciri, brimming with prosperity, was besieged by the din of war." (AkanaṉūṟuEṭṭuttokai149.7-11; loc.cit.Kulke, Hermann; Dietmar Rothermund (2004). A History of India. Routledge. I).
Purananuru described Muziris as a bustling port city where interior goods were exchanged for imported gold. (Peter Francis. Asia's Maritime Bead Trade: 300 B.C. to the Present, pp . 120 University of Hawaii Press,) "With its streets, its houses, its covered fishing boats, where they sell fish, where they pile up rice-with the shifting and mingling crowd of a boisterous river-bank were the sacks of pepper are heaped up-with its gold deliveries, carried by the ocean-going ships and brought to the river bank by local boats, the city of the gold-collared Kuttuvan (Chera chief), the city that bestows wealth to its visitors indiscriminately, and the merchants of the mountains, and the merchants of the sea, the city where liquor abounds, yes, this Muciri, were the rumbling ocean roars, is give to me like a marvel, a treasure. " (Raoul McLaughlin. Rome and the Distant East: Trade Routes to the Ancient Lands of Arabia, India and China. pp 48-50, Continuum (2010)).
Periplus describes Muziris as a main trade port of Chera chiefdom.
"...then come Naura and Tyndis, the first markets of Lymrike, and then Muziris and Nelkynda, which are now of leading importance. Tyndis is of the Kingdom of Cerobothra; it is a village in plain sight by the sea. Muziris, in the same Kingdom, abounds in ships sent there with cargoes from Arabia, and by the Greeks; it is located on a river, distant from Tyndis by river and sea 500 stadia, and up the river from the shore 20 stadia...There is exported pepper, which is produced in only one region near these markets, a district called Cottonara." (Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, "The Voyage around the Erythraean Sea". depts.washington.edu.)
Pliny also refers to this port town. "To those who are bound for India, Ocelis (on the Red Sea) is the best place for embarkation. If the wind, called Hippalus (south-west Monsoon), happens to be blowing it is possible to arrive in forty days at the nearest market in India, Muziris by name. This, however, is not a very desirable place for disembarkation, on account of the pirates which frequent its vicinity, where they occupy a place called Nitrias; nor, in fact, is it very rich in articles of merchandise. Besides, the road stead for shipping is a considerable distance from the shore, and the cargoes have to be conveyed in boats, either for loading or discharging. At the moment that I am writing these pages, the name of the King of this place is Celebothras." (Pliny's Natural History. In Thirty-seven Books, Volumes 1-3 by Pliny (the Elder.) p.135.)
Ilango Adigal described the port town in Cilapadikaram and refers to Greek traders arriving in their ships to barter their gold to buy pepper and since barter trade is time-consuming, they lived in homes living a lifestyle that he termed as "exotic" and a source of "local wonder". The text refers to spice trade with Romans, "When the broadrayed sun ascends from the south and white clouds start to form in the early cool season, it is time to cross the dark, bellowing ocean. The rulers of Tyndis dispatch vessels loaded with eaglewood, silk, sandalwood, spices and all sorts of camphor." (McLaughlin, Raoul (11 September 2014). The Roman Empire and the Indian Ocean: The Ancient World Economy and the Kingdoms of Africa, Arabia and India. Pen and Sword.)
An independent evaluation of the latest archaeological data unearthed at ancient port-sites of the Egyptian desert and Indian west coast confirms that the classical overseas trade, celebrated in ancient Indian historiography as the "Indo-Roman trade", was an exchange of serious imbalance, because of its being between an empire and a region of uneven chiefdoms. The Tamil south was a region characterised by the interactive coexistence of several unevenly evolved and kinship-based redistributive economies structured by the dominance of agro-pastoral means of subsistence and predatory politics. It was distinct for its semi-tribal political economy that precluded any demand for Mediterranean luxury goods. Even the presumption that the chieftain had shipped his goods only up to the Red Sea coast, and had depended on intermediaries for the remaining jobs, is difficult to accept.
This sign is explained in the context of the body of the young bull on a pectoral m1656.
"Pendant or medallion [from Mohenjo-daro] pictures the unicorn combined with many sacred symbols of the Indus religion. The body of the figure has a womb-shaped symbol in its belly, the same motif is elaborated to form the frame for the pendant, which is also a common design for shell inlay. Two leaf shapes of the sacred pipal tree are depicted at the animals shoulders and rump. A ritual offering stand is placed in front of the image. The deeply incised frame and the symbols on the unicorn would have been set with inlay." (J.M. Kenoyer, Indus Civilization, p. 188)
m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. The body of the young bull has the pictograph signified on the body. Arka flipped vertically and signified on the body of the young bull on pectoral, as shown below. The young bull signifies Hieroglyph: kõda 'young bull-calf'. Rebus: kundaṇa 'fine gold';kār-kund 'manager'.
The overflowing pot atop the one-horned young bull is an Indus Script hypertext. The rebus reading in Meluhha of the overflowing pot is:
lokhaṇḍa'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' (Marathi) The expression is composed of two words: '(pot etc.) to overflow' and 'water'. The rebus readings are:
1. (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi)
Thus, the overflowing pot is a hypertext to signify metal tools, pots and pans of copper, made by .the young bull kār-kunda 'manager' who works as an artisan with the metallurgical competence of 'lapidary, goldsmith, turner' in mint.
Overflowing pot is an abiding metaphor on Ibni Sharrum cylinder seal and many other Ancient Near East artifacts.
The inverted heart on belly of the young bull appears as a gold pendant.
m1656 Pectoral. Gold Pendant. Harappa. National Museum, New Delhi
Orthographyof the young bull clearly shows sun’s rays on the belly of the bovine.
So, Sign 323 signifies arka 'sun's rays' rebus: arka 'copper, gold' as in Kannada arkalgud, a place name. agasale 'goldsmith workshop'.
Belly is kōttha ʻ belly ʼ. [Cf. *kōtthala -- , kṓṣṭha -- 1?]Pk. kottha -- ʻ pertaining to the belly ʼ; Or. kothā ʻ corpulent ʼ, kothala, ˚thāḷa ʻ pot -- bellied ʼ; -- X *gōdda<-> in kodā, ˚dāḷiā ʻ id. ʼ?(CDIAL 3510). Rebus: koda 'workshop'.
Thus, the inverted heart symbol Sign 323 on the belly of the young bull signifies a goldsmith's workshop. This is a semantic determinative of the word kunda which signifies fine gold.
The rebus reading in Meluhha of the two unicorns is: dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' PLUS khoṇḍa singi 'horned young bull' rebus; kunda singi'fine gold, ornament gold'. The animals have their heads turned back: krammara 'turn back' rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'.Ta. uṟukku (uṟukki-) to jump, leap over; uṟuttai squirrel. Te. uṟu to retreat, retire, withdraw; uṟuku to jump, run away; uṟuta squirrel.Konḍa uRk- to run away. Kuwi (Isr.) urk- (-it-) to dance.(DEDR 713) Rebus: Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam
melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉamthat which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax).
Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi-to be melted, dissolved;tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262).Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.)rūy-to be dissolved; (S.)rūkhnaito smelt; (Isr.)uku, (S.)ukkusteel. (DEDR 661)Te. uḍukuto boil, seethe, bubble with heat, simmer;n. heat, boiling; uḍikincu, uḍikilu, uḍikilluto boil (tr.), cook. Go. (Koya Su.) uḍk ēruhot water.Kuwi (S.) uḍkuheat.Kur. uṛturnā to be agitated by the action of heat, boil, be boiled or cooked; be tired up to excitement.Ta. (Keikádi dialect; Hislop, Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, Part II, p. 19) udku (presumably uḍku) hot (< Te.)(DEDR 588).
Thus, the composite reading of the pictorial narrative signifies the message:
uṟukku 'jump' rebus:Ka. urku, ukku Ta. urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' PLUS khoṇḍa singi 'horned young bull' rebus; kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'. Together, the reading is dul urku kunda singi'metal casting steel, fine gold, ornament gold.
This is thus a Meluhha signifier of major wealth resources of steel, fine gold and ornament gold. These seantics and pragmatics are the reason why this image-- signifier of wealth -- is the centre-piece of the wall decoration of the throne room of Shalamaneser. The 'unicorn' is a stellar imagery on Ishtar Gate (575 BCE) now in Pergamon Museum, Berlin. The wings on this image are: khamba'wing' rebus: kammata 'mint, coiner, coinage'. The upraised tail is a cobrahood: फड, phaḍa 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'metalwork manufactory artisan guild'.
Unicorn is an Indus Script hypertext. Unicorn is one of the animals shown as a tribute from Musri on the Shalamaneser Black Obelisk. See:
This is a detail of a largewallpanel of vibrant glazed bricks once placed above the entrance to a vast room (T3) next to Shalmaneser III's throne room at Fort Shalmaneser inNimrud(in modern-dayNinevehGovernorate, Iraq). The whole panel is composed of about 300 bricks and is 4 meters in length. This detail is almost at the center of the panel which depicts two mirror-image rampant bulls flanking the sacred tree. During the ransacking of the Iraq Museum in April 2003 CE, this panel was intact and safe and had not been vandalized. Reign of Shalmaneser III, 858-824 BCE. It is on display at the Assyrian Gallery in the Iraq Museum in Baghdad, Republic of Iraq.
About the Author
Osama Shukir Muhammed AminAssociate Professor of Neurology and lover of the Cradle of Civilization, Mesopotamia. I'm very interested in Mesopotamian history and always try to take photos of archaeological sites and artifacts in museums, both in Iraq and around the world.
"…bas-reliefs of Nimroud. The sacred bull, with expanded wings, and the wild goat, are introduced kneeling before the mystic flower which is the principal feature in the border…The same animals are occasionally represented supporting disks, or flowers and rosettes. A bird, or human figure, frequently takes the place of the bull and goat; and the simple flower becomes a tree, bearing many flowers of the same shape. This tree, evidently a sacred symbol, is elaborately and tastefully formed; and is one of the most conspicuous ornaments of the Assyrian sculptures. The flowers at the ends of the branches are frequently replaced in later Assyrian monuments, and on cylinders, by the fir or pine cone, and sometimes by a fruit or ornament resembling the pomegranate."
(Sir Austen Henry Layard, 1849, Nineveh and Its Remains: With an Account of a Visit to the Chaldaean Christians of Kurdistan, and the Yezidis, Or Devil-worshippers, and an Enquiry Into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient Assyrians, Volume 2,J. Murray, pp.295, 296)
Winged unicorns signify फड, phaḍa'metalwork manufactory artisan guild' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting'
PLUS khoṇḍa singi 'horned young bull' rebus; kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'.
A pair of rams signify dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' PLUS mẽḍhā 'markhor'Rebus: mẽḍh 'iron' (Mu.), med 'copper' (Slavic languages) mẽṛhẽt 'iron' (Santali), meḍho 'helper of merchant'.
Thus, the bas-reliefs of Nimroud described by Austen Henry Layard are wealth signifiers of metalcastings
Punjabi. mẽḍhā m. 'markhor'.(CDIAL 10310) Rebus: mẽḍh 'iron' (Mu.), med 'copper' (Slavic languages) mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) Rebus: meḍho 'helper of merchant'. (See embedded text -- Deśīnāmamālā of Hemacandra).
Deśīnāmamālā Glossary, p. 71 The early meaning of the lexeme meḍh can be traced from the semantics recorded in the following lexemes of Indian linguistic area; as Pischel notes, the word meḍh can be identified as susbtratum semantic for 'helper/assistant of merchant): MBh. [mēṭha -- 1, mēṇḍa -- 3 m. ʻ elephant -- keeper ʼ lex., Pa. hatthimeṇḍa -- m. ʻ elephant -- driver ʼ, Pk. meṁṭha -- , miṁṭha -- , miṁṭhala -- , mahāmettha -- (note final -- th in P. below), metthapurisa -- m. (Pischel PkGr 202) may point to a non -- Aryan word for ʻ elephant -- driver ʼ which became associated with mahāmātra -- : EWA ii 611. -- mahā -- , māˊtrā -- ] (CDIAL 9950). meṇḍa, मेण्ठः मेण्डः An elephant-keeper (Apte. lex.) a groom, elephant -- driver in cpd. hatthi˚ elephants' keeper J iii.431; v.287; vi.489. (Pali).
A. semantics 'iron': meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho)meṛed (Mundari);mẽṛed iron; enga meṛed soft iron; sanḍi meṛed hard iron; ispāt meṛed steel; dul meṛed cast iron; i meṛed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meṛed iron extracted from stone ore; bali meṛed iron extracted from sand ore; meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.)
ḍ̠āṛhū̃ 'pomegranate' (Sindhi) Rebus: ḍhālako 'a large metal ingot'.
Jeanny Vorys Canby has demonstrated the depiction of 'overflowing pots' hieroglyphs on the Ur-Nammu stela. This insight reinforces the purport of the stela: to record the Bronze Age metals and materials used in the building activity directed by Ur-Nammu.
The chronology of Third Dynasty of Ur is reconstructed as follows, starting with Utu-hengal:
Utu-hengal (also written Utu-heg̃al, Utu-heĝal, and sometimes transcribed as Utu-hegal, Utu-hejal) had a daughter who married Ur-Nammu and birthed his successor, Shulgi.
It is remarkable that the suffix -hengal has a cognate in the name of one of 52 shakthi peethaशक्तिपीठ in Hindu tradition which includes Hinglaj (Or Hingula), southern Baluchistan a few hours North-east of Gawadar: Balochi: هنگلاج, Sindhi: هنگلاج, Urdu: ﮨنگلاج, Sanskrit: हिङ्ग्लाज, Hindi:हिंगलाज), an important Hindu pilgrimage place. It is likely that the morpheme hingal is cognate with two sets of glosses:
sinhala.siṁhala m. ʻ Ceylon ʼ, pl. ʻ Sinhalese ʼ MBh., °laka<-> VarBr̥S.Pa. sīhala -- , °laka -- ʻ Sinhalese ʼ, Pk. siṁhala -- , sīhala -- . -- Si. heḷa ʻ Ceylon ʼ, (h)eḷu ʻ pertaining to the language of Ceylon ʼ (GS 25) < *coḷiya -- s.v.cōḍa -- Md. (old) oḷudū ʻ Ceylon ʼ.(CDIAL 13385, 13386).Pa. ēḷa -- gala -- ʻ speaking indistinctly ʼ (CDIAL 14216). This gloss has a cognate in SBr. reference to asura speaking indistinctly, uttering he'laya:śatapatha brāhmaṇa 3.2.1.23-24refer to the use of he‘layohe‘layaTrans. ‘O enemies, O enemies’. This could also refer to ēla-p-pāṭṭu , n. < Boatmen's song in which the wordsēlō , ēlēlō occur again and again; ఏల [ēla ]ēla. [Tel.] n. Name of a stream in the Godavary District ēlēvāru. n. The rulers.[ēlu]ēlu. [Tel.] v. i. & t. To rule, govern. manage. The refrain of the song thus means: rule the waves by seafaring.SBr 23,24 refer to the use of he ‘layo he ‘layaTrans. ‘O enemies, O enemies’. This could also refer to ēla-p-pāṭṭu , n. < Boatmen's song in which the wordsēlō , ēlēlō occur again and again; ఏల [ēla ]ēla. [Tel.] n. Name of a stream in the GodavaryDistrict ēlēvāru. n. The rulers.[ēlu]ēlu. [Tel.] v. i. & t. To rule, govern. manage. The refrain of the song thus means: rule the waves by seafaring. Le Rider, Revue Numismatique 1969 refers to the coins from Susa Mint. [quote]Susa, the ancient capital of the Elamites, had its own unique pantheon of deities. In the third millennium, a goddess seated on a lion occurs on a seal from Susa (Sb 6680) but there is no written evidence to identify her. She is said to have had a sanctuary in Elymais where tame lions were kept according to Aelian XII.23, who refers to it as the shrine of Anaitis. In this area, the worship of Nanaya was of long duration, probably beginning with the first Elamite king who godnapped the cult image of Nanaya and brought it to Susa. When Susa was refounded by Seleucus as a Greek polis Seleucia-on-the-Eulaeus, the Hellenes paid homage to Nanaya as the local goddess. Greek legal manumissions refer to Nanaya and probably came from her temple, but they left no visual image of her. When the area fell to Parthian forcess, Khuzistan became the semi-independent kingdom of Elymais under the kamnaskirid Dynasty. One unique coin minted in Susa has the legend BASIAEWS DDREIOU SWTHROU NANAIENW(N) "of the king Darius, saviour of the Nanayans (worshippers of Nanaya)." This king is said to be a usurper in Susa before the Arsacid onquest. The inscription on the reverse face NANAIENW(N) is said to indicate Susa with its famous sanctuary of Artemis-Nanaya. According to Le Rider, the Parthian king Mithradates II (123-88) was the first to mint coins in Susa with the images of Artemis as a representation of Nanaya, as a frontally facing bust adorned with rays emanating from her head or placing a polos head dress upon her head. He also minted a coin with just a crescent on the reverse face.[unquote] (Joan Goodnick Westenholz, 2013, Religions and Trade: Religious formation, transformation and cross-cultural exchange between East and West, p.186).Pk. illi-- m. ʻ lion, tiger ʼ, H. īl m. ʻ a wild animal ʼ also links with ela as a reference to a group of people conflated with siṁhá m. ʻ lion ʼ, siṁhīˊ -- f. RV.Pa. sīha -- m. ʻ lion ʼ, sīhī -- f., Dhp. siha m., Pk. siṁha -- , siṁgha -- , sīha -- m., sīhī -- f.; Wg. sī ʻ tiger ʼ; K. sah, süh m. ʻ tiger, leopard ʼ; P. sī˜h, sihã̄ m. ʻ lion ʼ, bhaṭ. sīh ʻ leopard ʼ; WPah.khaś. sīˋ ʻ leopard ʼ, cur. jaun. sīh ʻ lion ʼ; Ku. syū̃, syū ʻ tiger ʼ; Mth. sī˜h ʻ lion ʼ, H. sī˜gh, sīh m., OG. sīha m.; -- Si. sī, siha← Pa. -- L. śĩh, khet. śī ʻ tiger ʼ with ś -- from Pers. lw. śer ʻ tiger ʼ. -- Pa. sīhinī<-> f. ʻ lioness ʼ; K. sīmiñ f. ʻ tigress, leopard ʼ; P. sīhaṇī f. ʻ tigress ʼ; WPah.bhal. se_hiṇi f. ʻ leopard withcubs ʼ, jaun. sī˜haṇ ʻ tigress ʼ; H. sĩghnī f. ʻ lioness ʼ.WPah.kṭg. sīˊ m. ʻ lion, leopard, brave man ʼ, sĩˊəṇ, sī˜ṇ (with high level tone) f. ʻ lioness ʼ (also sī˜ṇ Him.I 214 misprint with i?) (CDIAL 13384). http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2014/12/palm-frond-overflowing-pot-hieroglyphs.html
Ugarit: bronze stand for incense burner with pomegranate pendants as decorations (After Fig. 5 b in
Lorenzo Nigro, 2018, Pomegranate (Punica granatum L.) from Motya and its deepest oriental roots in:
Vicino Oriente XXII (2018), pp. 49-90.
“The Palestinian examples, notably from Megiddo and Gezer, are again of an elaborate type The Megiddo specimen (fig 10) has, on a ring base, one gazelle head, two amphorae, two pomegranates, two doves and one cup which all communicate with the hollow base. The gazelle head is decorated with red lines, has pierced eyes and orifice through mouth; the other pots or birds are also painted or decorated likewise. The Gezer examples also have alternating figures of birds and pomegranates (fig. 11).” (BM Pande, opcit., pp. 318-319).
தாது3 tātu, n. cf. dāḍima. See தாதுமாதுளை. (மூ. அ.) தாடிமம் tāṭimam, n. < dāḍima. 1. Pomegranate. See தாதுமாதுளை. (பிங்.) தாதுமாதளை tātu-mātaḷai, n. prob. தாது3 +. See தாதுமாதுளை. (மூ. அ.) தாதுமாதுளை tātu-mātuḷai, n. < id. +. Pomegranate, s. tr., Punica granatum; பூ மாதுளை. (யாழ். அக.) (Tamil)Rebus: தாது1 tātu, n. < dhātu. 1. Mineral, fossil; any natural product from a mine; கனி களில் உண்டாகும் இயற்கைப்பொருள். 2. Metals; பொன்முதலிய உலோகங்கள். (பிங்.) 3. Red ochre; காவிக்கல். (சூடா.) 4. The five elements of Nature. See பூதம். (சூடா.)
dāḍimam. ʻ pomegranate tree ʼ MBh., n. ʻ its fruit ʼ Suśr.,dālima -- m. Amar., ḍālima -- lex. 2. dāḍimba --m. lex. 3. *dāṇḍu -- .1. Pa.dālima -- m., NiDoc. daḍ'ima, Pk. dāḍima -- , dālima -- n., dāḍimī -- f. ʻ the tree ʼ, Dm.dā̤ŕim, Shum. Gaw. dāˊṛim, Kal. dā̤ŕəm, Kho. dáḷum, Phal. dhe_ṛum, S. ḍ̠āṛhū̃ m., P. dāṛū̃, ˚ṛū, ˚ṛam m., kgr. dariūṇ (= dariū̃?) m.; WPah.bhiḍ.de_ṛũ n. ʻ sour pomegranate ʼ; (Joshi)dāṛū, OAw. dārivaṁ m., H. poet. dāriũ m., OG. dāḍimi f. ʻ the tree ʼ, G.dāṛam n., dāṛem f. ʻ the tree ʼ, Si.deḷum. 2. WPah.jaun. dāṛim, Ku. dā̆ṛim, dālim, dālimo, N. dārim, A. ḍālim, B. dāṛim, dālim, Or. dāḷimba, ˚ima,
dāṛima, ḍāḷimba, ḍarami ʻ tree and fruit ʼ; Mth. dāṛim ʻ pomegranate ʼ, daṛimī ʻ dried mango ʼ; H. dāṛimb, ˚im, dālim, ḍāṛim, ḍār˚, ḍāl˚ m., M. dāḷĩb, ˚ḷīm, ḍāḷĩb n. ʻ the fruit ʼ, f. ʻ the tree ʼ. 3. Sh.gil. daṇū m. ʻ pomegranate ʼ, daṇúi f. ʻ the tree ʼ, jij. ḍ*lṇə́i, K. dönü m., P. dānū m.Addenda: dāḍima --. 2.dāḍimba -- :Garh.dāḷimuʻ pomegranate ʼ, A.ḍālim (phonet. d -- ).(CDIAL 6254) डाळिंबḍāḷimba f (डालिम S) The Pomegranate-tree, and n the fruit, Punica granatum.डाळिंबपाकḍāḷimbapāka m (डालिमपाक S) A corroborant preparation with pomegranate-juice and spices.डाळिंबसालḍāḷimbasāla n Pomegranate-rind. Used much in the arts.डाळिंबीḍāḷimbī a (डाळिंब) Relating to the pomegranate (like in color, shape &38;c.);--used of a spotted chintz.डाळिंबीḍāḷimbī f A half of any pulse split. 2 Amongst children. A raw or red spot made in the flesh by rubbing. v कर, दाखव. (Marathi)దానిమ్మor దాడిమము dānimma. [Tel.] n. The pomegranate tree. దాడిమవర్ణము the scarlet hue of the pomegranate. (Telugu)
Ur-Nammu stela is a Meluhha metalwork catalog denoting the metalcastings, metal weapons, tools and metalware as:dul 'metal casting, to cast metal in a mould (Santali)'; ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (Gujarati);lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ (Gujarati).
This decipherment of Meluhha hieroglyphs complements the images presented on the 10 feet high stela of the then ongoing work of building temple, dagoba, the ziggurat of Ur linking heaven and earth and in celebration of the Bronze Age revolution.
The focus of this note on the duplicated hieroglyph shown on the central register of Ur-Nammu stela.
The two hieroglyphs show an identical palm frond with two hanging twigs or fronds as the centerpiece of an altar in front of both the male and female divinities. The male divinity is a builder holding a staff and bob plumb bob as perceptively noted by Jenny Vorys Canby whose painstaking researches resulted in a reasonable reconstruction of missing fragments of the stela. A major missing part unearthed by Canby is another hieroglyph: overflowing pots pouring into the center-piece altars with the palm fronds.
The decipherment of the three hieroglyphs: 1. duplicated frond, 2. palm frond and 3. overflowing pot will provide a framework for unraveling the central message of the Ur-Nammu stela which is a monumental 10 feet high stela which surely shows builders at work in the bottom registe. The central message is the material resources with which the builders were working -- as conveyed by a rebus reading of the three hieroglyphs: metalcastings, metalware.
1. duplicated frond: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'metal casting, to cast metal in a mould (Santali)'
2. palm frond: ḍāla-- n. ʻ branch ʼtāla--2m. ʻ Borassus flabelliformis ʼ, palm (CDIAL 5750)Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (Gujarati) ḍhālakī = a metal ingot. Vikalpa: Ka.(Hav.) aḍaru twig; (Bark.) aḍïrï small and thin branchof a tree; (Gowda) aḍəri small branches. Tu. aḍaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: aduru gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru= ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330).
3. overflowing pot: lo 'overflowing' PLUS kand 'pot' Rebus: lōkhaṇḍa लोहोलोखंड 'copper tools, pots and pans' (Marathi) N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- )(CDIAL 11171)
Akkadian Cylinder Seal 2330-2150 BC (Wolkenstein) Serpent. Tree branches, divinities
Both faces of a large fragment from the curved top edge of the stela. The upper body of the king appears on each side, with a female deity overhead pouring out streams of water.
Economic and cultural roots of Hindu civilization – R̥gveda, Sarasvati River, Indus Script inscriptions -- Indus Script as a Writing system, compares with Egyptian hieroglyphs -- A writing system is a system of symbols to represent language https://tinyurl.com/y3j6b9pg
The following four tablets of Mohenjo-daro have identical Indus Script inscriptions on both sides of the tablets: m2018A,B; m440A,B; m447A,B; m2017A,B
The inscription accompanying the rhinoceros field symbol is a hypertext
The Meluhha rebus readings of the identical inscriptions are:
gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā.
2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H.(CDIAL 4000) rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans' (Marathi)
Variant Sign 63, Sign 64
Three types of birds are unambiguous hieroglyphs in Indus Script Corpora: 1. quail or duck; 2. aquatic bird or crane; 3. black drongo. The third category, black drongo, is sometimes associated with 'fish' hieroglyph to convey a hypertext message through compound sign clusters, Sign 63, Sign 64. The function of split parenthesis in these signs is a hieroglyphic cipher to signify an ingot. mũh 'face' (Hindi)rebus:mũhe 'ingot' (Santali)mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). kharva is a dwarf; kharva is a nidhi of Kubera. karba'iron' (Tulu). A little pointed at each end, the ingot is oval in shape and is split into two parenthesis as on Signs 63 and 64.
I suggest that the Signs 63 and 64 are hypertexts with three hieroglyph components: