-- Indus Script hieroglyphs camel, elephant, monkeys, water-buffalo, one-horned young bull, antelope are rebus rendered as wealth metalwork sources, and hence constitute tributes to Shalmaneser III (858-824 BCE) from Musri, a region now called Kurdistan in northern Iraq.
It appears the Meluhha were seafaring merchants, artisans and settlers in this region.
The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser
"He will raise a signal for a nation from afar off, and whistle for it from the ends of the earth; and lo, swiftly, speedily it comes." Isaiah 5:26
Some features of the black obelisk might suggest that the work had been commissioned by the commander-in-chief, Dayyan-Ashur.
Campaigns of Shalmaneser III (858-824 BCE)
"The site of Nimrud is located on the Tigris River southeast of Mosul in the north of modern day Iraq. Today the city lies some kilometers east of the Tigris, but in antiquity the river flowed along the northwest side of the acropolis. The site was occupied intermittently from the 6th millennium BC to at least the Hellenistic period, but the most significant period of occupation occurred during the Late Assyrian period, when Assurnasirpal II (883-859 BC) built Nimrud as the capital of his empire. The city remained the chief royal residence and administrative capital of the Assyrian empire until the reign of Sargon II (721-705 BC), though Esarhaddon (680-669 BC) later rebuilt much of the citadel.-- Klaudia Englund"
Inscription read as: Tribute of the land of Musri. Camels whose backs are doubled, a river ox (hippopotamus), a sakea (rhinoceros), a susu (antelope), elephants, bazîtu (and) uqupu (monkeys), I received from him.
S.M. Amin's photographs produce clear images of Sides A,B,C, D on the register related to tributes from Musri. Musri (Assyrian: Mu-us-ri), or Muzri, was a small ancient kingdom, in northern areas of Iraqi Kurdistan. The area is now inhabited by Muzuri (Mussouri) Kurds. See reference to Musri in Inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I, King of Assyria: http://www.sacred-texts.com/ane/rp/rp201/rp20126.htm
Since the tributes received from Musri include the three animal hieroglyphs which are normally shown on Indus Script inscriptions, though the iconographic style may be from recollected memory, the cuneiform inscription related to these tributes (or animal hieroglyphs) as: river ox (water buffalo?), sakea (translated as rhinoceros), susu (translated as antelope), elephants, bazitu/uqupu (translated as monkeys). See Ancient Records, Univ. of Chicago, Oriental Institute:
On this third row from the top, the following observations of curators of Metmuseum are apposite:
“Shalmaneseeer never went to Egypt, but he may have approached it after visiting the coast of Lebanon in 837 BCE. There is no suggestion of an individual ruler submitting on the front panel in this row, and there is no Assyrian official to introduce the tribute. Instead, all the panels seem to show exotic animals such as those the Assyrian kings liked to receive for their wildlife parks. This suggests that the consignment was probably a diplomatic gift. The caption and the illustrations in this row of panels help explain one another. The two-humped camels on the front, and the ‘rive ox’ on the right hand side, which bears a slight resemblance to a water buffalo, would both have been exotic in Egypt, though it is unclear how they may have arrived there. The translation ‘rhinoceros’ in the caption is based on the appearance of a single-horned animal in the centre of the right-hand panel, between the ‘river ox’ and an antelope; this beast could be how an Assyrian might have drawn a rhinoceros if he had never seen one but was working from a description. The elephant on the back face could be the small North African type, now extinct. Four more monkeys or apes, each with its keeper, occupy the remainder of the panels on the back and left hand side.” Joan Aruz, Sarah B. Graff, Yelena Rakic, 2014, Assyria to Iberia at the Dawn of the Classical Age, MetMuseum of Art, New York, p.64).”
It appears that the tributes from the land of Musri may ultimately from Meluhha since the hieroglyphs used are from Indus Script Cipher. I suggest that the cuneiform inscription refers to the animals specified as tributes. This is consistent with the decipherment of most of Indus Script Corpora as wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork.
Water-buffalo: Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
River ox: Hieroglyph, short-horned bull: barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).
Does sakea in the black obelisk inscription signify 'unicorn' i.e. animal shown on Indus Script with one horn? " I suggest that this signifies the 'one-hored young bull with a curved, s-shaped, mutilated horn' shown on thousands of Indus Script Inscriptions.
Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant'karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu, ˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.
Monkeys: hieroglyphs: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
Thus, the tributes received are iron implements, metal armour, lapidary metalwork wealth from Meluhha and tin ore (ranku 'antelope' rebus; ranku 'tin').
[quote] There were animals with one horn such as the narwal (a small whale with a long horn); the "sakea" which was a kind of goat like deer depicted by the Assyrians with one horn. In some opinions the sakea was a mythical animal (THE ARAB FRINGE. AN ENQUIRY CONCERNING Mutsri, KUSH, MELUHHA AND MAGAN by Michael Banyai
http://www.abara2.de/chronologie/fringe.php)...The Lion and Unicorn were representative of Israel in its aspect of power in the End Times. The lion and unicorn are on the coat of arms officially symbolizing Britain. Bilaam the heathen prophet foresaw that in the End Times the descendants of Israel would be very powerful. He likened them to a lion and a raem or unicorn.
The Coat of Arms of Britain
The Coat of Arms of Scotland
<<GOD BROUGHT THEM OUT OF EGYPT; HE HATH AS IT WERE THE STRENGTH OF AN UNICORN.
<<SURELY THERE IS NO ENCHANTMENT AGAINST JACOB, NEITHER IS THERE ANY DIVINATION AGAINST ISRAEL: ACCORDING TO THIS TIME IT SHALL BE SAID OF JACOB AND OF ISRAEL, WHAT HATH GOD WROUGHT!
<<BEHOLD, THE PEOPLE SHALL RISE UP AS A GREAT LION, AND LIFT UP HIMSELF AS A YOUNG LION: HE SHALL NOT LIE DOWN UNTIL HE EAT OF THE PREY, AND DRINK THE BLOOD OF THE SLAIN>> [Numbers 23:22-24]. The symbols of Scotland had two unicorns and that of the United Kingdom of Great Britain had a lion and a unicorn. The Midrash (Numbers Rabah) says that the raem (unicorn) was the symbol of MANASSEH. In our passage Israel is likened to a unicorn. Only in Britain does the unicorn appear as a national symbol. On the other hand the unicorn came to Britain from Scotland which is still represented by two unicorns. More than 80% of the founding settlers of the USA came from Scotland and related areas in the North and West of Britain.[unquote] -- Yair Davidiy
The black obelisk of shalmaneser III (858 - 824 bc) From left to right : a river ox (water buffalo), an Indian rhinoceros and an antelope. As the British museum plaque next to the obelisk explained: the sculptor had clearly never seen a rhinoceros!
The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser IIIis a blacklimestoneAssyrian sculpturewith many scenes inbas-reliefand inscriptions. It comes fromNimrud(ancient Kalhu), in northernIraq, and commemorates the deeds of KingShalmaneser III(reigned 858–824 BC). It is on display at theBritish Museumin London, and several other museums have cast replicas.
It is the most complete Assyrianobeliskyet discovered, and is historically significant because it is thought to display the earliest ancient depiction of a biblical figure –Jehu, King of Israel. The traditional identification of "Yaw" asJehuhas been questioned by some scholars, who proposed that the inscription refers to another king,Jehoram of Israel.[1][2]Its reference toParsuais also the first known reference to the Persians.
Tributeofferings are shown being brought from identifiable regions and peoples. It was erected as a public monument in 825 BC at a time of civil war, in the central square of Nimrud, close to the much earlierWhite Obelisk of Ashurnasirpal I. It was discovered by archaeologist SirAusten Henry Layardin 1846 and is now in theBritish Museum.
It features twenty relief scenes, five on each side. They depict five different subdued kings, bringing tribute and prostrating before the Assyrian king. From top to bottom they are: (1) Suaof Gilzanu (in north-westIran), (2) "Jehuof BitOmri" (Jehu of theHouse of Omri), (3) an unnamed ruler ofMusri(probablyEgypt), (4) Marduk-apil-usur of Suhi (middleEuphrates, Syria and Iraq), and (5) Qalparunda of Patin (Antakyaregion ofTurkey). Each scene occupies four panels around the monument and is described by acuneiform scriptabove them.
On the top and the bottom of the reliefs there is a long cuneiform inscription recording the annals of Shalmaneser III. It lists the military campaigns which the king and his commander-in-chief headed every year, until the thirty-first year of reign. Some features might suggest that the work had been commissioned by the commander-in-chief, Dayyan-Assur.
In December 1846, while working with his excavation team at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu or biblical Calah), located in northern Mesopotamia in present-day Iraq, Sir Austen Henry Layard discovered the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser. It was in a perfect state of preservation and is still considered the only complete Assyrian obelisk ever found. It was later on transferred to the British Museum. ** (Article and photos by Osama S.M. Amin) ancient.eu/2016/07/14/black-obelisk-of-shalmaneser-iii-british-museum/
What is The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser?
The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III is a four-sided monument or pillar made of black limestone. It stands about 6 1/2 feet tall. It was discovered in 1846 by A.H. Layard in the Central Palace of Shalmaneser III at the ruins of Nimrud, known in the Bible as Calah, and known in ancient Assyrian inscriptions as Kalhu. It is now on display in the British Museum.
The Obelisk contains 5 rows of bas-relief (carved) panels on each of the 4 sides, 20 panels in all. Directly above each panel are cuneiform inscriptions describing tribute offered by submissive kings during Shalmaneser's war campaigns with Syria and the West.
The "Jehu Relief" is the most significant panel because it reveals a bearded Semite in royal attire bowing with his face to the ground before king Shalmaneser III, with Hebrew servants standing behind him bearing gifts. The cuneiform text around it reveals the tribute bearer and his gifts, it says:
"The tribute of Jehu, son of Omri: I received from him silver, gold, a golden bowl, a golden vase with pointed bottom, golden tumblers, golden buckets, tin, a staff for a king [and] spears."
The Assyrians referred to a northern Israel king as a "son of Omri", whether they were a direct son of Omri or not. Other Assyrian inscriptions reveal Israel's southern kings from Judah, as recorded on Sennacherib's Clay Prism (also known as the Taylor Prism) which reads "Hezekiah the Judahite".
The Black Obelisk has been precisely dated to 841 BC, due to the accurate Assyrian dating methods. One modern scholar refers to the accuracy of Assyrian records:
"Assyrian records were carefully kept. The Assyrians coordinated their records with the solar year. They adopted a system of assigning to each year the name of an official, who was known as the "limmu." In addition, notation was made of outstanding political events in each year, and in some cases reference was made to an eclipse of the sun which astronomers calculate occured on June 15, 763 B.C. Assyriologists have been able to compile a list of these named years, which they designate "eponyms," and which cover 244 years (892-648 B.C.). These records are highly dependable and have been used by Old Testament scholars to establish dates in Hebrew History, particularly during the period of the monarchy."
Walter G. Williams, "Archaeology in Biblical Research" (Nashville, Tennessee: Abingdon Press, 1965) p. 121.
Shalmaneser III ruled ancient Assyria from 858-824 BC., and was the son of Assurnasirpal II.
British Museum Excerpt
The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III
Neo-Assyrian, 858-824 BC From Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq
The military achievements of an Assyrian king
The archaeologist Henry Layard discovered this black limestone obelisk in 1846 during his excavations of the site of Kalhu, the ancient Assyrian capital. It was erected as a public monument in 825 BC at a time of civil war. The relief sculptures glorify the achievements of King Shalmaneser III (reigned 858-824 BC) and his chief minister. It lists their military campaigns of thirty-one years and the tribute they exacted from their neighbours: including camels, monkeys, an elephant and a rhinoceros. Assyrian kings often collected exotic animals and plants as an expression of their power.
There are five scenes of tribute, each of which occupies four panels round the face of the obelisk and is identified by a line of cuneiform script above the panel. From top to bottom they are:
Sua of Gilzanu (in north-west Iran) Jehu of Bit Omri (ancient northern Israel) An unnamed ruler of Musri (probably Egypt) Marduk-apil-usur of Suhi (middle Euphrates, Syria and Iraq) Qalparunda of Patin (Antakya region of Turkey)
The second register from the top includes the earliest surviving picture of an Israelite: the Biblical Jehu, king of Israel, brought or sent his tribute in around 841 BC. Ahab, son of Omri, king of Israel, had lost his life in battle a few years previously, fighting against the king of Damascus at Ramoth-Gilead (I Kings xxii. 29-36). His second son (Joram) was succeeded by Jehu, a usurper, who broke the alliances with Phoenicia and Judah, and submitted to Assyria. The caption above the scene, written in Assyrian cuneiform, can be translated
The tribute of Jehu, son of Omri: I received from him silver, gold, a golden bowl, a golden vase with pointed bottom, golden tumblers, golden buckets, tin, a staff for a king [and] spears.
Height: 197.85 cm Width: 45.08 cm
Excavated by A.H. Layard ANE 118885 Room 6, Assyrian sculpture
This inscription is engraved on an obelisk of black marble, five feet in height, found by Mr. Layard in the centre of the Mound at Nimrud, and now in the British Museum. Each of its four sides is divided into five compartments of sculpture representing the tribute brought to the Assyrian King by vassal princes, Jehu of Israel being among the number. Shalmaneser, whose annals and conquests are recorded upon it, was the son of Assurnasirpal, and died in 823 B.C., after a reign of thirty-five years. A translation of the inscription was one of the first achievements of Assyrian decipherment, and was made by Sir. H. Rawlinson; and Dr. Hincks shortly afterward (in 1851) succeeded in reading the name of Jehu in it. M. Oppert translated the inscription in his "Histoire des Empires de Chaldee et d'Assyrie," and M. Menant has given another rendering of it in his "Annales des Rois d'Assyrie" (1874). A copy of the text will be found in Layard's "Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character" (1851).
Face A
[1] Assur, the great Lord, the King of all [2] the great gods; Anu, King of the spirits of heaven [3] and the spirits of earth, the god, Lord of the world; Bel [4] the Supreme, Father of the gods, the Creator; [5] Hea, King of the deep, determiner of destinies, [6] the King of crowns, drinking in brilliance; [7] Rimmon, the crowned hero, Lord of canals; the Sun-god [8] the Judge of heaven and earth, the urger on of all; [9] (Merodach), Prince of the gods, Lord of battles; Adar, the terrible, [10] (Lord) of the spirits of heaven and the spirits of earth, the exceeding strong god; Nergal, [11] the powerful (god), King of the battle; Nebo, the bearer of the high sceptre, [12] the god, the Father above; Beltis, the wife of Bel, mother of the (great) gods; [13] Istar, sovereign of heaven and earth, who the face of heroism perfectest; [14] the great (gods), determining destinies, making great my kingdom. [15] (I am) Shalmaneser, King of multitudes of men, prince (and) hero of Assur, the strong King, [16] King of all the four zones of the Sun (and) of multitudes of men, the marcher over [17] the whole world; Son of Assur-natsir-pal, the supreme hero, who his heroism over the gods [18] has made good and has caused all the world to kiss his feet;
King Jehu of Israel, prostrate before King Shalmaneser
Translations of the inscriptions describing each scene, follow:
I. Tribute of Sua, the Gilzanite. Silver, gold, lead, copper vessels, staves (staffs) for the hand of the king, horses, camels, whose backs are doubled, I received from him.
II. Tribute of Jehu, son of Omri. Silver, gold, a golden saplu (bowl), a golden vase with pointed bottom, golden goblets, pitchers of gold, tin, staves (staffs) for the hand of the king, puruhtu (javelins?), I received from him.
III. Tribute of the land of Musri. Camels whose backs are doubled, a river ox (hippopotamus), a sakea (rhinoceros), a susu (antelope), elephants, bazîtu (and) uqupu (monkeys), I received from him.
IV. Tribute of Marduk-apal-usur of Suhi. Silver, gold, pitchers of gold, ivory, javelins, buia, brightly colored and linen garments, I received from him.
V. Tribute of Karparunda of Hattina. Silver, gold, lead, copper, copper vessels, ivory, cypress (timbers), I received from him.
Where, when and by whom was the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III found?
Describe the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III.
List some of the gods of Assyria and their realms as shown on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III?
What does this introduction to the annals of Shalmaneser tell us about Assyrian society?
How is Shalmaneser III portrayed on the obelisk?
What does the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III tell us about Assyria’s relations with other cities and states?
Iwas attending an event at the Royal College of Physicians of London in early March 2016, and I had a plenty of time to spare. One of my targets was, of course, the British Museum. Two years ago, Jan van der Crabben(founder and CEO of the Ancient History Encyclopedia) asked me to draft a blog article about the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, but I lacked detailed and high-quality images of all aspects of the obelisk. Nowadays, I’m equipped with a Nikon D750 full-frame camera and incredible lenses. So let’s spend some time looking at the obelisk and enjoy its wonderful artistic scenes.
The obelisk lies at the heart of Room 6 of the Ground Floor. The overall surrounding lighting is unfortunately scarce, but who cares, my camera can overcome this very easily! Remember, no “flash” photography is allowed.
In December 1846, while working with his excavation team at Nimrud(ancient Kalhu or biblical Calah), located in northern Mesopotamia in present-day Iraq, Sir Austen Henry Layard discovered the obelisk. It was in a perfect state of preservation and is still considered the only complete Assyrian obelisk ever found. It was later on transferred to the British Museum (BM “Big number” 118885; Registration Number 1848,1104.1).
The obelisk is a black limestonestelaor a monument. It was erected in the year 825 BCE within the courtyard of the so-called “Central Building” within Kalhu (the Assyrian capital at that time) as a public monument during a civil war and turbulence . The obelisk is 197.48 cm in height, 81.91 cm height (of plinth), and 45.08 cm in width. The top was made in the shape of a ziggurat.
The obelisk commemorates 31 years of military campaigns conducted by the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (reigned 858-824 BCE). The obelisk has four sides. On each side, we can see five vertically arranged registers (or scenes). Each scene tells a story about a subdued king or ruler, who is paying tribute and prostrating before the victorious Assyrian king Shalmaneser III; however, two out of the five kings were depicted on the registers. Each individual scene narrates horizontally, using Akkadian cuneiform inscriptions and carved reliefs, from one side to another (in an anti-clockwise manner), wrapping around the obelisk. Therefore, there are five stories from top to bottom, in 20 registers.
The obelisk became historically important because it depicts and documents Jehu of the House of Omri (king of Israel), and therefore, a biblical figure.
I will describe each horizontal scene (from top to bottom), not the individual sides separately.
Scene 1: King Shalmaneser III receives tribute from Sua of Gilzanu (of modern day north-west Iran): Shalmaneser says that I received tribute from Sua the Gilzanean, silver,gold, tin, bronze,cauldrons, the staffs of the king’s hand, horses (and) two-humped camels.
Scene 2: King Shalmaneser III receives tribute from Iaua (Jehu) of the House of Omri (ancient Israel): Shalmaneser says that “I received tribute from Iaua, son of Omri. Notice that one can see silver, gold, a golden bowl, a golden tureen, golden pails, tin, the staffs ‘of the king’s hand’ and a spear.”
Scene 3: A parade of exotic animals brought from the land of Musri (probably Egypt); there is no depiction of the subdued king or ruler, whose name was not mentioned). Shalmaneser says that “I received tribute from Muṣri, two-humped camels, a water buffalo, a rhinoceros, an antelope, female elephants, female monkeys and apes.”
Scene 4; Marduk-apla-usur the Suhean (from the mid-Euphrates area of modern-day Syria and Iraq), sends animals and other tribute to the Shalmaneser III (the former was not depicted on the Obelisk). Shalmaneser says that “I received tribute from Marduk-apla-usur, the Suhean, silver, gold, pails, ivory, spears, byssus, garments with multi-coloured trim and linen.”
Scene 5; Qarparunda (modern-day Antakya region of Turkey) the Patinean sends precious metals, ivory and ebony. Shalmaneser says that “I received tribute from Qarparunda the Patinean, silver, gold, tin, bronze compound, bronze cauldrons, ivory and ebony. Note that king himself was not shown in the in the scene.”
I hope I have been successful in conveying the images of this obelisk to you! As an Iraqi citizen, I would like to sincerely thank all of those who were involved in the excavation, transportation, preservation, protection, and the display of this Black Obelisk. This history belongs to the whole world and humanity, not only to Iraq. Viva Mesopotamia, the Cradle of Civilization!
The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III is a stone monument that celebrates thirty-one successful years of military campaigns by king Shalmaneser III and his chief minister, Dayyan-Aššur. It was erected in 825 BC in a courtyard of a central building in Kalhu. Carved into its four faces are scenes showing king Shalmaneser III receiving tribute TT from vassal TT subjects across the Assyrian empire. After its rediscovery in 1846, the Obelisk became a museum object in London, and gained fame for depicting an Israelite king mentioned in the Christian Bible.
The Black Obelisk (Image 1) is a monument (or stela TT ) carved from black limestone, which stands just under two metres high. It has four sides, each 45 cm wide. The top is stepped as though shaped like a ziggurat TT with four sloping stages. The significance of this shape is unknown, but it does seem to be standard for Assyrian obelisks TT . The White Obelisk of Assurnasirpal I found by Hormuzd Rassam at Nineveh shares this shape.
The function of obelisks is not certain, but judging from its four faces, and its findspot TT , it is reasonable to conclude that it was designed for public display. The Black Obelisk (Image 1) was erected in a courtyard outside a large building in the centre of Kalhu, now known as the "Central Building", which is thought to be one of the temples listed in Assurnasirpal II'sStandard Inscription(1). At the time of the stela's TT erection, Kalhu was the capital of an Assyrian empire torn apart by civil war, so maybe it was intended to remind the king's retinue of the extent of his authority and rule.
Acts of tribute to the Assyrian king
Five scenes wrap around the Obelisk. They each depict tribute TT exacted from a vassal TT , who is named in a cuneiform TT caption. The tribute includes exotic animals such as camels, monkeys, an elephant and a rhinoceros. Assyrian kings often collected exotic animals and plants as an expression of their power. It is thought that the vassals shown here are chosen to demonstrate the geographical bounds of the empire, from east to west. The Black Obelisk also has a longer inscription, which tells of Shalmaneser's achievements in more detail (2).
The five tribute scenes as they wrap around the monument are as follows, from top to bottom:
"I received tribute from Sua the Gilzanean PGP : silver TT , gold TT , tin, bronze TT cauldrons TT , the staffs 'of the king's hand', horses (and) two-humped camels."
Side A: Shalmaneser, holding a bow, receives "tribute from Sua the Gilzanean". (This event is recorded in Shalmaneser's annals (3)). He faces his field marshal and another official.
Side B: Two Assyrian officials, a foreign groom and a horse with rich trappings, representing the horses for which Gilzanu PGP was famous.
Side C: [Indian] Two attendants bring "two-humped (Bactrian) camels" from Gilzanu.
Side D: Five tribute-bearers with "silver, gold, tin, bronze cauldrons (and) the 'staffs of the king's hand'" from Gilzanu.
"I received tribute from Iaua, son of Omri: silver, gold, a golden bowl, a golden tureen, golden pails, tin, the staffs 'of the king's hand' and a spear."
Side A: Shalmaneser, beneath a parasol TT , accepts the "tribute of Iaua PGP of the House of Omri" in 841 BC. This is king Jehu of Israel PGP , who appears in the Bible (2 Kings 9-10).
Side B: Two Assyrian officials and three tribute-bearers from Israel with "silver, gold ... gold vessels ... tin ...".
Side C: Five more tribute-bearers from Israel with "a gold bowl, a golden tureen, gold vessels, gold pails, tin, the 'staffs of the king's hand' (and) spears".
Side D: Five tribute-bearers from Israel with "silver, gold, a gold bowl, a gold tureen, gold vessels, gold pails (and) tin".
"I received tribute from Muṣri: two-humped camels, a water buffalo TT , a rhinoceros, an antelope, female elephants, female monkeys and apes."
Side A: Attendants bring "tribute from Muṣri: two-humped camels". Muṣri, meaning 'borderland', probably refers to a country far to the east.
Side B: Exotic animals from Muṣri: "a river-ox [water-buffalo], an [Indian] rhinoceros (and) an antelope". The sculptor seems never to have seen a rhinoceros.
Side C: "Female [Indian] elephants, female monkeys (and) apes" from Muṣri.
Side D: More "monkeys" and their keepers from Muṣri. The way the monkeys are carved suggests that the sculptor had not seen them himself. This may not be the case, however. Monkeys were not new sights for the Assyrian court at this time.
"I received tribute from Marduk-apla-uṣur PGP , the Suhean PGP : silver, gold, pails, ivory TT , spears, byssus TT , garments with multi-coloured trim and linen."
Side A: Lions and a stag from "Marduk-apla-uṣur PGP the Suhean PGP ", probably for the royal hunting park.
Side B: Four tribute-bearers from Suhu with "silver, gold... byssus, garments with multi-coloured trim and linen [garments]".
Side C: Five tribute-bearers with "silver, gold, gold pails, ivory [tusks] (and) spears" from Suhu.
Side D: Four tribute-bearers with "silver, gold, gold pails, ivory [tusks] (and) spears" from Suhu.
Content last modified: 31 Dec 2015. nimrud at oracc dot org
References
Oates, D. and J. Oates, 2001. Nimrud, An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed, London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq ( free PDF from BISI, 128 MB), pp. 71-73. (Find in text ^)
Grayson, A.K., 1996. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858-745 BC) (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Periods. Volume 3), Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 62-71: A.0.102.14 (with detailed bibliography), pp.148-51: A.0.102.87-91. (Find in text ^)
Grayson, A.K., 1996. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858-745 BC) (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Periods. Volume 3), Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 32-41: A.0.102.6, I 41. (Find in text ^)
Jonathan Taylor
Jonathan Taylor, 'The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III',Nimrud: Materialities of Assyrian Knowledge Production, The Nimrud Project at Oracc.org, 2015 [http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/nimrud/livesofobjects/blackobelisk/]
Anzu the monstrous lion-eagle
The Anzu bird, half-lion, half-eagle, had been a mainstay of cuneiform TT culture from at least the third millennium BC. He appears in Sumerian literary works as a wild creature of the mountains. He can also be tamed by the gods, as depicted in monumental sculpture. In 9th-century Kalhu, he was portrayed doing battle with the warrior god Ninurta, at an entrance to the most important shrine of the royal citadel TT . Layard PGP discovered this sculpture in the mid-19th century, and shipped it to the British Museum TT . For generations this unnamed "dragon" or "demon" TT captivated the public imagination in many different ways. However, it took over half a century to rediscover Anzu's true identity.
Image 1: In Layard's PGP glossy publication of sculptures from Nimrud and Nineveh PGP he simply labelled the relief TT later known as Anzu and Ninurta as "Bas-reliefs from the entrance to a small temple (Nimroud)" (1). The engraving was made by the eminent Ludwig Gruner PGP . View large version (277 KB).
Fight or flight: Anzu in Ninurta's temple
Image 2: Solomon Malan PGP 's sketch, made on the spot at Nimrud in 1950, shows the northern member of the pair of bas-reliefs TT coming out of the ground (2). The southern one, which originally stood opposite, has already been removed. The tunnel to the left shows how Layard's men dug by following the temple walls. View large version (236 KB).
There were two ways into the shrine of the mighty god Ninurta, nestled into the southeast corner of the ziggurat at Kalhu. The most direct entrance was flanked by enormous stone human-headed lions. When the doors between them were opened, priests and the privileged few could gaze directly through an ante-chamber to the statue of the deity himself (Room A on the plan). Alternatively, they could enter and exit through a doorway just to the north of the lion gateway, and then turn back south into the antechamber or the shrine (Room B). Protective male figures holding branches were positioned on the courtyard side of the doorway, fish-cloaked figures on the interior side. A huge sculpture of king Assurnasirpal PGP stood just to the right.
The doorway to Room B was lined on both sides with mirror-image depictions of the same extraordinary scene (Image 1). A towering male figure in a long robe bears down on a monstrous creature, half lion and half eagle, who turns back to him open mouthed, claws out. The bearded man's horned helmet and double wings mark him out as a god. His muscles bulge and he is laden with weapons. A sickle TT and a sheathed sword hang from his body, while he clutches forked bolts of lightning in each hand. This can only be the culminating episode in The Epic of Anzu, where Ninurta cunningly defeats this demonic TT force of chaos, and reclaims the Tablet of Destinies TT for the gods.
The image of Ninurta chasing Anzu out of his temple powerfully marries the militaristic ideals of Assyrian kingship with the importance of scholarly learning. One the one hand, Ninurta must use intelligence as well as brute force to defeat the wicked Anzu. On the other, his quest is to recover the Tablet of Destinies, which records the gods' decisions about Assyria's future. Court scholarsadvised the Assyrian king on his military decision-making by interrogating the gods about their intentions, through various forms of divination TT . Assyria went to war only with the gods' blessing, and with victory assured in the Tablet of Destinies. Assyrian royal inscriptions increasingly acknowledged the role of scholarly divination in predicting divine support and garnering military success.
Assurnasirpal II commissioned the building of Ninurta's shrine early in the ninth century BC. When the royal court moved to Dur-Šarruken PGP , and then to Nineveh PGP , in the late eighth and early seventh centuries BC, Ninurta was already losing royal patronage in favour of Nabu PGP . Now that the empire had stabilised, learnedness was more fashionable than militarism. Nevertheless, Ninurta's temple survived nearly 200 years of royal neglect, and the twin monuments to his victory over Anzu remained standing, right until Kalhu's temples were pillaged by invaders at the end of empire in 612 BC (4).
Anzu came to light again only in June 1850. A visitor to Layard's excavations at Nimrud, the Reverend Solomon Malan PGP , vividly sketched the northern half of the pair of bas-reliefs, still in its earthen matrix and surrounded by discarded rubble (Image 2). A weary local workman sits propped up in its shade (5). Malan's watercolour is the only surviving record of this object, as Layard decided to keep only the southern member of the pair (Image 3).
The sculpture arrived at the British Museum, as part of much larger shipment of Nimrud artefacts, in 1851. It was set up in the so-called Nimroud Gallery on the ground floor, in between the bas-reliefs of protective genies that had flanked it in antiquity (Image 4, Image 5). But who these two powerful, well-matched figures were, no-one yet knew. The inscription running across the front was very badly worn, and the one on the back could not yet be deciphered. In his account of the excavations, Layard rightly inferred that the image "appears to represent the bad spirit driven out by a good deity; a fit subject for the entrance of a temple dedicated to the god of war" (6). That was as much as anyone could say for now.
Gradually over the next few decades, cuneiform script began to make more sense. In 1876, a full quarter of a century after the arrival of the sculpture at the British Museum, the first clues as to Anzu's identity began to appear. Museum assistant George Smith PGP published a book of translated Assyrian and Babylonian PGP myths that aimed to relate this still difficult material to the much more familiar world of the Old Testament (7). The climax of the so-called "Chaldean account of Genesis" (now better known as the Standard Babylonian TT Epic of Creation TT , or Enūma Eliš) featured a cosmic battle very like that shown in the bas-relief from Nimrud. The warrior god Bel PGP or Merodach — now known as Marduk PGP — defeats the dragon Tiamat PGP with a sword and bow.
Smith confidently identified the hitherto mysterious monument from Nimrud as the "fight between Merodach (Bel) and the Dragon" (8) and even used it on the front cover of the book. He undoubtedly knew that Tiamat was female: "Tiamat opened her mouth to swallow him", he translated (9). Yet Anzu's snake-headed penis was clearly visible in the line drawing he used in the book, though was removed for the sake of Victorian modesty on the cover itself. At almost exactly the same time, Assyriological TT dilettante Henry Fox Talbot PGP made almost exactly the same argument, explicitly bringing the apocryphal Old Testament book "Bel and the Dragon" into the argument (10)(11).
It was to be several more decades before the three monsters — Anzu, Tiamat, and Marduk's mušhuššu-dragon — were disentangled. Meanwhile, the British Museum's curators started to label the Nimrud scuplture as "the conflict between the god Marduk or Bêl and the monster Tiâmat", and continued to do so until at least 1908 (12).
It did not take long to decipher the inscriptions on the slabs from the temple, establishing it as property of the god "Ninib". British Museum Assyriologist TT Leonard King PGP published the first systematic translation of the temple texts in 1902 (14)(15). W F Albright correctly read the name "Ninib" as Ninurta in 1915 (16). However, there was nothing in these inscriptions to identify the protagonists of the battle scene as Ninurta and Anzu. That was a long time coming.
Another of the narratives in Smith's anthology was the very fragmentary work that he named "The Sin of the God Zu" (17). At that point, in 1876, it was very hard to interpret its contents, except that "Zu" ran away after committing some crime against the gods, who then discussed how to react. As Smith noted, other inscriptions suggested that Zu "was in the likeness of a bird of prey" (18). Gradually, as more pieces of clay tablets TT were discovered, the composition we now call The Epic of Anzu began to take shape. But the process was very gradual indeed. In the late 1940s the Manchester Assyriologist Thomas Fish was still struggling with what the "Zu bird" must have looked like, and which god had defeated him, Marduk or Ninurta (19).
The monster's identity as "Anzu" rather than "the god Zu" gradually gained acceptance over the 1960s and 70s, as it became clear that the first cuneiform sign of the name must be the syllable an and not the (visually identical) divine marker DINGIR (20)(21). Ilse Fuhr-Jaeppelt's diachronic TT analysis of Anzu's iconography TT over the third to first millennium BC, together with Blahoslav Hruška's study and full critical edition of The Epic of Anzu finally put Anzu's identity beyond doubt, a full 125 years after he emerged from the earth of Nimrud (22)(23). In the meantime, however, Anzu's image had taken on a life of its own, far beyond the confines of Assyriology.
In the early twentieth century, Anzu featured in an advert by pharmaceuticals firm Burroughs Wellcome & Company (BW&C) designed to defend its brands of medicines against commercial rivals (Image 7). Headed by businessman Henry Wellcome, BW&C secured financial success in the early twentieth century by selling compressed forms of foodstuffs and medicines, trade-marked under the brand-name 'Tabloid' (but which are now better known as tablets). The company fiercely pursued any copyright infringement, through advertising campaigns and by threatening perpetrators with legal action (24)(25).
As part of their brand protection campaign, BW&C targeted chemists and druggists who passed off cheap home-made medicines as BW&C branded versions, pocketing the profits. The company fought a decade of trade warfare with retail chemists over issues of drug substitution around 1900. (26). They pitched adverts to doctors warning them of the dangers of imitation medicines, and the Anzu advert is once such example. Its sharp wording pushed doctors to write out BW&C trade-marked names in their prescriptions, which forced chemists to dispense branded medicines and not cheaper substitutes. According to BW&C's advert, abbreviating the 'Tabloid' brand-name was actively "dangerous" (Image 7), as it let unscrupulous chemists use dubious ingredients and endanger patients.
The Anzu advert appears in the 1915 edition of Wellcome's Medical Diary and Visiting List, a promotional tool distributed free to doctors (27). These appointments diaries came complete with reference information, a handy pencil, and copious BW&C advertisements. Each diary between 1906 and 1940 featured a different ancient civilisation, catering to a rising interest in history of medicine among the medical profession, and the 1915 diary was entirely Assyrian themed. A complete set of the diaries is now held in the Wellcome Library in London.
Tablet stealers
But why use an image of Anzu to represent cut-throat commercial practices? BW&C likely understood that its well-educated audience of doctors would be familiar with the ancient mythologies depicted in their diaries. Each year they chose an appropriate mythological character to accompany their 'Dangerous Abbreviation' advert, assembling a motley crew of 'baddies' to symbolize commercial evil. Anzu's appearance in 1915 was preceded by the fearsome Gorgon Medusa from ancient Greek legend (1911), whose stare turned men to stone, and the Maori marakihau (1910), a deep-water monster that devoured passing sailors (28)(29)(30).
Some of these characters were famously recognisable, others playfully obscure. And if the company was inviting medical doctors to play 'guess the monster', Anzu was likely one of the more familiar creatures, even if his name was not yet known. His image was famous from Layard's and Smith's books where he was known to represent dark malevolence, even though his exact identity as a bird-monster or dragon was uncertain. The pharmaceuticals company played on this familiarity, visualizing brand infringement practices as an evil creature that needed vanquishing.
Doctors who were familiar with the Assyrian battle scene image may also have noticed what was missing in in the BW&C version: the force of good - the vanquishing hero. In the absence of the champion, was the audience invited to infer that the hero was company proprietor, Henry Wellcome, himself? Certainly, the implication was that in the fight between good and evil, BW&C was the force of good. And Anzu, originally stealer of the Tablet of Destinies, now represented 'tablet stealers' of a pharmaceutical kind.
31 Dec 2015 nimrud at oracc dot org
References
Layard, A.H., 1849-1853. The Monuments of Nineveh: From Drawings Made on the Spot, vols. I–II, London: John Murray (free online edition of vol. 1 and vol. 2), pp. vol II, plate 5. (Find in text ^)
Gadd, C.J., 1938. "A visiting artist at Nineveh in 1850", Iraq 5, pp. 118-122 and plates XI-XX (PDF available via JSTOR for subscribers), pp. plate XV. (Find in text ^)
Layard, A.H., 1853. Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, London: John Murray (free online edition via The Internet Archive), p. 302. (Find in text ^)
Reade, J.E., 2002. "The ziggurrat and temples of Nimrud", Iraq 64, pp. 135-216 (PDF available via JSTOR for subscribers), p. 201. (Find in text ^)
Gadd, C.J., 1938. "A visiting artist at Nineveh in 1850", Iraq 5, pp. 118-122 and plates XI-XX (PDF available via JSTOR for subscribers), pp. pl. XV. (Find in text ^)
Layard, A.H., 1853. Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, London: John Murray (free online edition via The Internet Archive), p. 301. (Find in text ^)
Smith, G., 1876. The Chaldean Account of Genesis, London: Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington (free online edition at The Internet Archive). (Find in text ^)
Smith, G., 1876. The Chaldean Account of Genesis, London: Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington (free online edition at The Internet Archive), p. 62. (Find in text ^)
Smith, G., 1876. The Chaldean Account of Genesis, London: Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington (free online edition at The Internet Archive), p. 98. (Find in text ^)
Talbot, W.H.F, 1876. "The fight between Bel and the Dragon, and the flaming sword which turned every which way", Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 5: 1-21. (Find in text ^)
Robson, E., 2013. "Bel and the dragons: deciphering cuneiform after decipherment", in M. Brusius, K. Dean and C. Ramalingam (eds.), William Henry Fox Talbot: Beyond Photography, New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 193-218. (Find in text ^)
British Museum, 1908. A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities, 2nd edition, revised and enlarged. London: printed by order of the Trustees, p. 24. (Find in text ^)
Smith, G., 1876. The Chaldean Account of Genesis, London: Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington (free online edition at The Internet Archive). (Find in text ^)
Budge, E.A.W. and L.W. King, 1902. Annals of the Kings of Assyria: The Cuneiform Text with Translations, Transliterations, etc. from the Original Documents in the British Museum, Vol. 1, London: printed by order of the Trustees, pp. . (Find in text ^)
Grayson, A.K., 1996. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858-745 BC) (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Periods. Volume 3), Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. nos.A.0.101.3, 5-7, 31. (Find in text ^)
Albright, W.F., 1915. "Ninib-Ninurta", Journal of the American Oriental Society 38: 197-201 (PDF available via JSTOR for subscribers). (Find in text ^)
Smith, G., 1876. The Chaldean Account of Genesis, London: Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington (free online edition at The Internet Archive), pp. 113-122. (Find in text ^)
Smith, G., 1876. The Chaldean Account of Genesis, London: Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington (free online edition at The Internet Archive), p. 119. (Find in text ^)
Landsberger, B., 1961. "Einige unerkannt gebliebene oder verkannte Nomina des Akkadischen," Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 57: 1-23. (Find in text ^)
Civil, M., 1972. "The Anzu-bird and scribal whimsies", Journal of the American Oriental Society 92: 271 (PDF available via JSTOR for subscribers). (Find in text ^)
Fuhr-Jaeppelt, I., 1972. Materialien zur Ikonographie des Löwenadlers Anzu-Imdugud. Munich. (Find in text ^)
Hruška, B., 1975. Der Mythenadler Anzu in Literatur und Vorstellung des alten Mesopotamien, Budapest: Eötvös-Lorand University. (Find in text ^)
Larson, F., 2009. An Infinity of Things. How Sir Henry Wellcome Collected the World, London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, pp. 12-13. (Find in text ^)
Church, R., and E. M. Tansey (2007). Burroughs Wellcome & Co. Knowledge, Trust, Profit and the Transformation of the British Pharmaceutical Industry 1880-1940. Lancaster: Crucible Books, pp. 131–139, 284–285. (Find in text ^)
Church, R., and E. M. Tansey (2007). Burroughs Wellcome & Co. Knowledge, Trust, Profit and the Transformation of the British Pharmaceutical Industry 1880-1940. Lancaster: Crucible Books, pp. 130-145. (Find in text ^)
Wellcome's Medical Diary and Visiting List (1915). London: Burroughs Wellcome & Co., WF/M/PB/003/28, Wellcome Foundation Archives, Wellcome Library, London. (Find in text ^)
Wellcome's Medical Diary and Visiting List (1911). London: Burroughs Wellcome & Co., WF/M/PB/003/24, Wellcome Foundation Archives, Wellcome Library, London. (Find in text ^)
Wellcome's Medical Diary and Visiting List (1910). London: Burroughs Wellcome & Co., WF/M/PB/003/23, Wellcome Foundation Archives, Wellcome Library, London. (Find in text ^)
Horry, R. A., 2013. "Transitions and Transformations in Assyriology, c.1880-1913: Artefacts, Academics and Museums", PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, pp. 96-100, 110-113. (Find in text ^)
Ruth A. Horry & Eleanor Robson
Ruth A. Horry & Eleanor Robson, 'Anzu the monstrous lion-eagle', Nimrud: Materialities of Assyrian Knowledge Production, The Nimrud Project at Oracc.org, 2015 [http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/nimrud/livesofobjects/anzu/]
Three Obelisks in the British Museum
1&2.
Pharaoh:
Nectanebo II (Late Period, The 30th dynasty, Reigned 4 Century BC)
Measurement:
2.74 meters high
3.
Pharaoh:
Hatshepsut (New Kingdom 18th Dynasty, Reigned 15 Century BC)
Measurement:
1.65 meters high
How to Get There: The Museum is in the center of London, but no underground station close to the museum. Although there are 4 stations: Russell Square, Goodge Street, Tottenham Court Road, and Holborn, but I would recommend Tottenham Court Road (Northern Line, Central Line), or Holborn (Central Line, Piccadilly Line) for the main entrance of the museum, about 300 meters by walk from the stations. About the Obelisk: Three (3) obelisks of Ancient Egypt and two (2) obelisks of Ancient Assyria are exhibited in this Museum. Among three (3) of Ancient Egypt, two (2) are in the Great Court, along the wall of both side, that were made by King Nectanebo II. Another one (1) is in Room 65 (Sudan, Egypt and Nubia) on the Upper Level, that was made by Queen Hatshepsut. 1&2.Nectanebo II Obelisks (Excluded from the excerpts)
May 6, 2015 by Hiroyuki Nagase
[Appendix] Assyrian Obelisk Among five (5) obelisks in the British Museum, this would be the most wellknown, as a "Black Obelisk". Wikipedia has a page for this Black Obelisk. This was originally erected in 825 BC by Shalmaneser III, a king of Assyria [reigned 858-824 BC], and discovered in 1846 from underground of Nimrud (ancient Kalhu, Northern Iraq). This is 1.98 meters high, and has cuneiform inscriptions and the relief illustrated an image of Jehu, King of Israel who is contributing to King Shalmaneser, and the contributed animals. Next to the "Black Obelisk", "White Obelisk" is also exhibited. This was discovered in 1853, and is 2.84 meters high. According to the Museum, the inscription may not have completed, and most are unreadable. The name of Ashurnasirpal is inscribed, but the researchers are still discussing whether Ashurnasirpal I [reigned 1050-1031 BC] or Ashurnasirpal II [reigned 883-859 BC]. Reference: the Explanation about Black Obelisk by the British Museum
August 2, 2014 by Hiroyuki Nagase
Reference: the Explanation about White Obelisk by the British Museum Obelisks are not on display The British Museum web site has a search service of the collections database. Checked the search results, it was found that there are following obelisks which are not on display. There are such as a priest's obelisk in 4th century, and fragment of "Cleopatra's Needle".
Top of a limestone obelisk(?); Hieroglyphic text and representations of composite deities on each side.
http://www.obelisks.org/en/british_museum.htm 14. Black obelisk of Shalmaneser III, 825BC, Nimrod (northern Iraq), 198cm high. Here is a close up of the third panel showing the tribute of the country of Musri (probably Egypt), consisting entirely of animals led or driven by attendants dressed in knee-length garments. Black obelisk of Shalmaneser III At British Museum depicts King Jehu the King of Israel bowing before the Assyrian king in tribute, read 2Kings 9-10 Attendants bring tribute from Musri with two-humped camels. Musri, meaning a borderland, probably refers to a country in eastern Iran or in Egypt. From Nimrud, (ancient Kalhu), near the building of Shalmaneser, neo-Assyrian era, 827 BCE, Mesopotamia, northern Iraq. (The British Museum). https://www.ancient.eu/image/2487/the-black-obelisk-of-shalmaneser-iii-side-a-3rd-re/ This obelisk was erected as a public monument in 825 BCE at a time of civil war. The relief sculptures glorify the achievements of King Shalmaneser III and his commander-in-chief . It lists their military campaigns of 31 years and the tribute they exacted from their neighbors. It is the most complete Assyrian obelisk yet discovered, and it is historically significant because it is thought to display the earliest ancient depiction of a biblical figure - Jehu King of Israel. Reign of Shalmaneser III, 858-824 BCE, neo-Assyrian era, from Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq, Mesopotamia, the British Museum, London. https://www.ancient.eu/image/2289/the-black-obelisk-of-king-shalmaneser-iii/ The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III was made in the 9th century BC in ancient Assyria. It is about six and a half feet in height and is made of fine grained black limestone. The cuneiform text reads, "Tribute of Jehu, son of Omri...." Both Jehu and Omri were Israelite kings who are referred to in the Bible (cf. 1 & 2 Kings). A close-up photo showing an Israelite, possibly Jehu, bowing to the king of Assyria. Jehu, the King of Israel 841-814 BC Paying tribute to Assyrian King Shalmanasser III Black Obelisk British museum
-- Wolfgang Heimpel confirms symbolic depiction of camels, elephant, monkeys (bazitu/uqupu), unicorn (sakea), water-buffalo (river-ox), antelope (susu) on Shalamaneser Black Obelisk of 9th cent. BCE.
I have argued deciphering over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions that the animal symbols signify metalwork wealth and that the inscriptions constitute metalwork wealth-accounting ledgers.
Side A, B, C, D on Row 3 from the top of the Black Obelisk
The animals as tribute are mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions (translated as below):
The symbolic wealth resources displayed are: Bactrian camels, buffalo, unicorn, antelope, elephant, monkeys. All thesea are Indus Script hieroglyphs read rebus in Meluhha:
Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant'karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu, ˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.
Water-buffalo: Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
River ox: Hieroglyph, short-horned bull: barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).
ranku 'antelope' rebus; ranku 'tin'
Does sakea in the black obelisk inscription signify 'unicorn' i.e. animal shown on Indus Script with one horn? " I suggest that this signifies the 'one-horned young bull with a curved, s-shaped, mutilated horn' shown on thousands of Indus Script Inscriptions.
Monkeys: hieroglyphs: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
Thus, the tributes received are iron implements, metal armour, lapidary metalwork wealth from Meluhha and tin ore .
I agree with the views of Wolfgang Heimpel cited by DT Potts that the depiction of Bactrian camels on the Black obelisk was perhaps mainly symbolic… to show ‘exotic animals…procured in the context of an important royal campaign to far distant regions.’
I have shown that the symbolic depiction of not only the Bactrian camel but also to elephant, monkeys, water-buffalo, unicorn, antelope are use of the ‘symbols’ consistent with Indus Script Cipher which reads rebus these animals as wealth resources and hence, documented in metalwork wealth-accounting ledgers of Indus Script Corpora.
“Wolfgang Heimpel (Heimpel, W., 1980, Kamel, RIA5:: 331) has noted that the cuneiform references to Bactrian camels offer no clues to the use of these animals, and Kuhrt (Kuhrt, A. 1999, The exploitation of the camel in the Neo-Assyrian empire. In Studies in ancient Egypt in honour of HS Smith, eds. A. Leahy and J. Tait,:180; cf. Wapnish, P., 1984, The dromedary and Bactrian camel in Levantine historical settings: The evidence from Tell Jemmeh. In Animals and archaeology: 3. Early herders and their flocks, eds. . Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson, 171-2000. Oxford: BAR Int Ser 202: 180) suggests that the depiction of Bactrian camels on the Black obelisk was perhaps mainly symbolic, or even if grounded in reality, an attempt to show ‘exotic animals…procured in the context of an important royal campaign to far distant regions, or as highly prized royal gifts symbolizing far-flung network of commercial contacts’ enjoyed by Assyria, rather than having a pragmatic function. But if Dannaya’s camels had merely been ‘trophies’, given to him by Esarhaddon, why would he have loaned them out? What possible function could the two-humped camels have had in Assyria or, for that matter, in Ellipi, Namri or Gilzanu? The answer I suggest, lies in camel hybridization.”(DT Potts, 2004, Camel hybridization and and the role of Camelus Bactrianus in the Ancient Near East, In in Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 57, Issue 2, p. 155) https://www.academia.edu/1905446/Potts_2004_Camel_hybridization_and_the_role_of_Camelus_bactrianus_in_the_Ancient_Near_East
This is an addendum to: Wolfgang Heimpel explains why animals are depicted as tribute on Shalamaneser Black Obelisk https://tinyurl.com/y5nrbgof
The objective of this monograph is to provide rebus renderings of Meluhha expressions which explain the pragmatics and semantics related to the images of animals listed in the text, 'The Cursing of Agade' and on the sculptural friezes of Shalamaneser Black Obelisk. I suggest, for example, that the 'unicorn' shown on Side B of the Black Obelisk signifies Meluhha expressions: khara 'onager' rebus khār 'blacksmith' PLUS mer̥ha 'crumpled horn' is a semantic determinative, rebus medhā मेधा = धन,treasure PLUS khōṇḍam A young bull, a bullcalf. rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures, lapidary work'. Thus, the composite animal called 'unicorn' signifies wealth-accounting of metal work and lapidary work. Similarly, the elephant signifies karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus; karba, ib 'iron' and the monkeys signify kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु armourers. The animals shown on Shalamaneser Black Obelisk as tributes from Musri have been deciphered as specific Meluhha expressions of wealth-accounting ledgers related to specific categories of metalwork. Thus, the animals shown on the Shalamaneser Black Obelisk are symbolic, Meluhha hypertexts rendered in Indus Script Cipher. DT Potts identifies Musri with Egypt; I suggest that this may signify a region called Musri which had Meluhha settlers. Musri (Assyrian: Mu-us-ri), or Muzri, was a small ancient kingdom, in northern areas of Iraqi Kurdistan. The area is now inhabited by Muzuri (Mussouri) Kurds. See reference to Musri in Inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I, King of Assyria: http://www.sacred-texts.com/ane/rp/rp201/rp20126.htm
'The Cursing of Agade'is part of Mesopotamian literary genre known as Naru literature reconstructed from Old Babylonian manuscripts. The story is about Naram-Sin whose impiety resulted in Gods' wrath which led to the destruction of the city of Agade(also called Akkad in other texts). Annex is full text of translation of this quasi-historical text called 'The Cursing of Agade'. Lines 21-24, 40-56 of the 'The Cursing of Agade'contained references to 1) exotic imports of monkeys, elephants, water buffalo, dogs, lions, mountain ibexes, sheep... and 2) Meluhans, the people of the black land, who brought exotic wares(some mss. have instead: wares of foreign countries) up to her. Lines 21-24 In Akkadian capital, Agade- female divinity Inanna ensured that monkeys, mighty elephants, water buffalo, exotic animals, as well as thoroughbred dogs, lions, mountain ibexes(some mss. have instead: mountain beasts (?))(some mss. have instead:horses), and alum sheep with long wool would jostle each other in the public squares. ... Lines 40-56 ...Its king, the shepherd Naram-Suen, rose as the daylight on the holy throne of Agade. Its city wall , like a mountain,(1 ms. has instead: , a great mountain,) reached the heavens. It was like the Tigrisgoing to(some mss. have instead: flowing into) the sea as holy Inana opened the portals of its city-gates and made Sumer bring its own possessions upstream by boats. The highland Martu, people ignorant of agriculture, brought spirited cattle and kids for her. The Meluhans, the people of the black land, brought exotic wares(some mss. have instead: wares of foreign countries) up to her.(Electronic Corpus of Sumerian Literature, “The Cursing of Agade,” lines 21-24; lines 40-56). The references to Meluhhans and the exotic wares imported are reinforced by the sculptural friezes on the Black Obelisk of Shalamaneser. The sculptural friezes provide images of some of the animals listed in 'The Cursing of Agade'. These animals are Meluhha rebus renderings of wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork.
Side A, B, C, D on Row 3 from the top of the Black Obelisk
The horn of the 'one-horned young bull' (the so-called unicorn) is with two curves, like the horn of an antelope, with two curves. The rebus reading in Meluhha for the horn ligatured to the young bull is: koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ'workshop'.Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. ko·ṛ (obl. ko·ṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwï·ṛ (obl. kwï·ṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul)horn. Ga. (Oll.) kōr (pl. kōrgul) id. Go. (Tr.) kōr (obl. kōt-, pl. kōhk) horn of cattle or wild animals, branch of a tree; (W. Ph. A. Ch.) kōr (pl. kōhk), (S.) kōr (pl. kōhku), (Ma.) kōr̥u (pl. kōẖku) horn; (M.) kohk branch (Voc. 980); (LuS.) kogoo a horn. Kui kōju (pl. kōska) horn, antler. Cf. 2049 Ta. koṭi. (DEDR 2200). A pair of such horns can constitute a pair of tongs for handling Mahāvīra ayasmaya, metal pot used in Veda performance of Pravargya. This sacred performance may explain the unique orthography of the one-horn with two curves, ligatured to the young bull. Other ligatures are: rings on neck and pannier. Both these hieroglyphs reinforce the underlying semantics of the young bull: koḍiyum 'rings on neck'. kāru-kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) खोंडा 'cowl' or 'pannier' rebus: khōṇḍī 'pannier sack' खोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) खोंडा khōṇḍā m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood.कोंड[kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजाor village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. కారుకోడె kārukōḍe kāru-kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime.కోడియ kōḍiya Same as కోడె.కోడె kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొనిపోవుతెరంగు" రామా. vi. కోడెకాడుkōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు.I suggest that an early Munda word to signify a cattlepen is: goṭ = the place where cattle are collected at mid-day (Santali); goṭh (Brj.)(CDIAL 4336). goṣṭha (Skt.); cattle-shed (Or.) koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी [ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi) A one-horned young bull which comes out of such a cattlepen is a rebus rendering of a lapidary working with fine gold: कोंदkōnda ‘young bull' कोंदkōnda ‘engraver,turner'. कुलालादिकन्दुः f. akiln; a potter'skiln;kō̃daकोँद 'potter'skiln'(Kashmiri) Thus, an iron turner (in smithy/forge).Rebus: Ta.kuntaṉaminterspaceforsetting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725). [ kun̐da ] n a (turner's) lathe kundār 'workshop of metals turner (mixer of metals to create alloys) or artisan working in a smithy/forge.'
An intriguing feature relates to the 'unique' feature of the 'one-horn' ligatured to the young bull. The horn is not of a curved style like parethetical marks: () but is a zig-zag 'S' or twisted-shape pattern and sometimes serrated. I suggested that this crumpled, zig-zag or twisted pattern of the horn has to be expressed by a Meluhha word. The word has been found. The word is mer̥ha, 'crumpled'. Cognate: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi)..The rebus rendering of this word is of great significance in the metalwork wealth-accounting ledgers of Indus Script Corpora.The rebus readings of the word are:meḍ,med 'iron, copper'(Mu.Ho.Slavic languages); medhāमेधा
= धन (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क. ii , 10); मेधmedha 'yajna, oblation, oblation, the juice of meat , broth , nourishing or strengthening drink RV. शतपथ-ब्राह्मण. कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र.) Thus, clearly, the twisted one-horn signifies metalwork of the artisan signified by the young bull. khōṇḍam A young bull, a bullcalf. rebus:kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures'. Thus, the young bull PLUS serrated, crumpled horn together signify a tresure of metalwork wealth.
Thus, I submit that mer̥ha 'crumpled horn' is a semantic determinative, read rebus as medhā मेधा = धन,treasure.
Water-buffalo: Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
River ox: Hieroglyph, short-horned bull: barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).
Does sakea in the black obelisk inscription signify 'unicorn' i.e. animal shown on Indus Script with one horn? " I suggest that this signifies the 'one-hored young bull with a curved, s-shaped, mutilated horn' shown on thousands of Indus Script Inscriptions.
Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant'karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu, ˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.
Monkeys: hieroglyphs: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
1-9After Enlil's frown had slain Kic as if it were the Bull of Heaven, had slaughtered the house of the land of Unug in the dust as if it were a mighty bull, and then Enlil had given the rulership and kingship from the south as far as the highlands to Sargon, king of Agade -- at that time, holy Inana established the sanctuary of Agade as her celebrated woman's domain; she set up her throne in Ulmac. 10-24Like a young man building a house for the first time, like a girl establishing a woman's domain, holy Inana did not sleep as she ensured that the warehouses would be provisioned; that dwellings would be founded in the city; that its people would eat splendid food; that its people would drink splendid beverages; that those bathed for holidays would rejoice in the courtyards; that the people would throng the places of celebration; that acquaintances would dine together; that foreigners would cruise about like unusual birds in the sky; that even Marhaci would be re-entered on the tribute rolls; that monkeys, mighty elephants, water buffalo, exotic animals, as well as thoroughbred dogs, lions, mountain ibexes(some mss. have instead: mountain beasts (?))(some mss. have instead:horses), and alum sheep with long wool would jostle each other in the public squares. 25-39She then filled Agade's stores for emmer wheat with gold, she filled its stores for white emmer wheat with silver; she delivered copper, tin, and blocks of lapis lazuli to its granaries and sealed its silos from outside. She endowed its old women with the gift of giving counsel, she endowed its old men with the gift of eloquence. She endowed its young women with the gift of entertaining, she endowed its young men with martial might, she endowed its little ones with joy. The nursemaids who cared for(some mss. have instead: of) the general's children played the aljarsurinstruments. Inside the city tigi drums sounded; outside it, flutes and zamzam instruments. Its harbour where ships moored was full of joy. All foreign lands rested contentedly, and their people experienced happiness. 40-56Its king, the shepherd Naram-Suen, rose as the daylight on the holy throne of Agade. Its city wall , like a mountain,(1 ms. has instead: , a great mountain,) reached the heavens. It was like theTigrisgoing to(some mss. have instead: flowing into) the sea as holy Inana opened the portals of its city-gates and made Sumer bring its own possessions upstream by boats. The highland Martu, people ignorant of agriculture, brought spirited cattle and kids for her. The Meluhans, the people of the black land, brought exotic wares(some mss. have instead: wares of foreign countries) up to her. Elam and Subir loaded themselves with goods for her as if they were packasses. All the governors, the temple administrators(1 ms. has instead: generals), and the accountants of the Gu-edina regularly supplied the monthly and New Year offerings. What a weariness all these caused at Agade's city gates! Holy Inana could hardly receive all these offerings. As if she were a citizen there, she could not restrain (?) the desire (?) to prepare the ground for a temple. 57-65But the statement coming from the E-kur was disquieting. Because of Enlil (?) all Agade was reduced (?) to trembling, and terror befell Inana in Ulmac. She left the city, returning to her home. Holy Inana abandoned the sanctuary of Agade like someone abandoning the young women of her woman's domain. Like a warrior hurrying to arms, she removed(some mss. have instead: tore away) the gift of battle and fight from the city and handed them over to the enemy. 66-76Not even five or ten days had passed and Ninurta brought the jewels of rulership, the royal crown, the emblem and the royal throne bestowed on Agade, back into his E-cumeca. Utu took away the eloquence of the city. Enki took away its wisdom. An took up(some mss. have instead: out)(1 ms. has instead: away) into the midst of heaven its fearsomeness that reaches heaven. Enki tore out its well-anchored holy mooring pole from the abzu. Inana took away its weapons. 77-82The life of Agade's sanctuary was brought to an end as if it had been only the life of a tiny carp in the deep waters, and all the cities were watching it. Like a mighty elephant, it bent its neck to the ground while they all raised their horns like mighty bulls. Like a dying dragon, it dragged its head on the earth and they jointly deprived it of honour as in a battle. 83-93Naram-Suen saw in a nocturnal vision that Enlil would not let the kingdom of Agade occupy a pleasant, lasting residence, that he would make its future altogether unfavourable, that he would make its temples shake and would scatter its treasures(1 ms. has instead: destroy its treasuries). He realized what the dream was about, but did not put into words, and did not discuss it with anyone. (1 ms. adds 2 lines: ...... temples shake ......, ...... perform (?) extispicy regarding (?) his temple .......) Because of the E-kur, he put on mourning clothes, covered his chariot with a reed mat(1 ms. has instead: pulled out the outside pin of his chariot), tore the reed canopy off his ceremonial barge(1 ms. has instead: the prow of his ceremonial barge)(1 ms. has instead: the cabin of his ceremonial barge), and gave away his royal paraphernalia. Naram-Suen persisted for seven years! Who has ever seen a king burying his head in his hands for seven years? (some mss. add the line: He realized what the dream was about, but did not put into words, and did not discuss it with anyone.) 94-99Then he went to perform extispicy on a kid regarding the temple, but the omen had nothing to say about the building of the temple. For a second time he went to perform extispicy on a kid regarding the temple, but the omen again had nothing to say about the building of the temple. In order to change what had been inflicted (?) upon him, he tried to to alter Enlil's pronouncement. 100-119Because his subjects were dispersed, he now began a mobilization of his troops. Like a wrestler who is about to enter the great courtyard, he ...... his hands towards (?) the E-kur. Like an athlete bent to start a contest, he treated the giguna as if it were worth only thirty shekels. Like a robber plundering the city, he set tall ladders against the temple. To demolish E-kur as if it were a huge ship, to break up its soil like the soil of mountains where precious metals are mined, to splinter it like the lapis lazuli mountain, to prostrate it, like a city inundated by Ickur. Though the temple was not a mountain where cedars are felled, he had large axes cast, he had double-edged agasilig axes sharpened to be used against it. He set spades against its roots and it sank as low as the foundation of the Land. He put axes against its top, and the temple, like a dead soldier, bowed its neck before him, and all the foreign lands bowed their necks before him. 120-148He ripped out its drain pipes, and all the rain went back to the heavens . He tore off its upper lintel and the Land was deprived of its ornament(1 ms. has instead: the ornament of the Land disappeared). From its "Gate from which grain is never diverted", he diverted grain, and the Land was deprived of grain. He struck the "Gate of Well-Being" with the pickaxe, and well-being was subverted in all the foreign lands. As if they were for great tracts of land with wide carp-filled waters, he cast large spades(1 ms. has instead: axes) to be used against the E-kur. The people could see the bedchamber, its room which knows no daylight. The Akkadians could look into the holy treasure chest of the gods. Though they had committed no sacrilege, its lahama deities of the great pilasters standing at the temple were thrown into the fire by Naram-Suen. The cedar, cypress, juniper and boxwood, the woods of its giguna, were ...... by him. He put its gold in containers and put its silver in leather bags. He filled the docks with its copper, as if it were a huge transport of grain. The silversmiths were re-shaping its silver, jewellers were re-shaping its precious stones, smiths were beating its copper. Large ships were moored at the temple, large ships were moored at Enlil's temple and its possessions were taken away from the city, though they were not the goods of a plundered city. With the possessions being taken away from the city, good sense left Agade. As the ships moved away from(some mss. have instead: juddered) the docks, Agade'sintelligence(1 ms. has instead: sanctuary) was removed. 149-175Enlil, the roaring (?) storm that subjugates the entire land, the rising deluge that cannot be confronted, was considering what should be destroyed in return for the wrecking of his beloved E-kur. He lifted his gaze towards the Gubin mountains, and made all the inhabitants of the broad mountain ranges descend (?). Enlil brought out of the mountains those who do not resemble other people, who are not reckoned as part of the Land, the Gutians, an unbridled people, with human intelligence but canine instincts(some mss. have instead: feelings) and monkeys' features. Like small birds they swooped on the ground in great flocks. Because of Enlil, they stretched their arms out across the plain like a net for animals. Nothing escaped their clutches, no one left their grasp. Messengers no longer travelled the highways, the courier's boat no longer passed along the rivers. The Gutians drove the trusty (?) goats of Enlil out of their folds and compelled their herdsmen to follow them, they drove the cows out of their pens and compelled their cowherds to follow them. Prisoners manned the watch. Brigands occupied(1 ms. has instead: attacked) the highways. The doors of the city gates of the Land lay dislodged in(1 ms. has instead: were covered with) mud, and all the foreign lands uttered bitter cries from the walls of their cities. They established gardens for themselves(1 ms. has instead: made gardens grow) within the cities, and not as usual on the wide plain outside. As if it had been before the time when cities were built and founded, the large (some mss. add: fields and) arable tracts yielded no grain, the inundated (some mss. add: fields and) tracts yielded no fish, the irrigated orchards yielded no syrup or wine, the thick clouds (?) did not rain, the macgurum plant did not grow. 176-192In those days, oil for one shekel was only half a litre, grain for one shekel was only half a litre, wool for one shekel was only one mina, fish for one shekel filled only one ban measure -- these sold at such prices in the markets of the cities! Those who lay down on the roof, died on the roof; those who lay down in the house were not buried. People were flailing at themselves from hunger. By the Ki-ur, Enlil's great place, dogs were packed together in the silent streets; if two men walked there they would be devoured by them, and if three men walked there they would be devoured by them. Noses were punched (?), heads were smashed (?), noses (?) were piled up, heads were sown like seeds. Honest people were confounded with traitors, heroes lay dead on top of heroes, the blood of traitors ran upon the blood of honest men. 193-209At that time, Enlil rebuilt his great sanctuaries into small reed (?) sanctuaries and from east to west he reduced their storehouses. The old women who survived those days, the old men who survived those days and the chief lamentation singer who survived those years set up seven balaj drums, as if they stood at the horizon, and together with ub, meze, and lilis(some mss. have instead:cem, and lilis)(1 ms. has instead: and bronze cem) drums made them resound to Enlil like Ickur for seven days and seven nights. The old women did not restrain the cry "Alas for my city!". The old men did not restrain the cry "Alas for its people!". The lamentation singer did not restrain the cry "Alas for the E-kur!". Its young women did not restrain from tearing their hair. Its young men did not restrain from sharpening their knives. Their laments were as if Enlil's ancestors were performing a lament in the awe-inspiring Holy Mound by the holy knees of Enlil. Because of this, Enlil entered his holy bedchamber and lay down fasting. 210-221At that time, Suen, Enki, Inana, Ninurta, Ickur, Utu, Nuska, and Nisaba, the great gods(1 ms. has instead: all the gods whosoever), cooled(1 ms. has instead: sprinkled)Enlil's heart with cool water and prayed to him: "Enlil, may the city that destroyed your city, be treated as your city has been treated! May the one that defiled your giguna, be treated as Nibru! In this city, may heads fill the wells! May no one find his acquaintances there, may brother not recognize brother! May its young woman be cruelly killed in her woman's domain, may its old man cry in distress for his slain wife! May its pigeons moan on their window ledges, may its small birds be smitten in their nooks, may it live in constant anxiety like a timid pigeon!" 222-244Again, Suen, Enki, Inana, Ninurta, Ickur, Utu, Nuska and Nisaba, all the gods whosoever, turned their attention to the city, and cursed Agade severely: "City, you pounced on E-kur: it is as if you had pounced on Enlil! Agade, you pounced on E-kur: it is as if you had pounced on Enlil! May your holy walls, to their highest point, resound with mourning! May your giguna be reduced to a pile of dust! May your pilasters with the standing lahama deities fall to the ground like tall young men drunk on wine! May your clay be returned to its abzu, may it be clay cursed by Enki! May your grain be returned to its furrow, may it be grain cursed by Ezinu! May your timber be returned to its forest, may it be timber cursed by Ninilduma! May the(1 ms. has instead: your) cattle slaughterer slaughter his wife, may your(some mss. have instead: the) sheep butcher butcher his child! May water wash away your pauper as he is looking for ......! May your prostitute hang herself at the entrance to her brothel! May your pregnant (?) hierodules and cult prostitutes abort (?) their children! May your gold be bought for the price of silver, may your silver be bought for the price of pyrite (?), and may your copper be bought for the price of lead!" 245-255"Agade, may your strong man be deprived of his strength, so that he will be unable to lift his sack of provisions and ......, and will not have the joy of controlling your superior asses; may he lie idle all day! May this make the city die of hunger! May your citizens, who used to eat fine food, lie hungry in the grass and herbs, may your ...... man eat the coating on his roof, may he chew (?) the leather hinges on the main door of his father's house! May depression descend upon your palace, built for joy(1 ms. has instead: joyous palace)! May the evils of the desert, the silent place, howl continuously!" 256-271"May foxes that frequent ruin mounds brush with their tails your fattening-pens (?), established for purification ceremonies! May the ukuku, the bird of depression, make its nest in your gateways, established for the Land! In your city that could not sleep because of the tigi drums, that could not rest from its joy, may the bulls of Nanna that fill the pens bellow like those who wander in the desert, the silent place! May the grass grow long on your canal-bank tow-paths, may the grass of mourning grow on your highways laid for waggons! Moreover, may ...... wild rams (?) and alert snakes of the mountains allow no one to pass on your tow-paths built up with canal sediment! In your plains where fine grass grows, may the reed of lamentation grow! Agade, may brackish water flow(1 ms. has instead: May brackish water flow in the river), where fresh water flowed for you! If someone decides, "I will dwell in this city!", may he not enjoy the pleasures of a dwelling place! If someone decides, "I will rest in Agade!", may he not enjoy the pleasures of a resting place!" 272-280And before Utu on that very day, so it was! On its canal bank tow-paths, the grass grew long. On its highways laid for waggons, the grass of mourning grew. Moreover, on its tow-paths built up with canal sediment, ...... wild rams (?) and alert snakes of the mountains allowed no one to pass. On its plains, where fine grass grew, now the reeds of lamentation grew. Agade's flowing fresh water flowed as brackish water. When someone decided, "I will dwell in that city!", he could not enjoy the pleasures of a dwelling place. When someone decided, "I will rest in Agade!", he could not enjoy the pleasures of a resting place! 281Inana be praised for the destruction of Agade! http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr215.htm
I call this Black Obelisk a Rosetta Stone for Indus Script since the Black Obelisk row 3 from top,on four sides displays both Akkadian cuneiform inscription and transcriptions of the same words in Indus Script Hieroglyphs/hypertexts.
The Cipher of Indus Script is validated by this Rosetta Stone, the Black Obelisk:
Hieroglyphs and hypertexts are composed as wealth-accounting ledgers of metalwork in the underlying semantics of Meluhha language (dialects of Indian sprachbund,'language union') and pragmatics of exotic wealth-yielding products in maritime trade by Meluhha seafaring merchants and artisans who brought the exotic commodities from Musri into Akkad (Agade).
The Rosetta stone found in 1799 had same message in three scripts (Greek, demotic and Egyptian Hieroglyphic), thus enabled validation of decipherment of Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs by Jean-François Champollion.
I suggest that the Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk erected in 825 BCE in Nimrud (Kalhu), now in the British Museum is the 'Rosettastone' to confirm my decipherment of Indus Script. Details of the scripts (cuneiform, Indus Script hieroglyphs) displayed on the Black Obelisk are presented and discussed in the three monographs cited above.
In particular, the third row from the top of the Black Obelisk relates to four narratives presented on four sculptural friezes related to exotic imports from Musri (according to the cuneiform inscription). The exotic imports are listed as Indus Script hieroglyphs. The four narratives on sculptural friezes of the Black Obelisk are as followson Side A,B,C,D:
Cuneiform text related to the four sides reads in translation from Akkadian:
The hieroglyphs are rendered in cuneiform script as: camels, river-ox (buffalo), sakea (unicorn), susu (antelope), elephants, monkeys. These hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha expressions since Musri is an area of Kurds many of whom practice Hindu traditions even today. The readings in Meluhha expressions, of the hypertexts and plan texts are: karibha'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron' ranga'buffalo' rebus: ranga'pewter' sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa'young bull' PLUS mer̥ha'crumpled (horn)' rebus: kār kunda'blackmith, turner, goldsmith' کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) medhā 'yajna, dhanam' med 'iron'med'copper' (Slavic) susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku'tin' karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
This is an addendum to: Decipherment of Shalamaneser Black Obelisk list of exotic wares (imports from Musri) brought into Akkad by Meluhhans https://tinyurl.com/y4xfhasf
I suggest that the female monkey anthropomorph signifies: रत्नीratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman. (Marathi). The paws signify: panja 'claws' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'
Thus,the person holding a female anthopomorph monkey on a leash is a lapidary working with ratna, 'jewels and gems'. Thus,the tribute offered to Shalamaneser III are jewels and gems produced by Meluhha lapidaries.
A Meluhha technical term describes the competence of Meluhha lapidaries working with gold, metals and gems/jewels:Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) kunda 'a treasure of Kubera'.
I suggest that the male monkey anthropomorph signifies मर्कटmarkaṭa 'monkey' rebus:marakatan. ʻ emerald ʼ R.Pk.maraada -- , maragaya -- m.n.; Si. marāʻ emerald ʼ, adj. ʻ green ʼ.
Two monkeys, one male and the other female displayed together with elephant signify: कुठारुa tree, a monkey, an armourer (Monier-Williams)
I suggest that the ivory statuette of a young man found at Nimrud -- a tribute bearer-- signifies his profession by the hieroglyph of the monkey on his shoulder, leopard skin on his shoulder and the onyx he leads by his left hand. The tribute is NOT a monkey or leopard skin or an onyx but Meluhha rebus renderings of wealth-accounting ledgers signified by these hieroglyphs. The young man is an armourer working withhard alloys and iron.
karaḍa ‘panther’; karaḍatiger (Pkt); खरडा[ kharaḍā ]A leopard. खरड्या[ kharaḍyā ]m or खरड्यावाघm A leopard (Marathi). Kol. keḍiak tiger.Nk. khaṛeyak panther. Go.(A.)khaṛyaltiger; (Haig)kariyālpanther Kuikṛāḍi, krānḍitiger, leopard, hyena. Kuwi(F.)kṛani tiger; (S.)klā’nitiger, leopard; (Su. P. Isr.)kṛaˀni (pl.-ŋa)tiger. / Cf. Pkt. (DNM)karaḍa- id. (DEDR 1132).Rebus: करडा[karaḍā] Hard from alloy–iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kharādī ‘ turner, a person who fashions or shapes objects on a lathe’ (Gujarati)
कुठारुa tree, a monkey, an armourer (Monier-Williams)
Hieroglyph: miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’
Statuette of a man with an oryx, a monkey, and a leopard skin
Period: Neo-Assyrian
Date: ca. 8th century B.C.
Geography: Mesopotamia, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu)
Culture: Assyrian
Medium: Ivory
Dimensions: H. 5 5/16 x W. 3in. (13.5 x 7.6cm)
Classification: Ivory/Bone-Sculpture. MetMuseum
Credit Line: Rogers Fund, 1960
Accession Number: 60.145.11
"This statuette group, carved in the round, was found with five other statuettes with similar imagery. The six statuettes were excavated in and just below two arched niches built into the wall of a room at Fort Shalmaneser, a royal building at Nimrud that was probably used to store booty and tribute collected by the Assyrians while on military campaign. Those found just below the niches could have fallen when the palaces were destroyed during the the final defeat of Assyria at the end of the seventh century B.C. Originally, these objects were attached to long ivory plinths and exhibited in the arched niches, perhaps arranged in a procession of foreigners bringing different animals and animal skins as tribute to the Assyrian king. A frontally facing male, striding to the right with his lower body in profile, grasps the horns of an oryx (a species of desert-dwelling antelope) that strides behind him. The male figure’s eyes, necklace, and armlet were carved to receive colored glass or semiprecious stone inlays. He wears a short kilt belted with a long sash, embroidered with decoration including two uraei (mythical, fire-spitting serpents), zig-zags, wavy lines, small squares, rosettes, diamonds, and circles. A monkey, whose fur is rendered with short incisions, sits erect on his left shoulder and grasps his short curly hair which bears traces of orange-red paint. Although his right arm does not survive, it was probably extended to support the elaborately patterned leopard skin draped over his right shoulder. The monkey, leopard skin, and oryx suggest that this piece represents a Nubian bringing luxury goods in the form of live animals and animal skin as tribute to the Assyrian king." https://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/60.145.11/
Shalamaneser III Black obelisk displays the following sculptural friezes of anthropomorphic monkeys, apes and langur:
Side D: There are more monkeys with their keepers.
रत्न ratna n (S) A gem, a jewel, a precious stone. 2 A common term for the fourteen precious things produced by the ocean when it was churned by the gods and giants. See चौदा रत्नें. 3 fig. A term of praise for an excellent thing in general, a jewel. 4 A cant name for a bug.
रत्नखचित ratnakhacita a (S) रत्नजडीत a Set or studded with gems.
रत्नदीप ratnadīpa m (S) A gem serving as a luminary; a radiant or light-yielding gem. Such gems are fabled to be in Pátál.
रत्नपारखी ratnapārakhī c A judge or connoisseur of jewels and gems.
रत्नवाटी ratnavāṭī f (Poetry.) A saucer-form dish with diamonds (or other jewels) attached.
रत्नाकर ratnākara m (S) A jewel-mine. 2 A descriptive term for the ocean (as the great repository of jewels). र0 आळविणें (To soothe the sea.) To fall to blubbering or weeping, and give up weakly (a work commanded or undertaken). Ex. हा रडतोंड्या खरा जेथें कामास पाठवावा तेथून रत्नाकर आळवीत येतो.
रत्नी ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman. (Marathi)
वानर vānara m n (S) The black-faced and long-tailed monkey, Semnipethicus Entellus. थेर thēra m A caste or an individual of it. They are merry andrews, strolling players, monkey-exhibiters &c. 2 A boy that dances and sports in the guise of a female. 3 n m f Mimicry, mockery, taking off. v कर, आण, माज, नाचव g. of o. 4 n Applied as a term for a queer, odd, vitiously eccentric, disreputable fellow. 5 n m Dissolute practices: also childish pranks. (These two senses arise from the quality of the business and the character of the subjects of the थेर caste). वानरथेर vānarathēra n Monkey-tricks. (Marathi)
Sapphire, monkey: नीळ nīḷa f (नील S) Indigo plant. 2 Indigo. 3 m A species of monkey. 4 A sapphire. 5 f The green matter of stagnant water. नीळ नासली or रांपली or निळीचा रंगनासला Phrases founded upon a popular story, and used in rejecting any report or statement as utterly fabulous and incredible.
నీలుడు nīluḍu. n. The name of a monkey. ఒకవానరుడు.
Indigo: नीळ nīḷa a (नील S) Dark blue, indigo blue.నీలము nīlamu. [Skt.] adj. Blue, purple, deep blue, bright black. నల్లని. n. A blue or black stone. పచ్చరాయి, నల్లరాయి. The sapphire. Blue colour, blackness. The Indigo plant, నీలిచెట్టు
ताम्रमुख tāmramukha n S A redmuzzled monkey. mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) முசு1mucu, n. [K. musu, M. mocca, Tu. mujju.] Langur, Semnopithecus priamusகருங்குரங்குவகை. கருமை மெழுகியவை போன்றி னியவல்லா முகத்த முசுவுங் குரங்கு மிரிய (சீவக. 1414). Ta. mucu langur, Semnopithecus priamus. Ma. mocca a light-coloured monkey (or with 4626 Ka. maṅga). Ka. musu, musuku, musuva a large and black kind of ape; (Hav.) muju black monkey; (Gowda, Dr. Ling., p. 98) mucca black-faced monkey. Koḍ. muccë langur. Tu. mujji, mujju a black monkey. Te. koṇḍa-muccu large black-faced monkey, baboon. Kol. muy black-faced monkey; (Haig) muī langur. Nk. muy blackfaced monkey. Pa. muy id. Ga. (P.) muy id. Go. (Tr.) mūnj (pl. mūsk) langur monkey (female); (W.) mūnjāl ape; (M.) munj monkey; (D. Mu.) mūnjal, (Ma.) mūnji, (S.) mūnju, (Ko.) mūnjblack-faced monkey (Voc. 2937). Kui mūsu (pl. mūska) sp. monkey or ape. Kuwi (F.) mūhū (pl. mūska) monkey (hanuman); (S.) mūhu monkey; (Su.) muhu (pl. muska), (Isr.) mūhu (pl. mūska) black-faced monkey. Malt. muge baboon.(DEDR 4910) Ma. moṅṅa monkey; mocca a lightcoloured monkey (or with 4910 Ta. mucu). Ka. maṅga monkey. Tu. maṅge monkey, ape. Kor. (M.) maṅgimonkey.(DEDR 4626) Ta. maṅkai woman, girl between twelve and thirteen years. Ma. maṅka, maṅkacci (pl. maṅkayar) a young, playful woman, a coquette. Ka. (Hav.) maṅgu female cat. Tu. maṅgaṇè, maṅganè affectation, coquetry; maṅgu female cat, silly female.(DEDR 4625) மந்தி1manti, n. 1. Female monkey; பெண்குரங்கு. (தொல். பொ. 622, உரை.) 2. Monkey in general; குரங்கு. (பிங்.)
Ruby: māˊṇikya n. ʻ ruby ʼ Kathās. [maṇí -- 1?]S. māṇiku m. ʻ ruby ʼ, māṇikī f. ʻ dark part of pupil of eye ʼ; L. māṇik m. ʻ gem ʼ; P. mānak m. ʻ bead, gem ʼ; Ku. ʻ jewel ʼ; A. mānik ʻ ruby ʼ; B. mānik ʻ ruby, jewel ʼ; Or. māṇika ʻ ruby ʼ, Mth. mānik; Bhoj. mānik ʻ jewel ʼ; OAw. mānika m. ʻ ruby, gem ʼ, H. mānik m.; G. māṇek n. ʻ ruby ʼ, M. māṇīkn., māṇkī f. ʻ small ruby ʼ; Si. mäṇika ʻ jewel ʼ; -- Kal. ãdotdot; ʻ bead necklace ʼ (or maṇi -- 1). *māṇiya ʻ collection of jewels ʼ. [maṇí -- 1]
Pa. māniya -- Saddanīti 621, 8; Sh. (Lor.) māni m. ʻ necklace, round bead (?) ʼ; Si. mäṇa ʻ jewel ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 209.(CDIAL 9997, 9998)
Agate: maṇí1 m. ʻ jewel, ornament ʼ RV.Pa. maṇi -- m. ʻ jewel ʼ, NiDoc. mani, maṁni, Pk. maṇi<-> m.f.; Gy. pal. máni ʻ button ʼ; K. man m. ʻ precious stone ʼ, muñu m., müñü f. ʻ pupil of eye ʼ; S. maṇi f. ʻ jewel ʼ, maṇyo m. ʻ jewels ʼ; P. maṇī f. ʻ jewel ʼ, N. mani, Or. maṇī, Mth. manī, H. man m., manī f., maniyã̄ m.; M. maṇī m. ʻ pearl, jewel ʼ; Si. miṇa, pl. miṇi ʻ jewel ʼ; -- ext. -- kk -- : Gy. gr. minrikló m. ʻ ornament ʼ, rum. mərənkló, hung. miriklo ʻ pearl, coral ʼ, boh. miliklo, germ. merikle ʻ agate ʼ, eng. mérikli ʻ bead ʼ; Kal.rumb. ãdotdot; ʻ bead necklace ʼ; K. manka m. ʻ snake -- stone ʼ; L. maṇkā m. ʻ bead ʼ, awāṇ. miṇkā; P. maṇkā m. ʻ bead, jewel ʼ; G. maṇkɔ m. ʻ gem, bead ʼ; M. maṇkā m. ʻ large gem or bead ʼ.(CDIAL 9731)maṇikārá m. ʻ jeweller ʼ VS. [maṇí -- 1, kāra -- 1]Pa. maṇikāra -- m. ʻ jeweller ʼ, Pk. maṇiāra -- m., K. manar, manürü m.; P. maniār, ˚rā, maneārā m. ʻ seller or maker of glass bangles ʼ; Or. maṇihārī ʻ jeweller ʼ; Bi. manihār ʻ glass bangle maker ʼ; H. maniyār, ˚rā, manihār, manhiyār m. ʻ bracelet maker and seller ʼ; G. maṇīyār, ˚īhār m. ʻ seller of bangles ʼ; M. maṇyar, ˚ṇer, ˚ṇerī m. ʻ jeweller ʼ, Si. miṇiyara, miṇīr; -- forms with -- h -- influenced by -- hār from cmpds. in -- dhāra -- 1. (CDIAL 9733)
अंकी aṅkī a (अंक S) Figured, numbered, marked with figures or numbers.
Carnelian:अकीक akīka m ( A) A carnelian.
Female monkey: ஊகம்1ūkam, n. 1. Female monkey; பெண் குரங்கு. (திவா.) 2. Black monkey; கருங் குரங்கு. பைங்க ணூகம்பாம்பு பிடித்தன்ன(சிறுபாண். 221). 3. cf. ஊகை2. இயூகம்iyūkam, n. < ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (பெருங். வத்தவ. 17, 14.) வல்லூகம்2val-l-ūkam, n. < வல்1 + ஊகம்1. (W.) 1. Male monkey; ஆண்குரங்கு. 2. Large ape; முசு.கருவிரலூகம்karu-viral-ūkam, n. < கரு-மை +. A catapultic machine, of the shape of a monkey with black claws, mounted on the walls of a fort in ancient times and intended to seize and bite the approaching enemy; கரிய விரல்களையுடைய குரங்குபோலிருந்து சேர்ந்தாரைக் கடிக்கும் மதிற்பொறி. கருவிரலூகமுங் கல்லுமிழ் கவ ணும் (சிலப். 15, 208).காரூகம்kār-ūkam, n. < கார் + ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (திவா.) யூகம்1yūkam, n. < ஊகம்1. 1. Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. யூகமொடு மாமுக முசுக்கலை (திருமுரு. 302). (பிங்.) 2. Female monkey; பெண்குரங்கு. (திவா.)
திம்மன்timmaṉ, n. [T. timmaḍu, K. timma.] Male of a species of monkey; ஆண் குரங்குவகை. (W.)
தாட்டானைtāṭṭāṉai, n. cf. தாட்டையன். Monkey worn out with age; கிழக்குரங்கு. இந்த நரைத் தாட்டனை வந்து (விறலிவிடு. 890).
தட்டான்1taṭṭāṉ, n. < தட்டு-. [M. taṭṭān.] Gold or silver smith, one of 18 kuṭimakkaḷ, q. v.; பொற்கொல்லன். (திவா.)
தட்டான்3taṭṭāṉ, n. cf. தாட்டயன். Age-worn monkey; கிழக்குரங்கு. இந்த நரைத்தட்டானை வந்து (விறலிவிடு. 890).
கடுவன்kaṭuvaṉ, n. < id. [M. kaḍuvaṉ.] 1. Male of the monkey; ஆண்குரங்கு. (தொல். பொ. 623.) 2. Tom-cat; ஆண்பூனை. (திவா.)
గండంగి ganḍangi. [Tel.] n. A large black monkey. The Madras Langur, Semnopithicus prianus (F.B.I.) కొండముచ్చు.
Konḍa (BB) kōnza red-faced monkey. Kui kōnja black-faced monkey. Kuwi (F.) kōnja monkey (small); (S.) konja ape; konzu monkey; (P.) kōnja black-faced monkey.(DEDR 2194) Ta. kōṭaram monkey. Ir. kōḍa (small)monkey; kūḍag monkey. Ko. ko·ṛṇ small monkey. To. kwï·ṛṇ monkey. Ka. kōḍaga monkey, ape. Koḍ. ko·ḍë monkey. Tu. koḍañji, koḍañja, koḍaṅgů baboon.(DEDR 2196) கோடரம்1kōṭaram, n. prob. id. 1. Branch of a tree; மரக்கொம்பு. (பிங்.) 2. Tree; மரம். (அக. நி.) 3. Grove, tope, garden; சோலை. (பிங்.) 4. Pinnacle of a car; தேரின்மொட்டு. (பிங்.) 5. Strychnine tree. See எட்டி. (பிங்.) 6. [K. kōḍaga.] Monkey; குரங்கு. கொய்தளிர் கோதும் வாழ்க்கைக் கோடரத் துருவு கொண்டு (கம்பரா. அட்சகுமா. 4). கோந்திkōnti, n. < T. kōti. Ape; குரங்கு. (யாழ். அக.) குரங்கு2kuraṅku, n. < குரங்கு--. 1. Bending, inclining; வளைவு. குரங்கமை யுடுத்த மரம்பயி லடுக்கத்து (சிலப். 10, 157). 2. [K. kuraṅgi, M. kuraṅṅu.] Monkey, ape; வானரம். குரங்கு செய்கடற் குமரியம் பெருந்துறை (மணி. 5, 37). குரங்கு3kuraṅku, n. < kuraṅga. Quadru-ped, beast; விலங்கு. (சூடா.) कुठारु a tree, a monkey, an armourer (Monier-Williams) kuṭhāra m. ʻ axe ʼ R., ˚raka -- m. VarBr̥S., ˚rī -- f. lex., ˚rikā -- f. Suśr. [kuṭhātaṅka -- m., ˚kā -- f. lex. Prob. ← Drav. and conn. with √kuṭṭ EWA i 223 with lit.]Pa. kuṭhārī -- f., Pk. kuḍhāra -- m., kuhāḍa -- m., ˚ḍī -- f. (for ṭh -- r ~ h -- ḍ see piṭhara -- ), S. kuhāṛo m., L. P. kuhāṛā m., ˚ṛī f., P. kulhāṛā m., ˚ṛī f., WPah. bhal. kurhāṛi f., Ku. kulyāṛo, gng. kulyāṛ, B. kuṛā̆l, ˚li, kuṛul, Or. kuṛāla, kurāṛha, ˚ṛhi, kurhāṛi, kuṛāri; Bi. kulhārī ʻ large axe for squaring logs ʼ; H. kulhāṛām., ˚ṛī f. ʻ axe ʼ, G. kuhāṛɔ m., ˚ṛī f., kuvāṛī f., M. kurhāḍ, ˚ḍī f., Si. keṇeri Hettiaratchi Indeclinables 6 (connexion, if any, with keṭeri, ˚ṭēriya ʻ long -- handled axe ʼ is obscure). Addenda: kuṭhāra -- : WPah.kṭg. khəṛari, kəṛari f. ʻ axe ʼ.(CDIAL 3244) కొండత్రిమ్మరి konḍa-trimmari. n. (Lit. a hill-rover.) A monkey. కోతి. కొండనాలుక konḍa-nāluka. n. The uvula. చిరునాలుక. కొండపసుల konḍa-pasula-pōligāḍu. The White-bellied Drongo, Dicrurus cerulescens. కొండపిండి konḍa-pinḍi. n. A kind of tree. కొండపిచ్చిక. konḍa-pichchika. n. A hill sparrow. కొండపోడు konḍa-pōḍu. n. A corn-held on high ground. కొండబూరుగు a species of the silk cotton tree. కొండముచ్చు konḍa-muṭsṭsu. n. The lion-tailed monkey. Macacus silenus. నల్లనిమూతిగలకోతి. Ka. siṅgaṇika, siṅgaḷīka a black monkey. Tu. ciṅglike a large kind of ape. Te. (B.) siṅgilīkamu the great black monkey (DEDR 2502) చింకలిక్క chinkalikka. n. A red faced monkey.సింగిలీకము ṣingilīkamu. [Tel.] n. The great black monkey, పెద్ద నల్లకోతి. "ముంగిస సివంగిశోణంగిసింగిలీక గుంపు. మానిసికోతులగొన్నికొనియె." H. v. 400. సింగిణి, సింగాణి singāni. [from Skt. శార్ఙ్గ.] adj. Made of horn. కొమ్ముతోచేసిన. "సింగాణివిండులు." S. i. 158. సింగాణి, సింగిణి or సింగిణీ [from Skt. శీంజినీ.] n. A bow. విల్లు. मर्कट m. ( Un2. iv , 81) a monkey , ape VS. &c; n. an iron monkey-shaped bolt; मर्कटी f. a female ape (Monier-Williams) markáṭa1 m. ʻ monkey ʼ VS., markaṭī -- f., ˚ṭaka -- m. lex., maṅkaḍa -- m. Schmidt Nachtr. [Poss. ext. with -- ṭa -- of marka -- m. BhP. which may be ← Drav. Kan. maṅga ʻ monkey ʼ T. Burrow BSOAS xii 389 and DED 3777]Pa. makkaṭa -- m. ʻ monkey ʼ, ˚ṭī -- f., NiDoc. makaḍ'a F. W. Thomas AO xii 40, Pk. makkaḍa -- m., ˚ḍī f., maṁkaḍa -- , ˚kaṇa -- m., Ap. makkala -- m., Kt. makeŕ, (Kamdesh) māgŕə̃, Wg. mákäŕ, Dm. makäŕ, Paš.kuṛ. makṓṛ, Kal.rumb. mŕāko, makŕṓŕyak, Kho. mukuḷ, Bshk. makīr (< markaṭī -- ?), Phal. māˊkaṛ, N. mākul, Or. mākaṛa, māṅkaṛa; G. mākṛũ, mã̄k˚ n. ʻ red -- faced monkey ʼ, mākṛī f. ʻ female monkey ʼ; M. mākaḍ m. ʻ baboon ʼ, makḍī f. ʻ female monkey ʼ; Ko. māṁkaḍa ʻ monkey ʼ, Si. makul.(CDIAL 9882) मकडी makaḍī f (मर्कट S) A female monkey or ape. Pr. लकडीवांचून मकडी वठणीस येत नाहीं. The word seems confined to this proverb. मर्कट markaṭa m n (S) A monkey or an ape.(Marathi) माकड mākaḍa n m (मर्कट S) A baboon, a monkey of short tail and red muzzle, Macacus radiatus. Pr. मा0 मारलें आणि पाला हगलें Applied to useless punishment. Pr. माकडाला काकडी (मिळणें) Used where a person is pleased and full-satisfied at very little cost. माकडचेष्टा mākaḍacēṣṭā f Monkey-tricks; mischievous pranks. माकडतोंड्या mākaḍatōṇḍyā a Baboon-faced. (Marathi) *margā ʻ wild goat ʼ. 2. *marjikā -- . [Cf. Wkh. merg f. ʻ ibex ʼ. -- mr̥gá -- ]1. Ash. mlaṅ f. ʻ mountain goat ʼ, Wg. mŕaṅ, mraṅ; Kt. mŕoṅ ʻ female ibex ʼ (→ Kal.urt. mroṅ); Pr. mā̆ṅgə, mā̆ṅg ʻ female markhor ʼ, maṅċū̃ ʻ markhor kid ʼ, Paš.kuṛ. loṅ f. ʻ markhor ʼ, Gaw. blaṅ; -- Dm. mraṅ m. ʻ markhor ʼ (~ maži f. below).2. Dm. maži ʻ female markhor ʼ, Kal. muṣ, Kho. mažḗg.(CDIAL 9885) marakata n. ʻ emerald ʼ R.Pk. maraada -- , maragaya -- m.n.; Si. marā ʻ emerald ʼ, adj. ʻ green ʼ.(CDIAL 9868) मरकत marakata m S An emerald. (Marathi) पन्ना pannā m (पन्नग S) An emerald.(Marathi) वेंग vēṅga f ए Embrace, clasp, hug, the comprehension of the arms extended circularly and meeting in front. v मार, घाल. वेंग मारणें To gather up within the embrace of the arms (grass, leaves &c.) वेंगेवर घेणें To take and carry on the hip (a child &c.) वेंगलणें vēṅgalaṇēṃ f R (वेंग) A term for a female monkey having a young one clinging to her breast.(Marathi)
See: Octopus veṛhā, unicorn (young aurochs kondh), Indus Script hypertexts are professional calling cards of jangaḍiyo bəḍhàri ʻmilitary guards in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Octopus veṛhā, unicorn (young aurochs kondh), Indus Script hypertexts (m297, h1080), are dhamma samjñā, 'professional calling cards' of jangaḍiyo bəḍhàri ʻmilitary guards in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ. The temple is kole.l. This is kole.l 'smithy, forge'.
Hieroglyph: veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) Rebus: LapisLazuli or turquoise vēluria:
It has been demonstrated that Zebu (Bos primigenius indicus) are descended from Indian aurochs (stylized as unicorns)
https://tinyurl.com/yc4dj5gzThe hypertexts of inscriptions on m297 (seal inscription) and h1018 (copper plate inscription) are explained as fortified enclosures of mleccha smithy guild workshops. On both these inscriptions, the cipher uses a unique hypertext orthography resulting in a semantic cluster or category: 1. composition with body parts 2. head/face of young bull (aurochs) 3. horn 4. octopus.
The hypertext of the composite orthograph pictorial motif reads rebus: jangaḍiyobəḍhàri ʻmilitary guard in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Composition with body parts. 1. सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’; jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ Head/Face (aurochs). 2. mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) kondh 'young bull' rebus: kũdār 'turner, brass-worker, engraver (writer)' kundana 'fine gold'. Horn. 3. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'.
Octopus. 4. The hypertexts of inscriptions on m297 and h1018 are explained as fortified enclosures of mleccha smithy guild workshops. veṛhā 'octopus' rebus: bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ.
On both these inscriptions, the cipher uses a unique hypertext orthography resulting in a semantic cluster or category: 1. composition with body parts 2. head/face of young bull 3. horn 4. octopus.
The hypertext of the composite orthograph pictorial motif reads rebus: jangaḍiyobəḍhàri ʻmilitary guard in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Composition with body parts. 1. सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’; jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ Head/Face. 2. mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) Horn. 3. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'. The hypertexts of inscriptions on m297 and h1018 are explained as fortified enclosures of mleccha smithy guild workshops. On both these inscriptions, the cipher uses a unique hypertext orthography resulting in a semantic cluster or category: 1. composition with body parts 2. head/face of young bull 3. horn 4. octopus.
The hypertext of the composite orthograph pictorial motif reads rebus: jangaḍiyobəḍhàri ʻmilitary guard in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
veṛhā 'octopus', kondh 'young bull' Indus Script hypertexts, bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ; kũdār 'turner, brass-worker, engraver' *இருக்குவேதம் irukku-vētam , n. < id. +. The Ṛg-vēda, the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus, consisting of 1017 hymns in archaic language, in ten maṇḍaḷas இருக்குவேள் irukku-vēḷ ~~ R̥gveda
Composition with body parts. 1. सांगड [ sāṅgaḍa ] m f (संघट्ट S) f A body formed of two or more (fruits, animals, men) linked or joined together. Rebus: jangaḍ ‘good entrusted on approval basis’; jangaḍiyo ‘military guard who accompanies treasure into the treasury’ Head/Face. 2. mũh'a face' Rebus: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' (Santali) Horn. 3. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'. Octopus. 4. veṛhā 'octopus' rebus: bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ
Left 1. Harappa h1018a copper plate with young bull + a four-pointed star-fish (Gangetic octopus?); Right 2. Mohenjo-daro seal m297a with young bull + a five-pointed star-fish (Gangetic octopus?)+ hypertext of inscription.
Pictorial motifs: The pictorial motif of the horned head or face of young bull compares with the profile on Lydia electrum coin (6th cent.BCE) shown opposed to a lion's head and feline paw. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, smelter'; arye 'lion' rebus: arā 'brass'; konda 'young bull' rebus:kundaṇa 'fine gold'; koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ'workshop'. Thus, gold, brass workshop (mint).
Octopus: veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)
Rebus: Ta.vēḷ petty ruler, chief, Cāḷukya king, illustrious or great man, hero; ? title given by ancient Tamil kings to Vēḷāḷas; vēḷir a class of ancient chiefs in the Tamil country, the Cāḷukyas, petty chiefs; ? vēḷāḷaṉ a person of Vēḷāḷa caste. Kur. bēlas king, zemindar, god; belxā kingdom; belō, (Hahn) bēlō queen of white-ants. Cf. 5507 Ta. veḷḷāḷaṉ (DEDR 5545) Ta. veḷḷāḷaṉ, vēḷāḷaṉ, veḷḷār̤aṉ man of the Vēḷāḷa caste; fem. veḷḷāḷacci, veḷḷār̤acci; veḷḷāṇmai, veḷḷāmai cultivation; vēḷāṇmai agriculture, husbandry. Ma. veḷḷāḷar Tamil Śūdras; veḷḷāyma agriculture; Veḷḷāḷas. Te. velama name of a caste, man of this caste; (DCV) agriculture; (Inscr.) vēlāṇḍu a cultivator; affix to the names of cultivator caste in Tamilnad. (DEDR 5507)
Rebus: bəḍhàri ʻman in charge of treasure and stores of a templeʼ (WPah.); veṛhā, vehṛā, beṛhī 'building with a courtyard, warehouse' (Lahnda.WPah.) Alternative: vēḍaʻboatʼ(Prakritam)
A synonym in Gujarati is:koṭhārī m. ʻstorekeeperʼ; this is signified by the semantic signifier hieroglyph on the text of m297 inscription.
Hieroglyph in text of inscription on m297: Store. koṭṭha 'warehouse'
vēṣṭá m. ʻ band, noose ʼ Kauś., ʻ enclosure ʼ lex.,°aka- m. ʻ fence ʼ, n. ʻ turban ʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ]M. veṭh, vẽṭh, veṭ, vẽṭ m.f. ʻ roll, turn of a rope ʼ; Si.veṭyaʻ enclosure ʼ; -- Pa.sīsa -- vēṭha -- m. ʻ head -- wrap ʼ,vēṭhaka -- ʻ surrounding ʼ; Pk.vēḍha -- m. ʻ wrap ʼ; S.veṛhu m. ʻ encircling ʼ; L.veṛh, vehṛ m. ʻ fencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockade ʼ,veṛhā, vehṛā m. ʻ courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses ʼ; P.veṛhā, be° m. ʻ enclosure, courtyard ʼ; Ku.beṛoʻ circle or band (of people) ʼ,beṛiʻ fetter ʼ; N.berh, berʻ wrapping ʼ,ber -- bārʻ wrapping up ʼ; A.berʻ wall of house, circumference of anything ʼ; B.beṛʻroll, turn, fence, enclosure ʼ,beṛāʻ fence, hedge ʼ; Or.beṛhaʻ girth, fence round young trees ʼ, beṛāʻ wall of houseʼ; Mth.beṛʻ hedge, wall ʼ,beṛhīʻ granary ʼ; H.beṛh, beṛ, beṛhā, beṛā m. ʻ enclosure, cattle surrounded and carried off by force ʼ,beṛī f. ʻ ring on ankle ʼ; G.veḍh m. ʻ finger -- ring ʼ,veḍhɔ m. ʻ circular log, joint of the fingers ʼ; M.veḍh n.f. ʻ ring ʼ, m. ʻ circumference ʼ; Si.veḷuʻ twisted string, bandage ʼ.Addenda: vēṣṭá -- : WPah.kṭg. beṛɔ m. ʻ palace ʼ, J.beṛā m. ʻ id., esp. the female apartments ʼ, kul.beṛāʻ building with a courtyard ʼ; A. alsoberāʻ fence, enclosure ʼ AFD 234. (CDIAL 12130) vēṣṭana n. ʻ enclosing ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ bandage, band ʼMBh.,°aka -- m. ʻ a method of coitus ʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ]Pk. veṭṭhaṇa -- n. ʻ wrapping ʼ,°aga -- n. ʻ turban ʼ; K.wuṭhan f. ʻ act of twisting, a screw ʼ; S.veṭhaṇu m. ʻ pack -- cloth ʼ; MB.beṭhanaʻ turban ʼ, B.beṭanʻ wrapper, envelope, cover ʼ; Bi.beṭhanʻ washerman's ironing cloth ʼ; Bhoj.beṭhanʻ cloth wrapper of a book ʼ; H.beṭhan m.ʻ pack -- cloth, wrapper ʼ; M.veṭhaṇ n. ʻ tierope ʼ; -- Pa.vēṭhana -- n. ʻ wrap, turban ʼ; Pk.vēḍhaṇa<-> n. ʻwrapping ʼ; Kho.beḷiniʻ swaddling clothes ʼ; K.wurunu m. ʻ bedclothes, quilt ʼ; A.beranʻ act of surrounding ʼ; Or.beṛhaṇa, °ṇiʻ girth, circumference, fencing, small cloth worn by woman ʼ.Addenda:vēṣṭana -- . -- X mḗkhalā -- : A. meṭhâni (phonet. methɔni) ʻ woman's girdle ʼ AFD 206.vēṣṭáyati wraps up, encloses, surroundsʼ TBr. [vḗṣṭatēʻ clings to ʼ AV. -- √vēṣṭ]Pk. veṭṭhida -- ʻ wrapped up ʼ; Dm.byēṣṭ -- ʻ to twist ʼ, Phal.bēṣṭūˊm 1 sg., Sh.koh. bĕṭhōnṷ, K. wuṭhun: M. veṭhṇẽʻ to tie ʼ; -- Pa.vēṭhētiʻ wraps, surrounds, twists ʼ; Pk.veḍhēi, °ḍhaïʻwraps up ʼ, Kho.beḷik; K. wurunʻ to wrap oneself up in bedclothes, cover ʼ; S.veṛhaṇuʻ to twist ʼ; L.veṛhaṇʻ to wind, bandage, bind, surround ʼ; Ku.beṛṇoʻ to fence in, enclose ʼ; N.bernuʻ to roll, fold up ʼ; A.beribaʻ to surround (with fence or wall) ʼ, B.beṛā, Or. beṛhibā, Mth. beṛhab; H. beṛhnāʻ to enclose, surround ʼ; M.veḍhṇẽʻto twist, surround ʼ; Si.veḷanavāʻ to twist, entwine, (SigGr ii 464) wrap ʼ. -- X bandhati: Pk. veṁḍhia -- ʻ wrapped up ʼ); H.bẽḍhnā, bẽdhnā (see also váyati) ʻ to plait, braid, fold ʼ.(CDIAL 12131, 12132)
veṛā building with a courtyard (WPah.) Rebus: veṛhā, vehṛā m. ʻ courtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many houses ʼ(Lahnda) beṛɔ m. ʻpalaceʼ, beṛā m. id. beṛāʻbuilding with a courtyardʼ (Western Pahari) vāṛo m. ʻ cattle enclosure ʼ (Sindhi) மேடை mēṭai, n. [T. mēḍa.] 1. Platform, raised floor. Thus the hieroglyph-multiplex signifies a workplace (maybe, circular platform?) for the 'turner' artisan, metalworker). வேளம் vēḷam , n. cf. vēla. 1. Fortified place where ladies of rank captured in war were kept as slaves by the Cōḻas; சோழராற்சிறைபிடிக்கப்பட்டஉயர்குலத்துமகளிர்அடிமையாகவாழும்படிஅமைத்தஅரணிடம். மீனவர்கானம்புக . . . வேளம்புகுமடவீர் (கலிங். 41). வீரபாண்டியனைமுடித்தலைகொண்டுஅவன்மடக்கொடியைவேளமேற்றி (S. I. I. iii, 217). 2. Quarters; வாசத்தலம். (S. I. I. ii, 440.)
Alternative: bēḍā f. ʻ boat ʼ lex. 2. vēḍā,vēṭī -- f. lex. 3. bhēḍa -- 3 m., bhēla -- 1, °aka -- m.n. lex.1. Pk. bēḍa -- , °aya -- m., bēḍā -- , °ḍiyā -- f. ʻ boat ʼ, Gy. eur. bero, S. ḇeṛo m., °ṛī ʻ small do. ʼ; L. bēṛā (Ju. ḇ -- ) m. ʻ large cargo boat ʼ, bēṛī f. ʻ boat ʼ, P. beṛā m., °ṛī f.; Ku. beṛo ʻ boat, raft ʼ, N. beṛā, OAw. beḍā, H. beṛā m., G. beṛɔ m., beṛi f., M. beḍā m.2. Pk. vēḍa -- m. ʻ boat ʼ.3. Pk. bhēḍaka -- , bhēlaa -- m., bhēlī -- f. ʻ boat ʼ; B. bhelā ʻ raft ʼ, Or. bheḷā.*bēḍḍa -- , *bēṇḍa -- ʻ defective ʼ see *biḍḍa -- .Addenda: bēḍā -- . 1. S.kcch. beṛī f. ʻ boat ʼ, beṛo m. ʻ ship ʼ; WPah.poet. beṛe f. ʻ boat ʼ, J. beṛī f.3. bhēḍa -- 3: A. bhel ʻ raft ʼ (phonet. bhel) ʻ raft ʼ AFD 89. (CDIAL 9308)
Text 2641 of inscription on m297
Line 1: Top line: kolom 'three' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. kuṭi = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. Together, Line 1 of the hypertext reads: 'smithy furnace, smelter'
Hieroglyph: Rim of jar:Kaṇḍa kanka ‘rim of jar’ (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the ‘rim of jar’ ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account) karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'; karNaka 'account'; Alternative: kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kanga 'brazier'.karṇaka 'rim of jar' karava 'narrow neck jar'.
Standing person with spread legs and wearing a scarf: datu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' PLUS कर्णक 'helmsman' PLUS Thus the body hieroglyph signifies mē̃d dhatuकर्णक karṇi 'an iron mineral helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.' Alternative: mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic) PLUS bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Thus, 'furnace supercargo'. kañi-āra 'helmsman' karaṇī 'scribe', supercargo -- a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe, helmsman kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. karaṇī, कारणी or कारणीक kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. 'supercargo -- a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi) karṇīka 'scribe' Rebus: कर्णिक having a helm; a steersman (Monier-Williams) కరణము karaṇamu karaṇamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. వాడు కూత కరణముగాని వ్రాతకరణముకాడు he has talents for speaking but not for writing. స్థలకరణము the registrar of a district. கரணன்karaṇaṉ , n. < karaṇa. Accountant; கணக்கன். கரணர்கள் வந்தனர் கழல் வணங்கினார் (கந்தபு. மார்க்கண். 210).கரணிகம் karaṇikam , n. < karaṇa. (Te.) karaṇikamu village accountant. கருணீகம் karuṇīkam, n. < karaṇa. [T. karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam; கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை. கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ, n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகை யொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி.
Hieroglyph: spread legs of standing person: कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread' Rebus: कर्णक 'helmsman'
Semantic determinant: body of person:mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic)mẽṛhẽt, मृदु mṛdu 'iron' (Santali.Skt.)
मेटींव[ mēṭīṃva ]pofमेटणेंA verb not in use. Roughly hewn or chiseled--a stone. (Marathi)
meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi ‘merchant’s clerk; (Gujarati) मेढ ‘merchant’s helper’ (Pkt.); m.an elephant-keeperGal.(cf.मेठ).Ta.mēṭṭihaughtiness, excellence, chief, head, land granted free of tax to the headman of a village;mēṭṭimaihaughtiness; leadership, excellence.Ka.mēṭiloftiness, greatness, excellence, a big man, a chief, a head, head servant.Te.mēṭari, mēṭichief, head, leader, lord; (prob.mēṭi<*mēl-ti[cf. 5086]; Ka. Ta. < Te.; Burrow 1969, p. 277) (DEDR 5091).மேட்டி mēṭṭi, n. Assistant house-servant; waiting-boy. மேட்டி +. Headman of the Toṭṭiya caste; தொட்டியர்தலைவன். (E. T. vii, 185.) మేటి[ mēṭi ]mēti. n. Lit: a helper. A servant, a cook, a menial who cleans plates, dishes, lamps and shoes, &c. (Eng. ‘mate’) మేటి[ mēṭi ] orమేటరి mēṭi[Tel.] n. A chief, leader, head man, lord,శ్రేష్ఠుడు, అధిపుడు. adj. Chief, excellent, noble.శ్రేష్ఠమైన. మేటిదొరa noble man, lord. Bilh. ii. 50.మెరయుచునుండెడిమేటీరంబులుమేటీరంబులు, అనగామేటి, గొప్పలైన, ఈరంబులు, పొదలుlarge bushes. "తేటైనపన్నీటతీర్థంబులాడి, మేటికస్తూరిమేనెల్లబూసి." Misc. iii. 22.మేటిగా=మెండుగా.మేటిల్లుmētillu. v. n. To excel.అతిశయించు. Medinī (f.) [Vedic medin an associate or companion fr.midin meaning to be friendly.]
కోడె kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull. Nk. khoṛe male calf. Konḍa kōḍi cow; kōṛe young bullock. Pe. kōḍi cow. Manḍ. kūḍi id. Kui kōḍi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōḍi bull; (Su. P.) kōḍi cow. (DEDR 2199) *kuḍa1 ʻ boy, son ʼ, °ḍī ʻ girl, daughter ʼ. [Prob. ← Mu. (Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē); or ← Drav. (Tam. kur̤a ʻ young ʼ, Kan. koḍa ʻ youth ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 373. Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65. -- Cf. kuḍáti ʻ acts like a child ʼ Dhātup.]NiDoc. kuḍ'aǵa ʻ boy ʼ, kuḍ'i ʻ girl ʼ; Ash. kūˊṛə ʻ child, foetus ʼ, istrimalī -- kuṛäˊ ʻ girl ʼ; Kt. kŕū, kuŕuk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Pr. kyúru ʻ young of animals, child ʼ, kyurú ʻ boy ʼ, kurīˊ ʻ colt, calf ʼ; Dm. kúŕa ʻ child ʼ, Shum. kuṛ; Kal. kūŕ*lk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Phal. kuṛĭ̄ ʻ woman, wife ʼ; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ, kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, P. bhaṭ. WPah. khaś. kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛī ʻ girl ʼ; -- B. ã̄ṭ -- kuṛā ʻ childless ʼ (ã̄ṭa ʻ tight ʼ)? -- X pṓta -- 1: WPah. bhad. kō ʻ son ʼ, kūī ʻ daughter ʼ, bhal. ko m., koi f., pāḍ. kuā, kōī, paṅ. koā, kūī.(CDIAL 3245)
कोंडळी (p. 102) kōṇḍaḷī f A pole with a crook or curved member at the extremity. Used to regather into the thrashing pit the ears which fly out during the thrashing.
Rebus: कोंदण (p. 102) kōndaṇa n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems. 2 Beaten or drawn gold used in the operation.(Marathi) కుందనము kundanamu. [Tel.] n. Solid gold, fine gold. అపరంజి. कोंदणपट्टी (p. 102) kōndaṇapaṭṭī f The strip of beaten or drawn gold used in setting gems.
कोदा (p. 102) kōdā m Low and dirty work, or work involving toil and fag; mean jobs or drudgery. v काढ, निपट, उपस, कर, & v i पड. Ex. बाळंतिणीचा- दुखणेकऱ्याचा-पोराचा-म्हाताऱ्याचा-संसाराचा-चाकरीचा- कोदा मी उपसतों.
कोंडण (p. 102) kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. कोंड (p. 102) kōṇḍa m C A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. 5 Grounds under one occupancy or tenancy. 6 f R A deep part of a river. 7 f (Or कोंडी q. v.) A confined place gen.; a lock-up house &c. कोंडळी (p. 102) kōṇḍaḷī f A pole with a crook or curved member at the extremity. Used to regather into the thrashing pit the ears which fly out during the thrashing. कोंडी (p. 102) kōṇḍī f (कोंडणें) A confined place gen.; a lockup house, a pen, fold, pound; a receiving apartment or court for Bráhmans gathering for दक्षिणा; a prison at the play of आट्यापाट्या; a dammed up part of a stream &c. &c.
Rebus: कोंड (p. 102) kōṇḍa m C A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. 5 Grounds under one occupancy or tenancy. 6 f R A deep part of a river. 7 f (Or कोंडी q. v.) A confined place gen.; a lock-up house &c.
khōṇḍa 'young bull' rebus: कोंदkōnda 'engraver, script'PLUS veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900)
HYPERTEXT EXPRESSION: veṛhā 'octopus' plus kōnda 'young bull' rebus: plain text: kōnda 'engraver, scribe' PLUSbēṛā (Ju. ḇ -- ) m. ʻ large cargo boat ʼ Meaning: The engraver deivers to the boat (the detailed metalwork products). m297: koḍa 'sluice'; Rebus: koḍ'artisan's workshop
1. P. khodṇā ʻ to dig, carve ʼ, khudṇā ʻ to be dug ʼ; Ku. khodṇo ʻ to dig, carve ʼ, N. khodnu, B. khodā, khudā, Or. khodibā, khud°; Bi. mag. khudnī ʻ a kind of spade ʼ; H. khodnā ʻ to dig, carve, search ʼ, khudnā ʻ to be dug ʼ; Marw. khodṇo ʻ to dig ʼ; G. khodvũ ʻ to dig, carve ʼ, M. khodṇẽ (also X khānayati q.v.). -- N. khodalnu ʻ to search for ʼ cf. *khuddati s.v. *khōjja -- ?
2. B. khõṛā ʻ to dig ʼ or < *khōṭayati s.v. *khuṭati.
3. B. koṛā, kõṛā ʻ to dig, pierce ʼ, Or. koṛibā ʻ to cut clods of earth with a spade, beat ʼ; Mth. koṛab ʻ to dig ʼ, H. koṛnā.
4. K. godu m. ʻ hole ʼ, g° karun ʻ to pierce ʼ; N. godnu ʻ to pierce ʼ; H. godnā ʻ to pierce, hoe ʼ, gudnā ʻ to be pierced ʼ; G. godɔ m. ʻ a push ʼ; M. godṇẽ ʻ to tattoo ʼ.
5. L. goḍaṇ ʻ to hoe ʼ, P. goḍṇā, goḍḍī f. ʻ hoeings ʼ; N. goṛnu ʻ to hoe, weed ʼ; H. goṛnā ʻ to hoe up, scrape ʼ, goṛhnā (X kāṛhnā?); G. goḍvũ ʻ to loosen earth round roots of a plant ʼ.
6. S. guḍ̠aṇu ʻ to pound, thrash ʼ; P. guḍḍṇā ʻ to beat, pelt, hoe, weed ʼ.
Addenda: *khōdd -- . 1. S.kcch. khodhṇū ʻ to dig ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) khódṇõ, J. khodṇu.
2. *khōḍḍ -- : WPah.kc. khoḍṇo ʻ to dig ʼ; -- kṭg. khoṛnõ id. see *khuṭati Add2.(CDIAL 3934)
खोदकाम (p. 122) khōdakāma n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver.
खोदगिरी (p. 122) khōdagirī f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work.
खोदणावळ (p. 122) khōdaṇāvaḷa f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving.
खोदणी (p. 122) khōdaṇī f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. v लाव, मांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith's die.
खोदणें (p. 122) khōdaṇēṃ v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or -पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe.
खोदाई (p. 122) khōdāī f ( H) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving.
खोदींव (p. 122) khōdīṃva p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured.
ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' (R̥gveda) PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe, helmsman
कोंदkōnda 'youngbull' rebus: कोंदkōnda 'engraver, script'PLUS veṛhā 'octopus, said to be found in the Indus' (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) Rebus: beṛɔm.ʻpalaceʼ, beṛām. id. beṛāʻbuilding with a courtyardʼ (Western Pahari) vāṛom. ʻ cattle enclosure ʼ (Sindhi) மேடை mēṭai,n. [T.mēḍa.] 1. Platform, raised floor. மேடை mēṭai, n. [T. mēḍa.] 1. Platform, raised floor; தளமுயர்ந்த இடப்பகுதி. 2. Artificial mound; செய்குன்று. (W.) WPah.kṭg. bəḍhāˋr m. ʻstorehouse, granaryʼ(CDIAL 9442)baḍal -- väḍa ʻ goldsmith's trade ʼ(Sinhala)(CDIAL 9441) WPah.kṭg. bəḍhàri m. ʻ man in charge of treasure and stores of a temple ʼ(CDIAL 9443)
वाडा (p. 433) vāḍā m (वाट or वाटी S) A stately or large edifice, a mansion, a palace. Also in comp. as राज- वाडा A royal edifice; सरकारवाडा Any large and public building. 2 A division of a town, a quarter, a ward. Also in comp. as देऊळवाडा, ब्राह्मण- वाडा, गौळीवाडा, चांभारवाडा, कुंभारवाडा. 3 A division (separate portion) of a मौजा or village. The वाडा, as well as the कोंड, paid revenue formerly, not to the सरकार but to the मौजेखोत. 4 An enclosed space; a yard, a compound. 5 A pen or fold; as गुरांचा वाडा, गौळवाडा or गवळीवाडा, धन- गरवाडा. The pen is whether an uncovered enclosure in a field or a hovel sheltering both beasts वाडी (p. 433) vāḍī f (वाटी S) An enclosed piece of meaand keepers. dow-field or garden-ground; an enclosure, a close, a paddock, a pingle. 2 A cluster of huts of agriculturists, a hamlet. Hence (as the villages of the Konkan̤ are mostly composed of distinct clusters of houses) a distinct portion of a straggling village. 3 A division of the suburban portion of a city.
vāṭa1 m. ʻ enclosure, fence ʼ MBh., vāṭī -- f. ʻ enclosed land ʼ BhP., vāṭikā -- f. ʻ enclosure, garden ʼ Kathās. [Early east MIA. < *vārtra -- . -- √vr̥1].Pa. vāṭa -- , °aka -- m. ʻ enclosure, circle ʼ; Pk. vāḍa -- , °aga -- m. ʻ fence ʼ, vāḍī -- , °ḍiā -- f. ʻ fence, garden ʼ; Gy. eng. bor ʻ hedge ʼ, germ. bār ʻ garden ʼ, gr. bári, hung. bar, pl. barya; Dm. byeŕ, byäˊŕu ʻ cattle -- fold ʼ; Paš.weg. waṛ ʻ wall ʼ; Phal. bāṛ ʻ goat -- pen ʼ (→ Gaw. bāḍ ʻ fence, sheepfold ʼ; Paš.weg. bāṛ ʻ cow -- pen ʼ); Sh. (Lor.) bā ʻ sheep -- or goat -- pen ʼ; K. wār (Islāmābād wāḍ) m. ʻ hedge round garden ʼ, wôru m. ʻ enclosed space, garden, cattle -- yard ʼ, wörü f. ʻ garden ʼ, kash. wajī ʻ field ʼ; S. vāṛo m. ʻ cattleenclosure ʼ, vāṛi f. ʻ fence, hedge ʼ, vāṛī f. ʻ field of vegetables ʼ; L. vāṛ f. ʻ fence ʼ, vāṛā m. ʻ cattle -- or sheepfold ʼ, vāṛī f. ʻ sheepfold, melon patch ʼ; P. vāṛ, bāṛ f. ʻ fence ʼ, vāṛā, bā° m. ʻ enclosure, sheepfold ʼ, vāṛī, bā° f. ʻ garden ʼ; WPah.bhal. bāṛi f. ʻ wrestling match enclosure ʼ, cam. bāṛī ʻ garden ʼ; Ku. bāṛ ʻ fence ʼ (whence bāṛṇo ʻ to fence ʼ), bāṛo ʻ field near house ʼ, bāṛī ʻ garden ʼ; N. bār ʻ hedge, boundary of field ʼ, bāri ʻ garden ʼ; A. bār ʻ wall of house ʼ, bāri ʻ garden ʼ; B. bāṛ ʻ edge, border, selvedge of cloth ʼ, bāṛi ʻ garden ʼ; Or. bāṛa ʻ fence ʼ, bāṛā ʻ fence, side wall ʼ, bāṛi ʻ land adjoining house ʼ; Bi. bāṛī ʻ garden land ʼ; Mth. bāṛī ʻ ground round house ʼ, (SBhagalpur) bārī ʻ field ʼ; Bhoj. bārī ʻ garden ʼ; OAw. bāra m. ʻ obstruction ʼ, bārī f. ʻ garden ʼ; H. bāṛ f. ʻ fence, hedge, line ʼ, bāṛā m. ʻ enclosure ʼ, bāṛī f. ʻ enclosure, garden ʼ; Marw. bāṛī f. ʻ garden ʼ; G. vāṛ f. ʻ fence ʼ, vāṛɔ m. ʻ enclosure, courtyard ʼ, vāṛī f. ʻ garden ʼ; M. vāḍ f. ʻ fence ʼ, vāḍā m. ʻ quarter of a town ʼ ( -- vāḍẽ in names of places LM 405), vāḍī f. ʻ garden ʼ; Ko. vāḍo ʻ habitation ʼ; Si. vel -- a ʻ field ʼ (or < vēla -- ).Addenda: vāṭa -- 1 [Perhaps < *vārta -- < IE. *worto -- rather than < *vārtra -- T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 68]WPah.kṭg. bāṛ m. ʻ fence, pen for sheep, goats, calves in bottom storey ʼ, baṛɔ m. ʻ pen for cattle, grain store, fence ʼ, baṛnõ ʻ to fence in, build a nest ʼ, báṛhnõ ʻ to become a bar, to force oneself in, be fenced ʼ; poet. baṛən f. ʻ fence, railing ʼ, baṛne f.(CDIAL 11480)
Thus the hieroglyph-multiplex signifies a workplace (maybe, circular platform?) for the 'turner' artisan, metalworker).
veṛhā octopus, said to be found in the Indus (Jaṭki lexicon of A. Jukes, 1900) Rebus: veḍhn.f. ʻringʼ, m. ʻcircumferenceʼ(Marathi)
வேதி² vēti, n. < vēdi. 1. Low platform within a house, for sacrifices, weddings, etc.; மணம் முதலிய சடங்கு நிகழ்த்தும் மேடை. மைந்த னைச் செம்பொன்வேதி யெறிக்குங் கிரணமணிப் பீடம தேற்றினாரே (பாரத. திரெள. 91). 2. See வேதிகை¹, 1. கீதசாலை வேதிநிறைய (பெருங். உஞ் சைக். 34, 224). 3. Outer wall of a fortification; compound wall; மதில். (சூடா.) 4. See வேதிகை¹, 3. பாத்திரவேதி, திருமஞ்சனவேதி. 5. Sacrificial pit; ஓமகுண்டம். (பிங்.) 6. The 18th nakṣatra. See கேட்டை¹, 1. (பிங்.)
வேதி&sup4; vēti, n. < வேதி³-. Transmuting; தாழ்ந்தவற்றை யுயர்பொருளாக மாற்றுகை. குளிகை கொடு பரிசித்து வேதி செய்து (தாயு. சின்மயா. 7).வேதை² vētai , n. < bhēda. 1. Alchemy, transmutation of metals; இரசவாதம். (W.)
Rebus: beṛɔm.ʻpalaceʼ, beṛām. id. beṛāʻbuilding with a courtyardʼ (Western Pahari) vāṛom. ʻ cattle enclosure ʼ (Sindhi) மேடை mēṭai, n. [T. mēḍa.] 1. Platform, raised floor; தளமுயர்ந்த இடப்பகுதி. 2. Artificial mound; செய்குன்று. (W.)
veṭh,vẽṭh,veṭ,vẽṭm.f. ʻroll, turn of a ropeʼ (Marathi) bẽḍhnā,bẽdhnāʻto plait, braid, fold (Hindi) baṭṇīʻ twisting, twist (of a cord) ʼ (Kumaoni) vaṭaṇu, srk.°ṭiṇuʻ to twist, plait, wring ʼ(Sindhi) baṭnāʻ to be twisted ʼ (Hindi) meḍhām. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 10312) meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (Punjabi) [dial., cp. Prk. měṇṭha & miṇṭha: Pischel, Prk. Gr. § 293. The Dhtm (156) gives a root meṇḍ (meḍ) in meaning of "koṭilla," i. e. crookedness. (Pali)
Glyph ‘spear’: మేడెము[ mēḍemu ] orమేడియముmēḍemu. [Tel.] n. A spear or dagger.ఈటె, బాకు. The rim of a bell-shaped earring, set with ems.రాళ్లుచెక్కినమికీఅంచుయొక్కపనితరము. "కఓడితినన్నన్వారకమేడెముపొడుతురె." BD. vi. 116.
meḍ ‘body’ (Munda)
mēḍhi-- m. ʻ post on threshing floor (Prakrit) meḍhām. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ(Marathi)
கோவேள் kō-vēḷ,n. <gōkōva.] Potters; குயவர். இருங் கோவேட்களுஞ் செம்பு செய்ஞ்ஞரும் (மணி. 28, 34) செந்தீவேள்-தல் [செந்தீவேட்டல்] cen-tī-vēḷ-, v. intr. < id. +. To perform Vēdic sacrifice; யாகம் பண்ணுதல். செந்தீவேட்ட சிறப் புரைத்தன்று (பு. வெ. 9, 15, கொளு). செம்பியன்தமிழவேள் cempiyaṉ-tami- ḻa-vēḷ, n. < id. +. A title conferred by the later Cholas; பிற்காலத்துச் சோழர்களாற் கொடுக் கப்பட்டுவந்த பட்டங்களில் ஒன்று. (S. I. I. iii, 221.)
వెలనాడుvelanāḍu or వెల్నాడు vela-nāḍu. n. The name of a subdivision of the Telugu country in ancient times. The name of a particular subdivision of Brahmins. బ్రాహ్మణులలో నొకతెగవారు.
Ta. vēḷ (vētp-, vēṭṭ-) to offer sacrifices, marry; n. marriage; vēḷvi sacrifice, marriage; vēḷvu sacrifice; presents of food from the bridegroom's to the bride's house and vice versa at a wedding; vēṭṭal marriage; vēṭṭāṉ, vēṭṭōṉ husband; vēṭṭāḷ wife; viḷai (-pp-, -tt-) to perform as worship. Ma. vēḷvi, vēr̤vi sacrifice; vēḷkka to marry as brahmans before the holy fire; vēḷi, vēḷvi marriage, bride, wife; vēḷppikka fathers to marry children. Ka.bēḷ to offer into fire or with fire as ghee, animals, etc.; bēḷuve oblation with fire, burnt-offering; bēḷamba destruction of human life in fire. Tu. belcaḍe a devil-dancer, one possessed with Kāḷī. Te. vēlucu to put or throw in a sacrificial fire, offer up a burnt sacrifice; vēl(u)pu god or goddess, deity, divinity, a celestial, demi-god, immortal; vēlpuḍu worship; vēlimi oblation; (inscr.) vēḷpu god. (DEDR 5544) வேள்¹-தல் [வேட்டல்] vēḷ- , 9 v. tr. [K. bēḷ.] 1. To offer sacrifices; யாகஞ் செய்தல். ஓதல் வேட்டல் (பதிற்றுப். 24, 6). 2. To marry; மணம்புரிதல். மெய்ந்நிறை மூவரை மூவரும் வேட் டார் (கம்பரா. கடிமணப். 102). 3. To desire; விரும்புதல். வயவுறு மகளிர் வேட்டுணி னல்லது (புற நா. 20). 4. To love; சினேகித்தல். மலர்ந்து பிற் கூம்பாது வேட்டதே வேட்டதா நட்பாட்சி (நலாடி, 215).
வேள்² vēḷ , n. < வேள்-. 1. Marriage; கலி யாணம். வேள்வாய் கவட்டை நெறி (பழமொ. 360). 2. Desire; விருப்பம். (W.) 3. Kāma; மன்மதன். வேள்பட விழிசெய்து (தேவா. 1172, 8). 4. Skanda; முருகக்கடவுள். (பிங்.) 5. One belonging to the Vēḷir class; வேளிர்குலத்தான். தொன்முதிர் வேளிர் (புறநா. 24). 6. Cāḷukya king; சளுக்குவேந்தன். (பிங்.) 7. Petty ruler; chief; சிற்றரசன். (சூடா.) 8. Title given by ancient Tamil kings to Vēḷāḷas; பண்டைத் தமிழரசரால் வேளாளர் பெற்ற ஒரு சிறப் புரிமைப் பெயர். (தொல். பொ. 30.) செம்பியன் தமிழவேள் என்னுங் குலப்பெயரும் (S. I. I. iii, 221). 9. Illustrious or great man; hero; சிறந்த ஆண் மகன். (யாழ். அக.) பாப்பைவேளே (பெருந்தொ. 1766). 10. Earth; மண். (யாழ். அக.) வேள்புலம் vēḷ-pulam , n. < வேள் +. The country of the Cāḷukyas; சளுக்கியர்க்குரிய நாடு. (S. I. I. iii, 160.)வேள்புலவரசன் vēḷpula-v-aracaṉ , n. < வேள்புலம் +. Cāḷukya king; சளுக்கு வேந்தன். (திவா.)வேள்வி vēḷvi , n. < வேள்-. [T. M. vēḷvi, K. bēluve.] 1. Sacrifice. See ஐவகைவேள்வி, 1. முன்முயன் றரிதினின் முடித்த வேள்வி (அகநா. 220). 2. Spiritual discipline. See ஐவகையாகம், 2. 3. Sacrificial pit; ஓமகுண்டம். (பிங்.) 4. Service, worship; பூசனை. (பிங்.) வேள்வியி னழகியல் விளம்பு வோரும் (பரிபா. 19, 43). 5. Marriage; கலியா ணம். நாமுன்பு தொண்டுகொண்ட வேள்வியில் (பெரியபு. தடுத்தாட். 127). 6. Benevolence; gift; கொடை. (பிங்.) 7. Religious merit; புண்ணியம். ஆள்வினை வேள்வியவன் (பு. வெ. 9, 27). 8. (Puṟap.) Theme eulogising a warrior on his destroying his enemies to feast devils with their dead bodies. See களவேள்வி. பண்ணி தைஇய பயங்கெழு வேள்வியின் (அகநா. 13). 9. The 10th nakṣatra. See மகம், 2.வேள்விக்கபிலை vēḷvi-k-kapilai , n. < வேள்வி + கபிலை². Cow that yields milk, ghee, etc., necessary for a sacrifice; யாகத்துக் குரிய பால் முதலியனவற்றை உதவும் பசு. வேள்விக் கபிலை பாற்பயங் குன்றுதலானும் (தொல். பொ. 177, உரை).வேள்விக்குண்டம் vēḷvi-k-kuṇṭam , n. < id. +. Sacrificial pit; ஓமகுண்டம். (பிங்.)வேள்விக்குவேந்தன் vēḷvikku-vēntaṉ , n. < id. +. See வேள்விநாயகன். (சூடா.)வேள்விச்சாலை vēḷvi-c-cālai , n. < id. + சாலை¹. Sacrificial hall; யாகசாலை. வேள்விச்சாலை யின் வேந்தன் போந்தபின் (சிலப். 30, 170).வேள்வித்தறி vēḷvi-t-taṟi , n. < id. +. See வேள்வித்தூணம். (பிங்.)வேள்வித்தூண் vēḷvi-t-tūṇ , n. < id. +. See வேள்வித்தூணம். (சூடா.)வேள்வித்தூணம் vēḷvi-t-tūṇam , n. < id. + தூணம்². Stake to which the sacrificial victim is fastened; யாகபலிக்குரிய பிராணியைக் கட்டிவைக்குந் தம்பம். மணிச்சிரல் . . . வேள்வித் தூணத் தசைஇ (பெரும்பாண். 316).வேள்விநாயகன் vēḷvi-nāyakaṉ , n. < id. +. Indra, as the lord of sacrifices; இந்திரன். (பிங்.)வேள்விநிலை vēḷvi-nilai , n. < id. +. 1. (Puṟap.) Theme describing the greatness of sacrifices performed by a king; அரசன் யாகஞ் செய்த பெருமையைப் புகழ்ந்து கூறும் புறத்துறை. (பு. வெ. 9, 15.) 2. (Puṟap.) Theme describing the benevolence of a chief in making gifts of red cows, in the early hours of the day; தலை வன் சேதாவினை நாட்காலையிற் கொடுக்குங் கொடைச் சிறப்பினைக் கூறும் புறத்துறை. (தொல். பொ. 90.)வேள்விமுதல்வன் vēḷvi-mutalvaṉ , n. < id. +. 1. Sacrificer, one who performs a sacrifice; யாகத்தலைவன். (பரிபா. 3, 4-5, உரை.) 2. See வேள்விநாயகன். விலங்கென விண்ணோர் வேள்விமுதல்வன் (பரிபா. 5, 31).வேள்வியாசான் vēḷvi-y-ācāṉ , n. < id. +. Priest who conducts a sacrifice; யாகஞ் செய்விக் கும் புரோகிதன். (தொல். பொ. 75, உரை.)வேள்வியாசிரியன் vēḷvi-y-āciriyaṉ , n. < id. +. See வேள்வியாசான். (தொல். பொ. 75, உரை.)வேள்வியாளன் vēḷvi-y-āḷaṉ , n. < id. + ஆளன். 1. Brahmin; பிராமணன். (திவா.) 2. Munificent person; கொடையாளன். (பிங்.) வேள்வியின்பதி vēḷviyiṉ-pati , n. < id. + பதி&sup4;. Viṣṇu, as the Lord of sacrifice; திருமால். (பிங்.) வேள்வு vēḷvu , n. < வேள்-. 1. Sacrifice; யாகம். விழவும் வேள்வும் விடுத்தலொன்றின்மையால் (சீவக. 138). 2. Presents of food-stuffs from the house of the bridegroom to that of the bride and vice versa, at a wedding; விவாகத்தில் மண மக்கள்வீட்டார்கள் வரிசையாக வெடுக்கும் உணவுப் பண்டம். C. N. 3. Rare commodity; அரும் பண்டம். (யாழ். அக.) வேள்வெடு-த்தல் vēḷveṭu- , v. intr. < வேள்வு + எடு-. 1. To send presents of food- stuffs from the house of the bridegroom to that of the bride and vice versa, at a wedding; மணமகன்வீட்டாருக்கு மணமகள்வீட்டாரும் மண மகள்வீட்டாருக்கு மணமகன்வீட்டாரும் விருந்துக்குரிய வரிசைப்பண்டங்களை யனுப்புதல். C. N. 2. To gather together and carry varied articles; பலபண்டந் தேடிக் கொண்டுபோதல். (யாழ். அக.)
வேளாண்மாந்தர் vēḷāṇ-māntar , n. < வேளாண்மை +. Vēḷāḷas; வேளாளர். (தொல். பொ. 635.) வேளாண்மாந்தரியல்பு vēḷāṇmāntar- iyalpu, n. < வேளாண்மாந்தர் +. Characteristics of the Vēḷāḷas, ten in number, viz., āṇai-vaḻi-niṟṟal, aḻintōrai-niṟuttal, kaikkaṭaṉ-āṟṟal, kacivakattuṇmai, okkal-pōṟṟal, ōvā-muyaṟci, maṉṉiṟai- tarutal, oṟṟumai-kōṭal, viruntu-puṟantarutal tiruntiya-v-oḷukkam; ஆணைவழிநிற்றல் அழிந் தோரைநிறுத்தல் கைக்கடனாற்றல் கசிவகத்துண்மை ஒக்கல்போற்றல் ஓவாமுயற்சி மன்னிறைதருதல் ஒற்றுமைகோடல் விருந்துபுறந்தருதல் திருந்திய வொழுக்கம் என்ற வேளாளர்க்குரிய பத்துவகைத் தன்மைகள். (W.) வேளாண்மை vēḷ-āṇmai , n. < வேள் + ஆள்-. 1. Gift, bounty, liberality; கொடை. (பிங்.) 2. Beneficence, help; உபகாரம். விருந்தோம்பி வேளாண்மை செய்தற் பொருட்டு (குறள், 81). 3. Cultivation of the soil, agriculture, husbandry; பயிர்செய்யுந் தொழில். 4. Truth; சத்தியம். (பிங்.) வேளாண்மைதானும் விளைந்திட (கொண்டல்விடு. 84). வேளாண்வாகை vēḷāṇ-vākai ,n. < id. +. (Puṟap.) Theme of exalting a Vēḷāḷa for doing the duties laid upon him by caste rules; வேளாளன் செய்தற்குரிய கடமைகளை நிறைவேற் றலைக் கூறும் புறத்துறை. (பு. வெ. 8, 11.)
வேளாப்பார்ப்பான் vēḷā-p-pārppāṉ , n. < வேள்- + ஆ neg. +. Worldly-minded Brahmin, as not performing sacrifices; இலௌகிகப் பிராமணன். (அகநா. 24.)
வேளாளரறுதொழில் vēḷāḷar-aṟu-toḻil ,n. < id. +. The six occupations of the Vēḷāḷas, viz., uḻavu, pacu-k-kāval, vāṇipam, kuyiluvam, kārukaviṉai, irupiṟappāḷarkkēval-ceyal; உழவு பசுக்காவல் வாணிபம் குயிலுவம் காருகவினை இரு பிறப்பாளர்க்கேவல்செயல் என்னும் வேளாளர்க்குரிய அறுவகைத்தொழில். (திவா.)
உழவு¹ uḻavu ,n. < உழு-. [M.uḻavu.] 1. Ploughing; உழுகை. உழந்து முழவே தலை (குறள், 1031). 2. Agriculture, husbandry; வேளாண் மை. உழவின் மிக்க வூதியமில்லை.
, n. 1. See வாணிகம், 1. (W.) 2. See வாணிகம், 2. இவளை வைத்து வைத்துக் கொண்டென்ன வாணிபம் (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 9).
குயிலுவம் kuyiluvam , n. < குயில்²-. Playing on stringed musical instruments, drums, tabrets, clarionets, horns; வாத்தியம் வாசிக்கை. (திவா.)
காருகன்¹ kārukaṉ , n. < kāruka. 1. Weaver; நெய்வோன். கட்டுநுண்வினைக் காருக ரிருக்கை யும் (சிலப். 5, 17). 2. Washerman; வண்ணான். (சூடா.) 3. Painter; ஓவியன். (யாழ். அக.) காருகம்¹ kārukam , n. < kāruka. 1. Spinning and weaving; நெய்யுந்தொழில். (சிலப். 5, 17, உரை.) 2. Menial service, servile labour as carrying burdens; ஊழியவேலை. (W.)
ஏவல் ēval
,n. < ஏவு-. Assistance to Brahmin priests (16 priests mentioned in Veda tradition), Services, duties; பணிவிடை. ஏவன்முற்றி (அரிச். பு. மயான. 1).
வேளாளன் vēḷ-āḷaṉ , n. < வேள் +. 1. Liberal person; உபகாரி. வேளாளனென்பான் விருந்திருக்க வுண்ணாதான் (திரிகடு. 12). (பிங்.) 2. Vēḷāḷa, a caste; ஒரு சாதி. 3. A person of Vēḷāḷa caste; வேளாளசாதியான். 4. Vaišya; வைசியன். (பிங்.) 5. Šūdra; சூத்திரன். (பிங்.)வேளான் vēḷāṉ , n. < id. 1. A caste title; ஒரு சாதிப்பட்டப்பெயர். மதுராந்தக மூவேந்த வேளான் (S. I. I. ii, 10). 2. A title of persons belonging to the Kuyavar caste; குயவரது சாதிப் பட்டப்பெயர். Mod.வேளிர் vēḷir ,n. < வேள். 1. A class of ancient chiefs in the Tamil country; தமிழ் நாடாண்ட ஒருசார் அரசர்குலத்தார். நாற்பத்தொன் பது வழிமுறை வந்த வேளிருள் வேளே (புறநா. 201). 2. The Cāḷukyas; சளுக்குவேந்தர். (திவா.) 3. Petty chiefs; குறுநிலமன்னர். (சூடா.)
வேளூர் vēḷ-ūr , n. < வேள் +. Vaittīcuraṉ-kōyil, a Šiva shrine in the Tanjore District; தஞ்சாவூர்ஜில்லாவி லுள்ள வைத்தீசுரன் கோயில் என்னுஞ் சிவதலம். வேளூர் வைத்தியநாதனை (குமர. பிர. முத்துக். 2).
kṓṣṭha2 n. ʻ pot ʼ Kauś., ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ MBh., ʻ inner apartment ʼ lex., °aka -- n. ʻ treasury ʼ, °ikā f. ʻ pan ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. *kōttha -- , *kōtthala -- : same as prec.?] Pa. koṭṭha -- n. ʻ monk's cell, storeroom ʼ, °aka<-> n. ʻ storeroom ʼ; Pk. koṭṭha -- , kuṭ°, koṭṭhaya -- m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ; Sv. dāntar -- kuṭha ʻ fire -- place ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) kōti (ṭh?) ʻ wooden vessel for mixing yeast ʼ; K. kōṭha m. ʻ granary ʼ, kuṭhu m. ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhü f. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ; S. koṭho m. ʻ large room ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ storeroom ʼ; L. koṭhā m. ʻ hut, room, house ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ shop, brothel ʼ, awāṇ. koṭhā ʻ house ʼ; P. koṭṭhā, koṭhā m. ʻ house with mud roof and walls, granary ʼ, koṭṭhī, koṭhī f. ʻ big well -- built house, house for married women to prostitute themselves in ʼ; WPah. pāḍ. kuṭhī ʻ house ʼ; Ku. koṭho ʻ large square house ʼ, gng. kōṭhi ʻ room, building ʼ; N. koṭho ʻ chamber ʼ, °ṭhi ʻ shop ʼ; A. koṭhā, kõṭhā ʻ room ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ factory ʼ; B. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, kuṭhī ʻ bank, granary ʼ; Or. koṭhā ʻ brick -- built house ʼ, °ṭhī ʻ factory, granary ʼ; Bi. koṭhī ʻ granary of straw or brushwood in the open ʼ; Mth. koṭhī ʻ grain -- chest ʼ; OAw. koṭha ʻ storeroom ʼ; H. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ granary, large house ʼ, Marw. koṭho m. ʻ room ʼ; G. koṭhɔ m. ʻ jar in which indigo is stored,warehouse ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ large earthen jar, factory ʼ; M. koṭhā m. ʻ large granary ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ granary, factory ʼ; Si. koṭa ʻ storehouse ʼ. -- Ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kūṭhürü f. ʻ small room ʼ; L. koṭhṛī f. ʻ small side room ʼ; P. koṭhṛī f. ʻ room, house ʼ; Ku. koṭheṛī ʻ small room ʼ; H. koṭhrī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; M. koṭhḍī f. ʻ room ʼ; -- with -- ra -- : A. kuṭharī ʻ chamber ʼ, B. kuṭhrī, Or. koṭhari; -- with -- lla -- : Sh. (Lor.) kotul (ṭh?) ʻ wattle and mud erection for storing grain ʼ; H. koṭhlā m., °lī f. ʻ room, granary ʼ; G. koṭhlɔ m. ʻ wooden box ʼ.Addenda: kṓṣṭha -- 2: WPah.kṭg. kóṭṭhi f. ʻ house, quarters, temple treasury, name of a partic. temple ʼ, J. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, koṭhī f. ʻ granary, bungalow ʼ; Garh. koṭhu ʻ house surrounded by a wall ʼ; Md. koḍi ʻ frame ʼ, <-> koři ʻ cage ʼ (X kōṭṭa -- ). -- with ext.: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H. kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ.(CDIAL 3546) kōṣṭhapāla m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ W. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, pāla -- ]M. koṭhvaḷā m. (CDIAL 3547)*kōṣṭharūpa ʻ like a room ʼ. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, rūpá -- ]B. kuṭru ʻ tent ʼ.(CDIAL 3548)*kōṣṭhāṁśa ʻ share of store ʼ. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, áṁśa -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāsa -- m. ʻ share, portion ʼ, adj. ʻ divided into ʼ (ā felt as contraction of a -- a and preserved before ṁs; consequent āṁs > ās: cf. re -- establishment of prefix ā before MIA. double consonant, e.g. Pk. āṇavēdi < *āṇṇ° replacing aṇṇ -- < Sk. ājñ -- ); Si. koṭasa, kohoṭa ʻ share, part, piece ʼ.(CDIAL 3549)kōṣṭhāgāra n. ʻ storeroom, store ʼ Mn. [kṓṣṭha -- 2, agāra -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāgāra -- n. ʻ storehouse, granary ʼ; Pk. koṭṭhāgāra -- , koṭṭhāra -- n. ʻ storehouse ʼ; K. kuṭhār m. ʻ wooden granary ʼ, WPah. bhal. kóṭhār m.; A. B. kuṭharī ʻ apartment ʼ, Or. koṭhari; Aw. lakh. koṭhār ʻ zemindar's residence ʼ; H. kuṭhiyār ʻ granary ʼ; G. koṭhār m. ʻ granary, storehouse ʼ, koṭhāriyũ n. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. koṭhār n., koṭhārẽ n. ʻ large granary ʼ, -- °rī f. ʻ small one ʼ; Si. koṭāra ʻ granary, store ʼ. kōṣṭhāgārika -- .Addenda: kōṣṭhāgāra -- : WPah.kṭg. kəṭhāˊr, kc. kuṭhār m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ, J. kuṭhār, kṭhār m.; -- Md. kořāru ʻ storehouse ʼ ← Ind.(CDIAL 3550)kōṣṭhāgārika m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ BHSk. [Cf. kōṣṭhā- gārin -- m. ʻ wasp ʼ Suśr.: kōṣṭhāgāra -- ]Pa. koṭṭhāgārika -- m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ; S. koṭhārī m. ʻ one who in a body of faqirs looks after the provision store ʼ; Or. koṭhārī ʻ treasurer ʼ; Bhoj. koṭhārī ʻ storekeeper ʼ, H. kuṭhiyārī m.Addenda: kōṣṭhāgārika -- : G. koṭhārī m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ. (CDIAL 3551)
Note on vēḷir who migrated 49 generations before Puṟanānūṟu text of Sangam times from Dwāraka
In Tirumoolar's Tirumanthiram, the northern sage "Vaṭapāl Tavamuni" is said to have created the "Fire-pit"; வடபால் முனிவன் is mentioned in Puṟanānūṟu in the context of vēḷir migration from Dwāraka (Sarasvati river basin)
அங்கி உதயம் வளர்க்கும் அகத்தியன்
அங்கி உதயஞ்செய் மேல்பா லவனொடும்
அங்கி உதயஞ்செய் வடபால் தவமுனி
எங்கும் வளங்கொள் இலங்கொளி தானே" (திருமூலர் திருமந்திரம் - 338)
This is a reference to the Veda culture of Civilization of the 2nd millennium BCE when the migration of
vēḷir occurred.
Chief vēḷir was tuvarāpati for 49 generations, notes Puṟanānūṟu a text of Sangam times.
The text is dated to ca. 5th cent.BCE.
Thus, Chief vēḷir (வேளிருள் வேளே!) who was Dwāraka ruler (துவரை ஆண்டு) migrated into velanāḍu (vēḷ region of Andhra Pradesh), ca. 1750 BCE (computing an average of 25 years per generation).
வேள் vēḷ A man from eighteen to fifty years of age, ஆண்மகன்.வேளான் vēḷāṉ , n. < id. 1. A caste title; ஒரு சாதிப்பட்டப்பெயர். மதுராந்தக மூவேந்த வேளான் (S. I. I. ii, 10). 2. A title of persons belonging to the Kuyavar caste; குயவரது சாதிப் பட்டப்பெயர். Mod. குயவன்¹ kuyavaṉ, n. < id. [M. kuyavaṉ.] Potter; குசவன். திருநீலகண்டத்துக் குயவனார்க் கடி யேன் (தேவா. 736, 1).
*இருக்குவேதம் irukku-vētam , n. < id. +. The Ṛg-vēda, the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus, consisting of 1017 hymns in archaic language, in ten maṇḍaḷas இருக்குவேள் *இருக்குவேதம் irukku-vētam , n. < id. +. The Ṛg-vēda, the most ancient sacred book of the Hindus, consisting of 1017 hymns in archaic language, in ten maṇḍaḷas இருக்குவேள் irukku-vēḷ , n. A line of powerful chieftains who flourished about the 8th and 9th cc. at Koḍumbāḷūr, in the Pudukōṭṭa state; ஒருசார் சிற்றரசர். (Insc.) , n. A line of powerful chieftains who flourished about the 8th and 9th cc. at Koḍumbāḷūr, in the Pudukōṭṭa state; ஒருசார் சிற்றரசர். (Insc.)
•Migration from Tuvarai mentioned in Puṟanānūṟu 201 is also referred to in a 12th century inscription (Pudukottai State inscriptions, No. 120) cited by AvvaiS. Turaicāmi in Puranaanuru, II (SISSW Publishing Soc., Madras, 1951). tuvaraimānakarninrupontatonmaipārttukkiḷḷivēntannikaril ten kavirnādutannilnikar̤vittanitiyāḷar
201. இவர் என் மகளிர்!
பாடியவர்: கபிலர்.
பாடப்பட்டோன் : இருங்கோவேள்.
திணை; பாடாண். துறை: பரிசில்.
குறிப்பு: பாரி மகளிரை உடன் கொண்டு சென்ற காலத்துப் பாடியது.)
The suggested rebus readings of hieroglyphs on Shalamanezer III Black Obelisk are an addendum to:
Nimrud (Kalhu), black obelisk with Indus Script hieroglyphs, materialities of Assyrian knowledge production https://tinyurl.com/y4mhg8br
There are four monkey anthropomorphs on the sculptural friezes of Black Obelisk of Shalamanesar III. These are deciphered as Meluhha rebus readings.
-- ratnī medhā , ‘dhanam of gems/jewels’; कुठारु 'armourer', ukku'steel', kamar'blacksmith'pōḷa'steel'dhāvaḍ'smelter'; कुठारु 'monkey, armourer' on Black Obelisk of Shalamanesar III
panja 'claws' rebus: panja'kiln, furnace'.
रत्नी ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman. (Marathi) Rebus: रत्न ratna n (S) A gem, a jewel, a precious stone. 2 A common term for the fourteen precious things produced by the ocean when it was churned by the gods and giants. See चौदा रत्नें. 3 fig. A term of praise for an excellent thing in general, a jewel. Hieroglyph of twisted chain as a leash: meḍhi'twist' Rebus: meḍ'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med'copper' (Slavic languages) Rebus: medhā 'dhanam, yajna'Thus, the expression signifiedby the hypertexts of two monkey anthropomorphs held on leash with twisted chains are: रत्नी ratnī medhā , ‘dhanam of gems/jewels’
Two monkey anthropomorphs are held in leash following the elephant.
The first monkey is read rebus as: कुठारु 'monkey' (Monier-Williams) Rebus: कुठारु 'armourer' (Monier-Williams)
The second monkey anthropomorph turns its head backwards. The rebus readings of this second animal are:
ūkam, 'Female monkey' rebus: ukku'steel' PLUS kammara'turn back' rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'.Thus, steelsmith. This reinforces the semanics signified by the elephant: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus; karba, ib'iron' PLUS panja'claws' rebus: panja'kiln, furnace'
Hieroglyph: Female monkey: ஊகம்1ūkam, n. 1. Female monkey; பெண் குரங்கு. (திவா.) 2. Black monkey; கருங் குரங்கு. பைங்க ணூகம்பாம்பு பிடித்தன்ன(சிறுபாண். 221). 3. cf. ஊகை2. இயூகம்iyūkam, n. < ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (பெருங். வத்தவ. 17, 14.) வல்லூகம்2val-l-ūkam, n. < வல்1 + ஊகம்1. (W.) 1. Male monkey; ஆண்குரங்கு. 2. Large ape; முசு.கருவிரலூகம்karu-viral-ūkam, n. < கரு-மை +. A catapultic machine, of the shape of a monkey with black claws, mounted on the walls of a fort in ancient times and intended to seize and bite the approaching enemy; கரிய விரல்களையுடைய குரங்குபோலிருந்து சேர்ந்தாரைக் கடிக்கும் மதிற்பொறி. கருவிரலூகமுங் கல்லுமிழ் கவ ணும் (சிலப். 15, 208).காரூகம்kār-ūkam, n. < கார் + ஊகம். Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. (திவா.) யூகம்1yūkam, n. < ஊகம்1. 1. Black monkey; கருங்குரங்கு. யூகமொடு மாமுக முசுக்கலை (திருமுரு. 302). (பிங்.) 2. Female monkey; பெண்குரங்கு. (திவா.)
Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.); ukkï steel. Te.ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. (DEDR 661)
On this sculptural frieze, the first animal from the left has been mentioned in the cuneiform inscription and translated as a river- or water-ox (buffalo). It is possible that the iconography of the animal may signify an aurochs or zebuand thus, the animal may be a composite animal in Indus Script Cipher tradition of iconography. The animal has a scarf on its shoulder and the horns merge into a circle. The cleft hoofs of the three bovines are clearly indicated in the iconography. ukṣán1 m. ʻ bull ʼ RV. [√ukṣ]Pk. ukkhā nom. sg. m. ʻ ox ʼ, vacchāṇa -- m. X vr̥ṣabhá<-> or vatsá -- .mahōkṣá -- .ukhá m. ʻ cooking -- pot ʼ AV., ukhāˊ -- f. RV.Or. uhā ʻ an earthen pot ʼ.úkhya -- .úkhya ʻ being in a cauldron ʼ ŚBr., ʻ boiled in a pot ʼ Pāṇ. [ukhá -- ]Pa. Pk. ukkhā -- f. ʻ cooking -- pot ʼ; A. ukhāiba ʻ to boil slightly ʼ, ukhowā ʻ rice boiled and dried before husking ʼ; -- Pa. ukkhali -- f. ʻ pot for cooking rice in ʼ; Si. ikiliya ʻ pot ʼ.Addenda: úkhya -- : WPah.kṭg. ókkhər ʻ kitchen utensil (vessel, kettle) ʼ (Him.I 9 or < †aukhya -- ).(CDIAL 1628 to 1630) mahōkṣá m. ʻ a large bull ʼ ŚBr. [mahā -- , ukṣán -- ] H. mahoch m. ʻ great ox, blockhead ʼ.(CDIAL 9978)
Source: Jeremy A. Black, A. R. George, J. N. Postgate, Tina BreckwoldtOtto Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000 - A concise dictionary of Akkadian. The Akkadian expression alpu 'bull' alpu nāri is translated as 'water, river ox'.
Hieroglyph: scarf on the shoulder of the bovine: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā] Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)
I suggest that the Meluhha expression which is consistent with the iconography and the cuneiform inscription is that the animal is a zebu. Thus, the animal with the scarf on its neck is read rebus as: पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the animal signifies the wealth resource tribute of iron magnetite ore PLUS circle as horn: vaṭṭa'circle'. Thus, the expression of scarf PLUS horns is read as: dhã̄i 'mineral ore' PLUS vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: dhāvaḍ'smelter'. Thus, the mineral wealth as a tribute signified by this composite animal signifies smelted iron, magnetite ore.
-- kuṭhāruकुठारु 'monkey'रत्नी ratnī'female monkey dressed as woman' Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus kuṭhāru कुठारु 'armourer' carry ratna 'gifts'; hence, shown as tributes to Shalamaneser by Meluhha artisans and merchants रत्निन्
-- Demonstrating that monkey is an Indus Script hieroglyph and hypertext signifyig armourer, from 3rd millennium BCE
This monograph demonstrates from selected Indus Script inscriptions that the Meluhha armourers shown carrying tributes to Shalamaneser as inscribed on the Black Obelisk had worked with a variety of metalwork, smelting, smithy, forge resources to produce the lapidary products, armour and weapons offered as tribute to Shalamaneser.
Hieroglyph: रत्नी ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman.
Hieroglyph: रत्नn. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV. S3Br.; a jewel , gem , treasure , precious stone (the nine jewel are pearl , ruby , topaz , diamond , emerald , lapis lazuli , coral , sapphire , गोमेद ; hence रत्न is a N. for the number 9 ; but accord. to some 14) Mn. MBh. &c (Monier-Williams)
राति rāti राति a. Ved. 1 Liberal, favourable, generous. -2 Ready. -तिः A friend (opp. to अरातिः). -f.1 Giving, bestowing, presentation. -2 Wealth; विज्ञानमानन्दं ब्रह्म रातिर्दातुः परायणम् Bṛi. Up.3.9.28; Bhāg.5.5.3. -3 A favour. -4 A gift, present. -Comp. -साच्a. (-षाच्) bestowing gifts, liberal, bountiful.(Apte)
Rebus: रत्निन्m. pl.N. of certain persons in whose dwelling the रत्न-हविस् (q.v.) is offered by a king (viz. the ब्राह्मण , राजन्य , महिषी , परिवृक्ती , सेना-नी , सूत , ग्राम-णी , क्षत्तृ , संग्रहीतृ , भाग-दुघ , and अक्षावाप) TBr. S3Br. ( °नि-त्वn.तैत्तिरीय-ब्राह्मण) రత్నము ratnamu. [Skt.] n. A jewel, precious stone, gem. మణి. A masterpiece of fine thing, the best of its kind of species స్వజాతి శ్రేష్ఠము, నవరత్నములు the nine precious stones, viz., మౌక్తికము a pearl, పద్మరాగము an emerald, వజ్రము a diamond. ప్రవాళము a coral, మరకతము. an emerald నీలము a sapphire, గోమేధికము an agate. పుష్యరాగము a ruby, వైడూర్యము a cat's eye. అశ్వరత్నము a jewel of a horse, i.e., a noble stead. స్త్రీరత్నము an unrivalled woman. గగనరత్నము the sun, as the gem of heaven. అప్సరోరత్నములు the most lovely of nymphs. రత్నకంబళము ratna-kamba-lamu. n. A carpet. తివాసీ. రత్నగర్భ .ratna-garbha n. The earth; as producing gems. భూమి. "వైశ్యకన్యకల్ గీరనగింజలాడుతరి క్రిందనునిచిన దివ్యరత్నముల్ పౌరులు ద్రొక్కుచున్ జనగపాతుకొనంధరణీ పురంధ్రికిన్వారకరత్నగర్భయను నామము బెట్టిరి సత్కవీశ్వరుల్." T. ii. 20. రత్నగర్భుడు ratna-garbhuḍu. n. Kubēra, the god of wealth, కుబేరుడు. The god of the sea, సముద్రుడు. రత్నసానువు ratna-sānuvu. n. An epithet of Mount Meru as having " gems in its slopes."మేరుపర్వతము, హేమాద్రి. రత్నాకరము ratn-ākaramu. n. The abode of gems, that is, the ocean. సముద్రము. రత్నావళి ratnā-vaḷi. n. A necklace of gems.रत्नम् ratnam रत्नम् [रमते$त्र रम्-न तान्तादेशः Uṇ.3.14] 1 A gem, jewel, a precious stone; किं रत्नमच्छा मतिः Bv.1.86; न रत्नमन्विष्यति मृग्यते हि तत् Ku.5.45. (The ratnas are said to be either five, nine or fourteen; see the words पञ्चरत्न, नवरत्न, and चतुर्दशरत्न respectively.) -2 Anything valuable or precious, any dear treasure. -3 Anything best or excellent of its kind; (mostly at the end of comp.); जातौ जातौ यदुत्कृष्टं तद् रत्नमभिधीयते Malli; कन्यारत्नमयोनिजन्म भवतामास्ते वयं चार्थिनः Mv.1.3; अग्रेसरीभवतु काञ्चनचक्ररत्नम् Nāg.5.37; so पुत्र˚, स्त्री˚ V.4.25; अपत्य˚ &c. -4 A magnet. -5 Water. -Comp. -अङ्कः N. of Viṣṇu's car. -अङ्गः coral. -अचलः, -रोहणः legendary mountain located in Ceylon and supposed to produce jewels at the rumbling of clouds for the benefit of all comers; श्रेणीवर्जनदुर्यशोनिबिडितव्रीडस्तु रत्नाचलः N.12.67. -अधिपतिः a superintendent of precious stones. -अतुविद्धa. set or studded with jewels. -आकरः 1 a mine of jewels. -2 the ocean; रत्नेषु लुप्तेषु बहुष्वमर्त्यैरद्यापि रत्नाकर एव सिन्धुः Vikr. 1.12; रत्नाकरं वीक्ष्य R.13.1. -आभरणम् an ornament of jewels. -आलोकः the lustre of a gem. -आवली 1 a necklace of jewels. -2 N. of a Nāṭikā attributed to Śrīharṣa. -कन्दलः coral. -करः N. of Kubera. -कर्णिका an ear-ring with jewels. -कुम्भः a jar set with jewels. -कूटः N. of a mountain. -खचितa. set or studded with gems. -गर्भः 1 Kubera. -2 the sea. (-र्भा) the earth. -च्छाया splendour of jewels. -त्रयम् 1(with Buddhists) बुद्ध, धर्म and संघ. -2 (with Jainas) सम्यग् दर्शन, सम्यग् ज्ञान and सम्यक् चारित्र. -दर्पणः a mirror studded with jewels. -दीपः, -प्रदीपः 1 a jewel-lamp. -2 a gem serving as a lamp; अर्चिस्तुङ्गानभिमुखमपि प्राप्य रत्नप्रदीपान् Me.7. -धेनुः a cow symbolically represented by jewels. -नखः a poniard with its hilt set with jewels; कटितटनिविष्टरत्ननखः Dk.2.1. -नाभः N. of Viṣṇu. -नायकः a ruby. -निधिः 1 the ocean. -2 N. of Viṣṇu. -3 of Meru. -4 a wag-tail. -पञ्चकम् the 5 jewels (viz. gold, silver, pearls, the राजावर्त diamond and coral). -पारायणम् the sheet-anchor of all jewels; रत्नपारायणं नाम्ना लङ्केति मम मैथिलि Bk.5.89. -प्रभा the earth. -माला a jewel-necklace. -मुख्यम् a diamond. -राज्m. a ruby. -राशिः 1 a heap of gems. -2 the ocean. -वरम् gold. -वर्षुकम् the Puṣpaka car. -षष्ठी a vow or fast to be observed on the 6th day of a particular fortnight; it is a ग्रीष्मव्रत; अहं खलु रत्नषष्ठीमुपोवितासम् Mk.3. -सानुः N. of the mountain Meru. -स्a. producing jewels; न मामवति सद्वीपा रत्नसूरपि मेदिनी R.1.65. -सूः, -सूतिःf. the earth.
Triple monkey figurine amulet with hole in center. This miniature carved faience bead or pin ornament shows three monkeys in tight embrace with amused expressions on their faces. Possibly placed on a stick or cord. Possibly molded and carved.
Material: yellow-brown glazed faience
Dimensions: 1.6 cm height, 1.4 cm dia.
Mohenjo-daro, HR 1053
National Museum, Karachi, NMP 50.870
Marshall 1931: pl. CLVIII, 5
Seated faience monkey figurine or amulet from Mohenjo-daro. Its broken feet suggest that it was once attached to another object, possibly a second monkey as in the Triple Monkey Figurine. Molded and carved.
Of all the objects in the National Museum of Pakistan's Indus Gallery in Karachi, none quite so grabs your attention with its innate character as this tiny faience monkey from Mohenjo-daro. Just over 3 cm in height, made of blue-green faience, probably in a wooden mold according to Mark Kenoyer (Ancient Cities, p. 230), it arrests you with the richness of its persona through the glass casing. It seems to have its character pushed from the inside out, so regal is it in the surrounding space. Broken feet suggest it might have once been part of a triple monkey figurine. John Marshall wrote "The monkey is now extinct in Sind, but that it existed there in ancient times is suggested by the fact that models of it are found in Mohenjo-daro made in faience, pottery, and steatite. It is always represented in a squatting position with a hand on each knee." (Marshall 1931: 349, 351, pl. XCVI, 13).
The monkey figurine shown in two views is mounted on a wooden platform for display, but it was apparently designed with the ability to slide down a string or thin rod so as to appear to climb or jump. The figurine is hand-modeled from terracotta and features a fully rounded body in a complicated, lifelike pose with a realistic facial expression, ears, and incised lines representing its fur. The monkey was excavated from the Indus Valley archaeological site called Mohenjo-Daro, dated to ca. 2500 B.C.E. Excavations from sites in the Indus Valley included many figurines made from terracotta, some of which were clearly for entertainment, including whistles shaped like birds, small animals including bulls with moveable heads and horns, and toy carts. Archaeologists classified the monkey figurine as a toy. The figurine is 5.5 centimeters (2.1 inches) high.
Source
Climbing Monkey hand-modeled, Indus Valley, Delhi National Museum; Set 61: Indian Terracottas I: From Indian Earth 6103; copyright ACSAA Slide (c)AAAUM.
How to Cite This Source
"Indus Valley Climbing Monkey Toy [Object]," in Children and Youth in History, Item #312, http://chnm.gmu.edu/cyh/items/show/312 (accessed June 23, 2019). Annotated by Susan Douglass
I suggest that the three tigers with interlocked bodies DOES connote cāli 'interlocked bodies' Rebus-metonymy layered cipher yields the plain text message : kola 'tiger'> kolom 'three' PLUS cāli 'interlocked bodies' :kammasālā 'workshop' (Prakritam) < kol(m) PLUS śāˊlā, i.e. smithy workshop.
kul 'tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [kōlhā ] कोल्हें[kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv. Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kolʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe ʼ.(CDIAL 3532)
కరుకోల (p. 252) karukōla karu-kōla. [Tel.] n. A firing iron, for cautery. கொல்லுலை kol-l-ulai , n. < id. +. Black-smith's forge; கொல்லனுலை. கொல்லுலைக்கூடத்தினால் (குமர. பிர. நீதிநெறி. 14).கொல்² kol Working in iron; கொற்றொழில். Blacksmith; கொல்லன். 5. Lock; பூட்டு. (பிங்.) Brass or iron bar nailed across a door or gate; கதவுமுதலியவற்றில்தைக்கும்இரும்புமுதலியவற்றாலாகியபட்டை. Loc.
Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith(Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith.
Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.)kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)
Here is a rendering of this Mohenjo-daro seal with three entwined tigers, in colour by a Historian, Walter Plitt Qintin:
cāli 'Interlocking bodies'(IL 3872) Rebus: sal 'workshop' (Santali) Allograph: sal ‘splinter’
Pict-61: Composite motif of three tigers
Text1386 Note how the hieroglyph components of the text are displayed in the space available on the seal after the pictorial motif hieroglyphs have been put together as part of the hypertext. The broken corner of the seal may have included other 'text hieroglyphs called signs'. The text messageis: bronze workshop, scribe/account iron supercargo, helmsman, smithy/forge/temple.
Hieroglyph of ‘looking back’ is read rebus as kamar 'artisan': క్రమ్మరు
[krammaru]krammaru. [Tel.] v. n. To turn, return, go back.మరలు.క్రమ్మరించుorక్రమ్మరుచుkrammarinṭsu. V. a. To turn, send back, recall. To revoke, annul, rescind.క్రమ్మరజేయు.క్రమ్మరkrammara. Adv. Again.క్రమ్మరిల్లుorక్రమరబడుSame asక్రమ్మరు. krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) Kho. Krəm ʻ back ʼ NTS ii 262 with (?) (CDIAL 3145)[Cf. Ir. *kamaka – or *kamraka -- ʻ back ʼ in Shgh. Čůmčʻ back ʼ, Sar. Čomǰ EVSh 26] (CDIAL 2776) cf. Sang. kamak ʻ back ʼ, Shgh. Čomǰ (< *kamak G.M.) ʻ back of an animal ʼ, Yghn. Kama ʻ neckʼ (CDIAL 14356). Kár, kãr ‘neck’ (Kashmiri) Kal.Gřäʻ neck ʼ; Kho.Goḷʻ front of neck, throatʼ.Gala m. ʻthroat, neck ʼMBh. (CDIAL 4070) Rebus: karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali)
kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolle 'blacksmith'; kolimi 'smithy, forge'; kole.l 'smithy, temple'
कर्णक kárṇaka कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 'spread legs'; (semantic determinant) rebus: kárṇaka, kannā कर्णक 'helmsman'.PLUS
meḍ ‘body’ Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.)
kaṇḍ kanka ‘rim of jar’; Rebus: karnI 'supercargo', karṇika ‘scribe’;
kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’. Thus the ligatured Glyph is decoded:
kaṇḍkarṇaka ‘furnace scribe'
kole.l smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.)
kōnṭa corner (Nk.); tu. kōṇṭu angle, corner (Tu.); rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) Alternative reading; kanac 'corner' rebus: kañcu 'bronze'
Text message
Sign 267 is read rebus as a Meluhha hypertext kancu mũhã̄ 'bell-metal ingot'.
The " hieroglyph is sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'
Together with the splinter hieroglyph, the first two signs from the right are read as:
कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 'spread legs'; (semantic determinant) Rebus: kanahār'helmsman', karNI 'scribe, account''supercargo'. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', karNi 'supercargo'; meṛed 'iron' rebus: meḍh 'merchant' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; 2. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', karṇi 'supercargo' Indicative that the merchant is seafaring metalsmith. karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836) Decipherment: कर्णक 'helmsman' PLUS mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). Thus the body hieroglyph signifies mē̃d कर्णक karṇi 'an iron helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.'
kolimi 'smithy, forge'Rebus: kole.l 'temple'.
Thus, together, the text message reads:
kancu mũh sal 'bell-metal ingot workshop'
mē̃d कर्णक karṇi 'an iron helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.'
kole.l 'smithy, temple'.
This text message is composed together with the three intertwined tigers: The hypertext of both the pictorial motifs and text message is: kola 'tiger' rebus; kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy,forge' of bell-metal ingot workshop supercargo merchant, smithy/temple. Thus, the inscription on Obverse side is a wealth-accounting ledger of bell-metal smelting ingots ,smithy/forge work for onward shipment as cargo.
The second side of the tablet shows a number of animals including a monkey. kuṭhāru ‘monkey’ rebus: kuṭhāru ‘armourer’ is shown working with other animals which signify other metalwork resources: blacksmith haematite ferrite ore, iron implements, factitious alloy of copper, pewter, tin. Thus, together with the bell-metal ingot workshop, the armourer (monkey) is workig with the resources provided by smithy/forge of a variety of alloys and metals including iron, copper, pewter, tin and implements. These constitute the resources for the armourer to produce weapons such as arrowheads, other weapons and protective armour shields.
Decipherment of Mohenjodaro sealing with a number of animals:
1. bica ‘scorpion’ rebus‘haematite, ferrite ore’
2. krammara ‘look back’ rebus: kamar ‘smith’ PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus: kol,kolle 'blacksmith'
The message is: haematite (ferrite ore), blacksmith artisan, iron implements merchant, armourer, hard alloy metalcasting.
Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼAV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S.kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A.kã̄hʻgong ʼ; Or.kãsāʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw.kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G.kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; A. kã̄hiʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G.kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ,kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)
Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼAV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S.kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A.kã̄hʻgong ʼ; Or.kãsāʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw.kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G.kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; A. kã̄hiʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G.kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ,kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)
Sign 272 cyphertext is a composite of Sign 267 and smoke, flame signifying a portable furnace. Lozenge, corner, signifier of portable furnace smoke/fire. Lozenge or oval shapes are mũhã̄ 'bun-ingot' shapes. kammaṭa 'portable furnace to melt metals', rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236). Thus, kancu ʼmũh kammaṭabronze, bell-metal ingot mint.
Sign 276 Variant Sign 278. The hypertext is composed of Sign 267 and a hieroglyph,'splinter': sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus Sign 276 reads, kancu ʼmũh sal 'bell-metal ingot workshop'.
Sign 278 has a circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'.kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ (Kashmiri).: kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., °uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ.Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk. kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ. (CDIAL 2726)*kandukara ʻ worker with pans ʼ. [kándu -- , kará -- 1]K. kã̄dar, kã̄duru dat. °daris m. ʻ baker ʼ. (CDIAL 2728) Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id. Konḍakanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe.kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit.(DEDR 1214)
Sign 277 Sign 277 The hypertext is composed of Sign 267 and a hieroglyph,'notch': खांडा khāṇḍā .A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). A rough furrow, ravine, gully. (Marathi) rebus: khāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi). Thus Sign 277 reads, kancu ʼmũhkhāṇḍa 'bell-metal ingot, metalware' Sign 279 Sign 279 signifies two corners and is a variant of Sign 277. Thus, Sign 27o reads dulkañcu ʼmũhkhāṇḍa 'castings bell-metal ingot, metalware'.
PLUS खांडा khāṇḍā .A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). A rough furrow, ravine,gully. (Marathi) rebus:khāṇḍa tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi). Vikalpa to 'notch' is 'splinter' of two notches: sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.
Sign 280 The hypertext of Sign 280 is composed of Sign 267, notch and lid of pot.Sign 280 The hypertext of Sign 280 is composed of Sign 267, notch and lid of pot. The reading is: kancu ʼmũh dhakka khāṇḍa 'bell-metal ingot, bright,blazing metal tools, pots and pans and metalware'.
Circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'.
Sign 281 The hypertext is Sig 280 PLUS circumscript 'four short vertical strokes'. The reading is:kaṇḍa kancu ʼmũh dhakka khāṇḍa 'fire-altar (for) bell-metal ingot, bright,blazing metal tools, pots and pans and metalware'.
Sign 284Variants of Sign 284
Circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'. Sign 285 is a composite of hieroglyphs: Sign 267 four corners, four short linear strokes as circumscript. kaṇḍa kancu mũh khāṇḍā 'bell-metal ingot, implements (from) fire-altar'.
The rebus reading of hieroglyph spoked-wheel is: arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass' PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast,copper'.
m02015 A,B, m2016, m1393, m1394, m1395, m0295, m0439, m440, m0441 A,B On some tablets, such a glyphic composition (hypertext) is also accompanied (on obverse side, for example, cf. m2015A and m0295) with a glyphic of two or more joined tiger heads to a single body. In one inscription (m0295), the text inscriptions are also read.
kola ‘tiger’ rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ cāli 'Interlocking bodies'(IL 3872) Rebus: sal 'workshop' (Santali)Hieroglyph of joined, interlocked bodies: cāli (IL 3872); rebus: śālika (IL) village of artisans. cf.sala_yisu = joining of metal (Ka.)
Susa. This statuette indicates the existence of commercial and cultural exchanges with the Indus Valley and Central Asia, where many representations of monkeys have been found.Statuette of a monkey Red limestone R. de Mecquenem excavations Sb 5884 Near Eastern Antiquities Richelieu wing Ground floor Iran and Susa during the 3rd millennium BC Room 231
A small monkey dating from the Bronze Age
This little red limestone monkey sitting on its hindquarters, with its back legs drawn up to its belly and its hands on its knees, was found at Susa and dates from the late 3rd millennium BCE. It may depict a common Asian macaque. Its eyes are round and hollow, indicating that they may have been inlaid. The animal's tail forms a curved line at the back.
The monkey - an animal rarely depicted at Susa
This is one of the rare ancient representations of this animal found at Susa. Another monkey, already with an almost human air about it, was found in one of the two "Archaic depots" dating from the Uruk period, consisting in a group of small alabaster statuettes of praying figures and animals (birds, a bear, and a pig). These objects reflected the style of sculpture in this period in Mesopotamia. A number of copper cosmetic flasks from Bactria (present-day Afghanistan) dating from the late 3rd or early 2nd millennium BC also represent monkeys and mythical animals, half-monkey half-human. Depictions of monkeys squatting and sitting on stools like humans are also to be found on metal seals from the same region.
An animal perhaps from the Indus Valley
Rarely depicted in the Susian region, the monkey was a common motif in many areas of Eastern Asia (including the Indus civilization, notably in the Harappa region), and the Mediterranean Basin (in Egypt, for example). This monkey may be an indication of the relations maintained by Susa with the Indus Valley and the regions of Central Asia (Afghanistan).
Bibliography
The Royal city of Susa New-York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 16 novembre 1992 - 7 mars 1993, New-York, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992, p.97 ; ill.61.
Monkey macacus racus figurine from Gonur Tepe. After Fig. 13 from Gonur Tepe "The depicted animal is definitely the brown monkey (Macacus rhesus), which lives in the plains and foothills of India and Pakistan.This fact indicates that the Gonur’s figurine was a directly imported from the Indus valley (Сарианиди и др., 2014. С. 133)."
are also still found in South Asia, both in the wild and as pets. A few of the Indus figurines represent uniquely primate postures, such as a monkey sitting with its long arms and hands held on either side of its head.
Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) 2.6 x 3.6 x 2.9 cm.
"Pet monkeys were also probably a common sight in the bazaars or neighborhood markets," writes Mark Kenoyer. "Figurines of monkeys were were made of terracotta or glazed faience depicting one or more monkeys in various amorous of acrobatic poses. All the monkey figurines are of the short-tailed rhesus or macaque species, but the kong-tailed langurs would have been known to the Indus people living in Gujarat and the northern Punjab, because this species is quite common throughout these regions today. The fact that they did not make any figures of the long-tailed monkeys is quite intriguing, and it is also odd that no monkeys are illustrated on the seals or narrative tablets. The Harappan bias against depicting monkeys in glyptic art is one of the more important differences with later Hindu art, where monkeys are a common motif and the long-tailed langur is directly associated with the deity Hanuman."
Indus Valley Culture Prehistoric about 2400–1750 B.C. Thanks to: Joint Expedition of the American School of Indic and Iranian Studies and the Museum of Fine Arts, 1935–1936 Season Overall: 4.1 x 3 cm (1 5/8 x 1 3/16 in.) https://www.harappa.com/blog/indus-monkey
https://tinyurl.com/y6yhql2g -- BB Lal's survey of megalithic signs traced into Indus Script counters Kramer's suggestion of Ubaidian roots for Meluhhan settlers in Ancient Near East Based on the Rosetta Stone for Indus Script which is the Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk which displays Indus Script hypertexts on row 3 of the obelisk, it is clear that the settlers of Musri who paid tributed to Shalamaneser III were Meluhha artisans and merchants and Meluhha speakers. This monograph demonstrates that BB Lal's survey of megalithic signs traced into Indus Script writing samples counters Kramer's suggestion of Ubaidian roots for Meluhha speakers. There is clearly a substratum word in Sumerian which is traced to ancient Gujarat. The word is sanga 'priest' (Sumerian). The cognate root word from ancient Deśi or Meluhha speech is: sanghvi 'one who offers hospitality to groups of Jain pilgrims' (Gujarati). Evidence from cuneiform texts points to Meluhha settlers in Ancient Near East. The monograph posits a hypothesis that Meluhha settlers of Musri (Kurdistan) used Indus Script to document their wealth-accounting ledgers and offer them as tributes of metalwork,metal armour and lapidary artofacts of gems and jewels to Shalamaneser III. See:
-- Did Ubaidians, Ur-Nanshe, Meluhha speakers create Indus Civilization? -- Samuel Noah Kramer (1964) -- B.B. Lal, 1960. From "Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery." Ancient India, No.16, pp.4-24 (Full Text together with 34 Plates appended) -- Based on a detailed survey done by BB Lal, from a number of megalithic sites of Ancient India, it appears that the 'signs' of the Indus Script can be traced to the 'symbols' detected on pottery artifacts of these sites. The pictographs,hieroglyphs,hypertexts of Indus Script are traceable to these 'markis or symbols' on pottery artifacts of ancient India.
This monograph deciphers a unique Harappa tablet which can be called the 'Harappa standard' and contains two sided inscriptions documenting metalwork wealth.
This is an addendum to: 235 Harappa Indus Script tablets deciphered: भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' ready as supercargo & for turners, from 1. smithy, 2. cast metal, 3. implements furnaces (workshops) http://tinyurl.com/h45ex2j
h1997 A,B Harappa Faience Tablet or Harappa Standard
A unique mold-made faience tablet or standard was found in the eroded levels west of the tablet workshop in Trench 54 at Harappa in 2000. On one side is a short inscription under a rectangular box filled with 24 dots. The reverse has a narrative scene with two bulls face-to-face under a thorny tree.
Pk. ḍhaṁkhara -- m.n. ʻ branch without leaves or fruit ʼ (CDIAL 5524)
Rebus:
ḍānro = a term of contempt for a blacksmith (N.)(CDIAL 5524). ṭhākur = blacksmith (Mth.) (CDIAL 5488). This is a semantic determinative of:
khōṇḍa 'leafless tree' (Marathi) कोंदkōnda 'engraver, turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS kōḍu'horn' rebus koḍ 'workplace' PLUS koḍiyum 'ring on neck' rebus: koḍ 'workplace' PLUS khōṇḍīखोंडी'panniersack' rebus:कोंदkōnda 'engraver, turner, fine gold'. Thus, the hypertext composition signifies workshop of a goldsmith, lapidary (turner, engraver). A remarkable cognate etymon signifying a young bull is seen in Telugu (Indian sprahbund, 'speech union'): kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull.కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime.తరుణము.జోడుకోడయలుa pair of bullocks.కోడెadj. Young.కోడెత్రాచుa young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముంబలుగులరేడుతన్నికొనిపోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడుkōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A loverవిటుడు.Rebus:kõdār 'turner' (Bengali). konda 'furnace, fire-altar' kō̃daकोँद'furnace for smelting':payĕn-kō̃daपयन्-कोँद।परिपाककन्दुःf. a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a furnace (for smelting). -thöji - or -thöjü -;।परिपाक-(द्रावण-)मूषाf. a crucible, a melting-pot.-ʦañĕ -।परिपाकोपयोगिशान्ताङ्गारसमूहःf.pl. a special kind of charcoal (made from deodar and similar wood) used in smelting furnaces.-wôlu -वोलु&below;।धात्वादिद्रावण-इष्टिकादिपरिपाकशिल्पीm. a metal-smelter; a brick-baker.-wān -वान्।द्रावणचुल्लीm. a smeltingfurnace.
rebus: खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Rebus: Bos primigenius taurus (old bull or ox): ḍhangra 'bull'. Rebus: ḍhangar'blacksmith'. barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). कोंडण kōṇḍaṇa f A fold or pen. (Marathi) khōṇḍa 'young bull' 'bull-calf'.kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'.
The two bulls are read as: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharata
Text message on h1997A contains a unique circumscribed rectangle with 24 raised dots and the most frequently expression composed of three hieroglyphs:Sign176, Sign342, Sign48
This remarkable hyperext presented or circumscribed within a rectangle is composed of 4x3 + 4X3 raised dots, i.e. a pair of 4X3 raised dots. The rebus reading is: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements, metalware' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. The raised dots, in bas relief, signify goṭā 'round pebble, stone' Rebus: goṭā ''laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi) khoṭ f ʻalloy' (Lahnda).
2. karṇīka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: kaṇḍa kanka 'smelting furnace account (scribe), karṇī, supercargo--a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.'.
Sign 65 is a hypertext composed ofSign 59 and 'lid of pot' hieroglyph.Sign 134 ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka'bright' Thus, ayo dhakka, 'bright alloy metal.' Thus, Sign 65 hypertext reads: ayo dhakka 'bright alloy metal'.
Thus, the string of circmscribed 24 raised dots PLUS four hieroglyphs/hypertext reads in Meluhha:
goṭāayo dhakka bharata karṇī kharada
Meaning: laterite, ferrite ore, bright alloy metal, भरत 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' cast metal implements/metalware from smithy/forge inscribed by supercargo (for seafaring merchants and for turners in smithy)and documented in daybook wealth-accounting ledger.
Note: (Frequency of occurrence of the expression: 41.) Frequency is in reference to Mahadevan concordance 1977. The occurrences will be more if HARP discoveries are reckoned.
Source: Yadav, Nisha, 2013, Sensitivity of Indus Script to type of object,SCRIPTA, Vol. 5 (Sept. 2013), pp. 67-103
Hieroglyph: Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ. *kaṇṭa3 ʻ backbone, podex, penis ʼ. 2. *kaṇḍa -- . 3. *karaṇḍa -- 4. (Cf. *kāṭa -- 2, *ḍākka -- 2: poss. same as káṇṭa -- 1] 1. Pa. piṭṭhi -- kaṇṭaka -- m. ʻ bone of the spine ʼ; Gy. eur. kanro m. ʻ penis ʼ (or < káṇṭaka -- ); Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼ; P. kaṇḍ f. ʻ back, pubes ʼ; WPah. bhal. kaṇṭ f. ʻ syphilis ʼ; N. kaṇḍo ʻ buttock, rump, anus ʼ, kaṇḍeulo ʻ small of the back ʼ; B. kã̄ṭ ʻ clitoris ʼ; Or. kaṇṭi ʻ handle of a plough ʼ; H. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Si. äṭa -- kaṭuva ʻ bone ʼ, piṭa -- k° ʻ backbone ʼ. 2. Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) مرکنډئِي mar-kanḏḏaʿī, s.f. (6th) The throat, the windpipe, the gullet. 2. The end of the backbone where the neck joins. Sing. and Pl.(Pushto) Hieroglyph: khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)
This glyph could be a variant of the glyph (Sign 47) which occurs in the most frequent text sequence in inscriptions of Indus script corpora.
Sign 47 may signify kaśēru rebus: metal worker. Sign 48 may signifyभरत bharata n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c
भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. (Molesworth Marathi Dictionary).This gloss, bharata is denoted by the hieroglyphs: backbone, ox.
bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharataḷ = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (Gujarati) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead;bhartīyā = a brazier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Sanskrit.)
balad m. ʻox ʼ, gng. bald, (Ku.) barad, id. (Nepali. Tarai) Rebus: bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin (Punjabi)
Three Meluhha glosses denote three types of metal ingots:
1. ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) (Marathi)
2. mũhe 'ingot' mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes.
3. ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)
Based on the decipherment of Indus Scipt Corpora in Meluhha language (Proto-Prakritam of Indiansprachbund), it is suggested that
1. ḍhālako ingotswere signified by the ox-hide shaped ingots
2. mũhe ingots were signified by the cargo of cast metal out of a furnace
3. ḍab ingots were smaller sized, bun-shaped ingots.
The specification that the ingots were made of alloyed hard metal was signified by hieroglyphs which were shaped like a skeleton-backbone:
Rebus-metonymy layered readings of these hieroglyphs are:
Hieroglyph: karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)
Text 4589 points to the possibility that two distinct glosses are associated with two distinct hieroglyphs . Orthographically, Sign 47 may signify a 'skeleton' while Sign 48 may signify a 'backbone' or rib cage.
Backbone, rib cage
Sign 48. kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērā ʻmetal workerʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) Spine, rib-cage: A comparable glyptic representation is on a seal published by Omananda Saraswati. In Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.” (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). B.B. Lal, 1960. From Megalithic to the Harappa: Tracing back the graffiti on pottery. Ancient India, No.16, pp. 4-24.
Alternative 2: Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (CDIAL 2670). Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy'
Alternative 3: ḍokka bone; ciparta ḍokka rib. Go. ḍogor peṛeka backbone Rebus: Re<doGga>(F),,<DoGga>(B) {N} ``^boat, dugout ^canoe''. P. ḍõgā m.,
°gī f., ḍõghā m., °ghī f. ʻ a deep boat ʼ
khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kharada खरडें daybook
<reRi>(B) {N} ``^backbone, ^blade of axe, ^slab''. Pl. <-le>; also <reRi siksaG> `backbone'; <reRi-saG> `id.'. @B23090. #32361. <reDi>(F) {NB} ``^spine''. @N48. #31761.
Kh<burondi>(D) {NI} ``^spine''.
This pictorial motif gets normalized in Indus writing system as a hieroglyph sign: baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) Tir. mar -- kaṇḍḗ ʻ back (of the body) ʼ; S. kaṇḍo m. ʻ back ʼ, L. kaṇḍ f., kaṇḍā m. ʻ backbone ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇḍ, °ḍī ʻ back ʼH. kã̄ṭā m. ʻ spine ʼ, G. kã̄ṭɔ m., M. kã̄ṭā m.; Pk. kaṁḍa -- m. ʻ backbone ʼ.(CDIAL 2670) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) The hieroglyph ligature to convey the semantics of ‘bone’ and rebus reading is: ‘four short numeral strokes ligature’ |||| Numeral 4: gaṇḍa'four' Rebus: kaṇḍa'furnace, fire-altar' (Santali)
kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989)Vikalpa: riṛ ‘ridge formed by the backbone’ (Santali); rebus: rīti ‘brass’ (Skt.) Vikalpa: bharaḍo ‘spine’; Rebus: bharan ‘to spread or bring out from a kiln’ (P.) baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(P.B.) baraḍo = spine; backbone; the back; baraḍo thābaḍavo = lit. to strike on the backbone or back; hence, to encourage; baraḍo bhāre thato = lit. to have a painful backbone, i.e. to do something which will call for a severe beating (G.lex.)
goṭi, ‘silver, laterite’ are denoted by goṭa, ‘seed’ hieroglyph.
A pair of 'lozenges infixed with spots or notches' together with a skeleton-backbone hieroglyph:
Text 5265 S. ḍ̠aḇo m. ʻ a kind of dot ʼ; P. ḍabb m. ʻ spot ʼ Rebus: ḍab 'small bun-shaped ingot'; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, the pair signifies dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'
In the following examle, the orthography displays a 'spot' within the lozenge-shaped pair, reinforcing the semantics: dul ḍ̠aḇ 'cast ingot'
.
Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43. Harappa. (Source: Slide 351. harappa.com) Eight such tablets have been found (HARP, 2005); these were recovered from circular platforms. This example of a uniquely scripted tablet with raised Indus script glyphs shows that copper tablets were also used in Harappa, while hundreds of copper tablets with indus script inscriptions were found in Mohenjo-daro. See also:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.html The copper tablet with raised script contains a 'backbone' glyph; decoding: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989)mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Santali).
Glyph (Middle glyph of the three-glyph inscription): Sign 48: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ. (CDIAL 2988) கசம்¹ kacam , n. cf. ayas. (அக. நி.) 1. Iron; இரும்பு. 2. Mineral fossil; தாதுப்பொருள் (Tamil) N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G.kãsārɔ, kas m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sār, kās m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. (CDIAL 2989)
Other two glyphs of the copper tablets: 'rim-of-jar' + 'oval + inlaid 'short stroke'. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali); rebus: furnace scribe (account). kaṇḍa kanka may be a dimunitive form of *kan-khār ‘copper smith’ comparable to the cognate gloss: kaṉṉār ‘coppersmiths, blacksmiths’ (Tamil) If so, kaṇḍa kan-khār connotes: ‘copper-smith furnace.’kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar (Santali); kan ‘copper’ (Ta.) Glyph 'inlaid short stroke in oval' may connote an ingot. ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)
Thus the inscription of the copper tablet with inscription in raised script (bas relief) is decoded as: furnace account (scribe), maker of brass pots, (bronze) ingots: ḍhālako kasērā kaṇḍa kanka lit. ingot, brass worker, furnace account (scribe). A third glyph on these tablets is an oval (variant 'rhombus') sign -- like a metal ingot -- and is ligatured with an infixed sloping stroke: ḍhāḷiyum = adj. sloping, inclining (G.) The ligatured glyph is read rebus as: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot (G.) ḍhālakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)
dula 'pair' (Kashmiri); rebus: dul 'cast (metal)'(Santali)
A pair of ḍhālako shown on the seal impression on a pot (Mohenjodaro. Text 2937) may connote dul ḍhālako ‘cast metal ingot’.
Harappa. Prism tablet. H94-2177/4999-01: Molded faience tablet, Period 3B/3C. Rebus reading:
'two' hieroglyph + 'rimless pot' hieroglyph: dula 'two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' + baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'. Thus metal-casting furnace.
The text of the inscription on this prism tablet of Harappa includes the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence in the entire Indus Script Corpora is shown on a Harappa tablet reproduced below:
Rebus reading of the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence in the entire Indus Script Corpora: karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' PLUS
kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘accountscribe’.
kārṇī m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) PLUS
khareḍo = a currycomb (Gujarati) खरारा [ kharārā ] m ( H) A currycomb. 2 Currying a horse. (Marathi) Rebus: 1. करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 2. kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati)
This reading assumes that the 'currycomb' hieroglyph is an allograph for 'backbone' hieroglyph. An alternative reading is: G. kã̄gsī f. ʻcombʼRebus: kamsa 'bronze, bell-metal'.
Other alternative readings:
kaṅkaṭa -- 2 ʻ comb ʼ Rebus: Pk. kakkhaḍa -- , °khala -- ʻ rough ʼ; Ash. kakeṛäˊ ʻ hard Allographs: TS.Pa. kakkaṭa -- m. ʻ a large deer kaṅkāla1 m.n. ʻ skeleton ʼ kakkara. [Tel.] n. The demoiselle crane Anthropoides rirgo, kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ Kol. (Kin.) kakkare partridge 1083 Ta. kaṅkaṇam a waterfowl. Te. kaṅkaṇamu a large bustard with a red head.
1076 Ma. kakkaṭa dagger. Ka. kakkaḍe, karkaḍe a kind of weapon. / Cf. Skt. (lex.) karkaśa- sword. Alternative: Rebus: kaṅgu -- f. ʻ Panicum italicum ʼ
kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- . 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; K. k&ebrevdotdot;nzü f. ʻ clay or copper pot ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya -- .(CDIAL 2576)
d.ha_l = a shield, a buckler; the grand flag of an army directing its march and encampments; the standard or banner of a chieftain; a flag flying on a fort (G.); rebus: d.ha_l.ako = large metal ingot
A Kalibangan potsherd contains the 'backbone' hieroglyph. This potsherd was used by BB Lal to indicate that the direction of writing of 'signs' was generally from right to left sequence:
Rebus reading of incised Kalibangan potsherd: ayo 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron, metal' PLUS karaṁḍa ʻbackboneʼ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' PLUS kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘accountscribe’.
Map of Iraq showing important sites that were occupied during the Ubaid periodUbaid III pottery jar, 5300-4700 BC Louvre Museum AO 29611Ubaid IV pottery 4700-4200 BC Tello, ancient Girsu, Louvre Museum AO 15338. "Ubaid culture originated in the south, but still has clear connections to earlier cultures in the region of middle Iraq. The appearance of the Ubaid folk has sometimes been linked to the so-called Sumerian problem, related to the origins ofSumeriancivilisation. Whatever the ethnic origins of this group, this culture saw for the first time a clear tripartite social division between intensive subsistence peasant farmers, with crops and animals coming from the north, tent-dwelling nomadic pastoralists dependent upon their herds, and hunter-fisher folk of the Arabian littoral, living in reed huts.Stein and Özbal describe the Near Eastoecumenethat resulted from Ubaid expansion, contrasting it to the colonial expansionism of the laterUruk period. "A contextual analysis comparing different regions shows that the Ubaid expansion took place largely through the peaceful spread of an ideology, leading to the formation of numerous new indigenous identities that appropriated and transformed superficial elements of Ubaid material culture into locally distinct expressions.["(Stein, Gil J.; Rana Özbal (2006). "A Tale of Two Oikumenai: Variation in the Expansionary Dynamics of Ubaid and Uruk Mesopotamia". In Elizabeth C. Stone (ed.). Settlement and Society: Ecology, urbanism, trade and technology in Mesopotamia and Beyond (Robert McC. Adams Festschrift). Santa Fe: SAR Press. pp. 329–343.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ubaid_periodTerracotta stamp seal with Master of Animals motif, Tello, ancient Girsu, End of Ubaid period, Louvre Museum AO14165. Circa 4000 BCE
"Site officiel du musée du Louvre". cartelfr.louvre.fr.
Brown, Brian A.; Feldman, Marian H. (2013). Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art. Walter de Gruyter. p. 304. ISBN9781614510352.
Charvát, Petr (2003). Mesopotamia Before History. Routledge. p. 96.
Drop-shaped (tanged) pendant seal and modern impression. Quadrupeds, not entirely reduced to geometric shapes, ca. 4500–3500 BC. Late Ubaid - Middle Gawra periods. Northern MesopotamiaStamp seal and modern impression: horned animal and bird. 6th–5th millennium BC. Northern Syria or southeastern Anatolia. Ubaid period. Metropolitan Museum of Art."The Ubaid period (c. 6500–3800 BC) is a prehistoric period of Mesopotamia. The name derives from Tell al-'Ubaidwhere the earliest large excavation of Ubaid period material was conducted initially by Henry Hall and later by Leonard Woolley."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ubaid_period Carter, Robert A. and Philip, Graham Beyond the Ubaid: Transformation and Integration in the Late Prehistoric Societies of the Middle East (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, Number 63) The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (2010) ISBN978-1-885923-66-0 p. 2; "Radiometric data suggest that the whole Southern Mesopotamian Ubaid period, including Ubaid 0 and 5, is of immense duration, spanning nearly three millennia from about 6500 to 3800 B.C.E. Hall, Henry R. and Woolley, C. Leonard. 1927. Al-'Ubaid. Ur Excavations 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press."
"There is much evidence that the Harappan civilization of the Indus Valley traded with the Near East, including clay seals found at Ur III and in the Persian Gulf.(Gadd, C. J. “Seals of Ancient Indian Style Found at Ur.” Proceedings of the British Academy 18 (1932): 191–210.) Seals and beads were also found at the site of Esnunna.(Henri Frankfort, The Indus civilization and the Near East. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for 1932, Leyden, VI, pp. 1-12, 1934) In addition, if the land of Meluhha does indeed refer to the Indus Valley, then there are extensive trade records ranging from the Akkadian Empire until the Babylonian Dynasty." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chronology_of_the_ancient_Near_EastMap of SumerJemdet Nasr Period bull statue from limestone (found in Uruk, Iraq.)
From south to north, the principal temple-cities, their principal temple complex, and the gods they served,were
Kutha, E-meslam, Nergal (George, Andrew (1993), House Most High. The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia(Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns) Jacobsen, Thorkild (Ed) (1939),"The Sumerian King List" (Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago; Assyriological Studies, No. 11.)
Before 3000 BCE the political life of the city was headed by a priest-king (ensi) assisted by a council of elders and based on these temples, but it is unknown how the cities had secular rulers rise in prominence from the earliest times. The development and system of administration led to the development of archaic tablets around 3500 BC-3200 BCE and ideographic writing (c. 3100 BCE) was developed into
logographic writing around 2500 BCE (and a mixed form by about 2350 BCE). As Sumerologist Christopher Woods points out in Earliest Mesopotamian Writing: "A precise date for the earliest cuneiform texts has proved elusive, as virtually all the tablets were discovered in secondary archaeological contexts, specifically, in rubbish heaps that defy accurate stratigraphic analysis. The sun-hardened clay tablets, having obviously outlived their usefulness, were used along with other waste, such as potsherds, clay sealings, and broken mudbricks, as fill in leveling the foundations of new construction — consequently, it is impossible to establish when the tablets were written and used." Even so, it is proposed that the ideas of writing developed across the area, according to Theo J. H. Krispijn,along the following time-frame:
A : c. 3400 BC : Numerical Tablet; B : c. 3300 BC : Numerical Tablet with Logograms; C : c. 3240 BC : Script (Phonograms); D : c. 3000 BC : Lexical Script
TheKish tablet, a limestone tablet from Kish with pictographic, earlycuneiform, writing, 3500 BC. Possibly the earliest known example of writing.Ashmolean Museum.
Records of the Past, Volume 5, Issue 11. Edited by Henry Mason Baum, Frederick Bennett Wright, George Frederick Wright. Records of the Past Exploration Society., 1906. Pg 352.
"Louvre Museum. Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash. Limestone, Early Dynastic III (2550–2500 BC). Found in Telloh (ancient city of Girsu). Ur-Nanshe wears flounced skirt. c. 2550-2500 BCE. Predecesso: Lugal-shag-engur; succesor: Akurgal, Eanatum; Father: Gunidu.
Perforated Relief of King Ur-Nanshe,is a limestone slab that was probably part of a wall as a votive decoration and is inscribed in Sumerian. The king is portrayed as a builder of temples and canals, thus a preserver of order perceived to be bestowed upon them by the gods. “Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, son of Gunidu, built the temple of Ningirsu; he built the temple of Nanshe (in Nina); he built Apsubanda.” ...The carved illustration is in two registers, top and bottom, both depicting Ur-Nanshe in different roles as king. In the top register he is dressed in a kaunakes(tufted wool skirt), carrying a basket of bricks on his head while surrounded by other Lagash elite, his wife, and sons. Inscriptions on their respective garments identify each person. On the bottom register, Ur-Nanshe is at a banquet, which is to celebrate the building of the temple. He is seated on a throne wearing the same outfit as the top register surrounded by other court members.(Lourve Pouysségur, Patrick , ed. "Perforated Relief of King Ur-Nanshe.Further inscriptions read, “boats from the (distant) land of Dilmun carried the wood (for him)”,which is the oldest known written record of Dilmun and importation of goods into Mesopotamia." (Pouysségur, Patrick , ed. "Perforated Relief of King Ur-Nanshe." Lourve Museum.) Ur Nanshe There are many other inscriptions found by or mentioning Ur-Nanshe.
Excerpt from Ruler of Lagash:
“Ur-Nanše, the son of ……, who built the E-Sirara, her temple of happiness and Niĝin, her beloved city, acted for 1080 years. Ane-tum, the son of Ur-Nanše”(translation : t.2.1.2." rulers of Lagaš (2003): n.pag. Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature.)
Excerpt from A Hymn to Nashe:
“There is perfection in the presence of the lady. Lagaš thrives in abundance in the presence of Nanše. She chose the šennu in her holy heart and seated Ur-Nanše, the beloved lord of Lagaš, on the throne. She gave the lofty scepter to the shepherd.”(Translation: t.4.14.1." hymn to Nanše (Nanše A) (2003): n.pag. Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature.)
Fragmentary stele bearing the inscription "Ur-Nanshe, son of Gunidu, to Ningirsu" (Louvre)Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, representing the bird-god Anzu (or Im-dugud) as a lion-headed eagle. Alabaster, Early Dynastic III (2550–2500 BC). Found in Telloh, ancient city of Girsu. "Ur-Nanshe (or Ur-Nina) was the first king of the First Dynasty of Lagash(approx. 2500 BCE) in the Sumerian Early Dynastic Period III. ...He ascended after Lugal-shag-engur (lugal-šag4-engur), who was the ensi, or high priest. ...He is known through inscriptions to have commissioned many buildings projects, including canals and temples, in the state of Lagash, and defending Lagash from its rival state Umma....He was the father of Akurgal, who succeeded him, and grandfather of Eanatum. Eanatum expanded the kingdom of Lagash by defeating Umma as illustrated in the Stele of the Vultures and continue building and renovation of Ur-Nanshe’s original buildings."(Hansen, Donald "Royal Building Activity at Sumerian Lagash in the Early Dynastic Period." Biblical Archaeologist. 55.4 (1992): 206-11.)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ur-NansheNansheFoundation peg from the temple of goddess Nanshe at Sirara, rebuilt by Gudea. Bull calf in reed marsh. Circa 2130 BCE. Probably from Sirara, Iraq. The British Museum, LondonIn Sumerian mythology, Nanshe was the daughter of Enki and Ninhursag. Her functions as a goddess were varied. She was a goddess of social justice, prophecy, fertility and fishing.
Uru-ka-gina, Uru-inim-gina, or Iri-ka-gina was a ruler of the city-state Lagash in Mesopotamia. He assumed the title of king, claiming to have been divinely appointed, upon the downfall of his corrupt predecessor, Lugalanda …
Male bust, perhaps Lugal-kisal-si, king of Uruk. Limestone, Early Dynastic III. From Adab (Bismaya).
Adab or Udab was an ancient Sumerian city between Telloh and Nippur. It was located at the site of modern Bismaya or Bismya in the Wasit Province of Iraq
Kubaba holding a poppy capsule(possibly a pomegranate) and a tympanum (or perhaps a mirror) Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara, Turkey
Kubaba is the only queen on the Sumerian King List, which states she reigned for 100 years – roughly in the Early Dynastic III period of Sumerian history. In later times, she was worshipped as a goddess.
Lugal-Zage-Si of Umma was the last Sumerian king before the conquest of Sumer by Sargon of Akkad and the rise of the Akkadian Empire.
Lugal-Zage-Si's domains (red), c. 2350 BCE
Lugal-Zage-Si of Umma was the last Sumerian king before the conquest of Sumer by Sargon of Akkad and the rise of the Akkadian Empire, was considered as the only king of the third dynasty of Uruk. He united Sumer as a single kingdom. Lugal-Zage-Si pursued an expansive policy, he began his career as énsi of Umma, from where he conquered several of the Sumerian city-states — including Kish, where he overthrew Ur-Zababa. He ruled for 25 years according to the Sumerian king list. Lugal-Zage-Si claimed in his inscription that Enlil gave to him "all the lands between the upper and the lower seas", that is, between the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf. Although his incursion to the Mediterranean was, in the eyes of some modern scholars, not much more than "a successful raiding party", the inscription "marks the first time that a Sumerian prince claimed to have reached what was, for them, the western edge of the world". According to Babylonian versions of Sargon's inscriptions, Sargon of Akkad captured Lugal-Zage-Si after destroying the walls of Uruk, led him in a neck-stock to Enlil's temple in Nippur.
History of Sumer Sargon's Victory Stele commemorates his victory over Lugalzagesi. Lugalzagesi: the history of his reign.
Uruk was an ancient city of Sumer, situated east of the present bed of the Euphrates river, on the dried-up, ancient channel of the Euphrates, some 30 km east of modern Samawah, Al-Muthannā, Iraq. Uruk is the type site for the Uruk period. Uruk played a leading role in the early urbanization of Sumer in the mid-4th millennium BC. At its height c. 2900 BC, Uruk had 50,000–80,000 residents living in 6 km2 of walled area. The legendary king Gilgamesh, according to the chronology presented in the Sumerian king list, ruled Uruk in the 27th century BC; the city lost its prime importance around 2000 BC, in the context of the struggle of Babyloniaagainst Elam, but it remained inhabited throughout the Seleucid and Parthianperiods until it was abandoned shortly before or after the Islamic conquest of 633–638. William Kennett Loftus visited the site of Uruk in 1849 and led the first excavations from 1850 to 1854; the Arabicname of Babylonia, which became the name of the present-day country, al-ʿIrāq, is thought to derive from the name Uruk, via Aramaic and via Middle Persiantransmission.
In Sumerian the word uru could mean "city, village, district". In myth and literature, Uruk was famous as the capital city of Gilgamesh, hero of the Epic of Gilgamesh, it is believed Uruk is the biblical Erech, the second city founded by Nimrod in Shinar. In addition to being one of the first cities, Uruk was the main force of urbanization and state formation during the Uruk period, or'Uruk expansion'; this period of 800 years saw a shift from small, agricultural villages to a larger urban center with a full-time bureaucracy and stratified society. Although other settlements coexisted with Uruk, they were about 10 hectares while Uruk was larger and more complex; the Uruk period culture exported by Sumerian traders and colonists had an effect on all surrounding peoples, who evolved their own comparable, competing economies and cultures. Uruk could not maintain long-distance control over colonies such as Tell Brak by military force. Geographic factors underpin Uruk's unprecedented growth; the city was located in the southern part of Mesopotamia, an ancient site of civilization, on the Euphrates river.
Through the gradual and eventual domestication of native grains from the Zagros foothills and extensive irrigationtechniques, the area supported a vast variety of edible vegetation. This domestication of grain and its proximity to rivers enabled Uruk's growth into the largest Sumerian settlement, in both population and area, with relative ease. Uruk's agricultural surplus and large population base facilitated processes such as trade, specialization of crafts and the evolution of writing. Evidence from excavations such as extensive pottery and the earliest known tablets of writing support these events. Excavation of Uruk is complex because older buildings were recycled into newer ones, thus blurring the layers of different historic periods; the topmost layer most originated in the Jemdet Nasr period and is built on structures from earlier periods dating back to the Ubaid period. According to the Sumerian king list, Uruk was founded by the king Enmerkar. Though the king-list mentions a king of Eanna before him, the epicEnmerkar and the Lord of Arattarelates that Enmerkar constructed the House of Heaven for the goddess Inannain the Eanna District of Uruk.
In the Epic of Gilgamesh, Gilgamesh is king of the city. Uruk went from the Early Uruk period to the Late Uruk period; the city was formed. The temple complexes at their cores became the Eanna District and the Anu District dedicated to Inanna and Anu, respectively; the Anu District was called'Kullaba' prior to merging with the Eanna District. Kullaba dates to the Eriduperiod. There are different interpretations about the purposes of the temples. However, it is believed they were a unifying feature of the city, it seems clear that temples served both an important religious function and state function. The surviving temple archive of the Neo-Babylonianperiod documents the social function of the temple as a redistribution center; the Eanna District was composed of several buildings with spaces for workshops, it was walled off from the city. By contrast, the Anu District was built on a terrace with a temple at the top, it is clear Eanna was dedicated to Inanna from the earliest Urukperiod throughout the history of the city.
The rest of the city was composed of typical courtyard houses, grouped by profession of the occupants, in districts around Eanna and Anu. Uruk was well penetrated by a canal system, described as, "Venice in the desert." This canal system flowed throughout the city connecting it with the maritime trade on the ancient Euphrates River as well as the surrounding agricultural belt. The original city of Uruk was situated southwest of the ancient Euphrates River; the site of Warkais northeast of the modern Euphrates river. The change in position was caused by a shift in the Euphrates at some point in history, may have contributed to the decline of Uruk.
Image: Clay cone Urukagina Louvre AO4598ab
An account of barleyrations issued monthly to adults and children written in Cuneiform on clay tablet, written in year 4 of King Urukagina (circa 2350 BC). From Girsu, Iraq. British Museum, London.
In southwestern Mesopotamia, in a region called Lagash were cities called Girsu, Nina and Guabba, which was a port city. This Guabba city had the temple of Nin-mar (Charles Keith Maisels, The emergence of civilization (Taylor & Francis, 1990). The place also had a large number of granaries which delivered barley. A good recod kept by the Sumerians records that in 2062 BCE, a scribe of the builders received barley from the Meluhhan village (granary). The accounts of grain barley delivery are recorded in a tablet of Ur-Lama, son of Meluhha. In 2046 BCE, there is a debt note: Ur-Lamma, son of Meluhha has to recompense some wool. A record of 2045 BCEmentions the list of grain rations of the son of Meluhha who worked in the Nanshe temple. The village of Guabba had shepherds, weavers. Ur III texts also mention a Meluhhan goat. A garden of the temple of Ninmar had fruit trees from Meluhha which provided fruits to the female divinity. The supervisor of the Nanshe temple was a Meluhhan. (Simo Parpola, Asko Parpola, and Robert H. Brunswig, “The Meluḫḫa Village: Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late Third Millennium Mesopotamia,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient20, no. 2 (May 1977): 129-165; P.S Vermaak, “Guabba, the Meluhhan village in Mesopotamia,”Journal for Semitics17, no. 2 (2008): 553 – 570.)
One of the most significant and impressive archaeological achievements of the twentieth century centers around the discovery of the ancient Indus civilization which probably flourished from about 2500 to 1500 B.C.E, and extended over a vast territory from the present Pakistan-Iran border to the foot of the Himalayas and to the Gulf of Cambay. Much of the material culture of this civilization is now known: the well-planned streets and structures of its cities and towns; its tools and implements of stone and metal; its pottery and vases; its beads and bangles; its stone sculptures and terracotta figurines. On the other hand, but little is known of the social, political, religious, and intellectual life of the ancient Indus people, and that little is based on conjecture and surmise. And practically nothing at all is known of its ethnic and linguistic affiliations; indeed the very name of this ancient Indus land is still a mystery.
To be sure, the Indus people did have a well-developed system of writing consisting of some four hundred pictographic signs with conventionalized syllabic values. Moreover, since the reading and writing of this script had to be studied and learned by budding scribes, there is every reason to assume that there were schools scattered throughout the land with a formal system of education. But the inscriptions recovered to date consist of very brief notations on steatite seals, clay sealings, pottery stamps, and small thin copper plates; usually they contain no more than half a dozen signs, and the longest has less than twenty. There is some likelihood that these inscriptions record the names of the individuals and places, and if so, they could be most revealing for the ethnic origin of the Indus people. but as of today not a single sign of the Indus script has been deciphered and read satisfactorily, and until some bilinguals are discovered, the available Indus inscriptions will probably remain a closed “book.”
Seals excavated at Lothal, with same script as Mohen-daro
There is, however, one possible source of significant information about the Indus civilization which is still untapped: the inscriptions of Sumer, approximately six hundred miles to the west of the mouth of the Indus and separated from the Indus land by the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. That there was considerable commercial trade between the two countries is proved beyond reasonable doubt by some thirty Indus seals which have actually been excavated in Sumer—and no doubt hundreds more are still lying buried in the Sumerian ruins—and which must have been brought there in one way or another from their land of origin. There is, therefore, good reason to conclude that the Sumerians had known the name of the Indus land as well as some of its more important features and characteristics, and that some of the innumerable Sumerian texts might turn out to be highly informative in this respect.
With this in mind, I searched the Sumerian literary works for possible clues and came up with the tentative hypothesis that Dilmun, a land mentioned frequently in the Sumerian texts and glorified in Sumerian myth, may turn out to be the Indus land or at least some part of it. According to a long-known Sumerian “Flood” -story, Dilmun, the land to which Ziusudra, the Sumerian Noah, was transported to live as an immortal among the gods, is “the place where the sun rises,” and was therefore located somewhere to the east of Sumer. In another Sumerian text, Dilmun is described as a blessed, prosperous land dotted with “great dwellings,” to which the countries of the entire civilized world known to the Sumerians, brought their goods and wares. A number of cuneiform economic documents excavated by the late Leonard Woolley at Ur–Biblical Ur of the Chaldees–one of the most important cities of Sumer, speak of ivory, and objects made of ivory, as being imported from Dilmun to Ur. The only rich, important land east of Sumer which could be the source of ivory, was that of the ancient Indus civilization, hence it seems not unreasonable to infer that the latter must be identical with Dilmun.
But promising and intriguing as it was, the Dilmun-Indus land hypothesis was the product of “arm-chair” scholarship, which needed corroboration from the “field,” that is, from the extant archaeological remains of the Indus civilization. I therefore journeyed to Pakistan and India, with the help of a grant-in-aid from the American Council of Learned Societies, and in the course of a seven weeks stay there, traveled more than four thousand miles by plane, train, bus, automobile, and a horse-drawn vehicle known as the tonga, in order to visit the excavated Indus cities: Harappa, Mohenjo-daro, Kot Diji, Amri, Rupar, and Lothal. I studied the Indus artifacts located at the site museums, as well as the rich collections in the museums of Karachi, Lahore, and New Delhi.
Mesopotamian-like bearded terracotta head excavated at Lothal
I met many of the archaeologists of Pakistan and India, and discussed with them the various aspects of the Indus civilization. As a result of these investigations and discussions, it became apparent that there are two facets of the Indus civilization which are especially significant for its identification with Dilmun: the cult of a water deity and sea-plowing ships.
One of the most striking and impressive features of the Indus cities and towns is the important role which water and cleanliness seem to have played in the life of the people, as is evident from the extraordinary number of wells and baths in both public and private buildings, as well as the carefully planned networks of covered drains built of kiln-baked bricks. It is not unreasonable to assume therefore–as indeed has been assumed by a number of scholars–that the Indus people had developed a water cult of deep religious import centering about a water god and featured by sundry rites concerned with lustration and purification. All of which seems to fit in rather surprisingly well with the Dilmun-Indus land equation. For the god most intimately related to Dilmun is Enki, the Sumerian Poseidon, the great Sumerian Dilmun-myth which tells the following story: Dilmun, a land described as “pure,” “clean,” and “bright,” a land which knows neither sickness nor death, had been lacking originally in fresh, life-giving water. The tutelary goddess of Dilmun, Ninsikilla by name, therefore pleaded with Enki, who is both her husband and father, and the latter orders the sun-god Utu to fill Dilmun with sweet water brought up from the earth’s watersources; Dilmun is thus turned into a divine garden green with grain-yielding fields and acres. In this paradise of the gods eight plants are made to sprout by Ninhursag, the great mother goddess of the Sumerians, perhaps more originally by Mother Earth. She succeeds in bringing these plants into being by an intricate process involving three generations of goddesses all begotten by Enki and born without pain or travail. But because Enki wanted to taste them, his messenger, the two-faced god Isimud, plucks these plants one by one and gives them to his master who proceeds to eat them each in turn. Whereupon the angered Ninhursag pronounces the curse of death against Enki and vanishes from among the gods. Enki’s health at once begins to fail and eight of his organs become sick. As Enki sinks fast, the great gods sit in the dust, seemingly unable to cope with the situation. Whereupon the fox comes to the rescue and after being promised a reward, he suceeds by some ruse in having the mother goddess return to the gods and heal the dying water god. She seats him by her vulva and after inquiring which eight organs of his body ache, she brings into existence eight corresponding deities–one of these is Enshag, the Lord of Dilmun–and Enki is brought back to life and health.
Now the first part of this Dilmun myth reads as follows:
Copy of the last lines of the “Flood” tablet with transliteration and translation
The holy cities–present them to him (Enkil?),
The land Dilmun is holy,
Holy Sumer–present it to him,
The land Dilmun is holy.
The land Dilmun is holy, the land Dilmun is pure,
The land Dilmun is clean, the land Dilmun is holy;
Who had lain by himself in Dilmun–
The place, after Enki had lain with his wife,
That place is clean, that place is most bright;
Who had lain by himself in Dilmun–
That place, after Enki had lain with Ninsikilla,
That place is clean, that place is most bright.
In Dilmun the raven utters no cry,
The wild hen utters not the cry of the wild hen,
The lion kills not,
The wolf snatches not the lamb,
Unknown is the kid-devouring wild dog,
Unknown is the grain-devouring boar,
The malt which the widow spreads on the roof–
The birds of heaven do not eat up that malt,
The dove droops not the head,
The sick-eyed says not “I am sick-eyed,”
The “sick-headed” says not ” I am sick-headed,”
Its old woman says not “I am an old woman,”
Its old man says not “I am an old man,”
Unwashed is the maid, no water is poured in the city,
Who crosses the river (of the Nether World) utters no groan (?),
The wailing priest walks not round about him,
The singer utters no wail,
By the side of the city he utters no lament.
Copies of cuneiform texts with translation: (Top) The initial lines of the Dilmun myth.
The passage which follows is fragmentary; to judge from the preserved lines, it contained the goddess Ninsikilla’s prayer to Enki to supply Dilmun with water. The poem then continues thus:
Father Enki answers Ninsikilla his daughter:
“Let Utu stationed in heaven,
Bring you sweet water from the earth, from the water-sources of the earth,Let him bring up the water into your large reservoirs (?),Let him make your city drink from them the water of abundance,Let him make Dilmun drink from them the water of abundance,Let your wells of bitter water become wells of sweet water,Let your furrowed fields and acres yield you their grain,Let your city become the ‘dock-yard’-house of the (inhabited) land.”
And just as Enki had spoken “so it came to be”; or in the words of the poet:
(Left) From an inscription of Ur-Nanshe that speaks of timber-carrying Dilmun boats
(Right) From an inscription of Sargon the Great boasting that the boats of Dilmun lay anchored at the docks of Agade.
Utu stationed in heaven,
Brought her (Ninsikilla) sweet water from the earth, from the watersources of the earth,Brought up the water into her large reservoirs (?),Made her city drink from them the water of abundance,Made Dilmun drink from them the water of abundance,Her wells of bitter water became wells of sweet water, Her furrowed fields and acres yielded her grain,Her city became the “dock0yard”-house of the (inhabited) land,Dilmun became the “dock-yard”-house of the (inhabited) land.
While not everything in this passage is clear, one fact stands out; Dilmun, not unlike the Indus land, was particularly noted for cleanliness and purity, and it was a water god who played a leading role in the religion of the two lands.
That Dilmun was a land characterized by purity and cleanliness is indicated by a passage in another Enki myth recently pieced together and translated, which may be entitled “Enki and the World Order.” Part of this myth is devoted to Enki’s “decreeing the fates” of the lands constituting the world known to the Sumerians. The passage involving Dilmun consists of six lines but only two are fully preserved and these read interestingly enough:
He (the god Enki) cleaned and purified the land Dilmun,
Placed the goddess Ninsikilla in charge of it.
In fact the very name of the goddess whom Enki placed in charge of Dilmun is a Sumerian compound word whose literal meaning is “the pure queen,” another indication of the value put on cleanliness in Dilmun.
During the past few years, there have been uncovered in Pakistan several sites of ancient Indus towns which were originally located on the coast of the Arabian Sea, although as a result of coastal uplift, these are now some distance away from the edge of the sea. The existence of these settlements, taken in conjunction with the numerous long-known sites strung all along the Indus River, indicates clearly that the Indus civilization depended largely on water-borne trade, coastal and riverine. This is now corroborated by the excavations conducted over the past five years in Lothal, a site in India not far from the Gulf of Cambay, where what seems to be a well-planned rectangular dockyard built of baked bricks has been uncovered, complete with spillways, water-locks, and loading platforms–when I visited the site in January, 1961, workmen were still trying to reach the bottom of its solid embankments. Now this type of maritime civilization must have been characteristic of Dilmun, to judge from the Sumerian inscriptions in which “ships of Dilmun” are mentioned repeatedly. Thus, one of the Sumerian rulers by the name of Ur-Nanshe, who lived as early as about 2400 B.C., speaks of timber-carrying Dilmun boats arriving at his city, Lagash. Sargon the Great who ruled about a century and a half after Ur-Nanshe, boasts that the boats of Dilmun lay anchored at the docks of his capital city Agade. In the myth “Enki and the World Order” mentioned earlier, Enki boasts of the moored Dilmun boats. Ivory-bearing boats from Dilmun to Ur have already been mentioned; according to the texts these also carried timber, gold, copper, and lapis lazuli. No wonder that in the “Paradise” myth cited above, Dilmun is described as “dock-yard-house of the (inhabited) land.”
The Dilmun-Indus equation, if correct, will help to clarify the baffling problem of the origin and rise of the Indus civilization, especially in regard to the ethnic and linguistic affiliation of the Indus people. There is some reason to surmise that the rise of the Indus cities was in the nature of a cultural “explosion” or “revolution” due to the arrival in India of a new ethnic group which had already attained a high degree of civilization. For there is not too much in the remains of the pre-Indus settlements excavated at Harappa, Kot Diji, or Amri, which could be regarded as the forerunner of the Indus cities and towns with their carefully planned buildings and streets, their water cult and purification rites, their well-developed pictographic script, and their bustling water-borne trade. As for the time when this highly civilized people came to India to which it transplanted some of the skills and ideas developed in its original habitat, the likelihood is that it took place early in the third millennium, some time about 2800 B.C., since it must have taken several centuries for the Indus civilization to grow to the size it had become about 2500 B.C.
Now it is hardly likely that this people came to India from anywhere but Mesopotamia. For it is in Mesopotamia that we first find a fully developed urban civilization with monumental architecture, a pictographic script utilized for administrative purposes, and flourishing trade relations with neighboring countries by land and sea. It is in Mesopotamia, too, that we find the worship of a water god from earliest days; his main cult was in the city or Eridu where his first shrine dating from the middle of the fourth millennium D.C., or even earlier, was excavated more than twenty years ago.
Passage from the myth “Enki and the World Order” in which the god Enki boasts of the moored Dilmun boats
But if so–if it was a Mesopotamian people who loaded their boats with their families and possessions, and abandoned their native homes to start life afresh in distant India–who was this people? Hardly the Sumerians, as has been suggested more than once. The Sumerian pictographic script of the early third millennium B.C. is now well-known from excavations at Warka and Jemdet Nasr, and it bears little resemblance to that of the Indus seals. Moreover, why should the Sumerians who had themselves probably arrived in Mesopotamia only a few centuries earlier and made themselves lords and masters of the land later known as “Sumer,” leave their homes where they lived as conquerors and rulers in search for a new habitat? On the face of it, it is much more likely that it was not the Sumerians, but one or another of the Mesopotamian peoples subjugated by the Sumerians, who, seeing their language, faith, and way of life threatened and perhaps even suppressed, decided that home was no longer home for them and went forth to establish themselves in a new land where they were free to live their lives in accordance with their religious convictions. The Mesopotamian people which settled in India and sparked the Indus civilization were therefore not the Sumerians but–most probably– the original settlers of “Sumer,” the Ubaidians, as they have come to be known from the name of the Mesopotamian site where their archaeological remains were first identified.
If this should turn out to be correct–if it was the Ubaidians who created the Indus civilization–we now have some linguistic data which might prove of no little value for the Indus language and script. For while we still know practically nothing about the grammar and structure of the Ubaidian language, we do know a number of Ubaidian words denoting place names and occupations. The names of the two great Mesopotamian rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates, or idiglat and buranun as they read in the cuneiform texts, are Ubaidian–not Sumerian–words. So, too, are the names of the most important urban centers of “Sumer”: Eridu, Ur, Larsa, Isin, Adab, Kullab, Lagash, Nippur, and Kish. In fact the word Dilmun itself may, like the word buranun for the Euphrates, be Ubaidian. More important still, such culturally significant words as engar (farmer), udul (herdsman), shupeshdak (fisherman), apin (plow), apsin (furrow), nimbar(palm), sulumb (date), tibira (metal worker), simug (smith), nangar (carpenter), addub (basket maker), ishbar(weaver), ashgab (leather worker), pahar (potter), shidim (mason), and perhaps even damgar (merchant), are probably all Ubaidian rather than Sumerian, as has been usually assumed. And should the inscriptions on the Indus seals contain not only the name of the consignor or consignee of the goods to which their clay impressions were attached, but also his occupation, it is not impossible that one or another of the above listed words will be found among them.
Another crucial word which may turn out to be Ubaidian, is Ea, one of the two names by which the Mesopotamian water god is known in the cuneiform texts, the other being Enki, the name used throughout this study. For while the latter is a typical Sumerian compound with the meaning “Lord of the Earth,” Ea is a word whose linguistic affiliations are still uncertain; it might well be his original Ubaidian name which the Sumerians changed to Enki when they incorporated him into their pantheon. This is corroborated to some extent by the fact that, to judge from the hymns and myths, the Sumerian theologians found it necessary to stress and explain repeatedly the source of Enki’s authority and power; in fact Enki often talks and acts as if he had an inferiority complex. It if is the Ubaidians who brought the water cult to India, EA would be the name of the god about whom it centered, and it would not be too surprising to find the name in one or another of the Indus seals.
The Spillway of the dockyard excavated at Lothal, with grooves for sliding doors to retain the water
For well-nigh a thousand years following the collapse of the Indus civilization, the history of India is practically a blank, archaeologically speaking. If however, the Dilmun-Indus equation should prove to be correct the cuneiform documents from Mesopotamia would give us at least a glimpse into this Indian “dark age.” For throughout the latter half of the second millennium and the first half of the first millennium B.C., we find Dilmun mentioned in the cuneiform documents. The Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta uses in his titles the expression “king of Dilmun and Meluhha” which is reminiscent to some extent of the Biblical “from India to Ethiopia” of King Ahasuerus in the Book of Esther. There was a king of Dilmun by the name of Uperi who paid tribute to Sargon II of Assyria. There is another king by the name of Hundaru in whose days booty taken from Dilmun consisted of objects made of copper and bronze, sticks of precious wood, and large quantities of kohl, used as an eye-paint. A crew of soldiers is sent from Dilmun to Babylon to help King Sennacherib raze the city to the ground, and they bring with them bronze spades and spikes which are described as characteristic products of Dilmun.
But Dilmun or not, it is clear from the preceding pages that what is urgently needed is further intensive excavation of the Indus sites, especially the larger ones which may be expected to yield the inscriptional material essential for the decipherment of the Indus script–not only the Indus seals, but also the larger and longer documents which must certainly have existed, and perhaps even a bilingual written partly in cuneiform. Most of this promising work, naturally enough, will fall to the happy lot of the archaeologists of Pakistan and India. But Indus archaeology offers a rare and rich opportunity for American institutions of learning to help unravel the history of the Orient in the third millennium B.C. (Samuel Noah Kramer, 1964, The Indus Civilization and Dilmun, the Sumerian Paradise Land, in: Expedition, Vol.6, Issue 3, pp.44 to 52).
Cite This Article:
Noah Kramer, .Samuel "The Indus Civilization and Dilmun, the Sumerian Paradise Land" Expedition Magazine 6.3 (1964): n. pag. Expedition Magazine. Penn Museum, 1964 Web. <http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/?p=740>
Dilmun, or Telmun, was an ancient Semitic-speaking polity in Arabia mentioned from the 3rd millennium BC onwards. — Based on textual evidence, it was located in the Persian Gulf, on a trade route between Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley …
Bull's head, made of copper in the early period of Dilmun (ca. 2000 BC), discovered by Danish archeologists under Barbar Temple, Bahrain.
Gudea
Gudea (Sumerian 𒅗𒌣𒀀Gu3-de2-a) was a ruler (ensi) of the state of Lagash in Southern Mesopotamia who ruled c. 2144–2124 BC. He probably did not come from the city, but had married Ninalla, daughter of the ruler Ur-Baba (2164–2144 BC) of Lagash, thus gaining entrance to the royal house of Lagash. He was succeeded by his son Ur-Ningirsu.One of 18 Statues of Gudea, a ruler around 2090 BC
The history of Sumer, taken to include the prehistoric Ubaid and Uruk periods, spans the 5th to 3rd millennia BCE, ending with the downfall of the Third Dynasty of Ur around 2004 BCE, followed by a transitional period of Amorite states before the rise of Babylonia in the 18th century BCE.
Ur-Ningirsu also Ur-Ningirsu II, was a ruler (ensi) of the state of Lagash in Southern Mesopotamia who ruled c. 2110 BC. He was the son of the previous ruler of Lagash named Gudea.
Sargon of Akkad, also known as Sargon the Great, was the first ruler of the Akkadian Empire, known for his conquests of the Sumerian city-states in the 24th to 23rd centuries BC.He was the founder of the "Sargonic" or "Old Akkadian" dynasty.
The name of Enannatum I, ruler or king of Lagash is mentioned in this inscribed cuneiform text. Detail of a stone plaque. Circa 2420 BCE. From Girsu, Iraq. The British Museum, London
The cuneiform text states that Enannatum I reminds the gods of his prolific temple achievements in Lagash. Circa 2400 BCE. From Girsu, Iraq. The British Museum, London
En-anna-tum I succeeded his brother Eannatum as king of Lagash. During his rule, Umma once more asserted independence under Ur-Lumma, who attacked Lagash unsuccessfully.
An image of the most well-known extant copy of the Sumerian King List. – Image: Sumeriankinglist
Bronze head of an Akkadian, probably an image of Manishtusu or Naram-Sin; descendants of Sargon (National Museum of Iraq).
Inanna is an ancient Mesopotamian goddess associated with love, beauty, sex, desire, fertility, war, justice, and political power. She was originally worshipped in Sumer and was later worshipped by the Akkadians, Babylonians, and Assyrians under the name Ishtar.
Uruk was an ancient city of Sumer, situated east of the present bed of the Euphrates river, on the dried-up, ancient channel of the Euphrates, some 30 km east of modern Samawah, Al-Muthannā, Iraq.
Ur-Nammu founded the Sumerian Third Dynasty of Ur, in southern Mesopotamia, following several centuries of Akkadian and Gutian rule. His main achievement was state-building, and Ur-Nammu is chiefly remembered today for his legal code, the Code of Ur-Nammu, the oldest known surviving example in the world.
– Image: King Ur Nammu
Bad-tibira(Sumerian: 𒂦𒁾𒉄𒆠, bad3-tibiraki), "Wall of the Copper Worker(s)", or "Fortress of the Smiths", identified as modern Tell al-Madineh, between Ash Shatrah and Tell as-Senkereh in southern Iraq, was an ancient Sumerian city, which appears among antediluvian cities in the Sumerian King List. Its Akkadian name was Dûr-gurgurri. It was also called Παντιβίβλος (Pantibiblos) by Greek authors such as Berossus, transmitted by Abydenus and Apollodorus. This may reflect another version of the city's name, Patibira, "Canal of the Smiths".
Nisaba
Nisaba
Nisaba, is the Sumerian goddess of writing, learning, and the harvest. She was worshiped in shrines and sanctuaries at Umma and Ereš, and was often praised by Sumerian scribes. She is considered the patroness of mortal scribes as well as the scribe of the gods. In the Babylonian period, her worship was mainly was redirected towards the god Nabu, who took over her functions.
É (temple)
É is the Sumerian word or symbol for house or temple.
Early Dynastic Period (Mesopotamia)
The Early Dynastic period is an archaeological culture in Mesopotamia that is generally dated to c. 2900–2350 BC and was preceded by the Uruk and Jemdet Nasr periods. It is part of the history of Mesopotamia. It saw the development of writing and the formation of the first cities and states. The ED itself was characterized by the existence of multiple city-states: small states with a relatively simple structure that developed and solidified over time. This development ultimately led to the unification of much of Mesopotamia under the rule of Sargon, the first monarch of the Akkadian Empire. Despite this political fragmentation, the ED city-states shared a relatively homogeneous material culture. Sumerian cities such as Uruk, Ur, Lagash, Umma, and Nippur located in Lower Mesopotamia were very powerful and influential. To the north and west stretched states centered on cities such as Kish, Mari, Nagar, and Ebla. Ishtar on the Anubanini rock relief, circa 2300 BC. – Image: Anubanini relief constituents Ishtar Suter – Image: Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin 051
Stele of the Vultures
Here's part of the Stele of the Vultures, showing the captives in a net. DEA/G. DAGLI ORTI/Getty Images
The Stele of the Vultures is a monument from the Early Dynastic III period in Mesopotamia celebrating a victory of the city-state of Lagash over its neighbour Umma. It shows various battle and religious scenes and is named after the vultures that can be seen in one of these scenes. The stele was originally carved out of a single slab of limestone, but only seven fragments are known today. The fragments were found at Tello in southern Iraq in the late 19th century and are now on display in the Louvre. The stele was erected as a monument to the victory of king Eannatum of Lagash over Enakalle of Umma.
Victory Stele of Naram-Sin, celebrating victory against the Lullubi from Zagros 2260 BC. He is wearing a horned helmet, a symbol of divinity, and is also portrayed in a larger scale in comparison to others to emphasize his superiority. Brought back from Sippar to Susa as war prize in the 12th century BCE
Puabi, also called Shubad due to a misinterpretation by Sir Charles Leonard Woolley, was an important person in the Sumerian city of Ur, during the First Dynasty of Ur. Commonly labeled as a "queen", her status is somewhat in dispute …
Reconstructed Sumerian headgear necklaces found in the tomb of Puabi, housed at the British Museum
More than 880 tablets with cuneiform texts of Ur of the Larsa period were presented in a brilliant concordance by Dr.H.H.Figulla in a volume called UET V.
The volume is reviewed by AL Oppenheim in 1954. Oppenheim notes that Ur was the ‘port of entry’ for copper into Mesopotamia during the time of the Dynasty of Larsa. Oppenheim marshals cuneiform text evidence: “In our period – thatof the fifth to seventh king of the Dynasty of Larsa – the island exported not only copper in ingots but also copper objects, beads of precious stones, and – most important of all – ivory.” (ibid., p.7)
Proenance studies have shown that most of the copper came from Meluhha.
This monograph documents Archaeometallurgical research which has proved the provenance of Meluhha copper in ANE.
Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu
Abstract from Iranica Antiqua, 2009:
Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al.
A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently. This archaeometallurgical provenance study links Khetri copper mines --through Dholavira/Lothal and Persian Gulf -- with Mesopotamia. It is possible that tin from Ancient Far East (the tin-belt of the globe) was also routed through Meluhha merchants. Evidence?
Three pure tin ingots with Indus Script inscriptions found in Haifa, Israel.
My decipherment appeared in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies.
My monograph on this conclusion has been published in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)
The author Michal Artzy (opcit., p. 55) who showed these four signs on the four tin ingots to E. Masson who is the author of Cypro-Minoan Syllabary. Masson’s views are recorded in Foot Note 3: “E. Masson, who was shown all four ingots for the first time by the author, has suggested privately that the sign ‘d’ looks Cypro-Minoan, but not the otherthree signs.”
If all the signs are NOT Cypro-Minoan Syllabary, what did these four signs, together, incised on the tin ingots signify?
All these hieroglyphs on the three tin ingots of Haifa are read rebus in Meluhha:
Hieroglyph: ranku = liquid measure (Santali)
Hieroglyph: raṅku m. ʻa species of deerʼVās.,rankuka id., Śrīkaṇṭh.(Samskrtam)(CDIAL 10559). raṅku m. ʻ a species of deer ʼ Vās., °uka -- m. Śrīkaṇṭh.Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raṅká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .*raṅkha --ʻ defective ʼ see *rakka -- .RAṄG ʻ move to and fro ʼ: ráṅgati. -- Cf. √riṅg, √rikh2, √*righ.(CDIAL 10559)
Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex.Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P.rã̄g f., rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku.rāṅʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng.rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅoʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B.rāṅ; Or. rāṅgaʻ tin ʼ,rāṅgāʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth.rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si.ran̆gaʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562)
Hieroglyph: dāṭu= cross (Telugu)
Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali)Rebus: dhāṭnā‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).
Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)
Indus Script hypertexts thus read: Hieroglyphs: ranku 'liquid measure' or raṅkuʻa species of deerʼ PLUSdāṭu= cross rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral casting. The fourth ingot with the hieroglyph of a moulded head reads: mũh 'aface' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali).
Thus, together, the message on the tin ingots discovered in the Haifa shipwreck is: ranku dhatumũh 'tin mineral ingot'.
A note on mleccha,meluhha
I can only speculate that correct pronunciation was considered important in the recitation of sacred mantra-s. Mahābhārata is full of adoration of mleccha (a mispronunciation of meluhha). Meluhha, mleccha are our Pitr̥-s who have given us our heritage. We have to discharge our r̥ṇam, 'debt' to these mahātmā. See the three examples of what they wrote on three pure tin ingots discovered in Haifa shipwreck. I have posited in 16 books related to Sarasvati Civilization studies that the River Sarasvati was a navigable waterway during the mature phase of the civilization, i.e. 3rd m. BCE. This explains the presence of a cylinder seal in Rakhigarhi with an Indus Script inscription of a crocodile holding fish in its jaws. I have also posited that
Rakhigarhi is the capital city of the civilization because of its location linking this navigable waterway with the Ganga-Yamuna doab and also Brahmaputra riverine waterways. There was a Maritime Tin Route linking and transporting the tin ore resources from the Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy, Salween rivers to Eurasia, using these waterways and also the Indian Ocean Rim Maritime route for maritime trade. This Tin Route predates the Silk Road by 2 millennia.
See Korotoa river which links Brahmaputra and Ganga; this was the Sadānīrā river where R̥gveda r̥ṣi Gautama Rāhugaṇa settled from Kurukshetra, moving eastwards. So, Sarasvati civilization was NOT restricted to Sarasvati River Basin but extended far into the eastern Himalayan river basins.
The seafaring trade into Ur was in the hands of a group of seafaring merchants – called alik Telmun—‘who worked hand in handwith enterprising capitalists in Ur to take garmentsto the island in order to buy large quantities of copper there. Sincethe island hardly yielded any ore – not to speak of the fuel needed for smelting – we are faced herewith a situation which is typical for international tradeona primitive level: Telmun served as ‘market place’, a neutral territory, in which theparties coming from various regions of the coastal area of the gulf exchange or sell the products of their countries…Telmun…formed the ‘doorway’ to the East, to the more or less fabulous regions of Mkkan and Meluhha through which certain raw-materials…specific plants (‘Kulturpflansen’) and breeds of animals came to Babylonia.” (Oppenheim, 1954, opcit., p. 7).
Cuneiform texts were detailed contracts with details of merchant-investor partnerships, sharing of profits, compensation for commercial losses incurred by the debtor, imposition of some kind of customs or dues imposed on the merchants by the city administration. (ibid., p.8)
Indus Script hypertexts were picturesque descriptions of the metalwork products from smelters, smithy/forge, and lapidary work artifacts from the lathes, including encasing of gems/jewels in gold and other metals.
We have demonstrated that the ‘animals’ imported symbolic in Indus Script Cipher, wealth of metalwork products, smelted, smithied, forged and made into armour and also lapidary artifacts of gems and jewels.
Reference to 'fish-eyes' in cuneiform texts is also symbolic. In Indus Script cipher, hieroglyph aya, 'fish' is rebus: ayas'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Thus alloy metal mintwork products.
See:
Meluhha settlers of Musri (Kurdistan) offer tributes, document the wealth in Indus Script on ShalamaneserIII black obelisk
I suggest that the animals as hieroglyphs displayed on Shalamaneser III black obelisk and earlier in 11th cent. BCE by Ashur-bel-kala are symbolic references in Meluhha Indus Script Cipher to metals and lapidary artifacts (gems, jewels) imported from Meluhha or made by Meluhha artisans settled in Ancient Near East. The display of crocodile by Ashur-bel-kala in 11th cent. BCE is also a display of an Indus Script hieroglyph. In Meluhha rebus rendering, crocodile signifies: kāru a wild crocodile rebus: khār'blacksmith'. The 'river man' may signify an anthropomorph fish. ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.ayaskara 'metalsmith' -- working in khambhaṛā ʻfinʼ rebus: kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడుkammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. He wears a bracelet with a safflower hieroglyph. करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower Rebus: करड [ karaḍa ] 'hard alloy'.
A fish-apkallu drawn by AH Layard from a stone relief, one of a pair flanking a doorway in the Temple of Ninurta at Kalhu. British Museum. Reproduced in Schlomo Izre'el, Adpa and the South Wind, Language has the power of life and death, Eisenbrauns, 2001.
Below, a fish-man in a sea from a bas-relief in the palace of the Assyrian king Sargon II, ca.
721-705 BCE at Dur-Sharken, modern Khorsabad. (p. 131. fig. 107. "merman and mermaid."
Jeremy Black and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia,
An Illustrated Dictionary. London, British Museum, in association with the University of Texas Press.
Austin. 1992. ISBn 0-292-70794-0. paperback)
"Aššūr-bēl-kala, inscribed aš-šur-EN-ka-la and meaning “Aššur is lord of all,”[1] was the king of Assyria 1074/3–1056 BC, the 89th to appear on the Assyrian Kinglist. He was the son of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra I, succeeded his brother Ašarēd-apil-Ekurwho had briefly preceded him, and he ruled for 18 years....nišē mātīšu ušebri, “he (Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the people of his land...(Shigeo Yamada (2000); RIMA 2, A.0.89.7, iv 29f. The passage reads: nise matisu usebri ‘He = Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the public of his land.). The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmanesar III Relating to His Campaigns in the West. Brill. p. 253)...These he added to his collection of rare animals which he bred and dispatched merchants to acquire more, such as “a large female ape and a crocodile (and) a ‘river man’, beasts of the Great Sea” and the dromedaries he displayed in herds.(Tomoo Ishida (1982). Studies in the period of David and Solomon and other essays. Eisenbrauns. p. 219) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashur-bel-kala
RIMA 2, A.0.89.7, iv 29f. The passage reads: nise matisu usebri ‘He = Ashur-bel-kala) displayed (the animals) to the public of his land.
https://tinyurl.com/yyd5kqk4 nby khār 'blacksmith' + khōṇḍa 'bull calf'کار کند kār-kund 'Adroit, clever, experienced; A director, a manager'
کار کنده kār-kunda shown on Harappa h179 tablet. His head-dress is kūdī 'bunch of twigs' (Sanskrit) which signifies Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali) कूदी f. a bunch of twigs , bunch (v.l.कूट्/ई) AV. v , 19 , 12Kaus3.accord. to Kaus3.,Sch. = बदरी, "Christ's thorn".(Monier-Williams)The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus’ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield’s ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk,98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).[Note the twig adoring the head-dress of a horned, standing person].
This monograph demonstrates that the 'unicorn' or 'one-horned young bull' is also a pun on the word śṛṅgin'horned' rebus: śr̥ngī'gold used for onaments'. Thus, کار کند kār-kund'Adroit, clever, experienced; A director, a manager' signified by the 'unicorn' uses special type of gold for ornaments.
śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन्Ficus infectoria rebus:
śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments' PLUS کارکند kār-kund 'Adroit, clever, experienced; A director, a manager' PLUS dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'mineral ores' PLUS bāhula बाहुल 'Pleiades' rebus: bāhuḷa ʻarmour for the arms';बगलाbagalā m An Arab boat of a particular description (Marathi).
I submit that the one-horned young bull or 'unicorn' signifies the plain text: Director, manager (who is also) a lapidary, blacksmith, scribe and who) uses gold for ornaments. The pragmatics of the use of gold for ornaments is reinforced by the one crumpled, curiously S-curved, twisted horn of the young bull; this horn signifies śṛṅgin'horned' rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments'. Thus the artisan is an adroit blacksmith, goldsmith and lapidary who works with kunda'lathe' rebus: kunda'a treasure of Kubera'.
1. Most frequent Indus Script expression signifies, 'wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith,scribe';
2. most frequent hypertext 'unicorn' signifies the blacksmith's professional title: کار کنده kār-kunda, 'manager scribe'.
Ficus infectoria
Singa2 the young of an animal, calf J v.92; cp. Deśīnāma- mālā viii.31.(Pali)
The horn of the one-horned young bull is signified by the word: ښکرś̱ẖʿkar or ḵ́ẖʿkar, s.m. (5th) The horn of an animal, an antler, a powder horn. Pl. ښکرś̱ẖʿkœr or ḵ́ẖʿkœr. ښکرورś̱ẖʿkœrawar or ḵ́ẖʿkœrawar, adj. Horned, having horns, as a goat, cow, etcښکرḵ́ẖʿkœrawaraʿh.په ښکر وهلpah ś̱ẖʿkœr or pah ḵ́ẖʿkœr wahal, verb trans. To strike with the horns, to gore. (Pashto). The 'unicorn' is a composite animal of 'horn' PLUS 'young bull'. Thus, the words which combine to form the hypertext expression are: کرś̱ẖʿkar or ḵ́ẖʿkar, 'horn' PLUS खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. The rebus readings to yield the plain text expression in Meluhha are:ḵ́ẖʿkar 'horn' PLUS khōṇḍa 'young bull' Rebus: khārखार् 'blacksmith' PLUS कोंद kōnda. 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems'; kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace for smelting'; kunda 'a treasure of Kubera'; Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. The semantic expansion in Pashto elaborates the semantics and pragmatics of the expession کار کندkār-kund(corrup. of Pکار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.)کار کندهkār-kundaʿh. (Pashto) P کارkār, s.m. (2nd) Business, action, affair, work, labor, profession, operation. Pl. کارونهkārūnah. (E.) کار آرموده .چارkār āzmūdah. adj. Experienced, practised, veteran. کار و بارkār-o-bār, s.m. (2nd) Business, affair. Pl. کار و بارونهkār-o-bārūnah. کار خانهkār- ḵẖānaʿh, s.f. (3rd) A manufactory, a dock- yard, an arsenal, a workshop. Pl. يْey. کاردیدهkār-dīdah, adj. Experienced, tried, veteran. کار روائيkār-rawā-ī, s.f. (3rd) Carrying on a business, management, performance. Pl. ئِيaʿī. کار زارkār-zār, s.m. (2nd) Battle, conflict. Pl. کار زارونهkār-zārūnah. کار سازkār-sāz, adj. Adroit, clever; (Fem.) کار سازهkār-sāzaʿh. کار ساريkār-sāzī, s.f. (3rd) Cleverness, adroitness. Pl. ئِيaʿī. کار کندkār-kund (corrup. of Pکار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.) کار کندهkār-kundaʿh. کار کولkār kawul, verb trans. To work, to labor, to trade. په کار راتللpah kār rā-tʿlal or راغللrāg̠ẖ-lal, verb intrans. To be fit, to come into use, to be of use, to be proper or useful. په کار راوړلpah kār rā-wʿṟṟal, verb trans. To bring to use, to make use of, to expend. په کار ديpah kār daey, It is useful. په کار نه ديpah kār nah daey, It is useless. P کارستانkār-istān, s.m. (2nd) A place of work, a manufactory, an arsenal. Pl. کارستانونهkār-istānūnah.(Pashto)
کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) This Pashto expression finds mention on two distinct categories of Indus Script Corpora:
2.The most frequent expression of Indus Script Corpora is a text composed of three signs:
3. khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍāखरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) Thus, together, the message reads: khār karṇī karaḍā 'blacksmith, scribe, daybook' or 'wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith,scribe'.
1. On the hypertext signified by the 'one-horned young bull'. It has been noted that the 'unicorn' is an Indus Script hypertext signifying kunda-kara karaṇī. This has to be modified to signify کار کنده kār-kunda karaṇī'manager goldsmith,smelter blacksmith,lapidary, supercargo,scribe (cf. the monograph at https://tinyurl.com/y5wneaqr)
shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.(Kashmiri) शृङ्गकः कम् śṛṅgakḥ kam शृङ्गकः कम् 1 A horn. -2 A horn of the moon. -3 Any pointed thing. -4 A syringe; Ratn.1. (Apte) singसिंग् । वाद्यविशेषः m. a horn; a horn (the musical instrument).(Kashmiri) शृङ्गिन् śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् a. (-णीf.) [शृङ्गमस्त्यस्य इनि] 1 Horned. -2 Crested, peaked. -m.1 A mountain. -2 An elephant. -3 A ram. -4 A tree. -5 N. of Śiva. -6 N. of one of Śiva's attendants; शृङ्गी भृङ्गी रिटिस्तुण्डी Ak. -7 A bull; शङ्ग्यग्निदंष्ट्र्यसिजलद्विजकण्टकेभ्यः Bhāg.1.8.25. (Apte) śr̥ṅgín ʻ horned ʼ RV. [śŕ̊ṅga -- ]Pa. siṅgin -- , siṅgika -- ʻ horned ʼ, Pk. siṁgi -- , N. siṅe, G. sĩgī; -- ext. -- l -- : Pa. siṅgila -- m. ʻ a kind of horned bird ʼ; S. siṅiru ʻ horned ʼ.Addenda: śr̥ṅgín -- : OMarw. (Vīsaḷa) sīṁgī f.adj. ʻ horned (of cow) ʼ. (CDIAL 12595) Singa1 (nt.) [Vedic śṛnga, cp. Gr. ka/rnon, kraggw/n; Lat. cornu=E. horn] a horn J i.57, 149, 194; iv.173 (of a cow); Vism 106; VvhA 476.-- dhanu horn -- bow DhA i.216. -- dhamaka blowing a horn Miln 31.Singika (adj.) [fr. singa1] having horns J vi.354 (āvelita -- ˚ having twisted horns). Singin (adj.) [Vedic śṛngin] having a horn Vin ii.300; J iv.173 (=cow); clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53. (Pali) śŕ̊ṅga n. ʻ horn ʼ RV. [See *śrū -- , *śruṅka -- ]Pa. siṅga -- n., Pk. siṁga -- , saṁga -- n.; Gy. eur. šing m. (hung. f.), ʻ horn ʼ, pal. šíngi ʻ locust -- tree ʼ (so -- called from the shape of its pods: with š -- < ṣ -- < śr -- ); Ash. Kt. ṣĭ̄ṅ ʻ horn ʼ, Wg. ṣīṅ, ṣŕiṅ, Dm. ṣiṅ, Paš.lauṛ. ṣāṅg (or < śārṅga -- ), kuṛ. dar. ṣīṅ, nir. ṣēṅ, Shum. ṣīṅ, Woṭ. šiṅ m., Gaw. Kal.rumb. ṣiṅ, Bshk. ṣīṅ, Phal. ṣiṅ, pl. ṣíṅga; Sh.gil. ṣĭṅ m. ʻ horn ʼ, jij. ṣiṅ, pales. c̣riṅga ʻ temples ʼ (← Kaf. AO xviii 229); K. hĕng m. ʻ horn ʼ, S. siṅu m., L. siṅg m., awāṇ. sìṅg, P. siṅg m., WPah.bhad.bhal.khaś. śiṅg n., (Joshi) śī˜g m., Ku. sīṅ, N. siṅ, A. xiṅ, B. siṅ, Or. siṅga, Bhoj. sī˜gi, Aw.lakh. H. sī˜g m., G. sĩg n., M. śī˜g n., Ko. śī˜ṅga, Si. han̆ga, an̆ga, pl. aṅ (sin̆gu ← Pa.).śārṅga -- , śr̥ṅgín -- , śr̥ṅgī -- ; *śr̥ṅgadrōṇa -- , *śr̥ṅgapaṭṭa -- , *śr̥ṅgamāta -- , *śr̥ṅgayukta -- , *śr̥ṅgāsana -- ; *ut -- śr̥ṅga -- ; karkaṭaśr̥ṅgī -- , cátuḥśr̥ṅga -- , mēḍhraśr̥ṅgī -- ; -- śr̥ṅgāra -- ?Addenda: śr̥ṅga -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) śīˊṅg m. ʻ horn ʼ, J. śīṅg m., Garh. 'siṅg.(CDIAL 12583)
शृङ्गम् śṛṅgam शृङ्गम् [शॄ-गन् पृषो˚ मुम् ह्रस्वश्च Uṇ.1.123] 1 A horn; वन्यैरिदानीं महिषैस्तदम्भः शृङ्गाहतं क्रोशति दीर्घिकाणाम् R.16.13; गाहन्तां महिषां निपानसलिलं शृङ्गैर्मुहुस्ताडितम् Ś.2.6. -2 The top or summit of a mountain; अद्रेः शृङ्गं हरति पवनः किंस्विदित्युन्मुखीभिः Me.14,54.; Ki.5.42; R.13.26. -3 The top of a building, turret. -4 Elevation, height; रक्षो- लोकस्य सर्वस्य कः शृङ्गं छेत्तुमिच्छति Rām.3.31.43. -5 Lordship, sovereignty, supremacy, eminence; शृङ्गं स दृप्तविनयाधिकृतः परेषामत्युच्छ्रितं न ममृषे न तु दीर्धमायुः R.9.62 (where the word means a 'horn' also). -6 A cusp or horn of the moon. -7 Any peak, point or projection in general. -8A horn (of a buffalo &c.) used for blowing. -9 A syringe; वर्णोदकैः काञ्चनशृङ्गमुक्तैः R.16.7. -1 Excess of love, rising of desire. -11 A mark, sign. -12 A lotus. -13 A fountain of water. -14 Pride, self- respect; अवाप्य पृथिवीं कृत्स्नां न ते शृङ्गमवर्धत Mb.3.3.1 (com. शृङ्गं प्रभुत्वाभिमानः). -15 The stick (काण्ड) of an arrow with a horn-like knob; शृङ्गमग्निर्बभूवास्य भल्लः सोमो विशांपते Mb.8.34.18. -16 A particular military array; Mb.6. -17 The female breast. -Comp. -अन्तरम् space or in- terval between the horns (of a cow &c.). -उच्चयः a lofty summit. -कन्दः, -कन्दकः Trapa Bispinosa (Mar. शिंगाडा). -ग्राहिका 1 direct manner. -2 (in logic) taking singly. -जः an arrow. (-जम्) aloe-wood. -प्रहारिन्a. butting.
Leaves and trunk of Ficus religiosa,'Bo' tree, showing the distinctive heart-shaped leaf. "Ficus religiosa is a species native to the Indian subcontinent and South-East Asian countries such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, China
(Yunnan province), India (all states except Andaman and Nicobar Islands), Laos , Nepal, Pakistan, Thailand and Vietnam. It was initially introducd to Sri Lanka in 288 BCE... In the Bhagavad Gīta, Kr̥ṣṇa says,
aśvatthah sarva-vr̥kṣāṉām
devarṣiṉam ca nāradah
gandharvānām citrarathah siddhānam kapilo munih
"I am the Peepul tree among the trees, Nārada among the sages, Chitraratha among the Gandharvas, And sage Kapila among the Siddhas." ("The Bhagavad Gita - Chapter 10 - The Yoga of Manifestation" Verse 26)...
The Ficus religiosa tree is known by a wide range of vernacular names, including:
in Indian languages:
Sanskrit — अश्वत्थः aśvatthaḥ vṛksha, pippala vṛksha (vṛksha means "tree")
Hindi - Peepal - पीपल
Bengali language — অশ্বথ, i.e. ashwath, পিপুল, i.e. pipul
Tamil — அரசு, அரச மரம் arasa maram (Literally "king" or "king's tree"; arasuor arasan is Tamil for "king")
Telugu — రావి చెట్టు raavi chettu
Kannada — araLi mara ಅರಳಿ ಮರ
Konkani — pimpalla rook/jhadd
Malayalam — അരയാല് arayaal
Gujarati — પિપળો (pipdo)
Punjabi — Pippal - ਪਿੱਪਲ/ پپل
Bhojpuri — pippar
Maithili (मैथिली) — पीपर (peepar)
Marathi — पिंपळ pimpaL (where L is as in for example Nagold)
Plakṣa is a possible Sanskrit term for Ficus religiosa. However, according to Macdonell and Keith (1912), it denotes the wavy-leaved fig tree (Ficus infectoria) instead. In Hindu texts, the Plakṣa tree is associated with the source of the Sarasvati River. The Skanda Purana states that the Sarasvati originates from the water pot of Brahmaflows from Plakṣa on the Himalayas. According to Vamana Purana 32.1-4, the Sarasvati was rising from the Plakṣa tree (Pipal tree).Plakṣa Pra-sravana denotes the place where the Sarasvati appears.In the Rigveda Sutras, Plakṣa Pra-sravana refers to the source of the Sarasvati.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ficus_religiosa
Plakṣa is Pilakhan (Hindi), Pakur (Bengali).Ficus virens or Ficus infectoria or Ficus indica is a plant of the genus Ficus found in India, southeast Asia, through Malaysia and into Northern Australia. Its common name is white fig; it is locally known as pilkhan .
Leaves of Ficus infectoria. The ficus infectoria is called śr̥ngin, which also means 'horned', rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments'; śr̥ngī-. -कनकम् gold used for ornaments. शृङ्गिः śṛṅgiḥ शृङ्गिः Gold for ornaments.शृङ्गी śṛṅgī शृङ्गी 1 Gold used for ornaments.
Singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84 (Pali)சிங்கச்சுவணம்ciṅka-c-cuvaṇam, n. prob. siṃhala + svarṇa. A kind of superior gold; ஒருவகை உயர்தரப் பொன். தீதுதீர் சிறப்பிற் சிங்கச் சுவணமென் றோசைபோகிய வொண்பொன்
(பெருங். வத்தவ. 11, 23).
plakṣá m. ʻ Ficus infectoria ʼ AV., ʻ F. religiosa, Thesperia populneoides ʼ lex., prakṣá -- (in etymological exegesis) TS. 2. plāˊkṣa -- ʻ belonging to F. infectoria ʼ TS., m. ʻ its fruit ʼ lex. 3. parkaṭī -- f., ˚ṭin -- m. ʻ F. infectoria ʼ Hit. 4. *parkuṭī -- . [The theory (EWA ii 221 with lit.) that parkaṭī -- is sanskritization of a MIA. *pakkha -- ḍa -- < prakṣá -- would unite all the NIA. words, but does not account for the absence of aspiration in B. Or. Bhoj. H. M. On the other hand parka -- ṭī<-> is poss. a genuine ablaut variant: IE. *perkṷ -- u -- in *parku -- ṭī -- (replaced by parkaṭī -- with commoner ending?), Lat. quercus ʻ oak ʼ: *prekṷ -- s -- in prakṣá -- : *pr̥kṷ -- in OHG. forha ʻ pine ʼ IEW 822 (J. C. W.). In this case the aspiration of the H. P. M. words < parkaṭī<-> might be due to collision with *pakkha -- < prakṣá -- ]1. Pa. pilakkha -- m. ʻ Ficus infectoria ʼ; Pk. palakkha -- , pilakkhu -- , pilaṁkhu -- , piliṁkhu -- , pilukkha -- , piluṁka<-> m. ʻ the banyan F. indica ʼ; OH. pilakhana m. (obl. pl.?) ʻ F. infectoria ʼ, H. pīlkhã̄ m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ.2. P. palākh m. ʻ F. infectoria ʼ, H. pākhal m. with metath.3. Bhoj. pākaṛi ʻ a fig tree ʼ; H. pāk(h)aṛ, pākar m.,
˚kariyā f. ʻ F. infectoria ʼ (→ P. pākhar f.); -- M. pāk(h)aḍ m., pākhar f. (← H.?) ʻ the scandent plant Clypea burmanni ʼ?4. B. pākuṛ ʻ F. infectoria ʼ, Or. pākuṛa.
Addenda: plákṣa -- [plāˊkṣa -- is vr̥ddhi, not with T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 72 dial. variant with a ~ ā < IE. o]1. Md. fok ʻ name of a tree ʼ?3. parkaṭī -- : A. pākarī ʻ Ficus religiosa ʼ, OB. pākaṛī. (CDIAL 9022).
śṛṅgin 'horned' rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments' Hieroglyph: karṇīka, kanka 'rim of jar' kanaka 'gold'. Together, the expression is: śr̥ngī-. -कनकम् gold used for ornaments.
śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् Ficus infectoria rebus: śr̥ngī
'gold used for onaments'
śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् a. (-णीf.) [शृङ्गमस्त्यस्य इनि] A mountain PLUS śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् Ficus infectoria (i.e. a semantic determinative) rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments'
Alternative readings of the first three hypertexts from the left of Dholavira signboard:
څرخṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) A wheel (particularly a potter's, or of a water-mill or well).arká1 m. ʻ flash, ray, sun ʼ RV. [√arc] Pa. Pk. akka -- m. ʻ sun ʼ, Mth. āk; Si. aka ʻ lightning ʼ, inscr. vid -- äki ʻ lightning flash ʼ.(CDIAL 624) arka 'copper, gold'
thambi 'inside peg of yoke' rebus: tamba 'copper'
śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् Ficus infectoria (i.e. a semantic determinative) rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments'. (i.e. the ligatured 'ficus'is read as śr̥ngī-karaṇīya 'duty, business with gold for ornaments'.
Alternative:
The ligatures to the 'ficus' leaf: -karaṇīya 'duty, business'loa'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh 'copper'. Thus, the two signs are read as hypertextloh-karaṇīya meaning: 'haematite ore business and copper ore business'.
https://tinyurl.com/yx9b4wq7 -- Deciphering the one-horn of 'unicorn' yielding the Meluhha expression kār kunda siṅgin is the Eureka moment for pragamtics of Indus Script since the exotic animals shown as 'tribute' to Shalamaneser III on the Black Obelisk are all rebus renderings of 'wealth' related to metalwork, lapidarywork of Meluhha artisans from Musri. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZLvYOTaHEZM
How was it made? Crafting a pair of traditional enamelled earrings with kundan set diamonds
SUBSCRIBE 94KThis film, shot in workshops in Mumbai and Jaipur, illustrates the making of a pair of traditional enamelled earrings in preparation for kundan setting diamonds. Kundan setting is the technique most closely associated with the jewelled arts of the Mughal emperors. By using pure, soft, 24-carat gold (kundan), the goldsmith can set gemstones directly into fragile enamelled surfaces or into engraved gem materials, such as nephrite jade and rock crystal. www.vam.ac.uk/content/exhibitions/exhibition-bejewelled-treasures-the-al-thani-collection/
kār kunda siṅgin is lapidary artisan par excellence working with metals, gems and jewels to create wealth traded by seafaring Meluhha merchants. See:
Indus Script evidence of maritime trade in metals of Meluhha with ANE is corroborated by cuneiform texts reviewed by AL Oppenheim (1954) https://tinyurl.com/y6eqdehv
The locality Musri refers to a region in Kurdistan. The tradition of Yazidi, kurds (from the region of Musri) is a continuum of Hindu traditional practices of women wearing sindhu, red vermilion tilak on their foreheads following the tradition shown on terracotta toys from Nausharo,Mehrgarh with red sindhur at the parting of their hair.
Terracotta toys from Nausharo (c. 3rd m. BCE), depicting red sindhur (vermilion) at the maang, 'parting of the hair', a traditional signifier that the person is a married woman.
Yazidi women wearing tilak on their foreheads.
An example of jewellery from Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization.
Kundan jewellery -- ancient Indian tradition
“One of the oldest forms of jewellery made and worn in India is the 24-carat pure gold kundan jewellery. Kundan work is a method of gem setting consisting of inserting gold foil between the stones and its mount. Kundan work is often combined with meenakari, soth a piece of jewellery has two equally beautiful surfaces, enamel at the back end and kundan set gems in the front. Meenakari involves the fusion of coloured minerals, such as cobalt oxide for blue and copper oxide for green.This gives the effect of precious stone inlay work on the surface of the metal. Jaipur is the main centre of kundan jewellery. The famous Johri Bazaar centre of this craft, Nathdwara is known for its silver kundan work. Bikaner is also known for its kundan work. ” (p.32)(Amar Tyagi., 2008, Let's Know Handicrafts of India, Star Publications, 2008.)
"Kundan is a traditional form of Indiangemstonejewellery involving a gem set with a gold foil between the stones and its mount, usually for elaborate necklaces...It is one of the older forms of jewellery made and worn in India.The word kundanmeans highly refined gold, and a highly refined and pure form of molten gold is used...Kundan jewellery is created by setting carefully shaped, uncut diamonds and polished multicoloured gemstones into an exquisitely designed pure gold or faux metal base.The elaborate process begins with the skeletal framework called Ghaat. Thereafter, the Paadh procedure takes place, during which wax is poured onto the framework and moulded according to the design. Following this is the Khudai process, when the stones or uncut gems are fit into the framework. Meenakari then involves enameling to define the design details. Next, the Pakai process involves gold foils that hold the gems onto the framework; these are cold soldered using burnishing techniques. Finally, the gems are polished using the Chillai process."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kundan From this sketchy account of Kundan jewellery, it is clear that a combination of cire perdue technique of metal casting is combined with gems and jewels to realize the jewellery embedded with precious gem stones and jewels which are the hall-mark of Sarasvati Sindhu Civilization from ca. 4th millennium BCE.
Intimations of the civilizational heritage are gleaned from documentation provided by deciphered Indus Scrit inscriptions.
Why is an animal shown with one-horn on thousands of Indus Script inscriptions? The answer comes from a rebus reading of the Meluhha word, singin which signifies a clever, sharp-witted artisan. In a semantic reinforcment determinative, the young bull attached with this one-horn, singin, is read rebus as ښکرś̱ẖʿkar or ḵ́ẖʿkar, 'The horn of an animal, an antler, a powder horn' (Pashto) Rebus: khār 'blacksmith' PLUS khoṇḍa 'young bull' rebus: 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith'. All three words, singin, read together yield the rebus expression:کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' PLUS singin'leader', shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः the head man or leading person in a village or the like. Thus, the Meluhha expression kār kunda siṅgin signifies 'adroit, clever, manager, headman of a village' (who is a blacksmith working with gold and other meatal wealth resources). Such a perso is signified by the 'unicorn' or 'young bull with one horn'.
I suggest that this bovine (with cleft hoofs) is shown on thousands of Indus Script inscriptions. One example is presented from a seal:
'Unicorn' PLUS text III rebus Meluhha reading: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi
'smithy, forge'. What does the face of the horned bovine signify? What was the bovine called and what does it signify constituting a tribute of the land of Musri to Shalamaneser III?
The Assyrian word, sakea mentioned in the cuneiform inscription is the following hieroglyph of the 'unicorn':
The answer, the Eureka moment for decipherment of Indus Script inscriptions is:
singin 'horned' rebus: singi 'gold used for ornaments'. Thus, the animal signifies gold used for ornaments as the tribute of the land of Musri to Shalameneser III.
शृङ्गिन् śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् a. (-णीf.) [शृङ्गमस्त्यस्य इनि] 1 Horned. -2 Crested, peaked. -m.1 A mountain. -2 An elephant. -3 A ram. -4 A tree. -5 N. of Śiva. -6 N. of one of Śiva's attendants; शृङ्गी भृङ्गी रिटिस्तुण्डी Ak. -7 A bull; शङ्ग्यग्निदंष्ट्र्यसिजलद्विजकण्टकेभ्यः Bhāg.1.8.25. shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain (Kashmiri) Hieroglyph, 'horned animal': siṅgin.'horned', having a horn Vin ii.300; J iv.173 (=cow); clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53. (Pali) OMarw. (Vīsaḷa) sīṁgī f.adj. ʻhorned (of cow)ʼ. (CDIAL 12595). Rebus: singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84 (Pali) śr̥ngī-कनकम् gold used for ornaments. शृङ्गिः śṛṅgiḥ शृङ्गिः Gold for ornaments.शृङ्गी śṛṅgī Gold used for ornaments. The one-horned bovine is thus read as: kār kunda siṅgin 'gold for use in ornaments' (by) 'blacksmith, turner, goldsmith.' Singin'clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53.(Pali) is a synonym of کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1]N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdā, kõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibā, kū̃d˚ ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi. kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m.(CDIAL 3295) kunda 'a treasure of Kubera'; kunda'gold'kundaṇa'fine gold'. Thus, of کنده kār-kundasingin signifies 'fine gold, gold for ornaments'. This rebus decipherment of the frequently used hieroglyph of 'horn' explains why Shalamaneser III Black obelisk, which is a Rosetta stone for Indus Script displays a one-horned young bull as a tribute received from Musri. Third row from the top of the obelisk lists the tributes in the following sculptural friezes, together with a cuneiform inscription describing the details.
Apart from sakea (animal with horn), there are other animals -- camels with two humps, river-ox, susu, elephant, monkeys, apes -- in the four sculptural frieze registers in row 3 of the Black obelisk of Shalamaneser III are also hieroglyphs which signify in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'language union') tributes of wealth.
रत्नी ratnī 'female monkey dressed as woman' Indus Script hieroglyphs rebus kuṭhāru 'monkey' rebus:'armourer'Rebus: ratna'gifts'; रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts'.
karibha'camels' rebus: karba, 'iron'
ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'
sakea is a composite animal hypertext in Indus Script: khara 'onager' PLUS khoṇḍa 'young bull' PLUS mer̥ha 'crumpled (horn)' rebus: kār kunda 'blackmith, turner, goldsmith' کار کنده kār-kunda 'manager, director, adroit, clever, experienced' (Pashto) medhā 'yajna, dhanam' med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) The composite animal is deciphered as kār kunda singin PLUS singi 'gold for use in ornaments' (by) 'blacksmith, turner, goldsmith.'
susu is antelope: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin'
karibha, ibha, 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' bazitu/uqupu is monkey/ape: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
Semantics and pragmatics:
Water-buffalo: Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'water-buffalo' rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) ranga 'alloy of copper, zinc, tin'.
River ox: Hieroglyph, short-horned bull: barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).
Elephant, camel: Hieroglyphs: karibha, ibha 'elephant'karabhá m. ʻ camel ʼ MBh., ʻ young camel ʼ Pañcat., ʻ young elephant ʼ BhP. 2. kalabhá -- ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ Pañcat. [Poss. a non -- aryan kar -- ʻ elephant ʼ also in karḗṇu -- , karin -- EWA i 165] 1. Pk. karabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., karaha -- m. ʻ camel ʼ, S. karahu, ˚ho m., P. H. karhā m., Marw. karhau JRAS 1937, 116, OG. karahu m., OM. karahā m.; Si. karaba ʻ young elephant or camel ʼ.2. Pa. kalabha -- m. ʻ young elephant ʼ, Pk. kalabha -- m., ˚bhiā -- f., kalaha -- m.; Ku. kalṛo ʻ young calf ʼ; Or. kālhuṛi ʻ young bullock, heifer ʼ; Si. kalam̆bayā ʻ young elephant ʼ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron'Addenda: karabhá -- : OMarw. karaha ʻ camel ʼ.
Monkeys: hieroglyphs: kuṭhāru कुठारु monkey; rebus: kuṭhāru, कुठारु an armourer.
Thus, the tributes received are iron implements, metal armour, lapidary metalwork wealth from Meluhha..
This is the figure of रत्नी ratnīa monkey dressed as woman:
She is held on a leash of a chain.
Hieroglyph: chain: śr̥ṅkhala m.n. ʻ chain ʼ MārkP., ˚lā -- f. VarBr̥S., śr̥ṅkhalaka -- m. ʻ chain ʼ MW., ʻ chained camel ʼ Pāṇ. [Similar ending in mḗkhalā -- ]Pa. saṅkhalā -- , ˚likā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ; Pk. saṁkala -- m.n., ˚lā -- , ˚lī -- , ˚liā -- , saṁkhalā -- , siṁkh˚, siṁkalā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ, siṁkhala -- n. ʻ anklet ʼ; Sh. šăṅāli̯ f., (Lor.) š*lṅāli, šiṅ˚ ʻ chain ʼ (lw .with š -- < śr̥ -- ), K. hö̃kal f.; S. saṅgharu m. ʻ bell round animal's neck ʼ, ˚ra f. ʻ chain, necklace ʼ, saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ, saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ; L. saṅglī f. ʻ flock of bustard ʼ, awāṇ. saṅgul ʻ chain ʼ; P. saṅgal m. ʻ chain ʼ, ludh. suṅgal m.; WPah.bhal. śaṅgul m. ʻ chain with which a soothsayer strikes himself ʼ, śaṅgli f. ʻ chain ʼ, śiṅkhal f. ʻ railing round a cow -- stall ʼ, (Joshi) śã̄gaḷ ʻ door -- chain ʼ, jaun. śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻ chain ʼ; Ku. sã̄glo ʻ doorchain ʼ, gng. śāṅaw ʻ chain ʼ; N. sāṅlo ʻ chain ʼ, ˚li ʻ small do. ʼ, A. xikali, OB. siṅkala, B. sikal, sikli, chikal, chikli, (Chittagong) hĩol ODBL 454, Or. sāṅk(h)uḷā, ˚ḷi,
sāṅkoḷi, sikaḷā̆, ˚ḷi, sikuḷā, ˚ḷi; Bi. sīkaṛ ʻ chains for pulling harrow ʼ, Mth. sī˜kaṛ; Bhoj. sī˜kar, sĩkarī ʻ chain ʼ, OH. sāṁkaḍa, sīkaḍa m., H. sã̄kal, sã̄kar, ˚krī,
saṅkal,˚klī,sikal, sīkar, ˚krī f.; OG. sāṁkalu n., G. sã̄kaḷ, ˚kḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, sã̄kḷũ n. ʻ wristlet ʼ; M. sã̄k(h)aḷ, sāk(h)aḷ, sã̄k(h)ḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, Ko. sāṁkaḷ;Si. säkilla,
śr̥ṅkhalayatiʻ enchains ʼ Daś. [śr̥ṅkhala -- ]Ku.gng.śāṅaīʻ intertwining of legs in wrestling ʼ (<śr̥ṅkhalita-- ); Or.sāṅkuḷibāʻ to enchain ʼ.(CDIAL 12580, 12581)
வீரசங்கிலிvīra-caṅkili, n. < vīra +. 1. Gold chain worn as an armlet, as a sign of heroism; வீரத்திற்கு அறிகுறியாகக் கையிலணியும் பொன்னணி. வீரசங்கிலி கேயூரம்(பிரபுலிங். பிர. 9). 2. A woman's necklace; மகளிர் கழுத்தணி வகை. (சிலப். 6, 99, உரை.)vīra-c-caṅkili வீரச்சங்கிலிvīra-c-caṅkili, n. < வீரம்1 +. See வீரசங்கிலி. (சிலப். 6, 99, அரும்.)*இலாடம்1ilāṭam,n. <lāṭa. Name of a country, prob. modern Gujarat;பரதகண்டத்தில் ஒரு தேசம். *இலாடம்2ilāṭam,n. <radha. Name of a country, a portion of modern Bengal;வங்காள தேசப் பகுதி. (Insc.) லாடம்2lāṭam, n. < Rāḍha. A country. rāḍhāf. ʻ district in West Bengal ʼ Kathās.,˚ḍha-- m. ʻ belonging to this district ʼ lex. [MIA. <rāṣṭrá-- ??] Pk.rāḍhā-- f. ʻ name of a district ʼ, B.rāṛ(h), Or.rāṛha, H.rāṛh m.rāḍhīyaʻ belonging to Rāḍhā ʼ Prab.com. [rāḍhā-- ]N.rāṛiʻ blanket ʼ; B.rāṛiʻ belonging to Rāṛh ʼ; Or.rāṛhiʻ native of West Bengal, a class of fisherman ʼ; H.rāṛhīʻ coming from Rāṛh ʼ.(CDIAL 10698, 10690) *இலாடசங்கிலிilāṭa-caṅkili, n. < lāṭa +. Puzzle chain carried as an aid to concentration of mind by itinerant Lāṭa mendicants; கழற்று தற்குரிய ஒருவகைப் பின்னற்சங்கிலி.
Rebus: gold chain ornament inset with diamonds, land measure: சங்கிலி1caṅkili,n. <šṛṅkhalaā. [M.caṅ-kala.] 1. Chain, link;தொடர். சங்கிலிபோலீர்ப்புண்டு (சேதுபு. அகத். 12). 2. Land-measuring chain, Gunter's chain 22 yards long;அளவுச் சங்கிலி. (C. G.) 3. A superficial measure of dry land=3.64 acres;ஓர் நிலவளவு. (G. Tn.D. I, 239). 4. A chain-ornament of gold, inset with diamonds;வயிரச்சங்கிலி என்னும் அணி. சங்கிலி நுண்டொடர்(சிலப். 6, 99).saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ, saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ(S.)(CDIAL 12580)
Rebus: collection of materials: sangaha, sangraha, 'catalogue, list'. saṁgraha m. ʻ collection ʼ Mn., ʻ holding together ʼ MBh. [√grah] Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. saṁgaha -- m.; Bi. sã̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. sã̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ ← Pa. *saṁgrahati ʻ collects ʼ see sáṁgr̥hṇāti.(CDIAL 12852).
What is going on in this fascinating pillar relief in the 8th century Mallikarjuna (not Virupaksha) Temple at Pattadakal? A monkey (Hanuman?) penning a letter while sitting at a desk? Any ideas welcome!
कुठारु kuṭhāru 'monkey'; rebus: 'an armourer' , 'scribe'. See also: Deciphering the one-horn of 'unicorn' Meluhha kār kunda siṅgin is the Eureka moment for pragamtics of Indus Script to document maritime trade https://tinyurl.com/yx9b4wq7 ratni 'gem'is a monkey as woman.
-- Ligaturing principle of Indus Script ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter's wheel' ligatured to मुष्टिक fist is मुष्टिक goldsmith working with eraka metal infusion
-- Indus Script Cipher ṯs̱arḵẖ'potter'swheel' (Pashto) rebus arka'copper,gold'eraka'moltencast, metal infusion' PLUS कर्णक karṇaka'rim of jar' rebus karaṇika'scribe'
Indus Script Cipher infixes a hieroglyph to create Sign 355, Sign 391 as hypertexts
Sign 391 is ligatured to compose Sign 355 This composition of Sign 355 infixing Sign 391 is a duplication of Sign `162 'rice-plant'
https://tinyurl.com/y9np8ugz Orthography of Sign 347 indicates that it is a igature of a pair of sprouts Sign 162 fused into a rimless pot shape. Variants of Sign 347 Thus, the components of Sign 347 read rebus are: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge' PLUS dula'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS baṭa'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Together, the Sign 347 is read as hypertext: dul bhaṭa kolimi 'metalcasting furnace, smithy, forge'. When 'wheel' sign Sign 391 is infixed in this composite hypertext of Sign 347 the rebus readig is: ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter'swheel' (Pashto) rebus arka 'copper,gold' eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion' PLUS dul bhaṭa kolimi 'metalcasting furnace, smithy, forge'. The inscription with this hyprtext of Sign 355 thus signifies a smithy/forge with a metalcasting, copper, gold metal infusion furnace.
Sign 391 'potter's wheel' is also infixed within a composite hypertext of Sign 358 'closed fist' which signifies
Sign 358 variants
Clenched fist as an Indus Script Hypertext which signifies
Meaning of 'goldsmith' is validated by the etyma which are semantic expansions of the Bhāratīya sprachbund word: muka 'blow with fist' (Sindhi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali): मुष्टिक a partic. position of the hands rebus: मुष्टिक a goldsmith L.; (pl.) of a despised race (= डोम्बास्) R.;N. of an असुर Hariv.अ-क्षर--मुष्टिका f. the art of communicating syllables or ideas by the fingers (one of the 64 कलाs) वात्स्यायन
The etyma Kur. muṭkāʻfistʼPrj. muṭkaʻblow with fistʼ are cognate with phonetic forms: Ku. muṭhagī,
muṭhkī f. ʻblow with fistʼ, N.muṭki, muṛki, M. muṭkā (CDIAL 10221). This suggests the basis for a hypothesis that an early spoken form in Bhāratīya sprachbund is: muka 'blow with fist' (Sindhi)(CDIAL 10150). This is read rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).
*mukka1ʻ blow with fist ʼ. [Prob. ← Drav., Prj.muṭkaʻ blow with fist ʼ, Kur.muṭkāʻ fist ʼ, DED. 4041]
K.muköli f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ, (El.)mukāl m. ʻ fist ʼ; S.muka f. ʻ blow withfistʼ, L.mukk, °kī f.; P. mukk m. ʻ fist ʼ,°kī f.; WPah.bhal. mukki f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ; N.mukkā, °kiʻ fist ʼ, H.mūkā, mukkā m., °kī f., mukkhī f. (X muṭṭhī < muṣṭí -- ); G.mukkɔ m., °kī f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ.(CDIAL 10150).
muṣṭí m.f. ʻ clenched hand, fist ʼ RV., ʻ handful ʼ ŚBr. Pa. Pk. muṭṭhi -- f. ʻ fist, handful, handle of an instrument ʼ; Ash. mušt ʻ fist ʼ NTS ii 267, mūst NTS vii 99, Wg. müṣṭ, Kt. muṣṭ, miṣṭ; Bashg. "misht" ʻ hilt of sword ʼ; Pr. müšt ʻ fist ʼ, muṣ (?) ʻ hilt of knife ʼ; Dm. muṣṭ ʻ fist ʼ, muṣṭi ʻ handle ʼ; Paš. uzb. muṣṭī ʻ fist ʼ, lauṛ. muṭhīˊ; Gaw. muṣṭ ʻ handle (of plough) ʼ, muṣṭāˊk, muṣṭīke ʻ fist ʼ, muṣ -- kaṭāˊrī ʻ dagger ʼ; Kal.rumb. muṣṭí ʻ fist ʼ; Kho. muṣṭi ʻ fist, grip ʼ; Phal. muṣṭ ʻ a measure of length (elbow to end of fist) ʼ, múṣṭi f. ʻ fist ʼ, muṭṭi f. ʻ arm below elbow ʼ (← Ind.?) → Bshk. mut (= *muṭh?) ʻ fist ʼ AO xviii 245; Sh.gil. muṭ(h), pl. muṭí m. ʻ fist ʼ, muṣṭí ʻ handle of plough ʼ, jij. mv́ṣṭi ʻ fist ʼ, koh. gur. mŭṣṭăkf., pales. muṭh ʻ arm, upper arm ʼ; K. mŏṭh, m&obrevdotdot;ṭhü f. ʻ fist ʼ; S. muṭhi f. ʻ fist, fistful, handle ʼ; L. muṭṭh ʻ fist, handle ʼ, muṭṭhī f. ʻ handful ʼ, awāṇ. muṭh; P. muṭṭh, muṭṭhī f. ʻ fist ʼ, muṭṭhā m. ʻ handle, bundle ʼ; Ku. muṭhī f. ʻ fist, handful ʼ, muṭho ʻ handle ʼ; N. muṭh ʻ handle ʼ, muṭhi ʻ fist ʼ, muṭho ʻ handful ʼ; A. muṭhi ʻ fist, handful, handle ʼ, muṭhan ʻ measure of length (elbow to middle joint of little finger) ʼ; B. muṭh, muṭi ʻ fist, handful ʼ, muṭ(h)ā ʻ handful ʼ; Or. muṭhi ʻ fist ʼ, muṭha ʻ hilt of sword ʼ, muṭhā ʻ clenched hand ʼ; Bi. mūṭh, muṭhiyā ʻ knob on body of plough near handle ʼ, mūṭhā, muṭṭhā ʻ the smallest sheaf (about a handful) ʼ; Mth. muṭhā ʻ handle of mattock ʼ; Bhoj. mūṭhi ʻ fist ʼ; OAw. mūṭhī f. ʻ handful ʼ; H. mūṭh f., mūṭhā m. ʻ fist, blow with fist ʼ, mūṭhī, muṭṭhī f. ʻ fist, handful ʼ, muṭṭhā m. ʻ handful, handle (of plough), bundle ʼ; G. mūṭh f. ʻ fist ʼ, muṭṭhī f. ʻ handful ʼ; M. mūṭh f. ʻ fist ʼ, Ko. mūṭ; Si. miṭa, pl. miṭi ʻ fist, handful ʼ, miṭiya ʻ hammer, bundle ʼ; Md. muři ʻ hammer ʼ: the forms of P. H. Si. meaning ʻ bundle ʼ perh. rather < *muṭṭha -- 2 s.v. mūta -- ; -- in Gy. wel. mušī, gr. musī ʻ arm ʼ loss of ṭ is unexpl. unless -- ī is secondary. -- Poss. ← or infl. by Drav. (Prj. muṭka ʻ blow with fist ʼ &c., DED 4041: see *mukka -- 1): Ku. muṭhagī, muṭhkī f. ʻ blow with fist ʼ, N. muṭki, muṛki, M. muṭkā m. nimuṣṭi -- .Addenda: muṣṭí -- : WPah.kṭg. mvṭ -- (in cmpd.), múṭṭhi f. ʻ clenched hand, handful ʼ; J. muṭhā m. ʻ handful ʼ, Garh. muṭṭhi; A. muṭh (phonet. muth) ʻ abridgement ʼ AFD 94; Md. muř ʻ fist, handle ʼ, muři ʻ hammer ʼ.(CDIAL 10221). Pa. muṭṭ- to hammer; muṭkablow with fist. Ga. (P.) muṭa fist. Go. (Mu.) muṭ, (Ko.) muṭiya hammer; (Mu.) muṭka a blow (Voc. 2874). Pe. muṭla hammer. Manḍ. muṭla id.
Kuwi (Su.) muṭla id. Kur. muṭga'ānā to deal a heavy blow with the fist; muṭgā, muṭkā clenched hand or fist, hammering with the fist; muṭka'ānā to hit or hammer at with the fist. / Cf. Skt. muṭ- to crush, grind, break; Turner, CDIAL, no. 10186: root, muṭáti ʻ *twists ʼ (ʻ kills, grinds ʼ Dhātup.) . (DEDR 4932) Muṭṭhi (f.) [Vedic muṣṭi, m. f. Does defn "muṭ=mad- dane" at Dhtm 125 refer to muṭṭhi?] the fist VvA 206.; Muṭṭhika [fr. muṭṭhi] 1. a fist -- fighter, wrestler, boxer Vin ii.105 (malla˚); J iv.81 (Np.); vi.277; Vism 31 (+malla). -- 2. a sort of hammer J v.45.(Pali) मुष्टिthe clenched hand , fist (perhaps orig. " the hand closed to grasp anything stolen ") RV. &c; a compendium , abridgment सर्वदर्शन-संग्रह (Monier-Williams).
Drinking vessel in the shape of a fist
Near Eastern, Anatolian, Hittite Hittite New Kingdom, reign of Tudhaliya III 14th century B.C.
Place of Manufacture: central Anatolia
This ceremonial drinking vessel is shaped in the form of a human fist with a procession of musicians in relief along the cuff.
Detachable perforatedarms of an alabaster statue. Source: Lothal,Vol. II: Plate CCLXIIB. Image inverted to show fisted hands. "The object is interpreted by us as the physical basis of the Indus Ideogram, depicting a pair of raised hands with folded fingers, conveying the intended meanings 'dexterity, skill, competence'. "
The inscription on the m557 copper plate is deciphered: ḍāṅgā 'mountain' rebus: dhangar 'smith'. N. ḍāṅro ʻ term of contempt for a blacksmith ʼ (CDIAL 5324); khaṇḍa 'division' rebus: kaṇḍa .'fire-altar','equpment'; dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS मुष्टिक'fist' rebus:
मुष्टिक'goldsmith' kanda kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: कर्णिक m. a steersman (Monier-Williams) karaṇī 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' (Marathi).
मुष्टिकa goldsmithL.; (pl.) of a despised race (= डोम्बास्)R.;N. of an असुरHariv.अ-क्षर--मुष्टिकाf. the art of communicating syllables or ideas by the fingers (one of the 64 कलाs)वात्स्यायन
Sign 391 and variants signify a potter's wheel.
Hieroglyph:potter's wheel:څرخṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) A wheel (particularly a potter's, or of a water-mill or well). Circular motion, turn, revolution, the act of turning; (Fem.) څرکهṯs̱arkaʿh. څرخیدلṯs̱arḵẖedal, verb intrans. To revolve, to turn round, to wheel. 2. To dance. Pres. څرخبږيṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕī (W.) or څرخیګيṯs̱arḵẖegī(E.); past ؤ څرخیدهwu-ṯs̱arḵẖedah or ؤ څرخیدَwu-ṯs̱arḵẖeda; fut. ؤ به څرخیږيwu bah ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕī or ؤ به څرخیګيwu bah ṯs̱arḵẖegī; imp. ؤ څرخیږهwu-ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕah or ؤ څرخیګهwu-ṯs̱arḵẖegah; act.part. څرخیدونکيَṯs̱arḵẖedūnkaey or څرخیدونيَṯs̱arḵẖedūnaey; past part. څرخید ليَṯs̱arḵẖedalaey; verb. n. څرخیدنهṯs̱arḵẖedanaʿh. څرخولṯs̱arḵẖawul, verb trans. To turn, to make revolve, to wheel round (Pashto)
h2091a khareḍo = acurrycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) Rebus: a day-book:खरडा kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book.खरड kharaḍa f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch. 2 Vehement reviling or abusing. v काढ g. of o. निघ g. of s. 3 The ashes and earth which gather about an ingot of metal during its formation. So called because to be detached they must be scraped off. खरडघाशा kharaḍaghāśā m (खरड & घासणें) A term of abuse for a bad writer, barber, carpenter &c.; quill-driver, scraper, chips.खरडणें kharaḍaṇēṃ to write roughly, to scrawl: also to jot or note down; to make brief memoranda: also to draw roughly; to plough roughly; to grind roughly &c.PLUS kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kaṁsa 'bronze' (Telugu)
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar'rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe'.
h2091b āra 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus sal 'workshop'āra 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass' (DEDR 856) era, er-a = eraka =?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)[Note Sign 391 and its ligatures Signs 392 and 393 may connote a spoked-wheel,nave of the wheel through which the axle passes; cf. ara_, spoke].
Rebus:eraka moltencast metal: Kur.elkhnā to pour liquid out (by tilting a vessel standing on the ground); elkhrnā to be poured out. Malt.eqe to pour out from a vessel; To.eṟ- (eṟQ-) to scoop up (water with vessel). Ka.eṟe to pour any liquids, cast (as metal); n. pouring; eṟacu, ercu to scoop, sprinkle, scatter, strew, sow; eṟaka, eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion. Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt. Kur.ecchnā to dash a liquid out or over (by scooping, splashing, besprinkling). (DEDR 840, 866) eraka= copper (Ka.) eruvai =copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.) (DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a= syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) erka = ekke
(Tbh.ofarka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada)
There are many orthographic variants of the Sign 342. See for example, variants presented in ASI 1977 Memoir (Also called Mahadevan Concordance).
Sign 342 is orthography of ‘rim-of-jar’. This is read rebus as karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ rebus: karṇī 'engraver, supercargo' is echoed in Telugu. Tamil, Kannada expressions as a village accountant, writer, clerk. Marathi expressions are: गांवकुळकरणी gāṃvakuḷakaraṇī m The hereditary village-accountant: in contradistinction from देशकुळकरणी District accountant. kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ]Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ; M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.(CDIAL 3058)
कर्णकm. (ifc.f(आ).) a prominence or handle or projection on the side or sides (of a vessel &c ) , a tendril ŚBr. KātyŚr. Rebus:कर्णिकhaving a helm; a steersman; m. pl.N. of a people VP. (Monier-Williams) rebus:karṇī 'supercargo', 'engraver' (Marathi). In spoken form, the word is pronounced kankha as in Santali with the semantics 'rim-of-jar'.
The semantics of the homonym karṇī 'engraver' is echoed in Telugu. Tamil, Kannada expressions as a village accountant, writer, clerk:
కరణము karaṇamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. వాడు కూత కరణముగాని వ్రాతకరణముకాడు he has talents for speaking but not for writing. స్థలకరణము the registrar of a district. కరణము n. Instrument, means. కొరముట్టు. An organ of sense. ఇంద్రియము. Marking or causing, as in ప్రియంకరణము endearing. స్థూలంకరణము fattening, శుభగంకరణము fortunate. కరణచతుష్టయము the mind, intellect, volition and self-consciousness. మనోబుద్ధిచిత్తాహంకారములు. కరణత్రయము thought, word and deed. మనస్సు. వాక్కు, కర్మము. త్రికరణశుద్ధిగా completely, absolutely, entirely. కరణీయము karaṇīyamu. adj. Fit to be performed, worthy to be done చేయదగిన. కరణికము or కరణీకము karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. கர்ணம்2karṇam,n. <karaṇa. 1. Village accountantship;கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை. 2. Village accountant;கிராமக்கணக்கன். கரணிகம்karaṇikam,n. <karaṇa. 4. [T.karaṇikamu.] Office of accountant. Seeகருணீகம்.Loc. கருணீகம்karuṇīkam,n. <karaṇa. [T.karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam;கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை.கருணீகன்karuṇīkaṉ,n. < id. 1. Village accountant;கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகை யொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம்(அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants;கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி.
Thus, I submit that the Sign342 signifies कर्णक karṇaka'rim-of-jar' and is read rebus in Meluhh (Bharatiya sprachbund, speech union) as karṇī 'supercargo', 'engraver, scribe.'
That is, the most frequently used sign of Indus Script, Sign 342 is a signifier for a scribe, supercargo 'a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.'
h2092a Identical to h2091h2092b Identical to h2091
h2093a Identical to h2091h2093b kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell metal' PLUS baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhaTa 'furnace'.
After Fig 6.2 Unicorn seal, detail of head, H95-2491, scanning electron miscroscope photo ( Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Iconography of the Indus Unicorn: Origins and Legacy, in: Shinu Anna Abraham, Praveena Gullapalli, Teresa P. Raczek, Uzma Z. Rizvi, (Eds.), 2013, Connections and Complexity, New Approaches to the Archaeology of South Asia, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California, pp. 107-126) Hieroglyph III (three linear strokes): kolom'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS singi'horned' rebus: singi 'village headman'singi'gold for ornaments'; koḍiyum'neck ring' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'; khara'onager (face)' rebus: khār'blacksmith'; खोंड khōṇḍa 'A young bull' rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'. Composite hypertext, cyphertext: khōṇḍa khara singi kolom 'young bull, onager, one-horn (horned)rebus plain text: kunda khār singi kolimi 'fine-gold smith gold for ornaments smithy/forge, कोंड[kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजाor village, composed generally of the huts of one caste'.
one may further hazard that the wide-gaped heads in the amAvAsya pieces represent rAhu. Thus, the pendant is a representation of the lunar calendrical month, fitting for the "time deity" viShNu. This representation has deep parallelsin H thought in the form of pebbles laid during
-- रत्नी ratnī + śã̄gaḍ 'female monkey + chain' rebus ratna sangar'gems trade' saṅgaha'collection' proclamation of Indus Script hypertext display on Shalamaneser Obelisk shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.
-- रत्नी ratnī 'female monkey' dressed as woman' rebus ratnin 'possessing gifts'
-- rátna n. ʻ gift ʼ RV., ʻ treasure, jewel ʼ Mn. [√raṇ1]Pa. ratana -- n. ʻ jewel ʼ, Pk. rayaṇa -- , ladaṇa -- m.n., Si. ruvan -- a. ratnākara m. ʻ jewel -- mine, ocean ʼ Kāv. [rátna -- , ākara -- ]Pa.ratanākara-- m. ʻ mine of jewels or precious metals ʼ, Pk.rayanāara-- m.; -- Si.ruvanāraʻ ocean ʼ (EGS 148) prob. ← Pa.(CDIAL 10600, 10601)
This is an addendum to:
1.Decipherment of Shalamaneser Black Obelisk list of exotic wares (imports from Musri) brought into Akkad by Meluhhanshttps://tinyurl.com/y4xfhasf
2.Wolfgang Heimpel explains why animals are depicted as tribute on Shalamaneser Black Obeliskhttps://tinyurl.com/y5nrbgof
3. Nimrud (Kalhu), black obelisk with Indus Script hieroglyphs, materialities of Assyrian knowledge production https://tinyurl.com/y4mhg8br 4. Rosetta Stone for Indus Script has been found. It is Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk of Nimrud 825 BCEhttps://tinyurl.com/yxarbsve
śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् Ficus infectoria (i.e. a semantic determinative) rebus: śr̥ngī 'gold used for onaments' shrangश्रंग् । शृङ्गम्, प्रधानभूतः m. a horn; the top, peak, summit of a mountain; the head man or leading person in a village or the like.
'Unicorn' on m0286 dol = likeness, picture, form (Santali) [e.g., two tigers, two bulls, duplicated signs] me~ṛhe~t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Santali) [Thus, the paired glyph of one-horned heifers connotes (metal) casting (dul) workshop (koḍ)]
PLUS
śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ rebus: sanghāta 'vajra, metallic adamantine glue'. Thus, the metallurgist has achieved and documented the alloy of copper, as adamantine glue.
The cbain hieroglyph component is a semantic determinant of the stylized 'standard device'.
Hieroglyph: śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ (WPah.)
Rebus: sã̄gaḍa, 'lathe, portable brazier' used for making, say, crucible steel. Hence the circle with dots or blobs/globules signifying ingots, gems, jewels. sangar 'trade'
Hypertext: खोंड khōṇḍa 'A young bull' rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'. Composite hypertext, cyphertext: khōṇḍa khara singi kolom 'young bull, onager, one-horn (horned)rebus plain text: kōṇḍa kunda khār singi kolimi 'कोंड[kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजाor village, composed generally of the huts of one caste, kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace',fine-gold smith gold for ornaments smithy/forge' PLUS singi 'horned'
Rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, gold for ornaments of village headman'.
Unicorn on Shalamaneser Obelisk
After Fig 6.2 Unicorn seal, detail of head, H95-2491, scanning electron miscroscope photo ( Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Iconography of the Indus Unicorn: Origins and Legacy, in: Shinu Anna Abraham, Praveena Gullapalli, Teresa P. Raczek, Uzma Z. Rizvi, (Eds.), 2013,Connections and Complexity, New Approaches to the Archaeology of South Asia, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California, pp. 107-126) Hieroglyph III (three linear strokes): kolom 'three' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'village headman' singi 'gold for ornaments'; koḍiyum 'neck ring' rebus:koḍ 'workshop'; khara 'onager (face)' rebus: khār'blacksmith'; खोंड khōṇḍa 'A young bull' rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'. Composite hypertext, cyphertext: khōṇḍa khara singi kolom 'young bull, onager, one-horn (horned)rebus plain text: kōṇḍa kunda khār singi kolimi 'कोंड[kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजाor village, composed generally of the huts of one caste, kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace',fine-gold smith gold for ornaments smithy/forge'. The reading of khara 'onager' ligatured to a young bovine is reinforced by: کرś̱ẖʿkar or ḵ́ẖʿkar, 'horn' (Pashto) PLUS खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf (Marathi). کار کندkār-kund(corrup. of Pکار کن) adj. Adroit, clever, experienced. 2. A director, a manager; (Fem.)کار کندهkār-kundaʿh. (Pashto) P کارkār, s.m. (2nd) Business, action, affair, work, labor, profession, operation.
Singin (adj.) [Vedic śṛngin] having a horn Vin ii.300; J iv.173 (=cow); clever, sharp -- witted, false Th 1, 959; A ii.26; It 112; cp. J.P.T.S. 1885, 53. Rebus: Singī & singi (f.) [cp. Sk. śṛngī] 1. gold Vin i.38; S ii.234; J i.84. -- nada gold Vv 6428; VvA 284. -- loṇa ( -- kappa) license as to ginger & salt Vin ii.300, 306. -- vaṇṇa gold-coloured D ii.133. -- suvaṇṇa gold VvA 167.(Pali)
śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻchainʼ (WPah.) śr̥ṅkhala m.n. ʻ chain ʼ MārkP., °lā -- f. VarBr̥S., śr̥ṅkhalaka -- m. ʻ chain ʼ MW., ʻ chained camel ʼ Pāṇ. [Similar ending in mḗkhalā -- ]Pa. saṅkhalā -- , °likā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ; Pk. saṁkala -- m.n., °lā -- , °lī -- , °liā -- , saṁkhalā -- , siṁkh°, siṁkalā -- f. ʻ chain ʼ, siṁkhala -- n. ʻ anklet ʼ; Sh. šăṅāli̯ f., (Lor.)š*lṅāli, šiṅ° ʻ chain ʼ (lw .with š -- < śr̥ -- ), K. hö̃kal f.; S. saṅgharu m. ʻ bell round animal's neck ʼ, °ra f. ʻ chain, necklace ʼ, saṅghāra f. ʻ chain, string of beads ʼ,saṅghirī f. ʻ necklace with double row of beads ʼ; L. saṅglī f. ʻ flock of bustard ʼ, awāṇ. saṅgul ʻ chain ʼ; P. saṅgal m. ʻ chain ʼ, ludh. suṅgal m.; WPah.bhal. śaṅgul m. ʻ chain with which a soothsayer strikes himself ʼ, śaṅgli f. ʻ chain ʼ, śiṅkhal f. ʻ railing round a cow -- stall ʼ, (Joshi) śã̄gaḷ ʻ door -- chain ʼ, jaun. śã̄gal, śã̄gaḍ ʻ chain ʼ; Ku. sã̄glo ʻ doorchain ʼ, gng. śāṅaw ʻ chain ʼ; N. sāṅlo ʻ chain ʼ, °li ʻ small do. ʼ, A. xikali, OB. siṅkala, B. sikal, sikli, chikal, chikli, (Chittagong) hĩol ODBL 454, Or.sāṅk(h)uḷā, °ḷi, sāṅkoḷi, sikaḷā̆, °ḷi, sikuḷā, °ḷi; Bi. sīkaṛ ʻ chains for pulling harrow ʼ, Mth. sī˜kaṛ; Bhoj. sī˜kar, sĩkarī ʻ chain ʼ, OH. sāṁkaḍa, sīkaḍa m., H. sã̄kal, sã̄kar,°krī, saṅkal, °klī, sikal, sīkar, °krī f.; OG. sāṁkalu n., G. sã̄kaḷ, °kḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, sã̄kḷũ n. ʻ wristlet ʼ; M. sã̄k(h)aḷ, sāk(h)aḷ, sã̄k(h)ḷī f. ʻ chain ʼ, Ko. sāṁkaḷ; Si. säkilla, hä°, ä° (st. °ili -- ) ʻ elephant chain ʼ.śr̥ṅkhalayati.Addenda: śr̥ṅkhala -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) śáṅgəḷ f. (obl. -- i) ʻ chain ʼ, J. śã̄gaḷ f., Garh. sã̄gaḷ.śr̥ṅkhalayati ʻ enchains ʼ Daś. [śr̥ṅkhala -- ]
Ku.gng. śāṅaī ʻ intertwining of legs in wrestling ʼ (< śr̥ṅkhalita -- ); Or. sāṅkuḷibā ʻ to enchain ʼ.(CDIAL 12580, 12581)சங்கிலி¹ caṅkili, n. < šṛṅkhalaā. [M. caṅ- kala.] 1. Chain, link; தொடர். சங்கிலிபோ லீர்ப்புண்டு (சேதுபு. அகத். 12). 2. Land-measuring chain, Gunter's chain 22 yards long; அளவுச் சங்கிலி. (C. G.) 3. A superficial measure of dry land=3.64 acres; ஓர் நிலவளவு. (G. Tn. D. I, 239). 4. A chain-ornament of gold, inset with diamonds; வயிரச்சங்கிலி என்னும் அணி. சங்கிலி நுண்டொடர் (சிலப். 6, 99). 5. Hand-cuffs, fetters; விலங்கு. Rebus: Vajra Sanghāta 'binding together': Mixture of 8 lead, 2 bell-metal, 1 iron rust constitute adamantine glue. (Allograph) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Seal m0296 Two heads of young bulls, nine ficus leaves)
m0296 Two heads of one-horned bulls with neck-rings, joined end to end (to a standard device with two rings coming out of the top part?), under a stylized pipal tree with nine leaves. Text 1387
Hieroglyph: lo = nine (Santali); no = nine (B.) on-patu = nine (Ta.)
[Note the count of nine fig leaves on m0296] Rebus: loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata,the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.)
V326 (Orthographic variants of Sign 326) V327 (Orthographic variants of Sign 327)
loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.) Vikalpa: kamaṛkom ‘ficus’ (Santali); rebus: kampaṭṭam ‘mint’ (Ta.) patra ‘leaf’ (Skt.); rebus: paṭṭarai ‘workshop’ (Ta.) Rebus: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy) lauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S'r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali);lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper (VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.) loha lut.i = iron utensils and implements (Santali.lex.)
Mohenjo-daro Seal impression. m0296 Two heads of one-horned bulls with neck-rings, joined end to end (to a standard device with two rings coming out of the top part?), under a stylized tree-branch with nine leaves.
खोंद [ khōnda ] n A hump (on the back): also a protuberance or an incurvation (of a wall, a hedge, a road). Rebus: खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or -पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe.गोट [ gōṭa ] m (H) A metal wristlet. An ornament of women. 2 Encircling or investing. vघाल, दे. 3 An encampment or camp: also a division of a camp. 4 The hem or an appended border (of a garment).गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) 3 fig. A grain of rice in the ear. Ex. पावसानें भाताचे गोटे झडले. An overripe and rattling cocoanut: also such dry kernel detached from the shell. 5 A narrow fillet of brocade.गोटाळ [ gōṭāḷa ] a (गोटा) Abounding in pebbles--ground.गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Used in trials of strength among the Athletæ. 4 A stone in temples described at length under उचला 5 fig. A term for a round, fleshy, well-filled body.
Rebus: गोटी [ gōṭī ] f (Dim. of गोटा) A lump of silver: as obtained by melting down lace or fringe.
Hieroglyph: lo = nine (Santali); no = nine (B.) on-patu = nine (Ta.)
[Note the count of nine fig leaves on m0296] Rebus: loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata,the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.)
Epigraph: 1387
kana, kanac =corner (Santali); Rebus: kan~cu= bronze (Te.) The reaiding of hypertext of Sign 286 is: kaṇḍa āra eraka kancu mũh khāṇḍā 'fire-altar (for) brass,moltencast copper, bell-metal ingot, implements.'
Ligatured glyph. ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter'swheel' (Pashto) rebus arka 'copper,gold'
eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion'
ara 'spoke' rebus: ara 'brass'. era, er-a = eraka =?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)[Note Sign 391 and its ligatures Signs 392 and 393 may connote a spoked-wheel,nave of the wheel through which the axle passes; cf. ara_, spoke]erka = ekke (Tbh.of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper(metal);crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = anymetal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) Rebus: eraka= copper (Ka.)eruvai =copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a= syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.)Vikalpa: ara, arā (RV.) = spokeof wheel ஆரம்² āram , n. < āra. 1. Spokeof a wheel.See ஆரக்கால். ஆரஞ்சூழ்ந்தவயில்வாய்
நேமியொடு (சிறுபாண். 253). Rebus: ஆரம் brass; பித்தளை.(அக. நி.) pittal is cognate with 'pewter'.
āra 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus sal 'workshop'āra 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass' (DEDR 856) era, er-a = eraka =?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)[Note Sign 391 and its ligatures Signs 392 and 393 may connote a spoked-wheel,nave of the wheel through which the axle passes; cf. ara_, spoke].
Rebus:eraka moltencast metal: Kur.elkhnā to pour liquid out (by tilting a vessel standing on the ground); elkhrnā to be poured out. Malt.eqe to pour out from a vessel; To.eṟ- (eṟQ-) to scoop up (water with vessel). Ka.eṟe to pour any liquids, cast (as metal); n. pouring; eṟacu, ercu to scoop, sprinkle, scatter, strew, sow; eṟaka, eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion. Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt. Kur.ecchnā to dash a liquid out or over (by scooping, splashing, besprinkling). (DEDR 840, 866). eraka, era, er-a= syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) erka = ekke(Tbh.ofarka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada)
kuṭi= a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi
Ayo ‘fish’; kaṇḍa‘arrow’; rebus: ayaskāṇḍa. The sign sequence is ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron,excellent iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus:aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) kaṇḍa‘fire-altar’ (Santali) DEDR 191Ta.ayirai,acarai, acalailoach, sandy colour,Cobitisthermalis; ayilaia kind of fish.Ma.ayalaa fish,mackerel, scomber;aila, ayilaa fish;ayiraa kind ofsmall fish, loach.
kole.l 'temple, smithy'(Ko.); kolme ‘smithy' (Ka.) kol ‘working in iron, blacksmith (Ta.); kollan-blacksmith (Ta.); kollan blacksmith, artificer (Ma.)(DEDR 2133) kolme =furnace (Ka.) kol = pan~calo_ha (fivemetals); kol metal (Ta.lex.) pan~caloha = a metallic alloy containing five metals: copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Skt.); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhātu; Nānārtharatnākara. 82; Man:garāja’s Nighaṇṭu. 498)(Ka.) kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, an aboriginal tribe if iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali)
Field symbols: Young bull, standard device: कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner, smelter.'कोंद kōnda 'kiln, furnace' Rebus: खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or -पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probePLUS sangaḍa 'lathe, portable brazier' PLUS [ kammaṭamu] Same as కమటము 'portable furnace'rebus: sangarh 'fortification', sangar'trade', kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
Sign 124Hieroglyph: dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' ḍhāla n. ʻ shield ʼ lex. 2. *ḍhāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. ḍāl, Ku. ḍhāl, gng. ḍhāw, N. A. B. ḍhāl, Or. ḍhāḷa, Mth. H. ḍhāl m.2. Sh. ḍal (pl. °le̯) f., K. ḍāl f., S. ḍhāla, L. ḍhāl (pl. °lã) f., P. ḍhāl f., G. M. ḍhāl f.Addenda: ḍhāla -- . 2. *ḍhāllā -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ḍhāˋl f. (obl. -- a) ʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. ḍhāl f.(CDIAL 5583). ḍhālako a large metal ingot.
Sign 83
Sign 286 is a hypertext
Sign 286 is a composite of Sign 284 with infixed spoked wheel. The reaiding of hypertext of Sign 286 is:
Hieroglyph: Rebus: G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻ lathe ʼ; M. sãgaḍ part of a turner's apparatus ʼ, sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, ˚ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼ;(CDIAL 12859) Rebus: saṁghāṭayati ʻ joins together ʼ Sarvad., ʻ causes to collect ʼ Kathās. [√ghaṭ]Or. saṅghāṛibā ʻ to mix up many materials, stir boiling curry, tie two cattle together and leave to graze ʼ.(CDIAL 12860) saṁgraha m. ʻ collection ʼ Mn., ʻ holding together ʼ MBh. [√grah]Pa. saṅgaha -- m. ʻ collection ʼ, Pk. saṁgaha -- m.; Bi. sã̄gah ʻ building materials ʼ; Mth. sã̄gah ʻ the plough and all its appurtenances ʼ, Bhoj. har -- sã̄ga; H. sãgahā ʻ collection of materials (e.g. for building) ʼ; <-> Si. san̆gaha ʻ compilation ʼ ← Pa.*saṁgrahati ʻ collects (CDIAL 12852)sáṁgr̥hṇāti ʻ seizes ʼ RV. 2. *saṁgrahati. 3. saṁgrāhayati ʻ causes to be taken hold of, causes to be comprehended ʼ BhP. [√grah]1. Pa. saṅgaṇhāti ʻ collects ʼ, Pk. saṁgiṇhaï; Or. saṅghenibā ʻ to take with, be accompanied by ʼ.2. Pa. fut. saṅgahissati, pp. saṅgahita -- ; Pk. saṁgahaï ʻ collects, chooses, agrees to ʼ; Si. han̆ginavā ʻ to think ʼ, hän̆genavā, än̆g˚ ʻ to be convinced, perceive ʼ, han̆gavanavā, an̆g˚ ʻ to make known ʼ.3. Or. saṅgāibā ʻ to keep ʼ. (CDIAL 12850)
I submit that आहन्in Rgveda (RV 2.13.1) meaning 'worthy of preparation' and आहनस् in Pashto and Kashmiri meaning 'iron' are inquiries into the materiial phenomenon of formation of Soma from the sacred waters.
Griffith RV 2.131. The Season was the parent, and when born therefrom it entered rapidly the floods wherein itgrows. Thence was it full of sap, streaming with milky juice: the milk of the plants' stalk is chief and meet for lauds.
Wilson: 2.013.01 The season (of the rains) is the parent (of the Soma), which, as soon meet for lauds.as born of her, enters into the waters in which it grows; thence it is fit for expression, as concentrating (the essence of the) water, and the juice of the Soma is especially to be praised (as the libation proper for Indra).
आहनस् त्रि० आ + हन--असुन् । १ आहननीये २ निष्पीड्ये सौमादौ । “तदाहना अभवत् पिप्युषी” ऋ० २, २३,१ । आहनाः आहननीयः सोमादिः” भा० आहनसे साधुयत् । “आहनस्यं तत्साधने त्रि० । “आहनस्याद्वै रेतःसिच्यते” ऐत० व्रा० । https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्
It is remarkable that Vacaspatyam renders the semantics of ahanas as related to ‘concentration’ (of the essence of the water). It is an inquiry to the formation of Soma by transmutation processes from the sacred waters.
Apte Skt dictionary explains the expression āhananīya आहननीय a. Making oneself known by beating a drum. Thus, Soma is declared 'worth preparing' in RV 2.13.1 with the expression āhanā.
I submit that the Meluhha semantics of āhan 'iron' (Pashto. Kashmiri) is elucidated in RV 2.13.1 as a material manifestation of Soma from the waters.
Positing Rakhigarhias the capital of the civilization linking maritime riverine waterways of Ancient India
Water-divide (close to Rakhigarhi) caused by Aravalli mountainranges jutting into Śimla, south of the Himalayas explains eastward flow of Yamuna and westward flow of Sutlej and SarasvatiRivers
Hypertext Category 1: Most frequently displayed Indus Script hieroglyph (which is a hypertext) signifies pure gold, gold for ornaments
Hypertext Category 2: Most frequently displayed standard devicesignifies goldmint treasure of smelter
Hypertext Category 3: Most frequently used Indus Script expression in hypertext signifies wealth-accounting ledger of blacksmith, supercargo
Pragmatics of the expression in Devī Sūktam (RV 10.125): अहंसोममाहनसं
Section A. Ancient Economic History of Hindu Rāṣṭramon Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins
Section B. Indicators of Maritime trade by seafaring Meluhhamerchants
-- Copper from Khetri mines, tinfrom the Tin Belt of the globe, Mekong delta
-- Source of tinfrom the Tin belt of the globe, the Himalayan river Mekong delta
Section C. Hypothesis of an eastern source for tin; epic tale of Enmerkar and Lord of Aratta
Section D. Rakhigarhi on the Ancient Maritime Tin Route through linked navigable Himalayan waterways from Ancient Far Eastto Ancient Near East
Section E. Indus Script hieroglyphs on Karen Bronze Drum of Ancient Far East
Section F. Advances in metallurgy during the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th m BCE
Section G. Indus Script decipherment
-- Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk is a Rosetta Stone for Indus Script, displays animals (as tributes); these animals are documented as Meluhhawealth-categories on Indus Script inscriptions
-- Evidence of MeluhhaIndus Script animals on Shalamaneser III Black Obelisk (858-824 BCE) and displayed by Assyrian King Ashur-bel-kala (1074-1056 BCE)
Section H. Ivory tags with Egyptianhieroglyphs have been found in Abydos compare with miniature metalwork wealth-accounting tablets of Harappa
Section I. Domestication of farming, cotton and silk, 7th, 6th m BCE
Section J. Makkan and meluhha in early Mesopotamian sources --IJ Gelb
Section K. Literary evidence about Sarasvatiriver in the Veda, Epics and wealth-accounting in ancient epigraphs
Section K1. आ-हनस्, त्वष्टृ, पूषन्, भग
Section K2. वसु, रुद्र, ऋभु
Section K3. Descriptors which are perceptions in awe of the might of a river
Section K4. Indian sprachbund
nSemantic clusters in Indian Lexicon (1242 English words and Botanical species Latin)
Section K5. Evidence related to proto-Indian or proto-Indic or Indus language
Section K6. Evidence from Valmiki RāmāyaṇaSe
Section K7. Evidence from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇafor mleccha vācas
Section K8. Evidence from Ancient Near East, cuneiform texts
Section K9. bhāratam janam (R̥gveda)
Section K10. Notes on Indian linguistic area: pre-aryan,pre-Munda and pre-dravidian in India
Section K14. Meluhha, Mleccha areas: Sarasvati River Basin and Coastal Regions of Gujarat, Baluchistan
Section K15.Tanana mleccha
Section K16. Sea-faring merchants/artisans of Meluhha
Section K17. Further researches, identification of location of Araṭṭa
Section K18. Polished beadsfound in the tomb of Queen Puabi
Section K19. Substrate words of Sumerian
Section K20. Design principles of pictographic Indus Script, gleaned from 'unicorn', 'rim-of-jar'
Section K21. Tigers, with and without horns, in front of trough, standard deviceare smelter's Indus Script daybooks, wealth-accounting ledgers
Section K22. Pragmatic renderings of Meluhhahypertexts on Indus script inscriptions, e.g. loh-karaṇīya, څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, maid
Section K23. Daimabad chariot is an Indus Script hypertext
Section K24. Six protomes arranged in a whorl m417, signify metalwork specialists of śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master'
Section K25. Master of animals or Paśupati seal m0304
Section K26. Metaphors of R̥gvedaand Indus Script hypertexts falcon, overflow pot, mirrored in Ancient Near East
Section K27. Functions of Kanmer tokens to control documentation of metalwork processes in furnace, alloying, smithy-forge
Section K28. Cire perdue (lost-wax casting) Mehrgarh bronzewheels and Shahi Tump lead weightread in Indus Script Cipher
Section K29. Evidence from Kharaputta-Jātaka and Kanmer seal for khara as equus hemionus which draws a royal chariot; rebus khār'blacksmith'
Section K30. Gems collection trade proclaimed as MeluhhaIndus Script tribute on Shalamaneser Obelisk
Section K31. Largest Ever Treasure Trove of Iron Age Weapons Retrieved in Oman -- Theodoros Karasavvas
Section K32. Indus Script Cipher chooses tiria, 'Meluhhaanimals as hieroglyphs' to design Wealth accounting classification system to document tiṟ(u) 'trade'
Section K33. Ganweriwalaarchaeology, tablets with inscriptions
Section K34. Chanhiyun Jo Daro Jar Painted, Karen bronzedrums cire perdue castingwith maraka 'peacocks' rebus marakaka 'copper alloy, calcining metal'
Section K35. Keeping track of stuff. Evolution of Indus Script Writing System as wealth-accounting ledgers in Bronze Age workshops of Harappa prior to or in parallel with Egyptianhieroglyph tags
Section K36. Indus Script Cipher frames rebus Meluhhasemanticsand pragmatics of trade documentation wealth accounting, while EgyptianHieroglyphics evolve into syllabic phonetics read rebus
Section K37. Arguments for Indus Script as a logo-semantic-pragmatic writing system
Section K38. Mohenjo-daro priest performs purification as पोतृ'Purifier Vedapriest'
Section K39. Storage pots of Susaand Nausharowith Indus Script inscriptions
Section K40. Indus Script is the world’s first wealth accounting classification system and Wealth of a Nation Arthaśāstra101
Section K41. The Indus Script hypertext message of the sculptural frieze Neo-Elamite Lady Spinning is: copper alloymetal mintwork of Meluhhawheelwright, smelter(kiln, furnace), ironsmith
Section K42. Unique design of Indus Script hypertexts to cluster categories of wealth-accounting ledgers 1. khātā 'labour sphere account book' 2. kharaḍa 'daybook'
Section K43.Decipherment of UrIndus Script hypertexts, metalwork wealth accounting ledgers. Ur excavationx Full texts of reports.
Section K44. Hypertext of hare in front of thorny bush: Meluhhasignifiers of a pragmatic, semantic cluster Equipment making black-smithy/-forge
Section K45. Brāhmī inscription on Indus Script anthropomorph reads: symbol of मांझीथा Majhīthā sadya 'member of mã̄jhī boatpeople assembly (community)'
Section K46. As wealth-accounting system for barter trade transactions matured into a monetary system, ca. 7th cent BCE, Indus Script hieroglyphs continued to be used on ancient mint coins together with Brāhmī, Kharoṣṭhī, Greek syllabic scripts
The 'unicorn' or young bull with ONE horn signifies: kunda PLUS śṛṅgi 'fine gold PLUS gold for ornaments'.
kunda śṛṅgi'horned young bull'
Thest two categories in a wealth accounting system set the framework for the ultimate evolution of monetary system and the Gold Standard in the world.
kunda 'one of the nine treasures of Kubera' Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725). The vernacular expression is kundan jewellery to signify jewellery made with gems, jewelw and fine gold.
शृङ्गिः śṛṅgiḥ शृङ्गिः Gold for ornaments.
शृङ्गी śṛṅgī शृङ्गी 1 Gold used for ornaments. -Comp. -कनकम् gold used for ornaments.
शृङ्गकः कम् śṛṅgakḥ kam शृङ्गकः कम् 1 A horn. -2 A horn of the moon. -3 Any pointed thing.