Copper from Meluhha (Capital Rakhigarhi), tin from Mekong delta reached Mesopotamia, ca. 3rd m.BCE. Tin ingots with Indus Script found in Haifa.

May 31, 2019, 4:03 am

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https://tinyurl.com/y4f8v2yc

-- Ancient Maritime Tin Route linking Hanoi and Haifa posited.
-- Why Was Rakhigarhi capital of the Civilization? 
-- Location on the water-divide, linking Brahmaputra-Ganga-Yamuna-Sarasvati Navigable Waterways and Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean Ancient Maritime Tin-Copper Route of the Bronze Age Revolution

Discovering 'buried' channels of the Palaeo-Yamuna river in NW India-- Imran Khan, Rajiv Sinha (2019) https://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2019/05/discovering-buried-channels-of-palaeo.html … --Or, how Rakhigarhi, capital of the civilization linked Ganga-Yamuna-Sarasvati waterways

Khetri.

1975 - THE $152 MILLION KHETRI COMPLEX INCLUDES TWO MINES, ONE AT KHETRI AND ANOTHER AT KOLIHAN, A CONCENTRATOR, A SMELTER AND AN ELECTROLYTIC REFINERY. ORE RESERVES ARE EST- IMATED AT 47 MILLION METRIC TONS AT 0.72% COPPER AT KHETRI AND 29 METRIC TONS/YEAR OF 1.56% COPPER AT KOLIHAN. PRO- DUCTION FOR 1974-1975 SHOULD BE ABOUT 3600 METRIC TONS OF REFINED COPPER WITH AN INCREASE TO 8000 METRIC TONS/YEAR OF REFINED COPPER BY 1978-1979. THE FACILITY WILL HAVE AN EX- PECTED CAPACITY OF 31,000 METRIC TONS/YEAR OF REFINED COP- PER. 1974 - THE SITE IS SERVED BY ROAD FORM DELHI AND JAIPUR AND BY RAIL WITH THE DELHI-AHMEDABAD LINE. ELECTRIC POWER IS SUPPLIED BY THE RAJASTHAN STATE ELECTRICITY BOARD. NINE MILLION GALLONS OF WATER/DAY ARE SUPPLIED VIA 30 TUBE WELLS 30 MILES AWAY. THE COMPLEX EMPLOYS 7000 PERSONS. https://thediggings.com/mines/usgs10231314

Source: http://www.heritageuniversityofkerala.com/JournalPDF/Volume1/138-170.pdf

Khetri Shekhawati

 


https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10230-018-00582-1

Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia 

https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu

This is an addendum to: 

Trade contacts with Meluhha artisans in Mari for tin-bronze production in Mesopotamia proven by provenance studies and cuneiform texts http://tinyurl.com/yxhfgnll whch included the following Abstract from Iranica Antiqua, 2009:

Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al.

1. 1. Title: Über das frühe Kupfer Mesopotamiens
   2. Author(s): BEGEMANN, F. , SCHMITT-STRECKER, S. 
      Journal: Iranica Antiqua
      Volume: 44    Date: 2009   
      Pages: 1-45
      DOI: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034374
   3. Abstract :
      A lIranica Antiqua
2. 
   
3. Geographical locations of sites of Mesopotamia from which artifacts were analyzed in this work (After Fig. 1 in Begemann, F. et al, 2009 loc.cit.) The conclusion is:                                            "Unsere bleiisotopische evidenz legt nahe, das in Mesopotamien fur legierung mit zinn verwendete kupfer urudu-luh-ha stamme aus Indien, was ebenfalls vertraglich ist mit einem import via dilmun." (Trans. Our lead isotope evidence suggests that the urudu-luh-ha copper used in Mesopotamia for tin alloying is from India, which is also contracted with an import via Dilmun.)" (opcit., p.28)
4. A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently.

I am grateful to Prof. Nilesh Oak for identifying a brilliant piece of  archaeometallurgical provenance study which links Khetri copper mines --through Dholavira/Lothal and Persian Gulf -- with Mesopotamia.

Trade contacts with Meluhha artisans in Mari for tin-bronze production in Mesopotamia proven by provenance studies and cuneiform texts http://tinyurl.com/yxhfgnll

I posit that, as argued in the above-cited monograph that the largest tin belt of the globe was in the river basins of Himalayan rivers Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween which powered the Tin-Bronze Revolution of 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced in Mesopotamia. These rivers ground down granite rocks to accumulate placer deposits of cassiterite (tin ore) in these river basins thus facilitating an Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked AFEwith ANE.

Map showing the location of known tin deposits exploited during ancient times

The jury is still out on the source of tin for the tin-bronze revolution. It appears that Ancient Indian artisans/merchants mediated in transferring tin ingots to ANE evidenced by four pure tin ingots found in a Haifa shipwreck, with Indus Script inscriptions which read: ranku dhātu mũh 'tin mineral ingot'.

It is likely that the tin used in Mesopotamia tin bronzes were also the tin routed from the largest tin belt of the globe (Mekong,Irrawaddy-Salween river basins) of Ancient Far East mediated by Indian merchant guilds. Our archaeometallurgists should launch a project to prove the source of tin which powered the First Tin-Bronze AgeIndustrial Revolution.

Sources:The ingots are in the Haifa Museum. 1. Madden R., Wheeler, I. and Muhly JD, 1977, Tin in the ancient near east: old questions and new finds, Expedition 19, pp. 45-47.

2. Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin ingot, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 250 (Spring, 1983), pp. 51-55. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1356605 (embedded in this monograph for ready reference).

After the publication in 1977, of the two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck at Haifa, Artzy published in 1983 (p.52), two more ingots found in a car workshop in Haifa which wasusing the ingots for soldering broken radiators. Artzy's finds were identical in size and shape with the previous two; both were also engraved with two marks. In one of the ingots, at the time of casting, a moulded head was shown in addition to the two marks. Artzy compares this head to Arethusa. (Artzy, M., 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research, 250, p. 51-55). Artzy went on to suggest the ingots may have been produced in Iberia and disagreed with the suggestion that the ingot marks were Cypro-Minoan script.

My decipherment appeared in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies.

My monograph on this conclusion has been published in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)http://www.indojudaic.com/index.php?option=com_contact&view=contact&id=1&Itemid=8 

The author Michal Artzy (opcit., p. 55) who showed these four signs on the four tin ingots to E. Masson who is the author of Cypro-Minoan Syllabary. Masson’s views are recorded in Foot Note 3: “E. Masson, who was shown all four ingots for the first time by the author, has suggested privately that the sign ‘d’ looks Cypro-Minoan, but not the otherthree signs.”

If all the signs are NOT Cypro-Minoan Syllabary, what did these four signs, together, incised on the tin ingots signify?

 

All these hieroglyphs on the three tin ingots of Haifa are read rebus in Meluhha:

Hieroglyph: ranku  = liquid measure (Santali)

Hieroglyph: raṅku m. ʻa species of deerʼ Vās.,  rankuka  id., Śrīkaṇṭh. (Samskrtam)(CDIAL 10559). raṅku m. ʻ a species of deer ʼ Vās., °uka -- m. Śrīkaṇṭh.Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raṅká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .*raṅkha -- ʻ defective ʼ see *rakka -- .RAṄG ʻ move to and fro ʼ: ráṅgati. -- Cf. √riṅg, √rikh2, √*righ.(CDIAL 10559)

Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562) 

Hieroglyph: dāṭu = cross (Telugu)

Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali) Rebus: dhāṭnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).

Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)

Indus Script hypertexts thus read: Hieroglyphs: ranku 'liquid measure' or raṅku ʻa species of deerʼ PLUS dāṭu = cross  rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral casting. The fourth ingot with the hieroglyph of a moulded head reads: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali).

Thus, together, the message on the tin ingots discovered in the Haifa shipwreck is: ranku dhatu mũh 'tin mineral ingot'.

I ave posited an Ancient Maritime PLUS Himalayan Waterway Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa, a trade route which predated the Silk Road by 2 millennia and be able to explain the Angus Madison bar chart which showed India accounting for 33% of Global GDP in 1 CE,mediated by ancient guilds of India.
See: 

Challenge of matching Indus Script hypertexts & identifying tin isotope fingerprints of Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa https://tinyurl.com/ybg3auhg

The full text of the article from ranica Antiqua Volume: 44    Date: 2009   
Pages: 1-45 is appended only for purposes of ready reference to buttress the arguments of this note related to 'Early copper of Mesopotamia' which seems to have arrived from Khetri Mines of India through Dholavira/Lothal ports and the Persian Gulf. Unfortunately, the archaeometallurgical provenance study could not advance on the source of tin in the Tin-Bronzes of Mesopotamia.

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Endless knot, gold with inlaid lapis lazuli ring. Indus Script hypertext मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist = धन Naigh. ii , 10

May 31, 2019, 6:57 am

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https://tinyurl.com/yy8te894

-- meḍhi'plait, twist' Rupaka, 'metaphor' or rebus reading: meḍ'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med'copper' (Slavic languages) 
-- मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist  = धन Naigh. ii , 10 

Dhruva II Inscription Gujarat Rashtrakuta 884 CE (H. Sarkar & BM Pande)

A new copper plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta branch, datedsaka 806 (AS Altekar, Epigraphia INdica, Vol. XXII, 1933-34, pp. 64-76).Note the signature of the king on line 69 in Kannada while the inscription is in Samskrtam.  After the signature and before the word लिखितं 'likhitam' is engraved an ornamental design. It is an Indus Script hieroglyph: 'endless knot' which occurs on a number of inscriptions which is deciphered in this monograph: .मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ  'iron' (Munda). Rebus: medha 'yajna'.मेध [p= 832,3] an animal-sacrifice , offering , oblation , any sacrifice (esp. ifc.) ib. MBh. &c मेधाa symbolical N. of the letter ध् Up.= धन Naigh. ii , 10. any valued object , (esp.) wealth , riches , (movable) property , money , treasure , gift RV. &c.

Consistent with Naighantuka, the word medhA also means 'कविधानम्' according to s'abdakalpadruma: I assume that medhA = dhAnam means (in the context of the hieroglyph on Dhruva II inscription): धानम् dhānam नी nī धानम् नी [धा भावे-ल्युट्] 1 A receptacle, seat; as in मसीधानी, राजधानी, यमधानी; रविं दधाने$प्यरविन्दधाने Śi.4.12. -2 Nourishing, nourishment. -नी 1 The site of a habitation.

मेधा, स्त्री, (मेधते सङ्गच्छते अस्यामिति । मेध् + “षिद्भिदादिभ्योऽङ् ।” ३ । ३ । १०४ । इत्यङ् । टाप् ।) धारणावती बुद्धिः । इत्यमरः । १ । ५ । २ ॥ धारणाशक्तियुक्ता धीर्मेधा मेधते सङ्गच्छतेऽस्यां सर्व्वं बहुश्रुतं विषयीकरोति इति वा मेधा मेधृ-ञ सङ्गे मेधायां सेमक्तात् सरोरित्यः आपबहु-श्रुतविषयीकरणं धारणा यदुक्तं धारणा बुद्धे- र्गुणविशेषः इति ॥ इति भरतः ॥ * ॥ (यथा, मुण्डकोपनिषदि । ३ । २ । ३ । “नायमात्मा प्रवचनेन लभ्यो न मेधया न बहुना श्रुतेन । यमेवैष वृणुते तेन लभ्य- स्तस्यैष आत्मा विवृणुते तनूं स्वाम् ॥”) मेधाकरं औषधं यथा, -- “शङ्खपुष्पी वचा सोमा ब्राह्मीब्रह्मसुवर्च्चला । अभया च गुडूची च अटरूषकवाकुची । एतैरक्षसमैर्भागैर्घृतं प्रस्थं विपाचयेत् ॥ कण्टकार्य्या रस प्रस्थं बृहत्या च समन्वितम् । एतद्ब्राह्मीघृतं नाम स्मृतिमेधाकरं परम् ॥”ति गारुडे १९८ अध्यायः ॥ * ॥ मेधाकरगणो यथा । सतताध्ययनम् । तत्त्व- ज्ञानकथा ।श्रेष्ठतन्त्रशास्त्रावलोकनम् । सद्द्वि- जाचार्य्यसेवा च । इति पुराणम् ॥ (दक्षप्रजा- पतिकन्याविशेषः । यथा, -- “कीर्त्तिलक्ष्मी र्धृतिर्मेघा पुष्टिः श्रद्धा क्रिया मतिः ॥” इति वह्निपुराणे गणभेदनामाध्याये ॥ धनम् । इति निघण्टुः । २ । १० ॥ “मिधृ मेधृ सङ्गमे च । चकारात् हिंसामेधयोश्च । मिधिः सङ्गत्यर्थः ।इति माधवः । घज् । सङ्गच्छतेऽनेन सर्व्वं तद्बता हिंस्यते वा तद्वान् चौरादिभिः घ्नन्ति चैवार्थकारणात् इति महाभारतम् ॥ यद्वा, मतौ धीयते अर्जयितव्यंरक्षितव्यं दातव्य- मिति धनवता बुद्धौ धनं धार्य्यते । तत्र मति- शब्द उपपदे धातोः घञर्थे कविधानम् इति कः । पृषोदरादित्वात् मतिशब्दस्य मेभावः ।”इति तद्भाष्ये देवराजयज्वा ॥)

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः/

The dAna referred in the grant signed by Dhruva II also includes dhana 'property, gift' signified by mēḍhā 'twist' rebus: medhA, and hence, the use of the Indus Script hieroglyph. 

British Museum No.1892,0520.3 Part of the Aegina treasure. This golden finger ring is shaped as a reef knot with two lines of lapis lazuli on each string. Ca. 1850-1550 BCE. The Aegina Treasure or Aigina Treasure is an important Minoan gold hoard found on the island of Aegina, Greece. Made on Crete, or by immigrant Cretan craftsmen on Aegina.

Diameter: 1.9 centimetres

Diameter: 1.6 centimetres (inner)

Weight: 68 grains

Kneeling adorant with a pot in hand in front of a tree on Indus Script inscriptions is पूतभृत् pūtábhr̥ta 'soldier carries purified soma'

May 31, 2019, 8:04 am

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https://tinyurl.com/y39d9cut --Kneeling adorant carrying a pot on Indus Script inscriptions is पूतभृत् pūtábhr̥ta 'soldier offering purified soma in a smelter' --पूतभृत् pūtábhr̥ta 'Soma purified, carried in a vessel) by a worshpper, soldier signifed on Indus Script पूतभृत् m. a kind of vessel which receives the सोम juice after it has been strained (तैत्तिरीय-संहिता, वाजसनेयि-संहिता, ब्राह्मण)(Monier-Williams) pūtá1 ʻ cleaned ʼ RV. [√pū]Pk. pūa -- ʻ purified ʼ; Si. pū karaṇavā ʻ to winnow ʼ.(CDIAL 8320) पू   pū पू a. (At the end of comp.) Purifying, cleansing, refining; as in खलपू &c.    पूत   pūta पूत p. p. [पू-क्त] 1 Purified, cleansed, washed (fig. also); दृष्टिपूतं न्यसेत् पादं वस्त्रपूतं जलं पिबेत् । सत्यपूतां वदेद् वाचं मनःपूतं समाचरेत् ॥ Ms.6.46; त्रैविद्या मां सोमपाः पूतपापा यज्ञै- रिष्ट्वा स्वर्गतिं प्रार्थयन्ते Bg.9.2. -2 Threshed, winnowed. -3Expiated. -4 Contrived, invented. -5 Stinking, putrid, fetid, foul-smelling. -तः 1 A conch-shell. -2 White Kuśa grass. -तम्Truth. -ता An epithet of Durgā. -Comp. -आत्मन् a. pureminded. (-m.) 1 an epithet of Viṣṇu. -2 a purified man, saint, sage. -क्रतायी Śachī the wife of Indra; पूतक्रतायीमभ्येति सत्रपः किं न गोत्रभित् Bk.5.28. -क्रतुः N. of Indra; घोषस्यान्ववदिष्टेव लङ्का पूतक्रतोः पुरः Bk.8.29. -तृणम् white Kuśa grass. -द्रुः the tree called पलाश. -धान्यम् sesa- mum. -पत्री holy basil (तुलसी). -पाप, -पाप्मन् a. freed from sin. -फलः the bread fruit tree (पनस).(Apte) भृत mfn. borne , carried &c (Monier-Williams)  bhaṭa 'soldier': bhr̥ta ʻ carried, brought ʼ MBh. 2. ʻ hired, paid ʼ Mn., m. ʻ hireling, mercenary ʼ Yājñ.com., bhr̥taka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ Mn.: > MIA. bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hired soldier, servant ʼ MBh. [√bhr̥]1. Ash. 3 sg. pret. bəṛə, f. ˚ṛī ʻ brought ʼ, Kt. bŕå; Gaw. (LSI) bṛoet ʻ they begin ʼ.2. Pa. bhata -- ʻ supported, fed ʼ, bhataka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ, bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hireling, servant, soldier ʼ; Aś.shah. man. kāl. bhaṭa -- ʻ hired servant ʼ, kāl. bhaṭaka -- , gir. bhata -- , bhataka -- ; Pk. bhayaga -- m. ʻ servant ʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻ soldier ʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; Paš. buṛīˊ ʻ servant maid ʼ IIFL iii 3, 38; S. bhaṛu ʻ clever, proficient ʼ, m. ʻ an adept ʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻ hero, brave man ʼ, gng. adj. ʻ mighty ʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ, bhaṛil ʻ servant, hero ʼ; Bhoj. bhar ʻ name of a partic. low caste ʼ; G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ, ubhaṛ m. ʻ landless worker ʼ (G. cmpd. with u -- , ʻ without ʼ, i.e. ʻ one without servants ʼ?); Si. beḷē ʻ soldier ʼ < *baḷaya, st. baḷa -- ; -- Pk. bhuaga -- m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ, G. bhuvɔ m. (rather than < bhūdēva -- ).*bhārta -- ; abhr̥ta -- ; subhaṭa -- .Addenda: bhr̥ta -- : S.kcch. bhaṛ ʻ brave ʼ; Garh. (Śrīnagrī dial.) bhɔṛ, (Salānī dial.) bheṛ ʻ warrior ʼ.   9589 *bhr̥takarman ʻ soldier -- work ʼ. [bhr̥ta -- , kárman -- 1]Si. baḷām ʻ warfare ʼ.   9590 *bhr̥tagātu ʻ hero song ʼ. [bhr̥ta -- , gātú -- 2]Ku. bhaṛau ʻ song about the prowess of ancient heroes ʼ.(CDIAL 9588, 9589, 9590) Hieroglyph of 'kneeling adorant' or 'worshipper' is such an abiding message that Mahadevan concordance treates the hieroglyph as a text 'sign'.      Signs 45, 46 Mahadevan Concordance. In Sign 46, Sign 45 is ligatured with a pot held by the adoring hands of the kneeling adorant wearing a scarf-type pigtail. I suggest that the rimless pot held on Sign 46 is a phonetic determinant: baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. So, is the kneeling adorant, a worshippper of a person seated in penance,  a bhaTa 'worshipper in a temple' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. For him the kole.l 'temple' is kole.l 'smithy, forge' (Kota language). Sign 46 shows a person wearig a scarf-type pigtail. I suggest that this iconography signifies a soldier. Bot Signs 45 and 46 show a kneeling adorant carrying a pot. Obverse of the tablets m0478, 0479, 0480 show this narrative. Pict-111: From R.: A woman with outstretched arms  flanked by two men holding uprooted trees in their hands; a person seated on a tree with a tiger below with its head turned backwards; a tall jar  with a lid.  Reverse side of a two-sided tablets m0478, 0479, 0480. in bas relief. Kneeling adorant carrying a U-shaped rimless pot in front a tree. NOTE: The kneeling motif also occurs on Sit Shamshi bronze. Three identical Mohenjo-daro tablets, with identical inscriptions. m 478-480. Hieroglyph: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali) meď 'copper' (Slovak) kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter)', furnace (Santali)  1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230)  2. Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana,  kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790) 3. khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (G.)  On seal m1186A a kneeling adorant makes offerings. bārṇe, bāraṇe = an offering of food to a demon; a meal after fasting, a breakfast (Tu.) barada, barda, birada 'a vow' (Gujarati) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)(P.B.)                                                          A similar kneeling adorant now holds a wide-mouthed, rimless pot and makes an offering to the tree. baṭhu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched (Sindhi) Rebus: bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’ (P.) baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati) baṭa = kiln (Santali); bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron (pkt.)  baṭhu large cooking fire’ baṭhī f. ‘distilling furnace’; l. bhaṭṭh m. ‘grain—parcher's oven’, bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; p. bhaṭṭh m., ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; s. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits)’.  (CDIAL 9656) Thus, the reading of the composite glyph: kneeling adorant + pot is read rebus: meḍ pattar + bhaṭa 'iron urnace (of) merchant guild'. Paṭṭar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants; perh. Vartaka (Skt.)వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. బత్తుడు battuḍu. n. A worshipper. భక్తుడు. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as వడ్లబత్తుడు a carpenter. కడుపుబత్తుడు one who makes a god of his belly. L. xvi. 230.(Telugu)  The merchant, battuḍu, pattar is shown in a worshipful state kneeling in adoration on many inscriptions. Part 3. Text message (Tablet m478a to m480a) Hieroglyphs (from. r to l): battuḍu bhata, 'worshipper' rebus:  bhaṭa ‘furnace’ PLUS OFFERING: barada, barda, birada 'a vow' (Gujarati) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin). Numeral four: gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: kand 'fire-altar'. PLUS bhata, 'pot' rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. Thus, the 'four linear strokes PLUS rimless pot' signifies: 'fire-altar (in) artisan's workshop'.  Body hieroglyph read rebus:  Circumscript of two linear strokes for 'body' hieroglyph: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop' Thus, the circumscript signifies 'cast metal workshop' (with furnace) PLUS circumscribed body hieroglyph: meḍ 'body' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt 'iron' (Santali) meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.); med 'copper' (Slavic).Together, the hypertext reds: dul meḍ koḍ 'metal casting, cast iron workshop'. Hieroglyph: khareḍo 'a currycomb' (Gujarati) Rebus: kharādī ‘turner’ (Gujarati) खरडा kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. खरड kharaḍa f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch. 2 Vehement reviling or abusing. v काढ g. of o. निघ g. of s. 3 The ashes and earth which gather about an ingot of metal during its formation. So called because to be detached they must be scraped off. खरडघाशा  kharaḍaghāśā m (खरड & घासणें) A term of abuse for a bad writer, barber, carpenter &c.; quill-driver, scraper, chips. खरडणें  kharaḍaṇēṃ v c To scrape or rub off roughly: also to abrade or graze. 2 To rub up; to grub up; to root out (grass, weeds &c.) by pushing the instrument along. 3 To shave roughly, to scrape: also to write roughly, to scrawl: also to jot or note down; to make brief memoranda: also to draw roughly; to plough roughly; to grind roughly &c. &c. (Marathi). The semantics of खरडें 'rough draft' explains why the hieroglyph occurs ONLY on tablets which are works-in-process documentation by scribes. Thus, the inscriptions on tablets m478 to m480 complete the documentation of wealth-creating metalwork खरडा kharaḍā daybook. Hieroglyph (alternative): aḍaren, ḍaren lid, cover (Santali) m1186 Offering and adorant glyphs of Indus script There are two seals of Indus script (m1186 and m0488) depicting a kneeling person with some offerings on a stool/tray. In a vivid orthographic analysis, John C. Huntington identifies the nature of the offering on m1186: it is a bowl with ladles. The offering kept on a stool on m0488 is likely to be a similar glyph, though analysis of a higher resolution image is not possible because the tablet with this glyph is worn-out. m1186 seal. kaula— m. ‘worshipper of Śakti according to left—hand ritual’, khōla—3 ‘lame’; Khot. kūra— ‘crooked’ BSOS ix 72 and poss. Sk. kōra— m. ‘movable joint’ Suśr.] Ash. kṓlƏ ‘curved, crooked’; Dm. kōla ‘crooked’, Tir. kṓolƏ; Paš. kōlā́ ‘curved, crooked’, Shum. kolā́ṇṭa; Kho. koli ‘crooked’, (Lor.) also ‘lefthand, left’; Bshk. kōl ‘crooked’; Phal. kūulo; Sh. kōlu̯ ‘curved, crooked’ (CDIAL 3533).  Rebus: kol ‘pancaloha’ (Tamil) bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati) saman 'make an offering (Santali) samanon 'gold' (Santali)  miṇḍ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍāˊl ʻ markhor ʼ (Torwali) mẽḍhɔ 'ram' (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10310) Rebus: me~Rhet, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali) heraka 'spy' (Samskritam) Rebus:eraka 'molten metal, copper' maNDa 'branch, twig' (Telugu) Rebus: maNDA 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani)\karibha, jata kola Rebus: karba, ib, jasta, 'iron, zinc, metal (alloy of five metals) maNDi 'kneeling position' Rebus: mADa 'shrine; mandil 'temple' (Santali) dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore' (Santali) The rice plant adorning the curved horn of the person (woman?) with the pig-tail is kolmo; read rebus, kolme ‘smithy’. Smithy of what? Kol ‘pancaloha’. The curving horn is: kod.u = horn; rebus: kod. artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) The long curving horns may also connote a ram on h177B tablet: h177B4316 Pict-115: From R.—a person standing under an ornamental arch; a kneeling adorant; a ram with long curving horns. The ram read rebus: me~d. ‘iron’; glyph: me_n.d.ha ram; min.d.a_l markhor (Tor.); meh ram (H.); mei wild goat (WPah.) me~r.hwa_ a bullock with curved horns like a ram’s (Bi.) me~r.a_, me~d.a_ ram with curling horns (H.)  miṇḍ 'ram' rebus: mẽṛhet iron (metal), meD 'iron' (Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic)

8 Scientific Papers That Were Rejected Before Going on to Win a Nobel Prize -- Fiona Macdonald

May 31, 2019, 3:16 pm

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8 Scientific Papers That Were Rejected Before Going on to Win a Nobel Prize

FIONA MACDONALD

19 AUG 2016

As a scientist, there are few things more soul-crushing than spending months or years working on a paper, only to have it rejected by your journal of choice - especially when you really feel like you're onto something important.But it turns out that plenty of world-famous researchers went through rejection before finally having their papers published - including a few papers that later went on to win a Nobel Prize.

That's not to say the publication system failed these researchers - in fact, the rejection process is part of good, healthy peer-review.

Peer-review involves having a group of independent researchers read every paper submitted to a journal to make sure that the methods and conclusions are solid. They will often suggest revisions to be made, and can reject a paper if they think more work needs to be done, or if it's not the right fit for the journal.

Following rejection, the end product is usually better than it would have been originally - or it at least, ends up in a more approporiate journal.

Hearing about the renowned pieces of work that faced setbacks before going on to revolutionise the field is a comforting reminder that rejection isn't necessarily the end of your research - sometimes it's just the beginning.

1. Enrico Fermi's seminal paper on weak interaction, 1933

"It contained speculations too remote from reality to be of interest to the reader." - Frank Close, Small Things and Nothing

Weak interaction, one of the four (or potentially five) fundamental forces of nature, was first described by Enrico Fermi back in 1933, in his paper "An attempt of a theory of beta radiation," published in German journal Zeitschrift für Physik.

But it was first rejected from Nature for being 'too removed from reality'.

The paper went on to be the foundation of the work that won Fermi the 1938 Nobel Prize in Physics, at the age of 37, for "demonstrations of the existence of new radioactive elements produced by neutron irradiation, and for his related discovery of nuclear reactions brought about by slow neutrons".

2. Hans Krebs' paper on the citric acid cycle, AKA the Krebs cycle, 1937

Nature/The Scientist

Yes, even scientists who have textbook processes named after them have faced rejection. There wasn't anything wrong with Krebs' paper, but Nature had such a backlog of submissions at the time that they simply couldn't look at it. 

"This was the first time in my career, after having published more than 50 papers, that I had rejection or semi-rejection," Krebs wrote in his memoir.

The paper, "The role of citric acid in intermediate metabolism in animal tissues," went on to be published in the Dutch journal Enzymologia later that year, and in 1953 Krebs won the Nobel Prize in Medicine for "his discovery of the citric acid cycle".

3. Murray Gell-Mann's work on classifying the elementary particles, 1953

"That was not my title, which was: 'Isotopic Spin and Curious Particles.' Physical Review rejected 'Curious Particles'. I tried 'Strange Particles', and they rejected that too. They insisted on: 'New Unstable Particles'. That was the only phrase sufficiently pompous for the editors of the Physical Review.

I should say now that I have always hated the Physical Review Letters and almost 20 years ago I decided never again to publish in that journal, but in 1953 I was scarcely in a position to shop around." - Murray Gell-Mann, Strangeness

Sometimes it's not the content of a journal article that has it rejected, but the headline. 

In the end it didn't really matter what the headline was, seeing as Gell-Mann was awarded the 1969 Nobel Prize in Physics "for his contributions and discoveries concerning the classification of elementary particles and their interactions".

4. The invention of the radioimmunoassay, 1955

Rosalyn Yalow

Years after winning the Nobel Prize in Physiology and Medicine in 1977, Rosalyn Yalow would show this rejection letter around proudly. 

It was sent by The Journal of Clinical Investigation because the reviewers were skeptical that humans could make antibodies small enough to bind to things like insulin.

She proved them wrong, and now radioimmunoassay is a common technique used for determining antibody levels in the body - it works by releasing an antigen tagged with a radioisotope and tracking it around the body.

5. The first model of the Higgs, 1964

"[Peter] Higgs wrote a second short paper describing what came to be called 'the Higgs model' and submitted it to Physics Letters, but it was rejected on the grounds that it did not warrant rapid publication." - The University of Edinburgh

This one took a while to earn recognition, but after having his seminal paper on the Higgs model rejected back in 1966, Higgs was finally awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2013, after researchers at CERN detected evidence of the Higgs boson at their ATLAS and CMS experiments.

His original paper, "Spontaneous symmetry breakdown without massless bosons," was published in Physical Review later that year. 

6. Paper outlining nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy, 1966

"The response to our invention was however meagre. The paper that described our achievements was rejected twice by the Journal of Chemical Physics to be finally accepted and published in the Review of Scientific Instruments." - Richard Ernst, Nobel Prize

You might not have heard much about NMR spectroscopy, but it's responsible for revealing details about the structure and dynamics of molecules - something that's incredibly handy for chemists and biochemists.

But the first paper outlining the technology, "Application of Fourier Transform Spectroscopy to Magnetic Resonance," received little attention at the time.

Richard Ernst received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1991.

7. The discovery of quasicrystals, 1984

"It was rejected on the grounds that it will not interest physicists." - Dan Shechtman

Quasicrystals are structures that are ordered but not periodic, but when Dan Shectman first reported on these strange structures back in his 1984 paper "The Microstructure of Rapidly Solidified Al6Mn," it was rejected by Physical Review Letters for being more relevant to metallurgic researchers. 

It was published by Metallurgic Transactions A later that year, and Shechtman went on to win the Nobel Prize in 2011.

8. The first paper on polymerase chain reaction (PCR), 1993

"Dan Koshland would be the editor of Science when my first PCR paper was rejected from that journal and also the editor when PCR was three years later proclaimed Molecule of the Year." - Kary Mullis, Nobel Prize

Kary Mullis was jointly awarded the 1993 Nobel Prize in Chemistry for "his invention of the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) method".

PCR is the technique that is used every day in labs across the world to amplify DNA strands - but the first paper describing it was rejected by Science. No word as yet on why, but we bet the journal was pretty sore to miss out on that scoop. 

If you want more healthy reminding of the long list of no's behind success, check out the CV of failures a Princeton professor wrote earlier this year.

I don't know about you, but I feel so much better now. 

H/T: Authorea

https://www.sciencealert.com/these-8-papers-were-rejected-before-going-on-to-win-the-nobel-prize?fbclid=IwAR2LeRnhxL8CSc6kv2XfXy2smAMaI6Ofdt8hNQbRGt8_Nx_IZQVO87_yk1c

पोतदार, village silversmith, पोतृ 'Purifier', assayer of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization evidenced on Indus Script

June 2, 2019, 2:29 am

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https://tinyurl.com/y5r4npba

-- Mohenjo-daro priest performs traidhātavīyā iṣṭi, as Indus Script पोतदार pōtadāra casts 3 metals, wealth accounting categories

-- Indus Script पोतदार pōtadāra shroffs, purifies, casts 3 mineral wealth elements

-- Evidence from Mari of तार्प्य vegetable garment of Ishtar, Mari priest, scribe, traidhātavī tārpya 'sky garment having 3 elements, layers' पाण्ड्व garment of Mohenjo-daro Potr̥, purifier priest

-- tisrah purah are three forts, three worlds of copper, silver, gold; The 

gods, verily, and the Asuras were contending against each other.The Asuras had a stronghold, the gods had none... The gods were defeated persisten¿Ly, for they had no stronghold... (MS 3,10,5, transl. Rau 1976: 38 f.)

-- त्रिधातु पु० त्रीन् धर्मार्थकामान् दधाति पुष्णाति धा--तुन् ।१ गणेशे त्रिका० । समा० द्विगुः । २ धातु त्रये न० ।https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्  त्रिधातुः, पुं, (त्रीन् धर्म्मार्थकामान् दधाति पुष्णा-तीति । धा + तुन् ।) गणेशः । इति त्रिकाण्ड-शेषः ॥ (त्रयाणां घातूनां समाहारः ।) धातु-त्रये, क्ली ॥ https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रु

-- धिष्ण्य m. (f(आ). only RV. iv , 3 , 6 ; n. MBh. i , 7944) a sort of subordinate or side-altar (generally a heap of earth covered with sand on which the fire is placed , and of which 8 are enumerated , viz. besides the आग्नीध्रीय [in the आग्नीध्र] those in the सदस् [see s.v.] belonging to the होतृ , the मैत्रा-वरुण or प्र-शस्तृ , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , the पोतृ , नेष्टृ and अच्छा-वाक ; and the मार्जालीय) Br. S3rS. &c (cf. कॢप्त-) &c ; n. the seat of a god i.e. a quarter of the sky VP.; mfn. placed upon a mound of earth serving as an altar AV. Br. &c; m. (with or scil. अग्नि) a fire so placed VS. TS. &c(Monier-Williams)

-- पोतृ, m. " Purifier " ,= यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि

-- pōta pouring, casting in metal (Telugu)

-- पोतदार   pōtadāra m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.   पोतदारी   pōtadārī f ( P) The office or business of पोतदार: also his rights or fees.   पोतनिशी   pōtaniśī f ( P) The office or business of पोतनीस.   पोतनीस   pōtanīsa m ( P) The treasurer or cash-keeper.    పోత  pōta. [Tel. from పోయు.] n. Pouring, పోయుట. Casting, as of melted metal. Bathing, washing. పోత pōta. adj. Molten, cast in metal. పోతచెంబు a metal bottle or jug, which has been cast not hammered.पोतृ प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. ) RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. ; name of विष्णु; पोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा (Demetrius Galanos's Lexiko: sanskritikes, anglikes, hellenikes) The imagery of 'pouring' from a pot finds brilliant expression on many artifacts of Ancient Near East. Ta. pey (-v-, -t-) to rain, fall (as dew or hail); pour down or into (tr.), put, place, serve up (as food in a dish), throw out, discharge (as urine), shed (as tears), distribute; peyal showering, rain, raindrop, cloud; peyalai rain; puyal, pucal cloud, raining, water; gale, storm, tempest; poci (-v-, -nt-) to ooze, percolate, flow. Ma. peyyuka to pour, rain; peyttu raining; peyyikka to cause to rain. Ko. oy- (oc-) (rain) rains. Ka. poy to pour, cast; n. pouring; puy to pour, cast; pōcal pouring water. Koḍ. poyy- (poyyuv-, pojj-) (rain) rains, (wind) blows. Kor. (O.) pī- to pour. Te. pōyu to pour, cast in metal; (K. also) (sweat, pus) forms; pō̃ta pouring, casting in metal. Kol. (SR.) paiyeng to pour. Nk. (Ch.) pī- id. Go. poy- (Ma.) (water) pours, flows, (Ko.) to be spilled, flow (Voc. 2396); (Koya Su.) poy- (water) to be spilled; (ASu.) poccī- to pour out (water). Kuwi (F.) boiyali (bōt-) to overflow (a vessel); (Su. Isr.) bō- (-t-) to be spilled. Kur.poē̃nā (before vowel pońń-, pō̃yy-; past possā) to fall (of rain); puỹdnā to pour some water on rice when ready for a meal. Malt. poye (pos-) to rain; puthyeto pour.(DEDR 4407)

--  P دامن or دامان dāman or dāmān, s.m. (2nd) The skirt of a garment, the sheet of a sail. (Pashto)   dāmāna दामान वस्त्रप्रान्तभागः m. a skirt, a hem, i.q. dāman, q.v. --chalun --छलुन् । असत्याक्षेपः m.inf. to make a false accusation. -palav -पलव् । छिन्नो वसनप्रान्तः m. the torn edge or skirt of a garment. --raṭun --रटुन् । दीनतया याचनम् m.inf. to seize by the skirt; met. to implore, beseech (Śiv. 1732). Cf. dāman raṭun. dāmānas mīṭhⁱ dinⁱ दामानस् मीठि॒ दिनि॒ m. pl. inf. to give kisses to the skirt, to kiss the hem of (a person's) garment, to show great humility (Śiv. 1150).dāmạnⁱ दाम॑नि॒ । शिरोभूषणविशेषः f. a woman's veil or mantle; a certain ornament worn on the fore- head.dāmandār दामन्दार् । अधःप्रान्ते चित्रोपेतः adj. c.g. skirted, having an embroidered skirt or border (of a garment). dāmāndörī दामान्दा॑री । प्रार्थना f. the act of seizing the skirt, making an entreaty; esp. asking in marriage, proposals for marriage made by the relations of the bridegroom to those of the bride or vice versa.(Kashmiri) 

Rebus: damun 1 दमुन् । वायुनाग्निसंदीपनम् conj. 1 (pres. part. damān दमान्, or, Śiv. 1854, daman 3 दमन्; 1 p.p. dom^u द॑मु॒), to blow up a fire (with bellows or the mouth); as vb. impers. in past tenses (past domun द॑मुन्), to roar (of wind or a blast of air on fire) (Gr.Gr. xxxviii); to roar (as a wild beast) (Śiv. 1854). dom^u-mot^u द॑मु॒-म॑तु॒ । वायुना संदीपितः perf. part. (f. düm^ü-müʦ^ü द॑मू॒-म॑च़ू॒), blown up (with bellows or by the mouth, of fire).damun 2 दमुन् m. (sg. dat. damanas दमनस्), a pair of bellows (K.Pr. 46). For daman 1 see dam 1, for 2 see s.v., for 3 see damun 1, for 4 see bel. daman-basta दमन्-बस्त । धमनचर्म f. the leather bag, alternately inflated with and emptied of air, used as the body of a bellows (K.Pr. 46). -nôr^u -नोरु॒ । वायुनलिका m. the metal nozzle or pipe of a pair of bellows. (Kashmiri)

"A finger-ring (DK 8498) made of steatite,measuring1.45 inches in diameter outside and 0.69 inches inside, and 0.63 inches in width, has ‘a trefoil pattern carved in relief, the interiors of the lobes having first been drilled’ and ‘the sunken portions…probably once filled in with a coloured paste’. (Fig.6) This exceptional find comes from block 10, house I, room 11 in the G section of the DK areaof Mohenjo-daro (at a level of 22 ft., representing the ‘Intermediate III’ period). Because the trefoil appears to have been a sacred motif, and because a ring of this material would not have stood hard everyday wear’, Mackay assumed that it ‘was worn by a priest or in the performance of some ritual’. (Mackay 1938: I,531; II, pl. 139:14.)” (Asko Parpola, 1985, pp.23-24)

Seal. Mohenjo-daro. Hieroglyph: rāngo ‘water buffalo bull’ (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559) Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali)

Hieroglyphs: dul 'two'; ayo 'fish'; kANDa 'arrow': dula 'cast' ayo 'iron, metal' (Gujarati. Rigveda); kANDa 'metalware, pots and pans, tools' (Marathi) Hieroglyph: Rings on neck: koDiyum (Gujarati) koṭiyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; koṭ = neck (Gujarati)Rebus: koD  'artisan's workshop'(Kuwi) koD  = place where artisans work (Gujarati) koṭe 'forge' (Mu.) koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari) pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild' ranga 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter, alloy'

Buffalo. Mohenjo-daro.

Buffalo. Daimabad bronze. Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai.

ran:gā ‘buffalo’; ran:ga ‘pewter or alloy of tin (ran:ku), lead (nāga) and antimony (añjana)’(Santali) 

kaṭái ʻ buffalo calf ʼ(Gaw.) kāṭo ʻ young buffalo bull ʼ (Kumaoni) (CDIAL 2645).

kāṛā ‘buffalo’ bull (Tamil) khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (Marathi). Alternative: கண்டி kaṇṭi buffalo. Rebus: kāḍ ‘stone ore’gaḍa ‘large stone mould’. Glyph: kuṇḍī ‘crooked buffalo horns’ (Lahnda.) Rebus: kuṇḍī = chief of village (Prakrit).The artisan is kundakara— m. ‘turner’ (Skt.); H. kũderā m. ‘one who works a lathe, one who scrapes’ (CDIAL 3297).ḍabe, ḍabea ‘large horns, with a sweeping upward curve, applied to buffaloes’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)

Trough in front of wild-buffalo, B007.

m0492Atm0492Bt Pict-14: Two bisons standing face to face.

m0492Ct 2835 Pict-99: Person throwing a spear at a bison and placing one foot on the head of the bison; a hooded serpent at left.

Plano convex molded tablet showing an individual spearing a water buffalo with one foot pressing the head down and one arm holding the tip of a horn. A gharial is depicted above the sacrifice scene and a figure seated in yogic position, wearing a horned headdress, looks on. The horned headdress has a branch with three prongs or leaves emerging from the center.

Cylinder seal and modern impression: bull-man combatting lion; nude hero combatting water buffalo; inscription

Period: Akkadian

Date: ca. 2250–2150 B.C.

Geography: Mesopotamia

Culture: Akkadian

Medium: Albite

Dimensions: H. 15/16 in. ( 3.4 cm ); Diam. 7/8 in. ( 2.3 cm)

Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals-Inscribed

Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999

Accession Number: 1999.325.4 Metmuseum

Signs of a house. Drawing after Huntington.http://huntingtonarchive.osu.edu/resources/downloads/webPresentations/harappanSeals.pdf

Gaur. H176A

Kotdiji burial vessel. Human face, stars, buffalo horn. Drawing after Huntington. http://huntingtonarchive.osu.edu/resources/downloads/webPresentations/harappanSeals.pdf

Cylinder Seal of Ibni-Sharrum Agade period, reign of Sharkali-Sharri (c. 2217-2193 BCE)Mesopotamia Serpentine H. 3.9 cm; Diam. 2.6 cm Formerly in the De Clercq collection; gift of H. de Boisgelin, 1967 AO 22303 "A scene testifying to relations with distant lands Buffaloes are emblematic animals in glyptic art in the Agade period. They first appear in the reign of Sargon, indicating sustained relations between the Akkadian Empire and the distant country of Meluhha, that is, the present Indus Valley, where these animals come from. These exotic creatures were probably kept in zoos and do not seem to have been acclimatized in Iraq at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Indeed, it was not until the Sassanid Empire that they reappeared. The engraver has carefully accentuated the animals' powerful muscles and spectacular horns, which are shown as if seen from above, as they appear on the seals of the Indus."

http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/cylinder-seal-ibni-sharrum

Found on christies.com

AN AKKADIAN BLACK STONE CYLINDER SEAL CIRCA 2300-2200 B.C. With contest scene, the nude hero Lahmu, with long beard and three large curls either side of head, wearing triple-stranded belt, holding a sword in his raised hand, and holding a bull inverted by its tail in the other, resting his foot on its neck, and a human-headed bull holding a sword in one hand and a lion inverted by its tail in his other hand, stylised plant between the pairs 1 3/8 in. (3.5 cm.) high http://www.pinterest.com/pin/403353710347940947/ 

(Ward, p. 9, p.20)

khaṇṭi ‘buffalo bull’ (Tamil) kaṭā, kaṭamā ‘bison’ (Tamil)(DEDR 1114) (glyph). Rebus: khaṇḍ ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’; kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍa-i-o = (Skt.Sthapati, a mason) a bricklayer, mason (G.)] <lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) Glyph of flowing water in the second register: காண்டம் kāṇṭam , n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர்; kāṇṭam ‘ewer, pot’ கமண்டலம்.  (Tamil) Thus the combined rebus reading: Ku. lokhaṛ ʻiron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ  m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ(CDIAL 11171). The kneeling person’s hairstyle has six curls. bhaṭa ‘six’; rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. मेढा mēḍhā A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Thus, the orthography denotes meḍ bhaṭa ‘iron furnace’.

Cylinder seal impression from the Akkadian period with a combat scene between a bearded hero and a bull-man and various beasts; in the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. (Additional hieroglyphs elaborate the metonymy: SIx locks on hairstyle of the anthropomorph hero, A pair of markhor flanking the narrative), a forked stake on the register showing the bull-man wrestle with lion.) मेढा  [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. 3 A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) मेढकी [ mēḍhakī ] f मेढकें n (Dim. of मेढ) A small stake or post, esp. as bifurcated.(Marathi) मेंढरूं [ mēṇḍharūṃ ] n (मेंढा) A sheep Pr. मेलें में0 आगीला भिईल काय?(Marathi) मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] m (मेष S through
H) A male sheep, a ram or tup. 2 A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock.

मेढ [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. Pr. हातीं लागली चेड आणि धर मांडवाची मेढ. 

मेढ [ mēḍha ]The polar star. (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Munda.Ho.) मेंढसर [mēṇḍhasara] m A bracelet of gold thread. (Marathi) 

Hieroglyph: mr̤ēka 'goat' Rebus: Meluhha 'copperworker' (mleccha 'copper' (Samskritam); milakkhu rajanam 'copper colored' (Pali)

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/10/indus-script-kharada-brief-memoranda-of.html

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/media/35736/Cylinder-seal-impression-from-the-Akkadian-period-with-a-combat

Cylinder seal: Ht. 3.6 cm. 2,220 - 2,159 BCE, Mesopotamia (Photo from pg. 216 of J. Aruz and R. Wallenfels (eds.) 2003  Art of the First Cities).

This Akkadian example of a seal impression shows a hero wrestling with a water buffalo (left) and a bull-man struggling with a lion (right). The figures are separated by a tree on a mountain.  The hero faces the viewer and dominates the scene. Akkadian seals tend to be arranged into clusters of figures that display physical tension in scenes of active combat.

High relief metope, from Temple C. Selinus, Sicily, limestone, c. 58" h,

c. 550-540 B.C.E (National Museum, Palermo): http://www.sandrashaw.com/AH1L14.htm

 

Ancient Near East water-buffalo hieroglyph deciphered as Indus Script rāṅgā zinc alloy in metalwork repertoire 

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/q5oblyp

Zinc alloys include: spelter, solder, pewter, tin, copper-foil, latten, French bronze. The Meluhha Prakritam gloss rāṅgā signified these zinc alloys with varying proportions of mineral constituents deploying rã̄go 'water-buffalo' hieroglyph.

On many hierolyph multiplexes, water-buffalo (rã̄go) is associated with kANDa 'overflowing water'. The rebus renderings are: rāṅgā khaNDA 'zinc alloy implements'. The semantics of khaNDa 'implements' is attested in Santali: me~r.he~t khaNDa 'iron implements'. 

Santali glosses

A lexicon suggests the semantics of Panini's compound अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1]  m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.)( Pa1n2. 8-3 , 48)(Monier-Williams).

From the example of a compound gloss in Santali, I suggest that the suffix -kANDa in Samskritam should have referred to 'implements'. Indus Script hieroglyphs as hypertext components to signify kANDa 'implements' are: kANTa, 'overflowing water' kANDa, 'arrow' gaNDa, 'four short circumscript strokes'.

Hieroglyph multiplexes of the hypertext of the cylinder seal from a Near Eastern Source can be identified: aquatic bird, rhinoceros, buffalo, buffalo horn, crucible, markhor, antelope, hoofed stool, fish, tree, tree branch, twig, roundish stone, tiger, rice plant.

Hieroglyph components on the head-gear of the person on cylinder seal impression are: twig, crucible, buffalo horns: kuThI 'badari ziziphus jojoba' twig Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'; koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'treasurer'; tattAru 'buffalo horn' Rebus: ṭhã̄ṭhāro 'brassworker'.

 This hieroglyph multiplex ligatures head of an antelope to a snake: nAga 'snake' Rebus: nAga 'lead' ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'.  tuttināgamu is a Prakritam gloss meaning 'pewter, zinc'. A comparable alloy may be indicated by the hieroglyph-multiplex of antelope-snake: rankunAga, perhaps a type of zinc or lead alloy.

Two fish hieroglyphs flank the hoofed legs of the stool or platform signify: warehouse of cast metal alloy metal implements: 

Hieroglyph: kaṇḍō a stool Rebus: kanda 'implements'

Hieroglyph: maṇḍā 'raised platform, stool' Rebus: maṇḍā 'warehouse'.

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'

ayo 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)

barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.(Marathi). 

This mkultiplx is flanked by 1. kolom 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'; 2. kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smeter'. Thus the message is that the warehouse of cast metal alloy metal implements is complemented by a smelter and a smithy/forge -- part of the metalwork repertoire.

The hieroglyph-multiplex of a woman thwarting two rearing tigers is also signified on other seals and tablets to signify:

Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'; kolhe 'smeter'; kole.l 'smithy, forge'. The kolmo 'rice-plant' Rebus kolimi 'smithy, forge' is a semantic determinant of the cipher: smithy with smelter.

The bottom register of the cylinder seal impression lists the products: smithy/forge forged iron, alloy castings (laterite PLUS spelter), hard alloy implements.

goTa 'roundish stone' Rebus: gota 'laterite'

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS rã̄go 'buffalo' Rebus: rāṅgā 'zinc alloy, spelter, pewter'. Thus, cast spelter PLUS laterite.

markhor PLUS tail

miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari) PLUS Kur. xolā tail. Malt. qoli id. (DEDR 2135) Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. 

Rhinoceros PLUS aquatic bird

Hieroglyhph: kāṇṭā 'rhinoceros. gaṇḍá m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ Rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Gujarati)

karaṛa 'large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: karaḍā 'hardalloy of metals' (Marathi) 

Impression. Unknown Near Eastern origin. 'One of the two anthropomorphic figures carved on this seal wears the horns of water buffalo while sitting on a throne with hoofed legs, surrounded by snakes, fishes and water buffaloes. Photo by M Chuzeville for Departement des antiquities orientales, Musee du Louvre.' (Parpola, 1998, 2001) http://www.harappa.com/script/parpola0.html (Note 11)

Two water-buffalos flanks a hieroglyph: something round, like a seed. Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'buffalo' Rebus: rāṅgā 'zinc alloy, spelter, pewter'. What does the hieroglyph 'something round' signify? I suggest that it signifies goTa 'laterite (ferrous ore)'.

All these hieroglyhphs/hieroglyph-multiplexes are read as metalwork catalogue items in Prakritam which had tadbhava, tatsama identified in Samskritam in Indian sprachbund (speech union).

A vivid Meluhha hieroglyph 'overflowing pot' has rebus-metonymy reading: metal tools, pots and pans

m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral.

Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati).Rebus:  Vajra Sanghāta 'binding together' (Varahamihira) *saṁgaḍha ʻ collection of forts ʼ. [*gaḍha -- ]L. sãgaṛh m. ʻ line of entrenchments, stone walls for defence ʼ.(CDIAL 12845).

Hieroglyph: खोंड (p. 216) [khōṇḍa] m A young bull, a bullcalf; खोंडा [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. खोंडरूं [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl (Marathi. Molesworth); kōḍe dūḍa bull calf (Telugu); kōṛe 'young bullock' (Konda)Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali)
kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi) (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 

Some examples of 'overflowing pot' metaphors on Ancient Near East artifacts, cylinder seals:

Akkadian Cylinder Seal of Adda (c. 2250 B.C.) with, left to right, Ninurta, Ishtar, Shamash, and Ea. From Dury, Art of the Ancient Near and Middle East, Abrams, NY

Enki walks out of the water to the land attended by his messenger, Isimud who is readily identifiable by his two faces looking in opposite directions (duality). 

Bull men contesting with lions. Cylinder seal and impression. Akkadian period. ca. 2334-2154 BCE. Marble. 28X26 mm. Seal No. 167 Morgan Library and Museum. A variant narrative adds hieroglyphs of an aquatic bird in flight. Hieroglyph: aquatic bird: karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: seekāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787). Allograph: karaṭa m. ʻ Carthamus tinctorius ʼ lex.Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ safflower ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a tree like the karañja ʼ; M. karḍī, °ḍaī f. ʻ safflower, Carthamus tinctorius and its seed ʼ.(CDIAL 2788). Rebus:  karaḍā 'hardalloy of metals' (Marathi) 

http://host.themorgan.org/collections/collections.asp?id=628

ca. 2254-2220 BC (mature); ceramic; cat. 79; two groups in combat. A naked, bearded hero wrestles with a water buffalo, and a bull-man wrestles with a lion. In the centre: inscription (unread). Appears to be recut.

Girdled nude hero attacking water buffalo; bullman attacking lion; inscription. Kafaje, 

 Akkadian (ca. 2300 - 2200 BC)

 Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 396.

Akkadian Cylinder Seal (c. 2200 B.C. showing Gilgamesh slaying the bull of heaven, with Enkidu? Also from Dury; both in British Museum)

Gilgamesh and Enkidu struggle of the celestial bull and the lion (cylinder seal-print Approx. 2,400 BC, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore)

http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/1999.325.4 (Bos gaurus shown with greater clarity) http://art.thewalters.org/viewwoa.aspx?id=33263 In the two scenes on this cylinder seal, a heroic figure with heavy beard and long curls holds off two roaring lions, and another hero struggles with a water buffalo. The inscription in the panel identifies the owner of this seal as "Ur-Inanna, the farmer."

The three animals: buffalo, rhinoceros, elephant occur together with a leaping tiger on a seal. cf. Decoding of animal glyphs and other glyphs on the seal as related to lapidaries/metalsmith/metalwork artisan guild/mint Indus script cipher: Hieroglyphs of Indian linguistic area (2010)

Mleccha rebus decoding:

ibha 'elephant' (Skt.) Rebus: ib 'iron'; ibbho 'merchant' (cf.Hemacandra, Desinamamala, vaṇika); badhia 'rhino'; Rebus: baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali); kol 'tiger'; kolla 'smith'; sal 'bos gaurus'; rebus: sal 'workshop'.]kamaḍha ‘penance’ (Pkt.); Rebus: kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) tāttāru 'buffalo horns' (Munda); Rebus: ṭhaṭhero 'brassworker'(Ku.)cūḍā, cūlā, cūliyā tiger’s mane (Pkt.)(CDIAL 4883)sodo bodo, sodro bodro adj. adv. rough, hairy, shoggy, hirsute, uneven; Rebus: sodo [Persian. sodā, dealing] trade; traffic; merchandise; marketing; a bargain; the purchase or sale of goods; buying and selling; mercantile dealings (G.lex.) sodagor = a merchant, trader; sodāgor (P.B.) (Santali) A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village; kolhali to forge (DEDR 2133)(Kuwi). 

kūrda m. ʻ jump ʼ, gūrda -- m. ʻ jump ʼ Kāṭh. [√kūrd] S. kuḍ̠u m. ʻ leap ʼ, N. kud, Or. kuda, °dā, kudā -- kudi ʻ jumping about ʼ.kūˊrdati ʻ leaps, jumps ʼ MBh. [gūˊrdati, khūˊrdatē Dhātup.: prob. ← Drav. (Tam. kuti, Kan. gudi ʻ to spring ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 375]S. kuḍ̠aṇu ʻ to leap ʼ; L. kuḍ̠aṇ ʻ to leap, frisk, play ʼ; P. kuddṇā ʻ to leap ʼ, Ku. kudṇo, N. kudnu, B. kũdā, kõdā; Or. kudibā ʻ to jump, dance ʼ; Mth. kūdab ʻ to jump ʼ, Aw. lakh. kūdab, H. kūdnā, OMarw. kūdaï, G. (CDIAL 3411, 3412) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.) Vikalpa: ஏறு ēṟu Pouncing upon, as an eagle; பருந்தின் கவர்ச்சி. பரிந்தி னேறுகுறித் தொரீஇ (புறநா. 43, 5). Rebus: eruvai ‘copper’ (Ta.); ere dark red (Ka.)(DEDR 446). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ]

Pouncing tiger glyph is read rebus: kũdā kol 'turner smith'.

The four animal glyphs surrounding the seated person thus connote: merchant (ibbho), carpenter (baḍhoe), turner-smith (kũdā kol), workshop (sal)

Addendum with glyphs and inscriptions consistent with the themes depicting repertoire of artisan-smiths of the civilization: A lexeme which may explain the 'mountain' or 'haystack' glyphs; Rebus: Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.): kunda 'hayrick'; rebus: kundār turner (A.)

This unique mold-made faience tablet or standard (H2000-4483/2342-01) was found in the eroded levels west of the tablet workshop in Trench 54. On one side is a short inscription under a rectangular box filled with 24 dots. The reverse has a narrative scene with two bulls fighting under a thorny tree.

m0308 Mohenjodaro seal. Person grappling with two flanking tigers standing and rearing on their hindlegs. Comparable to the Mesopotamian cylinder seal (BM 89538), this Indus seal depicts a person with six hair-knots. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻhelmsman, sailor’. ( काणkāṇa ‘one-eyed’, āra ‘six’, ‘rings of hair’ symbolic forms). kannār 'coppersmiths'; kan 'copper'. arye 'lion' Rebus: āra 'brass'.

One-Eyed Hero with Lions Flanked by Enclosures Iran (?) (ca. 3100 B.C.E) 50 x 40 mm Seal No. 4"Seal 4 presents as its central figure a cyclopic hero holding lions. The rest of the scene includes animals, pots, and other types of containers, as well as a human figure and two lion-headed eagles, all apparently meant to be within an enclosure indicated by two stockade-like frames. A related theme is found in a fragment of a vase from Khafajah.... The nude bearded hero seen in 4 remained a stock figure of the Mesopotamian repertory, aapearing for the most part in contst scenes. The cyclopic version of this figure in 4 is paralleled in only one other instance, an Early Dynastic seal impression from Fara (ancient Shuruppak). A plaque from Khafajah of some thousand years later shows a cyclopic demon whose head has the form of a sun. Because of the wide gap in time, however, there is no assurance that the hero in 4 is to be associated in any manner with this figure."--Porada, CANES, p. 3Center: nude one-eyed hero holding two reversed lions, two more lions forming pyramid above him -- Left: section of inclosure containing sheep, latter between two pots, with lion-headed eagle perched on head of sheep; basket, pouch(?), fish, and bird in upper field -- Right: sheep-headed demon grasping pole of second section of inclosure; within latter, human figure(?) with upturned curls holding in outstretched hands indefinable curved object marked by vertical incisions; lion-headed eagle above horns of sheep-demon; crib(?) in upper field. 

Cylinder unperforated; in both top and bottom shallow central cavity and outer circle of small depressions."Seal 4 presents as its central figure a cyclopic hero holding lions. The rest of the scene includes animals, pots, and other types of containers, as well as a human figure and two lion-headed eagles, all apparently meant to be within an inclosure indicated by two stockade-like frames. A related theme is found in a fragment of a vase from Khafajah.... The nude bearded hero seen in 4 remained a stock figure of the Mesopotamian repertory, aapearing for the most part in contst scenes. The cyclopic version of this figure in 4 is paralleled in only one other instance, an Early Dynastic seal impression from Fara (ancient Shuruppak). A plaque from Khafajah of some thousand years later shows a cyclopic demon whose head has the form of a sun. Because of the wide gap in time, however, there is no assurance that the hero in 4 is to be associated in any manner with this figure."--Porada, CANES, p. 3http://www.themorgan.org/collections/collections.asp?id=789 Some hieroglyphs which recur on Ancient Near seals and their Meluhha rebus readings are: bull-man, bull ḍangar 'bull' read rebus ḍhangar 'blacksmith'; ṭagara 'ram' Rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) ṭhakkura, ‘idol’, ṭhākur ʻ blacksmith ʼ, ṭhākur m. ʻmaster’.ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’. tiger kol 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' lion arye 'lion'āra 'brass' aquatic bird karaḍa ‘aquatic bird, duck’ Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' eagle eraka 'eagle' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper buffalo கண்டி kaṇṭi , n. 1. Buffalo bull Rebus: Pk. gaḍa -- n. ʻlarge stoneʼ? (CDIAL 3969) six hair-curls āra 'six curls' Rebus: āra 'brass' face mũh ‘face’ Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’. stag karuman 'stag' karmara 'artisan' antelope melh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' calf khoṇḍ 'young bull-calf' Rebus khuṇḍ '(metal) turner'. scorpion bica ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ stalk daṭhi, daṭi  'stalks of certain plants' Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral.kāṇḍa काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed. Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. twig kūdī ‘twig’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ fish ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo, ayas  'metal'. overflowing pot lo ‘pot to overflow’ kāṇḍa ‘water’. Rebus: लोखंड lokhaṇḍ Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general. spear  మేడెము [ mēḍemu ] or మేడియము mēḍemu. [Tel.] n. A spear or dagger. Rebus: meḍ  ‘iron’. ring, bracelet kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; star मेढ [ mēḍha ]  The polar star (Marathi). [cf.The eight-pointed star Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.) safflower karaḍa -- m. ʻsafflowerʼ Rebus:  करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) twig kūdī ‘twig’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ frond (of palm), palm tamar, ‘palm tree, date palm’ Rebus: tam(b)ra, ‘copper’ (Prakrit) tree kuṭhāru 'tree' Rebus:  kuṭhāru ‘armourer or weapons maker’(metal-worker) ram, ibex, markhor 1.ram मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] m (मेष S through H) A male sheep, a ram or tup.(Marathi) meḍ 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.) goat melh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' knot (twist) meḍ, ‘knot, Rebus: 'iron’ reed, scarf dhaṭu  m.  (also dhaṭhu)  m. ‘scarf’  (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali); dhātu ‘mineral’ (Pali) kāṇḍa काण्डः m. stem of a reed. Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ mountain डोंगर [ ḍōṅgara ] m A hill. डोंगरकणगर or डोंगरकंगर [ ḍōṅgarakaṇagara or ḍōṅgarakaṅgara ] m (डोंगर & कणगर form of redup.) Hill and mountain; hills comprehensively or indefinitely. डोंगरकोळी [ ḍōṅgarakōḷī ] m A caste of hill people or an individual of it. (Marathi) ḍāngā = hill, dry upland (B.); ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (H.)(CDIAL 5476). Rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Maithili) dhokra 'cire perdue metallurgist' wing eraka 'wing' eṟaka, ṟekka, rekka, neṟaka, neṟi ‘wing’ (Telugu)(DEDR 2591). Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'. snake nāga 'snake' nāga 'lead' frame of building sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ (M.)(CDIAL 12859) Rebus: sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage (Kashmiri) jangaḍ 'entrustment note' (Gujarati) monkey kuṭhāru = a monkey (Sanskrit) Rebus: kuṭhāru ‘armourer or weapons maker’(metal-worker), also an inscriber or writer. kick kolsa 'to kick' Rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith foot . khuṭo ʻ leg, foot ʼ Rebus: khũṭ  ‘community, guild’ (Santali) copulation (mating) kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus: kampaṭṭa ‘mint, coiner’ adultery ṛanku, ranku = fornication, adultery (Telugu)  ranku 'tin'

William Hayes Ward Seal No. 26.

Source: https://archive.org/details/sealcylindersofw00warduoft  

http://www.scribd.com/doc/221054125/The-cylinder-seals-of-western-Asia-Carnegie-Institute-of-Washington-Publication-No-100-Ward-William-Hayes-1910

Rakhigarhi seals

Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull

kõdā  खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kọ̆nḍu or  konḍu ।  कुण्डम् m. a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri) Rebus 2: A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).

Hieroglyph: 'rim-of-jar': Phonetic forms: kan-ka (Santali) karṇika (Sanskrit) Rebus: karṇī, supercargo for a boat shipment. karṇīka ‘account (scribe)’.

Hieroglyph: sprout ligatured to rimless pot: baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron; bhaṭa 'furnace; dul 'pair' Rebus: dula 'cast (metal) kolmo 'sprout' Rebus: kolami 'smithy/forge' Thus the composite hieroglyph: furnace, metalcaster smithy-forge

Hieroglyph:मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick) Rebus: meḍ 'iron'. 

(After Fig. 68. Steatite seal and terracotta seal impression from Structure No. 1)

m305 A person with a plaited pigtail, bangles/armlets on both hands from wrist to shoulder, seated in penance, with three faces, two stars on either side of the curved buffalo-horn and twig.

ad.ari small branches (Kannada); ad.aru twig (Tulu)(DEDR 67); ad.aruni = to crack (Malayalam) adar = splinter (Santali) 8657 pradará— m. ‘cleft in earth’ VS., ‘rout (of an army)’ MBh. [√dr̥̄] Pa. padara— n. ‘cleft, fissure, board, plank’ (patara- with t as Si. spelling for d as frequently in Si. inscr.: otherwise Trenckner Notes 6216, Geiger PLS 39); Pk. payara— m. ‘splitting, breaking’; K. paira, pör, °ra m. ‘fear, agitation’

rebus: adaru =native metal (Kannada)

Molded tablets from Trench 11 sometimes have impressions on one, two, three or four sides. This group of molded tablets shows the complete set of motifs. One side is comprised entirely of script and has six characters, the first of which (on the very top) appears to be some sort of animal. A second side shows a human figure grappling with a short horned bull. A small plant with at least six branches is discernible behind the individual. The third panel portrays a figure seated on a charpoy or throne in a yogic position, with arms resting on the knees. Both arms are covered with bangles, and traces of a horned headdress and long hair are visible on some of the impressions. A second individual, also with long hair and wearing bangles, is seated on a short stool to the proper left of the individual on the "throne." The fourth panel shows a deity standing with both feet on the ground and wearing a horned headdress. A branch with three pipal leaves projects from the center of the headdress. Bangles on seen on both arms.

Seal of Bin-Kali-Sharri

"This green jasper cylinder seal depicts a contest scene. At the centre of the scene, there is a pair of crossed bulls; each one is being attacked by a standing bearded hero. The heroes have a double bun hairstyle. They wear a wrap-over kilt and shoes with turned up tips. Another bull stands below the cuneiform inscription, naming the owner of the seal as the servant of Bin-kali-sharri, the son of Naram-Sin of Akkad. Akkadian Period, circa 2250 BCE. Precise provenance of excavation is unknown. (The British Museum, London)."
https://www.ancient.eu/image/8129/cylinder-seal-showing-a-contest-scene/

Statuette of a seated male figure (HR 163). Alabaster. Height 42 cm. From Mohenjo-daro HR Area, in three pieces (cf. Mackay, E., 1931, Chapters X-XI, XV-XXI, XXIV, & XXV/2-X : I, 359 f.). After Marshall, J., 1931, Ed., Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, London: III, pl. 100.4-6. Arthur Probsthan and the Archaeological Survey of India

Statuette of a seated male figure (L 95). Alabaster. Height 29 cm. From Mohenjo-daro L Area, in three pieces (cf. Mackay, E., 1931, Chapters X-XI, XV-XXI, XXIV, & XXV/2-X : I, 358 f.). After Marshall, J., 1931, Ed., Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, London: III, pl. 100.1-3. Arthur Probsthan and the Archaeological Survey of India

Fight between lion and  bull-man on two proto-Elamite cylinder seals from Susa. About 3100-2900 BCE. After Amiet, P., 1961 Le glyptique mesopotamienne archaique. Paris. Fig.4: 

Harappan necklace-beads decorated with trefoils.Not to scale.

a-c (after Wheeler, R.E.M., 1968, The Indus Civilization, Cambridge History of India, Supplementary volume, 3^rd ed., Cambridge: 100, fig. 16, 1-3, based on Vats, M.S., 1940, Excavations at Harappa, I-II. Delhi: II, pl. 133.2.a,c,b) and d (drawn by Virpi Hameen-Anttila after Vats 1940: II, pl. 133.2.e) from Harappa.

3-g (after Mackay, EJH, 1943, Chanhu-daro excavations (1935-36). American Oriental Series, 20. New Haven.: pl. LXXXIII.49-51) from Chanhujo-daro

h-k (drawn by Virpi Hameen-Anttila after Mackay, EJH, 1938, Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro, I-II. Delhi: II, pl. 136.57, 67, 71)

l-m (after ibid. pl. 137.94,97)

n-p (after ibid. pl. 138.1-3) from Mohenjo-daro, DK Area, G section, upperlevels

1 (after ibid.139.74). Courtesy: Cambridge Univ. Press (a-c) and ASI (e to q)

Fig. 6 A Harappan finger-ring decorated wit trefoils (DK 8498). Made of steatite. From Mohenjo-daro: DK Area, G section, block 10, house I, room 11, lower levels (-22 ft.) After Mackay 1938: II, pl. 139.14. Courtesy ASI.

Fig. 7 One side of a Harappan dice with trefoil pattern. From Mohenjo-daro. After Mode, M., 1944, Indische Fruhkulturen und ihre Beziehungen zum Westen. Basel.: 119, Abb. 320 (based on Majumda, N.G., 1934, Explorations in Sind. Memoirs of the ASI, 48, New Delhi. , pl. 17.41).

Fig. 8 Two sherds of Harappan polychrome pottgery with trefoil pattern (cf. Mackay 1938: II, pl. 68.10,15)

Fig.9 A carefully polished Harappan pedestal made of dark red stone and decorated with trefoil patterns.(DK 4480). From Mohenjo-daro, DK Area, G section, block 9, ouse VII, room 18 at a level of 04.8 ft. Now in the National Museum, Karachi. A: photo by Asko Parpola, 1971 and b: after Mackay 1938: II, pl. 107.35, Courtesy: ASI; cf.Mackay 1938: I, 412

Fig. 10 Statuette representing a ‘bull of heaven’. From Uruk, Jemdet Nasr period (about 3200-2900 BCE). Made of shell mass with trefoil inlays of lapis lazuli. Length 5.8 cm. Now in Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin. After Schmokel, 1955: Tafel 8 oben (originally from UVB 7, Tafel 23f.). Courtesy: Deutsches Archeologisches Institut, Abtilung Baghdad.

Fig. 11 Statuette of a ‘bull of heaven’with quatrefoils on its body and a star on its forehead.Made of limestone, legs of silver. Height 8.3 cm. From Uruk, Jemdet Nasr period (ca. 3200-2900 BCE).Now in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad.Courtesy: Deutsches Archaeologisches Institut, Abteilung Baghdad; after Hrouda, B., 1971, Vorderasien I (Mesopotamien, Babylonien, Iran und Anatolien, Handbuch der Archaeologie Munchen. : Tafel 12a.

Fig. 12 Statuette of a human-headed bull with trefoil carvings on its body. From Tello. Neo-Sumerian period, about 22^nd century BCE.Made of steatite. Height 10 cm. Now in Musee du Louvre, Paris.After Parrot, A., 1960, Sumer. Paris.: 225 no. 276a.

Fig. 13 ‘The divine cow’ with trefoil decorations on its body in the bed found in Tutankhamun’s grave, Egypt, 13^th cent. BCE. Made of wood coated with gesso and guilded. Length 1.79m. Width 1.38 m. After Treasures of Tutankhamun, 1971 British Museum. London, no. 11 (third 

page).Courtesy: Cairo Museum.

17 Inscribed miniature tablets made of steatite. Harappa.Lower levels.Having the shape of an animal with eye consisting of a dot-in-a circle. a-c: fish, d-f: hare.Drawn by Virpi Hameen-Anttila after Vats 1940:II, pl. 97.560; 95.428; 84. Ab, ad; 95.421, 425.

18 Painted motifs on Late Harappan from Cemetery H in Harappa (f&g are paintings on the underside of flat covers from stratum II), h: from Rupar. After Vats 1940:II, pl.62.1-3, 5, 13; 64.3-4 (redrawn by Virpi Hameen Anttila; courtesy: ASI; and (h) Gordon, DH, 1960, The prehistoric background of Indian culture, 2 ed., Bombay: 86, fig. 10.3. 

Fig. 19 A map of the area of the Vedic Soma Yajna. The position of the Dhisnya hearths:six fireplaces are in a row in the sadas or sitting hall, and a seventh and eighth in the two sheds on the northern and southern border of the Mahāvedi. After Caland, W. & Henry, V., 1906, L’agnistoma: description complete de la forme normale du sacrifice de soma dans culte vedique, I-II. Paris: I, pl. IV.

Fig. 21 Harappan inspired trefoil and bull decorations.in the fragments of alabaster mosaic discovered from the palace of Dashly-3.North Afghanistan. About 2000 BCE.After Sarianidi 1977: fig. 19 COurtsy: USSR copyright agency

Fig. 29 After TAG Raim 1814-1916, repr.1985, II.1: pl. VI.

Fig. 35 a-d: Fragment of an animal (perhaps bull) decorated with trefoils (which still have red pigment inside them). Made of steatite. Excavated (as object no. SD 1767 in 1925-26 at Mohenjo-daro, south of Stupa complex. Now in Mohenjo-daro Museum, Pakistan. Courtesy: Forschungsprojekt Mohenjo-daro, Lehrstuhl fur Baugeschichte und Denkmalpflege, Technische Hochschule Aachen, FRG. Cf. p. 156 

Venerated Trefoil. Mohenjo-daro and Bactrian priests wear तार्प्य Sky Garment of Varuṇa Indus Script signifiers of dhā̆vaḍ potr̥, 'smelter, purifier priest' https://tinyurl.com/ycpghhse

Dholavira. Stone statue. 

Source: Marshall, 1931: Pl. CXVIII. Harappan male ornament styles. After Fig.6.7 in Kenoyer, JM, 1991, Ornament styles of the Indus valley tradition: evidence from recent excavations at Harappa, Pakistan in: Paleorient, vol. 17/2 -1991, p.93

https://www.persee.fr/docAsPDF/paleo_0153-9345_1991_num_17_2_4553.pdf

Mirror: http://a.harappa.com/sites/g/files/g65461/f/Kenoyer1992_Ornament%20Styles%20of%20the%20Indus%20Valley%20Tradition%20Ev.pdf

What is the decipherment of the trefoil hypertext on the garment of Mohenjodaro statuary of a seated person?  Over 8000 documents (inscriptions) of Indus Script have been deciphered as wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues. Does this context provide a reading and explanation of the trefoil hypertext? I submit that the decipherment of Indus inscriptions explain these trefoil hypertexts also, which are composed of one dotted circle, two dotted circles, three dotted  The circles.. The frequently occurring fish-looking signs of the Indus Script signify aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, fish hypertexts signify alloy metalwork related terms. Similarly, do the dotted circles fusing into a trefoil signify some type of metalwork? The answer is yes using the logo-semantic cipher of the Indus Script: dotted circle signifies dhāu 'strand' rebus: 'ore' PLUS vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' .

The ear of the statue has a kidney-like shape and is very pronounced. I suggest that the word which signifies the ear is karṇa which is read rebus as karṇaka 'helmsman'. Another rebus reading is कारणिक mfn. (g. काश्य्-ादि) " investigating , ascertaining the cause " , a judge Pan5cat.; a teacher MBh. ii , 167. His status as a teacher is consistent with his meditative posture. The eyes of the priest are concentrated on the tip of the nose signifying an attitude of yoga or meditation. The person is seated in penance.kamaḍha 'penance' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Two holes were driled on either side of the neck just below the neck, suggesting to John Marshall that they may have been used to secure an ornamental necklace of precious metal. Such an ornament could have been a torc, as seen on the neck of Kernunnos on Gundestrup Cauldron or hung on the stag's horns of the frieze on Pilier des Nautres of Paris (The Boatmen's Pillar).

Excavation No. DK 1909; National Museum, Karachi Acc. No. 50.852); 17.7 cm. White Steatite; shaven upper lip;one of the eyes was inlaid with narrow strips of shell; decoration on his robe is carved in relief with one, two or three dotted circles (called trefoil), interiors of which are filled with a red pigment (Mackay, p.356); hair is secured by a fillet tied around the head with two long ends hanging down behind (thin sheet-gold fillets have been found in Mohenjo-daro)

Or, as During Caspers has suggested the holes could have held some type of head-dress (something like the buffalo horns on the seated person of m304 seal surrounded by animal pictographss) secured with metal hooks inserted in the holes. The priest could be a seated figure like other seated men figurines found in Mohenjo-daro. The cloak of the priest compares with the cloaks worn on seated men figurines.

The hair of the priest is parted in the middle. Hair is secured by a fillet.whose long ends hang from behind the head. Gold fillet have been found including one with the hieroglyph of 'standard device'.

“The figure is draped in an elaborate shawl with corded or rolled-over edge, worn over the left shoulder and under the right arm. This shawl is decorated all over with a design of trefoils in relief interspersed occasionally with small circles, the interiors of which are filled in with a red pigment…there is a shallow pitting in the middle of each foil and roundel suggesting the point of a drill… ”(Mackay, 1931, I, pp. 356-357).

There are also beads with the trefoil pattern.

Ardeleanu-Jansen's reconstruction of the Priest-king 

(After Ardeleanu-Jansen, A., 'The sculptural art of the Harappan culture' in M Jansen et al, ed., Forgotten cities on the Indus: early cvilization in Pakistan from the 8th to the 2nd millennium BCE, Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1991.)Trefoil designs on the shawl garment of the 'priest' Mohenjo-daro statue. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel.  Material: white, low fired steatiteDimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909 National Museum, Karachi, 50.852 Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII

The trefoil hieroglyph on the priest's shawl, on the body of a bull calf and on the base pedestal of a s'ivalinga is comparable to the hieroglyph which appears on painted lid or dish -- in the context of venerating the dead. This points to reverence for ancestors.

Trefoil design on the uttarIyam of the priest, AcArya, PotR. This denotes: three strands of rope: dāmā 'rope' rebus: dhāma ʻreligious conduct'.

Clearly, the wearing a fillet on the shoulder and wearing a dress with trefoil hieroglyphs made the figure of some significance to the community.

https://www.bridgemanimages.com/en-GB/asset/162921/harappan/bracelet-from-mohenjo-daro-indus-valley-pakistan-c-3000-bc-polished-stone? National Museum, Delhi. One of the beads has trefoil designs.

"Inlaid bead. No. 53 (L445). (See also Pl. CLII,17) Steatite. An exceptionally fine bead. The interiors of the trefoils were probably filled in with either paste or colour. The former is the more probable, for in the base of each foil there is a small pitting that may been used for keying a coloured paste. The depth of the cutting is 0.05 inch. Level, 3 feet below surface. late Period. Found in Chamber 27, Block 4, L Area. The most interesting of these beads are those with the trefoil pattern, which also occurs on the robe worn by the statue pictured in Pl. XCVIII. The trefoils on both the beads and statue are irregular in shape and in this respect differ from the pattern as we ordinarily know it. (For another example of this ornamentation, see the bull illustrated in Jastrow, Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria, pl. liii, and the Sumerian bull from Warka shown in Evans, Palace of Minos, vol. ii, pt. 1, p.261, fig. 156. Sir Arthus Evans has justly compared the trefoil markings on this latter bull with the quatrefoil markings of Minoan 'rytons', and also with the star-crosses on Hathor's cow. Ibid., vol. i, p.513. Again, the same trefoil motif is perhaps represented on a painted sherd from Tchechme-Ali in the environs of Teheran. Mem. Del. en Perse, t.XX, p. 118, fig. 6)."(John Marshall, opcit., p.517)

See: https://tinyurl.com/gmqdaeu Trefoil Indus Script hieroglyph signifies dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' dhāu 'ore'. त्रिधातुः(magnetite, hematite, laterite) is an epithet of Gaṇeśa 

See: https://tinyurl.com/yaowsmt6 A 'Priest King' at Shahr-i Sokhta? -- Massimo Vidale. Some images of Potr̥, 'priests' as dhāvaḍa  'smelters' IndusScript hypertexts Vidale's full paper may be seen at https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352226717301083#fn0035

The paper discusses the published fragment of a statuette made of a buff-grey limestone, recently found on the surface of Shahr-i Sokhta (Sistan, Iran) and currently on exhibit in a showcase of the archaeological Museum of Zahedan (Sistan-Baluchistan, Iran). Most probably, it belongs to a sculptural type well known in some sites of Middle and South Asia dating to the late 3rd-early 2nd millennium BCE - a male character sitting on the right heel, with the left hand on the raised left knee, and a robe leaving bare the left shoulder. Preliminary comments on the cultural, historical and chronological implications of this important find are included. 

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S23522267173

Mohenjo-daro Seated person (Head missing)

See: 

Mohenjo-daro Priest statue is R̥gveda Potr̥ 'purifier priest', Indus Script dhāvaḍ 'smelter' 

http://tinyurl.com/llvrtwu Three types of dotted circles are shown, ending up with the recurrent trefoil or three dotted circles fused together. So, the words used for the hieroglyphs are semantically related to 'dot' PLUS 'circle'.

The dotted circle hypertext also is shown on the fillet worn on the forehead and on the right shoulder of the priest. The neatly shaven and trimmed beard of the priest shows that some metal razor may have been used to trim the beards of Sarasvati's artisans.

 Single strand (one dotted-circle)

Two strands (pair of dotted-circles)

Three strands (three dotted-circles as a trefoil)

Dot

 dāya 'one in throw of dice' signifies dhāi 'strand' mlecchita vikalpa dhāi 'red mineral ore'. 

Circle

vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ(CDIAL 12069)

Source: 

Translation: dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ) (Marathi)(CIAL 6773)

Hieroglyph: dhāˊtu n. *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ - S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

Thus, together, dot + circle read: dhāvaḍ ‘iron smelter’.

One badge used had a bangle with trefoil hieroglyph.

It was suggested that this may relate to the functions of a dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' tri-dhAtu,'‘three

minerals'.

Terracotta bangle fragments decorated with red trefoils outlined in white 

on a green ground from the late Period 3C deposits in Trench 43. This image

shows both sides of the two fragments 

(H98-3516/8667-01 & H98-3517/8679-01)

Detail of terracotta bangle with red and white trefoil on a green background (H98-3516/8667-01 from Trench 43). Trefoil motifs are carved on the robe of the so-called "priest-king" statuette from Mohenjo-daro and are also known from contemporary sites in western Pakistan, Afghanistan, and southern Central Asia. Source: https://www.harappa.com/blog/jewelry-mohenjo-daro

Trefoils painted on steatite beads, Harappa (After Vats, Pl. CXXXIII, Fig.2)

Trefoil Decorated bead. Pl. CXLVI, 53 (Marshall, opcit.)

Hieroglyph-multiplex of dotted circles as 'beads': kandi 'bead' Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' khaNDa 'metal implements'. Alternative: dotted circles as dice: dhāv, dāya 'one in dice' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus धावडdhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter'

Trefoil Hieroglyph-multiplex as three dotted circles: kolom 'three' Rebus: kole.l kanda 'temple fire-altar'. Alternative: kole.l धावड dhāvaḍa 'temple PLUS red ferrite ore smelter'.

(After Fig. 18.10 Parpola, 2015, p. 232) (a) Neo-Sumerian steatite bowl from Ur (U.239), bearing symbols of the sun, the moon (crucible), stars and trefoils (b) Fragmentary steatite statuette from Mohenjo-daro. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989-205, fig. 19 and 196, fig. 1 Steatite statue fragment; Mohenjodaro (Sd 767); trefoil-decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. Parpola, 1994, p. 213.

a. 

 koṭhārī ʻcrucibleʼ (Old Punjabi) rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' PLUS sun: arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'gold' eraka'moltencast copper'; [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' rebus: mēḍhā, 'yajña, dhanam'

1. A finely polished pedestal.  Dark red stone. Trefoils. (DK 4480, After Mackay 1938: I, 412; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218.) National Museum, Karachi. Stone base for Sivalinga.Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone. The pedestal measures 14.7 cm in diameter and 6.6 cm in height. Its base is flat and semi-polished; the two holes in it (ca. 1 cm deep and 7.5 cm apart) show that the pedestal was once pegged down to something. The round depression in the middle of the top, 6 cm in diameter and 0.5 cm deep, was in its turn to receive some other object, fixed to it by means of two dowel-holes 3 cm apart and 1.5 cm deep. This stand was found in room 18, house VII, block 9 in the DK Area (G Section) of Mohenjo-daro, at a level of 4.8 ft. (Cf. Mackay 1938: I,412; II, pl.104:26 and 107:35; During Caspers 1976). (Asko Parpola, 1986, p. 24). "The trefoil pattern does not seem to occur in Mesopotamia again before the time of Gudea and the Third Dynasty of Ur (ca. 2100-2000), when trefoil inlays again decorate a couple of small reclining bulls with a bearded human head, made of steatite and 'bituminousstone', and found at Lagadh (Tello) in Sumer (fig.12). Four recumbent bulls with trefoil patterns on their bodies originally surrounded by a steatite bowl from the same period, found in the E-Nun-Mah treasury at Ur; the symbols of the sun-god Utu, of the moon-god Nanna, and of Inanna, the goddess of the morning and evening star, carved above the backs of these bulls, suggest an astral meaning for the trefoils. The horn-crowned and bearded human head of the Neo-Sumerian bulls with trefoils clls for a comparison with the laterbull colossi with bearded human head and horned crown who protect the gates of the Assyrian palaces. These daimons are usually mentioned as a pair, one male and one female. A text (UET 6,103) concerning Rim-Sin's (ca. 1800 BCE) entering the city or Ur mentions 'Favourable Udug and the Lamma of Greeting, the gate-keepers of the main gate', who act as messengers between the king Rim-Sin and the ods of the city temple, Nanna and Ningal; in another text (UET 6,105) 'Udug and Lamma of the house' officiate between Rim-Sin and the same gods, and reference is made to 'bisons on the right and left..., the the gods guarding the gate', (Fpxvpg et a. 1983:449). 'Temple worshippers needed the assistance of a Lamma; it is from this assistance during the approach to the deity that the concept of a pair of personal guardians and subsewuently a single guardian or genie seems to have developed. If one's Lamma leaves hi, he is unguarded and automaticallly vulnerable to misfortune. The Lamma attached to the individual was the female of the guardian pair, perhaps because the male member, Udug/Śēdu, was thought to be less gentle or more 'demonic'. Already in the texts of the Fara period, a Lamma is known as an indidualized deity."(Ibid. 448). "Gudea, about to embark on a trip from Girsu to the city of Nanse, asks of Gatumdu: 'may your good Udug walk in front of me, may your good Lamma go behind me' (Cyl. A III 20 f.; cf. also B II 8 ff.)(ibid.449).'(Asko Parpola, pp.27-
28)

2. Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. Trefoil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218. "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I" 

"CJ Gadd (quoted by Mackay 1931: I, 356 f. n.2) thought that the Sumerian bulls with trefoils are 'representations of the 'Bull of Heaven' (a Babylonian name for one of the constellations) and therefore the trefoils represent stars'. The 'Bull of Heaven' (GU4-AN-NA = ālu) figures in the epic of Gilgamesh, where the goddess Istar demands that her father Anu (the Sky) send the demoniac bull to destroy the city of Uruk; after the bull has spread death and calamity far and wide, it is finally killed by Gilgames and his bull-man friend Enkidu...Trefoils and quatrefoils clearly have an astral significance in the cows of Hathor, the Mother Goddess, as 'Lady of Heaven' in the famous couch found in Tutankhamun's tomb in Egypt (ca. 1350 BCE)(Fig.13)."(Asko Parpola, 1986, p.28).

त्रैधात° वीय n. (scil. क्/अर्मन्) id. TS. ii , 4 , 11; त्रैधात° वीया f. id. Nyāyam. ix (Sāyaṇa) MaitrS II, 4,3 त्रैधातुक n. the 3 worlds (सद्धर्म-पुण्डरीक. iv.)  त्रैध mfn. (fr. त्र्/इ-धा or त्रेध्/आ) triple Pa1n2. 5-3 , 45 Va1rtt. Sāyaṇa; ind. v , 3 , 45 = त्रेध्आ Ka1tyS3r. S3a1n3khS3r. La1t2y. Kaus3. MBh. त्रैधातवी f. (scil. इष्ट्/इ) N. of a closing ceremony (fr. त्रि-ध्/आतु) S3Br. v , xiii Ka1tyS3r. S3a1n3khS3r. --धातु mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; m. (scil. पुरोड्/आश) N. of an oblation TS. ii , 3 , 6. 1 ( -त्व्/अ n. abstr.); m. गणे*श; n. the triple world RV.; n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals or of the 3 humours; name of a man (ताण्ड्य-ब्राह्मण xiii , 3 , 12 Sāyaṇa)(Monier-Williams)

Passages mentioning the word tārpya):  KS 12, 3-4 165,2 ff., 166,4 ff.; MS 2,4,5: 43,6-11; MŚS 5,2,5,10; TS 2,4,11,5-6; BaudhŚs 13,42: 149,14 f.; ĀpŚS 19,27,21 = HŚS 22,6,27; KŚS 1 5,7,28-34 (Asko Parpola, 1986, p.44)(1) traidhātav(ī)yā iṣṭi "rite having three layers or elements (cf. Caland 1908: no. 178 and Heesterman 1957: 168 f. and 171 f.; this rite is performed at the end of several royal rituals, such as the royal- consecration and the horse sacrifice): KS 12,3-4

Tārpya garment is mentioned in adoration of Varuṇa in: AV [1800431] On thee doth Savitar the God bestow this vesture for thy wear. Clothe thee herein, and find meet robe in Yama s realm to cover thee.

Rājasūya is varuṇa-sava. "It is Varuṇa whom they annoint" (Śānkh. 15,13,4)

nirṇij निर्णिज् 3 U. 1 To wash, clean, purify : अम्बुनिर्णिक्तम् Y.1.191; Ms.5.127. -2 To dress oneself.nirṇij निर्णिज् a. Ved. 1 Clearing, washing. -2 Wellnourished. -m. 1 A form, shape. -2 A bright or shining garment. -3 Purification, washing. (Apte)f. a shining dress or ornament , any bright garment &c RV.; ( √निज्) P. -णेनेक्ति (Subj. -णेनिजति ; A1. णेनिक्ते Br. ; dat. inf. -ण्/इजे RV. ) , (P.) to wash off , cleanse Br. ChUp.  ; (A1.) id. TS.  ; to wash or dress or adorn one's self RV. &c &c (Monier-Williams)

RV I.25.13 Varuna, wearing golden mail, hath clad him in a shining robe.

His spies are seated found about.

According to Bergaigne (1883: III,1J0 = 1978: III, 135), Varuṇa's
golden garment in 1,25,13 would represent not so much the rays of the sun as the waters rendered golden by the sun or rendered ruddy on accounf of lightning". 

RV VII.64.1YE Twain who rule, in heaven and earth, the region, clothed be your clouds in robes of oil and

fatness.
May the imperial Varuna, and Mitra, and highborn- Aryaman accept our presents.

RV V.62. 4 Let your wellharnessed- horses bear you hither: hitherward let them come with reins drawn

tightly.

A covering cloud of sacred oil attends you, and your streams flow to us from days aforetime.

RV V.85.1-3 1. SING forth a hymn sublime and solemn, grateful to glorious. Varuna, imperial Ruler,

Who hath struck out, like one who slays the victim, earth as a skin to spread in front of Surya.
2 In the treetops- the air he hath extended, put milk in kine and vigorous speed in horses,
Set intellect in hearts, fire in the waters, Surya in heaven and Soma on the mountain.
3 Varuna lets the big cask, opening downward, flow through the heaven and earth and airs'
midregion-.
Therewith the universes' Sovran waters earth as the shower of rain bedews the barley.
See:   

Skambha (Sivalinga) temple in Dholavira consistent withdeciphered Indus Script Sign Board. Evidence for Sivaworship. http://tinyurl.com/qetwb4l

Hieroglyph: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy'; kolle 

'blacksmith'; kole.l 'smithy, temple' (Kota) Trefoil Hieroglyph-multiplex as three dotted circles: kolom 'three' Rebus: kole.l kanda 'temple fire-altar'. Alternative: kole.l धावड dhāvaḍa 'temple PLUS red ferrite ore smelter'.

Trefoils painted on steatite beads, Harappa (After Vats, Pl. CXXXIII, Fig.2)

If one end of a tape or belt is turned over three times and then pasted to the other, a trefoil knot results. (Shaw, George Russell (MCMXXXIII). Knots: Useful & Ornamental, p.11.)

Trefoil motifs are carved on the robe of the so-called "priest-king" statuette from Mohenjo-daro and are also known from contemporary sites in western Pakistan, Afghanistan, and  southern Central Asia.dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' tri-dhAtu,'‘three minerals". त्रिधातु mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive)RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals.tri त्रिधा ind. in 3 parts, ways or places; triply, ˚त्वम् tripartition; Ch. Up. -धातुः an epithet of Gaṇeśa. dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼMBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ

lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f.ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) 

त्रिधातुः is an epithet of Gaṇeśa. This may indicate three forms of ferrite ores: magnetite, haematite, laterite which were identified in Indus Script as poLa 'magnetite', bichi 'haematite' and goTa 'laterite'. 

Rebus readings of Indus Script hieroglyphs may explain the त्रिधातुः epithet of Gaṇeśa: karibha 'elephant's trunk' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'. 

It has been suggested at 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/trefoil-of-indus-script-corpora-and.html?view=sidebar that the trefoil decorating the shawl of the 'priest-king' of Mohenjo-daro is a cross-sectional signifier of three strands of rope.

Thus, a dotted circle is signified by the word: dhāī  'wisp of fibre' (Sindhi). 

 Single strand (one dotted-circle)

Two strands (pair of dotted-circles)

Three strands (three dotted-circles as a trefoil)

These orthographic variants provide semantic elucidations for a single: dhātu, dhāū, dhāv 'red stone mineral' or two minerals: dul PLUS dhātu, dhāū, dhāv 'cast minerals' or tri- dhātu,      -dhāū, -dhāv 'three minerals' to create metal alloys'. The artisans producing alloys are dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -- smeltersʼ, dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ)(CDIAL 6773).

dām 'rope, string' rebus: dhāu 'ore'  rebus: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda).

Semantics of single strand of rope and three strands of rope are: 1. Sindhi dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, Lahnda dhāī˜ id.; 2. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ (RigVeda)

Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (DEDR 5220)  vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭi, vaṭara, &c. DED 4268]N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212)

I suggest that the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' signified by trefoil or three strands is a semantic duplication of the parole words: dhāī 'wisp of fibre' PLUS vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Thus, it is possible that the trefoil as a hieroglyph-multiplex was signified in parole by the expression dhā̆vaḍ 'three strands' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'.

The shawl decorated with dhā̆vaḍ 'trefoil' is a hieroglyph: pōta 'cloth' rebus: 

पोता पोतृ, 'purifier' in a yajna. போற்றி pōṟṟi, போத்தி pōtti Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். Marathi has a cognate in 

पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. The shawl decorated with dhā̆vaḍ 'trefoil' is a hieroglyph: pōta 'cloth' rebus: 

पोता पोतृ, 'purifier' in a yajna. போற்றி pōṟṟi, போத்தி pōtti Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன். Marathi has a cognate in 

पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. पोतृ पु० पुनाति पु--तृन् । ऋत्विग्मेदे अच्छावाकशब्दे ८५ पृ० दृश्यम् । होत्रादिशब्देन द्वन्द्वे ऋत आत् । पोताहोतारौ ।

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्  

पोता, [ऋ] पुं, (पुनातीति । पू + “नप्तृनेष्टृ-त्वष्टृहोतृपोतृभ्रातृजामातृमातृपितृदुहितृ ।”उणा० २ । ९६ । इति तृन्प्रत्ययेन निपात्यते ।) विष्णुः । इति संक्षिप्तसारोणादिवृत्तिः ॥ऋत्विक् । इति भूरिप्रयोगः ॥ (यथा, ऋग्वेदे ।४ । ९ । ३ ।“स सद्म परि णीयते होता मन्द्रो दिविष्टिषु ।उत पोता नि षीदति ॥”)

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. )

 RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. N. of विष्णु L. पौत्र, पोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री). pōtṛ

पोतृ m. One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). पोत्रम् [पू-त्र] The office of the Potṛi. ब्रह्मन् m. one of the 4 principal priests or ऋत्विज्as (the other three being the होतृ , अध्वर्यु and उद्गातृ ; the ब्रह्मन् was the most learned of them and was required to know the 3 वेदs , to supervise the sacrifice and to set right mistakes ; at a later period his functions were based especially on the अथर्व-वेद) RV. &c होतृ m. (fr. √1. हु) an offerer of an oblation or burnt-offering (with fire) , sacrificer , priest , (esp.) a priest who at a sacrifice invokes the gods or recites the ऋग्-वेद , a ऋग्-वेद priest (one of the 4 kinds of officiating priest »ऋत्विज् , p.224; properly the होतृ priest has 3 assistants , sometimes called पुरुषs , viz. the मैत्रा-वरुण , अच्छा-वाक, and ग्रावस्तुत् ; to these are sometimes added three others , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र or अग्नीध् , and पोतृ , though these last are properly assigned to the Brahman priest ; sometimes the नेष्टृ is substituted for the ग्राव-स्तुत्) RV.&c नेष्टृ  m. (prob. fr. √ नी aor. stem नेष् ; but cf. Pa1n2. 3-2 , 135 Va1rtt. 2 &c ) one of the chief officiating priests at aसोम sacrifice , he who leads forward the wife of the sacrificer and prepares the सुरा (त्वष्टृ so called RV. i , 15 , 3) RV. Br. S3rS. &c अध्वर्यु m. one who institutes an अध्वर any officiating priest a priest of a particular class (as distinguished from the होतृ , the उद्गातृ , and the ब्रह्मन् classes. The अध्वर्युpriests " had to measure the ground , to build the altar , to prepare the sacrificial vessels , to fetch wood and water , to light the fire , to bring the animal and immolate it " ; whilst engaged in these duties , they had to repeat the hymns of the यजुर्-वेद , hence that वेद itself is also called अध्वर्यु)pl. (अध्वर्यवस्) the adherents of the यजुर्-वेद; उद्-गातृ m. one of the four chief-priests (viz. the one who chants the hymns of the सामवेद) , a chanterRV. ii , 43 , 2 TS. AitBr. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. Sus3r. Mn. &c 

अच्छा-वाकm. " the inviter " , title of a particular priest or ऋत्विज् , one of the sixteen required to perform the great sacrifices with the सोम juice. ग्रावन् m. a stone for pressing out the सोम (originally 2 were used RV. ii , 39 , 1 ; later on 4 [ S3a1n3khBr.xxix , 1] or 5 [Sch. on S3Br. &c ]) RV. AV. VS. S3Br.= ग्राव-स्त्/उत् Hariv. 11363

pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√pū]Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, puti, pũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá --(CDIAL 8403) pōtana पोतन a. 1 Sacred, holy. -2 Purifying.

Hence the importance of the office of Potr̥, 'Rigvedic priest of a yajna' signified as 'purifier', an assayer of dhāˊtu 'minerals.

I suggest that this fillet (dotted circle with a connecting strand or tape is the hieroglyph which signifies धातु (Rigveda) dhāu (Prakrtam) 'a strand' rebus: element, mineral ore. This hieroglyph signifies the पोतृ,'purifier' priest of dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters' of dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/priest-of-dhavad-iron-smelters-with.html Orthography of the 'dotted circle' is representation of a single strand: dhāu rebus: dhāū 'red stone minerals. 

It is this signifier which occurs in the orthography of the dotted circle hieroglyph-multiplex on early punch-marked coins of Magadha -- a proclamation of the dhāū 'element, mineral ores' used in the Magadha mint. On one Silver Satamana punch-marked coin of Gandhara septa-radiate or, seven strands emerge from the dotted circle signifying the use in the mint of सप्त--धातु 'seven mineral ores'.

These powerful narratives are also validated -- archaeologically attested -- by the discovery of Mohenjo-daro priest wearing  (on his forehead and on the right shoulder) fillets of a dotted circle tied to a string and with a uttarīyam decorated with one, two, three dotted circles. The fillet is an Indus Script hypertext which reads: dhã̄i 'strand' PLUS vaṭa 'string' rebus: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. The same dotted circles enseemble is also shown as a sacred hieroglyph on the bases of Śivalingas found in Mohenjo-dar. The dotted circles are painted with red pigment, the same way as Mosonszentjanos dice are painted with red iron oxide pigment.

It is possible to decipher the hieroglyphs using the rebus-metonymy layered cipher of Indus writing system. 

The Meluhha semantics of objects signified by these three hieroglyphs are related to metalwork guild.

Trefoil hieroglyph or three 'beads, orifice' 

kolom 'three' (Munda) Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. The triplicate  composing the trefoil is a semantic determinant of the signified object: smithy, forge.

*pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, puti, pũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1.(CDIAL 8403) பொத்தல் pottal , n. < id. [K. poṭṭare, M. pottu, Tu. potre.] 1. Hole, orifice. 

Rebus: Soma priest, jeweller's polishing stone

पोतृ pōtṛ " Purifier " , Name of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (Rigveda) pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√pū] Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) pōtṛ पोतृ m. 1 One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). -2 An epithet of Viṣṇu.

A dotted circle (three of which constitute a trefoil) is also associated with the standard device frequently shown in front of a one-horned young bull:

Gold fillet showing sacred device--- sangaḍa. 

Gold fillet depicting the standard device, Mohenjo-daro, 2600 BCE. [Source: Page 32 in: Deo Prakash Sharma, 2000, Harappan seals, sealings and copper tablets, Delhi, National Museum]. At a Marshall, MIC, Pl. CLI are specimens of fillets consisting of thin bands of beaten gold with holes for cords at their ends.
Gold fillet, Mohenjo-daro, with Indus script hypertext of dotted circles, lathe, brazier signify पोतृ purifier priest of kole.l 'smithy, temple'.

dāntā 'ivory' rebus dhāˊtu 'ore of red colour' (Rigveda)

See the dotted circle hieroglyph on the bottom of the sacred device, sangaḍa.

Kot Diji type seals with concentric circles from (a,b) Taraqai Qila (Trq-2 &3, after CISI 2: 414), (c,d) Harappa(H-638 after CISI 2: 304, H-1535 after CISI 3.1:211), and (e) Mohenjo-daro (M-1259, aftr CISI 2: 158). (From Fig. 7 Parpola, 2013).

Distribution of geometrical seals in Greater Indus Valley during the early and *Mature Harappan periods (c. 3000 - 2000 BCE). After Uesugi 2011, Development of the Inter-regional interaction system in the Indus valley and beyond: a hypothetical view towards the formation of the urban society' in: Cultural relagions betwen the Indus and the Iranian plateau during the 3rd millennium BCE, ed. Toshiki Osada & Michael Witzel. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 7. Pp. 359-380. Cambridge, MA: Dept of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University: fig.7.

Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs: 

Hieroglyph: ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ rebus: dhāu 'ore'; dã̄u ʻtyingʼ, ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ read rebus: dhāu 'ore' in the context of glosses: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -smelters', dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ. Thus, three dotted circles signify: tri-dhāu, tri-dhātu 'three ores' (copper, tin, iron).

A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931) goTa 'laterite ferrite ore'

 

m0352 cdef

"The embroidered circles and trefoils as lnages of fireplaces The vedie bãrpya garment,  then, as decorated with images of dhisjmyas resembling the circular patterns on the Harappan priest-king’s garment." (Parpola, opcit., p.55)

 धिष्ण्य m. (f(आ). only RV. iv , 3 , 6 ; n. MBh. i , 7944) a sort of subordinate or side-altar (generally a heap of earth covered with sand on which the fire is placed , and of which 8 are enumerated , viz. besides the आग्नीध्रीय [in the आग्नीध्र] those in the सदस् [see s.v.] belonging to the होतृ , the मैत्रा-वरुण or प्र-शस्तृ , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , the पोतृ , नेष्टृ and अच्छा-वाक ; and the मार्जालीय) Br. S3rS. &c (cf. कॢप्त-) &c

The + glyph of Sibri evidence is comparable to the large-sized 'dot', dotted circles and + glyph shown on this Mohenjo-daro seal m0352 with dotted circles repeated on 5 sides A to F. Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features. Rebus readings of m0352 hieroglyphs:

dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'

1. Round dot like a blob -- . Glyph: raised large-sized dot -- (gōṭī ‘round pebble);goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore)

2. Dotted circle khaṇḍa ‘A piece, bit, fragment, portion’; kandi ‘bead’;

3. A + shaped structure where the glyphs  1 and 2 are infixed.  The + shaped structure is kaṇḍ  ‘a fire-altar’ (which is associated with glyphs 1 and 2)..

Rebus readings are: 1. khoṭ m. ʻalloyʼgoTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); 2. khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; 3. kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’.

Four ‘round spot’; glyphs around the ‘dotted circle’ in the center of the composition: gōṭī  ‘round pebble; Rebus 1: goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); Rebus 2:L. khoṭf ʻalloy, impurityʼ, °ṭā ʻalloyedʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā  ʻforgedʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻbase, alloyʼ  M.khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ (CDIAL 3931) Rebus 3: kōṭhī ] f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ metal is produced from kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’ yielding khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. This word khaṇḍā is denoted by the dotted circles.

Stepped cross seals with Indus Script hieroglyphs

Hieroglyph: eruvai ‘kite’ Rebus: eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.) eruvai = copper (Ta.); ere – a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a = syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.) The central dot in the cross (which signifies a fire-altar) is: goTa ’round’ Rebus: khoT ‘ingot’. gaNDA ‘four’ rebus: kanda.’fire-altar’.khamba ‘wing’ rebus: kammaTa ‘mint’. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā id. rebus: phaḍā, paṭṭaḍa 'metals manufactory'.

Artifacts from Jiroft.

Ivory combs. Turkmenistan.


Ivory objects. Sarasvati Civilization

Tablets.Ivory objects. Mohenjo-daro.

Ivory rod, ivory plaques with dotted circles. Mohenjo-daro (Musee National De Arts Asiatiques, Guimet, 1988-1989, , Les cites oubliees de l’Indus Archeologie du Pakistan.] dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'. dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the message signified by dotted circles and X hieroglyph refers to dhā̆vaḍ priest of 'iron-smelters'. The aquatic duck shown atop an ivory rod is:  karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) Thus, the metalworker (smelter) works with hard alloys (using carburization process). Three dotted circles: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus working with minerals and hard alloys for smithy, forge.

நெற்றிப்பட்டம் neṟṟi-p-paṭṭam, n. < id. +. Thin plate of metal worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; நுதலி லணியும் பட்டம். (W.) 

பட்டம்² paṭṭam, n. < paṭṭa. 1. Plate of gold worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; சிறப்புக்கு அறிகுறியாக நெற்றி யிலணியும் பொற்றகடு. பட்டமுங் குழையு மின்ன (சீவக. 472). 2. An ornament worn on the forehead by women; மாதர் நுதலணி. பட்டங் கட்டிப்பொற்றோடு பெய்து (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 6). 3. Title, appellation of dignity, title of office; பட்டப்பெயர். பட்டமும் பசும்பொற் பூணும் பரந்து (சீவக. 112). 4. Regency; reign; ஆட்சி. 5. Fasteners, metal clasp; சட்டங்களை இணைக்க உதவும் தகடு. ஆணிகளும் பட்டங்களுமாகிய பரிய இரும்பாலேகட்டி (நெடுநல். 80, உரை). High position; உயர் பதவி. (பிங்.) 

Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop(DEDR 3865)

meḍhi 'tied rope' rebus: meḍ 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic)

फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. फडफरमाश or स (p. 313) phaḍapharamāśa or sa f ( H & P) Fruit, vegetables &c. furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the Ryots by Government or a public officer. 

फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फड- निशी & फडनीस. फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस. 

फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). 

फडझडती (p. 313) phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business. 

फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. 

phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.

फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. फडफरमाश or स (p. 313) phaḍapharamāśa or sa f ( H & P) Fruit, vegetables &c. furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the Ryots by Government or a public officer. 

फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फड- निशी & फडनीस. फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस. 

फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). 

फडझडती (p. 313) phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business. 

फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or 

ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. 

Circular seal, of steatite, from Bahrein, found at Lothal.A Stamp seal and its impression from the Harappan site of Lothal north of Bombay, of the type also found in the contemporary cultures of southern Iraq and the Persian Gulf Area. http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/archaeology-in-india/

http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/shipping-and-maritime-trade-of-the-indus-people/

See: 

Dotted circles, tulips and tin-bronze revolution of 4th millennium BCE documented in Harappa Script 

http://tinyurl.com/z3x7zev 

Mesopotamian lama deity, a bull with a human head, kind, protective spirits associated with the great sun god Shamash. In one inscription, an Assyrian king called upon lama deities to "turn back an evil person, guard the steps, and secure the path of the king who fashioned them." 2100-2000 BCE Serpentine, a smooth green stone the color of life-giving water in a desert area. The hollowed-out shapes on the body originally were inlaid with pearly shell or lapis lazuli.

At the time of Gudea and the Third Dynasty of Ur (ca.2100-2000)' when trefoil inlays decorate a couple of small reclining bulls with a bearded human head, made of steatite

and bituminous stones' and found at Lagash(Tello) in Sumer.

"Images of human-headed bulls are found throughout Mesopotamian history. Several statuettes dating from the late third millennium BC show a bearded creature wearing the divine horned headdress, lying down with its head turned to the side. They have been found at various Sumerian sites, the majority from Telloh. “C.J.Gadd (quoted by Mackay 1931: I, 356 fn. 2) thought that the Sumerian bu1ls with trefoils are representations of the BuÌl-of Heaven(a Babylonian name for one of the constellations) and therefore the trefoils represent stars. The Bull of Heaven (GU4-AN-NA = ãlu) figures in the epic of Gilgamesh.(Parpola, opcit, p.28)

Crete. Cow-head rhython with trefoil decor.

1 G. Contenau, Manual d'archeologie orientale, II, Paris, 1931, p. 698-9.

2 ibid. and A. Evans, the Palace of Mines, II, 1928, p. 261

3 The Babylonian Legends of the Creation (Brit. Mus. 1931), p. 59; Antiquaries Journal, III, 1923, p.331

4 Evans, op cit. I, 1921, pp. 513-14

5 ibid. IV, 1935, p. 315

miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)

Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Munda) 

Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period, dating after 1900 BC. Credit Harappa.com

"Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period,dating after 1900 BC.The Late Harappan Period at Harappa is represented by the Cemetery H culture (190-1300 BC) which is named after the discovery of a large cemetery filled with painted burial urns and some extended inhumations. The earlier burials in this cemetery were laid out much like Harappan coffin burials, but in the later burials, adults were cremated and the bones placed in large urns (164). The change in burial customs represents a major shift in religion and can also be correlated to important changes in economic and political organization. Cemetery H pottery and related ceramics have been found throughout northern Pakistan, even as far north as Swat, where they mix with distinctive local traditions. In the east, numerous sites in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab provide evidence for the gradual expansion of settlements into this heavily forested region. One impetus for this expansion may have been the increasing use of rice and other summer (kharif) crops that could be grown using monsoon stimulated rains. Until late in the Harappan Period (after 2200 BC) the agricultural foundation of the Harappan cities was largely winter (rabi) crops that included wheat and barley. Although the Cemetery H culture encompassed a relatively large area, the trade connections with thewestern highlands began to break down as did the trade with the coast. Lapis lazuli and turquoise beads are rarely found in the settlements, and marine shell for ornaments and ritual objects gradually disappeared. On the other hand the technology of faience manufacture becomes more refined, possibly in order to compensate for the lack of raw materials such as shell, faience and possibly even carnelian." (Kenoyer in harappa.com slide description) http://www.harappa.com/indus2/162.html

Hieroglyph markhor, ram: mēṇḍha2 m. ʻ ram ʼ, °aka -- , mēṇḍa -- 4, miṇḍha -- 2, °aka -- , mēṭha -- 2, mēṇḍhra -- , mēḍhra -- 2, °aka -- m. lex. 2. *mēṇṭha- (mēṭha -- m. lex.). 3. *mējjha -- . [r -- forms (which are not attested in NIA.) are due to further sanskritization of a loan -- word prob. of Austro -- as. origin (EWA ii 682 with lit.) and perh. related to the group s.v. bhēḍra -- ]1. Pa. meṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, °aka -- ʻ made of a ram's horn (e.g. a bow) ʼ; Pk. meḍḍha -- , meṁḍha -- (°ḍhī -- f.), °ṁḍa -- , miṁḍha -- (°dhiā -- f.), °aga -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, Dm. Gaw. miṇ Kal.rumb. amŕn/aŕə ʻ sheep ʼ (a -- ?); Bshk. mināˊl ʻ ram ʼ; Tor. miṇḍ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍāˊl ʻ markhor ʼ; Chil. mindh*ll ʻ ram ʼ AO xviii 244 (dh!), Sv. yēṛo -- miṇ; Phal. miṇḍ, miṇ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍṓl m. ʻ yearling lamb, gimmer ʼ; P. mẽḍhā m.,°ḍhī f., ludh. mīḍḍhā, mī˜ḍhā m.; N. meṛho, meṛo ʻ ram for sacrifice ʼ; A. mersāg ʻ ram ʼ ( -- sāg < *chāgya -- ?), B. meṛā m., °ṛi f., Or. meṇḍhā, °ḍā m., °ḍhi f., H. meṛh, meṛhā, mẽḍhā m., G. mẽḍhɔ, M.mẽḍhā m., Si. mäḍayā.2. Pk. meṁṭhī -- f. ʻ sheep ʼ; H. meṭhā m. ʻ ram ʼ.3. H. mejhukā m. ʻ ram ʼ.A. also mer (phonet. mer) ʻ ram ʼ (CDIAL 10310). Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.)

Trefoil Hieroglyph-multiplex as three dotted circles: kolom 'three' Rebus: kole.l kanda 'temple fire-altar'. Alternative: kole.l धावड dhāvaḍa 'temple PLUS red ferrite ore smelter'.

Harry Burton photograph taken during the excavation of the tomb in 1922 in pharaoh's Antechamber, Treasury and Burial chamber.

Funeral couch of Tutankhamen (1336 BC - 1327 BCE) features cow with solar disc and inlay blue glass trefoils decorating the body. Said to represent Goddess Hathor.

"An inscription from The Book of the divine cow found in the Burial chamber alludes to its sacred function as a solar barque for bearing the pharaoh to the heavens...Hieroglyphs carved on the footboard promise the protection of Isis and the endurance of Osiris."http://www.kingtutexhibit.com/catalogs/tutankhamun_catalog.pdf

A suggestion: A dotted circle as dhAv 'strand' hieroglyph may be read rebus as: धाम 




[p= 514,3] m. pl. N. of a class of superhuman beings MBh.; abode (Samskrtam) This may explain the significance of three dotted circles (trefoil) on the couch of Tuutankhamun with damkom bull calves signified on the couch.




Evolution ḍha-, dha- in Brahmi script syllables are evocative of 'string' and 'circle, dotted circle' as may be seen from the following orthographic evidence of epigraphs dated from ca. 300 BCE:

Sumerian marble calf with inlaid trefoils of blue stone. From the late Uruk era, Jemdet Nasr cira 3300 - 2900 B.C.E 5.3 cm. long; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; Parpola, 1994, p. 213. Trefoil inlay decorated on a bull calf. Uruk (W.16017) ca. 3000 BCE. 

Trefoils are cut into stone surface and inlaid with lapis lazuli and carnelian. These are found on several small amulets from Sumer, having the shape of reclining bulls; they are from Uruk dated to te Jemdet Nasr period, ca. 3100-2900 BCE.

kõdā 'young bull calf' Rebus: kõdā 'turner-joiner' (forge); kundaṇa 'fine gold'.

damkom = a bull calf (Santali) Rebus: damha = a fireplace; dumhe = to heap, to collect together (Santali)

Trefoil Hieroglyph-multiplex as three dotted circles: kolom 'three' Rebus: kole.l  kanda 'temple fire-altar'. Alternative: kole.l धावड dhāvaḍa 'temple PLUS red ferrite ore smelter'.

पोतृ प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि सायण) RV. ब्राह्मण, Śrautasūtra, हरिवंश; N. of विष्णु (Monier-Williams) He wears a bead on a fillet. *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, puti, pũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1.(CDIAL 8403). The garment he wears is: Ta. potti garment of fibres, cloth. Ka. potti cloth. Te. potti bark, a baby's linen, a sort of linen cloth; pottika a small fine cloth; podugu a baby's linen. Kol. (SSTW) pot sari. Pa. bodgid a short loincloth. / Cf. Skt. potikā-, Pkt. potti-, pottiā-, etc.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 8400.(DEDR 4145) pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta -- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)]

1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, pōg ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150).
2. Pk. potta -- , ˚taga -- , ˚tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , ˚tiā -- , ˚tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. ˚tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. poto ʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. potn. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., ˚tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ.3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , ˚aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. potho m. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ.4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ.5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆ra, pucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.(CDIAL 8400)

वट [p= 914,3] m. (perhaps Prakrit for वृत , " surrounded , covered " ; cf. न्यग्-रोध) the Banyan or Indian fig. tree (Ficus Indica) MBh.Ka1v. &c RTL. 337 (also said to be n.); a pawn (in chess) L. (Monier-Williams) Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord,string; Turner, CDIAL, no. 11212. (CDIAL 5220)vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭi, vaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ. (CDIAL 11212).

See: https://tinyurl.com/y85goask Wealth of a nation...

Trefoil decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. Steatite statue fragment. Mohenjo-daro (Sd 767). After Ardeleanu-Jansen, 1989: 196, fig. 1; cf.  Parpola, 1994, p. 213. Trefoils painted on steatite beads. Harappa (After Vats. Pl. CXXXIII, Fig. 2) Trefoil on the shawl of the priest. Mohenjodaro. The discovery of the King Priest acclaimed by Sir John Marshall as “the finest piece of statuary that has been found at Moenjodaro….draped in an elaborate shawl with corded or rolled over edge, worn over the left shoulder and under the right arm. This shawl is decorated all over with a design of trefoils in relief interspersed occasionally with small circles, the interiors of which are filled with a red pigment “. Gold fillet with ‘standard device’ hieroglyph. Glyph ‘hole’: pottar, பொத்தல் pottal, n. < id. [Ka.poṭṭare, Ma. pottu, Tu.potre.] trika, a group of three (Skt.) The occurrence of a three-fold depiction on a trefoil may thus be a phonetic determinant, a suffix to potṛ  as in potṛka.

Rebus reading of the hieroglyph: potti ‘temple-priest’ (Ma.)  potR `" Purifier "'N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman), यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि (Vedic) Rebus reading is: potri ‘priest’; poTri ‘worship, venerate’. Language is Meluhha (Mleccha) an integral component of Indian sprachbund (linguistic area or language union). The trefoil is decoded and read as: potr(i).

Steatite statue fragment; Mohenjodaro (Sd 767); trefoil-decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989: 196, fig. 1; Parpola, 1994, p. 213.

Figure 6.7 Ardeleanu-Jansen’s reconstruction of the Priest King (after Ardeleanu-ansen 1991) 
"Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro. Fillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress. Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object.Material: white, low fired steatite 

Seated Man L-950 is Priest-King DK-1909, Bearded Man HR-910 Figure 6.6

Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm widthMohenjo-daro, DK 1909National Museum, Karachi, 50.852Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII" (Jonathan Mark Kenoyer) https://www.harappa.com/slide/priest-king-mohenjo-daro  

The Bactrian vase shows floating figures of seated men wearing tārpya garment which signifies the seated men to be manes. The presence of a fire-altar and an octagonal pillar in Binjor (Anupgarh) on the banks of River Sarasvati signifies the performance of a yajna. The presence of a seal with Indus Script signifying metalwork catalogues, wealth-accounting ledger attests to this archaeological site to be a Veda cultural site of ca. 2500 BCE. (तृपा  f. N. of a plant (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण v , 3 , 5 , 20 Sāyaṇa) The priests shown on the Bactrian vase are 'floating figuress' because they were the Sky Garment of Varuṇa. तार्प्य n. a garment made of a particular vegetable substance (तृपा Sa1y. on S3Br. ) AV. xviii , 4 , 31 (°प्य्/अ)(तैत्तिरीय-संहिता ii, तैत्तिरी,य-ब्राह्मण i , iii शतपथ-ब्राह्मण v , 3 , 5 , 20,ताण्ड्य-ब्राह्मण xxi, कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र xv, शाङ्खायन-श्रौत-सूत्र.) The term tarpa is associated with sackcloth and boat.The verb tarpayati signifies offeering of an oblation to divinities or manes. tarpáyati ʻ satisfies, gladdens ʼ RV. [√tr̥p] Pk. tappēi ʻ gladdens ʼ; H. tapānā ʻ to present a libation to the gods or manes ʼ, tapāwan m. ʻ libation ʼ.(CDIAL 5728)  *tarpa1 ʻ matting, sacking ʼ. [Cf. tálpa -- 1 m. ʻ bed (i.e. framework with woven string?) ʼ AV., ʻ seat of a carriage ʼ MBh.: same as *tarpa -- 2?] N. ṭāpo ʻ basket to carry poultry in ʼ, Bi. ṭāp, ˚pā, ˚pī; Mth. ṭāpī ʻ bamboo fishing net ʼ, Bhoj. ṭāpā; H. ṭāp, ˚pā m. ʻ bamboo trap for fish ʼ. -- Ext. -- ḍ -- : S. ṭrapaṛu m. ʻ sackcloth ʼ; L. trappaṛ m. ʻ mat, cloth of goat's or camel's hair ʼ; P. tappaṛ m. ʻ coarse cloth of goat's hair ʼ; G. tāpṛũ ʻ coarse jute cloth ʼ; -- -- r -- : S. ṭrapura f. ʻ saddlecloth ʼ; P. ṭappar m. ʻ sackcloth, mat ʼ, ṭapparā m., ˚rī f. ʻ thatch, shed ʼ; WPah. (Joshi) ṭaprī f. ʻ hut ʼ; Ku. ṭapariyo ʻ hut ʼ, ṭaparyūṇo ʻ to thatch, roof ʼ; N. ṭaparo ʻ plate made of leaves ʼ; H. ṭāprā m. ʻ thatch, thatched house ʼ; M. ṭāpar f. ʻ muffler ʼ.Addenda: *tarpa -- 1 [tálpa -- 1 in talpaśīˊvan -- RV.] WPah.Wkc. ṭapre f. ʻ hut ʼ, J. ṭaprī f. (CDIAL 5725)*tarpa2 ʻ raft ʼ. [Cf. talpa -- 2 m. ʻ raft ʼ lex.: perh. same as *tarpa -- 1 i.e. ʻ a raft of interwoven or crossed timbers ʼ]Periplus tra/ppaga n. pl. ʻ rafts ʼ; Pk. tappa -- m.n. ʻ small boat ʼ; G. trāpɔ, tarāpɔ m. ʻ raft of crossed timbers ʼ; M. tāpā, tāphā m. ʻ float or raft of timbers tied together ʼ (tarāphā m. ʻ larger do. ʼ ← G.). (CDIAL 5726)

“Ardeeeleanu-Jansen’s Reconstruction. Ardeleanu-Jansen has recreated an interesting reconstruction of the priest-king as a statue of a seated man with his left leg raised and bent at the knee (Figure 6.7). This is a posture assumed by other statuary found at Mohenjo-daro; one of which I have named the ‘Seated Man’, another, the ‘Sad Man’, as well as figures from Bactria (Figure 6.8). Parpola's thoughts. A. Parpola attempts to demonstrate that the robe of the priest-king is something called the tārpya, found in Vedic ritual and said to be the garment of the divine king Varuna. Parpola postulates that this statue is a representation of a seated deity, which had an elaborate, changeable headdress of the type he proposes is found on the Mahayogi seal...The Seated Man (L-950). A headless seated male statue made of gray alabaster was found by Mackay at L Area on the southern half of the mound of the Great Bath. It has been attributed to the Late Period (Figure 6.5)…This is the one statue from Mohenjo-daro that clearly is seated and costumed in the same manner as those seen in Bactrian art (Figure 8), and the pose has been proposed by Ardeleanu-Jansen for the priest-king. This admits the possibility that the Mohenjo-daro representations are of Bactrians. The men on the Bactrian vase are ‘floating’ in the sky above other men behind plows being pulled by Bos Taurus, not the Indian zebu. Everyone looks perfectly at home. Of course, the dress could be Harappan and the Bactrian vase could represent ‘Harappans’ floating in the sky above the plowmen. But nowhere else in the art of the Mature Harappan do we find this form of dress, so the balance tips a bit toward the notion that the Seated Man from L Area, and the priest-king, if Ardeleanu-Jansen is correct, represent Bactrians at Mohenjo-daro in the Late Period there. This might be late enough to somehow figure in the contacts between the Indus Civilization and the Bactria-Margiana-Archaeological Complex, and the Middle Asian Interaction sphere.” (Gregory L. Possehl, 2002,The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective, Rowman Altamira, 11-Nov-2002, pp.115-116). 
See:Parpola, Asko, 1985. The Sky-Garment: A study of the Harappan religion and its relation to the Mesopotamian and later Indian religions. (Studia Orientalia 57.) Helsinki: The Finnish Oriental Society. 25 cm, 216 pp. + 35 figs.

https://www.academia.edu/18966478/Parpola_Asko_1985._The_Sky-Garment_A_study_of_the_Harappan_religion_and_its_relation_to_the_Mesopotamian_and_later_Indian_religions._Studia_Orientalia_57._Helsinki_The_Finnish_Oriental_Society._25_cm_216_pp._35_figs

Potr̥, 'purifier priest', धावड dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter' is paṭel 'headman' of metalworkers' guild 

https://tinyurl.com/y2287ve9

-- Headband and shoulderband of Mohenjo-daro worn by the Mohenjo-daro priest are the Indus Script hypertexts to signify धावड dhāvaḍa  'iron smelter'; the cloth he wears yields the signifier Potr̥, 'pufifier priest'. धावड dhāvaḍa, an iron smelter is a purifier of the ferrite mineral ores.

-- The bands are insignia of leaderhip in a community: paṭṭakila m. ʻ tenant of royal land ʼ Vet. -- . [*paṭṭakin: paṭṭa -- 1]Pk. paṭṭaïl(l)a -- m. ʻ village headman ʼ; G. paṭel m. ʻ hereditary headman ʼ (whence paṭlāṇi f. ʻ his wife ʼ); OM. pāṭaïlu, M. pāṭel, ˚ṭīl m. ʻ village headman ʼ.(CDIAL 7703). The bands are: paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra -- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng. fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93]Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, ˚ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ;  Si. paṭa ʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ(CDIAL 7700). நெற்றிப்பட்டம் neṟṟi-p-paṭṭam, n. < id. +. Thin plate of metal worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; நுதலி லணியும் பட்டம். (W.) 

பட்டம்² paṭṭam, n. < paṭṭa. 1. Plate of gold worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; சிறப்புக்கு அறிகுறியாக நெற்றி யிலணியும் பொற்றகடு. பட்டமுங் குழையு மின்ன (சீவக. 472). 2. An ornament worn on the forehead by women; மாதர் நுதலணி. பட்டங் கட்டிப்பொற்றோடு பெய்து (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 6). 3. Title, appellation of dignity, title of office; பட்டப்பெயர். பட்டமும் பசும்பொற் பூணும் பரந்து (சீவக. 112). 4. Regency; reign; ஆட்சி. 5. Fasteners, metal clasp; சட்டங்களை இணைக்க உதவும் தகடு. ஆணிகளும் பட்டங்களுமாகிய பரிய இரும்பாலேகட்டி (நெடுநல். 80, உரை). High position; உயர் பதவி. (பிங்.)Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop (DEDR 3865)

-- Thus, the leadership is of a metalworkers' guild.

Fired steatite beads appear to have been extremely important to the Indus people because they were incorporated into exquisite ornaments, such as this "eye bead" made of gold with steatite inlay found in 1995 at Harappa [Harappa Phase].https://www.harappa.com/indus2/121.html dhāī  'wisp of fibre' ties the golden bead on the head and on the shoulder of the priest statue at Mohenjo-daro. This word together with 'dotted circle' hypertext yields the expression धावड dhāvaḍa  'iron smelter'.

The central ornament worn on the forehead of the famous "priest-king" sculpture from Mohenjo-daro appears to represent an eye bead, possibly made of gold with steatite inlay in the center. 
https://www.harappa.com/indus2/122.html

Golden disk on headband and shoulderband of Mohenjo-daro Potr̥, 'pufifier priest' प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. ) RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv.

The dotted circle signifies that the purifier is a smelter. धावड dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron.धावडी dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. The word धावड is an expression composed of two hieroglyphs: dhāī 'dot' and vaṭṭa.'circle'. Thus together read  धावड which yields rebus Meluhha meaning: smelter of iron.

Hieroglyph: circle: vaṭṭa.: वृत्त [p= 1009,2] mfn. turned , set in motion (as a wheel) RV.; a circle; vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1] 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊk, waḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?(CDIAL 12069) வட்டம்போர் vaṭṭam-pōr, n. < வட்டு +. Dice-play; சூதுபோர். (தொல். எழுத். 418, இளம்பூ.)வட்டச்சொச்சவியாபாரம் vaṭṭa-c-cocca-viyāpāram, n. < id. + சொச்சம் +. Money-changer's trade; நாணயமாற்று முதலிய தொழில். Pond. வட்டமணியம் vaṭṭa-maṇiyam, n. < வட் டம் +. The office of revenue collection in a division; வட்டத்து ஊர்களில் வரிவசூலிக்கும் வேலை. (R. T.) వట్ట (p. 1123) vaṭṭa  [Tel.] n. The bar that turns the centre post of a sugar mill. చెరుకుగానుగ రోటినడిమిరోకలికివేయు అడ్డమాను. వట్టకాయలు or వట్టలు vaṭṭa-kāyalu. n. plu. The testicles. వృషణములు, బీజములు. వట్టలుకొట్టు to castrate. lit: to strike the (bullock's) stones, (which are crushed with a mallet, not cut out.) వట్ర (p. 1123) vaṭra or వట్రన vaṭra. [from Skt. వర్తులము.] n. Roundness. నర్తులము, గుండ్రన. వట్ర. వట్రని or వట్రముగానుండే adj. Round. గుండ్రని.

Hieroglyph: dhāī strand or wisp: dot or one in dice throw: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻrelic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) दाय 1 [p= 474,2] dāya n. game , play Pan5cad.; mfn. ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 139 ; 141) giving , presenting (cf. शत- , गो-); m. handing over , delivery Mn. viii , 165 (Monier-Williams) தாயம் tāyam :Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. (Tamil)

Semantics of the purifier are reinforced by the cloth shawl worn by the Mohenjo-daro priest embroidered with trefoil symbols:

pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta-- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)] 1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, pōg ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150). 2. Pk. potta -- , ˚taga -- , ˚tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , ˚tiā -- , ˚tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. ˚tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. poto ʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. pot n. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., ˚tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M. pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ.3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , ˚aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. pothom. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ.
4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ.5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆ra, pucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.(CDIAL 8400)

Glyph ‘hole’: pottar, பொத்தல் pottal, n. < id. [Ka.poṭṭare, Ma. pottu, Tu.potre.] trika, a group of three (Skt.) The occurrence of a three-fold depiction on a trefoil may thus be a phonetic determinant, a suffix to potṛ  as in potṛka.

Rebus reading of the hieroglyph: potti ‘temple-priest’ (Ma.)

Marathi has a cognate in पोतदार [pōtadāra] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. पोतृ पु० पुनाति पु--तृन् । ऋत्विग्मेदे अच्छावाकशब्दे ८५ पृ० दृश्यम् । होत्रादिशब्देन द्वन्द्वे ऋत आत् । पोताहोतारौ ।

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्  

पोता, [ऋ] पुं, (पुनातीति । पू + “नप्तृनेष्टृ-त्वष्टृहोतृपोतृभ्रातृजामातृमातृपितृदुहितृ ।”उणा० २ । ९६ । इति तृन्प्रत्ययेन निपात्यते ।) विष्णुः । इति संक्षिप्तसारोणादिवृत्तिः ॥ऋत्विक् । इति भूरिप्रयोगः ॥ (यथा, ऋग्वेदे ।४ । ९ । ३ ।“स सद्म परि णीयते होता मन्द्रो दिविष्टिषु ।उत पोता नि षीदति ॥”)

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. )

 RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. N. of विष्णु L. पौत्र, पोत्री f. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री). pōtṛ

पोतृ m. One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). पोत्रम् [पू-त्र] The office of the Potṛi. ब्रह्मन् m. one of the 4 principal priests or ऋत्विज्as (the other three being the होतृ , अध्वर्यु and उद्गातृ ; the ब्रह्मन् was the most learned of them and was required to know the 3 वेदs , to supervise the sacrifice and to set right mistakes ; at a later period his functions were based especially on the अथर्व-वेद) RV. &c होतृ m. (fr. √1. हु) an offerer of an oblation or burnt-offering (with fire) , sacrificer , priest , (esp.) a priest who at a sacrifice invokes the gods or recites the ऋग्-वेद , a ऋग्-वेद priest (one of the 4 kinds of officiating priest »ऋत्विज् , p.224; properly the होतृ priest has 3 assistants , sometimes called पुरुषs , viz. the मैत्रा-वरुण , अच्छा-वाक, and ग्रावस्तुत् ; to these are sometimes added three others , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र or अग्नीध् , and पोतृ , though these last are properly assigned to the Brahman priest ; sometimes the नेष्टृ is substituted for the ग्राव-स्तुत्) RV.&c नेष्टृ  m. (prob. fr. √ नी aor. stem नेष् ; but cf. Pa1n2. 3-2 , 135 Va1rtt. 2 &c ) one of the chief officiating priests at aसोम sacrifice , he who leads forward the wife of the sacrificer and prepares the सुरा (त्वष्टृ so called RV. i , 15 , 3) RV. Br. S3rS. &c अध्वर्यु m. one who institutes an अध्वर any officiating priest a priest of a particular class (as distinguished from the होतृ , the उद्गातृ , and the ब्रह्मन् classes. The अध्वर्युpriests " had to measure the ground , to build the altar , to prepare the sacrificial vessels , to fetch wood and water , to light the fire , to bring the animal and immolate it " ; whilst engaged in these duties , they had to repeat the hymns of the यजुर्-वेद , hence that वेद itself is also called अध्वर्यु)pl. (अध्वर्यवस्) the adherents of the यजुर्-वेद; उद्-गातृ m. one of the four chief-priests (viz. the one who chants the hymns of the सामवेद) , a chanterRV. ii , 43 , 2 TS. AitBr. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. Sus3r. Mn. &c 

अच्छा-वाकm. " the inviter " , title of a particular priest or ऋत्विज् , one of the sixteen required to perform the great sacrifices with the सोम juice. ग्रावन् m. a stone for pressing out the सोम (originally 2 were used RV. ii , 39 , 1 ; later on 4 [ S3a1n3khBr.xxix , 1] or 5 [Sch. on S3Br. &c ]) RV. AV. VS. S3Br.= ग्राव-स्त्/उत् Hariv. 11363

pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√pū]Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, puti, pũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá --(CDIAL 8403) pōtana पोतन a. 1 Sacred, holy. -2 Purifying.

Hence the importance of the office of Potr̥, 'Rigvedic priest of a yajna' signified as 'purifier', an assayer of dhāˊtu 'minerals.

I suggest that this fillet (dotted circle with a connecting strand or tape is the hieroglyph which signifies धातु (Rigveda) dhāu (Prakrtam) 'a strand' rebus: element, mineral ore. This hieroglyph signifies the पोतृ,'purifier' priest of dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters' of dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/priest-of-dhavad-iron-smelters-with.html Orthography of the 'dotted circle' is representation of a single strand: dhāu rebus: dhāū 'red stone minerals. 

It is this signifier which occurs in the orthography of the dotted circle hieroglyph-multiplex on early punch-marked coins of Magadha -- a proclamation of the dhāū 'element, mineral ores' used in the Magadha mint. On one Silver Satamana punch-marked coin of Gandhara septa-radiate or, seven strands emerge from the dotted circle signifying the use in the mint of सप्त--धातु 'seven mineral ores'.

Sargon leads the victory procession.

http://sumerianshakespeare.com/56801/237601.html
Inlay panel from the soundbox of lyre.from Ur, c. 2600 B.C.E Gold, lapis lazuli, shell and bitumen

tambura 'lyre' Rebus: tam(b)ra 'copper' Alternative: khara 'onager', kora 'harp' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'

barad, barat 'bull' Rebus: bharata, baran 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'

kola 'tiger, jackal' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'

Ur lyre. Mosaic panel (the Royal Standard of Ur) from Ur, ca. 2450 BCE (Rasid 1984: 45. Abb. 12, Woolley 1934: pl.91). Plate XXXIV Fig.2

The association of 'harp' with a one-horned young bull is seen on this frieze from Ur.  kundār ‘young bull' rebus: kundār ‘turner’ kundaṇa 'fine gold'; kora 'harp' rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith'. 

16. Statue of the goddess holding the flowing vase from the Mari palace, Old Babylonian period.

Aleppo: National Museum. Photo Credit: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY.

17. The painted faux marbre podium with an outer frame of running spirals from Room 64, the throne room suite of the Mari palace, Old Babylonian period.

From Parrot, “Peintures du palais de Mari,” pl. 37/1.(False marble podium)

7. Drawing of the central panel of the “investiture” painting from the palace at Mari. From Parrot, Peintures murales, pl. XI.Courtesy Mission archéologique française de Mari, Parrot. 

https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/art-and-immortality-in-the-ancient-near-east/investiture-painting-from-mari/D5D4E5AF1242671F2610AD3341E74C8F/core-readerfonds 

Below, a modern artist's (Balage of Hungary) interpretation of the Mari wall mural fully restored. White doves were associated with the goddess Ishtar. The bull's horns are on of their helmets or crowns. Apparently the king of Mari is conversing with a priestess of Ishtar about an oracle while she feeds Ishtar's doves, a court harpist looks on and a blind (?) beggar calls out for alms.

http://www.bibleorigins.net/CherubimMariMural.html 

Mari Mural -- Investiture of Zimri-Lim; attempts at reconstruction of the badly preserved present form

Below, a line-drawing showing the above mural in its badly preserved present form.

Note: The uppermost register shows Ishtar, one foot on a lion's back, bestowing symbols of rulership on Mari's king, so this is an investiture scene. Mesopotamian myths have kings being made to supervise mankind in the providing of life's necessities for the gods: food, shelter and clothing. Man will also maintain irrigation canals to provide water for the gods' city-gardens which possess fruit trees, vegetables and grain. Akkadian Ishtar is the Sumerian Inanna, and one of her Sumerian epithets was nin edin "the lady of edin." Her husband Dumuzi was mulu edin "the lord of edin." In one myth she descends to the earth with her brother Utu the sun-god to eat of various trees to acquire knowledge, sexual knowledge, in order to fulfill her conjugal duties with her husband Dumuzi

Below, a closeup of a drawing showing a deity holding a pot from which arises a seedling palm tree (?) and four streams of water

Notes: तार्प्य n. a garment made of a particular vegetable substance (तृपा सायण. on शतपथ-ब्राह्मण ) अथर्व-वेद. xviii , 4 , 31 (°प्य्/अ) अथर्व-वेद xviii , 4 , 31 (°प्य्/अ) तैत्तिरीय-संहिता. ii तैत्तिरीय-ब्राह्मण. i , iii शतपथ-ब्राह्मण. v , 3 , 5 , 20 ताण्ड्य-ब्राह्मण. xxi कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र. xv शाङ्खायन-श्रौत-सूत्र. AV XVIII.4.31 [1800431] On thee doth Savitar the God bestow this vesture for thy wear. [p. 204] Clothe thee herein, and find meet robe in Yama's realm to cover thee.

तृपा f. N. of a plant  शतपथ-ब्राह्मण. v , 3 , 5 , 20 सायण.

   پند pand, s.m. (2nd) Science, skill, sagacity, art, stratagem, cunning. 2. Distance, remoteness, farness. 3. (P) Advice, counsel, admonition. Pl. پندونه pandūnah. پند آخستل pand āḵẖistal, verb trans. To take advice, to take counsel. پند ورکول pand war-kawul, verb trans. To give advice, to admonish.(Pashto) panḍa 1 पंड । तीर्थपुरोहितः m. a minister or priest who officiates at a Hindū sacred place, and lives upon the offerings of pilgrims.(Kashmiri)

पाण्ड्व n. an uncoloured woollen garment (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण); pāṇḍvam पाण़्ड्वम् An uncoloured woollen garment. (Apte) Rebus: பாண்டுகம்பளம் pāṇṭu-kampaḷam, n. < pāṇḍu-ḳampala. (Buddh.) Indra's throne of marble; இந்திரன் ஆசனம். இந்திரன் பாண்டு கம்பளந் துளக்கிய
தாதலின் (மணி. 14, 29).  Paṇḍu (adj.) [cp. Ved. pāṇḍu, palita, pāṭala (pale -- red); Gr. pelitno/s, pello/s, po/lios (grey); Lat. palleo (to be pale), pullus (grey); Lith. patvas (pale -- yellow), pilkas (grey); Ohg. falo (pale, yellowish, withered); E. pale] pale -- red or yellow, reddish, light yellow, grey; only at Th 2, 79 (kisā paṇḍu vivaṇṇā), where paṇḍu represents the usual up -- paṇḍ' -- uppaṇḍuka -- jātā: "thin, pale and colourless" see ThA 80). Otherwise only in cpds., e. g.-- kambala a light red blanket, orange -- coloured cloth S i.64 (=ratta -- kambala C.); A i.181; Sn 689 (=ratta SnA 487); also a kind of ornamental stone, Sakka's throne (p. -- k. -- silā) is made of it J i.330; ii.93; ii.53, (˚silāsana); v.92 (id.); Pv ii.9⁶⁰ (˚silā=p. -- k -- nāmaka sīlāsana PvA 138); VvA 110 (id.); KhA 122 (˚varāsana); DhA i.17 (˚silāsana).(Pali)

  2770 kambara ʻ variegated ʼ. [See karbará -- ]S. kamiro ʻ spotted, variegated ʼ, Si. kam̆buru. 2882 karbará ʻ spotted, variegated ʼ lex. [Cf. karburá -- , kambara -- , *karbiśa -- , śabála -- which with karbu -- , śabara -- , śárvara -- are from an Austro -- as. word -- group with various prefixes EWA i 175]Pk. kabbara -- ; S. kaḇiro ʻ spotted ʼ, kaḇari f. ʻ a species of jay ʼ; P. kabrā ʻ variegated dirty white, grey -- eyed ʼ; Or. kabara, ˚arā, ˚aḷā ʻ variegated ʼ, Aw. lakh. kabrā; H. kābar, kabrā ʻ speckled, grey ʼ, m. ʻ mixture of sand and clay ʼ; G. kābrũ, ˚briyũ ʻ spotted ʼ, kābrī f. ʻ seed of safflower plant ʼ, kābar -- citrũ ʻ particoloured ʼ; M. kabrā ʻ spotted ʼ; Si. kabara ʻ scrofulous skin outbreak ʼ, kabarā (= kabara -- goyā) ʻ a large spotted lizard, Hydrosaurus salvator ʼ, kabar -- ran̆ga ʻ spotted ʼ.

   2771 kambalá1 m.n. ʻ woollen blanket or upper garment ʼ AV., ˚laka -- m. ʻ a woollen cloth ʼ Suśr., ˚likā -- f. Pāṇ. [If ← Austro -- as. (EWA i 161 with lit) perh. cf. also ámbara -- , in Pa. once ambala -- ]
Pa. kambala -- m.n., ˚līya -- n. ʻ woollen stuff, garment or blanket ʼ; Pk. kaṁbala -- m.n. ʻ woollen blanket ʼ, Sh. kămălŭ m., K. kamȧli f., S. kamari f.; L. kammal f. ʻ fine blanket ʼ; P. kammal, ˚mlī, kambal, ˚blī f. ʻ coarse blanket ʼ (→ H. kambal, kammal m. ʻ blanket ʼ, kamlī f. ʻ small do. ʼ, Aw. kãbarī, Bhoj. kamarā, ˚rī, Mth. kammal, ˚ar, kamari, kamariā, Bi. kammal, ˚ar, kamrā, ˚rī, ˚riyā, B. kambal), WPah. bhad. kammal n., jaun. kāmaḍ (LSI = -- ḷ?), kāmo, Ku. kāmlo, gng. kã̄maw, kã̄malo, N. kāmlo, A. kāmali, Or. kambaḷa; G. kã̄bḷɔ m., ˚ḷī f. ʻ loosely woven woollen stuff ʼ, kāmaḷi, kāmḷī f., ˚ḷɔ m. ʻ blanket ʼ (early ← NW kammal -- ); M. kã̄bḷi f. ʻ coarse woollen stuff ʼ, ˚ḷẽ n. ʻ depreciative term for prec. ʼ, ˚ḷā m. ʻ coarse blanket of two breadths ʼ, kãbḷī f. ʻ a poor flimsy blanket (← H.?); Si. kam̆bala ʻ woollen clothing ʼ.
kambalin -- .
Addenda: kambalá -- 1: WPah.kṭg. (kc.) kambəl m. ʻ blanket ʼ (← H.), J. kāmmaḷ; Garh. kāmḷu ʻ rug ʼ; Md. kanbaḷi ʻ blanket, sheep ʼ (or ← M. G. kã̄bḷī).

पाण्ड्व m. pl. N. of a people in मध्य-देश (v.r. for पाण्डु and °ड्य)(वराह-मिहिर);पाण्डु (mfn. ( √पण्ड्?) yellowish white , white , pale (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण, MBh. Ka1v. &c). पाण्ड्याः   pāṇḍyāḥ पाण्ड्याः m. (pl.) N. of a country and its inhabitants; तस्यामेव रघोः पाण्ड्याः प्रतापं न विषेहिरे R.4.49. -ण्ड्यः A king of that country; पाण्ड्यो$यमंसार्पितलम्बहारः R.6.6. (Apte)  பாண்டியன் pāṇṭiyaṉ, n. < pāṇḍya. King of the ancient Pāṇḍya country; பாண்டியநாட்டு வேந்தன். (சிலப். 17, 5.) పాండ్యము  or పాండ్యదేశము pānḍyamu. [Skt.] n. A country in the Southern part of the Indian peninsula, comprehending the districts of Madura and Tinnevelly. పాండీడు pānḍ-īḍu. n. A king of the Pānḍya country. పాండ్యదేశపురాజు. Rebus: 

पंड्या   paṇḍyā m ( H) A tribe of Hindustání Bráhmans or an individual of it. (Marathi)
पांड्या   pāṇḍyā m A half-grown tiger. 2 A village-officer. He is employed in the customs &c. The term is understood by Shúdras of the कुळकरणी. 3 ( H) A title of Bráhmans of the पंचगौड division (Hindustání Bráhmans); the भट or family or personal priest amongst the भय्या or पर- देशी people. (Marathi)

पाण्डु   pāṇḍu पाण्डु a. Pale-white, whitish, pale, yellowish; यथा पाण्ड्वाविकम् Bṛi. Up.2.3.6; विकलकरणः पाण्डुच्छायः शुचा परिदुर्बलः U.3.22. -ण्डुः 1 The pale-white or yellowish-white colour. -2 Jaundice. -3 A white elephant. -4 N. of the father of the Pāṇḍavas. [He was begotten by Vyāsa on Ambālikā, one of the widows of Vichi- travīrya. He was called Pāṇḍu, because he was born pale (पाण्डु) by reason of his mother having become quite pale with fear when in private with the sage Vyāsa; (यस्मात् पाण्डुत्वमापन्ना विरूपं प्रेक्ष्य मामिह । तस्मादेव सुतस्ते वै पाण्डुरेव भविष्यति Mb.) He was prevented by a curse from having progeny himself; so he allowed his first wife Kuntī to make use of a charm she had acquired from Durvāsas for the birth of sons. She gave birth to Yudhiṣṭhira, Bhīma and Arjuna; and Mādrī, his other wife, by the use of the same charm, gave birth to Nakula and Sahadeva. One day Pāṇdu forgot the curse under which he was labouring, and made bold to embrace Mādrī, but he fell immediately dead in her arms.] -Comp. -आमयः jaundice. -कम्बलः 1 a white blanket. -2 a warm upper garment. -3 the housing of a royal elephant. -4 A kind of stone. -कम्बलिन् m. 1 a carriage covered with a woollen blanket. -2 the housings of a royal elephant. -पुत्रः a son of Pāṇḍu, any one of the five Pāṇḍavas. -पृष्ठ a. 'white-backed', having no auspicious marks on the body, one from whom nothing great is to be expected. -भावः Becoming yellowish white, pale; न कलङ्कानुगमो न पाण्डुभावः Bv.2.1. -भूमः a region full of chalky soil. -मृत्तिका 1 white or pale soil. -2 the opal. -मृद् f. chalk. -रङ्गः N. of a god (at Pandharpur), Viṭṭhala. -रागः whiteness, pallor. -रोगः jaundice. -लेखः a sketch made with chalk; a rough draft or sketch made on the ground, board &c.; पाण्डुलेखेन फलके भूमौ वा प्रथमं लिखेत् । न्यूनाधिकं तु संशोध्य पश्चात् पत्रे निवेशयेत् ॥ Vyāsa. -लोहम् silver; पाण्डुलोहशृङ्खलात्मना मया पादपद्मयोर्युगलं तव निगडयित्वा Dk.1. -वर्ण a. White. -शर्करा light-coloured gravel (प्रमेहभेद). -शर्मिला an epithet of Draupadī. -सोपाकः N. of a mixed tribe; चाण्डालात् पाण्डुसोपाकस्त्वक्सार- व्यवहारवान् Ms.1.37; Mb.13.48.26. (Apte)

   8047 pāˊṇḍara ʻ whitish -- yellow, yellow, pale, white ʼ ŚBr. 2. pāṇḍurá -- R. [pāṇḍú -- ]1. Pa. paṇḍara -- ʻ white, pale, yellowish ʼ; Pk. paṁḍara<-> ʻ white ʼ; Gy. pal. pnáră, pránă ʻ white, snow, lime ʼ; Tir. parána ʻ white ʼ, Bshk. p*lṇar, p*lna, Chil. p*lnaro, Mai. panara obl., Sv. parãṛó, Phal. paṇāˊru, f. ˚ṇḗri (paṇḗri ʻ white of the eye ʼ); Or. pāṇḍarā ʻ yellowish -- white, grey ʼ, dial. paṇḍarā ʻ white ʼ; H. pã̄ḍrā m. ʻ species of sugarcane ʼ, pã̄ḍrī f. ʻ white chalky soil ʼ; Si. pan̆ḍara, pan̆ḍuru ʻ whitish, yellow, white lotus ʼ.
2. Pk. paṁḍura -- , ˚raya -- , ˚ria -- ʻ white ʼ, Or. pāṇḍurā; M. pã̄ḍhar f. ʻ white soil ʼ, pã̄ḍhrā ʻ white ʼ, pã̄ḍhurkā ʻ whitish ʼ.

   8048 pāṇḍava m. pl. ʻ the five sons of Pāṇḍu ʼ MBh.
Pk. paṁḍava -- m.; Ash. panáu, panaũ ʻ name of a god ʼ, Kt. pāneu, Pr. paṇə́, (Raverty) "pándú"; Wg. paṇāˊ ʻ name of seven divine brothers ʼ; S. pānaü m. ʻ a brave man ʼ.
*pāṇḍavagrāma -- .

   8049 *pāṇḍavagrāma ʻ village of the Pāṇḍavas ʼ. [pāṇ- ḍava -- , grāˊma -- ]
Dm. Panagram ʻ name of the principal village in the Damel valley ʼ NTS xii 116, 128.

   8050 *pāṇḍaśa ʻ yellowish ʼ. [~ pāˊṇḍara -- : cf. *dhūmaśa- ~ dhūmara -- . -- pāṇḍú -- ]
Wg. ãdotdot; ʻ grey ʼ.

   2753 kapṓta m. ʻ pigeon, dove ʼ RV., ˚aka -- m. ʻ small do. ʼ MBh.
Pa. kapōta -- m., ˚tī -- f. ʻ pigeon ʼ, ˚taka -- m., ˚tikā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ, Aś. kapota -- m., Pk. kavōya -- , ˚ōḍa -- m., Ḍ. kaū m., Ash. kewīˊk, Kt. kawéki, Pr. kowroṭīˊ, Paš. kawayāˊ, Kal. rumb. kohṓu obl. ˚hṓlūna, urt. kɔhɔ́̄r, Kho. kowór; L. P. kovī m. ʻ small dove ʼ, P. kgr. kuvī m.; Si. (DhpAGp. 18832) kovo -- , ˚vu -- ʻ dove ʼ, kobō (b due to Tam. influence? H. Smith JA 1950, 188). -- Early loan from Ir. in Wg. kuptə ʻ white dove ʼ, Gaw. kōpotá ʻ pigeon ʼ Morgenstierne BSOS viii 668.
*kapōtra -- , kāˊpōta -- .
Addenda: kapṓta -- [Cf. Ir. Shgh. čibůd ʻ pigeon ʼ < *kapauta -- ]

   2754 *kapōtra ʻ pigeon ʼ. [Cf. Pahl. kapōtar: kapṓta -- ]
K. kōtur, dat. ˚taras m. ʻ pigeon, dove ʼ; -- prob. ← Psht. kautar.
Addenda: *kapōtra -- : Md. kotaru ʻ pigeon ʼ ← Ir.?

   

paṇḍuā kābatā 'a king of big dove': pāṇḍú ʻ white, yellowish, pale ʼ ŚBr. 2. *paṇḍra -- 2. 3. *paḍḍa -- . [These variants, together with puṇḍra -- 1 and puṇḍárīka -- point to non -- Aryan origin: prob. with PMWS 91 ← Mu.]
1. Pa. paṇḍu -- ʻ yellowish, reddish ʼ; Pk. paṁḍu<-> ʻ whitish yellow, white ʼ; Gy. eur. parno ʻ white ʼ, SEeur. pai̦no, germ. pārni ʻ chalk ʼ; P. pã̄ḍū m. ʻ white clay mixed with water and used by children for writing on wooden tablets ʼ; Or. paṇḍu ʻ yellowish, brown ʼ, paṇḍuā kābatā ʻ a kind of big dove ʼ, (Sambhalpur) paṇḍiā ʻ grey ʼ; Si. pan̆ḍu ʻ whitish, yellow ʼ. -- Ext. -- ll -- : Pk. paṁḍullaïya -- ʻ white ʼ, Si. pän̆ḍili ʻ white, whiteness ʼ, päḍili ʻ white ʼ.
2. K. pronu ʻ white, pure, clean ʼ, pranun ʻ to become white ʼ (Morgenstierne FestskrBroch 149 < *pandra -- ).3. Pk. paḍḍa -- ʻ white ʼ.
pāˊṇḍara -- , *pāṇḍaśa -- , pāṇḍurá -- .pāṇḍurá -- see pāˊṇḍara -- .
Addenda: pāṇḍú -- [< IE. *pondu -- T. Burrow, BSOAS xxxviii 55 with Sk. ā (or dial. a in *paṇḍra -- 2) < IE. o]Md. fan̆ḍu ʻ dim, pale, faded ʼ.(CDIAL 8051)

Gudea 
Gudea, the true shepherd, “had everything function as it should in his city . . . He had debts remitted and made all hands clear. . . He opened manacles, removed fetters. . . He undid the tongue of the goad and the whip, replacing them with wool from lamb-bearing sheep. . . He locked up those guilty of capital offences (instead of executing them). . . He had the daughter become the heir in the families without a son.  A day of justice dawned for him. . . Gudea paid attention to the justice of [the gods] Nanshe and Ningirsu. He provided protection for the orphan against the rich, and provided protection for the widow against the powerful.” 

The king of Uruk, the original shepherd king:


Cylinder seal impression showing an Uruk king (right) and a priest feeding the sacred flock of Inanna, the goddess of war and the patron deity of Uruk. The king wears a shepherd hat. The netted skirt is a ceremonial garment worn during the performance of religious rites for Inanna. The king of Uruk was the first shepherd king of Sumer. 

Gudea:  His crown is a stylized shepherd's hat.
Most Sumerian statues have been decapitated, had their faces disfigured, or were otherwise vandalized during the many wars that occurred in the region.



The seal of Gudea:  Gudea, with shaven head, is accompanied by a minor female deity (lamma, guardian spirit). He is led by his personal god, Ningishzida, into the presence
of Enlil, the chief Sumerian god. Wind pours forth from of the jars held by Enlil, signifying that he is the god of the winds that bring life giving rains. The winged leopard (dragon?) is a mythological creature associated with Ningishzida, The horned helmets, worn even by the animals, indicates divine status (the more horns the higher the rank). The writing in the background translates as: "Gudea, Ensi [ruler], of Lagash".

Although Gudea used the title ensi (ruler, governor) rather than the more exalted title of lugal (king), he was a king in all but name. Unlike other Sumerian kings, however, did he not use the sign diĝir in his name (meaning a "god" or "deity") which designated divinity. Gudea did not represent himself to be a god, but only as a man who was divinely favored, so it's significant that Gudea is shown bareheaded, without his crown, and with his hands raised in the "reverence position", as was required of a mortal man when in the presence of a god. A king like Ur-Namma was shown standing before the god Enlil with his hat on, signifying that  he too is a god (see Ur-Namma Translation).
http://sumerianshakespeare.com/25401/index.html

One-horned young bull + standard device is the most frequently used pictorial motif (hieroglyph-multiplex or hypertext) on Indus Script Corpora.
Mohenjo-daro. m1656. Pectoral. Together with the hieroglyphs of a young bull, one-horned with pannier in front of a standard device, the expression signified is a pot overflowing with water. 

kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’ (Marathi)

<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be leftover'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.   See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) 

The hieroglyph-multiplex clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper: lokhāṇḍā 

Hieroglyph: sãgaḍ, 'lathe' (Meluhha) Rebus 1: sãgaṛh , 'fortification' (Meluhha). Rebus 2:sanghAta 'adamantine glue'. Rebus 3: 

 sangāṭh संगाठ् 'assembly, collection'. Rebus 4: sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.

Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)

Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. 

Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)  खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving. 

ko_d.iya, ko_d.e = young bull; ko_d.elu = plump young bull; ko_d.e = a. male as in: ko_d.e du_d.a = bull calf; young, youthful (Te.lex.)

Hieroglyph:  ko_t.u = horns (Ta.) ko_r (obl. ko_t-, pl. ko_hk) horn of cattle or wild animals (Go.); ko_r (pl. ko_hk), ko_r.u (pl. ko_hku) horn (Go.); kogoo a horn (Go.); ko_ju (pl. ko_ska) horn, antler (Kui)(DEDR 2200). Homonyms: kohk (Go.), gopka_ = branches (Kui), kob = branch (Ko.) gorka, gohka spear (Go.) gorka (Go)(DEDR 2126).

खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. 2 

kot.iyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; kot. = neck (G.lex.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull].खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ]A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडरूं (p. 216) [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl.खोंडा (p. 216) [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. 2 fig. A hollow amidst hills; a deep or a dark and retiring spot; a dell. 3 (also खोंडी & खोंडें) A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) 

kod. = place where artisans work (G.lex.) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) कोंड (p. 180) [ kōṇḍa ] A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste.कोंडडाव (p. 180) [ kōṇḍaḍāva ] m Ring taw; that form of marble-playing in which lines are drawn and divisions made:--as disting. from अगळडाव The play with holes.कोंडवाड (p. 180) [ kōṇḍavāḍa ] n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडाळें (p. 180) [ kōṇḍāḷēṃ ] n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round.

Cylinder seal. Provenience: KhafajeKh. VII 256 Jemdet Nasr (ca. 3000 - 2800 BCE) Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 34.

karaḍa  ‘panther’; karaḍa tiger (Pkt); खरडा [ kharaḍā ]  A leopard. खरड्या [ kharaḍyā ] m or खरड्यावाघ m A leopard (Marathi). Kol. keḍiak  tiger. Nk.  khaṛeyak  panther.  Go. (A.) khaṛyal tiger; (Haig) kariyāl panther Kui kṛāḍi, krānḍi tiger, leopard, hyena.  Kuwi (F.) kṛani tiger; (S.) klā'ni tiger, leopard; (Su. P. Isr.) kṛaˀni (pl. -ŋa) tiger. / Cf. Pkt. (DNM) karaḍa- id. (DEDR 1132). krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu -- m. Pāṇ. [√kruś]

Pa. koṭṭhu -- , ˚uka -- and kotthu -- , ˚uka -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. koṭṭhu -- m.; Si. koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42; -- Pk. kolhuya -- , kulha -- m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H. kolhā, ˚lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, ˚lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, ˚lā m. (CDIAL 3615)

Pkt. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ(CDIAL 2787). Rebus: karaḍa ‘hard alloy’.

Allographs: Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ safflower ʼ; M. karḍī, °ḍaī f. ʻ safflower, Carthamus tinctorius and its seed ʼ (CDIAL 2788). Pk. karaṁḍa -- m.n. ʻ bone shaped like a bamboo ʼ, karaṁḍuya -- n. ʻ backbone ʼ (CDIAL 2670). S. karaṅgho, kaṇgho m. ʻbackbone, ridgepole ʼ; P. karaṅg m. ʻ skeleton ʼ (→ H. karaṅg m. ʻ skull, rib ʼ); N. karaṅ ʻ rib, rafter ʼ, karaṅge ʻ like a skeleton ʼ;with unexpl. ā: (CDIAL 2784).

Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats.  Te. mē̃ka,  mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.)mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087). Meluhha, mleccha (Akkadian. Sanskrit). Milakkha, Milāca ‘hillman’ (Pali) milakkhu ‘dialect’ (Pali) mleccha ‘copper’ (Prakrit).

Ta. takar sheep, ram, goat, male of certain other animals (yāḷi, elephant, shark). Ma. takaran huge, powerful as a man, bear, etc. Ka. tagar, ṭagaru,ṭagara, ṭegaru ram. Tu. tagaru, ṭagarů id. Te. tagaramu, tagaru id. / Cf. Mar. tagar id. (DEDR 3000).  Allograph: tagaraka ‘tabernae montana’ fragrant tulip (Sanskrit) Rebus: tagara ‘tin’ (Kannada): Ta. takaram tin, white lead, metal sheet, coated with tin. Ma. takaram tin, tinned iron plate. Ko. tagarm (obl. tagart-) tin. Ka. tagara, tamara, tavaraid. Tu. tamarů, tamara, tavara id. Te. tagaramu, tamaramu, tavaramu id. Kuwi (Isr.) ṭagromi tin metal, alloy. / Cf. Skt. tamara- id.(DEDR 3001).

kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali)

Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id.  Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post.(DEDR 1723). 

Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) khōṇḍa A stock or stump (Marathi); ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). khoṇḍ square (Santali)  khoṇḍ 'young bull-calf' (Marathi) कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste (possibly, a turner’s hamlet)(Marathi). Ku. koṭho ʻlarge square houseʼ Rebus: kõdār ’turner’ (Bengali); kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(Bengali). कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)  khū̃ṭ ‘community, guild’ (Mu.);kunḍa ‘consecrated fire-pit’.

kāṇḍa ‘flowing water’ Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’.

kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kole.l 'temple, smithy' (Kota.) kol = pañcalōha, a metallic alloy containing five metals (Tamil): copper, brass, tin, lead and iron (Sanskrit); an alternative list of five metals: gold, silver, copper, tin (lead), and iron (dhātu; Nānārtharatnākara. 82; Mangarāja’s Nighaṇṭu. 498)(Kannada) kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali)

LZiziphus (jujube) is called कूदी कूट्/ई in Atharvaveda. It is बदरी, "Christ's thorn". Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Rebus 2: kUThiya, koTia, koTiya, 'dhow seafaring vessel' (Kuwait) Variant spellings appear in texts: kotia, cotia,kUtiyya (pl. kawAti or kUtiyyAt) – a Kuwait and Bhraini ocean-going vessel with features similar to baghla and ghanja. (J. Hornell 1920, The origins and significance of Indian boat designs,Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta,  repr. 1970 by South Indian Federation of Fishermen Societies, Trivandrum.) http://www.siffs.org/books/indianboatdesign.pdf 

   See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/kotiya-seafaring-merchant-vessel-of.html The flagstaff signified by बदरी, "Christ's thorn" is a semantic determinant of the word sought to be signified by the banner. What is held aloft is koTiya, koTia, kUtiyya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' which is like a baghla or ghanja.

For Gudea, building and restoring the temple of the war god symbolized the re-emerging hopes of Sumerian independence, after two centuries of Akkadian domination and during the ever present danger of attack by the Gutian barbarians. The battle for Sumerian independence would not occur until  after death of Gudea, at the time of Utu-Hengal and Ur-Namma. In the meantime, rebuilding the temple fostered Sumerian cultural identity and promoted a strong "national" spirit. In rebuilding the temple, Gudea was rebuilding the Sumerian nation, thus leading the way for Ur-Namma and the Neo-Sumerian Revival.



Translation of a Gudea foundation cone: 

Line drawing of a Gudea foundation cone, by Marcel Sigrist.  Gudea's name (gu3-de2-a) is on the 4th line down, reading left to right.  Enlarge.


Note:  {d} designates diĝir and is not pronounced. The numerical subscripts of the signs are also unpronounced.


Transliteration:


 1.   {d} nin-ĝir2-su

 2.   ur-saĝ kal-ga

 3.   {d} en-lil2-la2-ra

 4.   gu3-de2-a

 5.   ensi2

 6.   lagaš-ki-ke4

 7.   niĝ2-ul-e pa mu-na-e3

 8.   e2-ninnu  {d} anzud-{mušen}-babbar2-ra-ni

 9.   mu-na-du3

10.   ki-bi mu-na-gi4

In line 7, niĝ2-ul could be translated as niĝ2-du7, meaning "something suitable or appropriate".

Translation:


For Ningirsu

Mighty warrior of Enlil

Gudea

The ruler of Lagash

Brought forth something everlasting

The Temple Ninnu, of Anzud the White Eagle

He built

This place he restored

Note:  Ninnu means "fifty", denoting 50 divine powers.

Anzud:  with two stags.


Anzud was the lion-headed eagle, the god of storms. He was a mythological creature closely associated with Enlil and his son, Ningirsu. Anzud had a dual personality, sometimes benevolent, and sometimes malevolent. Anzud stole the Tablet of Destiny, where man's fate is decreed. Under the command of Enlil, the gods tried to recover the tablet. During the ensuing struggle, Anzud "the white eagle" was killed by the warrior Ningirsu. Anzud thus became the symbolic animal of Ningirsu. This is why Anzud's name was associated with the temple of Ningirsu, as seen in the inscription above. 

Four views of Anzud, the lion-headed eagle. 

Anzud with two lions.  I photographically repaired some of the damage done to the figures and remodeled the background.  See the original plaque.   Enlarge.

Stone mace head:  A votive offering to a temple; it is too large to have been used as a weapon. Anzud is also known as Imdugud.  Enlarge.  See the back of the mace.

Bas relief of Anzud attacking a man-headed bull. For more information on Imdugud/Anzud, see Beijing World Art Museum for an article by Richard Zettler.

http://sumerianshakespeare.com/25401/index.html

http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html

https://www.themaparchive.com/early-mesopotamia-and-syria-43002300-bce.html


Map showing the extent of Mesopotamia. Shown are Washukanni, Nineveh, Hatra, 
Assur, Nuzi, Palmyra, Mari, Sippar, Babylon, Kish, Nippur, Isin, Lagash, Uruk, Charax Spasinu and Ur, from north to south.

Mari - Mesopotamian City

Mari - Mesopotamian City

[quote] The Mesopotamian city of Mari is identified with modern Tell Hariri, located on the west bank of the Euphrates River, 30 miles north of the border between Iraq and Syria. Its palace architecture has been beautifully preserved, and historical records provide a rare glimpse into upper Mesopotamian politics during the Old Assyrian Period. Mari was a circular city (1.2 miles in diameter), excavated first by André Parrot (from 1933) and later by Jean Margueron (from 1979). Excavations reveal a series of palaces from the Early Dynastic II–III Periods (early third millennium b.c.e.) to the Old Babylonian Period (early second millennium b.c.e.), each palace built upon the ruins of the preceding one. The latest palace is one of the best preserved and most impressive of the entire Bronze Age. It was exceptional for its time period, because it incorporated various religious shrines together with the royal residence. 

More than 20,000 cuneiform tablets were uncovered at Mari, most dated to the Old Babylonian Period. Although the language of most texts is Akkadian (east Semitic), northwest Semitic grammar and syntax show up in proper names and in various constructions.  The archive consists mostly of palatial and provincial administrative texts, letters, and treaties, demonstrating the political value of writing in this period. It is one of the major sources of information on how the great Assyrian king Shamshi-Adad I organized his empire in northern Mesopotamia. In addition, Mari has the largest number of Mesopotamian prophetic texts. These were letters from prophets, often to the king, claiming direct messages from deities. The city of Mari likely originated from the very start of the Early Dynastic I Period (beginning of third millennium b.c.e.). It prospered rapidly due to its strategic location along the trade route connecting Mesopotamia with Syria. The archaeological evidence found for the Early Dynastic III Period (c. 2600–2350 b.c.e.) shows Mari’s indebtedness to much of Sumerian culture. Short inscriptions from this period refer to Ansud as the king of Mari, a name that may also appear in the Sumerian King List. During c. 2250–2000 b.c.e., the title shakkanakku (Akkadian for "governor") was used for the rulers of Mari, a term that may allude to a time of foreign control, when Mari’s rulers were the deputies of other kings. This seems to have been a period of great power, when the city underwent extensive renovation.The final century before Mari’s destruction is much clarified by the written record. Yahdun-Lim, who derived from the Sim’alite stock of the Amorites, ruled as king over Mari. He was assassinated in a palace coup, and his successor, Sumu-Yaman, died shortly after. In 1796 b.c.e. the Assyrian ruler Shamshi-Adad I conquered Mari and installed his younger son, Yasmah-Adad, upon Mari’s throne. Zimri-Lim, a descendant of Yahdun-Lim, fled to Yamhad (Aleppo), whose king Yarim-Lim was his father-in-law. Shamshi-Adad died in 1782 b.c.e., and Zimri-Lim reclaimed the throne of Mari. He established strong ties with Aleppo and Babylon, faithfully supporting Hammurabi’s expansionistic conquests. Hammurabi, however, eventually turned against Mari: The city was conquered in 1761 b.c.e., and within the next two years its riches, removed to Babylon and its palace burned. Although Mari continued to be inhabited as a small town, Hammurabi’s destruction marked its end as a major political center. [unquote]

http://earlyworldhistory.blogspot.com/2012/03/mari-mesopotamian-city.html

Anzud, the lion-headed eagle, the god of storms. 
Pendant of gold and lapis lazuli.  


"Inanna, the goddess of love and war, with a lion. No other image of Inanna better illustrates her dual nature. She is depicted as a goddess of love, "showing some leg"; while the lion and the weapons of battle (maces) seen rising up behind her shows that she is also the goddess  of war. In all of ancient mythology, no other deity is the goddess of love and war combined. The eight-pointed star (Venus) is another symbol associated with Inanna. This image is in photographic reverse. See the complete seal impression. Also see a line-drawing of the seal by S. Beaulieu.

Although she is called the goddess of love, Inanna is really the goddess of lust. She is not associated with romance, marriage, fertility or child bearing. She is so extreme in her emotions, so psychotic in her desires, and so relentless in getting what she wants, she thus symbolizes the violence of human passion. This is why she is also represents the destruction and carnage of war."



Enlil.  Chief god of earth.  An was the lord of the heavens.

Enlil leads Ur-Namma and a worker to begin construction of a new temple. Ur-Namma is shown wearing a shepherd's hat, the crown of a king. Ur-Namma (left) in the presence of Enlil, with the Tree of Life between them. 
"Above:  Ur-Namma stands before the god Enlil, watering the Tree of Life to overflowing. Enlil presents Ur-Namma with a measuring rod and rope used for surveying, and an adze, used for building a new temple. It was originally thought that the surveying rope symbolized Enlil's dominion over all the land, and he holds a battleaxe to symbolize his right to "strike and kill"  (i.e., to administer justice) like the fasces used by the Romans, and the cobra on the front of a pharaoh's crown. I would suggest that the rope is simply used to mark out the boundries of a new temple, and the "weapon" that Enlil holds is actually an adze, which is used as a construction tool, rather than a battleaxe, which is used as a weapon of war. In other words, Enlil is giving Ur-Namma the tools needed for building a temple. The god is commonly mistaken to be Nanna, the moon god for whom the great ziggurat at Ur was built, but this seems unlikely because no Tree of Life would be associated with a moon god.   Below:  Enlil leads Ur-Namma and a worker to begin work on the temple. King Ur-Namma is shown wearing a shepherd's hat. He is also shown with a full beard, which was his usual appearance. The statue of him at the top of the page shows him as completely shaven, as part of the purification ritual for the dedication of a new temple. The fact that Ur-Namma keeps his hat on while in the presence of Enlil shows that he too is a god."
http://sumerianshakespeare.com/23501.html




"Cylinder seal impression.  A carved stone cylinder was rolled across a wet clay tablet to form an official, individualized seal. This one shows the winged goddess Inanna standing above the sun god Utu as he rises, using a saw to cut his way through the mountains. To her left is an unidentified hunter/warrior god. To her right is Enki, the god of the Abzu (the underground water table) surrounded by water and fish. Beside him is Isimud, his two-faced minister. The writing in the background identifies the seal as belonging to Adda, a scribe." http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html



A cylinder seal impression showing Enki and other gods. Enki is on the right. The gods are recognizable by their horned helmets. Note the "birdman" in the center. He is being led in a neck stock, his hands tied, to stand before the judgment of Enki. http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html


Mosaic panel from the temple of Samash, Mari
Relief perforé du roi Ur-Nanshe 
See: http://www.louvre.fr/en/routes/sumerian-city-states Perforated relief of King Ur-Nanshe


A religious scene board of mosaic from temple of Dagan, Mari, made of sea-shells, ivory and lapis lazuli. This mosaic depicting a religious ceremony was found in the temple of Dagan. In the middle of the second register two women prepare a fleece covered altar mounted on animal legs. Some other details of the mosaic are shown below: 

The men walk in a solemn procession. One of the men has his hands folded in prayer.
On the upper left, a high priestess holds an offering basin that was used in temples.
She wears a large domed hat called a polos.  
The mosaic is all about Sumerian queens. See The Sumerian Queens on this website.
There is nothing particularly Akkadian about the Mari Mosaic. It is completely Sumerian.
All of the women on the mosaic wear the typical Sumerian skirt with a broad leafy fringe.
The man with his hands folded in prayer looks like he was plucked from the Standard of Ur. He wears a fringed skirt with a broad belt tied in the back. This was the “national costume” of the Sumerians during the ED III period. The Akkadians, on the other hand, wore a
distinctive “angled-skirt” throughout most of their history.
A Sumerian with his hands folded in prayer. He wears the traditional Sumerian skirt. Detail from the Standard of Ur.
See a comparison of him and the man on the Mari mosaic.



"This shell plaque was found in the palace of Mari. It is dated circa 2500 B.C. The Louvre correctly identified it as a Sumerian soldier because the helmet, shoulder armor, and battleaxe, is the same equipment used by soldiers on the Standard of Ur. However, his outfit also contains some Akkadian elements. The knotted bun on the back of the helmet is an Akkadian design (see The Gold Helmet of the King of Kish). The fringe of his skirt is broad, like the leafy fringe on a Sumerian skirt, but it is also long, like the fringe on the skirt of an Akkadian soldier. As explained in Weapons: the Tombs of Ur, he is not just a soldier, he is a king. He is a Sumerian King of Kish, possibly Eannatum, the ruler of Sumer and Akkad. He is in full regalia, with some accoutrements that are Sumerian and some that are Akkadian." 

"This brings us back to the figure of the Sumerian King of Kish. I had previously identified him as Eannatum, but in light of the evidence I must concede the possibility that he is perhaps Mesanepada, because his bead and this inlay were both found in the palace. He was one of three Sumerian Kings of Kish during this period of history (2500 – 2400 B.C), including his father Meskalamdug and also Eannatum, so the inlay could depict any one of the three men.
Although subtle and not noticeable at first, he is wearing the stylized beard of a Mari man. The beard shows up better on another shell inlay (below) that was found in the Tombs of Ur. Although a Sumerian king was usually shown with a shaven face, these bearded figures 
depict how a Sumerian King of Kish portrayed himself to his subjects in Mari."

"Limestone plaque found in the palace of Mari: This is a very important artifact because it is the first depiction of siege warfare in the ancient world. On the left, a soldier stands behind (and beneath) a large curved shield made of bundled reeds. The shield is very cumbersome and it would be completely impractical on an open battlefield where rapid mobility is required. Instead, the shield is designed for siege warfare, for battles fought at the base of a city wall. The curved top protects the soldier from missiles being thrown down by the defenders on the top of the wall. Beside the soldier is an archer shooting a flaming arrow. This is one of the earliest depictions of a bow and arrow being used in combat. Moreover, it is a “recurved bow”, with tips that curve away from the archer when the bow is strung, which gives the arrow greater speed and power. Flaming arrows were not used against infantry formations, instead they were used to set buildings on fire. Notice how the archer is shooting the arrow straight up, in order to clear the city wall. Meanwhile the body of an enemy defender (who is portrayed naked to show he is dead) tumbles down from the top of the wall. Taken all together, it is quite a dynamic scene.
I suggest that these men are not the soldiers of Mari. They are Sumerian. The skirt and the shoulder armor exactly matches those worn by Sumerian soldiers on the Standard of Ur. The shoulder armor is worn only by the nobility, so the soldier shown on the left is a lord, possibly a king. The archer on the right is a commoner. He wears a spotted garment like the common soldiers in the phalanx formation on the Standard of Ur. Throughout history, the archers were always commoners. That’s because they fought from a distance, which was considered to be somewhat cowardly. They were quite unlike the noble lords, full of bravado, who fought in heroic battles of individual combat, up close and personal."

"On the Standard of Ur, the king wears the distinctive shoulder armor. He has just defeated the Akkadian king in individual combat. The common soldier wears a spotted cloak. The uniforms of each city-state had unique markings to make the soldiers easy to identify on the battlefield.

So the world’s first depiction of siege warfare is definitely Sumerian. Which raises another interesting question: Why would a plaque showing a Sumerian victory be displayed in the  palace of Mari?  More about that later.
Many mosaics were discovered in various temples at Mari. The mosaics were in pieces scattered on the floor, so their reconstruction is somewhat speculative. The Louvre suggests they were decorations on gaming boards and musical instruments. I would suggest, however, that this is unlikely. The mosaics depict solemn religious rites and scenes of battle. They would not be used as mere decorations on something as frivolous as a board game or a musical instrument." 

The Standard of Mari:   

In front of a soldier, a Sumerianstandard bearer holds a banner aloft signifying the one-horned young bull which is the signature glyph of Indus writing. Detail of a victory parade, from the Ishtar temple, Mari, Syria. 2400 BCE Schist panel inlaid with mother of pearl plaques. Louvre Museum. It is also a Meluhha standardd shown on two tablets with Indus Script (together with other dharma samjnA (responsibility signifiers). 

"The figure in the middle of the top register is the king, drawn larger than the other men to signify his greater importance. He holds a battle ensign featuring a bull statuette. The king’s soldiers are lined up behind him, and in front of him are more soldiers and a few prisoners. The bottom register is a confusing array of soldiers, prisoners, a chariot, and a clay pot (!?). The standard was found in the temple of Ishtar, in pieces scattered on the floor, which would account for the arbitrary arrangement of the figures. Below is shown a different arrangement, with each soldier escorting a bound prisoner (like on the Standard of Ur) which would explain why the soldiers have their arms hanging in the air.

Soldiers and their prisoners.

• 
  

It is possible that the hypertexts the one-horned young bull and the standard device signified: కోడియ (p. 326) kōḍiya Same as kode కోడె (p. 326) kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు.  కారుకోడె (p. 275) kārukōḍe karu-kode. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. 

L’enseigne (M,458) (pl. LVII) est faite d’un petit taureau dresse, passant a gauche, monte sur un socle supporte par l’anneau double du type passe-guides. La hamper est ornementee d’une ligne chevronnee et on retrouve le meme theme en travers de l’anneau double.

M.458 H. 0.070 m. (totale); h. 0, 026 m. (taureau sur socle); l. 0,018m.

Translation

The sign (M, 458) (pl. LVII) is made of a young bull stand, from left, mounted on a base supports the double ring-pass type guides. The hamper is decorated with a line and the same theme is found across the double ring.

M.458 H. 0.070 m. (Total); h. 0, 026 m. (Bull on base); l. 0,018m.

Source: http://digital.library.stonybrook.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/amar/id/48366/rec/2 (Parrot, Andre, Mission archéologique de Mari. V. I: Le temple d'Ishtar, p.161)

• Frise d'un panneau de mosaïque
  Vers 2500 - 2400 avant J.-C.
  Mari, temple d'Ishtar
• Coquille, schiste
• Fouilles Parrot, 1934 - 1936
  AO 19820 Louvre reference

King on the Standard of Mari. He has a shaven face and head. This is how Sumerian kings were usually portrayed, like on the Standard of Ur. The kings of Mari always have beards.



One of the king’s men. His uniform is a confusing blend of Sumerian and Akkadian styles. The leaf-fringed skirt tied in the back is Sumerian, as is the spotted garment. On the Standard of Ur, the spotted garment is obviously a full length cloak, but here is seems to be a sash, the kind worn by Akkadian soldiers. So it’s a Sumerian uniform with an Akkadian twist. The weapon he carries is either a narrow-blade battleaxe or an adze, both of which are typically Sumerian (the Akkadians used a broad-blade axe). He wears a flared hat. The hat is Akkadian and probably indicates a nobleman. The soldier is clean-shaven, which is typically Sumerian, but his hair is very long in the back, which is typical of Akkadian royalty. So now we have a confusing combination of Sumerian and Akkadian styles. (The minutiae of Mesopotamian clothing, as related to the Standard of Mari, is described on a separate page of this website.)

Soldiers on the Standard of Mari. They wear Sumerian skirts and helmets. The sashes are Akkadian.

The soldier on the right is clean‑shaven, like other soldiers on the standard. I suggest
they are Sumerians. The other two soldiers have beards, but no mustaches. The Sumerians were sometimes shown bearded, but with the usual combination of beard and mustache.
A beard without a mustache is a distinctive feature of Mariote men, so the bearded soldiers are men from Mari."


"Mari beards. 
Notice the Akkadian hat worn by the man on the lower right. Also notice how the profile of the beard matches the profiles of the bearded soldiers in the above drawing.

On the standard, we have soldiers from Sumer and Mari in the same army and wearing uniforms that are a blend of Sumerian and Akkadian styles. This is surprising because Sumerian and Mariote soldiers were not accustomed to fighting in the same army. They usually fought against each other. 
So why are they shown as allies on the Standard of Mari?

There’s really only one good answer to the question: It’s because this is the coalition army of the King of Kish, the king of kings, the ruler of Sumer and Akkad.

Although the Sumerians and Akkadians often battled each other, they never fought wars of extermination. They never tried to destroy each other or to enslave the opposing populations. Instead, the losing side simply became a vassal state of the winning side. In their long history together, sometimes the Akkadians ruled the Sumerians and sometimes it was the other way around. It’s difficult to keep track of how many times this happened. In any case, whenever a Sumerian king defeated his Akkadian enemies to thus become the King of Kish, he would portray himself as the legitimate ruler of both nations, and his former enemies would then be portrayed as his loyal subjects (whether they liked it or not).

This is the personal seal of Mesanepada, whose votive bead is mentioned above. Part of the inscription reads, “Mesanepada, the King of Kish”. It shows a Sumerian and an Akkadian involved in a struggle together rather than against each other. On the left is an Akkadian king with a Mariote beard and wearing a spiky headdress who stabs the lion that is attacking the Sumerian hero.

The Standard of Ur is all about the King of Kish: 

Part of the victory procession on the Standard of Ur. The men seem to be bringing gifts to “celebrate” the victory of the Sumerian king. Ever since the Standard of Ur was discovered 85 years ago, these men were thought to be the friends and allies of the Sumerians. They are actually the defeated enemy, and they are Akkadians (see Standard of Ur: King). Ironically, this had been the purpose of the scene all along – that former enemies now appear as allies, the loyal subjects of the Sumerian King of Kish. In this regard, the Standard of Ur and the Standard of Mari both serve the same purpose.
It's very possible that the Standard of Mari is not just a decorative mosaic panel, as is commonly supposed, but an actual royal standard like Standard of Ur, the kind carried aloft during processions of the king (see What is the Standard of Ur?).


Mosaic panel from the temple of Shamash in Mari. A Sumerian king (shown larger than the others to indicate his greater importance) presides over the ceremonial sacrifice of a ram.  An enlargement shows that the ceremony is attended by a long-haired Sumerian priest (second from the right) like the one shown on the Standard of Ur. Also in attendance is a bearded man of Mari (far right). If the king were also a Mariote, he would have the same Mariote beard (without a mustache), just like Lamgi-Mari and all other ED III kings of Mari.

As previously stated, many of the Mari mosaics were found scattered on the floors of various temples. André Parrot, who discovered most of the mosaics displayed on this page, reports that it seemed as if they were part of the rubble that was used to backfill the foundation of an old temple in order to build a new temple on top of it. These mosaics were expensive works of art, laborious to produce, and often constructed of precious materials. They depict solemn religious ceremonies and glorious victories in war, so why were they destroyed and then thrown into a landfill?

I would suggest that the temples and the palace were either built by the Sumerian invaders or temporarily occupied by them. The mosaics were the Sumerians' votive offerings to the Sumerian/Mariote gods (they had many gods in common). After the Sumerians had been run out of town, the temples were cleansed of their presence, or new temples were built on top of the old ones. In this way, the Sumerian temple of Inanna would be re-consecrated as the temple of the Akkadian goddess Ishtar. These mosaics weren't valuable to the Mariotes. The people of Mari were happy to be rid of the mosaics, which were reminders of the Sumerian occupation, and they were happy to finally be rid of their Sumerian overlords.
The ED III artifacts found in Mari are not "plunder and booty" that was stolen from the Sumerians. These works of art were placed in the temples by the Sumerians themselves. After the Sumerians were expelled from the city, their votive offerings were either destroyed or transferred to the palace as trophies of war. 

That is why the votive bead of Mesanepada ended up in the palace of Mari.
The same is true for all the other Sumer artifacts found at the palace and in the temples.
...In conclusion, I suggest that if so many ED III Mari artifacts look Sumerian, it's because 
they really are Sumerian." 

Mesanepada bead 

"Lapis lazuli bead from the Treasure of Ur, discovered by André Parrot in 1965.
The inscriptions that are engraved on the eight-sided bead are translated as follows:
“(For) … / Mesanepada/ the king of Ur/ son of Meskalamdug/ the king of Kish/ consecrated
(this bead).” The name of the goddess to whom the bead was dedicated is missing
due to damage. The part of the inscription shown above translates as “the king of Ur”.

This is not an ordinary bead that was worn as a piece of jewelry. It is a votive offering
by a king to a goddess. It was meant to be displayed in a Sumerian temple. So why
was it found in a jar buried beneath an Akkadian palace in faraway Mari?

Several theories have been offered. First, the Treasure of Ur was meant to be a gift from the king of Mari to the king of Ur, or vice versa. However, it seems unlikely that the treasure is a gift that was placed in a jar but not sent by the king of Mari, or a gift that was delivered to him but not opened. Besides, where is the “gift tag”? The jar should have been inscribed with the names of the kings (“from the king of Mari, to the king of Ur”). Another theory suggests it's a votive offering placed in a cultic room in the palace. Yet another theory proposes that it is “plunder and booty” taken in some regional war. The usual explanation for buried wealth is that it’s a “secret stash”. The owner buried it for safekeeping, perhaps in times of war, and he died (or was killed) before he could retrieve the treasure. 
The problem is that none of these theories answer the central question of how the Mesanepada bead got there in the first place. I've got a theory, which I will later explain.

The Mesanepada bead highlights a major problem with archaeology in Mesopotamia; i.e., the "find spot" of an artifact doesn't necessarily indicate its country of origin. Just because an  artifact is found in a given location doesn't mean it was made there. It could have been made somewhere else."

http://sumerianshakespeare.com/312101/

Ishtar statue with headdress - from the Temple of Ishtar at Mari, Syria, circa 2600-2300 BCE

Ruins of ziggurat n ancient city of Mari.

Mari, Syria - a ziggurat near the palace.

Mari was an ancient Semitic city in modern-day Syria. Its remains constitute a tell located 11 kilometers north-west of Abu Kamal on the Euphrates river western bank, some 120 kilometers southeast of Deir ez-Zor. It flourished as a trade center and hegemonic state between 2900 BCE and 1759 BCE. As a purposely-built city, the existence of Mari was related to its position in the middle of the Euphrates trade routes; this position made it an intermediary between Sumer in the south and the Levant in the west. 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gala_(priests) "The Gala (Sumerian: 𒍑𒆪 gala, Akkadian: kalû) were priests of the Sumerian goddess Inanna, significant numbers of the personnel of both temples and palaces, the central institutions of Mesopotamian city states, individuals with neither male nor female gender identities.Originally specialists in singing lamentations, gala appear in temple records dating back from the middle of the 3rd millennium BC.According to an old Babylonian text, Enki created the gala specifically to sing "heart-soothing laments" for the goddess Inanna."

Examples of तार्प्य n. a garment made of a particular vegetable substance

Ancient Sumerian statuette of two gala priests, dating to c. 2450 BCE, found in the temple of Inanna at Mari

Ebih-Il, l'intendant Epoque des dynasties archaïques, vers 2400 av. J.-C. Mari, temple d'Ishtar Gypse, lapis-lazuli, coquille H. : 52,50 cm. ; L. : 20,60 cm. ; Pr. : 30 cm. Fouilles A. Parrot, 1934 - 1935 Département des Antiquités orientales AO 17551

Statuette d'orant aux mains jointes vêtu de la jupe de kaunakès Vers 2500 - 2400 avant J.-C. Mari, temple d'Ishtar Albâtre | Site officiel du musée du Louvre

Scribe or priest, alabaster

Scribe or priest. Alabaster head from the Ishtar 

Priest, Ishtar Temple. Musee du Louvre

See: 

Potr̥, 'purifier priest', धावड dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter' is paṭel 'headman' of metalworkers' guild https://tinyurl.com/y2287ve9

Rekha Rao

Indology | 29-04-2019

Mohenjo-Daro Man Performing Raajasooya Yajna

The seal depicts the king at the time of royal consecration. He can be identified as a king by the distinct ornament on his forehead and arm symbolizing his kingly status and the blanket or Kambala, also called “Pandva”in Sanskrit at unction ceremony (Katyayana Srauta sutra, XV.5.12) that is worn over his lower Tarpya dress.

Several scholars and academicians post excavation of Indus sites, got inspired by the grandeur of planned dwelling site. The artifacts, murals, pottery and the most intriguing seals of this magnificent civilization looked way advanced and ahead of time. Obviously, it implies a miss match with their understanding and the reality. Does this mean the existing civilization in the land of Bharata was inferior to those of the invaders? It was said so by scholars though not affirmatively that Aryans were invaders or transited from other countries believed to be more advanced. Vedas being indigenous to the land of Bharata, (which included present day India and the adjoining land mass) is more appropriate linkage that ought to have been used while trying to understand the civilization whether it was imposed by foreigners or evolved by locals. The analysis of artifacts was completely focused on civilization outside the boundary of the then land of Bharata which is a huge dis connect. Eighty years of research have been on objects as discrete entities without connecting to a basic and a larger cultural ethos and practices of those times. This lack of connectivity has resulted in a variety of controversies amongst the scholars.

My research work is attempted with a new approach in bridging the disconnect around the hitherto theories. Understanding of Veda’s helped me in establishing a very close linkage of the seals, figurines, artifacts, pottery and symbols to the Vedic rituals.

Introduction

The Indus seals, also called Harappan seals, and the artefacts excavated belonging to the period of Indus civilization are highly sophisticated heritage artifacts. Dating as far back as 3500 years approximately the seals and figurines with finely executed carvings are the archaeological proof of the civilization that existed in that ancient period. These findings mirror the religious, social and intellectual excellence of Indus valley civilization. The very popular bust of a male figure excavated from Mohenjo-Daro, an archaeological site in the province of Sindh, Pakistan has evinced keen interest by public on knowing who he is. King or a priest king? He is called King priest thus far which is not a convincing term because a king never did the work of a priest and vice versa. They belonged to different varnas.

The Harappans were close contemporaries of Sumerians and early Babylonians in Mesopotamia and Minoan civilization in the Mediterranean. For such a highly developed culture of Indus civilization, people had a writing system like other civilizations but was distinctly different from the other forms of writing. Despite the efforts of many scholars for more than eight decades, it is yet to be deciphered.

This article invokes interest for larger debate on why the Indus script and figurines were compared with the script of other ancient civilizations and propagating that Aryans were not indigenous to the land of Bharata. A study of seals and figurines keeping the Vedic texts as background prove how truly the seals, symbols, pictures and the figurines are a true representation of the knowledge compiled in the Vedas. The study or understanding the significance of the male bust figure, though different from the bull seals, is indirectly connected to the seals because they all belong to the same period and were made based on what customs and knowledge were in practice. A figurine in pictorial form explains many facts in a precise way what otherwise would have been a lengthy chapter to be understood.

The decipherment of the unique Indus script has remained controversial as there is no consistency in the logic established in its interpretation. The prominence of a mythical one horned bull that never existed and calling it as unicorn does indicate it is beyond what has been understood till date.

The question regarding why Indus script is not deciphered and why the significance of figurines are not explained in a convincing way comes with draw backs in the analysis. The figurines similar to the objects of Indus period like the cart with the bundle of sticks or pots are more easily interpreted as toys for children rather than connecting it with the true picture of who is the person driving the cart, why he carries pots, or what kind of sticks are being carried, why there are two types of carts, etc. as described in Vedas. Unlike other ancient scripts which are lengthy, the inscriptions on Indus seals are extremely brief, in some it is just 2-3 signs. Some seals have repetitions of same symbol. The bull picture is indispensable part of the seals and symbols are different in each seal.

Different researchers have come out with different analysis. The scholars do not agree upon one opinion and hence it is defensive methodology. Each analysis fails to address what constitutes the theme of decipherment and the literary basis for the analysis. The values given to a sign does not show a convincing and persistent interpretation when applied on different seals with added marks on a basic symbol. Though many signs occur frequently like strokes, appears to be as mathematical signs of number representations, the analysis lack clarity with what theme the numbers are associated. The signs are pictures of both animate and inanimate objects in different combinations. Many are suggestive pictures and not true pictures according to S.R Rao (The language and Script of Indus Civilization, 2011). The decipherer is at a loss to know whether all signs should be read as ideographs in which ideas or actions are indicated or as logographs which stand for words or signs with phonetic equivalents. He also says about the problems created by Dravidian origin of Indus seals which has resulted in sacrificing objectivity on the part of most scholars attempting decipherment.

Figure 1. The bust of Mohenjo-Daro male figure

Though attempts were made to decipher the symbols inscribed, any approach for why the bull was part of the seal, why the embellishments on bull’s neck as well as the surface designs on the structure in front varied from seal to seal have not been addressed as much as the symbol decipherment. The interpretation of script like symbols or the figures on seals ignoring the bull’s picture which occupy more than 70% of the seal has been ignored and not given the due concern or convincing analysis. These efforts are like watering the leaf parts of a plant, forgetting to feed the most vital part – the roots. Many seals and figurines depict figures in action and the precise literary source for story depiction has not been considered but interpreted or connected with the much later puranic episodes.

 The icon of Mohenjo-Daro bust

The icon of the kingly looking bust from Mohenjo-Daro (Figure 1), measures 17.5 CMS in height and 11CMS in width is carved from steatite also known as soap stone. The figure depicts a very handsome and calm face with a trimmed beard and clean-shaven upper lip. His nose is prominent, full lips, and eyes though large look half closed. The hair style looks neatly back combed. The beard looks freshly trimmed and shaped well. He is adorned with a head band with a central inlay of stone ornament and a similar smaller band is on his open right arm. He wears a blanket of animal skin that looks like leopard skin in design or it could be designed blanket full of trefoil design with a center.

Since the figure highlights three facts like the trimmed beard, the conspicuous-the head and arm band, and thirdly the designed cover worn as a blanket, the approach needs to proceed on literary sources on the fact who wore these head bands and why beard trimming was given so much importance.

The head band guides to the fact that it is the ornament called “Mastaka bhooshana”. Mastaka is head and bhooshana means a decorative ornament tied around the head with an inlay of precious stone. About the ornaments that were used to tie around the body by kings, the Ch. 23 of Natya shastra classifies it as Shirovestana type. Natyashastra is much later in time but based on what was in practice before its compilation (later than 500 B.C). Similar decorative arm band called “angada” is seen in the figure which is used by high ranking or a royal person.

It is interesting to note that an in-depth study of Harappan seals, sites and figurines is slowly and steadily uncovering the veil of the current understanding and exposing it as a reflection of its association with Vedic knowledge and practice.

Varieties of head embellishments and its classifications

The priestly class is depicted to tie their hair into a bun (Fig. 2. A and B) as can be seen in the Indus seals and they never wore any type of head ornaments. The head embellishments are marked as red boundary in the pictures below. The person who went to purchase Soma sticks does not have any head band (Fig.3). The pictures of Kesins (Rigveda 10. 136) or the Vratya class of people are depicted in the seals (Fig.2.C), depict a different type of head decoration with long matted hair like that of a snake, flower decorations and a turban .The deities in Indus seals depict a different type of head gear (fig. 4.A,B) like the horn of buffalo with a twig of Aswattha leaves (Ficus Religiosa). Only the king depicts (Fig 4.C) the head band Mastaka Bhooshana with an inlay of stones.

The strong looking male bust could be that of a king and not a priest because priests are depicted in seals with the hair tied into a bun.

A Vedic Connection to the attire

A study of the facts related to trimming of the beard are discussed in the Satapatha brahmana, and Apastambha srauta sutra, (18.22.9-11). Cutting of beard and trimming the hair for a king was observed as one of the important rituals of Somayajnas. The king or the sponsored had to observe vows of retaining facial hair after the consecration / diksha for soma yajna for more than a year or the prescribed specified period. The preliminaries for big rituals like Raajasooya yajna or Vaajapeya yajna were very elaborate and conducted for one or two years. The highlight of Rajasooya was the Abhihsechaniya where sacred water collected from many rivers in wooden vessels of four different trees was poured over the king. later he was bathed in liquids processed elaborately with many medicinal herbs, anointed with ‘rochana’ the yellow pigment, that made him a dikshita. King had to observe certain vows for one year that concluded with Keshavapaniya ritual. He was not allowed to cut his hair because the collected essence of water and extract of medicinal herbs would have touched his hair first which gave imperial glory, divine status and ward off all diseases.

“Kesa vapaniya” means the hair cutting ceremony done by Kesha vapa the hair dresser for the king (kesa means hair, vapa is to cut off in Sanskrit). It was associated with the Atiratra or multiple days soma yajna performed before the Raajasooya yajna. Raajasooya was the anniversary celebration of coronation of the king. Raajasooya – the rite of royal consecration, was a complex ceremony that lasted for over an year with long succession of seven distinct yajnas called pavitra, agnistoma, abhisecaniya..and so on as preliminaries to the big yajna. Each one was a big scale Srauta yajna sponsored by the king and performed in the yajna shala. Many priests participated in the series of yajnas and the sacrificial fee was a huge amount. Great emperors and kings had to observe the vow of not cutting the hair or shave the beard for one year after performing the consecration or the deeksha up to the coronation rite. The purpose of yearlong performance of smaller yajnas by the king was to the acquisition of spiritual knowledge. He should first harness his mind and intellect to realize the omniscient God and show it to others. Keshavapaniya was an important ritual observed in Soma yajna where the beard and hair of the king was trimmed. The pressing of soma sticks went along with other rituals like this. The elaborate ritual and Vedic recitation of stanzas go in decreasing order from twenty-one verses in the morning to seventeen verses at midday, fifteen to nine verses at the third pressing like the stages of hair trimming.

Raajasooya is a Maha Soma yajna like Aswamedha, Vishwa shanti or Vishwajit yajnas, performed for the prosperity and peace of a kingdom or even universe on a very large scale and magnitude. Raajasooya was performed by only a kshatriya king which commences on the first day of waxing period of Phalguna masa (12th month of Hindu almanac). Abhisekha of pouring holy liquid on the king was the highlight beyond which the king had to observe certain vows. (ref. “Yajna A Comprehensive Survey” by Yoga Publication Trust Bihar,2006)

The chief priest chants the “Mahendra shastra”. This stotra is in honour of Indra who was acknowledged as the super king and emperor of Devas. The chanting was about the king being equated to Indra. Yajurveda says the king was to be elected by people like Indra was the choice of people. (Ref. The Full Text of “The Yajur Veda” translated by Devi Chand – 1959.)

Ch. 125.22-23 and 126. 32-33 of Yajurveda says about how Indra was chosen as a leader:

“Elect him as a ruler who is lustrous like the Sun in fore front of dawn, the giver of wealth, master of riches, bestower of wisdom, son of strong father and controller of his senses. Elect him as the ruler, who is the protector of the whole world, springs to life in its midst and fills heaven and earth opposing foes, Cuts the enemy into pieces like sun cuts the dense clouds and he is respected by the five classes of persons”.

In Ch. 130, of Yajurveda it says, “He alone is fit to rule who spreads knowledge, wages battles on earth, expert statesman endowed with noble qualities and speedily preaches religion”.

This indicates that the people chose Indra to be their king and nurtured him with Soma juice to grow stronger and kill the demons who had hoarded the clouds causing draught on earth. Since Indra could fight and released water from the skies, and help the community, he was elevated to the status of a deity. The interesting thing during the Vedic times is in having a structured governance system for administration and people’s wellbeing.

The king after the abhisekha and diksha will wear a bow, arrow and enjoy certain chariot games. He will be given the tiger or animal skin as a shawl, a gold chain and shoes made or boar skin. In the year long period after commencement several small homas were to be performed including chaturmasya yajna and 12 ishtis (where all four categories of priests participate), Pashu yaga and Soma yaga. The chief priest holds the hand of the king announces the name of the king and declares the provinces under the rule of the king who then ascends the golden throne.

About the nature of kingship, Aitereya Brahmana associated with Rig Veda describes about 8 types of rajya / province that offer care and comfort to the people. To quote one or two among them, “Samrajya” was the large area ruled by the king. He should subdue the neighboring kings and establish sovereignty. He should rule “Swarajya”, which is free from the attack of invaders. “Maharajya” was the province in which several smaller provinces were integrated into a Ganatantra prajarajya and ruled by able ministers.

The seal depicts the king at the time of royal consecration. He can be identified as a king by the distinct ornament on his forehead and arm symbolizing his kingly status and the blanket or Kambala, also called “Pandva”in Sanskrit at unction ceremony (Katyayana Srauta sutra, XV.5.12) that is worn over his lower Tarpya dress. Tarpya was a special material for dress at the unction ceremony made of a type of vegetable substance or the plant yarn is indicated in Apastambha srauta sutra 18.5.7. This Tarpya or Tapa garment was made by repeated rounds of soaking the plant yarn or tree substance in clarified butter and beating it to spread until thin and soft which was considered as a formal wear during auspicious ceremonies. Kambal was a blanket made of wool or animal skin to cover the upper body. The designs of the kambal that the man is adorned with resemble the design of leopard’s skin. It may also be the tarpya garment with that design or an animal skin.

Conclusion

The trimming of facial hair and hair dressing of the king was observed as an important part of big sacrifices, which went along with the recitation Vedic stanzas. The trimmed beard with the head band Mastaka bhooshana suggests Keshavapaniya ritual of the king at the time of Raajasooya yajna. The figurine represents the King.

References

• Symbolography in Indus seals by Rekha Rao. Print Book: https://www.amazon.com/dp/1549709208eBook: https://www.amazon.com/dp/B016QQKBQE
• Encyclopaedia of Oriental Philosophy and Religion: A Continuing …, Volume 1,edited by Nagendra Kr Singh, A. P. Mishra.
• A Dictionary of the Vedic Rituals, Chitrabhanu Sen, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1978 (reprint 2001)
• The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads, A. B. Keith, Harvard oriental series, No. XXXII, Cambridge, 1925
• Picture source: Harappa.com.

http://indiafacts.org/mohenjo-daro-man-performing-raajasooya-yajna/?fbclid=IwAR1H3rmYmyZ3hlw31oFMa99TGBg-HNwe1fqzuoCVAY21RW2yPwqWVZfkPl

Interpreting the Dholavira Sign Board of Indus Civilization -- Rekha Rao

June 2, 2019, 4:15 am

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Rekha Rao

Indology | 11-12-2018 This paper proposes a new interpretation for the previously unsolved puzzle of the Dholavira sign board. The symbols used in this sign board are also utilized in many Harappan / Indus seals. Each symbol has a distinct data about yajna and the order of symbols is not significant.

Interpreting the Dholavira Sign Board of Indus Civilization

Dholavira is a large archaeological site of the ancient Indus valley civilization, situated in the Kutch district of Gujarat in Western India. One of the most interesting and significant discoveries at Dholavira is the sign board found in the northern gateway of the city and is often called the Dholavira Signboard. The credit of finding this sign board with 10 inscribed symbols goes to ASI in 1991, by a team led by Prof. R. S. Bisht. The board originally was designed with set pieces of the mineral gypsum to form ten large symbols on a big wooden board. At some point, the board fell flat on its face. The wood decayed, but the arrangement of the symbols inscribed survived. The size of symbols of the signboard are comparable to large bricks that were used in nearby walls. Each sign is about 37 cm (15 in) high and the board on which letters were inscribed was about 3 m (9.8 ft) long. The size of letters being big that could be viewed from a distance, and the width of the board matching with the width of northern gateway of the Dholavira citadel, it is conjectured to be a sign board. The board is long with 10 Indus symbols and one circular symbol appearing four times. Its large size and public nature make it a key piece of evidence cited by scholars who opine that the Indus symbols represents a different type of communication. Another four-sign inscription with big size letters on a sand stone was also found at this site, considered first of such inscription on sand stone at any of the Harappan sites.

This paper is focused on what the 10 symbols of Dholavira sign board communicate. The significance of 262 Indus symbol has been listed in the book “The Dictionary of Indus Symbols”. The analysis of the symbols of the board for what they communicate is worked according to the symbol analysis of the dictionary. The symbols resemble the objects that are still in use during yajna rituals and picture of such objects is a proof of the fact that the rituals are a continuum until this date.

The Intention Behind Erecting a Sign Board

It is interesting to understand why sign boards were in vogue during Indus civilization, as far back as 3500 years when the script of language did not exist. An insight into Vedas reveal that people performed yajnas to appease deities and the recurrent request was for rains. They had faith in deity Indra who would cut the clouds with his weapon and bring copious rain. Yajnas thus became the major activity of people for which recitation of Vedic chants by Vedic priests was mandatory. All oblations were offered to Agni- the fire in the sacred fire altars, who was revered as the celestial priest carrying oblations to the Gods in the heaven. Thus, maintenance of fire and fire altars of yajnas which required elaborate preparations and many ingredients became central activity of people. Making of the wooden vessels and ladles of specific wood, earthen utensils and ingredients for varieties of offerings, was tough for civilians and hence these were arranged to be disposed for purchase in corporate departments through agents. The place where these were purchased was indicated through symbols in very bold font so that people could notice it and approach them.

The study of the nature of symbols have been correlated by the author to be related to the yajna rituals. Indus civilization was an era of Yajñas and performance of yajnas by people was the social order of the day for the maintenance and wellbeing of the society. The governing society had also insisted every Yajamāna of the house to execute Yajña meticulously and non-performers were considered as beasts.

Fire was conceived as deity Agni in Vedic period, who resided in every house in altars. People had to make their altars, maintain domestic fire as production of fire was not easy. Production of fire was like invoking deity Agni and could be done only through elaborate rituals along with the recitation of Vedic hymns. Alternately, it could be borrowed from a man who was wealthy and maintained fire perpetually by performing yajnas. Performing homa, offering oblations and protecting altars with ghee and fuel of specific wood contributed to health, increased happiness and added to the wealth of the world (Ref. “The Yajur Veda”, Translated by Devi Chand Ch 28.12). The proof of the mandatory rules of performing yajnas is in Yajurveda Ch 28.23and 24 says how homa should be performed for removal of diseases and how the Gayatri verse, the protection of Vedic speech, it’s longevity and understanding of essence of knowledge were preserved and promoted by performing Yajnas.

Objects used in Yajna

Purchase of varieties of ingredients were required for Yajña, such as, containers of earth and wood, wooden posts, forest products, animals, Soma sticks, sacred wood sticks etc. The expenditure had to be sponsored by the performer and the priests who performed yajna were to be arranged much in advance. Some aspects of how the civilians could procure the required objects from the supervising organizers are listed in Yajurveda. Chapter 30 of Yajurveda provides details about the governing the country and the ways of maintaining of law and order. The social and religious activities were run smoothly through Several departments that were governed by the King for the benefit of citizens from where the materials needed for performing the Yajña could be procured. Yajurveda Ch 30.20 indicates that the King should appoint a wise man as head of the village- Gramya Ganaka and he should keep account of the Yajña performed and transactions of purchased objects. He must engage “anuchara” who works for orders.The village head “Gramya ganaka”, maintained an account of the transactions involved because many objects were bought for yajnas right from grains to soma-the costliest product. The Indus seals can be read as the standardized format for the types of Yajña to be performed and the requirements of ingredients as prescribed in the Yajurveda were probably acquired from co-operative houses, the list of ingredients, the scale of Yajña, and the span to which it went had to be noted by the village accountant.

Yajnas were mainly of two types: The Shrauta (big scale rituals performed in yajnashala observing rigid rules and called for huge expenditure and participation of many priests) and Grihya rituals (less rigid, domestic rituals, performed by the yajamana of the house). Both varieties were briefed in the relevant sutras and brahmana texts.

According to Yajurveda, the total numbers of Yajña types were over four-hundred, and the Indus civilization had many tribes. Offerings varied depending on the Iṣṭadevata they chose – Rudra, Indra, Varuna, agricultural deities etc. It further depended on the four social orders (Brāhmaṇa, Kṣatṛya, Vaiṣya, Śūdra) – a combination of which gave rise to the multiple number of Yajña. Performing Yajña was mandatory for all citizens. The ones who did not perform Yajña were degraded as beasts (this is elaborated in the Ṛg and Yajurveda). Yajña had to be ministered by priests right from the Dikṣā ceremony,meaning the consecration of the sacrificer at the beginning of yajna. It consisted of a series of attitudes and manipulations, adopted, and followed by the sacrificer. It was only after the Dikṣā the sacrificer contacted the agent anuchara for procuring the materials required to perform the Yajña.

The performance of a Yajña involved the purchase of many ingredients such as:

1. Samidh sticks (firewood of specific trees – this required approval of a supervisor who was responsible for the maintenance of the forest – Vanaya or Vanapan). Yupa sacrificial posts were to be chiseled from trees and varieties of containers of both mud and wood varieties were to be made afresh before yajnas.
2. Animals like goat, sheep, antelopes, etc. were required for immolation. Construction of the altar called for acquisition land (permissions had to be acquired from governing bodies of the village) and making of bricks in large numbers which took a time span of a whole year.
3. In addition to this, milk, curds, butter, ghee, were essentially to be purchased for the Yajña since not all reared cows in their homes.
4. The Soma sticks, which were sourced from the Mujavant mountainous regions, were very expensive and equated to the cost of gold. The purchase of Soma sticks was in bulk and was bought for exchange of animal or gold.

The accountant of the village affairs Gramanya Ganaka kept in account of all purchases.

Anuchara / Sanaichara

Anuchara is the term used for agents, who worked for orders, whom the sacrificer after his Dikṣā engages to collect materials for the sacrifice. The physically disabled people who moved slowly were also not neglected by the society and given a suitable job as Anuchara. Since the crippled man moved slowly, he was called sanaichara as Sanai meant moving slowly in Sanskrit. A sacrificer, after their Dikṣā initiation contacted the attendant anuchara of gramya ganaka accountant to fix the different priests through Madhuparka ceremony, and supplied the materials that were required by the sacrificer. The construction of altars involved long procedures and soma yajnas demanded many objects. Similarly, many domestic rituals like full moon-new moon rituals were also complicated, involving procedures. All arrangements and supply of ingredients could be done through agents .

The symbols inscribed on seals are the archaeological proofs with the indication of the ingredients used in a Yajñic ritual. Some of the symbols displayed in bigger form on the board are inscribed on the small seals also and exhibit an astonishing amount of standardization in the representation of the symbols. This means there existed similarities between the symbols of the seals and the board. Since Indus seals are about Vedic civilization, the sign board has information related to yajna activities.

The signboard is the display of a place where anuchara could be contacted for the arrangements and performance of the above-mentioned rituals. It is for this reason the symbols were in bold font of 15 inches in size, displayed on a wooden board to attract the attention of common people and could be seen from a distance. It probably displayed an information like “contact us for the rituals” through inscribing symbols which was the mode of communication during that period. The symbols on the sign board have been correlated with similar representation in the Indus seals and studied for further information. Many symbol representations are miniature representation of the objects that are still in use during Yajna rituals. The explanation of symbols is supplemented with the picture of seals where they have appeared, picture of similar objects and conclusions drawn later. 

Deciphering the Dholavira board

The identification of symbols is named first, followed by an explanation of its significance. An example of seal picture for how each symbol appears in the seal is also provided.

Figure 1: Picture of the sign board as found in Dholavira.

Figure 2: A line drawing of the symbols inscribed in Figure 1.Number of symbols on the sign board: 10 (Symbols 8 and 9 are read as one unit as they are twin representations)

 Symbol reading from left to right:

1. Gārhapatya – the Circular symbol with 6 spokes, one of the 3 sacred altars.
2. The Praṇītāh Pātra – a kind of cup with a handle. (may be in relation to Cāturmāsya rituals)
3. Daśāpavitra- the filter used in soma yajna.
4. The symbols of Gārhapatya altar.
5. Āhavanīya, the square shaped altar, one of the three sacred fire altars.
6. The Catuṣpatha symbol where 4 roads meet, where oblation is offered to Rudra.
7. Idhma, a single stroke may indicate the supply of wood logs required for the sacred hearths and maintenance of fire on daily basis.,
8. and 9. Punarādheya, the two Gārhapatya symbols indicate about– the reinstallation of sacred fires.
9. Pariśasa -the symbol of the tongs used in Pravargya, an independent fire ritual

The symbols say a lot about all the rituals that were in vogue during Vedic and post Vedic periods.

*(For more details on symbols, reference number in the book “The Dictionary of Indus Symbols” that correspond with the 10 symbols of the board are indicated below in order of numbers: 137, 129, 80, 137, 139, 197, 49, 140, 85)  

1. Gārhapatya Symbol

The first symbol of the board

The symbol which is circular in shape with 6 spokes has been identified as one of the sacred altars “Gārhapatya”. It is repeated 4 times in the board of symbols and hence the importance of it in Indus civilization can be understood. It appears on board firstly as a single representation, secondly, along with a square altar and thirdly as twin representations. The significance of all three are discussed as it is also repeated extensively in the Indus seals.

Figure 3: The circular altar Garhapatya.

Figure 4: Garhapatya altar in Indus seals.

Gārhapatya altar is round, one square Aratni in area. One Aratni = twenty-four inches. Gārhapatya is one of the three sacred fires perpetually maintained by house holder which he receives from his father and transmits to his descendants. It is the domestic fire, dignity of the householder, belonging to Gṛhapati – master of the house, and maintained by the householder perpetually. Gārhapatya altar is one of the three sacred fires thus used in all types of yajna. In the shed of yajna shala the circular Gārhapatya is placed to the West of vedi (an elevated or excavated plot of ground where the middle points come closer, see Figure 3) . In homa, the fire from this is drawn to light the other two sacrificial fires called Āhavanīya and Dakṣiṇāgni. Its symbolized form in seals and in the Dholavira board is circular form with six divisions corresponding with six seasons of the year. The six spokes indicate the six seasons and a circle around the spokes indicates that the Gārhapatya needs to be maintained all through 6 seasons of the year. Gārhapatya fire is used for warming the Havis and utensils, and for cooking the oblatory material called Havis (see photo in fig.10) The representation as a symbol may also indicate that fire is perpetually maintained by logs of wood to maintain the fire.

According to Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, the construction of Gārhapatya represents the terrestrial world, is conceived as the womb; hence, it is circular (since both earth and womb are circular in shape). Initially the area for altar in Yajñaśāla is cleaned from weeds, stones, insects and the outline area of altars and vedi are marked. The circular space of Gārhapatya is strewn with saline soil and sand layer on it. The saline soil represents amnion and sand is viewed as the seed, (sand also does not burn away the amnion by sun’s heat). This area is then enclosed like the womb on all sides by enclosing stones. Within the circular site – six stones are laid, which is depicted in the symbol of Gārhapatya. These six stones represent the Agnipuruṣa lying on his back with head towards east, two bricks running south to north as belly and head at the center; four stones indicate the four appendages of arms and legs of the body. Of those, two are connected from north to center diagonally forming the arms, and the other two are connected from south to center diagonally forming the thighs. While laying the bricks, the priest follows the movement of the sun. The symbol of Gārhapatya can be seen in many Indus seals. (see Figure 4)

2. Praṇitā Pātra

   The second symbol of the board

Figure 5: Sakshira Praṇitā Pātra.

Praṇitā Pātra is a wooden vessel, in which holy water is fetched. Usually it is square or rectangular in shape, 8 inches in length and 4 inches in height, with a handle, made of Nyagrodha or Rouhitaka wood, fit for sacrificial purpose. Praṇitā Pātra with two depressions is called Sakshira pranita patra, used in chaturmasya (four monthly) rituals. One ditch carries milk or payasa and the other carries sacred water (Purified with Pavitra grass). It is used in Cāturmāsya rituals where a Caru or Pāyasa cooked in milk is offered to Marut. The second symbol of Praṇītāh Pātra in the board hints about the undertaking various objects made for Cāturmāsya rituals.

3. Daśāpavitra

The third symbol of the board

Figure 6: Daśāpavitra

Daśāpavitra is the fringed woolen filter, held over Drōnakalaśa (bucket shaped container) for filtering or purifying Soma. Its central part called navel / Nābhi are made of white wool of a living ram. Daśā is fringes,cloth. The centre part is cut and re-woven with wool of a living ram. It has fringes; hence, the name Daśā. The filter is one Prādeśa in length (twelve Aṅgula or one span) with a handle. The freshly crushed juice of soma is filtered in this as purifying act. The third symbol of the board Daśāpavitra, a filter used to filter soma juice indicates about the undertaking of special objects required for soma Yajñas

4. Gārhapatya symbol

See Section 1 for analysis.

5. Āhavanīya

The fifth symbol of the board

Figure 7: Āhavanīya altar in seals.

The fifth symbol of the board in square shape and seen in many Indus seals is called the Āhavanīya, the consecrated fire, is one of the three principal sacrificial fires. The altar is an oblatory altar, used for offering havis to Devas in Yajña. It is a square mound, situated on the eastern part of the Vedi (see photo 1 of fig 7) It is represented in two forms, either as a simple square altar or in rhomboidal shape with a smaller square of Uttaravedika with in the big square. The hearth is kindled in yajnashala by fire brought from Gārhapatya and the Homa is performed in it. In the Soma sacrifice, the fire of Āhavanīya is transferred from the original to the newly constructed Uttaravedika, (a small square high altar within the sacrificial arena,see last picture of figure 7) and uttaravedi later becomes Āhavanīya in which oblations to deities are offered. The original Āhavanīya is then called Gārhapatya. The two symbols,4th and 5th on the board of altars inscribed together may hint the activity of transferring fire from Gārhapatya to Ahavaniya, a long procedure, is undertaken. Most of the Śrauta rituals, oblations are done on Āhavanīya and not done on Gārhapatya Agni. Gārhapatya is more like a witness. The construction of altars is a complicated procedure and many priests are called for this work and hence advertised on the board about it through symbols. The symbols of both Gārhapatya and Ahavaniya presented together in the board indicates whom or where to contact agents if one must know about the constructional aspects as well as the arrangement of priests and the various ingredients required for this.

Construction of Āhavanīya fire altar has eight bricks that are compared to the eight syllables of Gāyatri metre. This is because the Gāyatri metre for Agni has eight syllables, and it is in five layers. Āhavanīya is for the heavenly world. First, the area of altar area is cleaned and sprinkled with Prokśani water. Then the sharp bricks are made. The blocks are set in all four directions starting from the East to ward off the demons creeping in from four directions.

The post dusk celebration includes the poking of Āhavanīya in four directions with sacred grass and the central part being undisturbed to drive away evil spirits. (see the third picture of Indus seal in Fig 7). This is done so that the positive and auspicious powers flow and reach the performers / sacrificer from all four directions. Therefore, Āhavanīya is a square and construction involves knowledge of geometry.

6. Catuṣpatha

The sixth symbol of the board

The Dholavira board lacks clarity with the 6th symbol. The analysis is based on the line drawing which is reconstructed to be two intersecting lines, which is identified as Catuṣpatha.

Figure 8: Catuṣpatha.

Catuṣpatha is a place where the four roads meet and represents the area of human settlement near rivers. The symbol on board hints about the elaborate preparations of Darśa Pūrnamāsa rituals (related to the full moon, new moon rituals), where all four categories of priests were required.

At the cross road an oblation is offered to Rudra believed to be one of the dwelling places of Rudra. In Tṛyambaka homa an offering is made to Rudra on a Palāśa leaf and is placed on cross roads. Crossroads is the dwelling place for spirits, and usually Mantra / Bali are offered, or light is lit. In snake worship rituals of Shravani or sarpabali, offering of food to Rudra is offered in Catuṣpatha for taking care of cattle from snake bites. Samasta homa is another ritual where Catuṣpatha is used. The condensed milk preparation was offered at the cross road by the Ṛṣis. The symbol on the board indicates about the availability of accessories related to the offerings on Catuṣpatha.

7. Long Stroke Indicating Idhma

The seventh symbol of the board

Figure. 9: Idhma.

Indus seals are with different types of strokes in varying numbers as symbols. One set of symbols are bold and short strokes, while some are long ones. Each convey different information. The long stroke which is only one in number on the sign board (There are also representation of 2,3,5,6 long strokes in seals) is identified to be the representation of ‘Idhma’. Idhma means wood sticks used for kindling fire, offered along with Sāmidheni verses recited at the time of kindling sacred fire. It is made of Palāśa or Khadira wood or twigs, which varies according to the rituals. The symbol of a single stroke represents a single oblation of wood offered to deity Prajāpati who is the creator of all beings. The symbol on the board communicates the availability of special wood sticks for various rituals .

8-9. Punarādheya

Symbols 8 and 9 of the board

Figure 10: Punarādheya in Indus seal and performance of it in Yajna.

Punarādheya is the reinstallation of fires that takes place under certain contingencies such as illness, death of the Yajamāna, loss of wealth, and at a desire for prosperity. When Gārhapatya is abandoned or discontinued due to calamities or accident, it is called Prājahita. Punarādheya is indicated by a set of two symbols of Gārhapatya. This twin representation can be seen in the board, seal picture as well as in support picture where the 2 circular altars are side by side. The empty one represents the abandoned altar while the other one shows ritual activity. One of the Indus seals depicts two Gārhapatya symbols together suggesting Punarādheya.

Reinstallation of fire is performed in the same paradigm of Ādheya, the initial rite of installing sacrificial fire in altars, with a few deviations. It is also a Prāyaścitta (seeking pardon) when the original Gārhapatya or Āhavanīya fires are extinguished by accident or discontinued for some reason. The discarded or the original Gārhapatya in the altar is called Prājahita. The fire is borrowed from Gārhapatya of a Vaiṣya house to relight the new Gārhapatya is called Aharyāgni (Aharya means to borrow). The seal picture also depicts two Gārhapatya altars to communicate how punaradheya must be performed before the commencement of Soma yajna if Gārhapatya is not maintained. The picture of Figure10 of a yajna depicts the two circular Gārhapatya altars which hints the reinstallation of new Gārhapatya altar before the commencement of yajna.

10. Pariśasa or Śapha

The tenth symbol of the board

Figure 11: Pariśasa.

Pariśasa or Śapha are a pair of tongs for raising the Gharma – the heated pot from the fire, used in the fire ritual called Pravargya. The symbol is indicated in many seals may represent the performing Pravargya fire ritual was mandatory and to be performed as a minor ritual before the commencement of big scale soma yajna.

Pariśasa is a pair of wooden tongs of two types, and one is used in raising Ukhā (container of fire) pot from fire, while the other is used in raising the Gharma, the special pot called Mahavira. Pariśasa may also be used in death ritual called Anustaraṇī where the animal flesh was used to cover the dead body so that human flesh of the dead one is not charred. The representation of Pariśasa as the last symbol in the board indicated the availability of this tool.

Conclusion

This paper proposes a new interpretation for the previously unsolved puzzle of the Dholavira sign board. The symbols used in this sign board are also utilized in many Harappan / Indus seals. Each symbol has a distinct data about yajna and the order of symbols is not significant. The repetition of circular symbol of Garhapatya altar appears to be the central theme because Agni / fire was of great importance in ancient times. The relationship of two identical representation of circular symbols are also decoded. Offerings made in sacred fire altar was the distinctive feature of Vedas. The square altar of Ahavaniya is indicated but interestingly the semi-circular altar called Dakshinagni where oblations are made to the dead pitrus is not indicated. This may be an indication that accessories of Sraddha related rituals are not part of this agent. The symbols have more relevance to socio religious aspects rather than having a linguistic resemblance to Brahmi or Sanskrit script. The structure of symbols is an exact replica of the objects used in rituals. The sign board of Dholavira gives knowledge about some aspects of the past Indus civilization and about the organizers of yajna in a symbolographic presentation.

References

1. The Dictionary of Indus Symbols, available online on Amazon in both eBook and Print Format: https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1726820335/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i1
2. Symbolography in Indus seals, Available online on Amazon in both eBook and Print Format: https://www.amazon.in/Symbolography-Indus-Seals-Rekha-Rao-ebook/dp/B016QQKBQE
3. The Depiction of Vedic Priests in Indus Seals, Available online on Amazon in both eBook and print book format: https://www.amazon.com/Depiction-Vedic-Priests-Indus-Seals/dp/1717855202/ref=sr_1_9?ie=UTF8&qid=1537762482&sr=8-9&keywords=Rekha+rao

http://indiafacts.org/interpreting-the-dholavira-sign-board-of-indus-civilization/

Neuoscience. Is cit computable? No, says Subhash Kak in Neuroquantology. Is ātmā identified? Artificial thought, life or Apasmāra is impossible.

June 2, 2019, 5:03 pm

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Cosmic dancer in CERN, Geneva.

One way to pose the question is to ask who is apasmara? "According to Hindu mythology, Apasmāra was a dwarf who represented ignorance and epilepsy. He is also known as Muyalaka or Muyalakan. To preserve knowledge in the world, Apasmāra could not be killed; to do so would throw out the balance of knowledge and ignorance—as to kill Apasmāra would mean attaining knowledge without effort, dedication and hard work. Consequently, this would lead to the devaluing of knowledge in all forms. To subdue Apasmāra, Lord Śiva adopted the form of Śrī Naṭarāja - the Lord of Dance and performed the cosmic dance of Tāṇḍava. During this dance, Śrī Naṭarāja suppressed Apasmāra by crushing him with his right foot. As Apasmāra is one of the few demons destined to immortality, it is believed that Lord Śivaforever remains in his Śrī Naṭarāja form suppressing Apasmāra for all eternity. This mythological dwarf is generally depicted with his hand in Añjali Mudrā. He is often depicted in this posture in depictions of Naṭarāja. Apasmāra is also a neurological disorder described in Āyurveda, known as epilepsy  According to Maharṣi Caraka, there are 4 types of apasmāra." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apasmara

अप-स्मार m. epilepsy , falling sickness Sus3r. &c; want of memory, confusion of mind (in rhet. one of the व्यभिचारिभावs, q.v.), (साहित्य-दर्पण)

चित् mfn. ifc. " knowing " » ऋत-च्/इत्; to understand , comprehend , know (perf. often in the sense of pr.) RV. AV. vii , 2 , 1 and 5 , 5  ; P. A1. to become perceptible , appear , be regarded as , be known RV. VS. x , xv : Caus. चेत्/अयति , °ते (2. pl. चेत्/अयध्वम् Subj. चेतयत् Impv. 2.du. चेतयेथाम् impf. /अचेतयत् RV. ; 3. pl. चित्/अयन्ते RV. ; p. चित्/अयत् RV. (eleven times) ; चेत्/अयत् , x , 110 , 8 , &c ; A1. चेतयान » s.v.) to cause to attend , make attentive , remind of. i , 131 , 2 and iv , 51 , 3  ; P. " to recover consciousness " , awake Bhat2t2. viii , 123  ; to observe , perceive , be intent upon RV. MBh. xii , 9890 Katha1s. xiii , 10  ; A1. (once P. MBh. xviii , 74) to form an idea in the mind , be conscious of , understand , comprehend , think , reflect upon TS. vi S3Br. ChUp. vii , 5 , 1 MBh. BhP. viii , 1 , 9 Prab.  ; to appear , be conspicuous , shine RV. TS. iii : Desid. च्/इकित्सति (fr. √कित् Pa1n2. 3-1 , 5 Dha1tup. xxiii , 24 ; exceptionally A1. MBh. xii , 12544 ;Impv. °त्सतु Subj. °त्सात् aor. 2. sg. /अचिकित्सीस् AV. ; Pass. p. चिकित्स्यमान Sus3r. Pan5cat. ) to have in view , aim at , be desirous AV. v , 11 , 1 ; ix , 2 , 3  ; to wish to appear RV. i , 123 , 1: Caus. of Desid. (fut. चिकित्सयिष्यति) to cure Ma1lav. iv , 4÷5 , 6 f. : Intens. चेकिते (fr. √2. चि? , or for °त्ते RV. i , 53 , 3 and 119 , 3 ; ii , 34 , 10 ; p. च्/एकितत् , ix , 111 , 3 ; A1. च्/एकितान RV. eight times) to appear , be conspicuous , shine RV.; f. pure Thought (ब्रह्म cf. RTL. p.34) Veda7ntas. 

Prab. अप- √ चित् Caus. A1. (Subj. -चेत्/अयातै) to abandon , turn off from (abl.) VS. ii , 17 : Desid. -चिकित्सति , to wish to leave or to abandon any one (abl.) AV. xiii , 2 , 15. (Monier-Williams)

S.Kalyanaraman, Sarasvati Research Centre

http://www.neuroquantology.com/index.php/journal/article/view/2359/1377

Sumer-Meluhha contacts. Ziggurat of Mari and Mohenjo-daro stupa compared; R̥gveda chandas mantra compare with songs of Sumerian gala 'temple priests'

June 3, 2019, 1:06 am

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https://tinyurl.com/y6mvctqb

-- From Meluhha to Sumer, reinterpreting movements of Meluhha Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12) into Sumer
-- Both 1) R̥gveda chandas mantra and 2) songs of Sumerian gala 'temple priests' are veneration of ancestors
-- Mohenjo-daro ziggurat (so-called stupa) may have provided the architectural model for the ziggurat of Mari

“Many of the complex and sometimes massive structures at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa would have been important for organizing trade, economic could have  been elite residences, centralized administrative structures  or even temples, but later disturbances obscured their primary function and the lack of appropriate excavation and recording techniques makes it impossible to  reinterpret these structures.” (Kenoyer, JM, 1994, The Harappan State: Was it or was it not? in: Kenoyer, JM, ed., From Sumer to Meluhha: Contributions to the archaeology of South and West Asia in memory of George F. Dales Jr., Wisconsin Archaeological Reports Vol. 3, pp. 71 to 80; p.76)
https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/pdf/Kenoyer1

This monograph suggests a new look at the comment made by Jonathan Mark Kenoyer on 'massive structures' at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. 

SumerSumer was first permanently settled between c. 5500 and 4000 BCE. Bhirrana-Kunal and Mehrgarh date to 8th m. BCE.
I have suggested a rebus reading of the curious flagpost carried in a procession by a priest of Mari. The reading is based on Meluhha linguistics (Indian sprachbund'language union' words. This clearly shows that Meluhha people had moved into Mari and celebrated their competence in metalwork signified by the one-horned young bull: khonda 'holcus sorghum' khonda 'young bull' rebus: kond 'kiln', kundar, 'turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS karba 'stalk of millet' (holcus sorghum) rebus: karba 'iron'. The proclamation message of the procession is that the gold workers have started working with iron,another metalwork wealth category.

Frieze of a mosaic panel Circa 2500-2400 BCE Temple of Ishtar, Mari (Tell Hariri), Syria Shell and shale André Parrot excavations, 1934-36 AO 19820  panel depicts proclamation of metalwork competence of konda, 'one-horned young bull' (rebus kō̃daकोँद 'potter's kiln') from Tell Hariri, ancient Mari, Temple of Ishtar -- graduating from gold to iron. The contacts with Meluhha (Sarasvati_Sindhu Civilization area) during the mature phase of the civilization are suggested by the date of the mosaic panel, ca. 2500 BCE.

I suggest that the priest shown on the Mari frieze mosaic panel is sanga 'priest' a word derived from Gujarati word sanghvi. saṅgin ʻ attached to, fond of ʼ MBh. [saṅgá -- ]Pk. saṁgi -- , saṁgilla -- ʻ attached to ʼ; S. L. P. saṅgī m. ʻ comrade ʼ (P. also ʻ one of a party of pilgrims ʼ), N. saṅi, Or. sāṅga, ˚gī, H. saṅgī m., M. sãgyā, sāgyā m.Addenda: saṅgin -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) sɔ́ṅgi m. ʻ friend ʼ, kṭg. sɔ́ṅgəṇ, kc. sɔṅgiṇ f., J. saṅgī, saṅgu m. (prob. ← H. Him.I 212)(CDIAL 13084)

Substrate sanga'priest' in Sumerian is from sangvi'priest' (Gujarati)

“Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin are:

professional names such as simug ‘blacksmith’ and tibira ‘copper smith’, ‘metal-manufacturer’ are not in origin Sumerian words.

Agricultural terms, like engar ‘farmer’, apin ‘plow’ and absin ‘furrow’, are neither of Sumerian origin.

Craftsman like nangar ‘carpenter’, agab ‘leather worker’

Religious terms like sanga ‘priest’

Some of the most ancient cities, like Kish, have names that are not Sumerian in origin.

These words must have been loan words from a substrate language. The words show how far the division in labor had progressed even before the Sumerians arrived.”

(http://www.wsu.edu:8080/~dee/meso/meso.htm &#8211; No longer available)

http://firstlegend.info/theoldones.html

Jerald Jack Starr Nashville, Tennessee has set up a http://sumerianshakespeare.com portal to establish that the people of Mari of ca. 3rd millennium BCE and the Sumerians are the same people.

The trade contacts of Meluhha with Sumer is firmly anchored by the decipherment of the Susa pot Indus Script hypertexts.

Sb 2723 (After Harper, Prudence Oliver, Joan Aruz, Francoise Tallon, 1992, The Royal city of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, Metropolitan Musem of Art,  New York.)

Indus Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; 

aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) 

baTa 'quail' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'.

kāṇḍa 'water' Rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements'.

Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baTa ayas  kāṇḍa 'metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.

Sargon (2334-2279 BCE) founded the Akkad dynasty which saw inter-regional trade routes, from Dilmun and Magan to Susa and Ebla. Later Naram-Sin (c. 2254-2218 BCE) conquered the cities of Mari and Ebla. Agade of Sargon boasted of gold, tin and lapis lazuli brought from distant lands. A description (Kramer, Samuel Noah, 1958: History Begins at Sumer (London: Thames & Hudson,  289-290) reads:

When Enlil had given Sargon, king of Agade,
Sovereignty over the high lands and over the low lands
...
under the loving guidance of its divine patron Inanna.
Its houses filled with gold, silver, copper, tin, lapis lazuli;
...
The Martu (Amorites) came there, that nomadic people from the west,
'who know not wheat' but who bring oxen and choice sheep;
The folk from Meluhha came, 'the peole of the black lands',
Bearing their exotic products;
The Elamites came and the Sabareans, peoples from the East and the North,
With their bundles like 'beasts of burden'...

In this narrative, Meluhha folk from the black lands were those who required a translator. (Se Shu-ilishu cylinder seal of an Akkadian translator).
See:

Decipherment of Indus Script Inscription on a Louvre Cylinder seal, made in Meluhha, of śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' https://tinyurl.com/y2f72xda

Unfortunately, archaeological work has not been done on the so-called Stupa at Mohenjo-daro. I suggest that this is a ziggurat and compares with the ziggurat at the ancient city of Mari.

Ruins of ziggurat in ancient city of Mari. Mari, Syria - a ziggurat near the palace. "Mari was an ancient Semitic city in modern-day Syria. Its remains constitute a tell located 11 kilometers north-west of Abu Kamal on the Euphrates river western bank, some 120 kilometers southeast of Deir ez-Zor. It flourished as a trade center and hegemonic state between 2900 BCE and 1759 BCE. As a purposely-built city, the existence of Mari was related to its position in the middle of the Euphrates trade routes; this position made it an intermediary between Sumer in the south and the Levant in the west." 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gala_(priests) 

I suggest that this Ziggurat of Mari is derived from the Ziggurat of Mohenjo-daro (referred to as 'stupa'). Both the Ziggurat of Mari and the stupa of Mohenjo-daro compare with the stepped pyramid shown on Sit Shamshi bronze.
Mohenjo-daro ziggurat.

See: Itihāsa. Tracing roots of Meluhha and Sumerian languages. Mohenjo-daro ziggurat, Sumerian ziggurat, stepped pyramid of Egypt 

https://tinyurl.com/yaueghjn

This is an addendum to:

Mohenjo-daro śikhara and puṣkariṇī (video 8:57) signify kole.l, 'Hindu temple' rebus kole.l 'smithy, forge', a ziggurat veneration of the Sun and ancestors https://tinyurl.com/y6w5e954

Ziggurat in Hindu idiom is a śikhara, 'tower' and a place to offer prayers, water ablutions to the Sun and the ancestors. The processes of offering water ablutions in front of a stepped tower are vividly presented in the bronze model Sit Shamshi (Elamite bronze model of a temple in the Louvre, Paris) as prayers to the Sun.

A Buddhist stupa in the center of the largest Indus city may actually be a monument from Indus times. If so, it will force Indus scholars to rethink the religious and political nature of the civilization, long thought to lack grand temples and palaces. "Verardi further argues that the coins found dated to Kushana period might have been buried later and therefore of little value in dating the structure. Michael Jansen does NOT find any Kushan shards at the mound site. Verardi suggests that the original structure may have been a series of platforms,perhaps similar to the Ur ziggurat in Mesopotamia build around 2100 BCE. This date is significant because this is the Mature Period of Sarasvati Civilization. Ziggurat-like structures were seen in many sites from Mesopotamia to Turkmenistan during 3^rd millennium BCE."
https://andrewlawler.com/website/wp-content/uploads/Science-2008-Lawler-Buddhist_Stupa_or_Indus_Temple-1280.pdf
Sit Shamshi, Louvre 

• Model of a temple, called the Sit-shamshi, made for the ceremony of the rising sun 12th century BCE Tell of the Acropolis, Susa Bronze  J. de Morgan excavations, 1904-05 Sb 2743 

Such a temple is comparable to a ziggurat of 3rd millennium BCE. "A ziggurat (/ˈzɪɡəræt/ ZIG-ə-rat; Akkadian: ziqqurat, D-stem of zaqāru "to build on a raised area") is a type of massive stone structure built in ancient Mesopotamia. It has the form of a terraced compound of successively receding stories or levels. Notable ziggurats include the Great Ziggurat of Ur near Nasiriyah, the Ziggurat of Aqar Quf near Baghdad, the now destroyed Etemenanki in Babylon, Chogha Zanbil in Khūzestān and Sialk." 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziggurat

"The Gala (Sumerian: 𒍑𒆪 gala, Akkadian: kalû) were priests of the Sumerian goddess Inanna, significant numbers of the personnel of both temples and palaces, the central institutions of Mesopotamian city states, individuals with neither male nor female gender identities. Originally specialists in singing lamentations, gala appear in temple records dating back from the middle of the 3rd millennium BCE. According to an old Babylonian text, Enki created the gala specifically to sing "heart-soothing laments" for the goddess Inanna."

I suggest that the Sumerian gala and Akkadian kalû are relatable to कल m. pl. a class of manes MBh. and cognate with the substrate words of Indian sprachbund 'language union' (Meluhha, mleccha): कल, कला, களம் kaḷam 'soft, melodious tone' and खल, களம்³ kaḷam 'assembly, hall of yajña'. The prayers to divinity Inanna and melodious laments in memory of ancestors, in Sumer/Mesopotamia may be derived from the sounds and expressions of mantra-s chanted as prayers in a खल which is Vedi, the hall of yajña.

कल low , soft (as a tone) , emitting a soft tone , melodious (as a voice or throat) R. BhP. Vikr. &c; m. (scil. स्वर) a low or soft and inarticulate tone (as humming , buzzing &c ); कला (in prosody) a syllabic instant; a low and sweet tone (बालरामायण) > களம்³ kaḷam, n. < kala. Melodious sound; இன்னோசை. களங்கொள் திருநேரிசைகள் (பெரியபு. திருநா. 337) களம்² kaḷam, n. prob. khala. Assembly, meeting, court, theatre; சபை. களனஞ்சி (குறள், 730). 4. Hall of sacrifice; யாகசாலை. யூப நட்ட வியன்களம் பலகொல் (புறநா. 15, 21).< खल m. (n. g. अर्धर्चा*दि) a threshing-floor , granary RV. x , 48 , 7 AV. S3a1n3khS3r. &c; earth , mould , soil; place, site (Monier-Williams)

The 'gala' priests of Sumer could be compared with a quarter in Srinagar, Kashmir called bhaṭṭārikāmaṭha. This quarter had bhaṭṭāra and bhaṭṭa who were bards and panegyrists. bhāˋṭ was a poet and singer, ʻmember of a brahman caste, priestʼ (WPah.) 

गलका   galakā m Clamor or vociferation; a hubbub or uproar.गलगल   galagala f Clamor, uproar, outcry.   गलगलाट   galagalāṭa m (Intens. of गलगल) A loud clamor or vociferation: also a full and deep buzzing or humming.(Marathi)

In drama, a king is addressed as a worshipful one, bhaṭṭāraya (Pkt.).Leading a chorus is called bhaṭyāunu. A bhaṭṭāra भट्टार means 'a noble lord (= पूज्य)" honourable " , N. of various men (राजतरंगिणी); the word is derived from  R̥gveda bhara (√ भृ) 'bearing , carrying , bringing.' భట్టారకుడు  bhaṭṭārakuḍu. [Skt.] n. A sage, a siant. ముని. The Sun, సూర్యుడు. Also, a theatrical phrase for 'a king,'రాజు.

भट्ट according to दशरूप ii , 64, is a title of respect used by humble persons addressing a prince but also affixed or prefixed to the names of learned Brahmans , e.g. केदार- , गोविन्द-भ्° &c , or भट्ट-केदार &c , below , the proper name being sometimes omitted e.g. भट्ट = कुमारिल-भ्° ; also any learned man = doctor or philosopher) (राजतरंगिणी); name of a particular mixed caste of hereditary panegyrists , a bard , encomiast(Monier-Williams). This is a common surname among the Tuluva Brahmins, Goud Saraswat Brahmins and Havyaka Brahmins of Karnataka. அத்தியயனபட்டர் attiyayaṉa-paṭṭar  n. < adhyayana +. See அர்ச்சகன்; ciṭṭa-p-paṭṭār சிட்டப்பட்டார் ciṭṭa-p-paṭṭār, n. < šiṣṭa + படு-. Devotees; அடியார். சிட்டப்பட்டார்க் கெளியான்(தேவா. 33, 6). బటు  or బటుక baṭu. [Tel.] n. A Brahmin bachelor. బ్రహ్మచారి. బటువస్త్రము, a bachelor's cloth.బడుగువస్త్రము.  బట్టు, బట్టువాడు  or బట్రాజు baṭṭu. [Tel.] n. A bard, herald: a chanter of titles and praise. వంది. బట్రా౛ులు a caste of Sudras who as a rule are eulogisers by profession.  భట్టాచారి  bhaṭṭ-āchāri. [Skt.] n. A title given to a learned man, equivalent to Doctor, His Reverence (thus used in Bengal.) In the south this is applied to a mere temple Brahmin (sacrificulus,) a priestling. అర్చకుడు, నంబివాడు. A showy person, డాంబికుడు.   భట్టుడు  bhaṭṭuḍu. [Skt.] n. A title equivalent to 'Doctor,' as లింగాభట్టుడు, కృష్ణభట్టుడు. భట్టుమూర్తి bhaṭṭu-mūrti. n. The Ministrel; or he who wore "the form of a Ministrel." This is the title of the celebrated author of the Vasu Charitra, whose original name was Rama Razu. bhaṭruju or భట్టు bhat-rāju. [Skt.] n. A bard, minstrel, herald, chanter of titles.

பத்தர்¹ pattar, n. 1. See பத்தல், 1, 4, 5. 2. Wooden trough for feeding animals; தொட்டி. பன்றிக் கூழ்ப்பத்தரில் (நாலடி, 257). 3. Cocoanut shell or gourd used as a vessel; குடுக்கை. கொடிக்காய்ப்பத்தர் (கல்லா. 40, 3).

   பத்தர்² pattar, n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.   பத்தர்⁵ pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.)

   பத்தர்³ pattar, n. < bhakta. 1. Devotees, votaries; அடியார். பத்தர் சிக்கெனப் பிடித்த செல் வமே (திருவாச. 37, 8). 2. Persons who are loyal to God, king or country; அன்புடையார். தேசபத்தர். 3. A caste of Vīrašaiva vegetarians; வீரசைவரில் புலாலுண்ணாத வகுப்பினர். Loc.

Bhaṭṭa is a ब्राह्मण brāhmaṇa, "with last syllable showing a Vedic accent, used as a noun as "m. (having to do with Brahman or divine knowledge), one learned in the Veda, theologian, priest, Brāhman, man of the first four castes"; and definition of ब्राह्मण brāhmaṇa, with only first syllable showing a Vedic accent, used as an adjective as "a. (i) belonging to a Brāhman, Brāhmanic", see: Macdonell 1924, p. 199.

bhaṭṭa2 m. ʻ mixed caste of bards ʼ lex. [Cf. bhaṭa -- m. ʻ mixed caste ʼ lex., bhaḍa -- m. Cat., bhaṇḍa -- m. BrahmavP. Pk. bhaṭṭa -- m. ʻ bard ʼ; K. bāṭh, dat. ˚ṭhas m. ʻ bard, panegyrist ʼ, S. bhaṭu m., P. bhaṭṭ m., Ku. N. A. B. bhāṭ, Or. bhāṭa, Bhoj. Aw.lakh. H. G. M. bhāṭ m., Si. bäṭṭayā; -- S. bhaṭiṇī f. ʻ woman of this caste ʼ, P. bhaṭṭaṇ, ˚ṇī f., N. bhaṭini, H. bhāṭan f.; -- N. bhaṭyāunu ʻ to lead a chorus ʼ.Addenda: bhaṭṭa -- 2: WPah.kṭg. (kc.) bhāˋṭ m. ʻ poet and singer ʼ, kṭg. bhāˋṭṭəṇ, kc. bhāṭiṇ f. ʻ his wife ʼ; Garh. bhāṭ ʻ bard ʼ.(CDIAL 9366) bhaṭṭārikāmaṭha m. ʻ name of a quarter of Śrīnagar ʼ Rājat. (PW). [bhaṭṭāra -- s.v. bhártr̥ -- , maṭha -- ]K. Brȧḍimar m. < *baṭarimar?(CDIAL 9367) bhártr̥ -- , acc. bhártāram m. ʻ husband ʼ, bhartŕ̊ -- m. ʻ bearer ʼ RV.: > MIA. bhaṭṭāra -- m. ʻ noble lord ʼ lex., ˚aka -- m. Hit., bhaṭṭa -- 1 ʻ term of address from lowborn to superior, lord ʼ Daś. [√bhr̥] Pa. bhattā nom., bhattāraṁ 

acc. sg. m. ʻ husband ʼ; NiDoc. bhaṭara, ǵ ʻ master ʼ, bhaṭariyae gen. sg. f. ʻmistressʼ; Pk. bhattu -- , ˚ti -- , bhaṭṭu -- , ˚ṭi -- m. ʻ husband, master ʼ, bhaṭṭiṇī -- f. ʻ mistress, non -- anointed queen ʼ, bhaṭṭāraya -- m. ʻ worshipful one, (in drama) king ʼ, bhaḍāraya -- with abnormal change of -- ṭṭ -- in term of address (> K. brôru m. ʻ god, esp. Śiva ʼ, brörü f. ʻ goddess ʼ); K. baṭa m. ʻ a Brahman ʼ; Ḍ. bitṓr, pl. ˚tāˊra ʻ husband ʼ, S. bhatāru m., Ku. A. bhatār, OB. bhatāra, B. bhātār, Bi. bhatār, Aw.lakh. bhatarā; H. bhatār m. ʻ husband, master ʼ. -- Addenda: bhártr̥ -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) bhāˋṭ m. ʻ member of a brahman caste, priest ʼ, J. bhāṭ m. ʻ term for a brahman ʼ; A. bhatarā ʻ uncastrated bull ʼ AFD 204.(CDIAL 9402)994_The%20Harappan%20State.%20Was%20it%20or%20Wasn%E2%80%99t%20it%20In%20From%20.pdf

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History of Hindi

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History of Hindi

• By Sanjeev Nayyar
 
•  March 2002

A friend of mine from Bihar told me what we considered as the national language Hindi was indeed a form of the Khariboli of Delhi. The Hindi they spoke was different, not a dialect but a different language altogether. I was surprised and perplexed. The article tries to find out all about Hindi language and literature. 

The article is verbatim from the History and Culture of Indian People published by the Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan. After that I compared notes with The Cultural Heritage of India published by the Ramakrishna Mission.

Round about 500 AD there were regional Prakrits which were the source of modern Indo-Aryan languages and the authors can think of these Prakrits as – 

1. Eastern Prakrit or Magadhi.

2. Central Prakrit or Ardha-Maagadhi.

3. Northern Prakrit, which may be called Khasa or Himalayan Prakrit.

4. Sauraseni Prakrit as current in Western U.P. and parts of Eastern Punjab as well as of Rajasthan.

5. Possibly a special Prakrit of Western Rajasthan, Saurashtra and Gurjara.

6. A Prakrit embracing Northern and Western Punjab and Sind.

7. Possibily there was another Prakrit, which was current in Malava. But it might have just been a variety of Sauraseni.

8. We have the Prakrit current in Maharashtra, which was this time confined only to the northern districts of the present day Maratha country.

By the end of 1300 a.d. the following Modern Indo-Aryan languages or groups had become established. 

1. Bengali-Assamese which inspite of differences in pronunciation came upon to be looked upon as one language till 1500 a.d.

2. Oriya, which remained close to Bengali but had its own development.

3. Maithili, the speech of North Bihar became fully established by 1300.

4. Magahi, the speech of South Bihar, which was very close to Maithili and although was different in many ways did not create much literature.

5. Bhojpuri is an important language of Eastern India.

6. Kosali dialects, these became differentiated into its present day descendants, Awadhi, Bagheli, Chattisgarhi. Kosali seems to have been cultivated very early and we have a Sanskrit work that indicates that there was an attempt to teach Sanskrit through the Old Kosala speech, goes back to the 1st half of the 12th century.

7. Brajabhasa speech is connected with Bundeli and Kanauji; this is parts of modern day Western U.P., parts of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.

8. Old Western Rajasthani, which after 1500 got bifurcated into Western Rajasthani or Marwari and Gujarati on the other.

9. Sindh speech derived out of the Old Vrachada Apabhramsa of Sind.

10. Lastly we have the incipient Punjabi language, mainly on a Western Punjabi basis.

We also have Kashmiri as a Dardic speech profoundly modified by Indo Aryan, which was taking shape by 1300.

Assamese – Bengali which may be taken as two languages, considering that the political history of Assam and Bengal were quite independent of each other from very early times, Oriya – Maithili and Magahi as a wholly developed though connected dialect, Bhojpuri – Kosali, also known as Gahwari, Brajabhasha with Kanauji and Bundeli, perhaps not yet fully differentiated, the Rajasthani dialects, of which the most important was the Marwari, largely used in literature and Gujarati which went along with Marwari, Marathi and the connected Konkani dialects, and then Punjabi both Western and Eastern and Sindhi.

Besides there was a group of North Indian or Himalayan dialects, coming from the old Khasa Prakrit of which the authors have no specimen until very late times. Excepting Bengali-Assamese-Oriya-Marathi-Gujarati-Sindhi-Punjabi the speeches of the North Indian plains have had a restricted literary employment during the last one hundred years and people from the beginning of the 20th century have accepted a form of Western Hindi (the Khariboli speech of Delhi) as their language of education, literature and public life. It has become the national language while Maithili, Magahi, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Bagheli, Brajabhasa, Chattisgarhi with other Central and Western Himalayan dialects being described as dialects of Hindi. But that was not the case till about 150 years ago. 

The vocabulary of Hindi is chiefly derived from Sanskrit. Like other Indo-Aryan languages Hindi in its present shape began to take shape around the 10th century a.d. But before the 14th century it was highly influenced by the Sauraseni Apabhramsa. Interestingly Sauraseni also gave birth to Punjabi. (refer the article on Punjabi). 

Oldest Hindi Mystico – Devotional Poetry - The padas and vanis of Gorakh Natha 1150, the great Natha Pantha teacher, and other contemporary Yogis preaching the philosophy and practice of hatha-yoga are also ascribed to this period. But their language is very changed and it is difficult to decide how much of these compositions are genuine. These poems emphasize the need for a pure life, detachment from material prosperity, and real knowledge, which prepared the ground for the bhakta poets of a later period.

The article has two chapters – 

1. Covers development of Hindi from 1300 to 1947.

2. Scripts in India of the Present Day

1300 to 1526

Western Hindi

The Khariboli form of Hindi which was accepted as the Official Language of India is one of the youngest of the Indian languages. As such it did not come into any literary use before 1800 a.d. and its effective literary employment started after 1850. When we said Hindi literature it meant Brajbhasa the most important form of Western Hindi prior to 1850. It is customary to include in this expression Awadhi although it is genetically of a different Prakrit origin from Western Hindi. Since we assumed other languages to be dialects lots of literature written in other languages became part of Hindi literature. For example devotional songs of Mirabai were written in Rajasthani or Bhojpuri, Maithili, Garhwali speeches.

During 1000 to 1300 a.d. Western Hindi was evolving out of Apabhramsa. It was during this period that a kind of linguistic hesitancy, that the first drafts of great Rajput heroic romances like Prithvirajarasau took shape. They were mostly in Western Hindi and they stand at the base of what may be described Hindi literature as also of Rajasthani literature. The Brahman scholars were busy composing works in Sanskrit, both stories and philosophical works but the revival initiated by them on the basis of translations from the epics and Puranas was to come later.

Amir Khushrav 1253 to 1325 a well-known Persian poet was one of the earliest writers of Hindi as well. Although the actual mass of Hindi compositions written by him is quite small he was fully alive to the importance of Hindi. He was also the author of Khaliq-Bari which is a brief dictionary in verse of Pers-Arabic and Hindi. The book did a lot to spread Perso-Arabic words among the people of North India and helped bring about the development of Urdu.

Between 1300 to 1400 a.d. we do not find any writer in Hindi though compilation of Apabhramsa texts and their study in a mixture of Rajsathani and Apabhramsa appeared to have continued in the courts of Rajput chiefs and North India. Hindi literature during the 15th century was dominated by Kabir.

The abandon of faith in and love of God was a new strain in Indian religious experience for which the North is indebted to the South. The Saints of Tamil Nadu, Saivites or Vaishnavites had a deep love for God, which in turn formed the basis of the Bhakti school. Two noted Vaishnava Acharyas Ramananda 1400-1470 and Vallabhacharya 1473 to 1531 inspired many great personalities during this period.

They included Kabir. The former was an ardent devotee of Lord Ram, a great Sanskrit scholar who wrote in Hindi too. The latter was a Sanskrit scholar who was a devotee of Lord Krishna. He came from Andhra but made Mathura his main seat of teaching. One of his disciples was Surdasa.

This new Bhakti movement revolutionized Hindi language and literature. The language became free from the unnecessary inhibitions and shackles of the Apabhramsa tradition. The poets came from the masses, sincere in thought and behavior. They used language that was familiar to the people. 

A number of Kabir’s dohas found in the Kabir canon is in pure Bhojpuri his native language. But most of his writings are now available in a mixed language. This is popularly known as sadhukkada boli or the speech of wandering sadhus. It is basically Western Hindi – Braja –bhasa and occasional forms of Awadhi. Guru Nanak wrote in Western Hindi tinged with Punjabi.

Kosali or Awadhi or called Eastern Hindi

At present there is little literary endeavor in Eastern Hindi since most speakers have adopted western Hindi. However, Awadhi has been one of the earliest Indo Aryan languages to be cultivated for literature. The oldest specimen of Awadhi is found in Ukti-vyakti-prakarana of Damodara Pandita who flourished during the first half of the 12th century. He wrote this book to teach Sanskrit through his mother tongue which was a kind of old Awadhi. The Sufi tradition which became established in India in the 14th century found a series of writers mostly Muslim who took a number of poems of medieval Hindu inspiration and wove them into poems in Awadhi, Maulana Daud was probably the first of them. The manuscripts of these poems in Awadhi are mostly Persian in character due to the Muslim influence existing at that point of time.

1526 to 1707 

The greatest Hindi writer during this period was Gosvami Tulsidasa, born in U.P. sometime in 1523. He wrote his masterpiece Rama-charita-manas sometime in 1574 in his native Awadhi dialect. It narrates the story of Rama and through it propounds the story of the Bhakti Cult. Besides its literary importance it rendered a great service to the Hindus of North India who were submerged under the flood of Islamic conquest.

Quote Dr S K Chatterjee excerpts “ Tulisdasa with his books did the greatest service in strengthening the Hindus of North India in their old ways, culture which seemed to be overwhelmed in the flood-side of an aggressive Islam and by the side attacks on Hindu cultural life through covert preaching against orthodoxy, which inculcated the study of Sanskrit books, going to places of pilgrimages and performance of various religious rites. If a writer’s popularity is to be gauged by the number of quotations from him known to the masses, then there is none else in the range of Hindi to stand before Tulsidasa”.

One of the important characteristics of the Indian civilization is the strength we derive from the characters in Mahabharata and Ramayana. As a child my mother read out these epics to me from the Amar Chitra Katha, sub-consciously they seem to have impacted my mind, whenever in trouble I draw inspiration from one of the characters therein. Interestingly I saw a movie ‘Lord of the Rings’, big hit, that to my mind was totally inspired from the Mahabharata. I could actually identify similar characters, Arjun, Bhim and Ghatotkach to name a few.

Tulasi-dasa wrote many other devotional works of which Vinaya-Patrika (letters of Prayer) is most well known. He preached pure devotion of God but believed in a personal God with attributes as was represented by Rama, an avatar of Vishnu. He died on 1623.

The spirit of Tulasi-dasa encouraged many writers like Agra-dasa and Nabhaji-dasa who wrote in Braj-bhasha, the famous Bhakti-mala (the garland of saints) that gives accounts of Vaishnava saints from the early period down to 1600. Another set of poets worshipped Krishna and drew inspiration from Bhagavata Purana instead of the Ramayana, Surdasa was one of them lived between 1503 to 1563 and wrote thousand of lyrics on the different stages of Krishna’s life. His Aura-sagara is a collection of songs mainly devoted to the lilas of Krishna as a child and as a youthful lover of the gopis, the most important being Radha.

Another poet of this school was Mirabai (1498 around to 1546) a Rajput princess married to the prince of Mewar. She was devoted to Krishna. Her songs were originally composed in Marwari, but their language has been largely altered to Braj-bhasa dialect of Hindi in order to make them popular outside Gujarat and Rajasthan. Several works attributed to her are Narsiji Ka Mahero, Gitagovinda Ki Tika, Ragagovinda, Garva-gita.

The Awadhi dialect of Hindi was enriched by a number of Sufi writers who wove some romantic tales of the folklore type into beautiful allegorical plays by way of elucidating the characteristics of Sufi doctrines. Maulana Daud is the author of the oldest work of this type Chandayan. But the greatest writer of this school was Malik M Jayasi whose poem Padumavati composed between 1520 to 1540 is a detailed Sufi allegorical treatment of the famous story of Padmini of Chitor.

Literature in Braj-bhasha flourished under Akbar and was enriched by poets/musicians of his court like Tansen who wrote highly poetic and sometimes profound songs on various topics, devotional and descriptive. Another Kesava-dasa (1565-1617) introduced a deliberately and artificially rhetorical and artistic type of literature.

Roughly from the beginning of the 17th century to the middle of the 19th century Hindi literature took a new turn. This period is called Rita-kala, a name given to it by Ramchandra Shukla.

Many talented poets in this period tried to write books on various aspects of Indians poetics such as rasa, alankara and nayaka-nayika-bhela, on the lines of Sanskrit rhetorical tradition. Some of them were Chintamani Tripathi 1609 who wrote Kavya-viveka etc, Kesavadasa who wrote Rasika-priya in 1591 were poets of a high order comparable to classical lyrists like Amaru, Govardhana and Jayadeva.

Bhusana 1613 to 1712 wrote heroic poetry of a beautiful type. His panegyrics on Shivaji in the most musical Braha-bhasa were amongst the most stirring things in the domain of medieval Indian poetry. His poetry gave hope to the Hindus of that age when everything seemed lost.

The most popular poet of the Riti school was Biharilal 1600-63 the court poet of Jay Singh the Raja of Amber for his 700 verses. Its popularity can be judged from the fact that it was translated into various Indian languages including Sanskrit. His minute observations of the behaviors of lovers and their physical / mental expressions attracted men of culture in the middle ages.

The last great Hindi poet during this period was Lal Kavi who in 1707 wrote Chhatra-prakasa, a beautiful biography of Chhatrasal, the Raja of Bundelkhand. Guru Govind Singh composed some important works in Hindi mostly in Apabhramsa style including the autobiographical poem Bichitra Natak. His Krishna-katha 1688, Rama-katha 1695 reminds us of Surdasa and Tulasidasa respectively. To read more the Guru’s attitude to Hindi please go to the article on Punjabi.

The Hindi literature described above is mostly in verse. Good modern Hindi prose did not make its appearance before the 18th century.

1707 to 1818 

Hindi literature during this period continued the style and tradition of the previous period though several writers gave evidence of high style and perfection. Reference must be made to Bhushana who wrote works on Shivaji in most musical Braj bhasha marked by ardent patrioticism of a Hindu.

Hindi prose in Khari Boli and Braj bhasha whose beginnings go back to the 16th century a.d. was highly developed. Very good progress in Khari Boli i.e. Delhi Hindi is evidenced by the prose rendering of Yagavasishtha Ramayana completed by Ramprasad Niranjani in 1741 as one example.

The development of modern Hindi from the beginning of the 19th century is dealt with below.

1818 to 1905

The epoch of modern Hindi literature started at the beginning of the 19th century but its progress was very small until the middle of the 19th century. There was a beginning of a prose literature but its language – Khari Boli – was roughly the standard speech of Delhi identical in grammar (though not in script, higher vocabulary and sometimes syntax) with Urdu, the Muslim form of Hindi. The extent of this prose was very meager but there was a vast literature in Brajbhakha, Awadhi and Rajasthani. But there was hardly any poetry in Khari-Boli, which was employed in prose. This disparity gradually disappeared in the second half of the 19th century and one common form of Hindi came to be used in prose and verse, though a few authors wrote in Brajbhakha and Awadhi.

Like Bengali Hindi prose owes its origin partly to the efforts of the Christian missionaries to translate religious texts Bible and of the authorities of Fort William College in Calcutta to prepare suitable textbooks for students. The first such author was Lalluji Lal of Agra who wrote Prem Sagar in 1803 on the story of Krishna’s life as described in the Bhagvata Purana. It is one of the earliest Khari Boli classics. Pandit Mishra a Bhojpuri speaking scholar wrote another model work in Khari Boli Hindi prose, the Nasiketopakhyan, based on the well-known story of Nachiketas in the Katha-upanishad.

The School Book Society of Agra 1833 did a great service for Hindi prose by publishing many Hindi text books on different subjects and by 1857 Hindi prose had taken a great shape although no high literary value works were produced.

The work commenced by pioneers in the 18th century like Pandit Daulatram and Munshi Sadasukhlal Niyaz came to be stabilized and the Midland speech in its latest phase of a Sanskritised Khari Boli Hindi started on its conquest of nearly the whole of North India. From 1850 prose style started by Lalluji Lal became established.

Then came Haris-chandra of Banaras (1846-1884) who had the sobriquet of Bharatendu (Moon of India). He is universally acknowledged as one of the makers of modern Hindi. There were a number of other writers around this period who produced personal essays, humorous and satirical writings, dramas, reviews and at the same time translated Sanskrit, Bengali and English works into Hindi. Pandit S Phillauri of Punjab and Lala Shriniwas Das 1851-87 became pioneers in writings original novels. They believed in blending the best of traditional and modern values with an Indian bias. By the end of the 19th century the tendency the influence of Bengali literature was replaced by the English one.

The next event of great importance was the foundation of the Arya Samaj by Swami Dayananad Saraswati who adopted Hindi was the language of his preaching and propaganda. Refer to the chapter on Urdu for more details but the Samaj revived Hindi in Punjab, Western U.P. and Rajpputana. It must be remembered that Hindi had to face opposition from the officially patronized Urdu. To read about how Swamiji’s efforts made Hindi replace Urdu as the main medium of communication in North India and around read please go to the essay on Urdu.

The greatest novelists and short story writer of modern Hindi is Munshi Prem Chand (1880 to 1936). The new styles of poetry with a large amount of Bengali and some English influence came in during the second half of the 19th century. Among the more well known poets was Sridhar Pathak and Maithali Saran Gupta. Hindi journalism came into the field when Pandit Jugal Kishore of Kanpur started from Calcutta the first Hindi weekly Udant Martand (the Rising Sun). A number of renowned journalists flourished during the second half of the 19th century like Balmukund Gupta of Rohtak and Prabhu-dayal Pande from Mathura edited from Calcutta a weekly newspaper Hindi Bangavasi that was the most influential Hindi newspaper during the two closing decades of the 19th century.

1905 to 1947 

The Hindi writers of the late 19th century referred to in the earlier chapter had a tendency to display their knowledge of Urdu Persian as well as of Sanskrit. It was not until the beginning of this period that this tendency disappeared. This was mainly due to the efforts of Premchand who established his reputation as an Urdu novelist but when he changed over to Hindi the decisive step had been taken and Hindi finally shook off the allurements of Urdu Persian. Mahavir Prasad Dvivedi also contributed. His devotion, integrity and zeal as editor of Sarasvati established him as the architect of Hindi prose.

Premchand’s works are translated into Bengali, Gujarati, Marathi, Tamil, English and Russian. There were some powerful novelists writing in the modern realistic as well as psychological vein, between who was Pande Bachhchan Sarma Ugra and Jinendra Kumar the leading of the psychological novelists in Hindi. Of an altogether different vein is the writer of historical novels B Lal Verma. There were a number of other renowned Hindi poets too.

Some other poets have left a distinct impression on the development of Hindi literature. Among these may be mentioned Suryakanta Nirala who brought in a completely new movement in Hindi – in freeing the metre from the bonds of rhyme and fixed length and in bringing into it a new modernistic mystic note known as Chhaya-vada (literally shadow school). There was Mahadev Verma a poetess also in a mystic vein. There is a good deal of influence of the Bengali poets, particularly Rabindra-nath Tagore on this new school as of English poets of the romantic schools. In Saketa and Yasodhara by M S Gupta there is an evocation of the spirit of ancient India in a remarkable way.

With the innovators the Khari Boli form of Hindi came into its own although the Braj-bhasa still flourishes.

Note - One of the issues on which people particularly foreigners divide us is that we have so many languages / dialects. While we do not have to be defensive about it nor seek to explain why we are the way we are, a reading of the content of this article has made me realize that what we consider dialects of Hindi today were / are actually languages in their own right. Due to social / political changes that accompanied the British rule and Delhi becoming the center of power Khari Boli one of the many forms of Hindi became mainstream Hindi while others became dialects.

https://www.esamskriti.com/e/History/History-Of-Indian-Languages/History-of-Hindi-1.aspx?fbclid=IwAR1Riq-Jy1LnytpxrbCMhTwxHLgD_ZtgvbHL9VwHsNCQu9gTyNpw6ECJhlk#.XPVwdFMYqKc.twitter

Semantics of three faces on Mohenjo-daro seal m0304

June 3, 2019, 8:04 pm

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muhã ʻ face, mouth, head, person ʼ Rebus: mũhã̄ 'the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native furnace' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the three faces signify iron of a smithy/forge. Thanks to RS Kshatriya for the exquisite drawing of the face on m0304 seal. The entire Indus Script Inscription on m0304 is a metalwork wealth-accounting ledger of Meluhha artisans including śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' signified by a squirrel on other inscriptions. See decipherment in the context of the Indus Script Corpora examples at Decipherment of Indus Script Inscription on a Louvre Cylinder seal, made in Meluhha, of śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' 
https://tinyurl.com/y2f72xda Some decipherments like Sullivan's read the script as syllabic. Maybe, they have to relate deeply into the pictorial narratives which are 'meaningful'. The script is NOT syllabic, it is logosemantic in Meluhha, Indian sprachbund, 'language union'.

 Bi. mũh ʻ opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing) ʼ(CDIAL 10158)

Thanks to RS Kshatriya for the exquisite drawing of the face on m0304 seal. 

Single serrated, mēḍhā 'twisted', mer̥ha 'crumpled' horn of the young bull is rebus medhā मेधा = धन, treasure

June 4, 2019, 8:05 am

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There are many unique iconographic features on a 'one-horned young bull' hieroglyph of Indus Script Corpora. Each feature is explained in Meluhha rebus readings of Indus Script Cipher.

An intriguing feature relates to the 'unique' feature of the 'one-horn' ligatured to the young bull. The horn is not of a curved style like parethetical marks: () but is a zig-zag 'S' or twisted-shape pattern and sometimes serrated. I suggested that this crumpled, zig-zag or twisted pattern of the horn has to be expressed by a Meluhha word. The word has been found. The word is mer̥ha, 'crumpled'. Cognate: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi)..The rebus rendering of this word is of great significance in the metalwork wealth-accounting ledgers of Indus Script Corpora.The rebus readings of the word are:meḍ,med'iron, copper'(Mu.Ho.Slavic languages); medhā मेधा = धन (नैघण्टुक , commented on by यास्क. ii , 10); मेध  medha'yajna, oblation, oblation, the juice of meat , broth , nourishing or strengthening drink RV. शतपथ-ब्राह्मण. कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र.) Thus, clearly, the twisted one-horn signifies metalwork of the artisan signified by the young bull. khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures'. Thus, the young bull PLUS serrated, crumpled horn together signify a tresure of metalwork wealth.

Thus, I submit that mer̥ha 'crumpled horn' is a semantic determinative, read rebus as medhā मेधा = धन,treasure.

Field Symbol 3 [ASI 1977 Concordance (Mahadevan)]Sign 391 The -āra- ān suffix signifies a performer, a person. Thus, kundār is a lathe turner, lapidary who works with the lathe, say, to pierce stone beads and create perforated beads.

Unicorn or, young bull, is Indus Script hypertext; signifies kundār, 'turner, lapidary, goldsmith' http://tinyurl.com/y4p2t7lp This monograph provides 1) archaeological evidence for a potter's wheel which is the model for the cire perdue copper alloy artifacts of Mehrgarh; and 2) decipherment of Indus Script Sign 291 'spoked wheel' as āre 'potter's wheel' rebus: āra 'brass'.Thus, the Indus Script Corpora contains documentation of wealth-accounting ledgers and metalwork on metals such as brass. The combined expression signified a young bull PLUS spoked wheel sign is kunda, 'lathe' PLUS ār, 'persons, artificers' = hypertext 'kundār,'turners, lapidarie, goldsmiths' (guild). 

I suggest that the one-horned young bull PLUS spoked wheel on neck (ligature) is an orthoggraphic style to signify an expression consisting of two words (logos):

Hieroglyph:

cf.L. awāṇ. middhuṇ, pp. middhā ʻ to crush ʼ(CDIAL 10294)

Rebus: med 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali) med 'copper'.(Slavic).

Examples of serrated, curved, twisted, crumpled single horn of the young bull in Indus Script Corpora

After Fig. 6.7 in Kenoyer, 2013 Unicorn figurines from Chanhu-daro (a, b), Mohenjo-daro (c), and Harappa (d). The figurines in the round signify that the one-horn is a ligature to a male young bull-calf, distinct from an aged bull or grown-up ox. The youth is called kor̥a,'boy' in Santali. Hence, खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf rebus: kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln, furnace'  (Kashmiri)

 (After Fig. 3 in: Gautama V. Vajracharya, Unicorns in Ancient India and Vedic ritual, in: EJVS, Vol. 17 (2010),Issue 2) https://crossasia-journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/ejvs/article/view/322

http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:16-ejvs-3221 (PDF) In this article, Gautama V. Vajracharya suggests that the expression parīśāsau signifies a pair of 'horns' of the unicorn (one-horned bull), which are uniquely shaped with two curves as shown on many Indus Script seals.

For a contemporary pair of tongs, made of wood, see T. N. Dharmadhikari, Yajñāyudhāni, Pune: Vaidika-Samśodhana-maṇḍalam, 1989, P. 42. 

I suggest a semantic explanation for this unique iconography of the single horn. It is NOT a horn of an antelope but is a 'twisted, crumpled horn'. This crumple or twist is signified by the word mer̥ha, 'crumpled'; mēḍhā'twisted'. Rebus reading of these words in Meluhha is med 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) mẽṛhẽt id. (Santali) mr̥du id. (Sanskrit). Thus, together with the pannier, and the youthful bull signified by he word कोंद kōnda, the koḍ 'horn' is described as mer̥ha, 'crumpled' mēḍhā 

'twisted' rebus: med, mẽṛhẽt 'iron'. Thus the koḍ 'workshop' of kōnda 'lapidary, turner' is also associated with med, mẽṛhẽt 'iron'. This association with metalwork yields another rebus reading: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).

The crumpled signle horn of the young bull ('unicorn') is read as the expression: mer̥ha koḍ 'crumpled horn' rebus: mẽṛhẽt (meḍ) koḍ 'iron or metals workshop'.

I have suggested that the one-horned youngbull PLUS spoked wheel on neck (ligature) is an orthoggraphic style to signify an expression consisting of two words (logos):

 

कोंद kōnda 'young bull' PLUS āre potter's wheel (Gondi) yield the combined expression kundār 'turner, lapidary who works with the lathe'..He also works with fine gold: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725). This artisan's professional competence is semantically reinforced by a part of the standard device normally shown in front of the young bull; this part is kunda 'lathe'. Rebus 2:  kō̃da कोँद।कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 1033); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल्।कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165). 

 

The standard device in front of the young bull includes a lathe as the top register. The word is: kunda 'lathe' kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1] N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwāʻsmoothly shapedʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ,kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻsmoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdā, kõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ latheʼ, kũdibā,kū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d 

ʻlatheʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, 

kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1] A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ(CDIAL 3297). kunda'one of the nine treasures of Kubera'. The lathe part of the standard device shown often in front of the young bull is a semantic determinative, kunda'lathe' rebus: kunda'Kubera's treasure'.

History of writing on postage stamps, Indus Script memento from PIA and celebration of Indus Script metalwork treasure on postage stamps

June 5, 2019, 1:53 am

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baṭa 'rimless water' rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’
baṭa‘warrior’, rebus: bhaṭa‘furnace’ (This is a semantic determinative)
kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy,forge'
mer̥ha koḍ 'crumpled horn' is a semantic determinative, read rebus as medhā मेधा = धन,treasure PLUS koḍ 'workshop'.
khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures'; kō̃da कोँद 'furnace for smelting':  payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद । परिपाककन्दुः f. a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a furnace (for smelting) kunda'lathe' rebus: kunda'a treasure of Kubera'; Ta. kuntaṉam 
interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725). kammatamu'portable furnace' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage'.

Thus, the seal inscription signifies a mint, smelter workshop for treasure of metalwork.

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Venda 1983 History of Writing Rock Painting Art Indus Valley Sc 68-71 MNH # 4067

Gir Zebu (Bos primigenius indicus)

पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus pōḷa'magnetite, iron ore' 

Egyptian Themed Stamps - The Rosetta Stone is a stele inscribed with a decree in 196 BC on behalf of Egyptian King Ptolemy V. The decree is writen in three scripts: Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, Demotic script, and Ancient Greek. It was found in place Roseta in the Nile Delta in 1799 by French soldier. This trilingual inscription helped Champollion to deciphered Ancient Egyptian inscriptions - hieroglyphs.

Indus Script memento from PIA

Seals from the Indus Valley 

Harappa and Mohenjo-daro are the two most important ancient cities to have been discovered by archaeologists in the Indus Valley in what is today Pakistan and northeast India. They existed at the same time as civilizations in ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia with comparable complexity and technology. 

Indus Seals were carved out of stone and then fired to make them more durable. Over 3,500 seals have been found so far. The most typical Indus seal is square, with a set of symbols along the top, an animal in the centre, and one or more symbols at the bottom. Animals found on the seals include rhinoceros, elephants, unicorns and bulls. On the back is a projection, probably to hold while pressing the seal into other materials such as clay. The projections also have a hole for thread, presumably so the seal can be worn or carried as a necklace. The symbols at the top of the seal are generally thought to form the script of the Indus Valley language. The seals were pressed into soft clay to seal the mouths of jars and, as suggested by the imprint of fabric on the back of some seal impressions, were used to create clay tags for sacks of traded goods such as grain. Indus Valley seals have been found as far afield as Mesopotamia (present-day Iraq) in the cities of Umma and Ur, in Central Asia and on the coast of the Arabian Peninsula. 

Classic INDUS VALLEY Harappan Civilization SEAL Stamp from Mohenjo Daro (aka Moenjodaro) 2500 BC Ruins ~ Museum Antiquity Replica 

Seal is made of Brass affixed to a layered White Quartzite base. 

The seal depicts a tricephalic (three headed) animal with the head of an antelope, unicorn and bull. 

Vintage PIA Pakistan Airline Souvenir Gift in Original BOX. 

This appears to be a souvenir given to first class customers. Circa 1970s.

Mark: 

Box - Manufactured by Gift Centre Zaibunnisa Street, Karachi / Phones14 

Seal - Sticker with info about the object 

Measurements ( WxHxD): 

Box - 4.75 x 1.25 x 4.75 inches 

Seal - 3 x 0.75 x 3 inches 

https://www.worthpoint.com/worthopedia/indus-valley-seal-mohenjo-daro-2500-1919695696

Lothal Bhurkhi R. S. (S.O.) - 382 230 Lothal Seal Date of Introduction: 17.12.1997

Lothal is one of the most prominent cities of the ancient Indus valley civilization, situated near the village of Saragwala of Dholka Taluka of Ahmedabad District. The literal meaning of the word Lothal is "Place of the Dead". The site was excavated by from 1955-62 which unearthed many structural remains of Harappan town (Circa 2500-1900 BC). Before the arrival of Harappan people (c. 2400 BCE), Lothal was a small village next to the river providing access to the mainland from the Gulf of Khambhat. The cancellation depicts Seal with Unicorn Motif.

This stamp shows fashion (clothes, accessories and styling them) in Harappa and Mohenjodaro, Maurya and Sunga period. They knew how to weave different grades of cotton. They also knew how to dye the clothing in basic colours. 

The Archaeological Survey of India is one of the most respected government agencies which is a part of the Ministry of Culture. Founded in 1861 by Alexander Cunningham, this organization is known for its immense contributions to the field of archaeological research and the conservation/preservation of ancient and historical monuments in the country. To commemorate these remarkable achievements, the Government of India had issued 4 beautiful commemorative Indian stamps depicting historical monuments and archaeological discoveries of India.

Pitalkhora Yakshi

Situated in the Satamala range of the Western Ghats, is one of the one of the earliest examples of rock-cut architecture in India. This stamp portrays an image of the famous Pitalkhora Yaksha, to signify the importance of this ancient site. This definitely can go down as one of the most special stamps of India.  

Kalibangan seal

The ASI will always be remembered for conducting a 34-year long excavation and research of the Kalibangan site, which concluded victoriously. The research reveals that Kalibangan was a major provincial capital of the Indus Valley Civilization which is distinguished by its unique fire altars and known as “World’s earliest attested ploughed field”. This, one of the most beautiful stamps of India showcases the typical and artistic Kalibangan seal, as a mark of appreciation for this successful discovery by ASI.  

Stamps on Indus Valley civilization

It all started with an accidental discovery of Harrapa, by British engineers who used bricks from the ruins to build the East Indian Railway line between Lahore and Multan in 1912. Since then, a series of excavation campaigns were run to unearth this magnificent site. In 1944, Sir Mortimer Wheeler, the then director of the ASI, led one of the most successful campaigns. The campaign ran for three decades and was full of discoveries of the remnants of civilization. 2 commemorative Indian stamps depicting toys, tools and seals of this great discovery by ASI were issued.  

“Monuments of ancient cultures: MohenjoDaro and Trypillia,” Pakistani-Ukrainian postal stamp.

Arguments for Indus Script as a logosemantic writing system

June 5, 2019, 5:34 am

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Arguing that the Indus Script is a logosemantic writing system. The pictorial motifs occupy the maximum space of inscriptions; they have to be explained and linked to the 'text' portion of 'signs' of the inscriptions. Many signs are intensely pictorial, for example, squirrel which appears on the longest inscription as the signature (left-most sign, third line from top). Each sign, each pictorial motif has to be read in the logosemantic writing system of Indus Script. I have shown that the writing system is NOT syllabic and the pictorial narratives are semantic, not mere 'cult' symbols. A tiger looking back at a person on a tree is NOT a cult narrative. Such pictorial narratives have to be explained together with the 'text' portions of an Indus Script Inscription..

Indus Script Cipher frames semantics, an advancement over Egyptian Hieroglyhic Phonetic Rebus Cipher

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Egyptian hieroglyphs are a logo-phonetic system and the hieroglyphs which are icons or symbols are read as phonemes. The cipher uses homonyms of ciphertext phonemes; this is rebus rendering in the logo-phonetic system.

Good examples are the ciphertext phonemes of  'catfish' + 'awl' symbols or icons in the Narmer Palette top register flanked by to bull-heads.

 The ciphertext phonemes hieoglyphs are N'r + M'r. Homonyms which are plaintexts are N'rM'r which is the name of the King, Nar-Mer.

Indus Script hieroglyphs are also read rebus. The difference between Egyptian Hieroglyphic Cipher and Indus Script Hieroglyphic Cipher is that the rebus renderings of both the 1)hieroglyphs and 2)homonym words are rendered semantically.

A good example is provided by the Daimabad Inscription on a seal which shows one hieroglyph.

The Indus Script hieroglyph is read as a sememe: कर्णक m. (ifc. f(आ).) a prominence or handle or projection on the side or sides (of a vessel &c ); कर्ण the handle or ear of a vessel RV. viii , 72 , 12 S3Br. ix Ka1tyS3r. &c.

The rebus rendering of this word कर्णक  is a similar sounding word (homonym) with a different meaning, i.e. a meaning different from the hieroglyphic icon or symbol. The homonym is: कर्णिक having a helm; m. a steersman. Another word in the dialects of Meluhha is:कर्ण the helm or rudder of a ship R.; करण m. writer , scribe; clever , skilful RV. i , 119 , 7; n. the act of making , doing , producing , effecting S3Br. MBh. &c (very often ifc. e.g. मुष्टि-क्° , विरूप-क्°)(Monier-Williams); कारणी or कारणीक   kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c.(Marathi).

The Daimabad Indus Script Inscription on the seal conveys the message: कर्णक, kankha 'rim of jar' read rebus in Meluhha as: कारणी 'supercargo',  कर्णिक 'steersman'.

Thus, the Daimabad seal signifies the profession of the artisan as a steersman and supercargo, 'a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.'

The difference between Egyptian hieroglyphs and Indus Script hieroglyphs is thus the difference between a logo-phonetic system and a logo-semantic system. In the logo-semantic system, both the hieroglyph and the homonymous plaintext are read and their meanings matched in the Indus Script Cipher.

On the Daimabad seal, the hieroglyph reads kankha'rim of jar' and the plain text of the homonym is कर्णिक 'steersman', कारणीक, 'supercargo',  करण m. writer , scribe; clever , skilful RV. i , 119 , 7. The plaintext has many phonetic variants consistent with the nature of Meluhha speech which yields many variant pronunciations of the same underlying word. This unique characteristic of Meluhha speech or Indian sprachbund 'speech union' is commented by Patanjali by defining a meluhha or cognate mleccha as one who mispronounces and utters ungrammatical phonetic variants of Indisn sprachbund dialects.

The Indus Script Cipher constitutes a semantic advancement over the phonetic, rebus rendering framework of Egyptian Hieroglyphic Cipher. Each word of 1)the hieroglyph and 2)the homonym is matched in meaning with the iconography of the hieroglyph and the meaning or semantics of the homonym word.

It will be seen that the logo-semantic framework of Indus Script Cipher extends to every ligature affixed to a hieroglyph. Thus, the 'rim-of-jar' hieroglyph as on the Daimabad seal can get modified with a ligature hieroglyph of a lid. The resulting hypertext may look like the left-most hyperext on Mohenjo-daro tablet side B:m478B

The rim-of-jar PLUS lid is read rebus: Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' PLUS Hieroglyph: कर्णक, kankha 'rim of jar' read rebus in Meluhha as: कारणी 'supercargo',  कर्णिक 'steersman'.Thus, together, the hypertext reads: supercargo, steersman (responsible for cargo of) blazing metal articles.

This decipherment of a rim-of-jar PLUS lid hieroglyphs as a hypertext, is an example of Indus Script as a logo-semantic system.

Evolution of Indus Script Writing System as wealth-accounting ledgers in Bronze Age workshops of Harappa

June 5, 2019, 5:55 pm

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-- Semantics and pragmatics of Egptian and Indus Script hieroglyphs

-- An industrial scale Bronze Age workshop of Harappa evidenced by a series of circular workers' platforms which are an organization of industrial scale workshops to produce metalwork artifacts

This monograph compares the evolution of writing systems of Egyptian hieroglyphs and Indus Script hieroglyphs. It is seen that while Egyptian hieroglyphs progressed into pragmatics of coding in cipher, the objects and place names, the Indus Script hieroglyphs progressed beyond semantics into pragmatics of coding in hypertext ciphers, the nature of metallurgical processes to produce defined metalwork which constituted wealth of the artisan guild working on circular workers' platforms, on an industrial scale.

"Semantics means the meaning of a word, phrase or text. Semantics is the branch of linguistics and logic concerned with meaning. The two main areas are logical semantics, concerned with matters such as sense and reference and presupposition and implication, and lexical semantics, concerned with the analysis of word meanings and relations between them.

"Pragmatics relates to language in use and the contexts in which it is used, including such matters as deixis, the taking of turns in conversation, text organization, presupposition, and implicature." 

https://www.dictionary.com/

Early writing from Abydos was used to label containers. (Courtesy Günter Dreyer) : Larkin Mitchell, 1999, Newsbrief, Archaeology, Volume 52 Number 2, March/April 1999, Archaeological Institute of America "Bone and ivory tags, pottery vessels, and clay seal impressions bearing hieroglyphs unearthed at Abydos, 300 miles south of Cairo, have been dated to between 3400 and 3200 B.C.E, making them the oldest known examples of Egyptian writing. The tags, each measuring 2 by 1 1/2 centimeters and containing between one and four glyphs, were discovered by excavators from the German Archaeological Institute in Cairo in the predynastic ruler Scorpion I's tomb. Institute director Günter Dreyer says the tags and ink-inscribed pottery vessels have been dated to 3200 B.C.E based upon contextual and radiocarbon analysis. The seal impressions, from various tombs, date even further back, to 3400 B.C. E. These dates challenge the commonly held belief that early logographs, pictographic symbols representing a specific place, object, or quantity, first evolved into more complex phonetic symbols in Mesopotamia...Denise Schmandt-Besserat, Professor at the University of Texas at Austin, explains as follows the reasons why it is now held that writing spread from Mesopotamia to Egypt. Mesopotamia provides data that illustrates the step by step evolution of data processing from 8000 B.C. to the present. Clay counters of many shapes - tokens - were used to count goods in early agricultural communities from 8000 to 3000 B.C.. When the Mesopotamian script written on clay tablets appeared, coinciding with the rise of the state, about 3200 B.C., it visibly evolved from the token system. Tokens and writing had an identical function. Both served strictly for accounting the same types of goods, namely small cattle, cereals, oil, textiles, etc. The written signs were traced in the shape of tokens, bearing the same markings. The signs were organized using the same order as the previous tokens. Apparently, about 3100 B.C., the Mesopotamian state administration required that the names of the individuals, that either received or gave the goods stipulated, be entered on the accounting tables. These personal names could not easily be written logographically without the risk of overburdening the system. In order to solve the problem, the accountants resorted to writing individuals' names phonetically. This brought writing to a new course that, in the course of centuries or even millennia, developed into the cuneiform syllabaries (1 sign = 1 syllable) used by the Babylonians and Assyrians...The bone and ivory tags discovered at Abydos also documented the quantity and geographic origin of particular commodities. The labels, originally attached to boxes or containers, had the names of places and institutions involved in the exchange of such goods as grain and fabrics. The older clay seal impressions and ink inscriptions also indicate the origins of different commodities. Such records, says Dreyer, "provide valuable information concerning political organization and resource distribution in predynastic Upper Egypt."To date, 70 percent of these predynastic hieroglyphs have been translated. According to Jim Allen of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, such early hieroglyphs represent a rebus system, akin to modern Japanese, in which pictures are used according to the way they sound. In early phonetic systems phrases such as "I believe," for example, might be rendered with an eye, a bee, and a leaf. The Abydos hieroglyphs are simple precursors to the complex hieroglyphic forms discovered at later sites such as Metjen and Turin...Will the present date of 3200 B.C. for phonetic writing in Egypt be confirmed by subsequent work? Are the dates for Mesopotamian writing-solely based on the stratigraphy of one deep sounding of the site of Uruk-too conservative? Hopefully, Egyptology will be able to find out more about the circumstances that surrounded and led to the development of phonetic writing. Finally, it will be of great interest to resolve whether the Egyptian and Sumerian scripts came about independently, or if, after all, they had ties?" https://archive.archaeology.org/9903/newsbriefs/egypt.html

These examples of early Egyptian hieroglyphs of Aybdos from ca. 3400 BCE indicated places, objects, or quantities. This example of pragmatics shows an advance over the earlier use of hieroglyphs to provide for rebus readings in Coptic language of, say, names of Kings. The writing system thus advanced to signify wealth categories as indicated by the semantics of these ivory and bone tags found in tombs.

Almost at the same time, ca. 3300 BCE there is evidence of Indus Script hieroglyphs found on a potsherd discovered at Harappa (by HARP archaeology team). This potsherd signified the object, 'tin ore' and the place where it was processed: smithy, forge.

Decipherment: tagaraka 'tabernae montana' rebus: tagaram 'tin ore' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

Ta. takaram tin, white lead, metal sheet, coated with tin. Hieroglyph: Ta. takaram wax-flower dog-bane, Tabernaemontana; aromatic unguent for the hair, fragrance. Ma. takaram T. coronaria. Ka. tagara id. / Cf. Skt. sthakara-, sthagara-, tagara, tagaraka-; Pali tagara-; Pkt. ṭagara-, tagara- (DEDR 3002) tagara1 n. ʻ the shrub Tabernaemontana coronaria and a fragrant powder obtained from it ʼ Kauś., ˚aka<-> VarBr̥S. [Cf. sthagara -- , sthakara -- n. ʻ a partic. fragrant powder ʼ TBr.]Pa. tagara -- n., Dhp. takara; Pk. tagara -- , ṭayara -- m. ʻ a kind of tree, a kind of scented wood ʼ; Si. tuvara, tōra ʻ a species of Cassia plant. ʼtagaravallī -- .(CDIAL 5622)  tagaravallī f. ʻ Cassia auriculata ʼ Npr. [tagara -- 1, vallī -- ]Si. tuvaralā ʻ an incense prepared from a species of Tabernaemontana ʼ.(CDIAL 5624) Rebus: Ma. takaram tin, tinned iron plate. Ko. tagarm (obl. tagart-) tin. Ka. tagara, tamara, tavara id. Tu. tamarů, tamara, tavara id. Te. tagaramu, tamaramu, tavaramu id. Kuwi (Isr.) ṭagromi tin metal, alloy. / Cf. Skt. tamara- id.(DEDR 3001) tagara2 ṇ. ʻ Name of a town ʼ Romakas.M. Ter LM 348.(CDIAL 5623)

I have presented thousands of dialect variants in pronunciation, semantic expansions for each of the hieroglyphs of the script. Context of use is critical. Context is wealth creation and documenting wealth creation in daybooks or ledgers which constitute the Indus Script Corpora of over 8000 inscriptions.

JM Kenoyer and R Meadow have demonstrated how the hieroglyphs on miniature tablets (Groups 1 to 3) become part of an Indus Script Inscription on a seal. Thus, the miniature tablet inscriptions constitute daybooks which enter the wealth-accounting ledger on a seal. 

https://www.harappa.com/content/indus-script-and-economics-role-indus-seals-and-tablets-rationing-and-administration-labor 

Decipherment of some miniature Harappa seals/tablets

Three Dotted circles: dhāvaḍa kolimi 'smelter smithy, forge'; ganda 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar';khanda 'equipment' PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Thus, furnace fire-altar.

dhāī 'strand' PLUS vaṭṭa  'circle' = धावड dhāvaḍa 'smelter'. kanda'arrow' rebus: khanda 'equipment' Thus, fish+ arrow hieroglyphs signify aya 'fish' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS kanda 'arrow' rebus: khanda 'equipment' or together, alloymetal equipment.

The inscription on this Harappa miiature tablet (both sides) siggnify धावड dhāvaḍa 'smelter'.working with furnace fire-altar and producing alloymetal equipment.

தாயம் tāyam :Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. (Tamil)

rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻrelic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)  धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. धावड  dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी  dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. (Marathi).

PLUS

Hieroglyph: vaṭṭa 'circle'. 

Thus, together, the hypertext reads rebus dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'

वृत्त [p= 1009,2] mfn. turned , set in motion (as a wheel) RV.; a circle; vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1] 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊk, waḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?(CDIAL 12069) வட்டம்போர் vaṭṭam-pōr, n. < வட்டு +. Dice-play; சூதுபோர். (தொல். எழுத். 418, இளம்பூ.)வட்டச்சொச்சவியாபாரம் vaṭṭa-c-cocca-viyāpāram, n. < id. + சொச்சம் +. Money-changer's trade; நாணயமாற்று முதலிய தொழில். Pond. வட்டமணியம் vaṭṭa-maṇiyam, n. < வட் டம் +. The office of revenue collection in a division; வட்டத்து ஊர்களில் வரிவசூலிக்கும் வேலை. (R. T.) వట్ట (p. 1123) vaṭṭa vaṭṭa. [Tel.] n. The bar that turns the centre post of a sugar mill. చెరుకుగానుగ రోటినడిమిరోకలికివేయు అడ్డమాను. వట్టకాయలు or వట్టలు vaṭṭa-kāyalu. n. plu. The testicles. వృషణములు, బీజములు. వట్టలుకొట్టు to castrate. lit: to strike the (bullock's) stones, (which are crushed with a mallet, not cut out.) వట్ర (p. 1123) vaṭra or వట్రన vaṭra. [from Skt. వర్తులము.] n. Roundness. నర్తులము, గుండ్రన. వట్ర. వట్రని or వట్రముగానుండే adj. Round. గుండ్రని.

धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it.  धवड (p. 249) dhavaḍa m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावडी (p. 250) dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. 

aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'; dotted circle: 

 Sign 328, Sign 89 baṭa'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa'furnace' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'

Sign 15, Sign 89 kuṭi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' PLUS कर्णिक 'rim of jar' rebus:'steersman'PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'karaṇī 'supercargo'

Sign 15 (including Sign 12 'water-carrier')

kuṭi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'.

Sign 15Variants of Sign 15

Variants on Texts 1175, 1475, 4029, 1287, 5063, 1438, 4322, 1030 seem to indicate

that the ligaturing sign is NOT ‘rim-of-jar’ (Sign 342) but duplicated twig which is read as:

dula ‘two’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’ PLUS kūdī 'bunch of twigs' (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali). Thus, the ligaturing components on the ‘water-carrier’ sign seems to be a semantic reinforcement of Sign 12: kuṭhi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' PLUS  'rim-of-jar'कर्णक m. (ifc. f(आ).) a prominence or handle or projection on the side or sides (of a vessel &c ) , a tendril S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. Rebus: कर्णिक having a helm; a steersman; m. pl. N. of a people VP. (Monier-Williams) rebus:karṇī 'supercargo', 'engraver' (Marathi) .

  Sign 267, Sign 89 kaṁsá 'bell-metal, bronze ingot', kolimi, 'smithy/forge'
(Hieroglyphs: kanac 'corner', kolom 'three')

Sign 267 is oval=shape variant, rhombus-shape of a bun ingot. Like Sign 373, this sign also signifies mũhã̄ 'bun ingot' PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼAV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻgong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109.2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ;  A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ, kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻ open bellmetal pan ʼ. (CDIAL 2756)

Sign 272 cyphertext is a composite of Sign 267 and smoke, flame signifying a portable furnace. Lozenge, corner, signifier of portable furnace smoke/fire. Lozenge or oval shapes are mũhã̄ 'bun-ingot' shapes.  kammaṭa 'portable furnace to melt metals', rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236). Thus, kancu ʼmũh kammaṭa bronze, bell-metal ingot mint.

Sign 276 Variant Sign 278.  The hypertext is composed of Sign 267 and a hieroglyph,'splinter': sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.  Thus Sign 276 reads, kancu ʼmũh sal 'bell-metal ingot workshop'. 

Sign 278 has a circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ (Kashmiri).: kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., °uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ.Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk. kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ. (CDIAL 2726)*kandukara ʻ worker with pans ʼ. [kándu -- , kará -- 1]K. kã̄dar, kã̄duru dat. °daris m. ʻ baker ʼ. (CDIAL 2728) Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id. Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe.kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit.(DEDR 1214)

Thus, Sign 278 reads: kancu ʼmũh kaṇḍa sal 'bell-metal ingot implements workshop'. 

Sign 277 Sign 277 The hypertext is composed of Sign 267 and a hieroglyph,'notch': खांडा  khāṇḍā .A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). A rough furrow, ravine, gully. (Marathi) rebus: khāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi). Thus Sign 277 reads,  kancu ʼmũh khāṇḍa 'bell-metal ingot, metalware' Sign 279 Sign 279 signifies two corners and is a variant of Sign 277. Thus, Sign 27o reads dul kañcu ʼmũh khāṇḍa 'castings bell-metal ingot, metalware'.

PLUS खांडा  khāṇḍā .A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). A rough furrow, ravine,gully. (Marathi) rebus:khāṇḍa tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi). Vikalpa to 'notch' is 'splinter' of two notches: sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.

Sign 280 The hypertext of Sign 280 is composed of Sign 267, notch and lid of pot. Sign 280 The hypertext of Sign 280 is composed of Sign 267, notch and lid of pot. The reading is: kancu ʼmũh dhakka khāṇḍa 'bell-metal ingot, bright,blazing metal tools, pots and pans and metalware'. 

Circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'. 

Sign 281 The hypertext is Sig 280 PLUS circumscript 'four short vertical strokes'. The reading is: kaṇḍa kancu ʼmũh dhakka khāṇḍa 'fire-altar (for) bell-metal ingot, bright,blazing metal tools, pots and pans and metalware'.

Sign 284Variants of Sign 284 

Circumscript: four short strokes: gaṇḍā 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'. Sign 285 is a composite of hieroglyphs: Sign 267  four corners, four short linear strokes as circumscript.  kaṇḍa kancu mũh khāṇḍā 'bell-metal ingot, implements (from) fire-altar'. 

The rebus reading of hieroglyph spoked-wheel is: arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass' PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast,copper'. 

Sign 286Variants of Sign 286 

Sign 286 is a composite of Sign 284 with infixed spoked wheel. The reaiding of hypertext of Sign 286 is: 

kaṇḍa āra eraka kancu mũh khāṇḍā  'fire-altar (for) brass, moltencast copper, bell-metal ingot, implements.' 

A reasonable inference is that the miniature tablets were prepared by artisans of working platforms which were later moved with the articles produced into the temple to prepare wealth-accounting ledgers on seals.

Keeping track of stuff

A preliminary report of the Exploration of Luxor-Farshut road in the ABZU site (O.I.) http://xoomer.virgilio.it/francescoraf/hesyra/dynasty00.htm

Hieroglyphs from KV17, the tomb of Seti I, 13th century BCE

[]quote] THE BIRTH OF HISTORY

Jeff BurzacottJuly 31, 2015 “were glad to have seen the land which was the mother of civilization – which taught Greece her letters, and through Greece Rome, and through Rome the world.”— Mark Twain on his visit to Egypt in 1867

This is among ancient Egypt’s earliest writing, carved into ivory and bone tags around 3,200 B.C. It marks the beginning of Egypt’s, and therefore the world's, written history.

These tags were discovered in the 1980s in the Abydos tomb (U-j) of the predynastic ruler Scorpion I by Günter Dreyer of the German Archaeological Institute. Abydos, in Upper Egypt, was where the country's earliest rulers chose to be buried. Also among the Abydos tombs were clay seal impressions that date back even further, to 3400 B.C.E

The tags were made to label the grave goods that the rulers took with them into the afterlife. They document the quantity and origin of particular commodities such as wine, grain and fabrics. Having the goods labelled meant that even if they physically were lost, their essence would remain to supply the king forever. 

This was also about status. The place names spoke of the reach of the power of the king to command these resources from towns throughout Egypt, even in the Nile Delta.

For a long time it was thought that writing developed in Mesopotamia as there was a clear evolutionary path to follow, from the first marks in clay to keep track of trade goods, through to a fully-fledged writing system. Egyptian hieroglyphs on the other hand, seem to suddenly appear! However the Abydos find turned things upside down, as they are oldest form of writing found anywhere, by a few hundred years.

In time the pragmatic uses of writing gave way to the noble art of love expressed through poetry. This poem was written around 1,550 B.C.E: “Her legs parade her beauty; With graceful step she treads the ground, Captures my heart by her movements.She causes all men’s necks out to see her; Joy has he whom she embraces, He is like the first of men!”— Papyrus Chester Beatty I. However, when the royal scribes made those first clay seals in Abydos, such written romantic flourishes were nearly two thousand years into the future. Egypt’s earliest surviving examples of writing seem to be driven by a much simpler need: to keep track of stuff.  [unquote] https://www.nilemagazine.com.au/2015-july-1/2015/7/31/the-birth-of-history

Designs on some of the labels or token from Abydos, carbon-dated to circa 3400-3200 BC and among the earliest form of writing in Egypt.^[15][16]They are similar to contemporary tagsfrom Uruk, Mesopotamia

Labels with early inscriptions from the tomb of Menes (3200-3000 BCE); Ivory plaque of Menes (3200-3000 BCE)l Ivory plaque of Menes (drawing)

The first full sentence written in mature hieroglyphs. Seal impression of Seth-Peribsen (Second Dynasty, c. 28-27th century BCE)

 – the character sꜣ as used in the word sꜣw, "keep, watch"

– md +d +w (the complementary d is placed after the sign) → it reads mdw, meaning "tongue".

– ḫ +p +ḫpr +r +j (the four complementaries frame the triliteral sign of the scarab beetle) → it reads ḫpr.j, meaning the name "Khepri", with the final glyph being the determinative for 'ruler or god'.

For example, the word nfr, "beautiful, good, perfect", was written with a unique triliteral that was read as nfr:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egyptian_hieroglyphs

Hieroglyphs at Amada, at temple founded by Tuthmosis III.

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Silver seal from Karur kampaṭṭa-k-kuravan 'mint guild master' signifies his workshop śrivatsa, which is kammata, phada, paṭṭaḍi, metals manufactory

June 6, 2019, 2:18 am

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This monograph explains is an elucidation of semantics and pragmatics in Indian sprachbund, 'language union' exemplified by Meluhha, mleccha dialectical expressions and idoms which are a continuum from the Indus Script writing system of Sindh-Sarasvati Civilization. 

This monograph shows how synonyms of a 'mint or metals workshop' get registered in dialects of the same language group of Meluhha. In Marathi, the word is फड phaḍa which signifies a guild of metals manufactory. In Tamil, the expressions conveying the same semantics are பட் டடை and கொற்றுறை. 
கொற்றுறை koṟṟuṟai, n. < கொல்² + துறை. Blacksmith's workshop, smithy; கொல்லன் பட் டடை. A dialectical variant is kuravan of 1st cent.BCE, in Karur, Tamil Nadu. பாண்டிக்குறவன் pāṇṭi-k-kuṟavaṉ, n. < பாண்டி¹ +. A person of the Tamil-speaking division of the Kuṟava caste in Travancore; மலைநாட்டுத் தமிழ்க்குறவன்.குறவன் kuṟavaṉ, n. < id. [T. korava, K. koṟava, M. kuṟavan.] 1. Inhabitant of the hilly tract; குறிஞ்சிநிலமகன். குறவரு மருளுங் குன் றத்து (மலைபடு. 275). 2. Inhabitant of the desert tract; பாலைநிலமகன். (பிங்.)

This monograph demonstrates that kuravan on Karur silver seal is கொற்றுறை 'Blacksmith's workshop, smithy'; a synonym of this profession is Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236) which is signified by the fish-fin decorations on Sanchi toraṇa. The word kampaṭṭam 'mint' is a semantic expansion of பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai, n. < K. paṭṭale. 1.Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம் = फड phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room (Marathi)

I submit that kuravan is a synonym for फडनीस   phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.(Marathi)

The śrivatsa hieroglyph on Karur silver seal is cognate with the sign which is proclaimed in Sanchi.

This is an indus script hypertext on Sanchi toraṇa next to a sippi 'artisan'. śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. ǵ Pk. sippi -- , ˚ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471) PLUS  khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236)

Seal of kampaṭṭa-k-kuravan of Karur

Square seal (silver) from Karur, with symbols like the Srivatsa and legend "Kuravan". Ist century B.C.E The seal message can be read as kampaṭṭa-k-kāraṉ கம்பட்டக்காரன் kampaṭṭa-k-kāraṉ, n. < கம்பட்டம் +. Coiner; நாணயம்
செய்வோன் or kampaṭṭa-k-kuravan

Ta. koṟṟam victory, success, bravery, power, sovereignty; koṟṟavaṉ king, victor; koṟṟavi queen; koṟṟavai goddess of war and victory (George L. Hart III, The Poems of Ancient Tamil, pp. 23-4), Durgā; koṟṟi Durgā. Ma. 
koṟṟam victory, royalty; koṟṟavan king, headman.(DEDR 2169) கொற்றமுரசு
 koṟṟa-muracu, n. < id. +. Trumpet of victory, an insignia of royalty; அரசாங்கத்திற்குரிய வெற்றிமுரசு. கொற்ற முரசிற் கோடணை கொட்டி (பெருங். இலாவாண. 11, 186) கொற்றவஞ்சி koṟṟa-vañci, n. < id. +. (Puṟap.) Theme extolling a king who destroyed his foes with his sword; பகைவரை வாளோச்சி அழித்த அரசனது புகழைப் பெருகவுரைக்கும் புறத் துறை. (பு. வெ. 3, 7.)கொற்றவள்ளை koṟṟa-vaḷḷai, n. < id. +. 1. (Puṟap.) Theme indirectly describing the prowess of a king by regretting that the enemy's country will be destroyed; பகைவர் தேசம் கெடு வதற்கு வருந்துவதைக் கூறுமுகத்தான் அரசன் கீர்த்தி யைச் சொல்லும் புறத்துறை. (பு. வெ. 3, 8.) 2. Devastation of a hostile kingdom; பகைவர் நாடழிகை. (திவா.) 3. Tribute paid by a defeated king; தோற்றவேந்தன் கொடுக்குந் திறை. (தொல். பொ. 63, உரை.)   கொற்றவன்¹ koṟṟavaṉ, n. < id. [M. koṟṟavan.] 1. King, monarch; அரசன். குடையி னீழற் கொற்றவன்(சீவக. 2544). 2. victor; வெற்றியாளன். ஊர்கொண்ட வுயர்கொற்றவ (மது ரைக். 88).கொற்றவாயில் koṟṟa-vāyil, n. < கொற்றம் +. Portico at the entrance of a palace or temple. See ஆசாரவாசல். கொடிக்கோசம்பிக் கொற்றவாயில் (பெருங். மகத. 27, 194) 

கொற்றுறை koṟṟuṟai, n. < கொல்² + துறை. Blacksmith's workshop, smithy; கொல்லன் பட் டடை. கொற்றுறைக் குற்றில (புறநா. 95). கொல்லன்பட்டரை (p. 1156) kollaṉ-paṭṭarai ...paṭṭarai, n. id. +. Blacksmith's workshop, smithy; கொல்லன்உலைக்கூடம். 
பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai, n. prob. படு¹- + அடை¹-. 1. [T. paṭṭika, K. paṭṭaḍe.] Anvil; அடைகல். (பிங்.) சீரிடங்காணி னெறிதற்குப் பட்ட டை(குறள், 821). 2. [K. paṭṭaḍi.] Smithy, forge; கொல்லன் களரி. 3. Stock, heap, pile, as of straw, firewood or timber; குவியல். (W.) 4. Corn-rick, enclosure of straw for grain, wattle and daub, granary; தானியவுறை. (W.)  பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai, n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம்.

Soma is NOT a drink, it is a sacred metaphor

June 6, 2019, 4:28 am

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https://www.academia.edu/39402680/Soma_is_NOT_a_drink_it_is_a_sacred_metaphor

Soma is NOT a drink. Soma is EATEN by devā. That Soma is NOT a drink is emphatically stated in Chandogya Upanishad: esha somo raja devānām annam tam devā bhakshayanti:"That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it." [Chandogya.Upanishad (Ch.Up.]

One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Somas' juice; Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes." (RV 10.85.3) Trans 2: He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the Bra_hman.as know to be Soma,, of that no one partakes. {i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods'].

Soma is a sacred metaphor.

Chanhiyun Jo Daro Jar Painted with maraka 'peacocks' rebus marakaka'copper alloy, calcining metal'

June 6, 2019, 7:12 am

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Indus Script hieroglyphs of painted peacocks & stars read rebus: maraka 'peacock' rebus: marakaka'copper alloy, calcining metal' miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.). mēḍh 'pole star' rebus: mēḍ 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) .medhā 'dhana,yajna'

One of the finest ancient Indus painted jars ever found, excavated at Chanhu-daro during the 1935-36 season led by Ernest MacKay, who wrote that "a circle motif takes a prominent place, and in vessels of this kind, about half the painted area is usually occupied by this pattern. No other decoration as a rule is placed below it, but a wide register above it is generally reserved for other forms of decoration." He added: "In present-day Sindh it is the men who make and the women who paint the pottery, and we shall not be far wrong in thinking that the credit for the decorating at Chanhu-daro and allied wares should be given to the women." (Mackay, Chanhudaro Excavations 1935-36, pp. 94, 102).

Mark Kenoyer describes it as a "large storage jar with red slip and black painted motifs, including peacocks, vegetation and the famous intersecting-circle design. Such vessels were probably used as marriage gifts or for other ritual occasions, and the motifs undoubtedly represent auspicious blessings on the owner" (Ancient Cities of the Indus Civilization, p. 231).

With thanks to: Joint Expedition of the American School of Indic and Iranian Studies and the Museum of Fine Arts, 1935–1936 Season
Indus Valley
Prehistoric period
2600–2000 B.C.
Overall: 48.3 x 38.1 x 38.1 cm (19 x 15 x 15 in.)

https://www.harappa.com/blog/chanhiyun-jo-daro-jar-painted-birds?fbclid=IwAR3HEwoOYJGeFYFvzmfT63zM-XsM1prrF2QhcIh-LOTfy4E-GzL8puPZIMc

Storage jar, ca 2700–2000 BCE. Mature Harappan period. Chanhudaro. Pakistan. National Museum, New Delhi.

Late Harappan Period large burial urn with ledged rim for holding a bowl-shaped lid. The painted panel around the shoulder of the vessel depicts flying peacocks with sun or star motifs and wavy lines that may represent water. Cemetery H period, after 1900 BCE. These new pottery styles seem to have been introduced at the very end of the Harappan Period. The transitional phase (Period 4) at Harappa has begun to yield richly diverse material remains suggesting a period of considerable dynamism as socio-cultural traditions became realigned. https://www.harappa.com/indus2/164.html

Sgh. kaḍol mangrove. Ash. piċ -- kandə ʻ pine ʼ, Kt. pṳ̄ċi, piċi, Wg. puċ, püċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (lyē -- ?).(CDIAL 8407). Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229. The suffix –kande in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. kanda m. ʻ bulbous root ʼ MBh., n. ʻ garlic ʼ lex. [Prob. with gaṇḍa -- 1 ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 369 and EWA i 152 with lit.] Pa. kanda -- m. ʻ bulb, bulbous root ʼ; Pk. kaṁda -- m. ʻ bulbous root ʼ, °dī -- f. ʻ radish ʼ; Or. kandā ʻ edible bulbous root; OMth. kã̄da ʻ bulb ʼ(CDIAL 2723). Rupaka, rebus: लोखंड (p. 723) [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron लोखंडकाम (p. 723) [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.लोखंडी (p. 723) [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron लोहोलोखंड (p. 723) [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.

Bronze Peacock in Hadrian museum, Vatican. See: 

Two bronze peacocks, 11 ft. high bronze pine cone at Vatican are Meluhha hieroglyphs, metalwork catalogues. Archaeometallurgical analyses by Vatican suggested http://tinyurl.com/qz56u27

The original pine cone. Pigna (Fir cone) is the name of the quarter of Rome where this bronze sculpture was found; it was part of a fountain and it spouted water from holes on its top. It was probably placed in front of a Temple to Isis in Iseo Campense; the gilded peacocks decorated one of the entrances to Hadrian's Mausoleum. The Egyptian lions were added by Pope Gregory XVI; they came from Mostra dell'Acqua Felice and were replaced by copies.  http://www.romeartlover.it/Vasi181.html

Raja Ravi Varma's painting shows Devi Sarasvati with four hands and a peacock vāhana. mayūˊra m. ʻ peacock ʼ VS., in cmpds. RV., mayūrīˊ -- f. ʻ peahen ʼ RV. 2. *mōra -- . 3. *majjūra -- (< *mayyūra<-> with early eastern change -- yy -- > -- jj -- ?). [mayūka -- , marūka -- 1 m. lex. -- J. Bloch BSL 76, 16 ← Drav. (cf. DED 3793); J. Przyluski BSL 79, 100 ← Austro -- as. (cf. also Savara māˊrā ʻ peacock ʼ Morgenstierne); H. W. Bailey BSOAS xx 59, IL 21, 18 connects with Khot. murāsa -- as orig. an Indo -- ir. colour word. -- EWA ii 587 with lit.]1. Pa. mayūra -- m. ʻ peacock ʼ, Pk. maūra -- , maūla -- m.; Sh. (Lor.) maiyūr m. ʻ cock munāl pheasant ʼ; A. mairā ʻ peacock ʼ, B. maür, maur, Or. maïra m., °rī f., Si.mayurā, miyurā.2. Pa. mōra -- m., mōrinī -- f., Aś.gir. mora -- , Pk. mōra<-> m., °rī -- f., K. mōr m., S. moru m., L. P. mōr m., Ku. Mth. Bhoj. mor, OAw. mora m., H. mor m., °rī, °rin f., OMarw. moraḍī f., G. M. mor m., Si. mōrā; <-> H. (dial.) mhor, murhā m., Ko. mhōru.3. Aś.shah. man. majura -- , kāl. majula -- , jau. majūla -- , N. majur, mujur, Or. (Bastar) mañjura, OAw. maṁjūra m., Si. modara, monara.*mayūrapakṣala -- .Addenda: mayūˊra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) mōr ʻ peacock ʼ.(CDIAL 9865) Ta. maññai, mayil peacock. Ma. mayil. Ko. mi·l. 

To. mi·s̱. Ka. mayla, maylu. Koḍ. maylï. Tu. mairů. Pa. mañjil, mañil. Ga. (Oll.) 

mañgil; (S) mayŋīl, (P.) mayŋil. Go. (Tr. W. Ph. Mu. Ma. etc.) mal, (S. Koya Su.) mallu (Voc. 2749). Konḍa(BB) mīril, (K. Sova dial.) mrīlu. Pe. mal (pl. -ku). Manḍ. mel (pl. -ke). Kuimeḍu, melu. Kuwi (F.) mellū, (S.) mellu, (Isr.) melu. / Cf. Skt. mayūra- id.; Turner, CDIAL, no. 9865. (DEDR 4642)

Semantics related to burials (death): mará m. ʻ *death ʼ (ʻ world of death ʼ AitUp.), maraka- m. ʻ epidemic ʼ. [√mr̥] Pk. mara -- m. ʻ death ʼ, Ash. mə́rə, Wg. mara (as ʻ god of death ʼ < māra -- ), Kt. édotdot; Kho. (Lor.) mor ʻ a disease of small cattle ʼ; K. mara -- mar f. ʻ great mortality ʼ; S. marī f. ʻ epidemic, cholera ʼ; P. WPah.jaun. marī f. ʻ plague ʼ; N. maro ʻ death ʼ; A. mor ʻ diarrhoea ʼ; B. marā ʻ death ʼ; Mth. marī ʻ disease in which the whole plant is burnt up ʼ; H. marī, marrī (< *marṛī?) f. ʻ plague, pestilence ʼ; G. marɔ m. ʻ death ʼ; M. mar f. n. ʻ blasted crop, dead portion (of crop, wood, &c.) ʼ, f. ʻ dying or sickly state ʼ, marī f. ʻ epidemic ʼ, marā -- mar f. great mortality ʼ; Si. mara ʻ death ʼ; -- ext. -- kk -- : N. marki ʻ plague ʼ, H. marak m., G. markī f. (cf. parallel formation from MIA. maḍa -- < mr̥tá -- : P. maṛak m. ʻ plague ʼ, Or. maṛaka, H. maṛak m.).amára -- .Addenda: mará -- : WPah.poet. mɔre f. ʻ plague ʼ, jaun. marī f. (CDIAL 9867)

I suggest that the early form of the word for peacock is: māˊrā (Savara); maraka 'peacock' with likely roots in Austro-Asiatic word forms. This may explain the signifier of peacock on Karen bronze drum as a catalogue item of metalwork. This may also explain the signifier of two bronze peacocks flanking a bronze pine cone, on a Vatican monument in the area around Hadrian's Mausoleum (117-138 C.E.) known today as Castel Sant'Angelo. It was a fountain in which pilgrims could wash themselves formed of the great bronze pine cone which now forms the focal point of the Cortile della Pigna in the Vatican Museums.

Pot from Indus Valley Sarasvati Civilization. National Museum , Delhi ca. 2000 BCE.

http://www.nationalmuseumindia.gov.in/pdfs/Harappan-Civilization.pdf

The pine cone and the peacocks are Indus Script hypertexts to signify metalwork catalogues: 1. Hieroglyph, signifier: kandə 'pine cone' Rebus, signified metalwork: khaṇḍa. A portion of the front hall, in a temple;  kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi)  Rebus:Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te.  kandakamu id.   Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. (DEDR 1214).

2. Hieroglyph, signifier: mora, 'peacock' Rebus signified metalwork: morakkhaka loha, 'a kind of copper'; moraka 'a kind of steel'. mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). [Perhaps an intimation of the color of the metal produced which shines like a peacock blue feather.] moraka "a kind of steel" (Samskritam)Thus, Rupaka or metaphor is: marakaka 'copper alloy, calcining metal'. Peacock as a Meluhha hieroglyph

Hieroglyph pine-cone is kandə Rebus: khaṇḍa. A portion of the front hall, in a temple Hieroglyph peacock is maraka 'Rebus: maraca ‘death’, māraka ‘god of death’; smāraka, 'memorial for ancestors'. '  smará  ʻ remembrance ʼ(CDIAL 13861).

In Pali (Rhys Davids' lexicon), jīvan-jīvaka (poss. onomatopoetic) means a bird, a sort of pheasant which utters a note sounding like jīvanjīva (Di_gha III.201)... Also cited is a Jain phrase: jīvanjīveṇa gacchai jīvanjīvenan ciṭṭhai [Weber Bhagavati_ pp. 289,290 with doubtful interpretation "living he goes with life"? or "he goes like the j. bird"?]

The Munda word for peacock marak/mara "cryer, peacock", later Sanskrit māra (and Pali etc) 'death, God Death', the Munda peacock symbol = death, and the Cemetery H peacock pictures on urns with cremated bodies. Peacock and heaven (marak = peacock; merxā_ = sky, heaven ?may the soul go to heaven)

Parji. marp- (mart-)= to lighten; Kurux. merxā_ = sky, heaven; Malto. mergu = sky, heaven; see Te.merūmu = flash of lightning.

Cemetery H pottery

A painted burial jar on display at the Harappan Civilisation Gallery at the National Museum, Delhi. (Arun Sharma/HT PHOTO)

 
Burial urn from ca 2000 BC from the Harappan civilization New Delhi National Museum

Soma is NOT a drink. R̥gveda sacred metaphor is a pyrite object (RV 1.119.9) with amśu, ancu, 'iron'

June 6, 2019, 8:10 pm

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-- Soma is purchased from Mujavant seller, processed in fire

-- माक्षिक mākṣika'fly' rebus: माक्षिक mākṣika'pyrite ores'

-- उपांशु ind. (fr. √ अंश् , " to divide " , with उप and affix उ T. (?) g. स्वर्-ादि 

Pa1n2. 1-1 , 37), secretly , in secret RV. x , 83 , 7; m. a prayer uttered in a low voice 

(so as not to be overheard) Mn. ii , 85 Ma1rkP. &c; m. a particular सोम oblation = 

उपांशु-ग्रह below VS. TS. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r. &c उपांशु--ग्रह m. the first ग्रह or ladle-full 

of सोम pressed out at a yajna TS. S3Br. &c

-- Thus, amśu are filaments melted out of Soma pyrites and the molten metal 

held in उपांशु--ग्रह ladles

-- R̥gveda amśu is ancu'iron' (Tocharian)
-- Indus Script hieroglyphs: 1) मृद्वी मृद्वीका A vine or bunch of grapes rebus: mṛduमृदु 'iron'; 
2) aya'fish' PLUS khambhaṛā'fin' rebus: ayas kammaṭa'iron, alloymetal mint'
The soldier in a Sanchi freeze carries a sword and a'grapevine'.
Hieroglyph: मृद्वी मृद्वीका mṛdvī mṛdvīkā मृद्वी मृद्वीका A vine or bunch of grapes; वाचं तदीयां परिपीय मृद्वीं मृद्वीकया तुल्यरसां स हंसः N.3.6; मृद्वीका रसिता सिता समशिता... Bv.4.13,37; Mb.7.64.7.
Iron: मृदु   mṛdu मृदु a. [मृद्-कु] (-दु or -द्वी f.; compar. म्रदीयस्; superl. म्रदिष्ठ) 1 Soft, tender, supple, pliant, delicate; मृदु तीक्ष्णतरं यदुच्यते तदिदं मन्मथ दृश्यते त्वयि M.3.2; अथवा मृदु वस्तु हिंसितुं मृदुनैवारभते प्रजान्तकः R.8.45,57; Ś.1.1; 4.11. -दु n. 1 Softness, gentleness. -2 A kind of iron. Cognates: meḍ'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic)

Griffith: RV X.83.7 Approach, and on my right hand hold thy station: so shall we slay a multitude of foemen.

The best of meath I offer to support thee: may we be first to drink thereof in quiet.

उपांशु   upāṃśu उपांशु ind. 1 In low voice or whisper; ववर्ष पर्जन्य उपांशुगर्जितः Bhāg.1.3.5. -2 Secretly, in secret or private; परिचेतुमुपांशु धारणाम् R.8.18; cf. also तस्मात् यत् किंचित् प्राजापत्यं क्रियते उपांश्वेव तत् क्रियते इति । ŚB. on MS. 1.8.57. ˚व्रतम् a vow observed in secret; भिन्द्यामहं तस्य शिर इत्युपांशुव्रतं मम Mb.8.69.1. -शुः 1 A prayer uttered in a low voice, muttering of prayers; जिह्वोष्ठौ चालयेत् किंचिद् देवतागतमानसः । निजश्रवणयोग्यः स्यादुपांशुः स जपः स्मृतः ॥; विधियज्ञाज्जपयज्ञो विशिष्टो दशभिर्गुणैः । उपांशुः स्याच्छतगुणः साहस्रो मानसः स्मृतः ॥ Ms.2.85. -2 (Hence) silence itself. -3 N. of a Soma offering. -त्वम् Silence. उपांशुत्वं प्रजापते- धर्मः । ŚB. on MS.1.8.52. -Comp. -क्रीडित a. made the companion of; (a king's) private amusements. -ग्रहः The first ladle full of soma pressed at the sacri- fire. -दण्डः A punishment inflicted in secret; विद्विष्टानु- पांशुदण्डेन जनपदकोपेन वा साधयेत् Kau. A.1.13. -याजः a kind of sacrifice. -वधः A clandestine murder; ˚वधमाकलय्य Mu.2; Śi.13.54.(Apte)

   अंश्य   aṃśya अंश्य a. [अंश्-कर्मणि यत्] Divisible.

   अंशुः   aṃśuḥ अंशुः [अंश्-मृग˚ कु.] 1 A ray, beam of light; चण्ड˚, घर्मं˚ hot-rayed the sun; सूर्यांशुभिर्भिन्नमिवारविन्दम् Ku.1.32; Iustre, brilliance चण्डांशुकिरणाभाश्च हाराः Rām.5.9.48; Śi.1.9. रत्न˚, नख˚ &c. -2 A point or end. -3 A small or minute particle. - 4 End of a thread. -5 A filament, especially of the Soma plant (Ved.) -6 Garment; decoration. -7 N. of a sage or of a prince. -8 Speed, velocity (वेग). -9 Fine thread -Comp. -उदकम् dew-water. -जालम् a collection of rays, a blaze or halo of light. -धरः -पतिः -भृत्-बाणः -भर्तृ-स्वामिन् the sun, (bearer or lord of rays). -पट्टम् a kind of silken cloth (अंशुना सूक्ष्मसूत्रेणयुक्तं पट्टम्); सश्रीफलैरंशुपट्टम् Y. 1.186; श्रीफलैरंशुपट्टानां Ms.5.12. -माला a garland of light, halo. -मालिन् m. [अंशवो मालेव, ततः अस्त्यर्थे इनि] 1 the sun (wreathed with, surrounded by, rays). -2 the number twelve. -हस्तः [अंशुः हस्त इव यस्य] the sun (who draws up water from the earth by means of his 1 hands in the form of rays).

   अंशुमत्   aṃśumat अंशुमत् a. [अंशु-अस्त्यर्थे मतुप्] 1 Luminous, radiant; ज्योतिषां रविरंशुमान् Bg.1.21. -2 Pointed. -3 Fibrous, abounding in filaments (Ved.) -m.(˚मान्) 1 The sun; वालखिल्यैरिवांशुमान् R.15.1; अंशुमानिव तन्वभ्रपटलच्छन्नविग्रहः Ki.11.6; जलाधारेष्विवांशुमान् Y.3.144; rarely the moon also; ततः स मध्यंगतमंशुमन्तं Rām.5.5.1. -2 N. of the grandson of Sagara, son of Asamañjasa and father of Dilīpa. -3 N. of a mountain; ˚मत्फला N. of a plant, कदली Musa sapientum or Paradisiaca. -ती 1 N. of a plant सालपर्णी (Mar. डवला, सालवण) Desmodium Gangeticum. -2 N. of the river Yamunā.

   अंशुकम्   aṃśukam अंशुकम् [अंशवः सूत्राणि बिषयो यस्य; अंशु ऋश्यादि˚ क] 1 A cloth, garment in general; सितांशुका मङ्गलमात्रभूषणा V.3.12; यत्रांशुकाक्षेपविलज्जितानां Ku.1.14; चीनांशुकमिव केतोः Ś.1.33; स्तन˚ a breast-cloth. -2 A fine or white cloth; धुन्वन् कल्पद्रुमकिसलयान्यंशुकानीव वातैः Me.64; usually silken or muslin. -3 An upper garment; a mantle. -4 An under garment; कररुद्धनीविगलदंशुकाः स्त्रियः Śi.13.31. -5 A leaf. -6 Mild or gentle blaze of light (नातिदीप्ति) (कः also; स्वार्थे कन्.) -7 The string of a churning stick. cf अंशुकं नेत्रवस्त्रयोः । cf. also अंशुकं सूक्ष्मवस्त्रे स्यात् परिधानोत्तरीययोः । किरणानां समूहे च मुखवस्त्रे तदिष्यते ॥ Nm.

   अंशुल   aṃśula अंशुल a. Radiant, luminous. -लः [अंशुं प्रभां बुद्धिप्रतिभां लाति, or अंशुरस्य अस्तीति ला-क] N. of Chāṇakya; of any sage.(Apte)

Georges Pinault pointed to the concordance between Vedic and Tocharian: amśu ~~ ancu, 'iron' (Tocharian). Amśu is a synonym for Soma (as Louis Renou noted that 

R̥gveda is present in nuce, 'nutshell' in the themes related to Soma). The direction of borrowing amśu ~~ ancu is a matter to be studied further in historical linguistic studies, but is relatable to a date prior to 1800 BCE, the date of the Tarim mummies in Tushara (Tocharian). Tushara are mleccha (meluhha). 


See also: Gerd Carling, Georges-Jean 

Pinault, Werner Winter, 2008, Dictionary and thesaurus of Tocharian A,Volume 1, Otto 

Harrassowitz Verlag. 

Georges-Jean Pinault, 2006, Further links between the Indo-Iranian substratum 

and the BMAC language in: Bertil Tikkanen & Heinrich Hettrich, eds., 2006, 

Themes and tasks in old and middle Indo-Aryan linguistics, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 

pp. 167 to 196. "...we have Toch. A. *ancu 'iron', the basis of the derived adjective 

ancwaashi 'made of iron', to which corresponds Toch. B encuwo, with the parallel derived 

adjective encuwanne 'made of iron'...The two forms go back to CToch. oencuwoen- 

non.sg. *oencuwo, the final part of which is a regular product of IE *-on...

This noun is deprived of any convincing IE etymology...The term Ved. ams'u-, Av . asu- 

goes back to a noun borrowed from some donor language of Central Asia, as 

confirmed by CToch. *oencuwoen-...the BMAC language would not belong to the 

Indo-European family; it does not seem to be related to Dravidian either...

New identifications and reconstructions will certainly help to define more precisely

 the contours of the BMAC vocabulary in Indo-Iranian, as well as in Tocharian."(p.192)]. 

See: Soma is NOT a drink, it is a sacred metaphor
https://www.academia.edu/39402680/Soma_is_NOT_a_drink_it_is_a_sacred_metaphor

Soma is NOT a drink. Soma is EATEN by devā. That Soma is NOT a drink is emphatically stated in Chāndogya Upaniṣad: eṣa somo rājā tad devānām annam tam devā bhakṣyanti:"That soma is king; this is the devas' food. The devas eat it."R̥gveda is emphatic, and proclaims that Soma is NOT a drink (RV 10.85.3):

One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Somas' juice; Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes." (RV 10.85.3) Trans 2: He who has drunk thinks that the herb which men crush is the Soma; (but) that which the Brāhmaṇa-s know to be Soma, of that no one partakes. [i.e., no one partakes of it unless he has sacrificed; if the Soma be taken as the moon, 'no one' will mean 'no one but the gods'].

Soma is a sacred metaphor of a purchased object.

Purchase of Soma

(p.355, p.363, p.365) Baudhāyana ca. 800 BCE. Baudhāyana-Śrautasūtra and Baudhāyana-Śulbasūtra belong to Taittiriya recension of Kr̥ṣṇa Yajurveda Samhitā.

Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Third Kânda, Third Adhyâya, Third Brāhmaṇa, provides detailed bargain procedure to purchase Soma, brought in a cart by the seller from Mujavant. http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/sbr/sbe26/sbe2613.htm

1. He bargains for the king (Soma); and because he bargains for the king, therefore any and everything is vendible here. He says, 'Soma-seller, is thy king Soma for sale?'--'He is for sale,' says the Soma-seller.--'I will buy him of thee!'--'Buy him!' says the Soma-seller.--'I will buy him of thee for one-sixteenth (of the cow).'--'King Soma, surely, is worth more than that!' says the Soma-seller.--'Yea, King Soma is worth more than that; but great, surely, is the greatness of the cow,' says the Adhvaryu.

2. 'From the cow (comes) fresh milk, from her boiled milk, from her cream, from her sour curds, from her sour cream, from her curdled milk, from her butter, from her ghee, from her clotted curds, from her whey:

3. 'I will buy him of thee for one hoof 1!'--'King Soma, surely, is worth more than that!' says the Soma-seller.--'Yea, King Soma is worth more than that, but great, surely, is the greatness of the cow,' replies the Adhvaryu; and, having (each time) enumerated the same ten virtues, he says, 'I will buy him of thee for one foot,'--'for half (the cow),'--'for the cow!'--'King Soma has been bought!' says the Soma-seller, 'name the kinds!'

4. He (the Adhvaryu) says, 'Gold is thine, a cloth is thine, a goat is thine, a milch cow is thine, a pair of kine is thine, three other (cows) are thine!' And because they first bargain and afterwards come to terms, therefore about any and everything that is for sale here, people first bargain and afterwards come to terms. And the reason why only the Adhvaryu enumerates the virtues of the cow, and not the Soma-seller those of the Soma, is that Soma is already glorified, since Soma is a god. And the Adhvaryu thereby glorifies the cow, thinking, 'Seeing her virtues he shall buy her!' This is why only the Adhvaryu enumerates the virtues of the cow, and not the Soma-seller those of the Soma.

5. And as to his bargaining five times:--the sacrifice being of equal measure with the year, and there being five seasons in the year, he thus obtains it (the sacrifice, Soma) in five (divisions), and therefore he bargains five times.

6. He then makes (the sacrificer) say on the gold 1 (Vâg. S. IV, 26), 'Thee, the pure, I buy with the pure,' for he indeed buys the pure with the pure, when (he buys) Soma with gold;--'the brilliant with the brilliant,' for he indeed buys the brilliant with the brilliant, when (he buys) Soma with gold;--'the immortal with the immortal,' for he indeed buys the immortal with the immortal, when (he buys) Soma with gold.

7. He then tempts 2 the Soma-seller (with the gold): 'In compensation 3 for thy cow,' whereby he means to say, 'With the sacrificer (be) thy cow!'He then draws it (the gold) back towards the sacrificer, and throws it down, with, 'Ours be thy gold!' whereby he (the sacrificer) takes unto himself the vital energy, and the Soma-seller gets only the body. Thereupon the Soma-seller takes it 1.

8. He then makes him (the sacrificer) say on the she-goat, which stands facing the west, 'Thou art the bodily form of fervour,'--that she-goat was indeed produced as the bodily form of fervour, of Pragâpati; hence he says, 'Thou art the bodily form of fervour,'--'Pragâpati's kind,' because she brings forth three times in the year, therefore she is Pragâpati's kind. 'Thou art bought with the most excellent animal,' because she brings forth three times in the year, she is the most excellent of animals. 'May I increase with a thousandfold increase!' Thereby he implores a blessing: a thousand meaning abundance, he thereby means to say, 'May I obtain abundance!'

9. With that (text) he gives the she-goat, with that he takes the king 2; for agâ (goat) doubtlessmeans the same as âgâ (driving thither 1), since it is through her (the she-goat) that he finally drives him (Soma) thither. It is thus in a mystic sense that they call her 'agâ.'

10. He takes the king, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 27), 'Come to us, a friend, bestowing good friends!' whereby he means to say, 'Come to us, as a kind and propitious one!' Having pushed back the garment on the sacrificer's right thigh, he lays him (Soma) down thereon, with the text, 'Seat thee on Indra's right thigh,'--for he, the sacrificer, is at present Indra 2: therefore he says, 'Seat thee on Indra's right thigh;'--'willing on the willing,' whereby he means to say, 'beloved on the beloved one;'--'tender on the tender!' whereby he means to say, 'propitious on the propitious one.'

11. Thereupon he (the sacrificer) assigns (to the Gandharvas) the objects constituting the purchase price for the Soma, with the text, 'O Svâna, Bhrâga, Aṅghâri, Bambhâri, Hasta, Suhasta, Krisânu! these are your wages for Soma: keep them! may they not fail you!' Now those (Gandharvas) are instead of the hearth-mounds--these being the names of the hearth-mounds--it is these very (names) that he thereby has assigned to them 3.

12. He now uncovers (his head 1); for he who is consecrated becomes an embryo, and embryos are enveloped both in the amnion and the outer membrane: him (the sacrificer or sacrifice) he has now brought forth, and therefore he uncovers himself. Now it is he (Soma 2) that becomes an embryo, and therefore he is enveloped, since embryos are, as it were, enveloped both in the amnion and the outer membrane.

13. He then makes (the sacrificer) say the text (Vâg. S. IV, 28), 'Keep me, O Agni, from evil ways! let me share in the right ways.' Now he (Soma) approaches him while he is seated, and when he has come, he rises: thereby he does wrong and breaks the vow. This, then, is his expiation of that (transgression), and thus no wrong is thereby done, and he breaks not the vow: therefore he says, 'Keep me, O Agni, from evil ways! let me share in the right ways!'

14. Having then taken the king, he rises, with the text, 'With new life, with good life, am I risen after the immortals;' for he who rises after the bought Soma, rises indeed after the immortal: therefore he says,' With new life, with good life, am I risen after the immortals.'

15. Thereupon he takes the king and goes towards the car, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 29), 'We haveentered upon the path that leadeth to wellbeing, free from danger; whereon he escheweth all haters, and meeteth with good 1.'

16. Now, once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack from the Asura-Rakshas. They perceived that prayer for a safe journey; and having warded off the evil spirits by means of that prayer, they attained wellbeing in the safe and foeless shelter of that prayer. And so does he now ward off the evil spirits by means of that prayer, and attain wellbeing in the safe and foeless shelter of that prayer. For this reason he says, 'We have entered upon the path that leadeth to well-being, free from danger; whereon he escheweth all haters and meeteth with good.'

17. They carry him thus 2, and (afterwards) drive him about on the cart; whereby they exalt him: for this reason they carry the seed on their head (to the field), and bring in (the corn) on the cart.

18. Now the reason why he buys (the Soma) near water 3 is that--water meaning sap--he thereby buys Soma sapful; and as to there being gold, he thereby buys him lustrous; and as to there being a cloth, he thereby buys him with his skin; and as to there being a she-goat, he thereby buys him fervid; and as to there being a milch cow, he thereby buys him with the milk to be mixed with him; and as to there being a pair (of kine), he thereby buys him with a mate.--He should buy him with ten (objects), and not with other than ten, for the virâg consists of ten syllables, and Soma is of virâg nature: therefore he should buy him with ten (objects) and not with other than ten.

Footnotes

69:1 That is, for one-eighth of a cow, each foot consisting of two hoofs (or toes, sapha).

70:1 That is, according to Kâty. VII, 8, 5, in making him touch the gold. The Kânva text has, 'Thereupon he buys him (Soma) with gold.'

70:2 Or, according to the commentaries, 'he frightens the Soma-seller (by threatening to take back the money).'

70:3 ? Sagme (? compact), explained by the commentators as meaning the sacrificer. Perhaps it may mean, 'one of the parties to an agreement,' and hence here the sacrificer as the bargainee. The Kânva text reads, He then takes it back again (punar âdatte) with 'Sagme to goh,' and throws it down with 'Ours thy gold.'

71:1 According to some authorities, the gold is again taken away forcibly from the Soma-seller by the Adhvaryu, after the sacrificer has uncovered his head (paragraph a 2), and the seller is driven away by blows with a speckled cane. Kâty. VII, 8, 27. According to Âpastamba (ib.), he buys off the Soma-cow with another cow, and then dismisses her to the cow-pen; and if the Soma-seller objects, he is to be beaten with a speckled cane. The Mânava-sûtra merely says, that they are to give the Soma-seller something for compensation. The whole transaction was evidently a feigned purchase, symbolising the acquisition of the Soma by the gods from the Gandharvas. The real bargain was probably concluded before the sacrificial performance. See also Haug, Ait. Br. Transl. p. 59, note 2.

71:2 While making over the she-goat to the Soma-seller with his left hand, he receives the Soma with the right.

72:1 Sâyana takes â-ag in the sense of 'to go to, to come' (âgâ, the corner); because the sacrificer through her comes to Soma.

72:2 See part i, introduction, p. xix, note 4.

72:3 'For those same Gandharvas, the overseers of the Guardians of Soma, they are (meant) in lieu of those (? hearth-mounds), for those are their names: it is to them that he thereby assigns those (objects constituting the purchase-price), and thus he becomes debtless towards them.' Kânva text. See also part i, p. 183, note 2.

73:1 See III, 2, 1, 16. His wife does the same.

73:2 According to a former passage (III, 1, 3, 28), the sacrificer is supposed to remain in the embryonic state till the pressing of the Soma. The Kânva recension reads, 'Sa etam yagñam agîganat sa esha garbho bhavaty â sutyâyâh;' where 'agîganat' seems to mean 'he has begotten.' I am not quite certain whether Soma himself is really implied. See III, 3, 4, 6.

74:1 Compare the slightly different verse, Rig-veda VI, 51, 16.

74:2 The sacrificer carries the bundle of Soma on his hand resting on his head.

74:3 Viz. the vessel of water mentioned III, 1, 2, 2.

Soma is yajñasya ātmā (RV 9.2.10, 9.6.8) https://tinyurl.com/yah4kvyk

--Soma is āprī divinity, deified objects of yajña in 12 āprī sūkta-s; Vālakhilya in R̥gveda (RV 8.49 to 8.59) is a brick

RV 9.2.10 Winner of kine, Indu, art thou, winner of heroes, steeds, and strength Primeval ātmā of yajña. आत्मन् 'essential nature, principle of life, of sensation'

RV 9.6.8 ātmā of yajña., the juice effused flows quickly on: he keeps His ancient wisdom of a Sage. 

There are indicators in the ancient texts that Soma is an object. The object is purchased.

Soma as amśu [cognate ancu, 'iron' (Tocharian)].

Soma is purchased from the merchants who come from Mujavant (R̥gveda).

Mujavant, Mujavat >A people that took their name from Mujavant, a mountain in the Himalayas.

They are mentioned along with the Mahavrsas, Gandhaaris and Baalhikas in AV V.22.5-14. They are also mentioned in Taitt. Sam. I.8.62; Kaathaka Sam.IX.7, XXXVI.14; Mait. Sam. I.4.10.20; Vaaj. Sam. III.61; Sat. Br.>II.6.2.17; Baudh. D.S. II.5

I found the following references in Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, 1958, Motilal:

MUjavant is the name of a people who, along with the mahAvRshas, the gandhAris, and the balhikas, are mentioned in the Atharvaveda (v.22,5.7.9.14 cf. baudhAyana Srauta sUtra, ii.5) as dwelling far away, and to whom fever is to be banished. Similarly in the yajurveda saMhitAs (TaittirIya S, i.8,6,2;Kathaka S, ix.7; xxxvi.14; maitrAyaNI s, i.4,10.20; vAjasneyi s, iii.61; Satapatha b, ii.6,2,17) the mUjavants are chosen as a type of distant folk, beyond which rudra with his bow is entreated to depart. In the Rgveda (x.34,1) soma is described as maujavata, 'coming from the mUjavants,' or, as yAska (Nirukta, ix.8) takes it, 'from mount mUjavant.' The Indian commentators (mahIdhara on vAjasneyi s, loc.cit.; sAyaNa on RV. i.161,8; baudhAyana Srauta sUtra and prayoga, cited by Hillebrandt, vedische mythologie, 1,63) agree with yAska in taking mUjavant as the name of a mountain, and though Hillebrandt (op.cit., 1,65) is justified in saying that the identification of mUjavant by Zimmer (Altindisches leben, 29) with one of the lower hills on the south-west of kashmIr lacks evidence, it is not reasonable to deny that mUjavant was a hill from which the people took their name. yAska (loc. cit. cf. siddhAnta kaumudI on pANini, iv.4,110, where instead of maujavata in RV x.34, maunjavata is read) suggests that mUjavant is equivalent to munjavant, which actually occurs later, in the epic (mahAbhArata, x.785; xiv,180) as the name of a mountain in the himAlaya.

Atharva Veda, Book V, Hymn 22 mentions Bāhlīka, Mujāvan, Gāndhāri, Mahāvr̥ṣa, Anga, Magadha

Some hymns of Atharvaveda invoke the fever to go to the Gandharis, Mahavrsas (a tribe of Punjab), Mujavants and, further off, to the Bahlikas. Mujavant is the name of a hill (and a people) located in Hindukush/Pamir.

Griffith:1. SPRUNG from tall trees on windy heights, these rollers transport me as they turn upon the table.

Dearer to me the die that never slumbers than the deep draught of Mujavans' own Soma.

Wilson:10.034.01 The large rattling dice exhilarate me as torrents borne on a precipice flowing in a desert; the exciting dice animate me as the taste of the Soma of Maujavat (delights the gods). [Flowing in a desert: irin.e varvr.ta_nah: a reference to the dice; rolling on the dice-board; exciting dice: vibhi_taka, the seed of the myrobalan, used as a die; Maujavat: a mountain, where is said the best Soma is found]. 

Vājasneyi Samhitā III.61: This, Rudra, is thy food: with this depart beyond the Mujavans.

With bow unstrung, with muffled staff, clothed in a garment made of skin, gracious, not harming us, depart.

अंशु m. a filament (especially of the सोम plant); a kind of सोम libation S3Br.; thread; end of a thread , a minute particle; a point , end; a ray , sunbeam; of an ancient Vedic teacher , son of a धनंजय VBr.

What God shall we adore with our oblation? devatā kah, prajāpatih (RV 10.121), viśvakarmā (RV 10.81, 82) Simorg, śyēnaciti 'falcon-shaped fire-altar' 

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hnlk9tw

Many interpretations have been provided at a metaphysical level for the Rigveda metaphors and expressions such as hiraṇyagarbha.

I submit a material level interpretation. At this material-interpretation level, All the metaphors used in Rigveda related to Soma, amśu are consistent with the identification of Soma as 'wealth-yielding mineral', purified out of the many mineral complexes in माक्षिक mākshika 'pyrite ores'.

Rigveda citation: 

To you, O Aswins, that fly betrayed the soma: RV 1.119.9 Line 1

auśija औशिज a. (-जी f.) [उशिज्-अण्] Desirous, zealous, wishing; कक्षीवन्तं य औशिजः Mbh. VI.1.37.(Apte) औशिज [p= 240,1] mfn. (fr. उशिज्) , desirous , zealous , wishing RV.N. of 

कक्षीवत् and other ऋषिs RV. TS. A1s3vS3r. &c 

Rishi of the RV 1.119 is

Griffith translation RV 1.119.9, 10

9 To you in praise of sweetness sang the honeybee-: Ausija calleth you in Somas' rapturous joy.
Ye drew unto yourselves the spirit of Dadhyac, and then the horses' head uttered his words to you.
10 A horse did ye provide for Pedu, excellent, white, O ye Asvins, conqueror of combatants,
Invincible in war by arrows, seeking heaven worthy of fame, like Indra, vanquisher of men.

http://tinyurl.com/h3bbdu2 Simorg, śyēná (anzu), patanga, mákṣikā: Rigveda riddles, Meluhha hieroglyphs as archaeometallurgy metaphors

A remarkable parallel is seen between rebus-metonymy layered cipher of Indus Script Corpora and riddles in the Rigveda. Indus Script Corpora is a compendium of metalwork catalogues. Rigveda riddles related to three birds are also rebus-metonymy layered riddles of archaeometallurgy involved in processing Soma, ams’u, ‘electrum’.

The speculative symbolism of Rigveda Sukta 1.164 detailed by Willard Johnson and Jan EM Houben is resolved by archaeometallurgy.  The riddle of three birds of Rigveda relates to ancu ‘iron’ (Tocharian),patanga ‘quicksilver, mercury’ and  mākṣikā ‘pyrites’ – all deployed in metalwork by Bhāratam Janam, ‘metalcaster folk’ a term used as self-designation by Rishi Vis’vamitra Gathina in Rigveda.

“The mineral pyrite, or iron pyrite, also known as fool's gold, is an iron sulfide with the chemical formula FeS2. This mineral's metallic luster and pale brass-yellow hue give it a superficial resemblance to gold, hence the well-known nickname of fool's gold. The color has also led to the nicknames brass, brazzle, and Brazil, primarily used to refer to pyrite found in coal.(Julia A. Jackson, James Mehl and Klaus Neuendorf, Glossary of Geology, American Geological Institute (2005) p. 82;  Albert H. Fay, A Glossary of the Mining and Mineral Industry, United States Bureau of Mines (1920) pp. 103–104.) …The name pyrite is derived from the Greek πυρίτης (pyritēs), "of fire" or "in fire"..  Pyrite is sometimes found in association with small quantities of gold. Gold and arsenic occur as a coupled substitution in the pyrite structure.”http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyrite

See notes on speculative symbolism: Johnson, Willard, 1976, On the RG Vedic riddle of the two birds in the fig tree (RV 1.164.20-22), and the discovery of the Vedic speculative symposium, in Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 96, No. 2 (Apr-Jun. 1976), pp. 248-258.

The imagery of the thunderstone or thunderbolt is linked to the metaphor of an eagle carrying away the tablets of destiny in Mesapotamian legends. This Anzu bird ligatured to a tiger is cognate Vedic śyēna. In Meluhha hieroglyphs, an abiding hieroglyph is that of a tiger. The tiger denotes a smithy, forge and smelter: kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelters'; kolami 'smithy, forge'. The gloss Anzu is a rendering of Tocharian word Ancu, 'iron' (Rigveda ams'u, 'soma, electrum'):

Rishi: BrahmAtithih kANvah; devata: As'vinau; as'vikas'avah; cedyah kas'uh

यथोत कृत्व्ये धनेंशुम् गोष्वगस्त्यम् यथा वाजेषु सोभरिम्  (RV 8.5.26)Trans. 8.005.26 And in like manner as (you protected) Ams'u when wealth was to be bestowed, and Agastya when his cattle (were to be recovered), and Sobhari when food (was to be supplied to him). 

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/contributions-of-bharatam-janam-to.html Contributions of Bhāratam Janam to Archaeometallurgy: Reinterpreting Mayabheda Sukta of Rigveda (RV 10.177). This article includes a detailed unraveling of the riddles in Rigveda Sukta 1.164 as relatable to Pravargya by Jan EM Houben. (The ritual pragmatics of a Vedic hymn: The 'riddle hymn' and the Pravargya ritual by Jan EM Houben, 2000, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 120 (4), pp. 499-536.) Jan EM Houben indicates the possibility that the riddle in Rigveda Sukta 1.164 is explained as a metaphor of three birds, one of which is Suparna (garumat); the second a bird eating a sweet fig in a tree. The third bird is Patanga. The author of RV 10.177 is Rishi Patanga Prajapati and RV 10.177 is the same as RV 1.164.31. I suggest that the three birds in the Sukta RV 1.164 referred to by Houben are: śyēna, patanga, mākṣikā: 

śyēna is suprana (garutmat), falcon
mākṣikā is the pippalam sva_du atti: 'the flying bee which eats the sweet fig' (RV 1.164.20)
patanga is the third bird, flying insect (RV 10.177) The three flying birds (insects) are rebus-metonymy renderings as hieroglyphs signifying metalwork catalogues in archaeometallurgical transactions of Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk'  

patanga, mercury or quicksilver in transmuting metal (Soma, ams'u);

mākṣikā, pyrites (which are to be oxidised to attain purified pavamAna Soma, electrum as gold-silver compound);

śyēna, anzu, ams'u (electrum ore filaments in the pyrites).

Three flying birds are abiding metaphors in Rigveda.

The glosses are: śyēna, patanga, mākṣikā. The three glosses are rebus-metonymy renderings of sena 'thunderbolt';  patanga 'mercury'; mākṣikā 'pyrites' -- three references to metalwork catalogs of Bhāratam Janam, 'lit. metalcaster folk'. A variant phonetic form of mākṣikā is makha 'fly, bee, swarm of bees' (Sindhi). The rebus-metonymy for this gloss is: makha 'the sun'. Mahavira pot is a symbol of Makha, the Sun (S'Br. 14.1.1.10). 

In Vedic texts, Divinity Indra is lightning, his weapon is vajra, thunderbolt. The name "thunderbolt" or "thunderstone" -- vajrāśani (Ramayana) --has also been traditionally applied to the fossilised rostra of belemnoids. The origin of these bullet-shaped stones was not understood, and thus a mythological explanation of stones created where a lightning struck has arisen. (Vendetti, Jan (2006). "The Cephalopoda: Squids, octopuses, nautilus, and ammonites", UC Berkeley) In Malay and Sumatra they are used to sharpen the kris, are considered very lucky objects, and are credited with being touchstones for gold.

Reinterpreting Mayabheda Sukta of Rigveda (RV 10.177) The metaphor of the 'thunderbolt' is depicted as Anzu bird [cognate:asaṇi 'thunderbolt' (Prakritam)] carrying away the tablets of destiny in Mesopotamian legends. A phonemic variant śyēna, 'falcon' gets deified, immortalised as a śyēnaciti 'falcon-shaped fire-altar' in Vedic tradition in Bharatam. This is mərəγō saēnō ‘the bird Saēna’ in Avestan. (See article on Simorg in Encyclopaedia Iranica, annexed. The cognate expression in Samskritam is  śyēna mriga). 

http://tinyurl.com/hnlantg 

Soma in Rigveda, an allegory for metalwork, consistent with the tradition of Indus Script Corpora metalwork catalogues

three intriguing references to Soma in the Rigveda:

1. Mortals do not taste Soma. RV 10.85.3, 4 which suggest that Brahmana and those who dwell on earth do NOT partake of Soma. Similar refrain occurs in Atharva Veda. Hillebrandt and Oldenburg suggest that Soma is a metahpor for the sun or moon.

2. माक्षिक, the fly, betrays Soma. RV 1.119.9 There is a pun on the word माक्षिक which also signifies 'pyrites' (secondary ores).

3. Reference to Soma in the dual and plural RV 9.66.2,3,5 refer to Soma in dual, or plural (re-inforcing the allegorical nature of the descriptions.

The Vedic texts and translations are given below.

I suggest that these three references point to the allegorical nature of Soma in the Rigveda. Soma is NOT a metaphor for the sun or moon but metaphor for metalwork, working with माक्षिक 'pyrites'. "The mineral pyrite, or iron pyrite, is an iron sulfide with the chemical formula FeS₂....Pyrite is usually found associated with other sulfides or oxides in quartz veins, sedimentary rock, and metamorphic rock, as well as in coal beds." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyrite

Item 1: Mortals do not taste Soma

Griffith translation: RV 10.85.1-4: 1. TRUTH is the base that bears the earth; by Surya are the heavens sustained. By Law the Adityas stand secure, and Soma holds his place in heaven. 2 By Soma are the Adityas strong, by Soma mighty is the earth. Thus Soma in the midst of all these constellations hath his place. 3 One thinks, when they have brayed the plant, that he hath drunk the Soma's juice; Of him whom Brahmans truly know as Soma no one ever tastes. 4 Soma, secured by sheltering rules, guarded by hymns in Brhati, Thou standest listening to the stones none tastes of thee who dwells on earth.

soma is not a drink of mortals: "one thinks to have drunk soma, when they crush the plant. Of him (soma), which the braahmanas know, no one ever tastes.": RV X.85.3; same hymn in AV. XIV.1.3; "No earthly one eats you." : RV X.85.4; soma is for Indra: "Boldy drink soma from tbe beaker, Indra!...": AV VII.77; [Hillebrandt and Oldenburg treat soma as a metaphor for the moon or the sun]

Item 2: माक्षिक, the fly, betrays Soma

uta syaa vaam madhuman maakshikaarapan madey somasyausijo huvanyati (To you, O Aswins, that fly betrayed the soma: RV 1.119.9); mākshika = pyrite ores; fly. cf."maakshikam (pyrites), digested hundred times with juice of plantain leaves, andthen steeped for three days in oil, clarified butter and honey, and then heated strongly in a crucible yields its essence" (alchemical treatise: Rudrayamala Tantra, cited in P.Ray, History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, p.157)

माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Ma1rkP. (Monier-Williams)

मक्षिकः मक्षि (क्षी) का A fly, bee; भो उपस्थितं नयनमधु संनिहिता मक्षिका च M.2. -Comp. -मलम् wax. (Apte)

माक्षिक n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh.

उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिक, शिलाजित &c)

Griffith translation: RV 1.119.1-10:1. HITHER, that I may live, I call unto the feast your wondrous car, thought-swift, borne on by rapid steeds. With thousand banners, hundred treasures, pouring gifts, promptly obedient, bestowing ample room. 2 Even as it moveth near my hymn is lifted up, and all the regions come together to sing praise. I sweeten the oblations; now the helpers come. Urjani hath, O Asvins, mounted on your car. 3 When striving man with man for glory they have met, brisk, measurcIess, eager for victory in fight, Then verily your car is seen upon the slope when ye, O Asvins, bring some choice boon to the prince. 4 Ye came to Bhujyu while he struggled in the flood, with flying birds, self-yoked, ye bore him to his sires. Ye went to the far-distant home, O Mighty Ones; and famed is your great aid to Divodisa given. 5 Asvins, the car which you had yoked for glorious show your own two voices urged directed to its goal. Then she who came for friendship, Maid of noble birth, elected you as Husbands, you to be her Lords. 6 Rebha ye saved from tyranny; for Atri's sake ye quenched with cold the fiery pit that compassed him. Ye made the cow of Sayu stream refreshing milk, and Vandana was holpen to extended life. 7 Doers of marvels, skilful workers, ye restored Vandana, like a car, worn out with length of days. From earth ye brought the sage to life in wondrous mode; be your great deeds done here for him who honours you. 8 Ye went to him who mourned in a far distant place, him who was left forlorn by treachery of his sire. Rich with the light ofheaven was then the help ye gave, and marvellous your succour when ye stood by him. 9 To you in praise of sweetness sang the honey-bee: Ausija calleth you in Soma's rapturous joy. Ye drew unto yourselves the spirit of Dadhyac, and then the horse's head uttered his words to you. 10 A horse did ye provide for Pedu, excellent, white, O ye Asvins, conqueror of combatants, Invincible in war by arrows, seeking heaven worthy of fame, like Indra, vanquisher of men.

A reference to mākṣika in RV 1.119.9 is a pun on the word:mākṣika 'fly' 

mākṣika 'pyrites'.

To you, O Aswins, that fly betrayed the soma: RV 1.119.9

माक्षिकं, क्ली, (मक्षिकाभिः कृतम् । मक्षिका +“संज्ञायाम् ।” ४ । ३ । ११७ । इति ठक् ।)मधु । इत्यमरः । २ । ९ । १०७ ॥ नीलवर्ण-मध्यममक्षिकाकृततैलवर्णमधु । अस्य गुणाः ।क्षौद्राल्लघुतरत्वम् । रूक्षत्वम् । श्रेष्ठत्वम् श्वासादिरोगे विशेषतः प्रशस्ततरत्वञ्च । इतिराजवल्लमः ॥ धातुविशेषः । धातुमाखी इतिहिन्दीभाषा । तद्द्विविधम् । स्वर्णमाक्षिकंरौप्यमाक्षिकञ्च । तत्पर्य्यायः । माक्षीकम् २पीतकम् ३ धातुमाक्षिकम् ४ तापिच्छम् ५ताप्यकम् ६ ताप्यम् ७ आपीतम् ८ पीत-माक्षिकम् ९ आवर्त्तम् १० मधुधातुः ११ क्षौद्र-धातुः १२ माक्षिकधातुः १३ । इति राज-निर्घण्टः ॥ कदम्बः १४ चक्रनाम १५ अज-नामकम् १६ । इति हेमचन्द्रः । ४ । १२० ॥अस्य गुणाः । मधुरत्वम् । तिक्तत्वम् ।  अम्ल-त्वम् । कफभ्रमहृल्लासमूर्च्छार्त्तिश्वासकासविषा-पहत्वञ्च ।“माक्षिकं द्विविधं प्रोक्तं हेमाह्वं तारमाक्षिकम् ।भिन्नवर्णविशेषत्वाद्रसवीर्य्यादिकं पृथक् ॥तारपादादिके तारमाक्षिकञ्च प्रशस्यते ।देहे हेमाभकं शस्तं रोगहृद्बलपुष्टिदम् ॥”इति राजनिर्घण्टः ॥अपि च ।“लेखनो माक्षिको धातुः सुवर्णरजतद्युतिः ।जराजित् पाण्डुरोगघ्नः क्षयकुष्ठज्वरापहः ॥मधुरोऽम्लः कटुःपाके किञ्चिदुष्णोऽमृतोपमः ॥”इति कश्चिद्राजवल्लभः ॥(उपधातुविशेषः । यथा, सुखबोधे ।“माक्षिकं तुत्थिताभ्रे च नीलाञ्जनशिलालकाः ।रसकञ्चेति विज्ञेया एते सप्तोपधातवः ॥”)माक्षीकं, क्ली, (मक्षिकाभिः कृतमित्यण् । निपा-ताद्दीर्घत्वम् ।) मधु । इति राजनिर्घण्टः ॥(धातुविशेपः । यथा, कथासरित्सागरे ।७६ । ३ ।“माक्षीकधातुमधुपारदलोहाचूर्ण-पथ्याशिलाजतुविडङ्गघृतानि योऽद्यात् ।सैकानि विंशतिरहानि जरान्वितोऽपिसोऽशीतिकोऽपि रमयत्यवलां युवेव ॥”) 

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुम

माक्षि(क्षी)क न० मक्षिकाभिः सम्भृत्य कृतम् अण् पृषो०वा दीर्घः । १ मधुनि अमरः । तत्तुल्यगुणे उपधातुभेदे२ स्वर्णमाक्षिके ३ रौप्यमाक्षिके च राजनि० ।

https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्

Makshika as pyrites are used in metlwork: "maakshikam (pyrites), digested hundred times with juice of plantain leaves, and then steeped for three days in oil, clarified butter and honey, and then heated strongly in a crucible yields its essence" (alchemical treatise: Rudrayamala Tantra, cited in P.Ray, History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, p.157)

Item 3: Reference to Soma in the dual and plural

Griffith translation: RV 9.66.1-5: 1. For holy lore of every sort, flow onward thou whom all men love. A Friend to be besought by friends. 2 O'er all thou rulest with these Two which, Soma Pavamana, stand, Turned, as thy stations, hitherward. 3 Wise Soma Pavamana, thou encompassest on every side Thy stations as the seasons come. 4 Flow onward, generating food, for precious boons of every kind, A Friend for friends, to be our help. 5 Upon the lofty ridge of heaven thy bright rays with their essences, Soma, spread purifying power.

It is extraordinary that soma is referred to in dual, or plural (re-inforcing 
the allegorical nature of the descriptions): "with those two forms" (RV 
IX.66.2,3,5); "the forms (plural, not dual) that are thine" (RV IX.66.3); "the 
shining rays spread a filter on the back of the heaven, O soma, with (thy) forms
(plural, not dual)" (RV IX.66.5); the dual reference is to the ore-form and the 
purified/processed form.

 http://tinyurl.com/pdm2eysBy the 5^th millennium BCE, armlets of copper plus added lead, were cast at Mehergarh by lost-wax process. 

(Davey. CJ, 2009, The early history of lost wax casting. Metallurgy and Civilisation, J. Mei and Th. Rehren eds. Archetype, London, 147-154). 

At the end of 5th millennium BCE, Shahi Tump evidences lost-wax casting. 

(Mille, B., Bessenval, R. and Bourgarit, D. Early ‘lost-wax casting’ in Balochistan (Pakistan): the “Leopards Weight “ from Shahi-Tump. Persiens antike Pracht, Bergbau-Handwerk-Archäologie, T. Stöllner, R. Slotta and A. Vatandoust (eds). Der Anschnitt Beiheft 12: Deutsches Bergbau Museum, Bochum (2004): 274- 280).

It is suggested that a narrative based on archaeo-metallurgical researchers documenting lost-wax casting techniques and artifacts from Dong Son (Hanoi) to Nahal Mishmar (Haifa) along the Maritime Tin Route is likely to be a riveting narrative. The narrative will certainly herald the contributions made by artisans of the Bronze Age reinforced by the metalwork catalogues of Indus Script Corpora which have documented the technological splendour. 

This splendour will be matched by utsava bera which are taken in processions all over Bharatam, that is India, even today, during days of temple festivities attesting the abiding nature of the awe-inspiring cire perdue bronze or brass castings..

Leopard weight. Shahi Tump. H.16.7cm; dia.13.5cm; base dia 6cm; handle on top. 

Seashells inlays on frieze. The pair of leopard and ibex is shown twice, separated by stylized flies.

Source: https://www.academia.edu/8164498/Early_lost-wax_casting_in_Baluchistan_Pakistan_the_Leopards_Weight_from_Shahi-Tump

mákṣā f., mákṣ -- m. f. ʻ fly ʼ RV., mákṣikā -- f. ʻ fly, bee ʼ RV., makṣika -- m. Mn.Pa. makkhikā -- f. ʻ fly ʼ, Pk. makkhiā -- f., macchī -- , °chiā -- f.; Gy. hung. makh ʻ fly ʼ, wel. makhī f., gr. makí f., pol. mačin, germ. mačlin, pal. mắki ʻ mosquito ʼ,măkīˊla ʻ sandfly ʼ, măkīˊli ʻ house -- fly ʼ; Ash. mačī˜ˊ ʻ bee ʼ; Paš.dar. mēček ʻ bee ʼ, weg. mečīˊk ʻ mosquito ʼ, ar. mučək, mučag ʻ fly ʼ; Mai. māc̣hī ʻ fly ʼ; Sh.gil.măṣīˊ f., (Lor.) m*lc̣ī ʻ fly ʼ (→ Ḍ. m*lc̣hi f.), gur. măc̣hīˊ ʻ fly ʼ (ʻ bee ʼ in gur. măc̣hi̯kraṇ, koh. măc̣hi -- gŭn ʻ beehive ʼ); K. mȧchi f. ʻ fly, bee, dark spot ʼ; S. makha,makhi f. ʻ fly, bee, swarm of bees, sight of gun ʼ, makho m. ʻ a kind of large fly ʼ; L. (Ju.) makhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, khet. makkīˊ; P. makkh f. ʻ horsefly, gnat, any stinging fly ʼ, m. ʻ flies ʼ, makkhī f. ʻ fly ʼ; WPah.rudh. makkhī ʻ bee ʼ, jaun. mākwā ʻ fly ʼ; Ku. mākho ʻ fly ʼ, gng. mã̄kh, N. mākho, A. mākhi, B. Or. māchi, Bi. māchī, Mth. māchī,mã̄chī, makhī (← H.?), Bhoj. māchī; OAw. mākhī, lakh. māchī ʻ fly ʼ, ma -- mākhī ʻ bee ʼ (mádhu -- ); H. māchī, mākhī, makkhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, makkhā m. ʻ large fly, gadfly ʼ; G. mākh, mākhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, mākhɔ m. ʻ large fly ʼ; M. mās f. ʻ swarm of flies ʼ, n. ʻ flies in general ʼ, māśī f. ʻ fly ʼ, Ko. māsu, māśi; Si. balu -- mäkka, st. -- mäki -- ʻ flea ʼ, mässa, st. mäsi -- ʻ fly ʼ; Md. mehi ʻ fly ʼ.
*makṣātara -- , *mākṣa -- , mākṣiká -- ; *makṣākiraṇa -- , *makṣācamara -- , *makṣācālana -- , *makṣikākula -- ; *madhumakṣikā -- .
Addenda: mákṣā -- : S.kcch. makh f. ʻ fly ʼ; WPah.kṭg. mákkhɔ, máṅkhɔ m. ʻ fly, large fly ʼ, mákkhi (kc. makhe) f. ʻ fly, bee ʼ, máṅkhi f., J. mākhī f.pl., Garh. mākhi. (CDIAL 9696) mākṣiká ʻ pertaining to a bee ʼ MārkP., n. ʻ honey ʼ Suśr. 2. *mākṣa -- . [mákṣā -- ]1. WPah.bhad. māċhī ʻ bee ʼ, khaś. mākhī; -- Pk. makkhia -- , macchia -- n. ʻ honey ʼ; Ash. mači, mačík ʻ sweet, good ʼ, mačianá ʻ honey ʼ; Wg. mác̣i, mäc̣ ʻ honey ʼ, Kt. mac̣ī˜, Pr. maṭék, Shum. mac̣hī, Gaw. māc̣hī, Kal.rumb. Kho. mac̣hí, Bshk. mē̃c̣h, Phal. mn/ac̣hī, mḗc̣hī, Sh. măc̣hīˊ f., S. L. mākhī f., WPah.bhiḍ. māċhī n., H.mākhī f.2. K. mã̄ch, dat. °chas m. ʻ honey ʼ, WPah.bhal. māch n. -- For form and meaning of Paš. māš, mōṣ ʻ honey ʼ see NTS ii 265, IIFL iii 3, 126.*mākṣakulika -- , *mākṣikakara -- , *mākṣikamadhu -- .Addenda: mākṣika -- : Kho. mac̣hi ʻ honey ʼ BKhoT 70.(CDIAL 9989)*mākṣikakara or *mākṣakara -- ʻ bee ʼ. [Cf. madhu- kara -- m. ŚārṅgP., °kāra -- m. BhP., °kārī -- f. R. <-> mākṣiká -- , kará -- 1]Ash. mačarīk, °čerīˊk ʻ bee ʼ, Wg. mac̣arīˊk, Kt. mačerík NTS ii 265, mac̣e° Rep1 59, Pr. mučerík, məṣkerík, muṭkurīˊk, Shum. mã̄c̣hāˊrik, Kal.rumb. mac̣hḗrik, Bshk.māˊc̣ēr, Phal. māc̣hurīˊ f.; Sh.koh. măc̣hāri f. ʻ bee ʼ, gil. (Lor.) m*lc̣hari ʻ bee, wasp, hornet ʼ (in latter meaning poss. < *makṣātara -- ); P. makhīr m. ʻ bee ʼ, kgr. ʻ honey ʼ; -- Gaw. mã̄c̣(h)oṛík with unexpl. -- ṛ -- . (CDIAL 9990)  *mākṣikamadhu ʻ honey ʼ. [mākṣiká -- , mádhu -- ]
P. mākhyō̃ f., mākho m. ʻ honey, honeycomb ʼ.(CDIAL 9991) مچئِي mac̱ẖaʿī, s.f. (6th) A bee in general. Sing. and Pl. سره مچئِي saraʿh-mac̱ẖaʿī, s.f. (6th). Sing. and Pl.; or دنډاره ḏḏanḏḏāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) A hornet, a wasp. Pl. يْ ey. See ډنبره (Pashto) माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Ma1rkP. मक्षिकः makṣikḥ मक्षि makṣi (क्षी kṣī) का kā मक्षिकः मक्षि (क्षी) का A fly, bee; भो उपस्थितं नयनमधु संनिहिता मक्षिका च M.2.-Comp.-मलम् wax.  madhu

मधु a. -मक्षः, -क्षा, -मक्षिका a bee. (Samskritam) )

माक्षिक [p.805] n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh.(Monier-Williams) Seven minerals are identified as pyrites: उपधातुः upadhātuḥउपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवः स्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम् । तुत्थं कांस्यं च रातिश्च सुन्दूरं च शिलाजतु ॥ उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिक, शिलाजित &c). माक्षि (क्षी) क Pyrites. -Comp. -धातुः pyrites.(Apte.Samskritam) மாக்கிகம் mākkikam, n. < mākṣika. 1. Bismuth pyrites; நிமிளை. (நாமதீப. 382.) 2. Honey; தேன். (நாமதீப. 410.) செம்புத்தீக்கல் cempu-t-tīkkal , n. < செம்பு +. Copper pyrites, sulphide of copper and iron; இரும்புஞ்செம்புங்கலந்த உலோகக்கட்டி. Loc.

Copper and arsenic ores

Ore name	Chemical formula
Arsenopyrite	FeAsS
Enargite	Cu3AsS4
Olivenite	Cu2(AsO4)OH
Tennantite	Cu12As4S13
Malachite	Cu2(OH)2CO3
Azurite	Cu3(OH)2(CO3)2

Sulfide deposits frequently are a mix of different metal sulfides, such as copper, zinc, silver, lead, arsenic and other metals. (Sphalerite (ZnS2), for example, is not uncommon in copper sulfide deposits, and the metal smelted would be brass, which is both harder and more durable than bronze.)The metals could theoretically be separated out, but the alloys resulting were typically much stronger than the metals individually.

An alternative rendering in translations of RV 10.81.5,6 and 10.81.1 by Wilson provides elucidation of the expression hiraṇyagarbha:

10.082.05 What was that embryo which was beyond the heaven, beyond this earth, beyond the gods, beyond the asuras, which the waters first retained, in which all the gods contemplated each other?
10.082.06 The waters verily first retained the embryo in which all the gods were aggregated, single deposited on the navel of the unborn (creator), in which all beings abide. [The embryo is Vis'vakarman. arpitam an.d.am = mundane egg; or, bi_jam]. 

10.081.01 The r.s.i, the hota_, our father who offering all these worlds has taken his seat; desiring wealth by pious benedictions, the first inventor has entered inferior (beinggs). [Offering all these worlds: i.e., destroying at the pral.aya, or dissolution of the world (Yajus. 17.17); asi_dat = had stopped, or has sat down in Agni. The 'wealth' desired by Vis'vakarma_ is heaven, which is to be obtained by hymns and the like. a_s'is.a_ = by the wish to become many; or, by the desire to create again and again; prathamacchad = assuming the principal form, or first investing, Agni with the worlds; Parames'vara is intended: a_tma_ va_ idam eka eva_gra a_si_t: Aitareya Bra_hman.a 2.4.1; Nirukta, 10.26: Vis'vakarman was at a sarvamedha, or universal sacrifice; he offered up all the worlds, and last of all offered up himself in sacrifice. The first line of the r.ca is a reference to the destuction of all things; the second line of the r.ca refers to their re-creation].

हिरण्य mfn. golden , made of gold Mn. MBh.;  hiraṇyam हिरण्यम् [हिरणमेव स्वार्थे यत्] 1 Gold; Ms.2.246. -2 Any vessel of gold; मन्त्रवत् प्राशनं चास्य हिरण्यमधुसर्पिषाम् Ms.2.29 (some take in the first sense). -3 Silver; (ददौ) हिरण्यस्य सुवर्णस्य मुक्तानां विद्रुमस्य च Rām.1.74.5; Mb. 13.57.34. -4 Any precious metal. -5 Wealth, property; अपदेश्यैश्च संन्यस्य हिरण्यं तस्य तत्त्वतः Ms.8.182. (Monier-Williams)

hiraṇyam हिरण्यम् [हिरणमेव स्वार्थे यत्] 1 Gold; Ms.2.246. -2 Any vessel of gold; मन्त्रवत् प्राशनं चास्य हिरण्यमधुसर्पिषाम् Ms.2.29 (some take in the first sense). -3 Silver; (ददौ) हिरण्यस्य सुवर्णस्य मुक्तानां विद्रुमस्य च Rām.1.74.5; Mb. 13.57.34. -4 Any precious metal. -5 Wealth, property; अपदेश्यैश्च संन्यस्य हिरण्यं तस्य तत्त्वतः Ms.8.182. -6 Semen virile. -7 A cowrie. -8 particular measure. -9 A substance. -1 The thorn-apple (धत्तूर). -ण्या One of the seven tongues of fire. -Comp. -अक्षः N. of a celebrated demon, twin brother of Hiraṇyakaśipu; अंशे हिरण्याक्षरिपोः स जाते हिरण्यनाभे तनवे नयज्ञः R.18.25. [On the strength of a boon from Brahman, he became insolent and oppressive, seized upon the earth, and carried it with him into the depths of the ocean. Viṣṇu therefore became incarnate as a boar, killed the demon and lifted up the earth.]; -कर्तृ m. goldsmith; यथा हिरण्यकर्ता वै रूप्यमग्नौ विशोधयेत् Mb.12.28.11. -कोशः gold and silver (whether wrought or unwrought). (Apte)

अज 1 [p= 9,2] N. of a mineral substance; aja अज a. [न जायते; जन्-ड. न. त.] Unborn, existing from all eternity; यो मामजमनादिं च वेत्ति लोकमहेश्वरम् Bg.1. 3; अजस्य गृह्णतो जन्म R.1.24. -जः 1 The 'unborn', epithet of the Almighty Being; न हि जातो न जाये$हं न जनिष्ये कदाचन । क्षेत्रज्ञः सर्वभूतानां तस्मादहमजः स्मृतः ॥ Mb.; also a N. of Viṣṇu, Śiva or Brahmā. -2 The (individual) soul (जीवः) अजो नित्यः शाश्वतो$यं पुराणो न हन्यते हन्यमाने शरीरे Bg.2.2. ;N. of a mineral substance (माक्षिकधातु).

The expression used in RV 10.82.6 is ajasyanābhā, i.e. existing in the navel of the aja, 'Unborn). This is elucidated further by the meaning of aja as the name of a mineral substance माक्षिकधातु., i.e. a pyrite mineral. 

Thus, the pyrite minerals, upadhātu existing in the navel of the aja, 'unborn' is the substance of adoration. The Soma Yāga thus is an oblation to purify the pyrite minerals to realize hiraṇyam, 'gold'.which is a signifier of draviṇam mentioned in RV 10.81.1 in the expression draviṇam icchamānah, i.e. 'those desirous obtaining wealth'. Hiraṇyam is thus draviṇam, wealth.

In terms of material substances described, the hiraṇyagarbha expression can be viewed as wealth-yielding pyrites which include the element hiraṇyam. 

The adored One is Brahman, हिरण्य-गर्भ, 'golden embryo'. 

The oblation is to That One, that हिरण्य-गर्भ, 1 N. of Brahman (as born from a golden-egg, embryo?). -2 N. of Viṣṇu. -3 the soul invested by the subtile body or सूक्ष्मशरीर  cf. (in phil.) the soul invested with the सूक्ष्म-शरीर or subtle body (= सूत्रा*त्मन् , प्रा*णा*त्मन्) Veda7ntas.(Monier-Williams)

Jal Śakti. जल क्रान्ति for Bhāratam Janam

June 7, 2019, 3:34 am

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Bhārat has a long coastline of 8000 kms. Every 4 kms. BARC desalination plant on boat to ensure pure nal se jal for all people upto100 km. from coastline. National Water Grid Authority 24x7 water to farms. जल क्रान्ति
Semi permeable membrane to desalinate saline water bodiesBARC desalination plant on boatNetwork of tanks