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A tribute to Prof. Asko Parpola; he identified an Indus Script hieroglyph, a palm-squirrel. Tributes to JF Jarrige and I Mahadevan

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https://tinyurl.com/yyr85age

This is an addendum to  https://tinyurl.com/y4fjvrsl In this monograph I have offered my thanks Asko Parpola for the brilliant identification of 'squirrel' hieroglyph in Nindowari and other seal inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora. (www.harappa.com/script/indus-writing.pdf page 128). 

This tribute complements the compliment offered to Jean Francois Jarrige who identified the 'cire perdue ornament (so-called amulet) which is the orthographic model for an Indus Script hieroglyph of a spoked wheel. 

See 


 

https://tinyurl.com/y245bxk7 This includes a video (6:57). The film is a fitting tribute to the memory of the great archaeologist Jean-Francois Jarrige, (1940-2014), who led the Mehrgarh excavations.

And we are left wondering at the meaning of this wheel shaped symbol which also occurs in the Indus script...https://www.harappa.com/video/mystery-mehrgarh-amuletScientist carried out a detailed study to find out how amulets were made 6,000 years ago. 

Sign 391

Some Indus Script inscriptions could be deciphered because of the contribution made by Prof. Asko Parpola in identifying a palm-squirrel as a hieroglyph of Indus Script Corpora which now total over 8000 inscriptions. Iravatham Mahadevan who has, like Asko Parpola, prepared a concordance of Indus scriptions, failed to recognize the orthography of a tough-to-interpret 'sign'.

The squirrel sign signifies 'šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻflying squirrelʼ, rebus 'šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻguild master' سیټه seṯṯh, s.m. (5th) A banker, a merchant. Pl. سیټڼان seṯṯhān (Pashto) PLUS खार [ khāra ] A squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी [ khārī ] (Usually खार) A squirrel. (Marathi) rebus khār 'blacksmith (Kashmiri). Thus, the squirrel signifies a guild-master of a blacksmith-guild.

The life-time contributions of Prof.Asko Parpola and the late Shri Iravatham Mahadevan are an inspiration to researchers of civilization studies;both have studied the problem of Indus Script with single-minded dedication and passion to unravel the mysteries of Sarasvati Civilization.

The students and researchers of civilization studies owe a debt of gratitude to Prof. Asko Parpola and I offer this humble tribute to Asko Parpola's brilliant insight resulting in the identification of the palm-squirrel as an Indus Script hieroglyph, l'acte gratuite (as an unmotivated action). 

It is remarkable that this hieroglyph constitutes the signature tune of one of the longest inscriptions of Indus Script.
Longest inscription m0314 of Indus Script Corpora is catalogue of a guild-master. The guild master is signified by Indus Script hypertext 'squirrel' hieroglyph 'khāra, šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄' Rebus: plaintext: khār 'blacksmith' 
śrēṣṭhin 'guild-master' (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa).
  The guild-master signs off on the inscription by affixing his hieroglyph: palm squirrel,Sciurus palmarum'




The khōṇḍa young bull-calf (so-called unicorn) has an antelope horn to signify koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' rebus kō̃da कोँद 'kiln, furnace'

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https://tinyurl.com/y6ozorsz

-- R̥gveda links with Indus Script. parīśāsau, pair of tongs, of ṛśya,'antelope' horns used in Pravargya


This monograph demonstrates that the orthography of one-horned young bull should be seen as composed of ligatures and there ain't any intimation of a 'unicorn' as an imaginary animal or a variant of emūṣa varāha; nor is there any intimation of an antelope Ṛiṣya; the ligature of śṛnga, 'horn' is read rebus as koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' in Indian sprachbund 'language union' of spoken dialects or spoken (mispronounced) forms of Meluhha/Mleccha. The engraver's clear intent is to signify a youthful, young bull-calf,distinct from a grown-up or aged, adult bovine. The choice of koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' is a semantic determinative of the coremessage of youth of the bull-calf: khōṇḍa

 m. A young bull, a bullcalf(Marathi).

The horn of the 'one-horned young bull' (the so-called unicorn) is with two curves, like the horn of an antelope, with two curves. The rebus reading in Meluhha for the horn ligatured to the young bull is: koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 

'workshop'. Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. ko·ṛ (obl. ko·ṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwï·ṛ (obl. kwï·ṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul)horn. Ga. (Oll.) kōr (pl. kōrgul) id. Go. (Tr.) kōr (obl. kōt-, pl. kōhk) horn of cattle or wild animals, branch of a tree; (W. Ph. A. Ch.) kōr (pl. kōhk), (S.) kōr (pl. kōhku), (Ma.) kōr̥u (pl. kōẖku) horn; (M.) kohk branch (Voc. 980); (LuS.) kogoo a horn. Kui kōju (pl. kōska) horn, antler. Cf. 2049 Ta. koṭi. (DEDR 2200).

A pair of such horns can constitute a pair of tongs for handling Mahāvīra ayasmaya, metal pot used in Veda performance of Pravargya. This sacred performance may explain the unique orthography of the one-horn with two curves, ligatured to the young bull. Other ligatures are: rings on neck and pannier. Both these hieroglyphs reinforce the underlying semantics of the young bull: koḍiyum 'rings on neck'. kāru-kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) खोंडा 'cowl' or 'pannier' rebus: khōṇḍī 'pannier sackखोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) खोंडा   khōṇḍā m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood.कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf. కారుకోడె kārukōḍe kāru-kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime.కోడియ kōḍiya Same as కోడె.కోడె kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగురామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు.I suggest that an early Munda word to signify a cattlepen is: goṭ = the place where cattle are collected at mid-day (Santali); goṭh (Brj.)(CDIAL 4336). goṣṭha (Skt.); cattle-shed (Or.) koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी [ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi) A one-horned young bull which comes out of such a cattlepen is a rebus rendering of a lapidary working with fine gold: कोंद kōnda ‘young bull' कोंद kōnda ‘engraver,turner'.   कुलालादिकन्दुः

 f. a kiln; a potter's kiln; kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln'  (Kashmiri) Thus, an iron turner (in smithy/forge).Rebus: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems  in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725). [ kun̐da ] n a (turner's) lathe kundār 'workshop of metals turner (mixer of metals to create alloys) or artisan working in a smithy/forge.'

परी--शास m. ( √ शस्) anything cut out , an excision AV.;  a kind of tongs used for lifting a kettle from the fire (Śatapatha Brāhmaṇaऋश्य ऋश्य or (in later texts ऋष्यm. the male of a species of antelope , the painted or white-footed antelope RV. viii , 4 , 10 AV. v , 14 , 3 VS. AitBr. Sus3r. &c (Monier-Williams) The expression ṛśyasyeva parīśāsaṃ in AV 5.14.3 can be interpreted as the horn of an antelope; thus the dual, parīśāsau, signifies a pair of tongs made of the horn of an antelope. ṛśya ऋश्य a. [ऋश्-कर्मणि-क्यप्] To be killed. -श्यः A white-footed antelope; ऋश्यो न तृप्यन्नवपानमा गहि Rv.8.4.1. वराहमृश्यं पृषतं महारुरुम् Rām.2.52.12. -श्यम् Killing, hurt, violation. -Comp. -केतुः, -केतनः 1 N. of Aniruddha, son of Pradyumna. -2 N. of the god of love. -दः a pit for catching antelopes. -पद् a.having the feet of an antelope. -मूकः N. of a mountain;  ṛṣyḥ ऋष्यः [ऋष्-क्यप्] 1 A white-footed antelope. see ऋश्य. -ष्यम् A kind of leprosy. -Comp. -अङ्कः, -केतनः, -केतुः N. of Aniruddha. -गता the plant Asparagus Racemosus (= ऋष्यप्रोक्ता). -गन्धा the plant ऋक्षगन्धा. -जिह्वम् a kind of leprosy. -प्रोक्ता N. of several plants; शूकशिंबी, अतिबला, शतावरी. -मूकः a mountain near the lake Pampā which formed the temporary abode of Rāma with the monkey-chief Sugrīva; ऋष्य- मूकस्तु पम्पायाः पुरस्तात् पुष्पितद्रुमः. -शृङ्गः N. of a sage. [He was the son of Vibhāṇdaka. According to mythical account he was born of a female deer, and had a small horn on his forehead, and hence called 'Ṛiṣya- śṛnga', or 'deerhorned'. He was brought up in the forest by his father, and he saw no other human being till he nearly reached his manhood. When a great drought well nigh devastated the country of Aṅga, its king Lomapāda, at the advice of Brāhmaṇas, caused Ṛisyaśriṅga to be brought to him by means of a number of damsels, and gave his daughter Śantā .

ṛśyasyeva parīśāsaṃ  parikṛtya pari tvacaḥ / kṛtyāṃ kṛtyākṛte devā niṣkam iva prati muñcata // ( Atharvaveda  5.14.3)

Whitney's translation: “Having cut around out of [his] skin a strip (parīśāsa), as if it were of a stag, fasten, O gods, upon the witchcraft-maker the witchcraft, like a necklace.”

Bloomfield's translation: “Cutting out from the skin (of the enemy) as if (from the skin) of an antelope, do, ye, O gods, fasten the spell upon him that prepares it, as (one fastens) an ornament!” 

Eggeling's translation: “If it [the Mahāvīra vessel also called Gharma] were made of wood, it would be burnt; and if of gold, it would dissolve; and if of copper, it would melt; and if of stone, it would burn the two handling-sticks [parīśāsau]; and that (Gharma) itself submitted to that (earthen vessel): therefore it is by means of an earthen one that he offers it.” (Śatapatha  Brāhmaṇa 14. 2. 54).

parīśāsau  is an implement, a pair of tongs, used in Pravargya to handle the Mahāvīra vessel. परी (परि- √इ) P. पर्य्-ेति (Impv. परी*हि MBh. Pot. प्/अर्त्याम् TS. impf. पर्यैत् S3Br. pf. प्/अरी*याय TS. fut. पर्य्-ेता ChUp. ; ind.p. परी*त्य
 Pa1rGr2. ; पर्य्-ायं Br. inf. प्/अर्य्-ेतवे RV. ) , to go about , move in a circle  ; 
(trans.) to go or flow round (acc.) , circumambulate , surround , include , grasp , span RV. &c  ; to run against or into , reach , attainAV. S3Br. ChUp.  ; (with or sc. मनसा) to perceive , ponder MBh. R. Intens. A1. प्/अरी*यते , to move round or in a circle RV. परी means 'to move around in a circle';thus, parīśāsau परी--शासौ  means a pair of tongs which move around in a circle to hold the heated pot. Pravrj means 'heating and boiling' and hence, the Pravargya process results in a heated and boiled pot which vessel according tos Ṛgveda 5.30.15, was made of metal (ayasmaya) and was called Gharma. To hold this pot, a pair of tongs called parīśāsau implement is used. Gharma is also the word for the milk poured into the Pravargya heated vessel or pot.  Śatapatha Bṛāhmaṇa 14, 2, 1, 16, notes that the heated vessel symbolized the solar disc and the main significance of the Pravargya ritual was to create solar heat.

“The ‘parīśāsau (also called ‘śaphau,’ XIV, 2, 1, 16) are two pieces of wood or laths apparently fastened together by a kind of clasp (or a cord) at one end, so as to serve the purpose of a pair of tongs (parīśāsau saṃdaṃśakarau, comm. on Kātyā. XXIV, 2, 10) for taking up the Mahāvīra pot, which must not be handled in any other way… at the end of the sacrifice, the Adhvaryu, by means of them, turns the pot upside down so as to pour the remainder of its contents into the offering spoon (see Kātyā. XXIV, 6, 17 with comm.)” (Julius Eggeling (trans.), The Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa According to the Text of the Mādhyandina School,  Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas, reprint 1972,  part 5, p. 458-459.

Note: parīśāsau saṃdaṃśakarau, comm. on Kātyā. XXIV, 2, 10; sandaṃśḥ संदंशः 1 A pair of tongs; अयस्मयैरग्निपिण्डैः संदंशैस्त्वचि निष्कुषन्ति Bhāg.5.26.19.

Gautama V. Vajracharya suggests that the pair of tongs could have consisted of two horns of 'unicorns' which have two curves and presents a conjectural image of such a pair of tongs which may be signified by the phrase, parīśāsau. The synonym is śaphau explained as 'a wooden implement formed like a claw or hook (for lifting an iron pot or pan from the fire) (ब्राह्मण; लाट्यायन)(Monier-Williams)

After Fig. 6.7 in Kenoyer, 2013 Unicorn figurines from Chanhu-daro (a, b), Mohenjo-daro (c), and Harappa (d). The figurines in the round signify that the one-horn is a ligature to a male young bull-calf, distinct from an aged bull or grown-up ox. The youth is called kor̥a,'boy' in Santali. Hence, खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf rebus: kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln, furnace'  (Kashmiri)

 

1. Harappa H-99 4064 Indus Period 3c 2000-1900 BCE Fired steatite 5 cmX5.2cm JM Kenoyer, 2013, Chapter 6 in Connections and Complexity, New Approaches to the Archaeology of South Asia, Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, California, 2013.https://www.harappa.com/content/iconography-indus-unicorn-origins-and-legacy 


https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/pdf/Kenoyer2013%20Indus%20Unicorns-1.pdf
2. Mohenjo-daro HR 743 Copyright JM Kenoyer,Courtesy Dept. of Archaeology and Museums,Govt. of Pakistan
3. H-9 After Asko Parpola, Deciphering the Indus Script, 1994, p.231

 (After Fig. 3 in: Gautama V. Vajracharya, Unicorns in Ancient India and Vedic ritual, in: EJVS, Vol. 17 (2010),Issue 2) https://crossasia-journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/ejvs/article/view/322
http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:16-ejvs-3221 (PDF) In this article, Gautama V. Vajracharya suggests that the expression parīśāsau signifies a pair of 'horns' of the unicorn (one-horned bull), which are uniquely shaped with two curves as shown on many Indus Script seals.

For a contemporary pair of tongs, made of wood, see T. N. Dharmadhikari, Yajñāyudhāni, Pune: Vaidika-Samśodhana-maṇḍalam, 1989, P. 42. 

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Dotted circles on Rojdi potsherd 3rd m.BCE, Ujjaini ancient coins and on a Alishar Hyyuk pot signify dhatu 'mineral ore', dhāvaḍ 'smelter'

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http://tinyurl.com/y6799p8h

I submit that dotted circles on Ujjaini ancient coins and on Alisha Huyuk pot signify dhatu 'mineral ore' worked on by
dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. This concordance may explain the formation of Proto-Indo-European languages which find expression in Indian sprachbund (speech union), in dialect words or mispronunciations of Meluhha (mleccha). It is possible that ancient Indian artisans landed and settled in Alisha Hoyuk and Cadic Hayuk, in search of and working with mineral resources.
This is an addendum to: https://tinyurl.com/y5nczkle

 
निर्झर मुखोपाध्याय
18 hrs April 9, 2019 Facebook Harappan Archaeology
Thanks to Nirjhar Mukhopadhyay for this brilliant insight, identifying a Rojdi potsherd with an Indus Script inscription. The hieroglyph used on the potsherd is used as Ujjaini symbol on thousands of ancient mint coins from Ujjain and Eran. Clearly, the hieroglyph signifies the wealth of metalwork in mints. 
See: 
https://twitter.com/i/status/1117872841930657792

The Ujjaini symbol is traceable to an Indus Script hypertext on Rojdi potsherd which reads: dhāvaḍ kaṇḍa 'smelter implements'. (rebus gaṇḍa 'four' since the dotted circle is shown on four arms of the symbol).


Ujjain standard symbol (which consists of four dotted circles)  which appears on thousands of ancient coins from Ujjain and Eran mints of Ancient India. The same dotted circle occurs on the pot of a Bronze Age site in Turkey, Alishar Hyyuk, close to Cadir Hoyuk. I suggest that the dotted circle is read in Meluhha (mleccha) rebus in the sites of Turkey and India.

There are two hieroglyphs in the dotted circle: 1. Dot; 2. Circle. The dot is an orthographic style to signify a strand (like a strand of thread inserted through a perforated bead). The circle hieroglyph also a livelihood activity, duty, office; the word is vatta ‘circle’ rebus:-ʻduty, office’ (Pali).

 

Thus, together, the hypertext of dotted ciecle signifies:  dhã̄i 'strand' rebus: dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stoneʼ dhatu 'mineral ore' PLUS vaṭa'string' vaṭṭa 'circle' together rebus expression: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. Thus, the Ujjaini symbol used as an Indus Script hypertext on Rojdi potsherd reads: dhāvaḍ kaṇḍa 'smelter implements'. cf. dāya'roll of one in dice game' தாயம் tāyamn. < dāya. 1. Patrimony, inheritance, wealth of an ancestor capable of inheritance and partition (R. F.); பாகத்திற்குரிய பிதிரார்ச்சிதப்பொருள். 2. Share; பங்கு. (யாழ். அக.) 3. Paternal relationship; தந்தைவழிச் சுற்றம். (யாழ். அக.) 4. A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம். முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை). 5. Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ். அக.) 6. Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண்Colloq

 

Hieroglyph, circle is: vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192? 2. Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ passed, gone away, completed, dead ʼ; Ash. weṭ -- intr. ʻ to pass (of time), pass, fall (of an avalanche) ʼ, weṭā -- tr. ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Paš. wiṭīk ʻ passed ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. buto ʻ he was ʼ; P. batāuṇā ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Ku. bītṇo ʻ to be spent, die ʼ, bitauṇo ʻ to pass, spend ʼ; N. bitāunu ʻ to pass (time), kill ʼ, butāunu ʻ to extinguish ʼ; Or. bitibā intr. ʻ to pass (of time), bitāibā tr.; Mth. butāb ʻ to extinguish ʼ; OAw. pret. bītā ʻ passed (of time) ʼ; H. bītnā intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, butnā ʻ to be extinguished ʼ, butānā ʻ to extinguish ʼ; G. vĭ̄tvũ intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, vatāvvũ tr. ʻ to stop ʼ(CDIAL 12069)

 

Rebus: Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.
vārttā -- ; *ardhavr̥tta -- , *kaṇavr̥tta -- , *dyūtavr̥tta -- ,  (CDIAL 12069)

 

Hieroglyph: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., (CDIAL 6773)


Rebus: dhāˊtu*strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773

Alishar Hüyük (in modern Yozgat ProvinceTurkey) was an ancient Near Eastern city. It is near the modern village of Alişar, Sorgun....Alishar Hüyük was occupied beginning in the Chalcolithic Period, through the Bronze Age and the Hittites, and into Phrygian times. A number of Hittite-era cuneiform tablets in Old Assyrian of the Cappadocia type were found there. Mention in those tablets of the town Amkuwa has caused speculation that the site is the Ankuwa mentioned in other Hittite texts...The site was excavated between 1927 and 1932 by a team from the Oriental Institute of Chicago. The work was led by Erich Schmidt...About 12km northwest of Alishar Huyuk, there's another important archaeological site named Cadir Hoyuk (Çadır Höyük in Turkish alphabet).Recent excavators of Cadir Hoyuk have identified this site tentatively with the Hittite city of Zippalanda.Evidence of the first known settlement at Cadir Hoyuk has been radio-carbon dated to the Early Chalcolithic (5300-4500 BC); nevertheless the occupation may well be even earlier than that, and go back to Neolithic (ca. 5500 BC)...Cadir Hoyuk appears to have flourished during the Middle and Late Bronze Age (2000-1100 BC), continuing into the Iron Age.(I. J. Gelb, Inscriptions from Alishar and Vicinity, Oriental Institute Publications 27, The University of Chicago Press, 1935) Hans Henning von der Osten and Erich F. Schmidt, Researches in Anatolia 2. The Alishar Hüyük Season of 1927, Part 1, Oriental Institute Publications 6, The University of Chicago Press, 1930; Hans Henning von der Osten. Researches in Anatolia 9. The Alishar Hüyük Seasons of 1930-1932, Part 3, Oriental Institute Publications 30, The University of Chicago Press, 1937 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ali%C5%9Far_H%C3%BCy%C3%BCk
Vessel with a quatrefoil mouth, Alishar, Middle Bronze Age III, 1750-1650 BC, ceramic - Oriental Institute Museum, University of Chicago
"Phyrgian painted pot (A65608) from the site of Alishar Huyuk in Turkey. The circles in the background behind the deer on the pot are thought by some scholars to be snow." (Oriental Institute)

Mohenjo-daro triangular prism is a bezel pendant worn by an artisan to proclaim metalwork competence of the guild

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This monograph discusses a remarkable triangular prism bezel (m0489) and firmly anchors archaeological evidence of Indus Script Meluhha inscriptions to affirm the presence of Meluhha artisans/merchants along the Persian Gulf sites. The bezel proclamation is like utsava bera of Ancient India tradition; the processions of animals or animals on file are a catalogue of metalwork competence of the artisans, products which are offered for bera or by diplaying the details of the products offered for bera 'bargain' and trade.

Meluhha 'crocodile' hieroglyph in Ancient Near East and Ancient India

The crocodile signifies in rebus Meluhha, kāru ‘artisan. Thus it is a category marker which is a determinative for the hieroglyphs signified below the kāru 'crocodile'. The elephant, rhinoceros shown below the crocodile on the Tell Asmar cylinder seal are metalwork catalogues of the artisan: karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' PLUS kāṇḍā'rhinoeros' rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware'.

A cylinder seal showing hieroglyphs of crocodile, elephant and rhinoceros was found in Tell Asmar (Eshnunna), Iraq. This is an example of Meluhha writing using hieroglyphs to denote the competence of kāru ‘artisan -- kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) He was also ibbo 'merchant' (Hieroglyph: ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron') and maker of metal artifacts: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’ (kāṇḍā mṛga 'rhinoceros' (Tamil).

I submit that this cylinder seal is emphatic archaeological attestation of the presence of Meluhha artisans/merchants in Meluhha settlements on sites along the Persian Gulf. This is substantiated by Briggs Buchanan in an article 'A dated seal impression connecting Babylonia and Ancient India' (embedded).


Archaeology Vol. 20, No. 2 (APRIL 1967), pp. 104-107 (4 pages) Published by: Archaeological Institute of America 
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41667694


Glazed steatite . Cylinder seal. 3.4cm high; imported from Indus valley. Rhinoceros, elephant, crocodile.Tell Asmar (Eshnunna), Iraq. Frankfort, 1955, No. 642; Collon, 1987, Fig. 610. 


Cylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] 
bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region
. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE.  


karabha, ibha‘elephant’ Rebus: karba, ib 'iron', ibbo ‘merchant’, ib ‘iron’
காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rhinoceros; கல்யானை. Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’.kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus:   kāru  ‘artisan’. 


He was also ibbo 'merchant' (Hieroglyph: ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron') and maker of metal artifacts: 
kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’ (kāṇḍā mṛga 'rhinoceros' (Tamil).karabha, ibha‘elephant’ Rebus: karba 'iron', ibbo ‘merchant’, ib ‘iron’காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rhinoceros; கல்யானை. Rebus: kāṇḍā ‘metalware, tools, pots and pans’.kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus:   kāru  ‘artisan’. Alternative: araṇe ‘lizard’ Rebus: airaṇ ‘anvil’.


Crocodile hieroglyph in combination with other animal hieroglphs also appears on a Mohenjo-daro triangular prism seal m0489 in the context of an erotic Meluhha hieroglyph: a tergo copulation hieroglyph.


m0489a,b,c Mohenjo-daro prism tablet  This triangular prism tablet appears in John Marshall's archaeological report on Pl. CXVIii.10 (Museum plate 4) and on Pl. CXVI 14.
Pl. CXVIii.10 "Triangular prism…No. 14 on Pl. CXVI, Pl. CXVIII, 10 (Mus 4). Pottery.Average size of each face, 1.6 incheslong by 0.33 in wide. (a) On one face, from left to right, there are an elephant, a rhinoceros, a tiger on the left, and another cat-like animal. Above these animals, which are en file, is a fish on the left, followed by a gharial with a fish in its mouth. (b) From left to right, a file of animals. A unicorn,what seems to be a cow, a short-horned bull, and a rhinoceros. Above the file there appear to be a jungle-fowl, and a gharial, but these figures are somewhat indistinct. (c) From left to right, there are two goas from a tree, a jungle-fowl, a man apparently pushing a goat or similar animal along, and finally, an antelope-like animal with two heads, similar to those on the copper seals.  A hole,0.3 in deep, at each end of this object, suggests that it was used as a kind of revolving bezel. The animals are too close to the ends of the impression for it to have been capped with metal.” (Marshall, J.,1931, Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization, London, Arthur Probsthain, pp. 395-396.) https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.62023/page/n47





Pl. CXVI 14

A bezel is a groove holding the crystal of a watch or the stone of a gem in its setting. If this triangular prism was used as a bezel, it may have been worn as a pendant on a necklace. This is an artisan’s proclamation of his metalwork competence. 

See: Indus inscription: three-sided tablet with hieroglyphs: animals, a plant, a mountain, a copulating couple (m489) https://tinyurl.com/yyujyayj


In mlecchita vikalpa, ‘cypher writing’ of layered rebus-metonymy, the set of hieroglyphs denote a metalworkers’ guild. Technical specifications of the metalwork are detailed by hieroglyphs in the set.

Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) 

Components of Mohenjo-daro prism tablet m0489 are presented in colour and with some photographic enlargements to help identify the hieroglyphs on the inscription.



The four animals in the bottom register are identified as from l.: one-horned young bull, zebu PLUS black drongo, short-horned bull or ox, water-buffalo.
One-horned young bull-calf

Could the black drongo atop the bull be a semantic determinative of पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel'. .Young bull-calf with two horns

Short-horned bull or ox with feeding trough
Crocodile

Water-Buffalo 
rango 'water buffalo' Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).  Hieroglyhph: buffalo: Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).(CDIAL 10538, 10559) Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g) ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567)


Hieroglyph: meḍ ‘body

Hieroglyph: Ta. meṭṭu mound, heap of earth; mēṭu height, eminence, hillock; muṭṭu rising ground, high ground, heap. Ma. mēṭu rising ground, hillock; māṭu hillock, raised ground; miṭṭāl rising ground, an alluvial bank; (Tiyya) maṭṭa hill. Ka. mēḍu height, rising ground, hillock; miṭṭu rising or high ground, hill; miṭṭe state of being high, rising ground, hill, mass, a large number; (Hav.) muṭṭe heap (as of straw). Tu. miṭṭè prominent, protruding; muṭṭe heap. Te. meṭṭa raised or high ground, hill; (K.) meṭṭu mound; miṭṭa high ground, hillock, mound; high, elevated, raised, projecting; (VPK) mēṭu, mēṭa, mēṭi stack of hay; (Inscr.) meṇṭa-cēnu dry field (cf. meṭṭu-nēla, meṭṭu-vari). Kol. (SR.) meṭṭā hill; (Kin.) meṭṭ, (Hislop) met mountain. Nk. meṭṭ hill, mountain. Ga. (S.3, LSB 20.3) meṭṭa high land. Go. (Tr. W. Ph.) maṭṭā, (Mu.) maṭṭa mountain; (M. L.) meṭā id., hill; (A. D. Ko.) meṭṭa, (Y. Ma. M.) meṭa hill; (SR.) meṭṭā hillock (Voc. 2949). Konḍa  meṭa id. Kuwi (S.)metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058)
Hieroglyph: barad ‘ox’ Rebus: bharat ‘pewter, copper, tin alloy’
Hieroglyph: miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)Rebus: meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda)
Hieroglyph: kondh ‘young bull’ Rebus: kondh ‘turner’
Hieroglyph: ibha ‘elephant’ Rebus: ib ‘iron’; ibbo ‘merchant’
Hieroglyph: ranga ‘buffalo’ Rebus: ranga ‘pewter’
Hieroglyph: badhia ‘rhinoceros’ Rebus: badhi ‘carpenter’
Hieroglyph: kol ‘tiger’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron, smelter
Hieroglyph: kol krammara ‘tiger looking back’ Rebus: kol kamar ‘iron-working artisan’
Hieroglyph: patra ‘leaf’ Rebus: pattar ‘goldsmith/artisan guild’; hierolyph: loa ‘ficus religiosa’ Rebus: loh ‘metal, copper’; Hieroglyph: kūdī, kūṭī 'bunch of twigs' (Samskritam) Rebus:  kuṭhi 'smelter' (Samskritam)
ranku ‘fornication, adultery’ (Telugu) Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali)

Hierolyph: kuṭharu ‘cock’ (VS xxiv,23, MaitrS.TS.v) kōtur कोतुर् or (Gr.Gr. 58) kōturu कोतुरु‍&below; । कपोतः m. (sg. dat. kōtaras कोतरस्; f. nom. kōtürü कोत्&above;रू), a pigeon or dove (wild or tame) (El.; L. 462,kotar; Rām. 93; K. 922, 947); N. of a sept of Kāshmīrī Brāhmaṇas. A cock pigeon is also nar-kōtur, and a hen is māda-kōtur (W. 17). kōtar-bāz kōtar-bāz कोतर्-बाज़् m. one who trains pigeons, a pigeon-fancier (W. 111). (Kashmiri)
Rebus: kuṭhāru ‘weapons-maker, armourer, writer’  (Samskritam)
meḷh ‘goat’ (Br.) Rebus: meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk (G.)
ayo ‘fish’ (Munda) Rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)
Hieroglyph: kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Te.) Rebus: khār a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār) (Kashmiri)
        Combined cypher-text: ayakāra ‘fish+crocodile’ Rebus: ‘iron-smith’ (Pali)

The following glyphics of m1431 prism tablet show the association between the tiger + person on tree glyphic set and crocodile + 3 animal glyphic set -- animals on file.







Mohenjo-daro m1431 four-sided tablet. Row of animals in file (a one-horned bull, an elephant and a rhinoceros from right); a gharial with a fish held in its jaw above the animals; a bird (?) at right. Pict-116: From R.—a person holding a vessel; a woman with a platter (?); a kneeling person with a staff in his hands facing the woman; a goat with its forelegs on a platform under a tree. [Or, two antelopes flanking a tree on a platform, with one antelope looking backwards?] m1431A, B, C, E and Text 2805  

One side (m1431B) of a four-sided tablet shows a procession of a tiger, an elephant and a rhinoceros (with fishes (or perhaps, crocodile) on top?).


koḍe ‘young bull’ (Telugu) खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali)[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Te.)]baṭṭai quail (N.Santali) Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) baṭhi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kuṭhi) (Santali) bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; iṭa bhaṭa = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhaṭa a potter’s kiln; cun bhaṭa = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhaṭaea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhaṭṭhā (H.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā= a barzier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Skt.) mẽhẽt bai = iron (Ore) furnaces. [Synonyms are: mẽt = the eye, rebus for: the dotted circle (Santali.lex) baṭha [H. baṭṭhī (Sad.)] any kiln, except a potter’s kiln, which is called coa; there are four kinds of kiln: cunabat.ha, a lime-kin, it.abat.ha, a brick-kiln, ērēbaṭha, a lac kiln, kuilabaṭha, a charcoal kiln; trs. Or intrs., to make a kiln; cuna rapamente ciminaupe baṭhakeda? How many limekilns did you make? Baṭha-sen:gel = the fire of a kiln; baṭi [H. Sad. baṭṭhi, a furnace for distilling) used alone or in the cmpds. arkibuṭi and baṭiora, all meaning a grog-shop; occurs also in ilibaṭi, a (licensed) rice-beer shop (Mundari.lex.) bhaṭi = liquor from mohwa flowers (Santali)

ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'. kaṇḍa 'arrow' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. ayaskāṇḍa is a compounde word attested in Panini. The compound or glyphs of fish + arrow may denote metalware tools, pots and pans.kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib ‘iron'.  Alternative: కరటి [ karaṭi ] karaṭi. [Skt.] n. An elephant. ఏనుగు (Telugu) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (Gujarati) kāṇḍa  'rhimpceros'   Rebus:khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.  The text on m1431 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము 
pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.

Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा [khāṇḍā] A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi  Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.

Hieroglyph: heraka ‘spy’. Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper, gold'; eraka 'moltencast, metal infusion'; era ‘copper’. āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra  'brass'. Hieroglyph: हेर [ hēra ] m (हेरक S through or H) A spy, scout, explorator, an emissary to gather intelligence. 2 f Spying out or spying, surveying narrowly, exploring. (Marathi) *hērati ʻ looks for or at ʼ. 2. hēraka -- , °rika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ lex., hairika -- m. ʻ spy ʼ Hcar., ʻ thief ʼ lex. [J. Bloch FestschrWackernagel 149 ← Drav., Kuiēra ʻ to spy ʼ, Malt. ére ʻ to see ʼ, DED 765]1. Pk. hēraï ʻ looks for or at ʼ (vihīraï ʻ watches for ʼ); K.ḍoḍ. hērūō ʻ was seen ʼ; WPah.bhad. bhal. he_rnū ʻ to look at ʼ (bhal. hirāṇū ʻ to show ʼ), pāḍ. hēraṇ, paṅ. hēṇā, cur. hērnā, Ku. herṇo, N. hernu, A. heriba, B. herā, Or. heribā (caus. herāibā), Mth. herab, OAw. heraï, H. hernā; G. hervũ ʻ to spy ʼ, M. herṇẽ. 2. Pk. hēria -- m. ʻ spy ʼ; Kal. (Leitner) "hériu"ʻ spy ʼ; G. herɔ m. ʻ spy ʼ, herũ n. ʻ spying ʼ. Addenda: *hērati: WPah.kṭg. (Wkc.) hèrnõ, kc. erno ʻ observe ʼ; Garh. hernu ʻ to look' (CDIAL 14165) Ko. er uk- (uky-) to play 'peeping tom'. Kui ēra (ēri-) to spy, scout; n. spying, scouting; pl action ērka (ērki-). ? Kuwi (S.) hēnai to scout; hēri kiyali to see; (Su. P.) hēnḍ- (hēṭ-) id. Kur. ērnā (īryas) to see, look, look at, look after, look for, wait for, examine, try; ērta'ānā to let see, show; ērānakhrnā to look at one another. Malt. ére to see, behold, observe; érye to peep, spy. Cf. 892 Kur. ēthrnā. / Cf. Skt. heraka- spy, Pkt. her- to look at or for, and many NIA verbs; Turner, CDIAL, no. 14165(DEDR 903)
Rebus readings of Hieroglyphs on two Meluhha tablets: Crocodile, tiger looking back, spy on tree
h1973B h1974B Harappa Two tablets. One side shows a person seated on a tree branch, a tiger looking up, a crocodile on the top register and other animals in procession in the bottom register. Obverse side (comparable to h1970, h1971 and h1972) shows an elephant, a person strangling two tigers (jackals or foxes) and a six-spoked wheel.
The glyphic which is common to both set 1 (h1970B, h1971B and h1972B) and set 2: (h1973B and h1974B) is: crocodile on the top register. 

karā ‘crocodile’ (Telugu). Rebus: khara ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)

Set 1: crocodile + person with foot on head of animal + spearing + bison + horned (with twig) seated person in penance

h1971B Harappa. Three tablets with identical glyphic compositions on both sides: h1970, h1971 and h1972. Seated figure or deity with reed house or shrine at one side. Left: H95-2524; Right: H95-2487.

Harappa. Planoconvex molded tablet found on Mound ET. A. Reverse. a female deity battling two tigers and standing above an elephant and below a six-spoked wheel; b. Obverse. A person spearing with a barbed spear a buffalo in front of a seated horned deity wearing bangles and with a plumed headdress. The person presses his foot down the buffalo’s head. An alligator with a narrow snout is on the top register. “We have found two other broken tablets at Harappa that appear to have been made from the same mold that was used to create the scene of a deity battling two tigers and standing above an elephant. One was found in a room located on the southern slope of Mount ET in 1996 and another example comes from excavations on Mound F in the 1930s. However, the flat obverse of both of these broken tablets does not show the spearing of a buffalo, rather it depicts the more well-known scene showing a tiger looking back over its shoulder at a person sitting on the branch of a tree. Several other flat or twisted rectangular terracotta tablets found at Harappa combine these two narrative scenes of a figure strangling two tigers on one side of a tablet, and the tiger looking back over its shoulder at a figure in a tree on the other side.” (JM Kenoyer, 1998, Ancient cities of the Indus Valley, Oxford University Press, p. 115.)

Set 2: crocodile + person seated on branch of tree + tiger looking back and up + rhinoceros + tiger in procession. 
m0489A One side of a prism tablet shows: crocodile + fish glyphic on the top register. Glyphs: crocodile + fish Rebus: ayakāra ‘blacksmith’ (Pali)

Glyph: Animals in procession: खांडा [khāṇḍā] A flock (of sheep or goats) (Marathi) கண்டி¹ kaṇṭi  Flock, herd (Tamil) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.

It is possible that the broken portions of set 2 (h1973B and h1974B) showed three animals in procession: tiger looking back and up + rhinoceros + tiger.

Reverse side glyphs:

eraka ‘nave of wheel’. Rebus: era ‘copper’. āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra  'brass'.

Animal glyph: elephant ‘ibha’. Rebus ibbo, ‘merchant’ (Gujarati).

Composition of glyphics: Woman with six locks of hair + one eye + thwarting + two pouncing tigers (jackals)+ nave with six spokes. Rebus: kola ‘woman’ + kaṇga ‘eye’ (Pego.), bhaṭa ‘six’+ dul‘casting (metal)’ + kũdā kol (tiger jumping) or lo ‘fox’ (WPah.) rebus: lōha ʻmetalʼ (Pali) era āra (nave of wheel, six spokes), ibha (elephant). Rebus: era ‘copper’; kũdār dul kol ‘turner, casting, working in iron’; kan ‘brazier, bell-metal worker’; ibbo ‘merchant’.

The glyphic composition read rebus: copper, iron merchant with taṭu kanḍ kol bhaṭa ‘iron stone (ore) mineral ‘furnace’.

lōpāka m. ʻa kind of jackalʼ Suśr., lōpākikā -- f. lex. 1. H. lowā m. ʻfoxʼ.2.  Ash.  ẓōkižōkī  ʻfoxʼ, Kt. ŕwēki, Bashg. wrikī, Kal.rumb. lawák: < *raupākya -- NTS ii 228; -- Dm. rɔ̈̄pak ← Ir.? lōpāśá m. ʻfox, jackalʼ RV., lōpāśikā -- f. lex. [Cf. lōpāka -- . -- *lōpi -- ] Wg. liwášälaúša ʻfoxʼ, Paš.kch. lowóċ, ar. lṓeč ʻjackalʼ (→ Shum.  lṓeč NTS xiii 269), kuṛ. lwāinč; K. lośulōhlohulôhu ʻporcupine, foxʼ.1. Kho.  lōw  ʻfoxʼ, Sh.gil. lótilde;i f., pales. lṓi f., lṓo m., WPah.bhal. lōī f.,  lo m.2. Pr. ẓūwī  ʻfoxʼ.(CDIAL 11140-2).Rebus:lōhá ʻred, copper -- colouredʼ ŚrS., ʻmade of copperʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻcopperʼ VS., ʻironʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻmetal, esp. copper or bronzeʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻironʼ, Gy. pal. li°, lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻsteelʼ; Kho. loh ʻcopperʼ; S. lohu m. ʻironʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu, °hā, A. lo, B. lo, no, Or. lohā, luhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. loh, lohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho,  ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper lōhá -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻironʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻmetalʼ. (CDIAL 11158).

Glyph: ‘woman’: kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)
Glyph: ‘impeding, hindering’: taṭu (Ta.) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Ta. taṭu (-pp-, -tt) to hinder, stop, obstruct, forbid, prohibit, resist, dam, block up, partition off, curb, check, restrain, control, ward off, avert; n. hindering, checking, resisting; taṭuppu hindering, obstructing, resisting, restraint; Kur. ṭaṇḍnā to prevent, hinder, impede. Br. taḍ power to resist. (DEDR 3031)

Allograph: ‘notch’: Marathi: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).
Glyph: ‘full stretch of one’s arms’: kāḍ 2 काड् । पौरुषम् m. a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length) (Rām. 632, zangan kaḍun kāḍ, to stretch oneself the whole length of one's body. So K. 119). Rebus: kāḍ ‘stone’. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298). mayponḍi kanḍ whetstone;  (Ga.)(DEDR 4628). (खडा) Pebbles or small stones: also stones broken up (as for a road), metal. खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble. 2 A nodule (of lime &c.): a lump or bit (as of gum, assafœtida, catechu, sugar-candy): the gem or stone of a ring or trinket: a lump of hardened fæces or scybala: a nodule or lump gen. CDIAL 3018 kāṭha m. ʻ rock ʼ lex. [Cf. kānta -- 2 m. ʻ stone ʼ lex.] Bshk. kōr ʻ large stone ʼ AO xviii 239. கண்டு³ kaṇṭu , n. < gaṇḍa. 1. Clod, lump; கட்டி. (தைலவ. தைல.99.) 2. Wen; கழலைக்கட்டி. 3. Bead or something like a pendant in an ornament for the neckஓர் ஆபரணவுரு. புல்லிகைக்கண்ட நாண் ஒன்றிற் கட்டின கண்டு ஒன்றும் (S.I.I. ii, 429). (CDIAL 3023) kāṇḍa cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). [Poss. connexion with gaṇḍa -- 2 makes prob. non -- Aryan origin (not with P. Tedesco Language 22, 190 < kr̥ntáti). Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. joint of stalk, lump. काठः A rock, stone. kāṭha m. ʻ rock ʼ lex. [Cf. kānta -- 2 m. ʻ stone ʼ lex.]Bshk. kōr ʻ large stone ʼ AO xviii 239.(CDIAL 3018). অয়সঠন [ aẏaskaṭhina ] as hard as iron; extremely hard (Bengali)

Glyph: ‘one-eyed’: काण a. [कण् निमीलने कर्तरि घञ् Tv.] 1 One-eyed; अक्ष्णा काणः Sk; काणेन चक्षुषा किं वा H. Pr.12; Ms.3.155. -2 Perforated, broken (as a cowrie) <kaNa>(Z)  {ADJ} ``^one-^eyed, ^blind''. Ju<kaNa>(DP),,<kana>(K)  {ADJ} ``^blind, blind in one eye''.   (MundaGo. (Ma.) kanḍ reppa eyebrow (Voc. 3047(a))(DEDR 5169). Ka. kāṇ (kaṇḍ-) to see; Ko. kaṇ-/ka·ṇ- (kaḍ-) to see; Koḍ. ka·ṇ- (ka·mb-, kaṇḍ-) to see; Ta. kāṇ (kāṇp-, kaṇṭ-) to see; Kol.kanḍt, kanḍakt seen, visible. (DEDR 1443). Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. (DEDR 1159a) Rebus ‘brazier, bell-metal worker’: கன்னான் kaṉṉāṉ , n. < கன்¹. [M. kannān.] Brazier, bell-metal worker, one of the divisions of the Kammāḷa caste; செம்புகொட்டி. (திவா.)  Ta. kaṉ copper work, copper, workmanship;  kaṉṉāṉ brazier. Ma. kannān id.  (DEDR 1402).  கன்¹ kaṉ , n. perh. கன்மம். 1. Workmanship; வேலைப்பாடு. கன்னார் மதில்சூழ் குடந்தை (திவ். திருவாய். 5, 8, 3). 2. Copper work; கன்னார் தொழில். (W.) 3. Copper; செம்பு. (ஈடு, 5, 8, 3.) 4. See கன்னத்தட்டு. (நன். 217, விருத்.) கன்² kaṉ , n. < கல். 1. Stone; கல். (சூடா.) 2. Firmness; உறுதிப்பாடு. (ஈடு, 5, 8, 3.)

kã̄ḍ 2 काँड् m. a section, part in general; a cluster, bundle, multitude (Śiv. 32). kã̄ḍ 1 काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ.
kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165). -- । कुलालादिकन्दुयथावद्भावः f.inf. a kiln to arise; met. to become like such a kiln (which contains no imperfectly baked articles, but only well-made perfectly baked ones), hence, a collection of good ('pucka') articles or qualities to exist.
kāru ‘crocodile’ (Telugu). Rebus: artisan (Marathi) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri) kola ‘tiger’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’. Heraka ‘spy’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’. khōṇḍa ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus: kõdār’turner’ (Bengali) 
Looking back: krammara ‘look back’ Rebus: kamar ‘smith, artisan’.
Pict-97: Person standing at the center pointing with his right hand at a bison facing a trough, and with his left hand pointing to the sign  
2841  Obverse: A tiger and a rhinoceros in file. Pict-48 A tiger and a rhinoceros in file

kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloy of 5 metals - pancaloha'. ibha 'elephant' Rebus ibbo 'merchant'; ib 'iron'. kāṇḍa 'rhimpceros'  Rebus:khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.  The text on m0489 tablet: loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'. kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the display of the metalware catalog includes the technological competence to work with minerals, metals and alloys and produce tools, pots and pans. The persons involved are krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smiths, artisans'. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, working in pancaloha alloys'. పంచలోహము pancha-lōnamu. n. A mixed metal, composed of five ingredients, viz., copper, zinc, tin, lead, and iron (Telugu). Thus, when five svastika hieroglyphs are depicted, the depiction is of satthiya 'svastika' Rebus: satthiya 'zinc' and the totality of 5 alloying metals of copper, zinc, tin, lead and iron.
Sign 1 mē̃ḍ 'body' rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.)
Sign 15 reads: Sign 12 kuṭi 'water-carrier' (Telugu) Rebus: kuṭhi. 'iron smelter furnace' (Santali) kuṭhī factory (A.)(CDIAL 3546) PLUS Sign 342 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman'. Thus, the composite hypertext of Sign 15 reads: kuṭhi karika 'smelter helmsman/scribe/supercargo'.
The blurb n the catalogue of Metropolitan Museum of Art says, "The seal impression depicts a male figure guiding two dogs on a leash and hunting or herding boars in a marsh environment."The imagery of the cylinder seal records information. A male figure is guiding dogs (?Tigers) and herding boars in a reed marsh. Both tiger and boar are Indus writing hieroglyphs, together with the imagery of a grain stalk. All these hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha (mleccha),of Indian sprachbund in the context of metalware catalogs of bronze age. kola 'tiger'; rebus: kol 'iron'; kāṇḍa 'rhino'; rebus: kāṇḍa 'metalware tools, pots and pans'. Ka. (Hav.) aḍaru twig; (Bark.) aḍïrï small and thin branch of a tree; (Gowda) aḍəri small branches. Tu. aḍaru twig.(DEDR 67) Rebus: aduru gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330) Alternative rebus: If the imagery of stalk connoted a palm-frond, the rebus readings could have been: 

1. a tiger, a fox on leashes held by a man kol 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron, alloys' lo ‘fox’ (WPah.) Rebus: lōha ʻmetalʼ (Pali) 

2. a procession of boars (rhinoceros?) and tiger in two rows kāṇṭā 'rhinoceros. Rebus: āṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Gujarati)

3. a stalk/twig, sprout (or tree branch) kūdī, kūṭī bunch of twigs (Sanskrit) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelting furnace‘ (Santali)

Thanks to Abdallah Kahil for the line drawing which clearly demonstrates that the narrative is NOT 'a hunting with dogs or herding boars in a marsh environment.' Traces of hieroglyphs are found on both sides of the tablet which also contains a proto-cuneiform inscription. It is noteworthy that cuneiform evolved TOGETHER WITH the use of Indus writing hieroglyphs on tablets, cylinder seals and other artifacts. I wish every success for efforts at decoding proto-elamite script using Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) System (see below).

Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A. tām, B. tã̄bā, tāmā, Or. tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tām, tāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H. tām in cmpds., tã̄bā, tāmā m. (CDIAL 5779) Rebus: tāmrá ʻ dark red, copper -- coloured ʼ VS., n. ʻ copper ʼ Kauś., tāmraka -- n. Yājñ. [Cf. tamrá -- . -- √tam?] Pa. tamba -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ copper ʼ, Pk. taṁba -- adj. and n.; Dm. trāmba -- ʻ red ʼ (in trāmba -- lac̣uk ʻ raspberry ʼ NTS xii 192); Bshk. lām ʻ copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< ʻ *red wood ʼ?); Phal. tāmba ʻ copper ʼ (→ Sh.koh. tāmbā), K. trām m. (→ Sh.gil. gur. trām m.), S. ṭrāmo m., L. trāmā, (Ju.) tarāmã̄ m., P. tāmbā m., WPah. bhad. ṭḷām n., kiũth. cāmbā, sod. cambo, jaun. tã̄bō (CDIAL 5779) tabāshīr तबाशीर् । त्वक््क्षीरी f. the sugar of the bamboo, bamboo-manna (a siliceous deposit on the joints of the bamboo) (Kashmiri)

Image result for Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr seal; ca. 3200-3000 BC; serpentine; cat.1; boar and bull in procession; terminal: plant; heavily pitted surface beyond plant
Late Uruk and Jemdet Nasr seal; ca. 3200-3000 BC; serpentine; cat.1; boar and bull in procession; terminal
plant; heavily pitted surface beyond plant  

Indus Script hieroglyphs read rebus: baḍhia = a castrated boar, a hog; rebus: baḍhi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ Hieroglyph: dhangar 'bull' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'.  
Were the Daimabad artisan guilds carrying these bronze models as standards in processions on a festival day celebrating their work and advertising their professional metallurgical competence? Maybe, these processions are a celebration of Pola, cattle festival, an annual festivity continued even today.
oy animals made for the Pola festival especially celebrated by the Dhanoje Kunbis. (Bemrose, Colo. Derby - Russell, Robert Vane (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India: volume IV. Descriptive articles on the principal castes and tribes of the Central Provinces. London: Macmillan and Co., limited. p. 40).

One side of a triangular terracotta tablet (Md 013); surface find at Mohenjo-daro in 1936. Dept. of Eastern Art, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 


Hieroglyph: kamaḍha 'penance' (Prakrit) kamaḍha, kamaṭha, kamaḍhaka, kamaḍhaga, kamaḍhaya = a type of penance (Prakrit)

Rebus: kamaṭamu, kammaṭamu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammaṭīḍu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kãpauṭ  jeweller's crucible made of rags and clay (Bi.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil)
kamaṭhāyo = a learned carpenter or mason, working on scientific principles; kamaṭhāṇa [cf. karma, kām, business + sthāna, thāṇam, a place fr. Skt. sthā to stand] arrangement of one’s business; putting into order or managing one’s business (Gujarati)  

The composition of two hieroglyphs: kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) + kamaḍha 'a person seated in penance' (Prakrit) denote rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) + kamaṭa 'portable furnace'; kampaṭṭam 'coinage, coin, mint'. Thus, what the tablet conveys is the mint of a blacksmith. A copulating crocodile hieroglyph -- kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) + kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) -- conveys the same message: mint of a blacksmith kāru kampaṭṭa 'mint artisan'.
m1429B and two other tablets showing the typical composite hieroglyph of fish + crocodile. Glyphs: crocodile + fish ayakāra ‘blacksmith’ (Pali) kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) aya 'fish' (Munda) The method of ligaturing enables creation of compound messages through Indus writing inscriptions. kārua wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi).

Pali: ayakāra ‘iron-smith’. ] Both ayaskāma and ayaskāra are attested in Panini (Pan. viii.3.46; ii.4.10). WPah. bhal. kamīṇ m.f.  labourer (man or woman) ; MB. kāmiṇā  labourer (CDIAL 2902) N. kāmi  blacksmith (CDIAL 2900). 

Kashmiri glosses:


khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji or -güjü - लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu - लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 - लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu  लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wānवान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.

Thus, kharvaṭ may refer to an anvil. Meluhha kāru may refer to a crocodile; this rebus reading of the hieroglyph is.consistent with ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) [fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)]
Locations of Meluhha, Saar, Failaka, Qal'at al-Bahrain, Barbar in Persian or Arabian Gulf
Map of Meluhha and Southwest Asia (inset Bahrain) (After Fig. 1 Eric Olijdam, 2008, A possible Central Asian origin for the seal-impressed jar from the Temple Tower' at Failaka), in:Eric Olijdam & RH Spoor, eds, Intercultural relations between South and Southwest Asia, Studiesin Commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996), BAR Intrnational Series 1826 (2008): 268-287). "It is only in the last decade that Central Asian elements have been correctly identified in the archaeological record of the Arabian Gulf. Up until her untimely death, E.C.L. During Caspers had been one of the leading experts in this field. I am therefore pleased to dedicate my contribution to one of Inez’ last passions, viz. the intercultural/mercantile connections between the Arabian Gulf and the Bactrian-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) —or the Murghabo-Bactrian Archaeological Complex as she used to call it."

A massive building called the 'Temple Tower' in Failaka City, was excavated dated to ca. 1900 BCE. A seal impression was found impressed on a large jar, just underneath the shoulder. In two scenes, the narrative of the impression shows a bird of prey (eagle) devouring a slaim bovine. Eagle's talons are clearly shown and wings are extended. The filling motifs include a coiled snake and a rosette next to a crescent moon.

I suggest that these are Indus Script Hypertexts, as this monograph demonstrates.
Drawing of a Cylinder seal-impressed jar from the 'Temple Tower', Failaka (F88.2270, Kuwait National Museum no. 5827; drawing after Calvet, Y. & M. Pic,  1996, Un nouveau batiment de 'l'Age du Bronze sur le Tell F6, in Y. Calvet & JF Salle, eds., Failaka, Fouilles Francaise 1984-1985 (TMO 12), Lyon,: Fig. 3)

In Gonur I South excavations, a complette storage jar, linked to a temple complex, was unearthed. The seal impression shows a standing winged birdman holding a dead caprid in each of its hands. In the field above the caprid, a heraldic eagle is shown.

 करडेल karaḍēla n (करडई & तेल) Oil of Carthamus or safflower.Rebus: kara'hard alloy' 

 مر ḳamar A قمر ḳamar, s.m. (9th) 'The moon'. Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'.

Hieroglyph: śyena 'falcon' Rebus: aśáni 'thunderbolt' rebusآهن ګر āhan gar, 'blacksmith'

Hieroglyph:  dām m. ʻ young ungelt ox ʼ: damya ʻ tameable ʼ, m. ʻ young bullock to be tamed ʼ Mn. [~ *dāmiya -- . -- √dam]Pa. damma -- ʻ to be tamed (esp. of a young bullock) ʼ; Pk. damma -- ʻ to be tamed ʼ; S. ḍ̠amu ʻ tamed ʼ; -- ext. -- ḍa -- : A. damrā ʻ young bull ʼ, dāmuri ʻ calf ʼ; B.dāmṛā ʻ castrated bullock ʼ; Or. dāmaṛī ʻ heifer ʼ, dāmaṛiā ʻ bullcalf, young castrated bullock ʼ, dāmuṛ°ṛi ʻ young bullock ʼ.Addenda: damya -- : WPah.kṭg. dām m. ʻ young ungelt ox ʼ.(CDIAL 6184). This is a phonetic determinative of the 'twisted rope' hieroglyph: dhāī˜ f.dāˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ (Rigveda) Hence, signifies: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a  class of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron smelting' 
Cylinder seal-impressed jar from Gonur I South, Turkmenistan, A. Design of the cylinder seal (after Sarianidi. V.,1993, Excavations at Southern Gonur, Iran XXXI:25-37, Pl. IV-X, Fig.9)

Hieroglyph: śyena 'falcon' Rebus: aśáni 'thunderbolt' rebusآهن ګر āhan gar, 'blacksmith'

'markhor' Wkh. merg f. 'ibex' (CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ 'ram', miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus:meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.).

A second speciment was found on the surface of Taip depe 'at the southeastern edge of the settlement'...This very large segment, consisting of two matching fragments, shows the imprint of two different cylinder seals and possibly that of a stamp seal. (After Masimov, IS, 1981, New finds of the Bronze Age seals from the Lower Murghab (in Russian), Sovjetskaya Arkheologiya 1981: 132-150, Figs. 10-12).
 
Drawings of First cylinder-seal impressed jar from Taip 1, Turkmenistan (After Collon, D., 1987, First Impressions, Cylinder seals in the Ancient Near East, London, nos. 600, 599).
Predatory bird attacking an animal is also shown on a cylinderal seal of BMAC.

पोळा [ pōḷā ] zebu, bos indicus, rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, Fe3O4'
pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus pōlaḍ 'steel' 

Hieroglyph: śyena 'falcon' Rebus: aśáni 'thunderbolt' rebusآهن ګر āhan gar, 'blacksmith'

kõdā 'young bull' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'(B.) कोंद kōnda 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems' (Marathi)  kō̃da कोँद 'furnace, kiln'

मेढा [mēḍhā] 'twist, curl'. rebus: meD,med 'iron, copper,metal' medha 'yajna', dhanam.) meḍhi 'plait' (twisted rope) rebus: meḍ 'iron'


BMAC - Indus hybrid cylinder seal with predatory bird attacking a rhinoceros (Collon, 1987, opcit., no. 614). This seal is part of the De Clerq collection and attributed to the Indus Civilisation (Corbiau, S., 1936, An Indo-Sumerian Cylinder, Iraq III: 100-103, p.,101).

bhaṭa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace

Hieroglyph: śyena 'falcon' Rebus: aśáni 'thunderbolt' rebusآهن ګر āhan gar, 'blacksmith'

gaṇḍa 'rhinoceros'; rebus:khaṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware'.

goṭā 'round pebble' Rebus gō̃ṭu an ornamental appendage to the border of a cloth, fringe' गोटी gōṭī f (Dim. of गोटा) A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble. 3 A large lifting stone. Used in trials of strength among the Athletæ. 4 A stone in temples described at length under उचला 5 fig. A term for a round, fleshy, well-filled body. 6 A lump of silver: as obtained by melting down lace or fringe. goṭa 'laterite, ferrite ore' khoṭa 'ingot, wedge'. गोटी [ gōṭī ] 'round pebbles, stones' rebus: गोटी [ gōṭī ] 'A lump of silver'. 

kolmo 'rice-plant' rebus; kolimi 'smithy, forge'

kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

Hieroglyph: leaping tigers: Kui pānja (pānji-) to fly, leap; n. act of flying, flight; (DEDR 4087), dspanja 'claw of beast, feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln' (Semantic determinative).

Bronze compartmented seal. BMAC(Bactria-Margiana Archeological Complex), 2000-1500 BCE. Garuda, Naga.
Compartmented seal with two coiled snakes attacking crescent moons (Baghestani, 1997, opcit., no. 456).A copper/bronze compartmented seal consists of a mirror image of a coiled snake with a crescent moon (Baghestani, S.,1997, Metallene Comparimentsiegel aus Os-Iran, Zentralasien und Nord-China, Archologie in Iran and Turan, Bd. 1, Rahden,: no.456). The heads of both animals are towards a crescent moon.
phaḍa 'throne, hood of cobra' rebus: फड, phaḍa 'metalwork artisan guild'
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, metalcaster guild'
 مر ḳamar A قمر ḳamar, s.m. (9th) 'The moon'. Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'.
Dilmun seal from Afghanistan (Sarianidi 1986, Die Kunst des alten Afghanistan, Leipzig: drawing on p. 231)."Two seals found in Afghanistan...may be indicative of direct contact with Babylonia and Dilmun during the latter stages of the BMAC. The first is a cylinder seal found in the hills near Herat...Even more spectacular is the Dilmun stamp seal published in drawing by Sarianidi...The design seems to consist of two rampant bulls with merging bodies, rendered back-toback. In the field between the bulls a stylised plant (?) can be discerned, the bottom right appears to have a crescent moon...The design is very similar to that of a Dilmun seal found at the Harappan port site of Dwarka (Crawford, HEW, 1998, Dilmun and its Gulf neighbours, Cambridge, Fig. 5.7)...the decoration on a copper/bronze cosmetic vial is particularly interesting. Its design shows several animals engaged in human activities. The central scene consists of a monkey standing before a seated ibex, holding in its hand a vessel commonly found in BMAC ceramic assemblages. A low table is situated between the two animals and on it lays a flat object. It seems likely that the design depicts a ritual in which the monkey is offering food and drink to the ibex." (Eric Olidjam, opcit, pp.281 to 283).

kolmo 'rice plant' rebus; kolimi 'smithy, forge'

dula 'two' rebus; dul 'metal casting'

barad, barat 'ox' rebus: bharat, baran 'mixed alloys' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)

Obverse of seal

kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
Hieroglyph: Dotted circle: dāya 'throw of one in dice' rebus: dhāi, dhātu 'mineral ore'.
High-relief decoration on the body of a BMAC copper/bronze cosmetic vial (Aftter Sarianidi, V., 1994, Aegean-Anatolian Motifs in the Glyptic Art of Bactria and Margiana, Bulletin of the Asia Institute 8: 27-36, Fig. 7)

All the seals, seal impressions and artifacts with images discussed by Eric Olidjam are explained as Indus Script Hypertexts which signify wealth-accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues.

kuṭhāru 'a monkey(Sanskrit) Rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer or weapons'

OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H. kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ A semantic determinative for kuṭhāru 'armourer or weapons'. 

Dm. mraṅ m. ‘markhor’ Wkh. merg f. ‘ibex’ (CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ ‘ram’, miṇḍā́l ‘markhor’ 
(CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ(Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Munda.Ho.)

tagaraka 'tabernae montana' rebus: tagara 'tin'.

DEDR 1179 Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. గడమంచె gaḍa-manche. n. A wooden frame like a bench to keep things on. గంపలు మొదలగువాటిని ఉంచు మంచె. Rebus:  khaṇḍa 'equipment'.

 

Dilmun seals should be included in Indus Script Corpora, artisans and seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civiization in Qal'at al-Bahrain, 2050 BCE


I suggest that Dilmun seals should be included in the Indus Script Corpora based on the following argument:

Qal`at al-Bahrain – Ancient Harbour and Capital of Dilmun 26°14′01″N 50°31′14″E Excavation 520 at Qal’at al-Bahrain, reported Dilmun seals made using the same Indus seal technology. This indicates seaward movement of seafaring merchants and artisans from Sarasvati Civilition into Qal'at.

 

https://www.academia.edu/36750743/Dilmun-Meluhhan_Relations_Revisited_in_Light_of_Observations_on_Early_Dilmun_Seal_Production_during_the_City_IIa-c_Period_c._2050-1800_BC _





A DATED SEAL IMPRESSION CONNECTING BABYLONIA AND ANCIENT INDIA


BRIGGS BUCHANAN
Archaeology
Archaeology
Vol. 20, No. 2 (APRIL 1967), pp. 104-107 (4 pages)
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41667694















Neuroscience. Our face evolved to help us convey emotions. What is ātmā 'life princple' which explains citta, 'consciousness'?

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                                           Raised eyebrowRaising eyebrows:                                                                     how evolution gave us expressive faces


                                          This article is more than 1 year old
                                                                 Humans lost their strong brow ridges as c                                                                facial communication became more                                                                         important, researchers say  

Modern humans might never have raised a quizzical eyebrow had Homo sapiens not lost the thick, bony brows of its ancient ancestors in favour of smoother facial features, a new study suggests.
Researchers at the University of York believe early humans bore prominent brow ridges as a mark of physical dominance, and as the human face evolved to become smaller and flatter, it became a canvas on which the eyebrows could portray a much richer range of emotions.
“We traded dominance or aggression for a wider palette of expression,” said Paul O’Higgins, a professor of anatomy and lead author on the study. “As the face became smaller and the forehead flattened, the muscles in the face could move the eyebrows up and down and we could express all these subtler feelings.”
“We moved from a position where we wanted to compete, where looking more intimidating was an advantage, to one where it was better to get on with people, to recognise each other from afar with an eyebrow flash, and to sympathise and so on,” said Penny Spikins, a palaeolithic archaeologist at York and co-author on the study, published in Nature Ecology & Evolution.
The scientists set out to investigate why ancient humans had such prominent brow ridges in the first place. Over the years, researchers have put forward a range of hypotheses. One idea states that the ridge simply filled the gap that would otherwise exist between the protruding face and the braincase. Another argues that a prominent brow served as structural reinforcement, ensuring the face could take the stress of powerful chewing.
Working with their colleague Ricardo Godinho, the researchers obtained a 3D x-ray scan of an ancient skull belonging to a human ancestor called Homo heidelbergensis that lived in what is now Zambia between 300,000 and 125,000 years ago. Known as Kabwe 1, the skull displayed a thick brow ridge that was even more prominent than the ones seen on Neanderthals.

A computer generated model of a modern skull next to the heavy-browed skull of ancient hominin Kabwe 1.
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 A computer generated model of a modern skull next to the heavy-browed skull of ancient hominin Kabwe 1. Photograph: Paul O'Higgins/University of York/PA

Using computer models, the scientists performed a series of experiments on the virtual skull. First, they looked at how much brow bone was needed if its purpose was to plug the gap between the face and the braincase. “We shaved away the bone to get the minimum needed to fill the gap and found we could reduce its size dramatically,” O’Higgins said. “The skull has far more bone than is needed to fill the gap.”


Next, the researchers looked at how the stress of chewing spread over the face with and without the brow ridge. Again, it seemed to make little difference. “We fully expected serious consequences for the face, but nothing happened. It’s clear that this is not about resisting bending in the face,” O’Higgins said. “What we are left with is the plausibility of a social explanation.”
It is unclear what factors led the human face to become smaller over time and lose its thick brow ridges, but a flatter face may have paved the way for richer human communication and with that the greater collaboration that emerged with the rise of Homo sapiens. In Homo heidelbergensis and other ancestors, the thick brow signified physical strength at the apparent expense of eyebrow gymnastics: in those early humans, the muscles that moved the eyebrows simply pulled them back and forth over their brows.
Given the importance of eyebrows in human communication, it is not clear why other primates do not use them more, said Robin Dunbar, professor of evolutionary psychology at Oxford University. “It is plausible to suggest that it has something to do with increased need for more complex communication in the larger social groups that evolved late during the course of human evolution,” he said.
Rachael Jack, who studies human social interaction at the University of Glasgow, said the expressive value of eyebrows made them “strong candidates for evolution to pick them up as social signallers.” But she added: “The human face has many more muscles though, which are likely to have contributed substantially to the development of socially sophisticated communication, group cohesiveness and functioning, and therefore survival and progress. So I’m not totally convinced that eyebrows are the missing part of the puzzle.” https://www.theguardian.com/science/2018/apr/09/raising-eyebrows-how-evolution-gave-us-expressive-faces






https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/science/our-face-evolved-to-help-us-convey-emotions/articleshow/68915580.cms

Supraorbital morphology and social dynamics in human evolution

Nature Ecology & Evolutionvolume 2pages956961 (2018Download Citation


Abstract

Uniquely, with respect to Middle Pleistocene hominins, anatomically modern humans do not possess marked browridges, and have a more vertical forehead with mobile eyebrows that play a key role in social signalling and communication. The presence and variability of browridges in archaic Homo species and their absence in ourselves have led to debate concerning their morphogenesis and function, with two main hypotheses being put forward: that browridge morphology is the result of the spatial relationship between the orbits and the brain case; and that browridge morphology is significantly impacted by biting mechanics. Here, we virtually manipulate the browridge morphology of an archaic hominin (Kabwe 1), showing that it is much larger than the minimum required to fulfil spatial demands and that browridge size has little impact on mechanical performance during biting. As browridge morphology in this fossil is not driven by spatial and mechanical requirements alone, the role of the supraorbital region in social communication is a potentially significant factor. We propose that conversion of the large browridges of our immediate ancestors to a more vertical frontal bone in modern humans allowed highly mobile eyebrows to display subtle affiliative emotions.

Main

Why anatomically modern humans lack a pronounced supraorbital ridge while our Middle Pleistocene ancestors possessed one is an unresolved debate, with the focus on structural and mechanical rather than social signalling roles. The spatial hypothesis considers browridges to be “only a reflection of the spatial relationship between two functionally unrelated cephalic components, the orbit and the brain case”1 (p. 281). Additionally, brain and basicranial morphology2,3,4 and the orientation of the face relative to the cranial vault influence browridge morphology5. Browridges also scale allometrically, with individuals of bigger species growing proportionally bigger ones6,7. However, basicranial morphology, facial hafting8 and facial size differ little between Kabwe 1 (Homo heidelbergensis, dated from 125–300 kyr BP9) and Neanderthals and so do not explain why the comparably large faces of near relatives such as Neanderthals do not manifest equally massive browridges. In contrast, the differences between these archaic members of our genus and modern humans in brow morphology may well relate to gracilization, our reduced facial size and its allometric consequences.
Importantly, the cranial gracilization that humans underwent has also been associated with prosociality10,11. Selection for increased sociality and tolerance has been argued to be associated with evolutionary changes in cranial form (that is, the reduction of browridge and upper facial size) via changes in hormonal reactivity that have pleiotropic effects on skeletal form, physiology and behaviour, termed ‘self-domestication’10,11 (sensu ref. 12). This hypothesis finds support from several studies of non-human mammals (dogs versus wolves, selected versus non-selected foxes, and bonobos versus chimpanzees) that have been able to demonstrate that domestication and increased social tolerance trigger a set of changes that include physiological, morphological and behavioural variables (for a review, see ref. 11).
This association between cranial gracilization, prosociality and self-domestication has also been hypothesized for bonobos who, relative to chimpanzees, present a gracile cranium13 with smaller browridges14 and prosocial behaviour, and are hypothesized as self-domesticated11,12. Thus, this suggests a selective trade-off between expressing dynamic affiliative signals and permanent competitive signals that affects the shape and size of the cranium in general and the browridge in particular. More affiliative-based social relationships in bonobos, with frequent consolation15, are associated with both a reduced browridge and greater attention to the eye area in social communication16 than in common chimpanzees. Despite this association, it should be noted that bonobos are significantly smaller than chimpanzees13 and that, as predicted by the allometric hypothesis6, browridges are expected to be proportionally smaller.
For modern humans, gracilization and reduction of the facial skeleton result in significant changes to the supraorbital region, rendering the contour between the orbits and forehead more vertical and smooth. For the frontalis belly of the occipito-frontalis, there are particular consequences. We note that its vector of action changes to be more vertical and this means the eyebrows have the potential to move vertically over a relatively larger area, and to be more readily observed and more mobile (Supplementary Fig. 1).
Alternatively, the mechanical hypothesis explains larger brows in terms of resistance to masticatory loadings. While not necessarily opposed to the spatial hypothesis, it posits that mechanical loadings experienced by the skull during biting and food pre-processing17,18,19,20,21 impact decisively on the morphology of browridges21. Studies focusing on fossil hominins22, extant humans21,23,24 and other extant non-human primates25,26,27 support this hypothesis, while it has been challenged by studies of non-human primates that failed to record elevated strains in the browridge during masticatory system loading25,26,27.
In addition to the above, other hypotheses have been proposed to explain large browridges. These include protection from blows to the head28,29, protection of the eyes in aquatic environments30, provision of sunshade31 and prevention of hair from obscuring vision32, but have not been strongly supported by evidence and so are not widely held as feasible. Another factor that could explain the morphology of the browridge of Kabwe 1 is its massive frontal sinus. However, the sinus appears to have no critical mechanical function during biting33,34 and grows and develops secondarily to the browridge35.
Thus, after several decades of research, conflicting views still exist with regard to the mechanisms that give rise to large or small browridges and their function. Hypotheses that link the development of modern human browridge morphology to changes in sociality have tended to be set aside in favour of mechanical and spatial ones, aiming to explain large browridges rather than the causes and consequences of small ones.
While there is strong support for a spatial explanation of larger browridges in archaic versus modern humans in that facial reduction reduces the need for large brows to accommodate the orbitofrontal junction, this does not explain why the browridge of Kabwe 1 is much larger than that of Neanderthals despite a generally similar facial size. This may be for mechanical reasons, as noted above, or it may be for other reasons such as social communication.
If it can be shown that the browridge of Kabwe 1 is much larger than spatial requirements demand and has no mechanical function, explanations of its size in terms of social communication become more tenable and the consequences of interactions of small brows in modern humans with sociality, display and social communication become a focus of interest.
One of the reasons that spatial and mechanical explanations of large brows in archaic humans have not been falsified is because of the impossibility of carrying out in vivo experimental manipulations. However, recent advances in virtual functional simulation offer a way forward36,37,38. Through virtual modelling and manipulation of the Kabwe 1 cranium, we show that the browridge is much larger than the minimum size required to accommodate the disjunction between the orbits and frontal bone. Thus, spatial requirements do not fully explain the browridge of this specimen.
Improved craniofacial resistance to masticatory loads, as a consequence of the larger-than-needed browridge, was also assessed using finite-element analysis. This allowed us to virtually manipulate the morphology of the browridge while simulating masticatory system loadings to assess the impact of variations in form on functional performance. Thus, the skull of Kabwe 1 was virtually reconstructed to restore its original morphology39 and two additional versions of the model were created in which the form of the browridge was progressively reduced to the minimum required to bridge the gap between the face and neurocranium (simulating the spatial hypothesis1). Finite-element models were then created and loaded to simulate biting to assess the impact of different browridge morphologies on the biomechanical performance of the facial skeleton of Kabwe 1. This specimen was used in this study because it presents an extremely well-developed—indeed iconic—browridge.
Our findings show that the browridge of Kabwe 1 is larger than needed to fulfil spatial requirements in accommodating the orbitofrontal junction and that it has no marked role in resisting masticatory loading. As such, sociality and social communication must be considered in relation to both the larger-than-needed browridge of Kabwe 1 and the reduced browridges and more vertical forehead of modern humans.

Results

The browridge can be much reduced in size, but not eliminated, without creating any significant disjunction between the orbits and the frontal bone (Fig. 1). Thus, while the spatial relationship between the orbits and frontal bone1,2 partly explains the large browridge of Kabwe 1, it appears to greatly exceed what would be required to simply bridge the gap (spatial model).
Furthermore, when models with reduced browridges are compared with the original browridge there are no marked intra-bite differences in strain magnitudes and orientations, whereas inter-bite comparisons show clear differences in strain magnitudes and orientations (Figs. 2and 3). Visual examination of strains experienced by the cranium indicates a slight increase in the strain magnitudes experienced by the lateral margins of the ridges and over the frontal bone with decreasing browridge size. This increase in strain magnitudes is most marked over the post-orbital sulcus of the model with the smallest browridge (Fig. 2). It is unknown whether this would be sufficient for biomechanical bone adaptation to occur, as predicted by the mechanostat model40. Thus, it is possible that to some extent the growth and development of the browridge may be mechanically driven. However, the increases in strain magnitudes resulting from progressive reduction of the browridge are slight and thus unlikely to fully explain the massive browridge of Kabwe 1.

Fig. 1: Models 1–3.
Fig. 1
Model 1 represents the original reconstruction of Kabwe 1. Model 2 represents the reconstruction of Kabwe 1 with a reduced browridge. Model 3 represents the reconstruction of Kabwe with a reduced browridge and a post-orbital sulcus.

Fig. 2: Strain contour plots of the biting simulations.
Fig. 2
Maximum principal strains (ε1) are represented in columns 3–5, with minimum principal strains (ε3) in columns 5–7. Model 1 is represented in rows 1, 4 and 7, with model 2 in rows 2, 5 and 8, and model 3 in rows 3, 6 and 9. The different simulated bites are shown to the left.

Fig. 3: Strain contour plots and strain directions.
Fig. 3
Maximum principal strains (ε1; rows 1, 3 and 5) and minimum principal strains (ε3; rows 2, 4 and 6) over the maxilla (see inset frontal view for location) are shown for the different models (left, model 1; middle, model 2; right, model 3) under the different bites simulated. The bottom left inset shows the anatomical region included in vector plots.
When considering strains experienced by the face under the same bite, only very small differences were found between models (Fig. 4). The geometric morphometric analysis of changes in size and shape shows that loaded models cluster tightly by bite rather than browridge morphology (Fig. 5). Thus, the vectors of deformation (changes in size and shape) connecting the unloaded and loaded models reflect almost identical modes and magnitudes of deformation in the same bite, irrespective of browridge morphology.

Fig. 4: Facial strains experienced by the models at 30 anatomical points.
Fig. 4
ac, Plots of strains for landmarks of the upper left central incisor (a), upper left second premolar (b) and upper left second molar bite (c).

Fig. 5: Size and shape principal components analysis.
Fig. 5
Unloaded and loaded models are shown for the three different simulated bites (LI1, left central incisor; LM2, left second molar; LPM2, left second premolar).

Discussion

These results demonstrate that the browridge is significantly larger than required to simply bridge the gap between the orbits and the frontal bone. Furthermore, changing the morphology of the browridge does not impact in any substantial way the mode or magnitude of deformation experienced by the face during biting. As such, we falsify spatial1 and mechanical17,18,19,20,21 hypotheses as complete explanations of the large browridge of this fossil. Rather, the findings suggest that the browridge in Kabwe 1 probably had additional causes.
Relevant in this regard is ref. 41, which shows that facial bony structures such as the paranasal swellings in Mandrillus sphinx form due to factors that are neither spatial nor mechanical. Rather, they reflect social behaviour and structure; these structures underlie the vibrant soft tissue colourings of the muzzle of male mandrills, which bear an important function in social signalling and display42,43. Growth and development of the swellings in Mandrillus leucophaeus have been related to androgen production44. In humans, the browridge is a sexually dimorphic anatomical trait45 that has been identified as relevant in the perception of an individual by others46,47 and its growth and development have also been related to androgen production, along with general facial sexual dimorphism48. In this regard, we note that the vermiculate bone found over the browridge of Kabwe 1 presents macroscopic similarities to the bone found in the paranasal swellings of Mandrillus species. Although vermiculate bone is less frequent in modern humans than other middle and late Pleistocene hominins28, it is more frequent in men than women49 and hence its formation is probably related to hormonal factors. It is therefore plausible that the morphology of the browridge of Kabwe 1 might also be related to factors such as sexually dimorphic display and social signalling. Like antlers, they are fixed and have been hypothesized to signal dominance or aggression9.
Facial reduction in Homo sapiens, which has been related to changes in brain and basicranial morphology2,3,4, as well as food pre-processing and biting mechanics17,18,19,20,21, is accompanied by gracilization of the brows, and the development of a more vertical frontal bone. The upper facial morphological changes found in H. sapiens position the frontal bone more vertically, inevitably altering the mechanical functioning of the frontalis belly of the occipito-frontalis muscle, causing contraction to raise the supraorbital skin, whereas previously it would have pulled it more posteriorly over the browridge and the low, more horizontal forehead (Supplementary Fig. 1). Having lost a large, low browridge, our ancestors gained the possibility of greater range, subtlety and visibility with regards to movement of the skin overlying the frontal bone, particularly affecting movements of the eyebrow. This suggestion is consistent with ref. 50, which suggests that the absence of specific movements of the brows in chimpanzees compared with humans may relate to the presence of large browridges (see below). Effectively, these anatomical changes enhance the capacity of the frontalis muscle to move eyebrows over the frontal—a key component of social signalling and non-verbal communication in our highly socially complex species.
Our mobile hairy eyebrows are crucial in subtle signalling behaviours. The eye region is known to develop increasing social significance in a human evolutionary context51,52; however, the mobility of eyebrows specifically has received little attention. Mobile eyebrows without the constraints of a pronounced browridge allow subtle affiliative emotions to be expressed (Supplementary Table 3), such as the rapid ‘eyebrow flash’, lasting around one-sixth of a second, found cross-culturally as a sign of contact readiness and recognition53. In contrast, a slow eyebrow raise is a sign of surprise and, in particular, social indignation54. The facial expression of sympathy—shown by pulling eyebrows up at the middle55—has the advantage of removing need for the direct contact used to express sympathy in chimpanzees56. Subtle dynamic movements of eyebrows are also a key component of identifying trustworthiness57 as well as subtle indications of deception. Any constraints on muscle movements in the supraorbital region affect emotional expressions and, in turn, social relationships; for example, individuals who receive a cosmetic procedure (botox) that reduces muscle activity in the forehead (and so affects eyebrow movement) are less able to empathise with and identify other’s emotions58.
Compared with our own species, our nearest living relatives, chimpanzees, show minimal differences in underlying facial musculature59; however, differences in facial morphology, pigmentation and other superficial characteristics impact on the range and subtlety of their emotional expressions50,60. As in humans, chimpanzees express emotions through the stretching of skin across prominent browridges, but lack the subtleties in eyebrow movement and signalling that modern humans display. This is apparent through the inability of chimpanzees to move the inner and outer brows independently (activated by the medial and lateral parts of the frontalis muscle, respectively) and to present the ‘brow lower’ action (activated by the corrugator, depressor supercilli and procerus muscles, and significant in identifying sadness and anger in humans)50,60. The absence of these movements has been associated with the presence of a large browridge, which precludes marked saliency of these movements and thus of signalling function to conspecifics50. Similarly, other non-human primates, such as macaques61, gibbons62 and orangutans63, are also unable to move their inner and outer brows independently and display brow-lowering (excluding orangutans, which are able to perform brow-lowering). Moreover, human eyebrows overlie a vertically flatter brow and hairless forehead, hence increasing eyebrow visibility and signalling60.
The relative selective trade-offs between a pronounced browridge (a permanent social signal) and capacities to dynamically express affiliative prosocial emotions through highly mobile eyebrows are complex. Moreover, competitive and collaborative strategies typically exist together and vary dynamically through time and space64. Even in modern hunter-gatherers, more competitive and collaborative individuals tend to spatially locate together65. We should thus expect a long period of differing facial forms, reflecting differing social strategies, both within and between groups before the selective advantages of expressing complex prosocial emotions become stable. This pattern seems typical of archaic humans, with substantial variability in the definition of browridges among early modern humans at Jebel Irhoud, for example66.

Methods

The Kabwe 1 cranium reconstruction39 was based on a computed tomography scan provided by the Natural History Museum, London (courtesy of R. Kruszynski). After reconstruction, two additional models were created in which the morphology of the browridge was the only anatomical region modified. The models were then directly converted into voxel-based finite-element models and used to simulate three different bites (the left central incisor, left second premolar and left second molar) to assess the biomechanical performance of the facial skeleton during these bites.

Skull reconstruction and model creation

A complete description of the reconstruction of Kabwe 1 is presented in ref. 39. Briefly, automated, semi-automated and manual segmentation of the cranium was performed using Avizo (version 7.0). Manual segmentation was required to remove sedimentary matrix present in the maxillary and sphenoidal sinuses. When possible, reconstruction of missing parts was performed by mirroring preserved contralateral elements and warping them to the existing structures. When small gaps were present, Geomagic (Studio 2011) was used to fill them using the surface of surrounding structures as the reference for interpolation. Portions of a computed tomography reconstruction of a cadaveric H. sapiens skull were used to reconstruct part of the occipital and missing tooth crowns for which there were no preserved antimeres.
Once the reconstruction was complete (model 1), the frontal sinuses were infilled to allow later excavation of this region to produce variant morphologies. Analysis of the impact of infilling the sinus in model 1 showed that the surface strains over the browridge and elsewhere in the cranium did not differ significantly between the models with hollow and filled frontal sinuses34. The morphology of the browridge was manipulated using Geomagic by decreasing its size (model 2) and creating a post-orbital sulcus in model 3 (Fig. 1). Voxel-based finite-element models were then generated by direct conversion using bespoke software.

Constraints

Identical constraints were applied to all models using the finite-element analysis software tool VoxFE67. The models were constrained at the temporomandibular joints (laterally, superoinferiorly and anteroposteriorly) and a third constraint was applied at the simulated bite point (superoinferiorly) in each of the biting simulations (left central incisor, left second premolar and left second molar).

Material properties

Following previous sensitivity studies that showed only local effects of differentiating the material properties of teeth and the surrounding bone, these were assigned the same material properties in all the models used in this study. Furthermore, sensitivity analyses that assessed the effect of model simplifications in a human cadaveric cranium68, a cranium of Macaca fascicularis69 and a varanoid lizard mandible70 show that infilling of trabecular bone stiffens the skull and so reduces strain magnitudes, but that the distribution of regions of high and low strain as well as global modes (rather than magnitudes) of deformation are not much affected. Allocating teeth the same material properties as bone has the effect of locally reducing strain gradients in the alveolar region, with little effect elsewhere. This is relevant to the present study because trabecular bone is neither well enough preserved nor imaged at sufficient resolution to accurately represent it in a finite-element model, and the dentition was incomplete and required reconstruction. As such, in all models, trabecular bone and teeth were not separately represented and were allocated the same material properties as cortical bone. Based on previous sensitivity analyses, we expect this to have little impact on the mode of deformation of the loaded cranium, but to reduce the degree to which it deforms.
Cortical bone, trabecular bone and the teeth were allocated isotropic properties, with a Young’s modulus of 17 Gpa and a Poisson’s ratio of 0.3. The modulus of elasticity was derived from nanoindentation studies of cortical bone in a cadaveric H. sapiens skull68. The resulting value of 17 Gpa is within the range of values found in previous studies71,72.

Muscle loads

Loads were applied to the model to represent the actions of six muscles active during biting: the right and left temporalis, right and left masseter, and right and left medial pterygoid. Absence of the mandible precluded direct estimation of the direction of muscle force vectors and estimation using bony proxies of anatomical cross-sectional areas (and so maximum forces) of muscles that attach to the mandible (masseter and medial pterygoid). However, given that three versions of the same model with identical loads and constraints were compared, it matters little that the applied muscle force vectors approximated rather than replicated physiological loadings. Of significantly more importance was the fact that these forces were identical between models and so did not, themselves, produce differences in strains (modes of deformation) between models. As such, the maximum estimated muscle forces estimated from a H. sapiens cadaveric head were applied identically to each model68 (Supplementary Table 1). The directions of muscle force vectors were estimated by scaling a Homo neanderthalensis mandible (the Tabun 1 specimen) to the Kabwe 1 skull. These directions were applied to all models and simulations. While this mandible is not from the same fossil, it provides a reasonable estimate of muscle vectors. The impact of error in the estimation of the orientation of the muscle vectors was assessed in a sensitivity analysis in which muscle vectors were varied through 5° anteroposteriorly and mediolaterally. The results showed that regions of high and low strain varied very little in location (Supplementary Fig. 3) while the average magnitude of strains varied from ~2% in mediolateral manipulation to ~5% in anteroposterior changes (Supplementary Table 4).

Model solution and analysis

Finite-element models 1–3 were solved using VoxFE67. The resulting deformations of the finite-element models were compared through (1) visual assessment of strain magnitudes and directions of maximum (ε1) and minimum (ε3) principal strains, (2) plotting of ε1 and ε3 at 30 nodes (points) located in the facial skeleton that were common to all models (Supplementary Fig. 2) and (3) analysis of changes in the size and shape between loaded and unloaded models of a configuration of 33 landmarks (points) from the whole cranium (Supplementary Fig. 3 and Supplementary Table 2). The size and shape analysis employed geometric morphometrics to compare changes in size and shape between the unloaded and loaded models. This consisted of an initial registration step comprising scaling to unit size followed by translation of landmark configurations to their centroids, with subsequent rotation to minimize the sum of squared distances between each scaled, translated configuration and the mean configuration. This was followed by rescaling of each configuration to its original centroid size and a principal components analysis of the resulting size and shape coordinates73,74. This analysis led to a quantitative comparison of global model deformations (changes in size and shape) in terms of the directions (modes) and magnitudes (degree or extent) of deformation arising from loading.

Reporting Summary

Further information on experimental design is available in the Nature Research Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the authors but restrictions apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license from the Natural History Museum (London) for the current study, and so are not publicly available. Data are, however, available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission from the Centre for Human Evolution Studies at the Natural History Museum.

Additional information

Publisher’s note: Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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Acknowledgements

R.M.G. is funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (PhD funding reference: SFRH/BD/76375/2011). We are grateful to L. C. Fitton and S. Cobb at Hull York Medical School, C. Stringer at the Natural History Museum and B. Waller at the University of Portsmouth for discussion about this work. We thank R. Kruszynski at the Natural History Museum for facilitating access to the computed tomography scans and the original fossil of Kabwe 1. We also thank W. Sellers at the University of Manchester for access to software (Geomagic) in his laboratory. We are also grateful to the reviewers for helpful comments and suggestions.

Author information

Affiliations

  1. Department of Archaeology and Hull York Medical School, University of York, York, UK

    • Ricardo Miguel Godinho
    •  & Paul O’Higgins
  2. Interdisciplinary Center for Archaeology and Evolution of Human Behaviour, Faculdade das Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Universidade do Algarve, Faro, Portugal

    • Ricardo Miguel Godinho
  3. Department of Archaeology, University of York, York, UK

    • Penny Spikins

Contributions

R.M.G., P.S. and P.O. designed the experiment. R.M.G. performed the simulations. R.M.G., P.S. and P.O. wrote the manuscript.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Ricardo Miguel Godinho.

Supplementary information

  1. Supplementary Information

    Supplementary tables and figures
  2. Reporting Summary

https://www.nature.com/articles/s41559-018-0528-0

Five Failaka and Ancient Near East seals with Indus Script inscriptions are metalwork catalogues of Meluhha artisans, iron smelters

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This monograph presents the following sections demonstrating that  Indus Script inscriptions on five Failaka an Ancient Near East seals are metalwork catalogues of Meluhha artisans, iron smelters:

Section 1. Decipherment of Gadd seal 12
Section 2. Decipherment of Failaka seal impression with Indus Script inscription
Section 3. Decipherment of Failaka stamp seal with Indus Script inscription
Section 4. Decipherment of two Persian Gulf stamp seals M3456, M7121 Ashmolean Museum

This is an addendum to 

 https://tinyurl.com/y3shzub6


Section 1. Decipherment of Gadd seal 12
Dotted circles on the raised back of Persian gulf seal: dhāv, dāya 'one in dice' + vaṭṭa'circle' rebus धावड dhāvaḍa'red ferrite ore smelter'  धावडी dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron (Marathi)
‘water’ Wg. káṇṭä ʻ water -- channel ʼ, Woṭ. kaṇṭḗl f., Gaw. khāṇṭ*l, Bshk. kāṇḍə (CDIAL 2680). காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16)Hieroglyph: kāṇḍə khaṇḍa ‘implements (metal)’
Why was the water-carrier shown in parenthesis together with star hieroglyphs on a circular Gadd seal? 
Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); dia. 2.6, ht. 0.9 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 11-12, pl. II, no. 12; Porada 1971: pl.9, fig.5; Parpola, 1994, p. 183; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R., JRAS, 1932, 476). An unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal. The parenthesis is split oval or lozenge shape which is an Indus Script hypertext: mũh 'lozenge-shape' rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron smelters' (Santali)

kui ‘water-carrier’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ meha ‘polar star’ rebus: me ‘iron’ dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’

Section 2. Decipherment of Failaka seal impression with Indus Script inscription:
Sign 245 duplicated: Variants of Sign 245 Hieroglyph: khaṇḍa'divisions' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'metalware' Duplicated Sign 245: dula 'duplicated' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.

karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār खार्'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) khār खार्लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b,l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta 'bellows of blacksmith'.with inscription. (Kashmiri)

Face of bull: mũh 'face' rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron smelters' (Santali) ḍangar ‘bull’; rebus: ḍangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi) पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel' 

Hieroglyph Drinking: kuṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to drink, inhale. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelting furnace’ (Santali) 

Section 3. Decipherment of Failaka stamp seal with Indus Script inscription:
Face of bull: mũh 'face' rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron smelters' (Santali) ḍangar ‘bull’; rebus: ḍangar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi) पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus' signifies pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4', पोलाद pōlāda, 'crucible steel'

Hieroglyph Drinking: kuṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to drink, inhale. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelting furnace’ (Santali) 


Mari priest carries a standard of one-horned young bull mounted on a flagpost which is a culm of millet.
 

 Culm of millet is flanked by two birds with wings: eraka 'wing' rebus 'eṟaka any metal infusion; molten state' fusion (Kannada), eraka molten, cast (as metal) PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel'. This Indus Script cipher explains why often a bird is shown together with a zebu, bos indicus on some artifacts. पोलाद pōlāda n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel.  (Marathi) bulad 'steel, flint and steel for making fire' (Amharic); fUlAd 'steel' (Arabic) pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh (Persian) folādī (Pashto)

Image result for black drongo zebu nausharo pot
karba 'culm of millet' (Punjabi) rebus: karba 'iron' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi, kole.l 'smithy, forge' kole.l 'temple'.

Hieroglyph: two oval or lozenge shapes or ingot shapes: mũh 'lozenge-shape' rebus: mũh '(copper) ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron smelters' (Santali)
  The three horizontal lines below the bull's face: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'  Signs 387 and 389 with lozenge or bun ingot shapes: the hypertexts are read: Sign 387 kolimi mũhã̄ 'smithy/forge ingot'. Sign 389 kuhi mũhã̄ , 'smelter ingot' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, smelter, cast metal ingots.

Section 4. Decipherment of two Persian Gulf stamp seals M3456, M7121 Ashmolean Museum
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, labeled Bib. Nat. M3456 and M7121. Dotted circles on the raised back of Persian gulf seal: dhāv, dāya 'one in dice' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus धावड dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter'  धावडी dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron (Marathi)

Hieroglyph: Two bodies: mē̃ḍ 'body' rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.); med 'copper' (Slavic) PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, cast iron.

Persian Gulf seal standard: A flagpost topped by a crucible AND polar star: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H. kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ A semantic determinative for kuṭhāru 'armourer or weapons' PLUS meha ‘polar star’ rebus: me ‘iron’; med 'copper' (Slavic)

Hieroglyph: Young bull: कोंद kōnda 'young bull' PLUS āre potter's wheel (Gondi) yield the combined expression kundār 'turner, lapidary who works with the lathe'..He also works with fine gold: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725). This artisan's professional competence is semantically reinforced by a part of the standard device normally shown in front of the young bull; this part is kunda 'lathe'. Rebus 2:  kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 1033); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165). Antelope (horn shape): ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin ore'.
(After Briggs Buchanan, Figs. 1 to 4 in: Briggs Buchanan, 1967, A dated seal impression connecting Babylonia and Ancient India, in: ArchaeologyVol. 20, No. 2 (APRIL 1967), pp. 104-107 (4 pages)Published by: Archaeological Institute of America https://www.jstor.org/stable/41667694)

Fig. 5
Fig. 5 (Left) Persian Gulf stamp seals with raised boss on back (a,b), engraved designs on face (c,d). The impressions were taken from casts in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, labeled Bib. Nat. M3456 and M7121. Original seals not located.
6. (Right, above) Persian Gulf seal found at Ur. From CJ Gadd, ‘Seals of Ancient Indian Style Found at Ur,’ Proceedings of the British Academy 18 (1932) 11, no. 12.
7. (Right) Impression from Egyptian cylinder seal of about the twenty second century BCE, in the Yale Babylonian Collection (YBC 12776) (After Briggs Buchanan, Figs. 5 to 7 in: Briggs Buchanan, 1967, A dated seal impression connecting Babylonia and Ancient India, in: ArchaeologyVol. 20, No. 2 (APRIL 1967), pp. 104-107 (4 pages)Published by: Archaeological Institute of America 
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41667694)

Radiocarbon dates and Bayesian modeling support maritime diffusion model for megaliths in Europe -- B. Schulz Paulssonm (Full text)

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Radiocarbon dates and Bayesian modeling support maritime diffusion model for megaliths in Europe 
Fig. 4.
Map showing dates estimated for the start of accessible megaliths as dolmens and passage graves in the different European regions, with 95% probability (68% probability in brackets). Italic bold type is used for date ranges of the posterior density estimates based on samples from accessible megalithic graves, regular bold type is used for simple calibrated radiocarbon dates from accessible megalithic graves, and regular italic type is used for the probabilities of the posterior density estimates associated with the earliest cultural material in dolmen or passage graves.

B. Schulz Paulssonn 

Department of Historical Studies, University of Gothenburg, SE-405 30 Gothenburg, Sweden Edited by James F. O’Connell, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, and approved January 3, 2019 (received for review August 1, 2018) 


ABSTRACT

There are two competing hypotheses for the origin of megaliths in Europe. The conventional view from the late 19th and early 20th centuries was of a single-source diffusion of megaliths in Europe from the Near East through the Mediterranean and along the Atlantic coast. Following early radiocarbon dating in the 1970s, an alternative hypothesis arose of regional independent developments in Europe. This model has dominated megalith research until today. We applied a Bayesian statistical approach to 2,410 currently available radiocarbon results from megalithic, partly premegalithic, and contemporaneous nonmegalithic contexts in Europe to resolve this long-standing debate. The radiocarbon results suggest that megalithic graves emerged within a brief time interval of 200 y to 300 y in the second half of the fifth millennium calibrated years BC in northwest France, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic coast of Iberia. We found decisive support for the spread of megaliths along the sea route in three main phases. Thus, a maritime diffusion model is the most likely explanation of their expansion.

SIGNIFICANCE

For thousands of years, prehistoric societies built monumental grave architecture and erected standing stones in the coastal regions of Europe (4500–2500 calibrated years BC). Our understanding of the rise of these megalithic societies is contentious and patchy; the origin for the emergence of megalithic architecture in various regions has been controversial and debated for over 100 y. The result presented here, based on analyses of 2,410 radiocarbon dates and highly precise chronologies for megalithic sites and related contexts, suggests maritime mobility and intercultural exchange. We argue for the transfer of the megalithic concept over sea routes emanating from northwest France, and for advanced maritime technology and seafaring in the megalithic Age.

Radiocarbon dates and Bayesian modeling support maritime diffusion model for megaliths in Europe

B. Schulz Paulsson
  1. Edited by James F. O’Connell, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, and approved January 3, 2019 (received for review August 1, 2018)

Significance

For thousands of years, prehistoric societies built monumental grave architecture and erected standing stones in the coastal regions of Europe (4500–2500 calibrated years BC). Our understanding of the rise of these megalithic societies is contentious and patchy; the origin for the emergence of megalithic architecture in various regions has been controversial and debated for over 100 y. The result presented here, based on analyses of 2,410 radiocarbon dates and highly precise chronologies for megalithic sites and related contexts, suggests maritime mobility and intercultural exchange. We argue for the transfer of the megalithic concept over sea routes emanating from northwest France, and for advanced maritime technology and seafaring in the megalithic Age.

Abstract

There are two competing hypotheses for the origin of megaliths in Europe. The conventional view from the late 19th and early 20th centuries was of a single-source diffusion of megaliths in Europe from the Near East through the Mediterranean and along the Atlantic coast. Following early radiocarbon dating in the 1970s, an alternative hypothesis arose of regional independent developments in Europe. This model has dominated megalith research until today. We applied a Bayesian statistical approach to 2,410 currently available radiocarbon results from megalithic, partly premegalithic, and contemporaneous nonmegalithic contexts in Europe to resolve this long-standing debate. The radiocarbon results suggest that megalithic graves emerged within a brief time interval of 200 y to 300 y in the second half of the fifth millennium calibrated years BC in northwest France, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic coast of Iberia. We found decisive support for the spread of megaliths along the sea route in three main phases. Thus, a maritime diffusion model is the most likely explanation of their expansion.
There are ∼35,000 presently extant European megaliths, a term which is derived from Greek μέγας (mégas), “big,” and λίϑος (líthos), “stone.” These include megalithic tombs, standing stones, stone circles, alignments, and megalithic buildings or temples. Most of these were constructed during the Neolithic and the Copper Ages and are located in coastal areas. Their distribution is along the so-called Atlantic façade, including Sweden, Denmark, North Germany, The Netherlands, Belgium, Scotland, England, Wales, Ireland, northwest France, northern Spain, and Portugal, and in the Mediterranean region, including southern and southeastern Spain, southern France, the Islands of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, Malta and the Balearics, Apulia, northern Italy, and Switzerland. Interestingly, they share similar or even identical architectonic features throughout their distribution. Megalithic graves were built as dolmens and as passage or gallery graves (Figs. 1and 2). Thousands of anthropogenic erected stones either stand isolated in the landscapes or were arranged as circles or in rows. There is evidence all across Europe for an orientation of the graves toward the east or southeast in the direction of the rising Sun. The question therefore arises whether there was a single, original source from which a megalithic movement spread over Europe or regional phenomena developed independently due to a similar set of conditions. Earlier research provided two very different answers to the question of origins. During the later 19th and the first two-thirds of the 20th centuries, archaeologists such as Montelius (1), Childe (23), and Daniel (4) proposed models of a single origin of megaliths from which they then expanded by a process of diffusion. Thus, Montelius (1), in the Ex Oriente Lux Zeitgeist of the late 19th century, advocated for the Near East as a potential region of origin. Childe (5), building on Montelius, supported the idea of a diffusion of “oriental culture” by maritime exchange. According to Childe (6), the expansion was supported by a megalithic religion of migrant priestly elites who settled down long enough among local societies for the new ideas to take root. He proposed a route from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic northwest across the Pyrenean isthmus and an onward dissemination of the megalithic tradition from there to Britain and then later over the sea route around Spain and Portugal. Later, Childe (23) expanded his theory about the spreading of a megalithic religion along the coastlines of western Europe by way of missionaries or prospectors. With the introduction of radiocarbon dates and processual approaches, the idea of an independent emergence of the same kind of stone architecture in several regions arose, because early C14 results did not support the diffusion model. Renfrew (7) was the first to exploit the new chronological results and proposed five independent nucleus centers, including Portugal, Andalusia, Brittany, southwest England, Denmark, and possibly Ireland for the emergence of megaliths in Europe. The model of an independent emergence of megaliths in several regions and sedentary, immobile farming communities has remained dominant in the research literature since then (810). However, since the 1970s, the number of C14 dates of megaliths has expanded enormously. It is therefore timely to test the two prevailing interpretative models in the light of this new evidence.
Fig. 2.
Haväng dolmen, Scania. Strikingly, the architectonic concepts of megaliths are similar or even identical all over Europe. Photo courtesy of B.S.P.
For this end, we investigated the fine-grain temporal pattern for the emergence of megaliths in Europe with the analysis of 2,410 available radiocarbon dates taken from premegalithic, megalithic, and nonmegalithic but contemporaneous contexts (Dataset S1). Radiocarbon dating is a two-stage process involving isotope measurements and the calibration against similar measurements made on dendrochronologically dated wood. For our time horizon, it normally provides precision ranges of 100 y to 300 y with 95% probability. To build a chronological megalithic sequence as precisely as possible, we adopted a Bayesian modeling approach, which is applied here to a wide region, using the program OxCal 4.1 (1112). We combined measurements with archaeological information relating to stratigraphical contexts, associated cultural material, and information on the burial rites, to narrow the time intervals for the calibrated ranges. In a first important step, we reviewed critically the 2,410 samples, including measurements from the 1960s up to the present, to determine the quality and reliability of the sample contexts. For each site with available radiocarbon results and a suitable sequence, we constructed one-phased or multiphased models with phase boundaries (Datasets S2 and S3) taking into consideration the detailed stratigraphic information (13). The posterior density estimates expressed as probability distributions in the text and in the figures are given by convention in italics to distinguish them clearly from simple calibrated radiocarbon dates.

Results

The radiocarbon dates suggest that the first megalithic graves in Europe were closed small structures or dolmens built aboveground with stone slabs and covered by a round or long mound of earth or stone. These graves emerge in the second half of the fifth millennium calibrated years (cal) BC within a time interval of 4794 cal BC to 3986 cal BC (95.4%4770 cal BC to 4005 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M7-2 to M29-4), which can be reduced most probably to 200 y to 300 y, in northwest France, the Channel Islands, Catalonia, southwestern France, Corsica, and Sardinia. Taking the associated cultural material into consideration, megalithic graves from Andalusia, Galicia, and northern Italy presumably belong to this first stage (Fig. 3). There are no radiocarbon dates available from the early megalithic graves in these regions, or their calibrated ranges show an onset extending into the fourth millennium cal BC, as is the case for Galicia. Of these regions, northwest France is the only one which exhibits monumental earthen constructions before the megaliths (SI Appendix, Fig. S2). The Passy graves in the Paris Basin have no megalithic chamber yet, but are impressive labor-intensive structures with a length of up to 280 m. These graves seem to be the earliest monumental graves in Europe; the first individual buried in the Passy necropolis died in 5061 cal BC to 4858 cal BC(95.4%5029 cal BC to 4946 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M1-4). Somewhat later, the first monumental graves emerge in Brittany, and especially in the region of Carnac, in the form of round tumuli covering pit burials, stone cists, and dry-wall chambers. The first building phase of the tumulus St. Michel in Carnac is dated to the time interval 4782 cal BC to 4594 cal BC (95.44724 cal BC to 4618 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M4-2to M4-4). The earliest megalithic grave chambers in Brittany, such as Tumiac, Kervinio, Castellic, St. Germain, Manio 5, Mané Hui, and Kerlescan (1416), emerge within this horizon as an architectonic feature of monumental long and round mounds. For these early megaliths, no radiocarbon determinations are available. It is only possible to limit the time interval of construction to the Ancient Castellic horizon based on the typochronological considerations of the grave goods and according to Ancient Castellic contexts with associated radiocarbon results ranging from 4794 cal BC to 3999 cal BC (95.4%4770 cal BC to 4034 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M7-2 to M7-7).
Fig. 3.
Map showing dates estimated for the start of megaliths in the different European regions, with 95% probability (68% probability in brackets). Italic bold type is used for date ranges of the posterior density estimates based on samples from megalithic contexts, regular bold type is used for simple calibrated radiocarbon dates from megalithic contexts, and regular italic type is used for the probabilities of the posterior density estimates associated with the earliest cultural material in the megaliths.
In Catalonia, in the Tavertet region, early megalithic graves emerged during the same time interval, even contemporaneous with the graves in Brittany. A reevaluation of the available radiocarbon results yielded a dating of the construction of these graves not before 4722 cal BC to 4068 cal BC (95.4%4581 cal BC to 4267 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M24-33). A part of these data exhibit an inbuilt age (Dataset S3M24-28 to M24-32) (ref. 13, p. 128). On the northeastern side of the Pyrenees in southern France, early megaliths are either isolated in the landscape or arranged in necropolises as at Najac and Camp del Ginèbre. The unmodeled ranges of three radiocarbon results for human bones from the necropolis of Najac 4328 cal BC to 3979 cal BC (95.4%; 4318 cal BC to 3995 cal BC) (Dataset S1830to 832) suggest burials within this time horizon. Along the central Mediterranean coasts and north Mediterranean islands of Sardinia and Corsica, small necropolises are found with early megalithic graves. The grave goods from the Li Muri necropolis on Sardinia are attributed to the Late Neolithic San Ciriaco horizon, and, according to the radiocarbon results from the San Ciriaco layers in the settlement of Contraguda, it is possible to limit the emergence of these graves to a time interval from 4733 cal BC to 3986 cal BC (95.4%4471 cal BC to 4005 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M29-1 to M29-4). There are further clusters with potential early megalithic graves documented in the central Mediterranean in northern Italy, for example, in La Vela-Trento, or Maddalena di Chiomonte-Torino and possibly Apulia (6). However, for these, there are no radiocarbon dates available yet. Based on the archaeological material, they are likely dated to the second half of the fifth millennium cal BC. From the southwest Iberian Peninsula in Andalusia, the Algarve, and the Alentejo, we find more of these possible early megaliths (1719).
In the northern half of the western Iberian Peninsula, there are early megaliths, concentrated mainly in Galicia. So far, these have been dated to the very end of the fifth millennium cal BC, if not later. Most of these dates are from charcoal, and many represent termini post quos values due to the inbuilt age of the wood or unsure contexts. From Chan de Cruz 1, a possible construction or usage date from ∼4080 cal BC (CSIC-642, 5210 ± 50 BP, 4144 cal BC to 3961 cal BC, 68.2%; 4230 cal BC to 3947 cal BC, 95.4%) (Dataset S12014) is available.
Small stone chambers with no access and single or double inhumations are diagnostic for the early megalithic stage in the fifth millennium cal BC. In the last third of the fifth millennium, the earliest chambers with access are attested as dolmens and passage graves (Fig. 4). These graves could be reopened for repeated burials, and this marks the beginning of a new practice for the whole of Europe: the construction of graves for successive depositions of human remains over centuries. The earliest known accessible megalithic grave with reliable radiocarbon dates is located in central western France in the necropolis of Prissé-la-Charrière, Deux-Sèvres. The beginning of burial activities at this dolmen is calculated at 4371 cal BC to 4263 cal BC (95.4%4358 cal BC to 4275 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M20-2). Structures transitional to passage graves are documented for Brittany and for the long tumulus or tertre of Lannec er Gadouer with a radiocarbon sequence which pinpoint this transition to 4503 cal BC to 4103 cal BC (95.4%4432 cal BC to 4233 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M5-8). Contemporaneous accessible megalithic graves are known from northern Corsica on the Monte Revincu dated at 4327 cal BC to 4266 cal BC (95.4%4302 cal BC to 4273 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M27-5).
Fig. 4.
Map showing dates estimated for the start of accessible megaliths as dolmens and passage graves in the different European regions, with 95% probability (68% probability in brackets). Italic bold type is used for date ranges of the posterior density estimates based on samples from accessible megalithic graves, regular bold type is used for simple calibrated radiocarbon dates from accessible megalithic graves, and regular italic type is used for the probabilities of the posterior density estimates associated with the earliest cultural material in dolmen or passage graves.
On the western Iberian Peninsula, date ranges for the onset of accessible structures are calculated for the Estremadura at 3844 cal BC to 3383 cal BC (95.4%3658 cal BC to 3432 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M33-1), for the Alentejo at 3743 cal BC to 3521 cal BC (95.4%3673 cal BC to 3567 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M34-5), and for Beira at 3883 cal BC to 3782 cal BC (95.4%3837 cal BC to 3796 cal BC68.2%) (Dataset S3M35-19). Similarly, the earliest megaliths with entrance in Britain and Ireland are also calculated to the first half of the fourth millennium cal BC. The earliest known megalithic grave in southeast England, Coldrum, is calculated at 3971 cal BC to 3805 cal BC (95.4%3960 cal BC to 3880 cal BC68.2%) (20), and Parknabinnia on the Burren in Ireland at 3885 cal BC to 3440 cal BC (95%3715 cal BC to 3530 cal BC68%) (21).
The subsequent centuries are a time of megalithic stasis and reuse of ancient megalithic graves. With the exception of the gallery graves in Belgium, there is no evidence for movements or new megalithic regions added at this time.
Finally, an even later megalithic expansion occurred in the second half of the fourth millennium in northern Germany and southern Scandinavia (2224). In the Mediterranean, there is a megalithic revival in the second millennium cal BC in the Balearic Islands, Apulia, and Sicily. These are associated with the Bronze Age and/or with the Bell Beaker phenomena (25).

Discussion

The radiocarbon results suggest that megalithic graves emerged within a time interval of 200 y to 300 y in the second half of the fifth millennium cal BC in northwest France, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic coast of the Iberian Peninsula. Northwest France is, so far, the only megalithic region in Europe which exhibits a premegalithic monumental sequence and transitional structures to the megaliths, suggesting northern France as the region of origin for the megalithic phenomenon. For the remaining regions with an early megalithic proliferation in the fifth millennium cal BC (such as Catalonia, southern France, Corsica, Sardinia, and probably the western Iberian Peninsula and Italian mainland), megaliths are found occurring in small clusters. These are exceptional grave forms for this period in their respective regions, at a time when subterranean cists, pit burials and hypogea (dug-out subterranean burial chambers) were still the most common burial rites. A fresh expansion occurred during the first half of the fourth millennium cal BC when thousands of passage graves were built along the Atlantic coast of the Iberian Peninsula, Ireland, England, Scotland, and France. Their distribution emphasizes the maritime linkage of these societies and a diffusion of the passage grave tradition along the seaway. The passage graves mark a radical change of burial rites, along with other economic and social changes in Europe. In the second half of the fourth millennium cal BC, the passage grave tradition finally reaches Scandinavia and the Funnel Beaker areas. Again, there is evidence for the spread of megalithic architecture along the seaway. The first known passage graves in Scandinavia were built on the western coasts of the Swedish Islands Oland and Gotland, which are both situated in the Baltic (23).
We have thus been able to demonstrate that the earliest megaliths originated in northwest France and spread along the sea routes of the Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts in three successive principal phases (Fig. 5). Their expansion coincided with other social and economic changes of Neolithic and Copper Age societies beyond the scope of this article. The older generation of archaeologists were correct concerning a maritime diffusion of the megalithic concept. They were wrong regarding the region of origin and the direction of the megalithic diffusion. The megalithic movements must have been powerful to spread with such rapidity at the different phases, and the maritime skills, knowledge, and technology of these societies must have been much more developed than hitherto presumed. This prompts a radical reassessment of the megalithic horizons and invites the opening of a new scientific debate regarding the maritime mobility and organization of Neolithic societies, the nature of these interactions through time, and the rise of seafaring.
Fig. 5.
Map showing the hypothetical route of the megalithic expansion in three main phases (red−green−yellow), periods of megalithic stasis (brown−white), and episode of a megalithic Mediterranean revival (orange) in the second millennium cal BC, with the estimated start of megalithic graves in the different European regions at 95% probability (68% probability in brackets). Italic bold type is used for date ranges of the posterior density estimates based on samples from megalithic graves, regular bold type is used for simple calibrated radiocarbon dates from megalithic graves, and regular italic type is used for the probabilities of the posterior density estimates associated with the earliest cultural material in the megalithic graves.

Acknowledgments

I thank members of the AMS facilities in Trondheim (Norwegian University of Technology and Science) Marie-Josée Nadeau and Pieter Grootes, Johannes Müller (Kiel University, Germany), Kristian Kristiansen (University of Gothenburg, Sweden), John Koch (University of Wales, United Kingdom), and Jonathan Horwitz (Åsbacka, Sweden) for critical feedback on the work. This project received funding from the graduate school Human Development in Landscapes, Kiel, Germany, and the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Grant Agreement 706034. The content of this study does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the report lies entirely with the author.

Footnotes

References

Neuroscience. Science of consciousness: What are ātmā and citta,? 'life-principle','bursting forth'

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Science of Consciousness: स्फोट is citta;  जीवनम् is ātmā. स्फोट m. bursting , opening , expansion , disclosure (cf. नर्म-स्फ्°).आत्मन् (in comp. forआत्म्/अन् ; also अध्य्-ात्म , अध्य्-ात्म्/अम्). fr. अन् , to breathe ;अत्, to move ; वा , to blow; life-principle RV.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre

Archaeological evidence for presence of Meluhha speakers (Indian sprachbund, 'language union') in Ancient Near East

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https://tinyurl.com/y26gb4td

A number of hieroglyphs on cylinder seals of Ancient Near East have been explained as Meluhha rebus expessions in Indus Script cipher. What is the archaeological evidence for the presence of Meluhha speakers (of Indian sprachbund, 'language union') in Ancient Near East (ANE)?

I submit three clusters of evidences:

1. Attestation in cuneiform records of Meluhha artisans/merchants and their settlements in ANE;
2. Shu-ilishu cylinder seal which shows him in an Akkadian inscription to be a translator of Meluhha; Mari priest hoisting an Indus Script standard of one-horned young bull in a procesion; and
3. Archaeometallurgical research which has proved the provenance of Meluhha copper in ANE.
Image result for sarasvati civilization satellite
Image result for persian gulf sites indus
Map of Meluhha and Southwest Asia (inset Bahrain) (After Fig. 1 Eric Olijdam, 2008, A possible Central Asian origin for the seal-impressed jar from the Temple Tower' at Failaka), in:Eric Olijdam & RH Spoor, eds, Intercultural relations between South and Southwest Asia, Studiesin Commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996), BAR Intrnational Series 1826 (2008): 268-287). 

https://tinyurl.com/ybzbtpnu


Notes: 1. See: 

 

Tracing Meluhha in Rigveda and Cuneiform texts of Ancient Near East https://tinyurl.com/y27dwbmq

Melakkha, island-dwellers, lapidaries

According to the great epic, Mlecchas lived on islands: “sa sarvān mleccha nṛpatin sāgara dvīpa vāsinah, aram āhāryàm àsa ratnāni vividhāni ca, andana aguru vastrāṇi maṇi muktam anuttamam, kāñcanam rajatam vajram vidrumam ca mahādhanam: (Bhima) arranged for all the mleccha kings, who dwell on the ocean islands, to bring varieties of gems, sandalwood, aloe, garments, and incomparable jewels and pearls, gold, silver, diamonds, and extremely valuable coral… great wealth.” (MBh. 2.27.25-27). The reference to gems, pearls and corals evokes the semi-precious and precious stones, such as carnelian and agate, of Gujarat traded with Mesopotamian civilization. According to Sumerian records from the Agade Period (Sargon, 2373-2247 BC), Sumerian merchants traded with people from (at least) three named foreign places: Dilmun (now identified as the island of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf); Magan (a port on the coastline between the head of the Persian Gulf and the mouth of the Sindhu river); and Meluhha. Mentions of trade with Meluhha become frequent in Ur III period (2168-2062 BCE) and Larsa dynasty (2062- 1770 BCE). To the end of the Sarasvati Civilization period, the trade declines dramatically attesting to Meluhha being the Sarasvati Civilization. By Ur III Period, Meluhhan workers residing in Sumeria had Sumerian names, leading to a comment: ‘…three hundred years after the earliest textually documented contact between Meluhha and Mesopotamia, the references to a distinctly foreign commercial people have been replaced by an ethnic component of Ur III society’ This is an economic presence of Meluhhan traders maintaining their own village for a considerable span of time.(Parpola, Simo, Asko Parpola, and Robert H. Brunswig, Jr., 1977, “TheMeluhha Village — Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late Third Millenium Mesopotamia?”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Volume 20, Part II.)

2. Shu-ilishu cylinder seal; Mari standard carried by a priest in a procession

 

  • http://tinyurl.com/y2uekds6 

  • कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS kōḍu'horn' rebus koḍ 'workplace' PLUS koḍiyum 'ring on neck' rebus:  koḍ 'workplace' PLUS  khōṇḍī खोंडी 'pannier sack' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner, fine gold'. Thus, the hypertext composition signifies workshop of a goldsmith, lapidary (turner, engraver). A remarkable cognate etymon signifying a young bull is seen in Telugu (Indian sprahbund, 'speech union'): kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగురామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు.
On Indus Script hypertexts, three forms of bulls are signified:

1. Bos primigenius (unicorns as young bulls with one horn): khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf.  rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'
2. Bos primigenius Indicus (zebu): पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu, dewlap' rebus: पोळ [pōḷa], 'magnetite, ferrite ore'' 
3. Bos primigenius taurus (old bull or ox): ḍhangra 'bull'. Rebus: ḍhangar 
'blacksmith'. barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).

One-horned young bull is NOT a mythical species said to be 'unicorn' but in the genre of Indian aurochs (Bos primigenius).

In front of a soldier, a Sumerian standard bearer holds a banner aloft signifying the one-horned young bull which is the signature glyph of Harappa Script (Indus writing). Detail of a victory parade, from the Ishtar temple, Mari, Syria. 2400 BCE Schist panel inlaid with mother of pearl plaques. Louvre Museum. See:
Refuting pictorial symbolism of Othmar Keel. Meanings of Indus Script hypertexts, gypsum plaster priest of Mari, steatite priest of Mohenjo-daro 

Detail of the Mari procession; the stand topped by the image of one-horned young bull (excavation no. M-458), height 7 cm. (After Parrot 1935: 134, fig.15)

This procession is called a victory parade in Asko Parpola's article. I submit that the use of culm of millet as a flagstaff is a clear hypertext in the tradition of Indus Script cipher. karba 'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron'. 


The 'rein rings' which constitute the stand for the one--horned young bull held aloft, are read rebus: valgā, bāg-
ora 'bridle' rebus (metath.) bagalā 'seafaring dhow'. See: Priests of Mohenjo-daro and Mari (Susa) are dhāva'iron smelters' 

http://tinyurl.com/ktafaud


Indus Script Meluhha (Mleccha) speakers are evidenced on a cylinder seal & Cuneiform texts, and link to priest images of Mari (ANE) & Sarasvati Civilization
 
https://tinyurl.com/y9v5kvf4

Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales 

Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu

 

 

EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language).


The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin. The Meluhha merchant carries melh,mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile: kuṭhāru 'crucible'rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' 


Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms. I also suggest that on the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal, a significant hieroglyph is shown. It is a crucible which may have been used by the copper-tin artisans to work with an extraordinary invention called ukku in Kannada produced in a crucible. I suggest that Kannada word ukku is the root word because of semantic association signified by cognate words: uggi, urika which mean 'burning'. Crucible steel process is vividly explained by these etyma. "Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name." (MASSIMO VIDALE Ravenna Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC Published in Melammu Symposia 4: A. Panaino and A. Piras (eds.), Schools of Oriental Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (Milan: Università di Bologna & IsIao 2004), pp. 261-80. Publisher: http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/)

https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/201402/Vidale-Indus-Mesopotamia.pdf

1.Shu-ilishu cylinder seal 2. 
Detail of the Mari Ishtar temple victory parade: thestand topped by the image of unicorn wild bull (excavationno. M-458), height 7cm. (After Parrot 1935: 134, fig. 15)

3, Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu

Abstract from Iranica Antiqua, 2009:

Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al.   

2.   Author(s): BEGEMANN, F. , SCHMITT-STRECKER, S. 
Journal: 
Iranica Antiqua
Volume: 
44    Date: 2009   
Pages: 1-45
DOI: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034374 



A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently.

This archaeometallurgical provenance study links Khetri copper mines --through Dholavira/Lothal and Persian Gulf -- with Mesopotamia. It is possible that tin from Ancient Far East (the tin-belt of the globe) was also routed through Meluhha merchants. Evidence?
 
Three pure tin ingots with Indus Script inscriptions found in Haifa, Israel.

My decipherment appeared in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies.
My monograph on this conclusion has been published in Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010), pp.47-74 — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)
The author Michal Artzy (opcit., p. 55) who showed these four signs on the four tin ingots to E. Masson who is the author of Cypro-Minoan Syllabary. Masson’s views are recorded in Foot Note 3: “E. Masson, who was shown all four ingots for the first time by the author, has suggested privately that the sign ‘d’ looks Cypro-Minoan, but not the otherthree signs.”

If all the signs are NOT Cypro-Minoan Syllabary, what did these four signs, together, incised on the tin ingots signify?

All these hieroglyphs on the three tin ingots of Haifa are read rebus in Meluhha:
Hieroglyph: ranku  = liquid measure (Santali)
Hieroglyph: raku m. ʻa species of deerʼ Vās.,  rankuka  id., Śrīkaṇṭh. (Samskrtam)(CDIAL 10559). raku m. ʻ a species of deer ʼ Vās., °uka -- m. Śrīkaṇṭh.Ku. N. ̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .*rakha -- ʻ defective ʼ see *rakka -- .RAG ʻ move to and fro ʼ: ráṅgati. -- Cf. √riṅg, √rikh2, √*righ.(CDIAL 10559)
Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) ragan. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk. raga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. ̄g f., ̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ ( H.); Ku.  ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. ̄k; N. o ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. ; Or. ga ʻ tin ʼ, gā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. ̄gā, OAw. ga; H. ̄g f., ̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562) 
Hieroglyph: dāu = cross (Telugu)
Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali) Rebus: dhānā to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).
Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)
Indus Script hypertexts thus read: Hieroglyphs: ranku 'liquid measure' or raku ʻa species of deerʼ PLUS u = cross  rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral casting. The fourth ingot with the hieroglyph of a moulded head reads: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali).
Thus, together, the message on the tin ingots discovered in the Haifa shipwreck is: ranku dhatu mũh 'tin mineral ingot'. 

Itihāsa. The book on EVMs edited by Subramanian Swamy & S. Kalyanaraman(2010) resulted in VVPAT

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VVPAT is intended as an independent verification system for voting machines designed to allow voters to verify that their vote was cast correctly, to detect possible election fraud or malfunction, and to provide a means to audit the stored electronic results.

BOOKS

Questioning the reliability of EVMs

कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus kō̃da कोँद a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a ceramic furnace

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https://tinyurl.com/yydlmsq2

This monograph is organized in the following sections:

Section 1. Decipherment of a 'Unicorn' seal impression on Ceramic furnace (Kiln-jar) to make stoneware bangles

karã̄ 'wristlets,bangles', khãr 'ironsmith'

Section 2. Decipherment of inscriptions on 22 ceramic stoneware bangles; bangles with Indus Script inscriptions are professional calling cards of artisans


Section 3. Decipherment of inscriptions on seven seals and five tablets of Mohenjo-daro temple (kole.l 'smithy, forge' rebus: kole.l 'temple')

Section 4. Decipherment of Meluhha seal inscriptions in Ancient Near East 

Section 5. Umm al-Nar 'the mother of fire', United Arab Emirates Indus Script incription on a tomb 

Section 6. The Meluhha village of Mesopotamia, 3rd m.BCE -- Simo Parpola et al, 1977

Section 7. Worship of purifying power of water, mother of Hindu civilization. Indus Script Corpora nclude Dilmun/Bahrain seals 

This is an addendum to: 

1. Itihāsa. With a large cache of Dilmun seals, Indus Script Corpora has grown to c. 30,000 insciptions of wealth-accounting ledgers 

https://tinyurl.com/y8rj5xpd


2. Itihāsa of Assur, metalsmiths of India, Ashur Ancient Near East. Two seals of Saar, Bahrain Indus Script hypertexts wealth-accounting metalwork ledgers 
3. Itihāsa.Dilmun armourers, آهن ګران āhan-garān 'thunderbolt makers' of Sarasvati Civiliztion, Indus Script Meluhha Part 1 to 3 
4. Dilmun seals should be included in Indus Script Corpora, artisans and seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civiization in Qal'at al-Bahrain, 2050 BCE 

Section 1. Decipherment of a 'Unicorn' seal impression on Ceramic furnace (Kiln-jar) to make stoneware bangles


Impressions of two seals of the Proto-Elamite culture (c. 3200-2600 BCE). (After Amiet 1980: nos. 514 and 515).

Detail of the Mari Ishtar temple victory parade: thestand topped by the image of unicorn wild bull (excavationno. M-458), height 7cm. (After Parrot 1935: 134, fig. 15)
a)A procession of four men holding up stands topped by various things including a ‘unicorn’ bull. Terracotta tablet M-490 (HR 1443) from Mohenjo-daro; b) Terracotta tablet M-491 (HR 1546) from Mohenjo-daro; c) a unique tablet H-196 (262) from Harappa. After Asko Parpola Figure 6, 2018.
  • कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS kōḍu'horn' rebus koḍ 'workplace' PLUS koḍiyum 'ring on neck' rebus:  koḍ 'workplace' PLUS  khōṇḍī खोंडी 'pannier sack' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner, fine gold'. Thus, the hypertext composition signifies workshop of a goldsmith, lapidary (turner, engraver). A remarkable cognate etymon signifying a young bull is seen in Telugu (Indian sprahbund, 'speech union'): kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగురామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడుRebus: kõdār 'turner' (Bengali). konda 'furnace, fire-altar'  kō̃da कोँद 'furnace for smelting':  payĕn-kō̃da पयन्-कोँद । परिपाककन्दुः f. a kiln (a potter's, a lime-kiln, and brick-kiln, or the like); a furnace (for smelting). -thöji - or -thöjü -; । परिपाक-(द्रावण-)मूषाf. a crucible, a melting-pot. -ʦañĕ -। परिपाकोपयोगिशान्ताङ्गारसमूहः f.pl. a special kind of charcoal (made from deodar and similar wood) used in smelting furnaces. -wôlu -वोलु&below; । धात्वादिद्रावण-इष्टिकादिपरिपाकशिल्पी m. a metal-smelter; a brick-baker. -wān -वान् । द्रावणचुल्ली m. a smelting furnace.

On Indus Script hypertexts, three forms of bulls are signified:

1. Bos primigenius (unicorns as young bulls with one horn): khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf.  rebus: kunda, 'one of कुबेर's nine treasures', kundaṇa 'fine gold'
2. Bos primigenius Indicus (zebu): पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu, dewlap' rebus: पोळ [pōḷa], 'magnetite, ferrite ore'' 
3. Bos primigenius taurus (old bull or ox): ḍhangra 'bull'. Rebus: ḍhangar 
'blacksmith'. barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharata 'metal alloy' (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin).

One-horned young bull is NOT a mythical species said to be 'unicorn' but in the genre of Indian aurochs (Bos primigenius).

The standard device has two componennts ligatured together: the bottom portion is a portable furnace; the top portion is gimlet of a lathe. Sometimes, the bottom part of portable furnace is decorated with dotted circles. Sometimes the top of the furnace is embellished with smoking rising from the charcoal embers.

The top portion, gimlet, lathe is: sãgaḍ 'lathe'   Rebus: S سنګر sangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments. Pl. سنګرونه sangarūnah. See باره

The bottom portion, the portable furnace is: కమటము (p. 246) kamaṭamu kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii. కమ్మటము (p. 247) kammaṭamu Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste.  Rebus:  Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.  (DEDR 1236)

Thus, together, the field symbol signifies: sangar kammaṭa 'mint (in) fortification.'

After Fig. 55, 56 in Massimo Vidale, 1984, Kilns, bangles and coated vessels: ceramic peosuxrion in xloaws xonrINWEA r Mohwnjoso, in: Interim reports Vol.1.Reports of Field Work carried out at Mohenjo-Daro, Pakistan 1982083.IsMEO0Aachen-University Mission, pp.64-97
https://tinyurl.com/y39kvph8. Mohenjodaro, Moneer South-East Area (AA.40):ellipsoidal sealing with impression of ‘unicorn’ stamp seal on the mouth of jar E (MNSE/82/597).
After Fig. 40 Moenjodaro, Moneer South-East Area (AA.40):fragmentary terracotta bangles in the filling of the jar G during the internal excavation (MNSE/82/614).and Fig. 41 Moenjodaro,MoneerSouth-East Area (AA.40): group of fragmentary terracotta bangles recovered in association with jar G (MNSE/82/613,614) in Massimo Vidale, opcit.

After Fig. 63 in Massimo Vidale, 1984, opcit. Conjectural graphic reconstruction of the whole system assembled inside the kiln
After Fig. 69 in Massimo Vidale, opcit. Unbroken stoneware bracelet.(HW/83/621)

Sealing of a one-horned young bull identifies, marks the product from the ceramic furnace. (At 29:06 of the Archaeodoku youtube video documentary).

Reading of the text message on the seal impression suggested by Asko Parpola (Massimo Vidale, opcit., p.86):
 Rebus meaning: Supercargo, bronze equipment, workshop (for) smithy implements, workshop helmsman
kaṇī f. ʻ hard core of grain, pupil of eye, broken bit ʼ(Marathi)(CDIAL 2661) Rebus:कारणी or कारणीक kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship (Marathi) Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. PLUS met 'the eye' rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages). मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk (Gujarati) medha 'yajna' medhā 'dhanam'. 
Sign 293 may be seen as a ligature of Sign 287 PLUS 'corner' signifier: Thus, kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'.kaṁsá 1 m. ʻmetal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metalʼ PLUS kuṭila 'curve' rebus: kuṭila 'bronze/pewter' (Pewter is an alloy that is a variant brass alloy). The reading of Sign 293 is: kanac kuṭila 'pewter'.
Santali
Sign 287 'curve' hieroglyph The basic orthograph of Sign 287 is signifiedby the semantics of: kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith. PLUS

'notch'  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, kuṭila, katthīl khāṇḍā = Equipment made of bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin)
Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo' 
karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fishermanʼ(CDIAL 2836)

Hieroglyph of long linear stroke: |koḍa'one' rebus: koḍ'workshop'.
Sign 112 kolom 'three' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' khaṇḍa 'implements, metalware'.

koḍa 'sluice'; Rebus: koḍ 'artisan's workshop (Kuwi) Vikalpa: सांड [ sāṇḍa ] f (षद S) An outlet for superfluous water (as through a dam or mound); a sluice, a floodvent. सांडशी [ sāṇḍaśī ] f (Dim. of सांडस, or from H) A small kind of tongs or pincers.

Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī  'scribe, supercargo' 

karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fishermanʼ(CDIAL 2836)

Section 2. Decipherment of inscriptions on 22 ceramic stoneware bangles; bangles with Indus Script inscriptions are professional calling cards of artisans

See:  https://tinyurl.com/y959qsd9


A remarkable Mohenjo-daro Indus Script catalogue is presented on a pot kiln apparatus used to make karã̄ ceramic (stoneware) bangles which are badges of responsibility for guild functionaries.
Balakot, inscribed bangle Inscription: dhatu कारणी or कारणीक [ kāraṇī or kāraṇīka ] 'supercargo of a ship responsible for the cargo of mineral ores'


The catalogue is presented as a sealing of kō̃da 'young bull' seal affixed on the upper capping of the pot kiln apparatus. 

The pot kiln apparatus is an innovative design to produce inscribed bangles as dharma saṁjñā 'artisan responsibility badges' with Indus Script.

How were ceramic (stoneware) bangles made? Stoneware bangles are unique because they carry micro-inscriptions. “The term ‘stoneware’ was used by the early excavators to designate artifacts with a highly siliceous, partially sintered, homogeneous ceramic body, usually free from inclusions or voids visible to the naked eye, and characterized by a very low porosisity.”(J.M. Blackman, M. Vidale, 1992, The Production and Distribution of Stoneware Bangles at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa as Monitored by Chemical Charachterization Studies, in: Catherine Jarrige, ed., 1992, South Asian Archaeology 1989, Prehistory Press, p.38) See: https://www.academia.edu/5597400/J.M._Blackman_M._Vidale_The_Production_and_Distribution_of_Stoneware_Bangles_at_Mohenjo-Daro_and_Harappa_as_Monitored_by_Chemical_Charachterization_Studies'

View of the slag with the coated sub-cylindrical bowl enclosing the stoneware bangles in a pile, in central position, Mohenjodaro. (Massimo Vidale, in: Jansen and Urban, 1987, p. 109)

Kenoyer has shown that these bangles were formed by throwing clay cylinders on a fast wheel and trimming and burnishing them with sharp pointed tools which left distinctive, fine parallel marks on them. Smalll saggars or firing containers were used to stack these bangles for firing. *saṁgaḍha ʻ collection of forts ʼ. [*gaḍha -- ]L. sãgaṛh m. ʻ line of entrenchments, stone walls for defence ʼ.(CDIAL12845) 
سنګر sangar, s.m. (2nd) A breastwork of stones, etc., erected to close a pass or road; lines, entrenchments. Pl. سنګرونه sangarūnah. See باره سنګ بر sang-bar or سنګ تراش sang-tarās̱ẖ, s.m. (5th) A stone cutter. Pl. سنګ بران sang barān or تراشان tarās̱ẖān.(Pashto)
Kiln
A: Upper capping in clay; B: Oval sealing with imprint of a Indus ‘unicorn’ stamp seal, applied in sets of three around the mouth of the closed saggars before firing; C: Intermediate coating in chaff-tempered clay; D: Pottery semispherical lid; E,F: broken terracotta rings used to support the lid…K: Pile formed by superimposed small saggars. This type of firing container was made by throwing a ceramic mixture very close to the stoneware of the bangles…M: Sets of stoneware bangles, inserted in couples with in each saggar of type K.

 (After Fig.3, 4, 5, 7 in Massimo Vidale,  1986, Stoneware industry of the Indus civilization: an evolutionary dead-end in the history of ceramic technology, in: In: WD Kingery, ed., Vol. V, Ceramics and civilization. The changing roles of ceramics in society: 26000 BP to the present, Westerville, OH, The American Ceramic Society, Inc.)

Reconstruction of the stoneware bangles' firing apparatus; stoneware bracelets are piled up in five pairs and enclosed in a coated carinated jar. The jar is given red-slipped, chaff-tempered outer coating. The apparatus is mounted on a network of supporting terracotta bangles. A unicorn seal impression is affixed on the upper capping. (Massimo Vidale, in:Jansen and Urban, 1987, p. 111)

I suggest that this sealing documents the use of a pot as a kiln: kō̃da 'kiln': kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 133); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165). -- khasüñü -- खस&above;ञू&below; । कुलालादिकन्दुयथावद्भावः f.inf. a kiln to arise; met. to become like such a kiln (which contains no imperfectly baked articles, but only well-made perfectly baked ones), hence, a collection of good ('pucka') articles or qualities to exist. Cf. Śiv. 133, where the causal form of the verb is used. (Kashmiri) *kandukara ʻ worker with pans ʼ. [kándu -- , kará -- 1]K. kã̄darkã̄duru dat. °daris m. ʻ baker ʼ.(CDIAL 2728) kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., °uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ.Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk. kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ.  (CDIAL 2726) kāndavika m. ʻ baker ʼ Pañcad. [kándu -- ]Pk. kaṁdaviya -- , °dōiya -- , °duia -- (u from kaṁdua -- ) m. ʻ sweetmeat seller ʼ; G. kãdoī m. ʻ confectioner ʼ.Addenda: kāndavika -- : S.kcch. kandhoyo m. ʻ confectioner ʼ.(CDIAL 3734)

See: Massimo Vidale An article examining the construction of ceramic stoneware in the Indus Valley Civilization with a focus on Mohenjo-daro. 



kará1 ʻ doing, causing ʼ AV., m. ʻ hand ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. Pk. kara -- m. ʻ hand ʼ; S. karu m. ʻ arm ʼ; Mth. kar m. ʻ hand ʼ (prob. ← Sk.); Si. kara ʻ hand, shoulder ʼ, inscr. karā ʻ to ʼ < karāya. -- Deriv. S. karāī f. ʻ wrist ʼ; G. karã̄ n. pl. ʻ wristlets, bangles ʼ.(CDIAL 2779)



Rebus: khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु‍&below; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or -güjü -ग&above;जू&below; । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू‍&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 -म्य&above;च&dotbelow;ू&below; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । -- 48 -- लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.(Kashmiri)


The artisan preparing ceramic (stoneware) bangles with inscriptions is clearly the standard-bearer for the Indus Writing system which was stunningly uniform across time and space over an extensive contact area on the Vedic Sarasvati river basin and extended along the maritime tin route from Hanoi to Haifa. If such an organizational structure is posited, it is possible to explain the uniformity maintained in the writing system on over 2600 sites of the civilization and also in contact areas where Meluhha merchants had established colonies. As an extended hypothesis, it is suggested that the recipient of the ceramic (stoneware) bangles in the work areas (sites) of the civilization are authorised to be scribed for documenting and archiving the metalwork catalogues.



The ceramic (stoneware) bangles are of great significance because of the special care taken by the artisans to prepare the artifacts incised before firing. Massimo Vidale and others have done pioneering archaeo-research to reconstruct the processes involved in preparing these written artifacts, almos as data archiving of ancient times during the Bronze Age. 


The descriptions of the processes provided by Massimo Vidale are gratefully acknowledged.


Distinction between terracotta bangles and ceramic (stoneware) bangles)






Excavated Bangle, Harappa. Terracotta bangles are of sizes wearable as wristlets or armlets.


Harappa. Kot Diji phase streets were filled with debris, including potsherds, charcoal, ash, animal bones, and occasional bangles and steatite beads.




A distinction has to be made between terracotta bangles and these inscribed ceramic (stoneware) bangles. Most terracotta bangles are uninscribed and are of sizes which are wearable by men and women. The ceramic (stoneware) bangles are of a very small size and NOT meant to be worn but perhaps used as centre-pieces of the fillet band of the type worn by Mohenjo-daro priest king on his forehead and right shoulder, as insignia, as professional titles or functions






Randall Law and Shamoon excavating a red stoneware bangle in Period 3C levels just below the surface in Trench 43.https://www.harappa.com/indus4/76.html


 


Red stoneware bangle (H2000-4490/9843-01) with no inscription. The lack of inscription may indicate that this may have been a place where the bangles were stored prior to inscribing them for distribution.






Many of the terra cotta bangles were originally painted with black or red designs. Such ornaments are found in the thousands and may have been worn, broken and discarded much as glass bangles are used today throughout the subcontinent. (Terracotta bangles were worn.Inscribed stoneware bangles are too small in size and which could have been worn not as bangles as writlets or armlets, but tied with bands like fillets worn by th priest-king of Mohenjo-daro or as pendants on necklaces).






 




Balakot 06 bangle






ḍato 'claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs'; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral' (Santali) Vikalpa: erā 'claws'; Rebus: era 'copper'. 



Variants of Sign 403


Sign 403 is a duplication of  dula 'pair, duplicated' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS  Sign'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph Sign 373. Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingot.mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'.




Sign403: Hypertext:dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot' PLUS bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa 'seafaring vessel'.




 Sign 342 karNI 'rim of jar' rebus: 'supercargo', 'engraver'



Harappa Terracotta bangle fragmentsTerracotta bangle fragments decorated with red trefoils outlined in white on a green ground from late Period 3C deposits in Trench 43. This image shows both sides of the two fragments (H98-3516/8667-01 & H98-3517/8679-01).

Detail of terracotta bangle 
with red and white trefoil on a green background (H98-3516/8667-01 from Trench 43). 
Trefoil motifs are carved on the robe of the so-called "priest-king" statuette from 
Mohenjo-daro and are also known from contemporary sites in western Pakistan, 
Afghanistan, and southern Central Asia. dhā̆va 'smelter' tri-dhAtu,
'‘three minerals
h1010bangle  'magnetite ingot' PLUS 'twig' a stalk/twig, sprout (or tree branch) kūdī, kūṭī bunch of twigs (Sanskrit)  kūdī (also written as kūṭī in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kauśika Sūtra (Bloomsfield’s ed.n, xliv. Cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badarī, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177). Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelting furnace‘ (Santali) For the 'oval' hieroglyph, see: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/decipherment-of-harappa-zebu-figurine.html The reading is: पोळ [pōḷaखोट khōṭa, 'magnetite ingot or wedge'.
Slide 33. Early Harappan zebu figurine with incised spots from Harappa.पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu' Rebus: magnetite, citizen.(See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/zebu-archaeometallurgy-legacy-of-india.html )
 mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends (Santali) खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. (Marathi)
h2576Abangle
 Sign 216
Sign 221 dhatu PLUS koD 'minerals workshop'
 Sign 229 sanni 'smith's vice' rebus: seni 'guild'
The sequence of hieroglyphs Sign 221-Sign 229 is comparable to the sequence which occurs on the so-called Pasupati seal:
Text 2420 on m0304 Sign 216 (Mahadevan). See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-evidence-pasupati-seal.html ḍato ‘claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs’; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu ‘mineral’ (Santali) Vikalpa: erā ‘claws’; Rebus: era ‘copper’. Allograph: kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Skt.)
Sign 229. sannī, sannhī = pincers, smith’s vice (P.) śannī f. ʻ small room in a house to keep sheep in ‘ (WPah.) Bshk. šan, Phal.šān ‘roof’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 12326). seṇi (f.) [Class. Sk. śreṇi in meaning "guild"; Vedic= row] 1. a guild Vin iv.226; J i.267, 314; iv.43; Dāvs ii.124; their number was eighteen J vi.22, 427; VbhA 466. ˚ -- pamukha the head of a guild J ii.12 (text seni -- ). -- 2. a division of an army J vi.583; ratha -- ˚ J vi.81, 49; seṇimokkha the chief of an army J vi.371 (cp. senā and seniya). (Pali) 
Long linear stroke:  
Ko. ko·ṛ 
   
line marked out (DEDR 2200) rebus: koD 'workshop' 
  Ma. koṭṭil cowhouse, shed, workshop, house. (DEDR 2058)
m1629bangle
Sign 47 kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989) baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) +
gaṇḍa ‘four’ Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’. Thus, Sign 48 reads rebus: bharat kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’, furnace for mixed alloy called bharat(copper, zinc, tin alloy).
Faience tablet (H2001-5082/2920-02) made from two colors of faience was found eroding from the Trench 54 South workshop area. Identical tablets made from two colors of faience were recovered in Area J, at the south end of Mound AB, in the excavations of Vats during the 1930s. gaNDa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baraḍo = spine; backbone (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat ‘mixed alloys’ (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi) ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'.
Copper tablet (H2000-4498/9889-01) with raised script found in Trench 43. Harappa. (Source: Slide 351. harappa.com) Eight such tablets have been found (HARP, 2005); these were recovered from circular platforms. This example of a uniquely scripted tablet with raised Indus script glyphs shows that copper tablets were also used in Harappa, while hundreds of copper tablets with indus script inscriptions were found in Mohenjo-daro. See also:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-longest-inscription-of-indus.html The copper tablet with raised script contains a 'backbone' glyph; decoding: kaśēru ‘the backbone’ (Bengali. Skt.); kaśēruka id. (Skt.) Rebus: kasērāʻ metal worker ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 2988, 2989)mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Santali). 
‘Backbone, spine’ hieroglyph: baraḍo = spine; backbone; the back; baraḍo thābaḍavo = lit. to strike on the backbone or back; hence, to encourage; baraḍo bhāre thato = lit. to have a painful backbone, i.e. to do something which will call for a severe beating (Gujarati)bārṇe, bāraṇe = an offering of food to a demon; a meal after fasting, a breakfast (Tulu) barada, barda, birada = a vow (Gujarati)bharaḍo a devotee of S’iva; a man of the bharaḍā caste in the bra_hman.as (Gujarati) baraṛ = name of a caste of jat- around Bhaṭiṇḍa; bararaṇḍā melā = a special fair held in spring (Punjabi) bharāḍ = a religious service or entertainment performed by a bharāḍi_; consisting of singing the praises of some idol or god with playing on the d.aur (drum) and dancing; an order of aṭharā akhād.e = 18 gosāyi_ group; bharād. and bhāratī are two of the 18 orders of gosāyi_ (Marathi).
Sign 1  कर्णकm. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNaka 'helmsman' karNI 'supercargo', engraver meD 'body' rebus: rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) 
Sign 249 ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'
Sign 87 dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’
Sign 336 baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS Te. garĩṭe, gaṇṭe, geṇṭe spoonladle rebus:  To. köḍm (obl. köḍt-) live coal. Ka. keṇḍa id.; keṇḍavisu to put live coals on (for blasting rocks). Tu. keṇḍa, geṇḍa live coal. (DEDR 1950) 
Thus, furnace worker, metal casting, tin supercargo helmsman, metal worker are signified.
m1630bangle 
Sign 17 bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'
 Sign 342 karNI 'rim of jar' rebus: 'supercargo', 'engraver'
 'magnetite ingot'
m1631bangle
Sign 343 karNI kaNDa 'supercargo implements'
  dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' Sign 180 Hieroglyph: tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tanPa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < *tand (whence tandeni ʻ thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā°dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue, frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ; B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu°ta ʻ string of a lute ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord, twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < *tāṁtaḍaü, G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661) Rebus: M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam). 
Sign 342 PLUS notch: Sign 342. kaṇḍa kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali): karṇaka rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus: karṇaka ‘scribe, accountant’ (Te.); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) copper fire-altar scribe (account)(Skt.) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Thus, the 'rim of jar' ligatured glyph is read rebus: fire-altar (furnace) scribe (account) karNI 'supercargo' (Marathi) karNaka 'helmsman' PLUS  खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). 
m1632bangle
Sign 86 koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'
Sign 59 ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' fish fins khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'
Sign 87 dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’
m1633bangle
Sign 1  कर्णकm. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNaka 'helmsman' karNI 'supercargo meD 'body' rebus: rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) 
Sign 336 baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS Te. garĩṭe, gaṇṭe, geṇṭe spoonladle rebus:  To. köḍm (obl. köḍt-) live coal. Ka. keṇḍa id.; keṇḍavisu to put live coals on (for blasting rocks). Tu. keṇḍa, geṇḍa live coal. (DEDR 1950) 
Sign 86 koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS 'notch': खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). Thus, implements workshop, furnace work, helmsman of supercargo signified.
m1634bangle
 Read from r. to l.: The prefixSign403: Hieroglyph: bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa 'seafaring vessel'.
Hieroglyph: squirrel (phonetic determinant): खार (p. 205) [ khāra ] A squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी (p. 205) [ khārī ] (Usually खार) A squirrel. (Marathi) 
A homonymous hieroglyph or allograph: arms with bangles: karã̄ n.pl.ʻwristlets, banglesʼ.(Gujarati)(CDIAL 2779) 
khār खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b,l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta 'bellows of blacksmith'.
m1635bangle 
Sign 244 kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' kole.l 'smithy, forge' rebus: kole.l 'temple'
Sign 86 koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS 'notch': खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). Thus, implements workshop, furnace work, helmsman of supercargo signified.
m1636bangle (Identical to m1635 inscription)
Sign 244 kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' kole.l 'smithy, forge' rebus: kole.l 'temple'
Sign 86 koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS 'notch': खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). Thus, implements workshop, furnace work, helmsman of supercargo signified.
m1637bangle
Sign 99 sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign 87 dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’
m1638bangle
 'magnetite ingot'
Sign 301 The 'curve' hieroglyph is a splitting of the ellipse. kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. 
Rebus: कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 2984) PLUS खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). 
m1639bangle
Sign 86 koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS 'notch': खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali).
Sign 186 *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)
Sign 86 koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS 'notch': खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). Thus, implements workshop, furnace work, helmsman of supercargo signified.PLUS Sign 99 sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'

Mahadevan concordance Sign 130 variants. This hieroglyph may signify: tutta 'goad' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter-zinc alloy'


Allograph: tutta (goad) (Pali) tṓttra n. ʻ goad for cattle or elephants ʼ ŚBr. [√tud]
Pa. tutta -- n. (with u from tudáti?), Pk. totta -- , tutta<-> n.; Si. tutta ʻ elephant goad ʼ.(CDIAL 5966) It is possible that one of the 500+ 'signs' or hieroglyph-multiplexes of Indus Script Corpora signifies this etymon cluster: tutta 'goad' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter-zinc alloy'.  A crook maybe signified by: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.)

 Sign 59 ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' fish fins khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'
m1640bangle
 Sign 391 Ligatured hieroglyph multiplex. ara 'spoke' rebus: ara 'brass'. era, er-a = eraka =?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)[Note Sign 391 and its ligatures Signs 392 and 393 may connote a spoked-wheel,nave of the wheel through which the axle passes; cf. ara_, spoke]erka = ekke (Tbh.of arka) aka (Tbh. of arkacopper (metal);crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = anymetal infusion (Ka.Tu.); erako molten cast (Tu.lex.) Rebus: eraka= copper (Ka.)eruvai =copper (Ta.); ere - a dark-red colour (Ka.)(DEDR 817). eraka, era, er-a= syn. erka, copper, weapons (Ka.)Vikalpa: ara, arā (RV.) = spokeof wheel  ஆரம்² āram , n. < āra. 1. Spokeof a wheel.See ஆரக்கால்ஆரஞ்சூழ்ந்தவயில்வாய்
நேமியொடு (சிறுபாண்253). Rebus: ஆரம் brass; பித்தளை.(அகநி.) pittal is cognate with 'pewter'.
m1641bangle
Sign 169 kolom 'sprout, rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' Thus, ingot smithy Rebus: kol metal (Ta.) kol = pan~calōkam (five metals) (Tamil)  
kolmo ‘rice plant' (Mu.)   
kolom = cutting, graft; to graft, engraft, prune; kolmahoṛo = a variety of the paddy plant (Desi)(Santali.) 
kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace (Ka.); kolimi furnace (Te.); pit (Te.); kolame a very deep pit (Tu.); kulume kanda_ya a tax on blacksmiths (Ka.); kol, kolla a furnace (Ta.) kole.l smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.); kwala.l Kota smithy (To.); konimi blacksmith; kola id. (Ka.); kolleblacksmith (Kod.); kollusa_na_ to mend implements; kolsta_na, kulsa_na_ to forge;ko_lsta_na_ to repair (of plough-shares); kolmi smithy (Go.); kolhali to forge (Go.)(DEDR 2133).] kolimi-titti = bellows used for a furnace (Te.lex.) kollu- to neutralize metallic properties by oxidation (Ta.lex.) kol brass or iron bar nailed across a door or gate; kollu-t-tat.i-y-a_n.i large nail for studding doors or gates to add to their strength (Ta.lex.) kollan--kamma_lai < + karmas'a_la_, kollan--pat.t.arai, kollan-ulai-k-ku_t.am blacksmith's workshop, smithy (Ta.lex.) cf. ulai smith's forge or furnace (Na_lat.i, 298); ulai-k-kal.am smith's forge; ulai-k-kur-at.u smith's tongs; ulai-t-turutti smith's bellows; ulai-y-a_n.i-k-ko_l smith's poker, beak-iron (Ta.lex.) [kollulaive_r-kan.alla_r: nait.ata. na_t.t.up.); mitiyulaikkollan- mur-iot.ir.r.an-n-a: perumpa_)(Ta.lex.) Temple; smithy: kol-l-ulai blacksmith's forge (kollulaik ku_t.attin-a_l : Kumara. Pira. Ni_tiner-i. 14)(Ta.lex.) cf. kolhua_r sugarcane milkl and boiling house (Bi.); kolha_r oil factory (P.)(CDIAL 3537). kulhu ‘a hindu caste, mostly oilmen’ (Santali) kolsa_r = sugarcane mill and boiling house (Bi.)(CDIAL 3538). Alternative reinforcing semantics:  
 pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali) Rebus: pasra 'smithy' 
m1643bangle
 'magnetite ingot'
 Sign 99 sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign403: Hieroglyph: bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa 'seafaring vessel
m1641bangle
Kur. goṭā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goṭa a seed or berry(DEDR 069) N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ (CDIAL 4271) <gOTa>(P)  {ADJ} ``^whole''.  {SX} ``^numeral ^intensive suffix''.  *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho<goTA>,B.<goTa> `undivided'; Kh.<goThaG>(P), Sa.<goTAG>,~<gOTe'j>, Mu.<goTo>; Sad.<goT>, O., Bh.<goTa>; cf.Ju.<goTo> `piece', O.<goTa> `one'. %11811.  #11721. <goTa>(BD)  {NI} ``the ^whole''.  *@. #10971. (Munda etyma) Rebus: gota (laterite) 
Rebus: <gota>  {N} ``^stone''.  @3014. #10171. Note: The stone may be gota, laterite mineral ore stone. khoṭ m. ʻbase, alloyʼ (Punjabi) Rebus: koṭe ‘forging (metal)(Mu.) Rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver' (G.) goṭi = silver (G.) koḍ ‘workshop’ (Gujarati).
m1646bangle 
Sign 261 kana, kanac = corner (Santali); Rebus: kañcu = bronze (Telugu).
m1647bangle
Sign 87 dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’
 Sign 342 karNI 'rim of jar' rebus: 'supercargo', 'engraver'
m1659bangle
Sign 336 baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS Te. garĩṭe, gaṇṭe, geṇṭe spoonladle rebus:  To. köḍm (obl. köḍt-) live coal. Ka. keṇḍa id.; keṇḍavisu to put live coals on (for blasting rocks). Tu. keṇḍa, geṇḍa live coal. (DEDR 1950) 
Sign 17 bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'

 








Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/j7f7f5p 21 stoneware badges with inscriptions signify 21 metalwork responsibilities, each ring signifies vāḍhī, bari, barea 'seafaring metalware merchant' kāraṇī 'helmsman, scribe, supercargo' (Kernunnos) بار برداري bār-bārdārī, s.f. (3rd) Means of conveyance, carriage, beasts of burden. Pl. ئِي aʿīبارداره ښڅه bārdāraʿh ḵ́ẖaḏẕaʿh, s.f. (3rd) A pregnant woman. Pl. يْ eyباري bārī, A beast of burden, carriage, fit for a load. هندو بار hindū bār, A place where Hindūs assemble, Hindūstān.rāh barī, s.f. (3rd) Guiding, conducting, guidance. Pl. ئِي aʿīراه بري کول rāh barī kawul, verb trans. To guide, to conduct, to lead. راه دار rāh-dār, s.m. (5th) A collector of transit duties. Pl. راه داران rāh-dārānراه داري rāh-dārī, s.f. (3rd) Collection of transit duties on roads. Pl.(Pashto) 22 Ceramic stoneware rings (bangles) with Indus Script inscriptions found in Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Balakot have been discussed. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/04/dharma-samjna-corporate-badges-of-indus.html The deciphered sharply defined inscriptions on each of the 22 ceramic (stoneware) bangles indicate 22 sharply assigned responsibilities within the guild for metalwork, for e.g. 22 functional allocations of responsibilitie of artisans delineated in a Vedic village:

  1. iron smelting, furnace work (m1659)

  2. metal casting, engraving, documenting supercargo (m1647)

  3. bronze (casting)(m1646)

  4. gota (laterite) (m1641)

  5. Seafaring merchant, magnetite ingot workshop (m1643)

  6. Smithy, forge (m1641)

  7. Moltencast copper, brass (m1640)

  8. Alloy metal mint, weapons, implements workshop, guild master workshop (m1639)

  9. Bronze ingots, implements, magnetite ingots (m1638)

  10. Metalcasting workshop (cire perdue?)(m1637)

  11. Metal implements, weapons, smithy, forge (m1636)

  12. Blacksmith, seafaring merchant (m1634)

  13. Helman for supercargo boat, iron furnace work, metals workshop (m1633)

  14. Metal casting, alloy mixing workshop (m1632)

  15. dhā̆va 'smelter', supercargo of implements (m1631)

  16. Magnetite ingots, furnace work, supercargo engraver (m1630)

  17. Iron furnace work, metal casting of tin, helmsman supercargo of metals, bharat ‘mixed alloys’  metalworker (m1629)

  18. Minerals workshop guild (h2576)

  19. Magnetite ingots, smelter (h1010)

  20. dhā̆va 'smelter' tri-dhAtu, '‘three minerals (H98-3516/8667-01)

  21. Seafaring merchant, supercargo engraver(Blkt-6)


The ring is: Sign403: Hieroglyph: bārī , 'small ear-ring': H. bālā m. ʻbraceletʼ (→ S. ḇālo m. ʻbracelet worn by Hindusʼ), bālībārī f. ʻsmall ear -- ringʼ, OMārw. bālī f.; G. vāḷɔ m. ʻ wire ʼ, pl. ʻ ear ornament made of gold wire ʼ; M. vāḷā m. ʻ ring ʼ, vāḷī f. ʻ nose -- ring ʼ.(CDIAL 11573) Rebus: bārī 'merchant' vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchantbārakaśa

 'seafaring vessel'. Thus, bārī is a seafaring merchant.




An exquisite ceramic toneware badge discovered in Harappa (HARP team) may be worn as a fillet on the forehead and on right shoulder as shown on the 'priest-king' statue of Mohenjo-daro. Such stoneware rings are badges signified on the statue of Kernunnos on Pillar of Boatmen.


Kernunnos is named in an inscription on the 1st cent. CE Pillar of the Boatmen (French Pilier des nautes) with bas-relief depictions.The cognate word is: कारणी or कारणीक (p. 159) [ kāraṇī or kāraṇīka ] the supercargo of a ship &c. कर्णधार (p. 140) [ karṇadhāra ] m S (A holder of the ear.) A helmsman or steersman.


बारकश or बारकस (p. 575) [ bārakaśa or bārakasa ] n ( P) A trading vessel, a merchantman.(Marathi) 




The torcs hanging from the horns are such stoneware rings or badges. The horns are twigs: kūdī 'bunch of twigs' (Sanskrit) Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali) कूदी [p= 300,1] f. a bunch of twigs , bunch (v.l. कूट्/ईAV. v , 19 , 12 Kaus3.ccord. to Kaus3. Sch. = बदरी, "Christ's thorn".(Monier-Williams). Rebus: kuṭhi 


'smelter furnace' (Santali) Thus, Kernunnos is described by the hieroglyph-multiplexes to be 1. a smelter; and 2. a seafaring merchant.


A torc held in the right hand of Kernunnos on Gundestrup cauldron may also signify a seafaring merchant. The hood of snake held on the left hand signifies: kulA 'hood of snake' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith'.





 








Randall Law and Shamoon excavating a red stoneware bangle in Period 3C levels just below the surface in Trench 43.https://www.harappa.com/indus4/76.html


 


Red stoneware bangle (H2000-4490/9843-01) with no inscription. The lack of inscription may indicate that this may have been a place where the bangles were stored prior to inscribing them for distribution.



 An "eye bead" made of gold with steatite inlay, Harappa. Fired steatite beads appear to have been extremely important to the Indus people because they were incorporated into exquisite ornaments, such as this "eye bead" made of gold with steatite inlay found in 1995 at Harappa [Harappa Phase]. https://www.harappa.com/slide/gold-disc The central ornament worn on the forehead of the famous "priest-king" sculpture from Mohenjo-daro appears to represent an eye bead, possibly made of gold with steatite inlay in the center. https://www.harappa.com/slide/priest-king-forehead 

 Cancho Roano is an archaeological site located in the municipality of Zalamea de la Serena, in the province of BadajozSpain550 BCE,. A ring PLUS staff was discovered. A view of Amparo Hernando Grande is that such rings of concentric circles found in some sites, signified warrior shields:  Examples of typical warrior shield engraved in the Southwestern Stelae from the Iberian Peninsula, of which there are presented.https://repositorio.uam.es/handle/10486/616



Inana's descent to the nether world line 25. The Sumerian has: gi-diš-nindan 2-gana2 za-gin3 šu ba-ni-in-du8 i.e. taken literally the rod would have the length of one nindan (6 cubit = 5.94m) and the eš2-gana2 the surveyor's line - would be ten nindan in length.




Marduk’s fourth tabletnotes: ‘They rejoiced and they did homage (unto him, saying), ‘Marduk is king’. Next line, line 29 says: ‘They bestowed upon him the scepter, and the throne, and the ring.’ Mr King’s translation in Seven Tablets of Creation, is that ‘the translation of patu as ‘ring’ is provisional; the patu was certainly a symbol of power’.(loc.cit. http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/473623 Arthur E Whatham , 1905, The Meaning of the Ring and Rod in Babylonian-Assyrian Sculpture, in: The Journal of Religion. Vol. 26, No. 2, Aug., 1905, pp. 120–123). See: http://www.etana.org/sites/default/files/coretexts/14907.pdf LW King, ed., 1902, The Seven tablets of creation, Or the Babylonian and Assyrian legends concerning the creation of the world and of mankind, Vol. 1),


Side view of reliefSide view showing the depth of the Burney relief. The relief is a terracotta (fired clayplaque, 50 by 37 centimetres (20 in × 15 in) large, 2 to 3 centimetres (0.79 to 1.18 in) thick, with the head of the figure projecting 4.5 centimetres (1.8 in) from the surface. 


Approximate red ochre colour scheme of the painted relief. Her necklace is composed of squares (like coins of Nishka). She wears bracelets with three rings. She has flight feathers. Lines on ankles and toes depict scules, with talons on visible toes. She stands atop two lions and flanked by two owls. The sculptural frieze is a hieroglyp-multiplex.




The goddess of the Burney relief presenting rod-and-ring symbol in each hand. British Museum. Loan 1238 / Registration:2003,0718


"The Burney Relief (also known as the Queen of the Night relief) is aMesopotamian terracotta plaque in high relief of the Isin-Larsa- or Old-Babylonian period, depicting a winged, nude, goddess-like figure with bird's talons, flanked by owls, and perched upon two lions. The relief is displayed in the British Museum in London, which has dated it between 1800 and 1750 BCE. It originates from southern Iraq, but the exact find-site is unknown. Apart from its distinctive iconography, the piece is noted for its high relief and relatively large size, which suggest that it was used as a cultrelief, making it a very rare survival from the period. However, whether it represents LilituInanna/Ishtar, or Ereshkigal, is under debate."https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burney_Relief




Top part of the Code of Hammurabi, c. 1760 BCE.Hammurabi before the sun-god Shamash. Note the four-tiered, horned headdress, the rod-and-ring symbol and the mountain-range pattern beneath Shamash' feet. Black basalt. Louvre, Sb 8. Rod and ring are apparently insignia of authority or royalty..




Ishtar. Moulded plaque, Eshnunna, early 2nd. millennium. Louvre, AO 12456 holds a rod and ring mounted staff on her left hand. A reclining lion is at her feet.


The "Ishtar Vase", early 2nd millennium BCE, Larsa. Note how the schematic depiction of the goddess' feet corresponds to the feet of the birds walking above her. Louvre, AO 1700.Fish and turtle flank Ishtar with a parade of birds above. 




Vase décoré de déesses nues dit "vase d'Ishtar" Début du IIe millénaire vant J.-C. LarsaTerre cuite, décor incisé, moulé, peint. Fouilles Parrot, 1933, Department des Antiquites orientales.


The rod and ring symbol "may depict the measuring tools of a builder or architect or a token representation of these tools. It is frequently depicted on cylinder seals and steles, where it is always held by a god – usually either ShamashIshtar, and in later Babylonian images also Marduk– and often extended to a king." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burney_Relief (Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, an Illustrated Dictionary. (illustrations by Tessa Rickards). Austin: University of Texas Press.) 




Relief image on the Tablet of Shamash, British Library room 55. Found in Sippar (Tell Abu Habbah), in Ancient Babylonia ; it dates from the 9th century BCE and shows the sun god Shamash on the throne, in front of the Babylonian king Nabu-apla-iddina (888-855 BCE) between two interceding deities. The text tells how the king made a new cultic statue for the god and gave privileges to his temple. Image credit: Prioryman – Wikipedia http://www.messagetoeagle.com/shamash-mesopotamian-god-of-sun-truth-justice-and-healing/#ixzz47NiejlbE




Shamash holds the insignia of rod and ring in front of arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'gold, copper'.




Stick or staff ma signify kōla (Old Marathi) rebus:  kola- boat, raft (Prakritam): Ta. kōl stick, staff, branch, arrow. Ma. kōl staff, rod, stick, arrow. Ko. ko·l stick, story of funeral car. To. kw&idieresisside;s̱ stick. Ka. kōl, kōlustick, staff, arrow. Koḍ. ko·lï stick. Tu. kōlů, kōlu stick, staff. Te. kōlaid., arrow; long, oblong; kōlana elongatedness, elongation; kōlani elongated. Kol. (SR.) kolā, (Kin.) kōla stick. Nk. (Ch.) kōl pestle. Pa. kōl shaft of arrow. Go. (A.) kōla id.; kōlā (Tr.) a thin twig or stick, esp. for kindling a fire, (W. Ph.) stick, rod, a blade of grass, straw; (G. Mu. Ma. Ko.) kōla handle of plough, sickle, knife, etc. (Voc. 988); (ASu.) kōlā stick, arrow, slate-pencil; (LuS.) kola the handle of an implement. Konḍa kōl big wooden pestle.Pe. kōl pestle. Manḍ. kūl id. Kui kōḍu (pl. kōṭka) id. Kuwi (F.) kōlū (pl. kōlka), (S. Su.) kōlu (pl. kōlka) id. Cf. 2240 Ta. kōlam (Tu. Te. Go.). / Cf. OMar. (Master) kōla stick.(DEDR 2237) Rebus 1 : Ta. kōl, kōlam 2238 Ta. kōl, kōlam raft, float. Ma. kōlam raft. Ka. kōl raft, float. Te. (B.) kōlamu id. / Cf. Skt., BHS kola- boat, raft, Pali kulla- id. (CDIAL 2238) Rebus 2: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith'.








Thus, together, the rod and ring signify raft, smelter and merchant.

Section 3. Decipherment of inscriptions on seven seals and five tablets of Mohenjo-daro temple (kole.l 'smithy, forge' rebus: kole.l 'temple')

One house in Mohenjo-daro, said to be a temple, revealed 12 objects with Indus Script Inscriptions.
Related image
Michael Jansen’s analysis of house 1 in the HR-A area of Mohenjo-daro.. After Jansen 1986:200:91, fig. 125; a) isometry; (b) distribution of the seal finds, Courtesy: Michael Jansen.

Twelve Indus Script imetalwork catalogues from one Mohenjo-daro house -- kole.l 'smithy/forge' guild artisans of kole.l 'temple' http://tinyurl.com/glaltdl


Distribution of seals/tablets within House AI, Block 1, HR at Mohenjodaro (After Jansen, M., 1987, Mohenjo-daro -- a city on the Indus, in Forgotten Cities on the Indus (M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban Eds.), Mainz, Philip Von Zabern, p. 160). Jansen speculated that the house could have been a temple. 

All seven seals out of the 12 inscriptions depicted the same animal 'one-horned young bull in front of a standard device'


Hieroglyphsãgaḍ, 'lathe' (Meluhha) Rebus 1: sãgaṛh , 'fortification' (Meluhha). Rebus 2:sanghAta 'adamantine glue'. Rebus 3: 

sangāṭh संगाठ् 'assembly, collection'. Rebus 4: sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.


Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. 

Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)  खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving. 


The inscriptions on the seven seals and five tablets are:
khaNDa 'arrow' rebus:khaNDa 'implements'
muka 'ladle' rebus:muhA 'quantity of smelted metal produced from a furnace' PLUS baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS aDaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'unsmelte metal' muh 'ingot' PLUS kolom 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' muh 'ingot' PLUS baTa 'quail' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. Thus, the inscription on the seal signifies: workshop smithy/forge with furnace working to produce metal castings, ingots, implements, iron, unsmelted ore.


karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl 'curve' kuṭila 'bent' CDIAL 3230 Rebus: kuTila 'bronze' (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin).. Thus, a bronze worker handing over produce to the Supercargo as shipment.
karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' Bshk. sum -- tac̣h ʻ hoe ʼ (< ʻ *earth -- scratcher ʼ),tec̣h ʻ adze ʼ (< *takṣī -- ?); Sh. tac̣i f. ʻ adze ʼ; -- Phal. tērc̣hi ʻ adze ʼ (with "intrusive" r).Rebus: takṣa in cmpd. ʻ cutting ʼ, m. ʻ carpenter ʼ VarBr̥S., vṛkṣa -- takṣaka -- m. ʻ tree -- feller ʼ R. [√takṣ]Pa. tacchaka -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, taccha -- sūkara -- m. ʻ boar ʼ; Pk. takkha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ carpenter, artisanʼ (CDIAL 5618) PLUS khaNDa 'arrow' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus, a carpenter artisan implements.
kolom 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, banglesRebus: khAr 'blacksmith, iron worker' ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri). Thus, the inscription signifies: blacksmith guild-master working in iron in smithy/forge, metal castings handed over to Supercargo for shipment. 

 dATu 'cross' rebus: dhAtu 'element, mineral' karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint' khANDa 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus, minerals, metal, alloys handed over to Supercargo for shipment.

karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' muh 'ingot' PLUS kolom 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' baTa 'quail' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' Thus workshop smithy/forge (working with) furnace ingots, tin handed over to Supercargo for shipment.
kuTi 'water carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' PLUS karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' kANDA 'notch' kaNDa 'arrow' rebus: kaNDa 'implements' kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' baTa 'rimless pot' PLUS muka 'ladle' rebus: muhA 'quantity of metal produced from furnace, ingot'. Thus, Supercargo of smelter workshop produce, metal implements furnaced metal for smithy, forge/
 karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' kole.l 'temple' rebus:kole.l 'smithy, forge' kaNDa 'backbone' rebus:khaNDa 'implements' sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' muh 'ingot' Thus, Supercargo from smithy, forge, implements, ingots workshop of smithy/forge.
bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' karNika 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' Thus, furnace  (produce) worker.and a Supercargo, merchant's representative responsible for the cargo.
kuTi 'water carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' PLUS karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' muh 'ingot' PLUS kolom 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' tec̣h ʻadze' rebus: takSa 'carpenter' sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'. Thus, Supercargo-carpente of smelter workshop, smithy, forge, bronze.
karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'  karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, banglesRebus: khAr 'blacksmith, iron worker' kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy/forge' baTa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS khANDA 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'implements' dhaTo 'claws of crab' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' Thus,Supercargo of metal castings, blacksmith, smithy/forge furnace implements.
karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account' muh 'ingot' PLUS khANDA 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus, Supercargo of metal ingots, implements.

Thus, it is seen that all the 12 inscriptions are metalwork catalogues of artisans of the guild preparing products (ingots, implements) for shipment to be handed to Supercargo responsible for the cargo.

The building HR1 was thus a smithy, forge. kole.l signified 'smithy/forge'. The same word kole.l also signified 'temple'. Thus, all the artisans at work documenting 12 inscriptions were members of the smithy/forge guild which was the temple.

Section 4. Decipherment of Meluhha seal inscriptions in Ancient Near East
"The adaptation of Harappan motifs and script to the Dilmun seal form may be a further indication of the acculturative phenomenon, one indicated in Mesopotamia by the adaptation of Harappan traits to the cylinder seal." (Robert H. Brunswig, Jr. et al, 1983, New Indus Type and Related Seals from the Near East, 101-115 in: Daniel T. Potts (ed.), Dilmun: New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain, Berlin, Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1983; each seal is referenced by a four-digit number which is registered in the Finnish concordance.)

http://tinyurl.com/q9z5mje

Rove goat Kid, 1 month old, standing
 Rove goat kid, one month old. A two-month-old goat kid in a field of capeweed.

A kid as a hieroglyph is repeated on tens of seals of Dilmun and Persian Gulf. What does the kid as a hieroglyph signify? 

It signifies a hard metal alloy.

This note provides examples of Indus Script inscriptions which are technical product descriptions of a smithy/forge. 

Note: As demonstrated by hundreds of cuneiform clay tablets of Kanesh, Kultepe of Ancient Near East, Indus Script hieroglyhphs (as production speciications) are complemented by inscriptions in cuneiform Akkadian to provide additional bill of lading information such as contracting trade partners and contract conditions.

Clearly, the hieroglyphs of Indus Script are created by very literate artisans who were experimenting during the Bronze Age with invention of new metal alloys and with techniques of metalcastings using techniques such as cire perdue (lost-wax). It will be a non-falsifiable hypothesis, a faith-based statement to aver that the hieroglyphs are created by illiterate people and that Indus Script is not a writing system. A writing system which could convey production specifications of products using about 500 hieroglyphs as texts, construction of hieroglyph-multiplexes and over 100 hieroglyphs as pictorial hieroglyphs are outstanding evidence of a cipher for rebus-metonymy-layered Prakritam glosses for communications among Meluhha trading community with trading colonies or caravanserai or as seafaring merchants. The metalwork catalogues which emerge are veritable catalogus catalogorum of the Bronze Age competence of Meluhha (Prakritam-speaking) artisans. The Prakritam glosses yield tadbhava and tatsama in a Samskritam lexicon and lexicons of almost all ancient Indian languages which constituted a linguistic area, an Indian sprachbund of the Bronze Age.
117 antelope; sun motif. Dholavira seal impression. arka 'sun' Rebus: araka, eraka 'copper, moltencast' PLUS करडूं karaḍū 'kid' Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'. Thus, together, the rebus message: hard alloy of copper.

On arka in compound expressions: அருக்கம்¹ arukkamn. < arka. (நாநார்த்த.) 1. Copper; செம்பு (Tamil) అగసాలి (p. 0023) [ agasāli ] or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు.(Telugu) Kannada (Kittel lexicon):
Bet Dwaraka seal. करडूं karaḍū 'kid' Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'. barad 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' khond 'young bull' koD 'horn' Rebus: khond 'turner' koD 'workshop'. Thus workshop of hard alloys of copper, pewter, tin.

 40 Three-headed animal, plant; sun motifDholavira. Seal. Readings as above. PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the message of the hieroglyph-multiplex is: smithy/forge for moltencast coper and hard alloys of copper, pewter, tin.

Hieroglyph: करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or karaḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं) A kid. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi. Molesworth). 
 Glyph: svastika; rebus: jasta ‘zinc’ (Kashmiri). Svastika: sathiyā (H.), sāthiyo (G.); satthia, sotthia (Pkt.) Rebus: svastika pewter (Kannada)
 Circular seal, of steatite, from Bahrein, found at Lothal.A Stamp seal and its impression from the Harappan site of Lothal north of Bombay, of the type also found in the contemporary cultures of southern Iraq and the Persian Gulf Area. http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/archaeology-in-india/

ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' 

m417 Glyph: ‘ladder’: H. sainī, senī f. ʻ ladder ʼ Rebus: Pa. sēṇi -- f. ʻ guild, division of army ʼ; Pk. sēṇi -- f. ʻ row, collection ʼ; śrḗṇi (metr. often śrayaṇi -- ) f. ʻ line, row, troop ʼ RV. The lexeme in Tamil means: Limit, boundary; எல்லை. நளியிரு முந்நீரேணி யாக (புறநா. 35, 1). Country, territory.

The glyphics are:
Semantics: ‘group of animals/quadrupeds’: paśu ‘animal’ (RV), pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)

Glyph: ‘six’: bhaṭa ‘six’. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’.
Glyph (the only inscription on the Mohenjo-daro seal m417): ‘warrior’: bhaṭa. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. Thus, this glyph is a semantic determinant of the message: ‘furnace’. It appears that the six heads of ‘animal’ glyphs are related to ‘furnace’ work.
This guild, community of smiths and masons evolves into Harosheth Hagoyim, ‘a smithy of nations’.
It appears that the Meluhhans were in contact with many interaction areas, Dilmun and Susa (elam) in particular. There is evidence for Meluhhan settlements outside of Meluhha. It is a reasonable inference that the Meluhhans with bronze-age expertise of creating arsenical and bronze alloys and working with other metals constituted the ‘smithy of nations’, Harosheth Hagoyim.

Dilmun seal from Barbar; six heads of  antelope radiating from a circle; similar to animal protomes in Failaka, Anatolia and Indus. Obverse of the seal shows four dotted circles. [Poul Kjaerum, The Dilmun Seals as evidence of long distance relations in the early second millennium BC, pp. 269-277.] A tree is shown on this Dilmun seal.

Glyph: ‘tree’: kuṭi ‘tree’. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali).

baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'

Izzat Allah Nigahban, 1991, Excavations at Haft Tepe, Iran, The University Museum, UPenn, p. 97. furnace’ Fig.96a.

There is a possibility that this seal impression from Haft Tepe had some connections with Indian hieroglyphs. This requires further investigation. “From Haft Tepe (Middle Elamite period, ca. 13th century) in Ḵūzestān an unusual pyrotechnological installation was associated with a craft workroom containing such materials as mosaics of colored stones framed in bronze, a dismembered elephant skeleton used in manufacture of bone tools, and several hundred bronze arrowpoints and small tools. “Situated in a courtyard directly in front of this workroom is a most unusual kiln. This kiln is very large, about 8 m long and 2 and one half m wide, and contains two long compart­ments with chimneys at each end, separated by a fuel chamber in the middle. Although the roof of the kiln had collapsed, it is evident from the slight inturning of the walls which remain in situ that it was barrel vaulted like the roofs of the tombs. Each of the two long heating chambers is divided into eight sections by partition walls. The southern heating chamber contained metallic slag, and was apparently used for making bronze objects. The northern heating chamber contained pieces of broken pottery and other material, and thus was apparently used for baking clay objects including tablets . . .” (loc.cit. Bronze in pre-Islamic Iran, Encyclopaedia Iranica, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bronze-i Negahban, 1977; and forthcoming).

Many of the bronze-age manufactured or industrial goods were surplus to the needs of the producing community and had to be traded, together with a record of types of goods and types of processes such as native metal or minerals, smelting of minerals, alloying of metals using two or more minerals, casting ingots, forging and turning metal into shapes such as plates or vessels, using anvils, cire perdue technique for creating bronze statues – in addition to the production of artifacts such as bangles and ornaments made of śankha or shell (turbinella pyrum), semi-precious stones, gold or silver beads. Thus writing was invented to maintain production-cum-trade accounts, to cope with the economic imperative of bronze age technological advances to take the artisans of guilds into the stage of an industrial production-cum-trading community.

Tablets and seals inscribed with hieroglyphs, together with the process of creating seal impressions took inventory lists to the next stage of trading property items using bills of lading of trade loads of industrial goods. Such bills of lading describing trade loads were created using tablets and seals with the invention of writing based on phonetics and semantics of language – the hallmark of Indian hieroglyphs.

9351; Nippur; ca. 13th cent. BC; white stone; zebu bull and two pictograms. poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'. goTa 'round object' Rebus: khoTa 'ingot'; bartI 'partridge/quail' (Khotanese); bharati id. (Samskritam) Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'. kuTi 'water-carrier' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. Thus, the message is: kuThi poLa khoTa bharata smelter for magnetite, alloy ingot (copper, pewter, tin alloy).

9851; Louvre Museum; Luristan; unglazed, gray steatite; short-horned bull and 4 pictograms. barad 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'; PLUS meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron' thus, the pair of 'bodies' signify: iron cast metal. 

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS goTa 'seed' Rebus: khoTa 'ingot'. Thus, cast metal ingot. (Next two hieroglyhphs not legible).
9908. Iraq museum; glazed steatite; perhaps from an Iraqi site; the one-horned bull, the standard are below a six-sign inscription. kõdā 'young bull calf' Rebus: kõdā 'turner-joiner' (forge) sã̄gāḍ  lathe, portable furnace Rebus: stone-cutter sangatarāśū ). sanghāḍo (Gujarati) cutting stonegilding (Gujarati); sangsāru kara= to stone (Sindhi) sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati) sangaDa 'cargo boat' sanghAta 'collection of articles'; samghAta 'adamantine glue' (Varahamihira)
aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron, metal' PLUS kANDa 'notch' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements'; ayas 'fish' aduru' native metal' (unsmelted) eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'copper, moltencast' arA 'spokes' Rebus: Ara 'brass'.
Foroughi collection; Luristan; medium gray steatite; bull, crescent, star and net square; of the Dilmun seal type. barad 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'; khaNDa 'square divisions' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements'; meDha 'polar star' Rebus: meD 'iron'
3255; Louvre Museum; Luristan; light yellow stone; seal impression; one side shows four eagles; the eagles hold snakes in their beaks; at the center is a human figure with outstretched limbs; obverse of the seal shows an animal, perhaps a hyena or boar striding across the field, with a smaller animal of the same type depicted above it; comparable to the seal found in Harappa, Vats 1940, II: Pl. XCI.255.
garuDa 'eagle' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' arye 'lion' Rebus: Ara 'brass'.
9701; Failaka; unglazed steatite; an arc of four pictograms above the hindquarter of a bull. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron'; sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop' goTa 'seed' Rebus: khoT 'ingot' kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'forge, smithy'. kamaDa 'bow' Rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner'.

9702; seal, impression, inscription; Failaka; brownish-grey unglazed steatite; Indus pictograms above a short-horned bull. aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron, metal' kanca 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'
9602; seal, impression; Qala'at al-Bahrain; green steatite; short-horned bull and five pictograms. Found in association with an Isin-Larsa type tablet bearing three Amorite names. barad 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'.
Qala'at al-Bahrain; ca. 2050-1900 BC; tablet, found in the same level where 8 Dilmun seals and six Harappan type weights were found. Three Amorite names are: Janbi-naim; Ila-milkum; Jis.i-tambu (son of Janbi-naim)
Two seals from Gonur 1 in the Murghab delta; dark brown stone (Sarianidi 1981 b: 232-233, Fig. 7, 8); eagle engraced on one face. garuDa 'eagle' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' nAga 'serpent' Rebus: nAga 'lead'

9601; Qala'at al-Bahrain; light-grey steatite; hindquarters of a bull and two pictograms. barad 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'
Seal impression; Dept. of Antiquities, Bahrain; three Harapan-style bulls. barad 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.

Hieroglyph: meṇḍā ʻlump, clotʼ (Oriya) 

On mED 'copper' in Eurasian languages:

Wilhelm von Hevesy wrote about the Finno-Ugric-Munda kinship, like "Munda-Magyar-Maori, an Indian link between the antipodes new tracks of Hungarian origins" and "Finnisch-Ugrisches aus Indien". (DRIEM, George van: Languages of the Himalayas: an ethnolinguistic handbook. 1997. p.161-162.) Sumerian-Ural-Altaic language affinities have been noted. Given the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer, some Meluhha glosses might have been adapted in these languages. One etyma cluster refers to 'iron' exemplified by meD (Ho.). The alternative suggestion for the origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
  ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
KW <i>mENhEd</i>
@(V168,M080)
— Slavic glosses for 'copper'
Мед [Med]Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz']Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
KòperKashubian
Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med']Russian
Meď Slovak
BakerSlovenian
Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  
One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’. 

"The adaptation of Harappan motifs and script to the Dilmun seal form may be a further indication of the acculturative phenomenon, one indicated in Mesopotamia by the adaptation of Harappan traits to the cylinder seal." (Brunswig et al, 1983, p. 110).

Image 2 below: Right: A single Seal from Falaika Bears an Inscription in the Unread Indus Script. Left: From one of the Falaika Seals. A Man Holds a Monkey at Arm's Length; Monkeys were Imported as Pets from Meluha. (Bibby, pp. 253, 211). 
Failaka seal; unglazed steatite; an arc of four pictograms above the hindquarter of a bull. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron'; sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop' goTa 'seed' Rebus: khoT 'ingot' kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'forge, smithy'. kamaDa 'bow' Rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner'.
Resources:
Thousands of seals have been found with over 400 recurring signs; discovery of the oldest signboard in the world of Dholavira; seafaring Meluhha merchants in Persian Gulf  (At 30:23, 31:11; 31:50 to 36:10; 43:20 of the Archaeodoku youtube video documentary).


Section 5. Umm al-Nar 'the mother of fire', United Arab Emirates Indus Script incription on a tomb 

Umm al-Nar (Arabicأُمّ الـنَّـار‎, translit. Umm an-Nārlit. 'Mother of the Fire') is the name given to a Bronze age culture that existed around 2600-2000 BCE in the area of modern-day United Arab Emirates and Northern Oman. The etymology derives from the island of the same name which lies adjacent to Abu Dhabi and which provided early evidence and finds attributed to the period.

Image result for umm al-nar two antelopesUmm an-Nar tomb at Hili near Al Ain in Abu Dhabi  The tomb is marked with Indus Script hieroglyphs: two antelopes, two bodies (of men). dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS med 'body', miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages). मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'metal' meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Pkt.) meṛha, meḍhi  ‘merchant’s clerk (Gujarati) medha 'yajna' medhā 'dhanam'.

Umm al-Nar cup decorated with dotted circles.

Cuneiform texts attest to the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer. [The Meluḫḫa Village: Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late ThirdMillennium Mesopotamia?Author(s): Simo Parpola, Asko Parpola, Robert H. Brunswig, Jr.Source:Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 20, No. 2 (May, 1977),pp. 129-165].
[quote] MAGAN and MELUHHA Geographical terms for regions in the distant south and southeast of Mesopotamia. Both names first appear in royal inscriptions of the Akkad period; “ships from Magan and Meluhha” were said to have brought goods to the quays of Akkad and other cities. It has been proposed that Magan referred to the coast of Oman along the Persian Gulf, rich in copper and dates, and Meluhha in the Indus valley. In Neo-Assyrian texts of the first millennium B.C., Magan and Meluhha probably designated the African coast of the Red Sea (Upper Egypt and Sudan). --Historical Dictionary of Mesopotamia[unquote]
The major contribution made by Meluhhans in Sumer was tin as an alloying mineral to create tin-bronzes (to complement naturally-occurring copper + arsenic ores for arsenic bronzes).
Meluhhan artisans in Sumer used Indus writing to create metal-ware catalogs. This is exemplified by the 'water-buffalo' glyph used on some cylinder seals. rango 'water buffalo' Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).  Hieroglyhph: buffalo: Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).(CDIAL 10538, 10559) Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1] Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g) ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567)

Section 6. The Meluhha village of Mesopotamia, 3rd m.BCE -- Simo Parpola et al, 1977

Meluhha acculturation in Ancient Near East

Many scholars have noted the contacts between the Mesopotamian and Sarasvati-Sindhu (Indus, Hindu) Civilizations, in terms of cultural history, chronology, artefacts (beads, jewellery), pottery and seals found from archaeological sites in the two areas.

"...the four examples of round seals found in Mohenjodaro show well-supported sequences, whereas the three from Mesopotamia show sequences of signs not paralleled elsewhere in the Indus Script. But the ordinary square seals found in Mesopotamia show the normal Mohenjodaro sequences. In other words, the square seals are in the Indian language, and were probably imported in the course of trade; while the circular seals, although in the Indus script, are in a different language, and were probably manufactured in Mesopotamia for a Sumerian- or Semitic-speaking person of Indian descent..." [G.R. Hunter,1932.   Mohenjodaro--Indus Epigraphy, JRAS: 466-503]

The acculturation of Meluhhans (probably, Indus people) residing in Mesopotamia in the late third and early second millennium BC, is noted by their adoption of Sumerian names (Parpola, Parpola and Brunswig 1977: 155-159). 
The Meluḫḫa Village: Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late Third Millennium Mesopotamia?
Simo Parpola, Asko Parpola and Robert H. Brunswig, Jr.
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
Vol. 20, No. 2 (May, 1977), pp. 129-165 (39 pages)
Published by: Brill

DOI: 10.2307/3631775
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3631775





































 Bibliography


Robert H. Brunswig, Jr. et al, New Indus Type and Related Seals from the Near East, 101-115 in: Daniel T. Potts (ed.), Dilmun: New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain, Berlin, Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1983; each seal is referenced by a four-digit number which is registered in the Finnish concordance.]

Asthana, S.P. 1976. History and archaeology of India's contacts with other countires: from earliest times to 300 BC, B.R. Publications Corp., Delhi.
Bibby, T.G., 1958. The 'ancient Indian Style' Seals from Bahrain, Antiquity 33: 243-246.

During Caspers, E.C.L. 1972. Harappan trade in the Arabian Gulf in the third millennium BC, Mesopotamia 7: 167-191.

During Caspers, E.C.L. 1982. Sumerian traders and businessmen residing in the Indus Valley cities: a critical assessment of archaeological evidence, Annali 42: 337-380.

Chakrabarti, D.K. 1977. India and West Asia--an alternative approach, Man and Environment 1:25-38.

Chakrabarti, D.K. 1978. Seals as evidence of Indus-West Asia Interrelations, in D. Chattopadhyaya, ed., History and Society, Essays in Honour of Prof. Niharranjan Ray, Calcutta, p. 93-116.

Corbiau, S. 1936. An Indo-Sumerian Cylinder, Iraq 3: 100-103.
Frankfort, H. 1934. The Indus Civilization and the Near East, Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology VII: 1-12.

Gadd, C.J. 1932. Seals of Ancient Indian Style found at Ur, Proc. of the British Academy, XVII: 191-210.

Gadd, C.J. and Smith, S. 1924. The new links between Indian and Babylonian Civilizations, Illus. London News, Oct. 4, p. 614-616.

Gibson, McG. 1976. The Nippur expedition, The Oriental Institute of the Univ. of Chicago Annual Report 1975/76: 26,28.

Kjaerum, P. 1980. Seals of Dilmun-Type from Failaka, Kuwait, PSAS 10: 45-53.

Kjaerum, P. 1983. The Stamp and Cylinder Seals 1:1, Failaka/Dilmun: The second millennium settlements, Jutland Arch. Soc. Publ. XVII:1, Aarhus.

Mackay, E.J.H. 1925. Sumerian connections with Ancient India, JRAS: 696-701.

Mackay, E.J.H. 1931. Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro, New Delhi.

Marshall, Sir J. 1931. Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, London.

Masson, V.M. and Sarianidi, V.I. 1972. Central Asia, Thames and Hudson, London.

Nissen, H.J. 1982. Linking distanct areas archaeologically, paper read at the 1st International Conference on Pakistan Archaeology, Peshawar.

Parpola, A. 1984. New correspondences between Harappan and Near Eastern Glyptic Art, in B. Allchin, ed., South Asian Archaeology 1981, Univ. of Cambridge Oriental Publications 34, Cambridge.

Parpola, S., Parpola, A., and Brunswig, R.H. Jr. 1977. The Meluhha village: evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in late third millennium Mesopotamia? JESHO XX: 129-165.

Ratnagar, S. 1981. Encounters, the westerly trade of the Harappan Civilization, Oxford Univ. Press, Delhi.

Tosi, M. 1982. A possible Harappan Seaport in Eastern Arabia: Ra's Al Junayz in the Sultanate of Oman, paper read at the 1st International Conference on Pakistan Archaeology, Peshawar.

Vats, M.S. 1940. Excavations at Harappa, Calcutta.

Wheeler, Sir M. 1968. The Indus Civilization, Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge.

Yule, P. 1981. Zu den Beziehungen zwischen Mesopotamien und dem Indusgebiet im 3. und beginnenden 2. Jahrtausend, Allgemeine und Vergleichende Archaologie Kolloquien 1:191-205.


Section 7. Worship of purifying power of water, mother of Hindu civilization. Indus Script Corpora nclude Dilmun/Bahrain seals 

Directed by Serge Tigneres, Tomomi Nagazawa
Script Serge Tigneres
Narrator: Simon Chilvers

Script and subtitles: George Burchett, Keith McLennan

The Indus Valley Civilisation Mohenjodaro and Harappa


Published on Nov 18, 2014

8
4:40 to 5:50 : In the 19 century it was admitted that India was the mother of the civilization but in fact the big civilization could be only the middle east and Egypt. Mortimer Willer who was one of the greatest British archaeologist who worked in India called it the Cinderella of the civilization because it was the little last one, we even thought that it was a pale copy of Mesopotamian civilization before to see that it was a totally different civilization. When we start to search we saw that there was no material which can be similar to Mesopotamian civilization, but we saw very quickly that there was huge town, there are sites which are more than 200-300 hectare Mohenjodaro is probably the biggest town of all the antic town.
14:40 to 15:14 : The big watercourses like the Indus, are very important in the developpment of this civilization like each agricultural civilization, it's because of the watercourses that it's possible to have agriculture to feed towns which where the population will be less paysant but more laborer and craftsman, long time ago the Indus spread everywhere on a flat plain, and it was on this flat plain that we can find agriculture with the risk to see each year the field disappear (flooded) .
28:06 to 29:02 : We have a precise idea of the power of the economic system in the big towns, particulary in Mohenjo Daro or Harada, we have extremely powerful craft that produce product that only this civilization know how to do it as for example a type of ceramic almost industrial, without counting all what disappeared, the Indus population was probably a huge textile's manufacturer, a huge processed food product with their era techniques, all that we do not have any traces, all that have disappeared but over all we can say that in the Indus civilization some product had a status that we can nowadays qualify as industrial and was exported everywhere even until Mesopotamia.
30:40 to 31:51 : One of the problems of the Indus civilization was that those people was writing, we know that, we have thousands and thousands of "documents" but they was writing on a perishable medium, so we didn't find the real writing, what we found was like nowadays the name of the street on plates, names/indications on key-holder, etc ... we found everything that stay in times, but the perishable medium disappeared so we don't know, we do not have full text. So we saw a civilization that was writing, but we didn't know, we thought that it was a kind of magic writing, but in fact it was probably a civilization which have politic and administrative government like Egypt. For sure until we will be able to decrypt the writing , meaning to find a text long enough to apply the classic techniques of decryption, we even do not know nowadays what kind of language those people was using.
38:57 to 41:06 : Sea transportation for commercial purpose of the Indus civilization is a question that we start around 20 years ago. we knew that the rivers was used for the commerce between Indus towns, the question about the sea commercial transportation is more sensitive. we know materials from Indus, it come from the Oman's peninsula and some countries around, but more important than that we have Mesopotamian's texts around 2300BC saying that came to tie up to the dock of his capital Guilmun (a zone between the Kuwait and Quatar) some boats from "Magan" some boats from "Melhunra" (not sure about the name's spelling) which is the country of the Indus. Probably it was a commerce with all the people of this area. Also probably, It was not the people from the Indus which start to navigate on the sea, because they was lands people and you can imagine that all the Indus area (the Delta of the river) was a marsh area, a difficult area to pass through, but after a wile, in the middle of the third millennium (BC) this area is an international commercial area, where pass jewelries like the big pearl that only people of Indus manufacture and are the only one to know how to manufacture it, but also the commerce is always about textiles and everything from everywhere like ivory combs etc .
42:25 to 43:13 : How they communicate when they was trading ? we have a Sumerian text at the end of the third millennium in Mesopotamia which "speak" about a "Malhoura" translator, a guy who know Indus language and Sumerian language. It's a shame that this guy didn't let us a dictionary (the french guy is joking). But in fact all this pre-historic world, where people was always trading is a multi-language world, it's only in our world where people speak one language plus the English.
47:38 to : How they disappear (Indus civilization)? roughly he said (i'm a bit tired) the government became more local, in the big towns they start to live differently which by no means it mean they live it, they just live differently and he said that in archeology it's hard to see it, so they do not really know.


Indian sprachbund, 'language union' words signify Indus Script hieroglyphs 1) youth of bull-calf, 'unicorn', 2) खोंड khōṇḍa 'holcus sorghum', 3) khōṇḍa 'sack, pannier'

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This is an addendum to: 

https://tinyurl.com/yydlmsq2


--Orthographic emphasis of  kōḍe bull-calf hieroglyph is on its tender age, youth; the cognate word is खोंड khōṇḍa m A young bull, a bullcalf.  

-- खोंडा   khōṇḍā m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood; खुंडी khuṇḍī f A cloth doubled over and sewn at one end, forming a घोंगता, खोपा, or खोळ (an open or outspread shovel-form sack). Used in exposing grain in the market. Thus, the pannier on the 'unicorn' is a semantic determinant.

--खोंड   khōṇḍa, खुंडी khuṇḍī  A variety of जोंधळा.जोंधळा jōndhaḷā m A cereal plant or its grain, Holcus sorghum. Eight varieties are reckoned, viz. उता- वळी, निळवा, शाळू, रातडी, पिवळा जोंधळा, खुंडी, काळबोंडी जोंधळा, दूध मोगरा. There are however many others as केळी, अरगडी, डुकरी, बेंदरी, मडगूप &38;c.; दगडी जोंधळा dagaḍī jōndhaḷā m or शाळू f A variety of the corn जोंधळा. Its ear is hard and close-filled.
Mari priest carries a standard in a procession. The standard is composed of the culm of millet or of holcus sorghum. One-horned young bull adorns the pedestal of the flagstaff carried by the priest. The underlying Meluhha word signified is: खोंड   khōṇḍa which has three meanings: holcus sorghum, pannier, bull-calf. These semantics explain the unique orthography of the unicorn which is a young bull-calf, has a pannier on its shoulder and the flagstaff used to carry the unicorn standard in a Mari procession is the culm of millet or holcus sorghum which is खोंड   khōṇḍa, a variety of corn. 

The images from Mari procession clearly demonstrate that they were Meluhha speakers who tried to convey the underlying Meluhha semantics of youth of the bull-calf and the pannier on the bull-calf's shoulder. The one-horn is a semantic determinative for a closely homonymous word ko 'horn' rebus: ko 'workshop'.

Hundreds of seals of Indus Script Corpora show these orthographic components to be concordant with the semantics -- pannier, youth -- of the 'unicorn' vividly:
 
కొదమ  kodama. [Tel.] adj. Young. Hard. ధృఢమైన. కొదమసింగము or సింగపుకొదమ a young lion. కొదమతుమ్మెద or తేటికొదమ a young bee. కొదిమపిడుగు a fierce flash of lightning. n. A young animal, a cub. పశుపక్ష్యాదులపిల్ల. A female lamb or kid. ఆడుమేకపిల్ల.
కోడె  kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు

Santali
குழ kuḻaadj. < kuḍa. Young, tender; இள மையான. (தொல். சொல். 312.)*kuḍa1 ʻ boy, son ʼ, ˚ḍī ʻ girl, daughter ʼ. [Prob. ← Mu. (Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koakui, Kūrkū kōnkōnjē); or ← Drav. (Tam. kur̤a ʻ young ʼ, Kan. koḍa ʻ youth ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 373. Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65. -- Cf. kuḍáti ʻ acts like a child ʼ Dhātup.] NiDoc. ǵ ʻ boy ʼ, kuḍ'i ʻ girl ʼ; Ash. kūˊṛə ʻ child, foetus ʼ, istrimalī -- kuṛäˊ ʻ girl ʼ; Kt. kŕūkuŕuk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Pr. kyǘru ʻ young of animals, child ʼ, kyurú ʻ boy ʼ, kurīˊ ʻ colt, calf ʼ; Dm. kúŕa ʻ child ʼ, Shum. kuṛ; Kal. kūŕ*lk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Phal. kuṛĭ̄ ʻ woman, wife ʼ; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ, kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, P. bhaṭ. WPah. khaś. kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛī ʻ girl ʼ; -- B. ã̄ṭ -- kuṛā ʻ childless ʼ (ã̄ṭa ʻ tight ʼ)? -- X pṓta -- 1: WPah. bhad.  ʻ son ʼ, kūī ʻ daughter ʼ, bhal. ko m., koi f., pāḍ. kuākōī, paṅ. koākūī. *kuḍa -- 2 ʻ wall ʼ see kuḍya -- .
kuḍapa -- see kuḍava -- .Addenda: *kuḍa -- 1 [Same Drav. root as in kuḍmalá -- q.v.] (CDIAL 3245)3249 *kuḍma ʻ bud ʼ.M. kõb˚bā m., ˚bī f. ʻ young shoot ʼ, kõbeṇẽ ʻ to sprout ʼ; Si. kumu ʻ unopened flower ʼ.kuḍmalá -- .   3250 kuḍmalá ʻ filled with buds ʼ MBh., m.n. ʻ bud ʼ BhP. 2. kuṭmalá -- . [*kuḍma -- ]1. Pa. kuḍumala -- , ˚aka -- m. ʻ opening bud ʼ; L. poṭh. kūmlīpū˘mlī f. ʻ bud, young shoot ʼ, P. pumlī f.; WPah. roh. kumbəḷe ʻ tuft of grass ʼ.2. Pa. kuppila -- ʻ a kind of flower (?) ʼ; Pk. kuppala -- , kuṁpala -- m.n. ʻ bud ʼ, N. kopilo; H. kõpal˚lī f. ʻ opening bud ʼ; . kũpaḷkõpaḷ n., kõpḷo m. ʻ tender sprout, new twig ʼ.Addenda: kuḍmalá -- [M. B. Emeneau Bull. Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica xxxix 1, 9ff. ← Drav. ʻ young new sprout ʼ in DED and DEDS 1787, which appears also as loan in *kōra -- , kōraka -- , kuḍa -- 1]1. WPah.kṭg. kvmbḷi f. ʻ sprout, bud ʼ, J. kumaḷ m., kumḷi f. ʻ sprout ʼ.2. kuṭmalá -- : OMarw. kūpaḷa m. ʻ fresh bud or shoot ʼ. (CDIAL 3249, 3250)

Hieroglyph: young bull: Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol. (Haig) kōḍē bull. Nk. khoṛe male calf. Konḍa kōḍi cow; kōṛe young bullock. Pe. kōḍi cow. Manḍ. kūḍi id. Kuikōḍi id., ox. Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōḍi bull; (Su. P.) kōḍi cow.(DEDR 2199)

Hieroglyph: horn: Ta. kōṭu (in cpds. kōṭṭu-) horn, tusk, branch of tree, cluster, bunch, coil of hair, line, diagram, bank of stream or pool; kuvaṭu branch of a tree; kōṭṭāṉ, kōṭṭuvāṉ rock horned-owl (cf. 1657 Ta. kuṭiñai). Ko. ko·ṛ (obl. ko·ṭ-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, log, section of bamboo used as fuel, line marked out. To. kwï·ṛ (obl. kwï·ṭ-) horn, branch, path across stream in thicket. Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr̤ horn. Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn. Te. kōḍu rivulet, branch of a river. Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn. Ga. (Oll.) kōr (pl. kōrgul) id. Go.(Tr.) kōr (obl. kōt-, pl. kōhk) horn of cattle or wild animals, branch of a tree; (W. Ph. A. Ch.) kōr (pl. kōhk), (S.) kōr (pl. kōhku), (Ma.) kōr̥u (pl. kōẖku) horn; (M.) kohk branch (Voc. 980); (LuS.) kogoo a horn. Kui kōju (pl. kōska)horn, antler. Cf. 2049 Ta. koṭi(DEDR 2200)

Decipherment of Indus Script hieroglyphs on Naga-Nagini-mollusc-Rope, cobrahood sculptural frieze

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https://tinyurl.com/y49azvqf


Sculptural frieze with molluscs. Mathura, possibly from the very ancient Naga temple discovered at Sonkh. Crica 1st-2nd centuries CE.

'mollusc' hieroglyph: Ta. ippi pearl-oyster, shell; cippi shell, shellfish, coconut shell for measuring out curds. Ma. ippi, cippi oyster shell. Ka. cippu, sippu, cimpi, cimpe, simpi, simpu, simpe oyster shell, mussel, cockle, a portion of the shell of a coconut, skull, a pearl oyster; (Gowda) cippi coconut shell. Tu. cippi coconut shell, oyster shell, pearl; tippi, sippi coconut shell. Te. cippa a shell; (kobbari co) coconut shell; (mōkāli co) knee-pan, patella; (tala co) skull; (muttepu co) mother-of-pearl. Go. (Ma.) ipi shell, conch (Voc. 174). / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 13417, *sippī-; Pali sippī- pearl oyster, Pkt. sippī- id., etc. (DEDR 2535). Rebus:  śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ] Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ.(CDIAL 12471) சிற்பியர். (சூடா.) சிற்பம்¹ ciṟpam n. < šilpa. 1. Artistic skill; தொழிலின் திறமை. செருக்கயல் சிற்பமாக (சீவக. 2716). 2. Fine or artistic workmanship; நுட்பமான தொழில். சிற்பந் திகழ்தரு திண்மதில் (திருக்கோ. 305). சிற்பர் ciṟpar , n. < šilpa. Mechanics, artisans, stone-cutters; சிற்பிகள். (W.)சிற்பி ciṟpin. < šilpin. Mechanic, artisan, stone-cutter; கம்மியன். (சூடா.)சிற்பியல் ciṟpiyal n. < சிற்பம்¹ + இயல். Architecture, as an art; சிற்பசாஸ்திரம். மாசில் கம் மத்துச் சிற்பியற் புலவர் (பெருங். இலாவாண. 4, 50). 

Hieroglyph of hood of cobra: phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága&c Ta. patam cobra'shood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id. Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) phaṭa n. ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ MBh. 2. *phēṭṭa -- 2. [Cf. phuṭa -- m., ˚ṭā -- f., sphuṭa -- m. lex., ˚ṭā -- f. Pañcat. (Pk. phuḍā -- f.), sphaṭa -- m., ˚ṭā -- f., sphōṭā -- f. lex. and phaṇa -- 1. Conn. words in Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 386]1. Pk. phaḍa -- m.n. ʻ snake's hood ʼ, ˚ḍā -- f., M. phaḍā m., ˚ḍī f.2. A. pheṭphẽṭ. (CDIAL 9040) Rebus: phaḍa फड 'manufactory, company, guild, public office'.

Hieroglyph: Strands of rope:  daürā'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā'smelter';  धावड   dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. धावडी   dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.(Marathi)

āˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ RV. 2. *dāmana -- , dāmanī -- f. ʻ long rope to which calves are tethered ʼ Hariv. 3. *dāmara -- . [*dāmara -- is der. fr. n/r n. stem. -- √2]1. Pa. dāma -- , inst. ˚mēna n. ʻ rope, fetter, garland ʼ, Pk. dāma -- n.; Wg. dām ʻ rope, thread, bandage ʼ; Tir. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Paš.lauṛ. dām ʻ thick thread ʼ, gul. dūm ʻ net snare ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 54 ← Ind. or Pers.); Shum. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Sh.gil. (Lor.) dōmo ʻ twine, short bit of goat's hair cord ʼ, gur. dōm m. ʻ thread ʼ (→ Ḍ. dōṅ ʻ thread ʼ); K. gu -- dômu m. ʻ cow's tethering rope ʼ; P. dã̄udāvã̄ m. ʻ hobble for a horse ʼ; WPah.bhad. daũ n. ʻ rope to tie cattle ʼ, bhal. daõ m., jaun. dã̄w; A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ; B. dāmdāmā ʻ cord ʼ; Or. duã̄ ʻ tether ʼ, dāĩ ʻ long tether to which many beasts are tied ʼ; H. dām m.f. ʻ rope, string, fetter ʼ, dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ; G. dām n. ʻ tether ʼ, M. dāvẽ n.; Si. dama ʻ chain, rope ʼ, (SigGr) dam ʻ garland ʼ. -- Ext. in Paš.dar. damaṭāˊ˚ṭīˊ, nir. weg. damaṭék ʻ rope ʼ, Shum. ḍamaṭik, Woṭ. damṓṛ m., Sv. dåmoṛīˊ; -- with -- ll -- : N. dāmlo ʻ tether for cow ʼ, dã̄walidāũlidāmli ʻ bird -- trap of string ʼ, dã̄waldāmal ʻ coeval ʼ (< ʻ tied together ʼ?); M. dã̄vlī f. ʻ small tie -- rope ʼ.
2. Pk. dāvaṇa -- n., dāmaṇī -- f. ʻ tethering rope ʼ; S. ḍ̠āvaṇuḍ̠āṇu m. ʻ forefeet shackles ʼ, ḍ̠āviṇīḍ̠āṇī f. ʻ guard to support nose -- ring ʼ; L. ḍã̄vaṇ m., ḍã̄vaṇīḍāuṇī (Ju. ḍ̠ -- ) f. ʻ hobble ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ strip at foot of bed, triple cord of silk worn by women on head ʼ, awāṇ. dāvuṇ ʻ picket rope ʼ; P. dāuṇdauṇ, ludh. daun f. m. ʻ string for bedstead, hobble for horse ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ gold ornament worn on woman's forehead ʼ; Ku. dauṇo m., ˚ṇī f. ʻ peg for tying cattle to ʼ, gng. dɔ̃ṛ ʻ place for keeping cattle, bedding for cattle ʼ; A. dan ʻ long cord on which a net or screen is stretched, thong ʼ, danā ʻ bridle ʼ; B. dāmni ʻ rope ʼ; Or. daaṇa ʻ string at the fringe of a casting net on which pebbles are strung ʼ, dāuṇi ʻ rope for tying bullocks together when threshing ʼ; H. dāwan m. ʻ girdle ʼ, dāwanī f. ʻ rope ʼ, dã̄wanī f. ʻ a woman's orna<-> ment ʼ; G. dāmaṇḍā˚ n. ʻ tether, hobble ʼ, dāmṇũ n. ʻ thin rope, string ʼ, dāmṇī f. ʻ rope, woman's head -- ornament ʼ; M. dāvaṇ f. ʻ picket -- rope ʼ. -- Words denoting the act of driving animals to tread out corn are poss. nomina actionis from *dāmayati2.3. L. ḍãvarāvaṇ, (Ju.) ḍ̠ã̄v˚ ʻ to hobble ʼ; A. dāmri ʻ long rope for tying several buffalo -- calves together ʼ, Or. daũ̈rādaürā ʻ rope ʼ; Bi. daũrī ʻ rope to which threshing bullocks are tied, the act of treading out the grain ʼ, Mth. dã̄mardaũraṛ ʻ rope to which the bullocks are tied ʼ; H. dã̄wrī f. ʻ id., rope, string ʼ, dãwrī f. ʻ the act of driving bullocks round to tread out the corn ʼ. -- X *dhāgga<-> q.v.*dāmayati2; *dāmakara -- , *dāmadhāra -- ; uddāma -- , prōddāma -- ; *antadāmanī -- , *galadāman -- , *galadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāman -- , *gōḍḍadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāmara -- .dāmán -- 2 m. (f.?) ʻ gift ʼ RV. [√1]. See dāˊtu -- .*dāmana -- ʻ rope ʼ see dāˊman -- 1.Addenda: dāˊman -- 1. 1. Brj. dã̄u m. ʻ tying ʼ.3. *dāmara -- : Brj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 6283)



Dholavira had a central marketplace and a signboard, arka 'copper, gold' eraka, 'metalinfusion', āra 'brass'metalcasting with dhatu 'ores', workshop bright, bronze metalware

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This is an addendum to: Dholavira signboard inscription proclamation steersman, mineral ore metal casting workshop bright metalware bronze metal infusion http://tinyurl.com/y5h62oo3


The signboard of Dholavira which had a central marketplace proclaimed: 
 Sign 391. The model for this orthography is seen in the Mehrgarh cire perdue (lost wax) castings of copper alloy wheels of 2.2 cm dia. Mehergarh, 5th millennium BCE. 2.2 cm dia. 5 mm reference scale. Perhaps coppper alloyed with lead. It is remarkable, that this six-spolked cire perdue copper alloy wheels made in Mehrgarh becomes a hieroglyph of Indus Script on Dholavira signboard. See:

 https://tinyurl.com/yxbc7d33

1. āre potter's wheel (Gondi) rebus āra 'brass'. 
2. The semantics of spoke are signified by the word ara. अर m. the spoke or radius of a wheel RV.(Monier-Williams).
3. The hieroglyph  څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, 'potter's wheel', 'circular motion', also signifies अर्क 'copper, gold' expanded into the Meluhha expression: agasāli 'goldsmith'; eṟaka, eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion.

 څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) A wheel (particularly a potter's, or of a water-mill or well). 2. A grindstone. 3. Circular motion, turn, revolution, the act of turning. 4. Fortune, chance. 5. The heavens, the sphere, the celestial globe. (Pashto) 

This Pashto word  څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, is cognate with अर्क m. ( √ अर्च्) , Ved. a ray , flash of lightning RV.; the sun RV.; fire R̥gvedaix , 50 , 4 शतपथ-ब्राह्मण; बृहद्-ारण्यक-उपनिषद्; Nom. P. °कति, to become a sun rebus: अर्क copper; అగసాలి  or 
అగసాలెవాడు agasāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు (Telugu); arukkam அருக்கம்1 
arukkam, n. < arka. (நாநார்த்த.) 1. Copper; செம்பு (Tamil); eraka 'metal infusion'.






-- eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus:  arka, aka 'gold, copper'; eraka 'metal infusion'
eraka ‘knave of wheel’ rebus: arka, aka, aga ‘copper, gold’ as in akasāla ‘goldsmith’s shop’ (Kannada); అగసాలి  or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు (Telugu); arukkam அருக்கம்1 arukkamn. < arka. (நாநார்த்த.) 1. Copper; செம்பு (Tamil); eraka 'metal infusion': Ta. eṟṟu (eṟṟi-) to throw out (as water from a vessel); iṟai (-v-, -nt-) to scatter (intr.), disperse; (-pp-, -tt-) to splash (tr.), spatter, scatter, strew, draw and pour out water, irrigate, bale out, squander; iṟaivai receptacle for drawing water for irrigation; iṟaṭṭu (iṟaṭṭi-) to sprinkle, splash. Ma. iṟekka to bale out; iṟayuka id., scatter, disperse; iṟava basket for drawing water; eṟiccil rainwater blown in by the wind. To. eṟ- (eṟQ-) to scoop up (water with vessel). Ka. eṟe to pour any liquids, cast (as metal); n. pouring; eṟacu, ercu to scoop, sprinkle, scatter, strew, sow; eṟaka, eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion. Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt. Kur. ecchnā to dash a liquid out or over (by scooping, splashing, besprinkling). Cf. 840 Kur. elkhnā (Pfeiffer). (DEDR 866)

Part 1
 Part 1 of Dholavira signboard Indus Script inscription This Part 1 signifies: Part 1: eraka 'nave of spoked wheels' + khuṇṭa 'peg', rebus eraka 'metal infusion' kūṭa ‘workshop’ , कर्णिक 'having ears' rebus कर्णिक  'steersman' (of) loha'metalwork'.
V326 (Orthographic variants of Sign 326) V327 (Orthographic variants of Sign 327) loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.) Vikalpa: kamaṛkom ‘ficus’ (Santali); rebus: kampaṭṭam ‘mint’ (Ta.) patra ‘leaf’ (Skt.); rebus: paṭṭarai ‘workshop’ (Ta.) Rebus: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy) lauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S'r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali); lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper
(VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.) loha lut.i = iron utensils and implements (Santali).

Part 2
Part 2 of Dholavira signboard Indus Script inscription
This Part 2 signifies: eraka, kod dhakka kancu 'workshop bright metalware bronze metal infusion'

 Rebus: koḍa'workshop'

Part 3
 Part 3 of Dholavira signboard Indus Scipt inscription. This Part 3 signifies: metalcasting with dhatu'ore', metal infusion (A clear reference to cire perdue (lost wax) method of metal casting).
Variants of Sign 53 ḍato 'claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs'; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral' (Santali) 

dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS axle or nave of spoked wheel: eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus:eraka 'metal infusion'.

Dholavira had a central marketplace. A thriving “Bazaar” to exchange goods from the middle-eastern merchants. This place was the center of trade and commerce used to exchange merchandise during trading seasons. The residential areas are located on either side of the marketplace.

Itihāsa. When the south was one Karnataka Empire -- Vasundhara Filliozat

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When the south was one

Historian Vasundhara Filliozat on distortions of history, and how the Karnataka empire ruled over most of south India and fought Muslim invasions.
History by Monica Jha Mar 15, 2018
Poster
Vijayanagara was one of the most dazzling of the capitals of mediaeval India. The ruins of the city have awed travellers and scholars alike. But a historian, a woman who lives in Paris, says an empire by the name Vijayanagara never existed. She has created an uproar but insists the correct name is Karnataka empire.
Vasundhara Filliozat has been working on the history of Karnataka since the early 1960s. She was born in Haveri in Dharwad district as the fifth child of Sanskrit and Kannada scholar Pandit Chennabasavappa Kavali. She studied history, Indian epigraphy and French at Karnataka University, Dharwad before she got a scholarship to study theatre in France. After two years of studying theatre, she returned to history and did her PhD from Sorbonne University in Paris. There, she studied the first two kings of Vijayanagara under Prof. Jean Filliozat, the celebrated Indologist of that era.
Her approach to history is simple: Read what is written at the site. She studies inscriptions and icons to dig out stories from the past. While studying Hampi, she translated more than 150 Kannada inscriptions into French.
She has worked on several temple sites in Karnataka including Hampi, Badami, Pattadakal and Muktesvara (at Caudadanapura) and Kalamukha temples. Her books on the temples in Karnataka are co-authored with her husband Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat, son of her mentor. While Vasundhara writes on history, epigraphy and iconography, chapters on architecture are authored by Pierre-Sylvain. Her books include: VijayanagarAlidulida HampeHampi-Vijayanagar: The Temple of Vithala. She is currently working on two books—a book on Vijayanagara for the National Book Trust and another on legends of Hampi for the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts.
Now, she divides her time between Paris and Mysuru. At her house in Mysuru, sitting amid paintings by her husband, she talks to us about the “Hinduness” of the kings who unified the south to fight Islamic invasion, the role of the temple in everyday life, the current phenomenon of politics over history, and more.
Edited excerpts from an interview.
What was your childhood in Dharwad in 1940s like?
Though I come from a poor family, my background was very rich. We belong to the Nekara (weaver) community. My father, Pandit Chennabasavappa Kavali studied old Kannada and Sanskrit in the 1920s. Father would bring up various topics during regular conversations and stories or his own experiences. He would discuss novels and dramas with us.
During my BA final examinations, AIR was airing a Mallikarjun Mansur concert on a Saturday. I had my paper on Monday. He said:‘Oh! The examination can come next year as well but not Mansur’s programme.’ My mother didn’t object to it either whereas neighbours did. This is the kind of upbringing I had.
I did my high school in Dharwad and my higher studies at Karnataka University. I was a Gandhi class student. The distinction students stop at getting a good job. But for mediocrities like me, our brains continue to work since it has not exhausted itself in those initial years (laughs). Being mediocre is what pushed me to do better later in life.
How did you get interested in studying history?
I considered history and philosophy. But, history is like a story. I found it more interesting than philosophy, which is more abstract.
In Paris, I met Prof Jean Filliozat. He was just back after visiting temples of Aihole (Hindu, Jain and Buddhist monuments built between the 4th century and the 12th century in Badami Chalukya, Rashtrakuta and Kalyani Chalukya periods) and Pattadakal (Badami Chalukya era, 7th and 8th century) and happy to have a student from Karnataka. He asked me questions about Karnataka: have you seen these sites; do you speak Kanara or Canari? I said boldly, no, sir, I speak Kannada. He corrected himself calling it Kannada. At that time, I had no idea how great a scholar he was and what a great institution Collège de France was. Under his guidance, I started my PhD on the first two kings of Vijayanagara.
How did you discover your love for Vijayanagara?
That was my first love! It started as early as in 1962-63 when I was an MA student and taken on a study tour to Hampi. When I saw Hampi, I said to myself that I must take photos of every inch and every nook and corner of this place and I must study this site. That was the day! At that time, Hampi was so beautiful. All the ruins were there—all the broken structures and pillars, and mutilated images. And there was not so much of vegetation on the monuments. We spent three days there and I immediately decided to study Hampi for my PhD.
What initiated you into epigraphy?
I was working on the beginning of the dynasties—whether they were Kannadigas or Telugus, whether Desapattana was Vijayanagara, etc. I was studying a lot of published material. My guide Dr Filliozat—by then I had become his daughter-in-law—said: ‘Stop this nonsense! Go to the inscriptions; translate them and write about that. That is going to be your original contribution to the history of Vijayanagara.’ I wasn’t happy.
Today, I am thankful to him. This is the path I have taken not just for that PhD work, but in all my works, be it Hampi, Pattadakal or Kalamukha temples (Lakulashaiva temples in North Karnataka built in 11th-13th century, Kalyani Chalukya period). I go only through the inscriptions and give my own impressions about them. And that’s what makes my work original.
Which language were these inscriptions in?
The art of writing inscriptions starts from Ashoka in the 3rd century BC and his inscriptions are many in that area— Muski, Sanganakallu, Koppal in Bellary district. They are in Brahmi script and the language is Prakrit; it is neither Sanskrit nor Kannada. It’s like that all over India. Later, each region developed its own script, taking Brahmi as the base. Karnataka wasn’t an exception; they developed Kannada from Brahmi. We have Hale (old) Kannada, Nadu (medieval) Kannada, and Hosa (new) Kannada.
However, in the inscriptions of this so-called Vijayanagara period, there is no Prakrit. Most are in Kannada except the first few words in Sanskrit. So the Hampi inscriptions were not very difficult for me to translate.
Badami Chalukya and Hoysala inscriptions are in Hale Kannada. To read and understand these, you should have a good knowledge of Kannada literature, Sanskrit literature and Prakrit, which most people don’t have. I can’t read Prakrit. I can understand Kannada and manage Sanskrit.
However, in the inscriptions of this so-called Vijayanagara period, there is no Prakrit. Most are in Kannada except the first few words in Sanskrit. So the Hampi inscriptions were not very difficult for me to translate.
How important is it for a historian to understand the local language and culture?
When the Europeans came to India, they said Indians didn’t have a historical sense. This is stupid. They did not know that in each and every temple, at every historical place, there are inscriptions and they are our authentic documents which tell our history. In most of the inscriptions, the first portion is eulogy of the king or the donor or the patron. Next, they mention the date— on such and such a date, the temple was built or such a donation was made. They go on to detail which rituals were performed in the temple, who were employed for which service and how much salary they were getting. If you study an inscription, every word tells you a good history.
The British did a very nasty thing. They thought Indians were fond of legends and mythology so they put legendary history in history textbooks.
Europeans have done some epigraphy work but most of it is superficial. A professor from Paris collected several inscriptions of Vithala (built in 1406, Sangama era) and Virupaksha temples (Badami Chalukya era, 7th century). The copies were in Kannada but some European historians called them Telugu inscriptions. Many inscriptions have been translated wrongly by Europeans. They read it correctly but interpreted it wrongly because they did not have a good knowledge of the language or culture. They took some assistance from good pandits but couldn’t find reference material. Not many books were published as now and material was not as abundantly available as today. Some translated inscriptions just give a resume of the inscription, not the details. For instance, they mention that the inscription has details of a grant but don’t translate the details of the grant. In fact, details of the grants are very important to understand life in that period.
A lot of your works have been published in French. While in Paris, you also hold public lectures. Who are your audiences?
Many, many people are interested in Vijayanagara the capital, the history of the empire, and history of Karnataka. Not much has been published. In France, I think, I am the only one working on Karnataka.
In Europe there is an epidemic; they all go to Tamil Nadu (laughs). When the British became rulers of India, Madras was one of the important places so many people went there. Then, Pondicherry became independent and the French Institute of Pondicherry was established in 1955. It was established by my father-in-law and unfortunately that is also in Tamil Nadu (laughs). Also scholars are well received by institutions like Madras University. In Karnataka, there is no infrastructure for receiving these scholars and help them with material. There was one American who wanted to study the Lakulisha Pashupata shaivism in Karnataka. He abandoned it for lack of support.
Making works available in various languages encourages future works.
Vasundhara with her husband Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat.jpg

Vasundhara Filliozat with her husband Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat. This and title photo: Sriram Vittalamurthy. 
What discoveries from Hampi inscriptions surprise or interest you the most?
The most interesting bit for me was that the kings were Kannadigas. I can’t say if Telugu was their mother tongue but the official language was Kannada. They called it deshabhasha, roughly translated as national language. All inscriptions are in Kannada. Even the inscriptions in Tamil Nadu and Andhra start in Tamil or Telugu but switch to Kannada in the details of the grant.
The most interesting bit for me was that the kings were Kannadigas. I can’t say if Telugu was their mother tongue but the official language was Kannada. They called it deshabhasha, roughly translated as national language. All inscriptions are in Kannada. 
 There are many Sanskrit copper plates—grants were given on copper plates— where the first portion of the text is in Sanskrit and when they come to the date and the details of the grant, they say ‘deshabhashya kathyate’ (to be said in deshabhasha). And this is followed by text in Kannada. So, Kannada is the deshabhasha.
Did reading inscriptions help you find original material on Vijayanagara?
Yes. Most importantly, the foundational legend turned out to be untrue. The legend is—Harihara goes hunting and sees hounds being chased by a hare. Vidyaranya, a saint of Sringeri matha, considers it a blessed and protected place and advises him to build a city on that spot. Harihara builds an empire, with his capital on the hare-hounds spot. Goddess Bhuvaneshwari showers gold upon Vidyaranya.
The empire was founded in 1336. The inscriptions reveal that Vidyaranya didn’t exist at that time. A renowned scholar in 1336 was Vidyatirtha, the guru of Vidyaranya. This was also the time of Ballala III, the last great Hoysala ruler (1292-1342), the only surviving Hindu king in the south and fighting to eliminate Muslim rule in the south. Can you imagine saints like Vidyaranya or Vidyatirtha saying ‘let Ballala fight but instead of supporting him, let us build a new empire’? This is really stupid.
Also, Bhuvaneshwari wasn’t worshipped in Hampi. In fact, until the 18th century, there is no mention of Bhuvaneshwari but now she has become the goddess of Karnataka, the Mysore Dasara festival, etc. and people proudly shout Jai Bhuvaneshwari! Jai Karnataka Mate!
The legend was concocted in the 17th-18th century but people have taken it as historical fact. And our people are happy to repeat it.
For all your love for Vijayanagara, you state that an empire called Vijayanagara never existed.
What they refer to as Vijayanagara empire was actually called Karnataka Samrajya (empire). Vijayanagara was only the capital.
Robert Sewell (1845-1925, Keeper of the Madras Record Office) was the first to study Hampi and write a book on it, A Forgotten Empire Vijayanagar. Though he mentioned in the body of the text that the empire was called Karnataka, he chose Vijayanagar in the title because he knew Kannada and Telugu groups would fight if he called it Karnataka.
Most Indian historians, like B. A. Saletore, P. B. Desai and Ram Sharma, also knew it was called Karnataka. Still, Saletore titled his thesis ‘Social and political life in the Vijayanagara empire’. Desai titled his novel Vijayanagara Samrajya Sthapane. Suryanarain Rao titled his book Vijayanagar, The Never To Be Forgotten Empire.
In 1936, they celebrated the 6th centenary of the foundation of the empire. There were great scholars like Saletore, P. B. Desai and Aluru Venkata Rao but they did not have the courage to say it was Karnataka Empire.
The Indian Council for Historical Research requested Dr Shrinivas Ritti, who also called the empire Vijayanagara in his works, to bring out a compilation of all published inscriptions. In the introduction to the second volume, he says the empire was never called Vijayanagara; it was called Karnataka and that Mrs Filliozat was the first to point out, and that Sewell knew about it. He said historians chose the name Vijayanagara since it was better known but forthcoming scholars should think of using the correct nomenclature.
Could you independently verify the name of the empire?
Yes, I’m basing this on epigraphical evidence. It shouldn’t be called by a certain name because I’m saying so or because Sewell said so. In all official mentions, it was Karnataka. Dr Ritti has also quoted more than 30 inscriptions that show it was Karnataka empire, right from the beginning.
Fountainink_March 2018_Vijayanagara Empire_Infographic.jpg
Karnataka or Kannada Nadu embraced some parts of Andhra and Maharashtra. In Amoghavarsha Nrupathunga’s time (ruler of the Rasthrakuta dynasty, 800-878 CE), the region between the Godavari river in the north and Kaveri river in the south was Kannada country. Pampa and Janna, two of the greatest Kannada poets come from today’s Andhra.
Kings didn’t call themselves Badami Chalukya or Kalyani Chalukya but rulers of Karnataka. The Maharaja of Mysore, in his inscriptions, used to say he was king of Karnataka. Even later, Thanjavur, Vellore, and Madurai were ruled by Nayaks who were vassals of Karnataka kings and called themselves Nayaks of Karnataka. The British called the two styles of music in India Hindustani and Carnatic because the northern Mughal Empire was Hindustan and the southern Karnataka. The wars  between the British and the Nawab of Arcot were called Carnatic wars.
Today, when I say the empire should be referred to as Karnataka, the response is ‘no madam, if we say Karnataka, we’ll be limiting ourselves to Karnataka state’. They exhibit their idiocies because there is a difference between the empire and the state that exists today. It makes me feel very sorry.
How willing are historians to take a fresh look at ideas that are widely accepted?
It’s very difficult to change these ideas. A lot of history in India has been reduced to supporting or refuting what’s already been said. That’s what modern students do; whatever the former scholars have said, I should speak for or against it. And if he is a foreigner who has said something, they repeat it and they take it as gospel truth. I am not sure if it is a lack of original study or plain jealousy.
How important is it to call the empire Karnataka and not Vijayanagara? Do you expect it to provide a new context in the study of history?
It definitely will. If you are a good historian, you should say what is in the text and not conform to general perceptions. When you study the Hoysala empire, do you call it Dwarasamudra empire or Belur empire? Do you call the Chalukyas the Badami empire? You don’t do that. Why should you call Karnataka empire by a different name? You should call a thing by its original, correct name. 
In this particular case, the correct name solves several problems. When you say Karanataka empire, the big question about the date of and story behind the foundation of the empire vanishes. The untrue legends of Vidyaranya and Bhuvaneshwari showering gold vanish too.
So, when and how did the Karnataka Empire come into existence?
In 1346. There was no foundation as such. It was decided that to face the northern invaders, there must be only one kingdom and one king for the whole of the south. The Hoysala ruler Ballala III started bringing the entire south together and it was fully realised in the time of Harihara I.
Probably it was Vidyatirtha’s (the guru of Vidyaranya) idea. Since Ballala III was the last surviving Hindu king, he started this. It was decided that the Hoysala Empire would continue but the king didn’t call it Hoysala to spare the feelings of other rulers who came together. Since Ballala III was from Karnataka he called the new empire Karnataka.
According to me, it starts in 1336-37 when Ballala III goes on a tour to supervise the northern frontiers— Badami, Koppal, Gadag, etc.— of his kingdom. He realises a stronghold in this area can stop invasions from the north. Hampi answers his problems because of its geographical situation—it is on the banks of the Tungabhadra, not far from his northern frontiers, and surrounded by rocky mountains that serve the purpose of fort walls. Hampi was in the hands of Kampila, a minor chieftain whose capital was at Kammatadurga, not far from Hampi. Ballala III got him killed and took control of Hampi.
Ballala III was treacherously killed by the Madurai Sultan in 1342, after he was invited to go unarmed to sign a treaty. Ballala IV comes to the throne in 1342 but there are no inscriptions about him after that. He was in his 60s and must have died.
From 1346 onwards, we don’t get any Hoysala inscriptions but we do get inscriptions of Sangamas, Harihara I and Bukka I. To publicise his victory, the king makes a grant to the Sringeri Sharada Peetham in 1346. That marks the beginning. So there was no foundation as such. The study of inscriptions gives you this picture.
How was the south unified?
It was done over a long period. Madurai, the Yadavas of Devagiri were originally Hindu kingdoms but occupied by Muslims at that point. Most temples in these areas were closed and no rituals were performed. When Malik Kafur invaded (generalissimo of the Delhi Sultan Alauddin Khilji, he invaded the Yadava, Kakatiya, Hoysala and Pandya kingdoms between1308 and 1311), the whole of the south was a patchwork ruled by the Hoysalas, the Yadavas of Devagiri, the Kakatiyas of Warangal, the Cholas and Pandyas. They were fighting among themselves for further aggrandisement of territory. The Hoysalas had a lot of vassals holding small areas.
So Vidyatirtha must have advised that the south must be united. He sent his students, Madhavacharya and Sayanacharya, to campaign in this direction. It was executed so well that by the time of Harihara I, all the Hoysala vassals had come to their support. When Bukka I came to the throne, he sent his son Kampana II to various places to study them and establish peace and order. Kampana went to Madurai and succeeded in re-establishing the rituals in all the temples and order in the south. 
So, at that time whole of south India was united under one banner and it was called Karnataka.
Is this the only time in history when the whole of south India is united as one kingdom?
Yes, yes! The entire area south of the Krishna was under the Karnataka Empire while the two oceans formed the boundaries in the east and the west. It existed for more than 200 years—from 1346 to 1565. It fell only in 1565 after the battle of Talikota (where its army was defeated by the Deccan Sultanates).
Was Vijayanagara a significant place for other empires?
It was known beyond the seas, both the eastern and the western. Many western chroniclers, including Portuguese and Italian travellers, have written about Vijayanagara, visited it. Many horse merchants visited it; they had a trade with Portugal. Before the Portuguese, they had contacts with Arabs. And on the eastern side, it had contacts— both trade and diplomatic—with China. An inscription mentions that Bukka sent his ambassador to the Ming ruler in China. It is recorded in the Ming annals. But Vijayanagara’s contacts on the eastern side have been neglected in studies.
Do you find inscriptions at Vijayanagara site on the empire’s relations with other kingdoms?
Unfortunately, there are none. We have to study foreign documents. The Chinese mention they had their traders in the western oceans. It is published in a journal called T’oung Pao. I feel I should study it in detail. There is Hikayat Hang Tuah from Malaysia, which mentions links with the kings of Karnataka and the writer gives a description of the capital Vijayanagara— there were heads of terrifying lions on the top of every gate so that miscreants who wanted to enter the capital would get scared.
Did the travellers call the empire Karnataka?
No, it was hard for them to pronounce Karnataka. The chroniclers and the horse merchants called the capital Bisnaga and the kingdom Narasanga, by the name of the king Saluva Narasimha, who was on the throne when they came. Abd-ur Razzaq (a Persian scholar) doesn’t speak about the empire but gives a beautiful description of the capital in the mid-15th century. He calls it Biznagalia;it was very difficult for them to say Vijayanagar. Diogo do Couto came in the 16th century after the downfall of the empire. He was an archivist and had documents. It is he who writes that we call the empire Narasanga and the capital Bisnaga but local people call it Biznagalia; it was difficult for him to pronounce Vijayanagara. He called the empire Canarine; he couldn’t pronounce Karnataka.
Does studying the Karnataka empire and Vijayanagara capital offer significant insights into Indian history?
It is after the downfall of Vijayanagara that the Keladis and the Maharaja of Mysore and other chieftains came. That is the continuation of the culture. The rulers of Mysore used to say they were Karnataka Simhasanadhishawara (lord of the throne of Karnataka). It was the British who compelled them to call themselves Mysore Samsthanikaru (Ruler of Mysore). It’s in their documents.
The greatest contribution of Karnataka kings to Indian architecture is the musical pillars of the Vithala temple. You have musical pillars in Madurai, Shuchindram and some other temples. To understand what it is, where it came from, you must go to Hampi. Musicians suggest that the quality of musicality in Hampi pillars is missing in other temples.
Do inscriptions talk about musical pillars at Hampi?
Unfortunately, no. These pillars were built in 1554 and the downfall of the empire occurred in 1565. The empire hardly survived 10-11 years after the pillars so we do not have any reference to this.
How was the musicality of pillars found out?
It was believed that those pillars were musical. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) gave pieces of wood to monument attendants to beat the pillars with wood and show the tourists the pillars were musical. But it didn’t work well. In 1975, Vasant Kavali, my elder brother, discovered the way. He was a producer in AIR, Bangalore and a musician. He tried various ways and figured that you get musical notes only on tapping with fingers.
The capital was Vijayanagara. So, what was Hampi?
Hampi is the nucleus of Vijayanagara. Initially, it was called Virupaksha tirtha. After the marriage of Pampa and Virupaksha, she demanded that the place be called after her name. So, it became Pampa tirtha. And Pampa became Hampi in Kannada.
Which is your favourite Hampi legend? And, how do you know it is not a true story?
My favourite is the Radha legend. It talks about why all Vithala idols are naked. It is the most beautiful story, a very funny story.
Shachi, the wife of Indra, goes to see Vishnu and praises him. A happy Vishnu grants her a wish and she asks him to seat her on his lap. Vishnu declines but promises he will do it when he is born as Krishna and Shachi as Radha. So, when Radha meets Krishna, now the king of Dwaraka, he makes Radha sit on his lap, which infuriates his wife Rukmini. She leaves him and goes to the jungle. Krishna goes to get her back home.
He tells her in Marathi: ‘Aga vedhe chal (Hey, you mad girl, come on)’. This gets her angrier. Krishna stands in front of her and undresses. The poet doesn’t explain why. It is believed that all the Vithala temples since then have idols of a naked Krishna.
This story became popular in Karnataka but we do not have literary evidence for this. But in Marathi it is written. G. H. Khare has written a book on Pandharpur Vitthal. He says we do not know why he removed all his clothes but he stands naked in front of her and since then the Vithala temples are built with idols of naked Krishna.
In Hampi, there is no Vithala idol now. But we discovered a temple near Mahabalipuram in Tamil Nadu where the image is naked. Khare speaks about the image of Vitthal in Pandharpur; it is not the original image, which was replaced by the current one. He says he has examined it closely and the image is dressed but Krishna’s private parts are visible.
The cult of Vithala starts in Karnataka from the 7th or 8th century, before the Hoysalas. At that time the images of Vithala were fully clad. In the time of Krishnadevaraya, somebody concocted this legend about Vithala being naked.
Also, the Radha cult was not popular in Karnataka. Nobody accepted Radha as a goddess or the beloved of Krishna. She is not present even in Tamil Nadu. This story came up later and became popular in Maharashtra. In fact, it was concocted after the downfall of the kingdom since there is no mention of Radha in any of these inscriptions. There is no Radha mentioned in the compositions of Purandar Dasa, Kanaka Dasa, Vijayadasa or other saints. She is worshipped in the whole of north India (north of Krishna river);  there are Meera bhajans about Radha and stories of her in Gita Govinda; but not in Karnataka.
Another favourite is the story that the Vithala temple was never completed and there never was an idol. You know this is not true if you study the inscriptions. Many donations were made to the temple. The dholotsava mantapa was built and the festival celebrated in the centre of the mantapa. If the temple had not been completed or the idol not installed, why did they celebrate so many days of festival and describe it in great detail in the inscriptions?
As late as in 1563, Nammalavaralu, a devotee of Vithala and a Telugu man with a Tamil name, makes donations to the temple, specifying that the prasada of the morning rituals should be brought to his house with a procession of musicians and dancers. That kind of pomp implies the temple was open.
So do we know why doesn’t the Vithala temple in Hampi have an idol today?
The Muslims who attacked the empire were not against temples or Hindus. But they wanted to efface the memory of Rama Raya, the defeated king, from history. They thought if they demolished the temples so dear to Rama Raya, he would be forgotten. So, first, they attacked the Vithala temple and wanted to raze it to the ground but it is built so solidly that they could not succeed. So they covered it with wooden logs and set fire to the sanctum. It burnt. That is why only the central part is open to the sky.
The temples in Hampi exhibit Aihole-Pattadakal style as well as influences of Indo-Islamic architecture. Didn’t this era witness a Hindu-Muslim divide as some historians have suggested?
Yes, there are monuments that have Indo-Islamic architecture because Islam was already there. There were many Muslims living in the capital. If you go towards Kadirampura, you will find Muslim tombs. And next to them, you will find an inscription of a temple. Towards the north from the core of the capital towards the Vithala temple in the ruins, you can’t see it from the road but if you have the courage to walk inside like we did in those days, you will find Muslim tombs with inscriptions and Hindu temples, next to each other.
Domingo Paes, a Portuguese horse merchant, who came in the time of Krishnadevaraya, says Hindus and Muslims had their houses next to each other. He says that to the north of the capital there are Muslim quarters where Hindus also live.
A Muslim bodyguard of Deva Raya II, Katige (one who holds a stick) Ahmad Khan, built a chhatra (umbrella) in Hampi for the good of the king. After Khan’s death, the king built his tomb next to that chhatra. The tomb and the chhatra with an inscription on the door still exist.
Hindus and Muslims lived in harmony there. These British historians have made a mess, concocting stories of Hindu-Muslim divide and our people want to repeat it.
How important were temples in this empire? Were they just for worship or did they serve a larger purpose?
Temples were, first of all, banks. People would deposit an amount in the temple and on the interest rituals were celebrated. Some revenues from villages were given to the temple. Right from the beginning, they became cultural as well as educational and financial centres.
In Hampi, there are several inscriptions detailing donations to temples, specifying which rituals they were meant for and how much was to be spent for which purpose. Donations were made for renovation and construction as well.
The temple was a religious centre but it served many other purposes. All the life in that area developed around the temple so it was the pivot of the agglomeration.
You have studied the Hampi, Pattadakal and Kalamukha temples. Do you study only temple sites?
The temple is an open book—you get mythology, history, social, cultural and religious lives. A student gets abundant material here. This is what makes me interested in studying them.
But I study the entire place, not just the temple site. Whichever site I choose, I want to study the history of that place. While studying Vijayanagara, I wanted to understand the whole empire.
Why have some historians complained that Basaveswara hampered temple building in Karnataka?
In Badami Chalukya and Kalyani Chalukya period (6th to 8th centuries and 10th to 12th centuries, respectively), Lakulashaivas(followers of Lakulisha, the founder of the Pashupata Shaivite school) in Karnataka advised people to build temples and make donations to them. People who made donations were not required to pay taxes to the king, making him weak. When Bijjala comes to power, he employs Basaveswara to find a via media. Basaveswara teaches that your body is god; if you perform your duty, god will be happy and you get moksha; going to temples isn’t necessary.
Some historians accuse Basaveswara of impeding temple-building. Yes, building a temple anywhere and everywhere stopped, but existing temples got enlarged. Because of his movement, Karnataka has some large and beautiful temples, instead of several small and insignificant ones.
There is a huge discussion about lingayatism being a separate religion but Basaveswara never said it was a religion. He said ‘do your duty and don’t think of anything else’. He talked about it as a way of life. In his days, lingayatism did not get recognition. It became prominent only in the 15th century.
There are demands to recognise Lingayatism as a separate religion. Can we find early references if we look through the inscriptions?
You will be wasting your time. There is a huge discussion about lingayatism being a separate religion but Basaveswara never said it was a religion. He said ‘do your duty and don’t think of anything else’. He talked about it as a way of life. In his days, lingayatism did not get recognition. It became prominent only in the 15th century.
In Basaveswara’s time, Lakulashaivas were prominent in Karnataka. They were treated as equal to Brahmins and held important posts as royal preceptors and advisors to ministers. They did not accept Basaveswara’s ideas. That led to revolution in the capital Kalyani. King Bijjala was assassinated and Basaveswara had to leave the place. His period was over by 1168 and the Chalukya empire ends in 1189. Seunas of Devagiri continued to rule and we have a number of Lakulashaiva inscriptions that suggest they were heads of the temples and continued to perform pooja, unlike what Basaveswara taught. He was not forgotten but we get his references only in some inscriptions, including one at Chaudadanapur near Ranebennur, where a saint says ‘I want to be like Sangana Basava’.
Basaveswara’s principles and lingayatism came to prominence only in the time of Deva Raya II, when all the vachanas were codified. This is in the first half of the 15th century.
The Karnataka Empire was founded to protect Hindu kingdoms from Muslim invasion. So, how Hindu was this empire?
The kings were not against Muslims. They were against Muslim rule over Hindu kingdoms. I must make this point very clear. There was no hatred. In fact, they just wanted to protect their kingdom from invaders, who happened to be Muslim. They saw it as alien invasion. In fact, they used a title Suratrana, derived from the title Sultan that Muslim rulers used. They called themselves Hindu Raya Suratrana meaning Hindu Sultan. 
Did they not want to build a fierce Hindu identity or promote Hindu nationalism?
No. They were just stopping alien invasion. Temples were built and rituals conducted but there wasn’t a state religion. When the Bhakti movement started, Purandara Dasa, Kanakadasa and other saints sang the praises of their gods. In a way, itwas maintaining Hinduism but the kings never asked people to do anything about religion. They accepted all religions. Buddhism had disappeared from this area by then; Jainism was there; and Madhava, Sri Vaishnava and Shaivism were there. Lingayatism started after the 15th century. The kings accommodated all of them. Some Jesuits in their documents have said the king—I think it was about a king of the Aravidu dynasty—was ready to become Christian. They must have exaggerated but it shows how accommodating the king was.
You mentioned in one of your lectures that Karnataka is celebrating Hampi Utsav (festival) without giving Tipu Sultan due credit. What’s Tipu’s Hampi connection?
When the British were organising the states, the Hyderabad Nizam had an eye on Hampi since Anegundi was already in his dominion. At the same time, the Marathas, who had Bombay-Karnataka (Dharwad, Bijapur, etc.) thought Hampi should come under their territory. But Tipu said Hampi was the capital of the Karnataka Empire and must remain in Karnataka. He fought for it. Also, he had a soft corner for the last descendant of the maharaja of Anegundi, who called himself the descendant of Aravidu Rama Raya, surviving on a meagre revenue and some help from Tipu who thought if Hampi stayed in Karnataka, he would have better means of survival.
In any case, it is because of Tipu that Hampi is in Karnataka today. If Karnataka is celebrating Hampi Utsav, they must give Tipu his due.They must remember him for what he did.
There has been a lot of political drama around celebrating Tipu’s birth anniversary with some political groups calling him anti-Hindu. Do you think he was anti-Hindu?
These are all stupid people. The BJP is backed by the VHP, who are fanatics. They don’t acknowledge Tipu’s contribution but this is a fact and written by the British in a published paper.
You celebrate Krishnadevaraya and all other rulers. Why not Tipu? He is part of our history. Whether you like Tipu or not is not the question. By celebrating his jayanti, you are remembering a historical figure and you’re reminding the people of our history. Doing this is not anti-Hindu. In fact, he was not anti-Hindu. He is being portrayed as one but he wasn’t. In fact, Tipu used to say he was a devotee of Ranganatha of Srirangapatna. He gave lots of donations to temples in Srirangapatna, Melkote, etc.
It was the British who started anti-Tipu propaganda to turn people against him. In the beginning, Tipu was a kind and gentle ruler. When the British attacked him continuously and he had a lot of difficulties, probably he became cruel. But, I don’t believe it when they say he massacred hundreds of Iyengars because he wanted to kill Hindus. His acts were more of suppression to save his state than anti-Hindu.
You seem to take your role as a historian as somebody who separates myth from facts very seriously.
That should be the primary objective.
Our current political dispensation is blurring the line between myth and history. There are attempts at rewriting history from one point of view and to erase parts that are not to one’s liking. How do you see that as a historian?
It makes me very sad. We have an expression in Kannada ‘Boregall mele neer suridhanthe’. On a rock, you pour water, it doesn’t sprout. Talking to politicians about these things is like that.
I’m not saying that myth is worthless and you should discard it. Some legends are based on certain facts. But, you need to verify. It is important to separate historical facts and myth.
In the original Ramayana, Hanuman is not a monkey but a great scholar and musician. The legend about him being a monkey appears much later. Recently, I attended a seminar where a professor from Hyderabad spoke about Aurangzeb’s atrocities as well as his good qualities. When he spoke about the good qualities, nobody wanted to accept it.
Our people are happy repeating legends.
Author
https://fountainink.in/qna/when-the-south-was-one

The earliest oxhide ingot shape appears on an Indus Script inscription, ca. 2500 BCE. Seafaring Meluhhans supplied copper and tin to Ancient Near East.

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https://tinyurl.com/y46e27qm

This is an addendum to:

1. A temple at Sanchi for Dhamma by a kāraṇikā sanghin 'guild of scribes' in Indus writing cipher continuum https://tinyurl.com/ofda5rw

2. Dholavira had a central marketplace and a signboard, arka 'copper, gold' eraka, 'metalinfusion', āra 'brass'metalcasting with dhatu 'ores', workshop bright, bronze metalware 


3. Trade contacts with Meluhha artisans in Mari for tin-bronze production in Mesopotamia proven by provenance studies and cuneiform texts http://tinyurl.com/yxhfgnll 


Thanks to Posani Annapoorna for providing me the leads on a shipwreck in the West Coast of Antalya, Turkey which can have profound implications for the presence of Meluhha in Ancient Near East.

A shipwreck in Haifa, Israel had produced three pure tin ingots with Indus Script inscriptions which have been deciphered as Meluhha rebus cipher: mũhe ‘face’  Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ . The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'  ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin'. u = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral  dhā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’. Researchers look forward to details of the newly found shipwreck in Antalya, Turkey which has revealed bronze age ingots.

The monograph is presented in the following sections:

Section 1. Who invented the oxhide ingot shape? Meluhha artisans. 

Section 2. Surprising result of provenance analysis is that copper of Mesopotamia was sourced from Meluhha

Section 3.Archaeologically attested Oxhide ingot of tin from Uluburn shipwreck

Section 4. A new Bronze Age shipwreck with ingots in the west of Antalya—preliminary results -- A report by 

Section 5. A report by David Anderson on Bronze Age Shipwreck Discovered Off The Coast Of Turkey

Annex: (For ready reference) Cristian Ioan Popa, Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections, in N. C. Rişcuţa, I. V. Ferencz, O. Tutilă Bărbat (eds), Representations, Sings and Symbols, Ed. Mega, Cluj-Napoca, 2015, p. 187-214

Section 1. Who invented the oxhide ingot shape? Meluhha artisans. 

I suggest Meluhhan artisans did in Mohenjo-daro/Harappa/Chanhudaro/ Dholavira, ca.. 3rd millennium BCE, using the tin ore brought in as cargo, by seafaring merchants from Ancient Far East, from the largest Tin Belt of the globe in Irrawaddy-Salween-Mekong Himalayan river basins -- along the Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked Hanoi (Vietnam) and Haifa (Israe), predating the Silk Road, by about two millennia. 

Evidence is provided by a deciphered prism tablet showing a boat carrying oxhide ingots and with Indus Script inscription which is dateable to ca. 2500 BCE (Mature Harappan phase). 

This could be the earliest recorded evidence for an oxhide ingot.
Picture

m1429 Three sided molded tablet. One side shows a flat bottomed boat with a central hut that has leafy fronds at the top of two poles. Two birds sit on the deck and a large double rudder extends from the rear of the boat. On the second side is a snout nosed gharial with a fish in its mouth. The third side has eight symbols of the Indus script.

Material: terra cotta
Dimensions: 4.6 cm length, 1.2 x 1.5 cm width Mohenjo-daro, MD 602
Islamabad Museum, NMP 1384
Dales 1965a: 147, 1968: 39


The large oxhide ingots were signified by hālako a large metal ingot (Hieroglyph:  dhā 'a slope'; 'inclination'  hāla n. ʻ shield ʼ 
lex. 2. *hāllā -- .1. Tir. (Leech) "dàl"ʻ shield ʼ, Bshk. āl, Ku. hāl, gng. hāw, N. A. B. hāl, Or. hāa, Mth. H. hāl m.2. Sh. al (pl. °le̯) f., K. āl f., S. hāla, L. hāl (pl. °lã) f., P. hāl f., G. M. hāl f.Addenda: hāla -- . 2. *hāllā -- : WPah.kg. (kc.) hāˋl f. (obl. -- aʻ shield ʼ (a word used in salutation), J. hāl f.(CDIAL 5583). 

I suggest that the rebus rendering of hāla to signify hālako 'large ingot' indicates that the persons who signified the specific hieroglyphs as devices to signify the metal ingots, were familiar with Indus Script writing system and hence, the underyling language of Indus speakers (Indian sprachbund or speech union).


Side A
Side B
Side C
Three Sided Moulded Tablet with a boat and croc
Indus inscription Fired clay L.4.6 cm W. 1.2 cm
Indus valley, Mohenjo-daro,MD 602, Harappan,ca 2600 -1900 B.C
Islamabad Museum, Islamabad NMP 1384, Pakistan.

bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagalā (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Kannada) Rebus: bangala = kumpaṭi = angāra śakaṭī = a chafing dish a portable stove a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Telugu) cf. bangaru bangaramu = gold  (Telugu) 

Side B:
 
karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)

A pair of birds కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] n. A sort of duck. కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. कारंडव [kāraṇḍava ] m S A drake or sort of duck. कारंडवी f S The female. karandava [ kârandava ] m. kind of duck. कारण्ड a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 கரண்டம் karaṇṭam, n. Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy (metal)'. tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali)
Rebus readings of the other 2 sides of the Mohenjo-daro tablet:

Side A: kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) ghariyal id. (Hindi)
kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) கராம் karām, n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலைவகைமுதலையு மிடங்கருங் கராமும் (குறிஞ்சிப். 257). 2. Male alligator; ஆண் முதலை. (திவா.) కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator. (Telugu) Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)] Rebus: ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) 
khār 1 खार्  लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17);

a farrier (El.) Side C: Text 3246 on the third side of the prism. kāḍ  काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble (Marathi) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’shapes objects on a lathe’ (Gujarati) kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘account scribe’. kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi)
Alloy ingots
A pair of ingots with notches in-fixed as ligatures.

ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) Thus the pair of ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

Forge: stone, minerals, gemstones
khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.) kolom ‘cob’; rebus: kolmo ‘seedling, rice (paddy) plant’ (Munda.) kolma hoṛo = a variety of the paddy plant (Desi)(Santali.) kolmo ‘rice  plant’ (Mu.) Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’ (Telugu) Thus, the ligatured glyph reads: khaḍā ‘stone-ore nodule’kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Alternatives: 1. koṛuŋ young shoot (Pa.) (DEDR 2149) 

Rebus: kol iron, working in iron, blacksmith (Tamil) kollan blacksmith, artificer (Malayalam) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133).2. kaṇḍe A head or ear of millet or maize (Telugu) Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘stone (ore)(Gadba)’ Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).  
kolmo ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Thus, the pair of glyphs may denote lapidary work – working with stone, mineral, gemstones.

ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayas ‘metal’. kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’. Thus, together read rebus: ayakara ‘metalsmith’.
kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali) karṇika id. (Samskritam) Rebus: kārṇī m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) 
meḍ  ‘body’, ‘dance’ (Santali) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
kāḍ  काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble (Marathi)

The vernacular in ancient India was Meluhha also called Mleccha. Hundreds of words of this language in Indus-Meluhha writing represented metal-/stone-work hieroglyphs. This was the linear ancestral language of most Indians. It later was known as Deśi or Prākṛts. 

Section 2. Surprising result of provenance analysis is that copper of Mesopotamia was sourced from Meluhha


Item 3 http://tinyurl.com/yxhfgnll included the following Abstract from Iranica Antiqua, 2009:


Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al. 


Title: Über das frühe Kupfer Mesopotamiens Author(s): BEGEMANN, F. , SCHMITT-STRECKER, S. Journal: Iranica 


AntiquaVolume: 44    Date: 2009 Pages: 1-45 

DOI: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034374 

Abstract :Iranica Antiqua Geographical locations of sites of Mesopotamia from which artifacts were analyzed in this work (After Fig. 1 in Begemann, F. et al, 2009 loc.cit.) The conclusion is:                                       


"Unsere bleiisotopische evidenz legt nahe, das in Mesopotamien fur legierung mit zinn verwendete kupfer urudu-luh-ha stamme aus Indien, was ebenfalls vertraglich ist mit einem import via dilmun." 


(Trans. Our lead isotope evidence suggests that the urudu-luh-ha copper used in Mesopotamia for tin alloying is from India, which is also contracted with an import via Dilmun.)" (opcit., p.28)


A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently.


Section 3. Archaeologically attested Oxhide ingot of tin from Uluburn shipwreck





While 354 oxhide ingots discovered were copper ingots, it should be 

noted that oxhide shaped tin ingots were also discovered 

(Fawcett, N. & Zietsman, J.C. "Uluburun - the discovery and 

excavation of the world's oldest known shipwreck". 

Akroterion, Vol. 46 (2001): 5 - 20, http://akrolerion.journals.za )


 One side of a Mohenjo-daro tablet m1429 shows a boat.What was the cargo carried on the boat? I suggest that the cargo was Meluhha metalwork, signified by two oxhide shape ingots between two palm trees and two birds..

The shape of the pair of ingots on the boat (shown on the tablet) is comparable to following figures: 1. the ingot on which stands the Ingot-god (Enkomi); 2. Copper ingot from ZakrosCrete, displayed at the Heraklion Archaeological Museum But the script used on the tablet is NOT Cypro-Minoan or Cretan or Minoan but Meluhha:
Ox-hide ingots from Capte Geldonya shipwreck
Bronze figurine from Enkomi on Cyprus. Note oxhide ingot as stand, ca. 1150 BCE Dept.of Antiquities, Cyprus. The soldier stands on an ox-hide ingot


It is significant that the divinity shown as protecting oxhide ingots carries a shield and a spear as shown on the figure from Cyprus.
Bronze horned warrior.Enkomi.
30 cm. high bronze statue. Enkomi Level III sanctuary. ca. 1200 BCE Cyprus Archaeological Museum, Nicosia.

Alaina M. Kaiser has presented (in a Graduate Thesis of 2013) a detailed account of marks on copper oxhide ingots which have been discovered in Ancient Near East. This documentation provides a link to one particular hieroglyph which also appears on Indus Script Corpora: the T symbol. Though many oxhide ingots have been found in Cyprus, this symbol of T on the ingots is NOT related to cypro-minoan script which has not been deciphered so far. 

Evidence is presented to view the T symbol as an Indus Script hieroglyph.

Alaina M.Kaiser, 2013, Copper oxhide ingot marks – a database and comparative analysis, Thesis in Graduate School of Cornell University  https://ecommons.cornell.edu/bitstream/handle/1813/34104/amk342.pdf




Complete distribution of Copper Oxhide Ingots, Fragmens and Miniatures,After Map 1 in Kaiser, AlainaM.2013
Possible route of the Uluburn ship, Pulak 2008: 238. Map after Fig. 2 in Kaiser, AlainaM.2013

T symbol on ox-hide ingot (in the middle) from Cape Gelidonya shipwreck. Copper ox-hide ingots (Talents) After Fig. 5 on http://ina.tamu.edu/capegelidonya.htm
Double T symbol on fourth ingot from L. T symbol on fifth ingot from L. Disegno dei tre lingotti superstiti di Serra Ilixi, Nuragus, conservati al Museo di Cagliari (5). Come si vede dalla figura 1, non tutti gli autori concordano sull'esatta trascrizione dei segni. http://monteprama.blogspot.in/2013/09/i-marchi-dei-lingotti-oxhide.html

“The T and Double T symbols are usually impressed and most often appear on the rough side of Type 2 ingots. These marks were then made during the cooling of the metal with some form of stamp or brand in these shapes…Geographical distribution analysis places these two marks predominantly in the same regions. The majority of both T and Double T marks are from the Uluburn and Cape Gelidonya shipwrecks. On land, T marks appear at Enkomi (Cyprus) and Ozieri (Sardinia), Double T marks appear at Mycenae (Greece) and three sites on Sardinia (Teti, Nuragus, and Capoterra). This data, especially the prominence of these marks on Sardinia, indicates a possible connection between these symbols and ingots sent to the western areas of the Mediterranean.” (Kaiser, AlainaM.2013, p.39).

T symbol which appears on ox-hide ingots of the shipwrecks (Cape Gelidonya and Uruburun) is an Indus Script hieroglyph. The hieroglyph T symbol appears in a catalogue of metalwork on a Rehmandehri carved ivory pendant together with hieroglyphs of: frog, and two scorpions (on side A) and two markhors (on side B). 

T symbol appears on both sides of the Rehman Dehri ivory pendant.
rhd01BRehman Dehri pendant seal 1A, B.
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

 miṇḍāl ‘markhor’ (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120); rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Thus, iron metal casting.

T-glyph may denote a fire altar like the two fire-altars shown on Warrka vase below two animals: antelope and tiger. kand ‘fire-altar’ (Santali) Two T symbols shown below the hieroglyphs of markhor and tiger on Warka vase. The T symbol on the vase also shows possibly fire on the altars superimposed by bun-ingots.kand ‘fire-altar’ (Santali)

The appearance of T symbol (orthography of a stool) on ox-hide ingots is thus significant signify an Indus Script hieroglyph which is read rebus as a fire-altar: Hieroglyph: Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali)kand ‘fire-altar’ (Santali)

This indicates the possibility that many of the ox-hide tin ingots which were found in many locations of Ancient Near east and had the T symbol incised may have been produced by artisans familiar with the meanings of Indus Script hieroglyphs.

I suggest that the oxhide ingots with specific shape and signified by Indian sprachbund words were the products popularised by Sarasvati civilization artisanjs, based on the evidence of the Mohenjo-daro prism tablet which shows a shipment of oxhide ingots on a boat.

The ox-hide ingot was called ḍhāla 'large ingot'. Artisans who use this word belong to the Prakrtam Indiansprachbund (linguistic area).Whether these Prakrtam speakers had colonies in Cyprus calls for further researches becauee a large number of ox-hide ingots have been discovered in Cyprus and other parts of Ancient Near East.
ḍhālako = a large metal ingot The phonetic determinant for the metal product is the palm tree: tāṛ, tāla 'fan palm'. The aquatic birs id kaRa which signifies karaDa 'hard alloy'. Thus, the cargo on the boat comprises large metal ingots of hard alloy. This rebus rendering indicates that the oxhide shaped large ingot was called ḍhāla. 

kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi)  kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi) Rebus:  करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy–iron, silver &c
Ox-hide ingots.
The word ḍhāla also means 'shield' and ढालपट्टा (p. 204) ḍhālapaṭṭā m '(Shield and sword.) A soldier's accoutrements comprehensively.' This semantics is clear from a bronze figure of Enkomi, Cyprus signifying a warrior standing atop an ox-hide ingot and holding a shield and a spear.
 

Hieroglyph: tāla -- m. ʻ fan -- palm ʼ, (Pali) tāṛ m. ʻ palm tree ʼ (Sindhi): *tāḍa3 ʻ fan -- palm ʼ, tāḍī -- 2 f. in tāḍī -- puṭa -- ʻ palm -- leaf ʼ Kād., tāla -- 2 m. ʻ Borassus flabelliformis ʼ Mn., tālī -- , °lakī -- f. ʻ palm -- wine ʼ W. [Cf. hintāla -- ] Pa. tāla -- m. ʻ fan -- palm ʼ, Pk. tāḍa -- , tāla -- , tala -- m., tāḍī -- , tālī -- f., K. tāl m., P. tāṛ m., N. tār (tāṛ ← H.), A. tāl, B. tāṛ, Or. tāṛatāṛitāḷa, Bi. tār,tāṛ, OAw. tāra, H. G. tāṛ m., M. tāḍ m., Si. tala. -- Gy. gr. taró m., tarí f. ʻ rum ʼ, rum. tari ʻ brandy ʼ, pal. tar ʻ date -- spirit ʼ; S. tāṛī f. ʻ juice of the palmyra ʼ; P. tāṛī ʻ the fermented juice ʼ; N. tāṛī ʻ id., yeast ʼ (← H.); A. tāri ʻ the fermented juice ʼ, B. Or. tāṛi, Bi. tārītāṛī, Bhoj. tāṛī; H. tāṛī f. ʻ the juice, the fermented juice ʼ; G. tāṛī f. ʻ the juice ʼ, M. tāḍī f. <-> X hintāla -- q.v.tālavr̥nta -- ; *madatāḍikā -- .Addenda: tāḍa -- 3: S.kcch. tāṛ m. ʻ palm tree ʼ.(CDIAL 5750) Ta. kara tāḷam palmyra palm. Ka.  kara-tāḷa fan-palm, Corypha umbraculifera Lin. Tu. karatāḷa cadjan. Te. (B.) kara-tāḷamu the small-leaved palm tree.(DEDR 1270) Ka. tār̤ palmyra or toddy palm, Borassus flabelliformis. Tu. tāri, tāḷi id. Te. tāḍu, (inscr., Inscr.2) tār̤u id.; tāṭi of or belonging to the palmyra tree;tāṭi ceṭṭu palmyra tree; tāṭ-āku palmleaf. Kol. (Kin.) tāṭi māk palmyra tree. Nk. tāṛ māk/śeṭṭ toddy palm. Nk. (Ch.) tāṛ id. Pa. tāṛ id. Ga.
(S.3) tāṭi palmyra palm. Go. (G. Ma. Ko.) tāṛ, (S.) tāṛi, (A.) tāḍi toddy palm; (SR.) tādī kal palm liquor (Voc.1709). Konḍa ṭāṛ maran, ṭāṭi maran palmyra tree. Pe. tāṛ mar toddy palm. Kuwi (Su.) tāṭi mārnu, (S.) tāti id. Kur. tāṛ palm tree. Malt. tálmi Borassus flabelliformis. / Cf. Skt. tāla-, Pkt. tāḍa-, tāla-; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5750 (some of the Dr. items may be < IA).(DEDR 3180) tāl 2 ताल् m. the palmyra tree or fan palm, Borassus flabelliformis. (Kashmiri)

ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS Hieroglyph: ढाळ (p. 204) ḍhāḷa Slope, inclination of a plane. Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot . Thus, large metal or iron ingot.

Hieroglyph: ढाळा (p. 204) ḍhāḷā m A small leafy branch, spring. 2 A plant of gram, sometimes of वाटाणा, or of लांक.  ढाळी (p. 204) ḍhāḷī f A branch or bough. தளம்³ taḷam, n. < dala. 1. Leaf; இலை. (சூடா.) 2. Petal; பூவிதழ். (சூடா.)

This Mohenjo-daro prism tablet signifies on Side A a pair of palm trees flanking two oxhide ingots. It has been suggested that the hieroglyphs on all three sides of the tablet are read rebus to signify a metalwork catalogue of cargo carried on the boat (bagala?). Side A; tALa 'palm trees' rebus: DhALa 'large ingot (oxhide)' karaDa 'aquatic bird' rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' Side B: ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith', thus aya-kara 'metalsmith' Side C: from l.to r.  Part 1: karaNika 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo, script, engraver' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' muh 'ingot' khANDA 'notch' rebus:kaNDa 'implements' Part 2: kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' reebus: karNI 'supecargo, script, engrave' ayo, aya 'fish' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint' kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy.forge' muh 'ingot' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy/forge'. Thus, the inscription on the three sides signifies mint, metalwork, hard alloys,metalcastings ingots, metal implements from smithy/forge.


Hieroglyph: tamar 'palm' (Hebrew). Rebus: tamba 'copper' (Santali) tamra id .(Samskrtam)See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/07/indus-script-hieroglyphs-on-ancient.html
Oxhide ingot from Mycenae and ingots from Kyme in the Numismatic Museum, Athens. 
from Kyme in the Numismatic Museum, Athens

“Copper oxhide ingots are generally flat, rectangular ingots measuring 4-8 cm thick, 30-60 cm long, and 20-45 cm wide. The weight of these ingots varies greatly, from about 10 kg to 37 kg. The most prominent features of the ‘oxhide’ ingots are elongated, pulled-out corners that would facilitate carrying them by two people or tying them together, or to the back of an animal, with a rope. The shape of these “ears” and the ingot sides vary a great deal, from very long hornlike “ears” and a small waist as on the ingot found at Mycenae, to gently concaved sides and small protrusions at the corners as seen on the “pillow” ingots from Kyme, Kato Zakros, Tylissos, and Hagia Triada…the purity of copper in all tested cases is over 99%...Some of them have signs, either stamped or imprinted during casting, or as in many cases, incised after the ingot had cooled. So far there is no firm conclusion as to the meaning of these signs…The best study case for these ingots is the collection of several hundred discovered on the Uluburn shipwreck, which also carried oxhide-shaped tin ingots (Pulak, C., 2000, ‘The coper and tin ingots from the late Bronze Age shipwreck at Uluburn,’ in Anatolien Metal 1 (Der Anshnitt Beiheft 13), U. Yalcin, ed., Bochum, pp. 137-157)...it seems that the earliest ingots of the oxhide shape are still those found on Crete in the Hagia Triada palace and at Tylissos, Gournia, Zakros, and coastal Mochlos. All these finds are dated to 1500-1450 BCE (Late Minoan 1😎..PRS Moorey (2001, ‘The mobility of artisans and opportunities for technology transfer between Western Asia and Egypt in the late Bronze Age’, in The Social Context of Technological Change, A. Shortland, ed., Oxford,  3-4) summarizes the evidence for the important role that the Hurrians played in this region in propagating innovative technologies. It is very likely that they were also involved in facilitating the tin trade from central Asia to the eastern Mediterranean. Did the Hurrians invent the oxhide ingot shape?...From about 1550 BCE the Anatolian coast facing Cyprus on the northeast was coming under the influence of the emerging Hurrian state of Mitanni, which in the next two centuries became a power equal to Egypt and the Hittite Empire (Kuhrt, A., 2000, The Ancient Near East ---c. 3000-330 BCE (Routledge History of the Ancient World, 2 vols.), London, 2876-287).” (Zofia Anna Stos-Gale, “Biscuits with ears:” A search for the origin of the earliest oxhide ingots, in: Philip P. Betancourt and Susan C. Ferrence, eds., 2011, Metallurgy: understanding how, learning why, studies in honor of James D. Muhly, Philadelphia, INSTAP Acdemic Press, pp. 221 to 228).






Tin Trade

"... In fact, the tin trade between Afghanistan and Mesopotamia probably did not start until the end of the 3rd millenium BCE. Since there is evidence of lapis lazuli from Afghanistan being traded with Mesopotamia before this, it is likely that smaller sources closer to Mesopotamian centers were providing tin. That being said, tin was traded across about the same distance as copper, most likely for the production of bronze.
Like copper, tin was traded in the partially maufactured form of ingots and worked once recieved at its final destiation." http://www.arth501-2016.com/how-people-traded-copper.html

I suggest that the rebus rendering of ḍhāla to signify ḍhālako 'large ingot' indicates that the persons who signified the specific hieroglyphs as devices to signify the metal ingots, were familiar with Indus Script writing system and hence, the underyling language of Indus speakers (Indian sprachbund or speech union).

Three Sided Moulded Tablet with a boat and crocodile
Indus inscription Fired clay L.4.6 cm W. 1.2 cm
Indus valley, Mohenjo-daro,MD 602, Harappan,ca 2600 -1900 B.C
Islamabad Museum, Islamabad NMP 1384, Pakistan.



The two hieroglyphs incised which compare with the two pure tin ingots discovered
 from a shipwreck in Haifa, the moulded head can be explained also as a Meluhha 
hieroglyph without assuming it to be the face of goddess Arethusa in Greek 
tradition: Hieroglyph:  mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Santali).
 The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) 
ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali). u = cross (Te.); 
dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ 
(CDIAL 6771). [The 'cross' or X hieroglyph is incised on both ingots.]


Conclusion

It is unclear if the oxhide shaped tin ingots were cast in 
Sarasvati-Sindhu (Indus) civilization sites or in situ in cassiterite mine sites
 of Ancient Far East. The inscriptions on the tin ingots with Indus Script 
point to the possibility that the ingots were cast in Sarasvati-Sindhu (Indus)
 civilization sites from ca 3rd millennium BCE. Austro-asiatic speakers 
(Meluhha artisans) of ancient India and ancient Far East may have been
 involved in the invention of oxhide shape for large tin ingots.

See: The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced
 by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies
Volume 1: Number 11 (2010), pp. 47-74.)

Oxhide shape are used for both copp\er and tin ingots as evidenced by 
the ingots found in Uluburn and Gelidonya shipwrecks.

The earliest representation of the oxhide shape occurs in an Indus Script
 inscription of a Mohenjodaro tabletwhich shows the oxhides as cargo 
on a boat. This is the clearest evidence of seafaring merchants of Meluhha
 delivering copper and tin ingots into sites in Ancient Near East.
m1429 Material: terra cotta.Dimensions: 4.6 cm length, 1.2 x 1.5 cm width Mohenjo-daro, 
MD 602.Islamabad Museum, NMP 1384.Dales 1965a: 147, 1968: 39
Given the archaeological evidence for oxhide copper and tin ingots, this  key argument 
of rebus readings of Meluhha glosses related to the hieroglyphs is 
archaeometallurgical reaffirmation of the cipher: Meluhha 
(aka Santali-Indian sprachbund) and use of the writing system on the
 two pure tin ingots of a shipwreck at Haifa. 

Another tin ingot with comparable Indus writing was reported by Artzy:


The two hieroglyphs incised which compare with the two pure tin ingots 
discovered from a shipwreck in Haifa, the moulded head can be explained 
also as a Meluhha hieroglyph without assuming it to be the face of goddess 
Arethusa in Greek tradition: Hieroglyph:  mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus: 
mũh ‘ingot’ (Santali). The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' 
Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' 
(Santali). u = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhā 
to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). 
[The 'cross' or X hieroglyph is incised on both ingots.]


Conclusion

It is unclear if the oxhide shaped tin ingots were cast in Sarasvati-Sindhu
 (Indus) civilization sites or in situ in cassiterite mine sites of 
Ancient Far East. The inscriptions on the tin ingots with Indus Script point 
to the possibility that the ingots were cast in Sarasvati-Sindhu (Indus) 
civilization sites from ca 3rd millennium BCE. Austro-asiatic speakers 
(Meluhha artisans) of ancient India and ancient Far East may have been 
involved in the invention of oxhide shape for large tin ingots.
Chakravartin from Jaggayyapeta stupa. Andhra, 1st C. BCE. Marble, H. 4'3". Government Museum, Madras
Chakravartin from Jaggayyapeta stupa. Andhra, 1st C. BCE. Marble, H. 4'3". 
Government Museum, Madras.

eraka 'shoulder', 'upraised arm' 
rebus: eraka 'metal infusion' which signifies competence in cire perdue
 (lost wax) metal castings.

څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) A wheel (particularly a potter's, or of a water-mill or well). 
2. A grindstone. 3. Circular motion, turn, revolution, the act of turning. 4. Fortune, 
chance. 5. The heavens, the sphere, the celestial globe. 6. A kind of hawk or falcon, 
an eagle. 7. A stab, a puncture, a prick, a wound produced by a spear, an arrow, or
 the like. Pl. څرخرنه ṯs̱arḵẖ-ūnah; 8. adj. Punctured, pricked, pierced, stabbed; (Fem.) 
څرکه ṯs̱arkaʿhڅرخیدلṯs̱arḵẖedal, verb intrans. To revolve, to turn round, to wheel.
 2. To dance. Pres. څرخبږي ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕī (W.) or څرخیګي ṯs̱arḵẖegī (E.); past
 ؤ څرخیده wu-ṯs̱arḵẖedah or ؤ څرخیدَ wu-ṯs̱arḵẖeda; fut. ؤ به څرخیږي 
wu bah ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕī or ؤ به څرخیګي wu bah ṯs̱arḵẖegī; imp. ؤ څرخیږه 
wu-ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕah or ؤ څرخیګه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖegah; act. part. څرخیدونکيَ
 ṯs̱arḵẖedūnkaey or څرخیدونيَ ṯs̱arḵẖedūnaey; past part. څرخید ليَ 
ṯs̱arḵẖedalaey; verb.n. څرخیدنه ṯs̱arḵẖedanaʿhڅرخول
ṯs̱arḵẖawul, verb trans. To turn, to make revolve, to wheel round. 
2. To sharpen. Pres. څرخوي ṯs̱arḵẖawī; past ؤ څرخاوه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖāwuh or 
ؤ څرخاوو wu-ṯs̱arḵẖāwo; fut. ؤ به څرخوي wu bah ṯs̱arḵẖawī; imp. ؤ څرخوه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖawah; act. part. څرخوونکيَ ṯs̱arḵẖawūnkaey or څرخوونيَ ṯs̱arḵẖawūnaey; past part. څرخوليَ ṯs̱arḵẖawulaey; verb. n. څرخونه ṯs̱arḵẖawunaʿh. (P چرخ).(Pashto)
 څرخه ṯs̱arḵẖaʿh, s.f. (3rd) A spinning-wheel, a large reel. Pl. يْ ey. (P چرخه). (Pashto) 
This remarkable sculptural frieze signifies two capital pillars topped by
 1) spoked wheel; and 2) oxhide type ingot. I suggest that these are 
Indus Script hieroglyphs which signify metalwork competence. 
The person standing between the two pillars has his hand upraised 
over the shoulder. eraka 'shoulder' rebus: eraka 'metal infusion'.

The spoked wheel and oxhide type ingot signify rebus Meluhha readings of 
metalwork:

Spoked wheel as on Tikultin Ninurta fire-altar, as on Dholavira signboard 
signifies two features of metallurgical competence of the Amaravati 
artisans:1. carkha 'spinning wheel' rebus: arka 'copper, gold'; eraka 
'metal infusion' PLUS āre potter's wheel' rebus: āra 'brass'.arā 'spokes' 
rebus: āra 'brass'

2. 
ḍhālako 'a large metal ingot' (Gujarati) 

Comparable to the Tukulti Ninurta I pedestal are the hieroglyphs of 

Jaggayyapeta/Amaravati. A spoked wheel is shown as a capitol of a pillar. 

An ox-hide type ingot is also shown as a capitol of a pillar.Thus, reinforcing the

 association of these hypertexts with metalwork and work of a guild-master.                                                     

Related imageOne side of Tukulti Ninurta I pedestal (fire-altar) signifying spoked wheels atop flagposts and atop the heads of two flagpost carriers. 

See: 

 https://tinyurl.com/y7dyax2a

Art historians and scholars of civilization studies have interpreted Jaggayyapeta 
sculptural frieze (of marble in Govt. Museum, Egmore) as a depiction of Aśoka 
cakravarti because of the signifier of a spoked-wheel atop a pillar and because the person with an upraised arm is flanked by a horse and an elephant. 

I submit, comparing the frieze with an identical narrative on an Amaravati 
sculptural frieze (in Guimet Museum, Paris), that the depiction is NOT of 
Aśoka cakravarti but of a guild-master of a mint in Amaravati.
Related image
1st century BCE/CE Indian relief from Amaravathi village, Guntur district, Andhra 
Pradesh (India). Preserved in Guimet Museum, Paris (2005). Le souverain universel
 (cakravartin). Andhra Pradesh, région d'Amaravati. Ecole d'Amaravati,
 fin du 1er s. av. J.-C. - 1er s. ap. J.-C. Plaque de revêtement de stupa, 
calcaire marmoréen. MG 19063.Source: http://www.ytraynard.fr/2015/12/30/
Related imageImage result for jaggayyapeta stupa
Aśoka was third monarch of the Mauryan dynasty. He was born in 304 BCE and died 
in 232 BCE.
Left: Marble sculptural frieze. Jaggayyapeta stupa. Andhra, 1st C. BCE. H. 4'3".
 Government Museum, Madras
Right: Sculptural frieze from Amaravati. Guimet Museum.
Two pillars with capitals flank the standing person. 

The pillar on the left has the capital of a spoked wheel and on the base of this pillar, 
square coins are shown. To the right of this pillar is a parasol:Ta. kuṭai umbrella, 
parasol, canopy. Ma. kuṭa umbrella. Ko. koṛ umbrella made of leaves (only in a proverb); 
keṛ umbrella. To. kwaṛ id. Ka. koḍe id., parasol. Koḍ. koḍe umbrella. 
Tu. koḍè id. Te. goḍugu id., parasol. Kuwi (F.) gūṛgū, (S.) gudugu, (Su. P.) guṛgu 
umbrella (< Te.). / Cf. Skt. (lex.) utkūṭa- umbrella, parasol.(DEDR 1663) Rebus: 
koD 'workshop, smithy'.
Read together, the spoked-wheel and the umbrella signify rebus Meluhha 
expressions of metalwork: ārakuta, 'brass' composed of hieroglyphs: arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass' kūa'.

The second pillar on the right has the capital of an ox-hide shaped ingot which is 
read rebus: ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal
 (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) 
Thus the pair of ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ 

Thus, the two capital pillars and the parasol signify  ārakuta 'brass' and  
khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’. 

The upraised arm of the standing person is: eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: eraka
 'moltencast'. This is signifier of a caster of molten metal. He is an important 
person wearing a twig on his crown: kūdī 'twig' kuṭhi 'smelter' Vikalpa: 

maṇḍa 
     
    = a branch; a twig; a twig with leaves on it (Telugu) Rebus: 

maṇḍā 
     
    = warehouse, workshop (Konkani) Thus, the standing person is 
a worker with a smelter and manager of a warehouse, workshop. Such a leader 
is called guild-master: *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?
(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master: Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- 
f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), 
śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f.
 ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]
Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , 
Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; 
Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m.
 ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. 
[śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , 
siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m.
 ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; 
N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi 
ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, 
H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, 
master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; 
Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)
(CDIAL 12725, 12726)

What do the flanking horse and elephant signify?

Elephant: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'
Horse: sadassa 'a noble steed of the horse kind' (Pali)  sadom 'horse' rebus: 
sadana 'seat, dwelling'.

Thus, together, the elephant and horse signify, karba sadana 'iron workplace'.
Universal Ruler; Saptaratna; Rajakakuda;224 India 436989/Andhra/
JAGGAYYAPETA STUPA,/RELIEF, SLAB, CHAKRAVARTIN/&amp; 
SEVEN JEWELS, det, Chintamani./Stone (Ikshvaku, ca. 3rd c.)/
American Council for Southern Asian Art (ACSAA) 12452. 
Jaggayyapeta. Analogous Chakravartin and 7 jewels versions 
are found in Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda. Zimmer, 1955, 
p. 349 and pl. 37; Combas, 1935, pp. 89, fig. 35 and 89; 
Coomaraswamy, 1935, figs. 19 and 20.Square coins descend
 from the clouds? Or, is it stylized representationof a tree 
(branches), as a background ligature? 
person with outstretched right hand is flanked by two pillars. 
One pillar has a lotus on top. Another has an ox-hide ingot 
mounted on a lotus on top. tAmarasa 'lotus' rebus:
 tAmra 'copper' ढाळा (p. 356) [ ḍhāḷā ] m A small 
leafy branch, spring. ढाल्या (p. 356) [ ḍhālyā ] a ढाल 
Armed with a Shield.Dhalako 'ingot' (Gujarati). 


click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB)
Adoration of the Diamond Throne and the Bodhi Tree Bharhut relief. 
The inscription between the Chaitya arches reads: "Bhagavato 
Sakamunino/ bodho" ie "The building round the Bodhi tree of the Holy 
Sakamuni (Shakyamuni)" Inscription B23

Bharhut sculptural relief. The center-piece is the slab inscribed with Indus 
Script hieroglyphs. 
The central hieroglyphs flanked by each 'srivatsa' hieroglyph are a pair of 
spathes:

Hieroglyph: दळ (p. 406)[ daḷa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower.
 dula 'pair'
Rebus: metalcast: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, 
trinkets &c.) dul 'cast metal'. The three 'x' on this frame are also hieroglyphs:
 kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'.
 Thus, the sculptural composition is a narrative of work in a Meluhha smithy.

kūdī 'bunch of twigs' (Sanskrit) rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali) 

kuṭi 'tree'rebus:  kuṭhi 'smelter furnace' (Santali)

करडई  karaī f Safflower, Carthamus. 2 Its seed. करडी karaī f 
(See करडई) Safflower: also its seed. करडेल karaēla n (करडई & तेल
Oil of Carthamus or safflower.  karaa2 m. ʻ Carthamus tinctorius ʼ lex. 
Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ safflower ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a tree like the karañja ʼ; M. karḍī°ḍaī f. 
ʻ safflower, Carthamus tinctorius and its seed ʼ.*karaṭataila ʻ oil of safflower ʼ. 
[karaṭa -- 2, tailá -- ] 
M. karel n. ʻ oil from the seed of safflower ʼ.(CDIAL 2788, 2789)
Rebus: करडा  karaḍā a Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. 
Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook'.

Hieroglyphs (sacred writing) are held on the platform which holds a 
pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative 
message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols 
(hieroglyphs)

Bharhut Ajatasattu Pillar - Descent From Tavatimsa. The relief is part of this railing 
post:
Story of Serpent King Erapata, with Erapata worshipping empty throne, on Prasenajit pillar, from Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh, India, Sunga period, c. 100-80 B.C.E., reddish brown sandstone (Indian Museum, Kolkata) (photo: Anandajoti Bhikkhu, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Story of Serpent King Erapata, with Erapata worshipping empty throne, on Prasenajit pillar, 
from Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh, India, Sunga period, c. 100-80 B.C.E., reddish brown 
sandstone (Indian Museum, Kolkata) (photo: Anandajoti Bhikkhu. tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus:
tāmra 'copper'; phaḍā 'cobra hood' rebus:phaḍā,  'metals manufactory'; paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil 
workshop'.
Hieroglyph: फडा (p. 313) phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c  स्फट [p= 1269,3] 
m. a snake's expanded hood L. phaṭa n. ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ MBh. 2. *phēṭṭa -- 
2. [Cf. phuṭa -- m., °ṭā -- f., sphuṭa -- m. lex., °ṭā -- f. Pañcat. (Pk. phuḍā -- f.), sphaṭa -- m.,
 °ṭā -- f., sphōṭā -- f. lex. andphaṇa -- 1. Conn. words in Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 386] 
1. Pk. phaḍa -- m.n. ʻ snake's hood ʼ, °ḍā -- f., M. phaḍā m., °ḍī f. 2. A. pheṭ, phẽṭ. (CDIAL 9040)
 పటము (p. 695) paṭamu paṭamu. [Skt.] n. A cloth, వస్త్రము. A picture. గెరిపటము a paper 
kite, పతంగి.  The hood of a serpent, (See hoods of cobra adorning the worshipping naga-s).
Ta. patam cobra's hood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id. Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) 
baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, 
Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, 
see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45. (DEDR 47)
Rebus: Factory, guild: फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public 
resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, 
an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्याचा फड A gambling-house, 
नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singingshop 
or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus,
 club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, 
gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop 
may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue
 in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for
 inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, 
manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī
 m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.)
2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड
3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain).  फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) 
A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued 
all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts 
from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. 
Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the 
accounts &c. was called फडनीस.(Marathi) பட்டரை¹ paṭṭarai , n. 
See பட்டறை¹. (C. G. 95.) பட்டறை¹ paṭṭaṟai , n. < பட்டடை¹. 
1. See பட்டடை, 1, 3, 5, 7, 8, 12, 14. 2. Machine; யந்திரம்
3. Rice-hulling machine; நெல்லுக் குத்தும் யந்திரம். Mod. 
4. Factory; தொழிற்சாலை. Mod. 5. Beam of a house; வீட்டின் உத்திரம்.
 6. Wall of the required height from the flooring of a house; வீட்டின் தளத்திலிருந்து 
எழுப்ப வேண்டும் அளவில் எழுப்பிய சுவர்
வீடுகளுக்குப் பட்டறை மட்டம் ஒன்பதடி உயரத்துக்குக் குறை யாமல்
 (சர்வாசிற். 48). பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai , n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம்.
 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம். (Tamil)

Uluburun - the discovery and excavation of the world's oldest known shipwreck

N. Fawcett, J.C. Zietsman

Abstract


The oldest and most exciting shipwreck ever discovered is that of a 15 metre Syro-Palestinian trading vessel whose cargo was sighted on the sea-bed by a sponge diver off a promontory called Uluburun, near Kas, on the south Turkish coast. The ship dates from about 1300 BC. According to Wachsmann (1998:xi) “The Uluburun shipwreck is without doubt the single most significant key to understanding Bronze Age seafaring”, and Bass (1998:49) adds that “few if any Bronze Age excavations in the past 50 years have been more important than the Uluburun shipwreck.” http://akroterion.journals.ac.za/pub/article/view/116 Full text pdf: http://akroterion.journals.ac.za/pub/article/view/116/128




silver ingots from ancient Rome
One pillar has a lotus atop. Another has an ox-hide ingot atop mounted on a lotus

Cylinder seal: man grasping an antelope, bull's head over ingot

Period: Late Cypriot
Date: ca. 16th–12th century B.C.
Geography: Cyprus, Ayia Paraskevi; Cyprus
Culture: Cypriot
Medium: Black-grey steatite
Dimensions: 0.63 in. (1.6 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874–76
Accession Number: 74.51.4325 Metmuseum
The cylinder seal (unprovenanced) shows head of bull together with other hieroglyphs: 6 dotted circles, lion, eagle ligatured to a feline and an antelope with head turned backwards).

baTa 'six' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'. eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'. ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' krammara 'head turned back' Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith' arya 'lion' (Akkadian) Rebus: arA 'brass'. muh 'face (of bull)' Rebus: muh 'ingot'.Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Munda) mũh ʻ opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing) ʼ (Bihari)(CDIAL 10158)mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = copper; milakkha (Pali) mu~hu~ = face (S.); rebus: mu_ha ‘smelted ingot’ [mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing)(Bi.)] 
 
Disegno dei tre lingotti superstiti di Serra Ilixi, Nuragus, conservati al Museo di Cagliari (5). Come si vede dalla figura 1, non tutti gli autori concordano sull'esatta trascrizione dei segni. http://monteprama.blogspot.in/2013/09/i-marchi-dei-lingotti-oxhide.html

Cylinder seal: man grasping an antelope, bull's head over ingot

Period: Late Cypriot
Date: ca. 16th–12th century B.C.
Geography: Cyprus, Ayia Paraskevi; Cyprus
Culture: Cypriot
Medium: Black-grey steatite
Dimensions: 0.63 in. (1.6 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874–76
Accession Number: 74.51.4325 Metmuseum
The cylinder seal (unprovenanced) shows head of bull together with other hieroglyphs: 6 dotted circles, lion, eagle ligatured to a feline and an antelope with head turned backwards).

baTa 'six' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'. eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'. ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' krammara 'head turned back' Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith' arya 'lion' (Akkadian) Rebus: arA 'brass'. muh 'face (of bull)' Rebus: muh 'ingot'.Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Munda) mũh ʻ opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing) ʼ (Bihari)(CDIAL 10158)mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = copper; milakkha (Pali) mu~hu~ = face (S.); rebus: mu_ha ‘smelted ingot’ [mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing)(Bi.)] 


Copper ox-hide ingot. Orthographically, the ingot is a mould with large, curving horns. This was also shown carried by Egyptians on a painting. A Cretan ox-hide ingot also had an incised glyph: Sarasvati hieroglyph of kolom 'graft' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. Inscribed Cretan copper ox-hide ingot (After Fig.82 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson)  In the Late Bronze Age, oxhide and plano-convex shaped ingots were used in the Aegean; elsewhere, only small plano-convex (bun-shaped) ingots were used."Bronze tools and weapons were cast in double moulds. The cire perdue process was evidently employed for the sockets of the fine decorated spear-heads of the Late Minoan period. Copper was available in some parts of Crete, notably in the Asterousi mountains which border the Mesara plain on the south, but it may have been imported from Cyprus as well. The standard type of ingot found throughout the East Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age was about two or three feet long, with inward-curving sides and projections for a man to grasp as he carried it on his shoulder. Smaller bun-shaped ingots were also in use." (Sinclair Hood, opcit., p. 106). A variant of the inscribed sign, a comparable logograph, like a trident or a sheaf of corn, is used in Sarasvati hieroglyphs. 


A bronze four sided stand showing a man carrying a copper ox-hide ingot and tree. 12th Century BC, possibly from Kourion, British Museum. "There is evidence to suggest that copper was initially smelted into rough products - bars and ox-hide ingots - close to the mines.  This was then transported for further refinement and working to the coastal settlements. 

Ceremonial bronze stand, possibly Kourion, Cyprus. Shows a man carrying an oxhide ingot towards a tree, and another playing a Lyre. "Bronze tools and weapons were cast in double moulds. The cire perdue process was evidently employed for the sockets of the fine decorated spear-heads of the Late Minoan period. Copper was available in some parts of Crete, notably in the Asterousi mountains which border the Mesara plain on the south, but it may have been imported from Cyprus as well. The standard type of ingot found throughout the East Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age was about two or three feet long, with inward-curving sides and projections for a man to grasp as he carried it on his shoulder. Smaller bun-shaped ingots were also in use." (Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson, p. 106)

A foundry hoard was found by a British Museum expedition at the ancient settlement of Enkomi - just behind the later settlement of Salamis - at the then mouth of the Pediaios river on the east coast of the island. The hoard consists of foundry workers' tools - charcoal shovels, sledgehammer, furnace spatulae, tongs, scales;  carpenter's tools, raw bronze products including a 36kg oxhide ingot,  bits and pieces of other bronze products to be recycled, including jets from previous casting, and a pair of bronze ten-spoke wheels."

Section 4. A new Bronze Age shipwreck with ingots in the west of Antalya—preliminary results -- A report by 


Pages 3-14 | Published online: 02 Apr 2019

Palestine Exploration Quarterly 

Volume 151, 2019 - Issue 1

Abstract
Archaeological underwater investigations in the coast of Mersin and Antalya districts of the Turkish Mediterranean have been carried out with the permission of the Ministry of Culture of Turkish Republic since 1999. Many shipwrecks, sunken settlements, port structures, ancient harbour facilities and other archaeological remains have been documented and lodged in the national archive. The most important discovery within the scope of our study in 2018 has been revealed at the boundaries of the Ancient Lycia-Lukka Region in Kumluca at the west coast of Antalya. It is a pleasure for us to announce that a new Bronze Age shipwreck has been discovered in the same waters as the Gelidonia and Uluburun shipwrecks excavated by George Bass and Cemal Pulak. This new shipwreck could probably be dated to 16-15th Century BC, earlier than the Gelidonia and Uluburun ships. The main part of the shipwreck consists of at least 73 pillow-type ingots (copper?) and at least 4 bun (pita) type ingots (copper or tin?). Pillow-type ingots are compatible with Buchholz / Bass Type 1 ingots, which are usually dated to 16th-15th century BC and rarely to 14th century BC. Part of the shipwreck cargo continues under the sand and the remaining part of it, probably including its anchor, is also under natural camouflage. In order to avoid damaging the in situ position of the shipwreck, no samples have yet been taken. The different findings observed under the sand and the part forming the main cargo were untouched.

The location of the shipwreck

The wreck is located about 50 metres off the coast in the Kumluca District of Antalya Province in the ancient Lycia/Lukka Region (Figure 1). From time to time, this high-flowing region is full of challenges for sailors. In previous years, shipwrecks and many anchors, including, Bronze Age stone anchors that did not belong to any shipwrecks, have been identified along this coast. Probably, while running from a storm and trying to take shelter in a bay, battling with the effects of flows that hampered its manoeverability, this ship had crashed onto the rocks on the shore and finally sank.
Figure 1. Location of the wreck (Günay Dönmez).
The visible remains of the shipwreck start at the depth of 37 metres and extend to 45 metres. Its submerged area has an average inclination of 45 degrees, from a depth of 21 metres to a depth of about 48 metres. The depth continues with a gentler descent from 48 metres up to 90 metres at about 200 metres from the coast. The wreck is located on a 45-degree slope in a valley-shaped area of about 12 metres in width, between the main rock heights in the east and southwest. Visible spread covers an area 5 metres wide and 14 metres long. (Figure 2a–c). This spread reminds us of the approximate size of a typical Bronze Age merchant ship of Levant.
Figure 2. (a) Photoscan of the wreck from up (Dilan Ulusoy) (b) Photoscan of the wreck from South-West (Dilan Ulusoy). (c) Photoscan of the wreck and distance to the surface (Dilan Ulusoy)

Research on the shipwreck

Our study of the shipwreck was divided into three stages. The first study was to determine the cargo and the area over which the ship was spread. In October 2018, the dive teams were divided into two, as inspection and dive safety teams. The first team carried out a total of 10 research dives on the shipwreck at a maximum depth of 55 metres. The safety team supported the other team at a depth of 30 metres during these dives.
The second study was aimed at documenting the cargo of the wreck and its area of spread (Figure 3a,b) and scientific photographs and films of the visible cargo of the wreck were taken. The depths of the ship's visible cargo and its physical properties were recorded. In addition, a photo-mosaic (Figure 4) and PhotoScan studies were performed, the resulting images being processed in the computers of the Underwater Research Center in Kemer in Antalya.
Figure 3. (a) Research on the wreck (Photo: Hakan Öniz). (b) Recording study on the wreck (Photo: Hakan Öniz)
Figure 4. Photomosaic from the north-east (Metehan Samet Gül and Günay Dönmez).
The third study was carried out by sonar scanning methods. In this context, a side-scan sonar/dual beam sonar study was carried out on the coasts where the shipwreck was found, determining the protrusions and shallows that would cause the ship to sink, recording the seabed and depths, and finding other remnants of the shipwreck if any.

General condition of the shipwreck

Seventy-three pillow-type (Buchholz/Bass type 1b?) probably copper ingots and 4 bun type possibly tin or copper ingots constitute the visible cargo of the wreck (Figure 5). The visible ingots are either conjoined to the rock just below or to another ingot. Some of the ingots are located on the sand floor between the rocks. Between a depth of 37–45 metres, some of the area where the wreck is spread is covered with sand and it is not possible to see an ingot there. There may be other ingots or other remains under these sandy areas. It was observed that the ground was partly covered with sand in research conducted at a depth of 48 metres–55 metres parallel to the area where the wreck was spread. No artefact has been seen in this area but it is likely that there might be remains under the sand.
Figure 5. In situ drawing of the wreck (Günay Dönmez).
Because of the increased risk in SCUBA dives deeper than 55 metres, research in deeper areas has been delayed until 2019. The remains associated with the wreck can be found under sand, natural camouflage or ingots in the area where the cargo is located, as well as under sand on a set of 48–50 metres, where remains are not visible. These remains can less likely be found at depths of 50–90 metres. The sea bed around the location of the wreck can also be seen from the side-scan sonar images (Figure 6).
Figure 6. Side scan sonar image of the location (Günay Dönmez and Ercan Soydan).
The length of one of the possible copper ingots of pillow form, which forms the main cargo of the shipwreck is 46.4 cm (at its longest)–42 cm (shortest); its width is 31.3 cm (at its widest)–24.4 cm (shortest); and its thickness ranges from 5.4–4.1 cm (Figures 7–9a). However, these measurements were taken in situ within a layer of sediment. One of the bun shaped ingots is 30 cm in diameter and 3.5 cm thick (Figures 8 and 9b).
Figure 7. A pillow-shaped ingot from the wreck: AG7 (Photo: Hakan Öniz).
Figure 8. A bun-shaped ingot from the wreck: AG10 (Photo: Hakan Öniz).
Figure 9. (a-b) Drawings of ingots (Günay Dönmez).

Possible history of the wreck and parallels

Some of the pillow-shaped ingots, which are all dated to the Late Bronze Age can be described as Buchholz/Bass Type 1 (Figure 10) (Bass 1967Bass G. F.1967, ‘Cape Gelidonya: a bronze age shipwreck’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57, 8, 1177. doi: 10.2307/1005978[Crossref], [Google Scholar], 53, Fig. 55) as precursor of ox-hide ingots. Oxhide ingots are also named as Keftiuingots (Popa 2015Popa, C. I.2015, ‘Representation of a Keftiu type ingot on a bronze belt plate from Transylvania and its connections, representations, signs and symbols’, in N. C. RişcuţaI. V.Ferencz, and O. T. Bărbat (eds), Proceedings of the Symposium on Religion and MagicCluj-NapocaEditura Mega187214. [Google Scholar], 187) in Egypt because of their possible sea trade connection to Crete and/or Cilicia Trachea (Rough Cilicia) (Wainwright 1954Wainwright, G.1954, ‘Keftiu and Karamania (Asia Minor)’, Anatolian Studies 4, 3348. doi: 10.2307/3642373[Crossref], [Google Scholar], 33) and examples are on display in the Metropolitan Museum in New York and the Heraklon museum in Crete. The corners of the ingots in the samples of the Metropolitan and Heraklion museums appear sharper than those found on the wreck. The pillow-shaped ingot in the Museum of Athens is pretty much close to the ingots of the new wreck in shape. These two ingots are samples of 17 ingots that came from the sea near Kyme/Euboea before the year of 1906 and dated to LH1 (1600–1500 BC) (Bucholz and Karageorghis 1973Bucholz, H.-G., and Karageorghis, V.1973Prehistoric Greece and Cyprus: An Archaeological HandbookLondon Phaidon Press. [Google Scholar], 60, 279).
Figure 10. Buchholz/Bass ingot types (From Bass 1967Bass G. F.1967, ‘Cape Gelidonya: a bronze age shipwreck’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57, 8, 1177. doi: 10.2307/1005978[Crossref], [Google Scholar], 53, fig. 55)
Undoubtedly, the richest collection of copper ingots is in the Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archeology. The ingots, which are the main loads of the two Bronze Age wrecks (Uluburun and Gelidonia shipwrecks) excavated by INA, are exhibited here. Copper ingots found in the Gelidonia shipwreck dating to the second half of 13th–first half of 12th century BC are in the form of an oxhide (Hirschfeld and Bass 2013Hirschfeld, N., and Bass, G. F.2013, ‘Return to Cape Gelidonya’, Pasiphae Rivista di Filologia e Antichità Egee VII, 99104. [Google Scholar], 99; Alpözen 2006Alpozen, O. 2006, ‘Türkiye’de Sualtı Arkelojisi ve Bodrum Müzesi, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R.Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum4756. [Google Scholar], 48–49). Three hundred and thirteen of the 354 ingots in the Uluburun wreck, which is dated to the 14th century BC are in the form of an oxhide and five of them are similar to the pillow form (Bass 1986Bass, G. F.1986, ‘A bronze age shipwreck of Uluburun (Kaş): 1984 Campaign’, American Journal of Archaeology 90, 26996. doi: 10.2307/505687[Crossref][Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar], 275–277; Pulak 2001Pulak, C.2001, ‘The cargo of Uluburun ship and evidance for trade with the agean and beyond’, in L. Bonfante and V. Karageorghis (eds), Italy and Cyprus in Antiquity, 1500–450 BCENicosiaCostakis and Leto Severis Foundation, Nicosia1360. [Google Scholar], 18–22). The excavators defined these five ingots as “reminding pillow-shaped ingots belonging to an earlier group of findings” (Bass 1986Bass, G. F.1986, ‘A bronze age shipwreck of Uluburun (Kaş): 1984 Campaign’, American Journal of Archaeology 90, 26996. doi: 10.2307/505687[Crossref][Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar], 275–277; Pulak 2000Pulak, C.2000, ‘The cargo of copper and tin ingots from the Late Bronze Age shipwreck at Uluburun’, in Ü. Yalçın, (Hrsg.), Anatolian Metal I, Der Anschnitt,. Beiheft 13BochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum. [Google Scholar], 138–140; 2001Pulak, C.2001, ‘The cargo of Uluburun ship and evidance for trade with the agean and beyond’, in L. Bonfante and V. Karageorghis (eds), Italy and Cyprus in Antiquity, 1500–450 BCENicosiaCostakis and Leto Severis Foundation, Nicosia1360. [Google Scholar], 18–22). The dimensions of these ingots (average height 27–31 cm, average width at most 20.3–24.5 cm) (Yalçın et al2006Yalçın, U.Pulak, C.Slotta, R.2006, ‘Eser Kataloğu, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum559681. [Google Scholar], 569) are smaller than the newly-found ingots.
Other pillow-shaped ingots, some of which were exhibited in the Heraklion Museum in Crete, were also found in palaces and other Minoan settlements. These ruins, most of which were destroyed in the 1450s bc, are located in Tylissos, Kato Zakros, Hagia Triadha, and Mochlos in Crete and on Kyme Island in Greece (Stos-Gale 2011Stos-Gale, Z. A.2011, ‘ “Biscuits with ears” a search for the origin of the earliest oxhide ingots’, in P. P. Betancourt and S. C. Ferrence (eds), Metallurgy: Understanding How, Learning Why, Studies in Honor of James D. Muhly, Prehistory Monography 29PhiladelphiaINSTAP Academic Press Philadelphia2219. [Google Scholar], 221). In this context, the period of 16th and 15th century bc for pillow-shaped ingots and the probable usage dates in the Minoan centres overlap. Lead isotope analyses show that part of the samples in the Museums of Crete and Athens and a significant portion of the copper ingots in the Gelidonia and Uluburun shipwrecks (Gale and Stos-Gale 2006Gale, N. H., and Stos-Gale, Z. A.2006, ‘Uluburun Batığı Bakır Külçelerinin Kaynak Analizi ve Geç Tunç Çağı’nda Akdeniz’de Metal Ticareti, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC.Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum11933. [Google Scholar], 124) are of Cypriot origin. Lead isotope compositions of Mochlos-Crete pillow ingots have been dated to LM1B (1525–1470 bc) (Stos-Gale 2011Stos-Gale, Z. A.2011, ‘ “Biscuits with ears” a search for the origin of the earliest oxhide ingots’, in P. P. Betancourt and S. C. Ferrence (eds), Metallurgy: Understanding How, Learning Why, Studies in Honor of James D. Muhly, Prehistory Monography 29PhiladelphiaINSTAP Academic Press Philadelphia2219. [Google Scholar], 223, Table 22.1) are consistent with Cypriot ores, but some of the other ingots include samples from Hagia Triadha and are not consistent (Stos-Gale 2011Stos-Gale, Z. A.2011, ‘ “Biscuits with ears” a search for the origin of the earliest oxhide ingots’, in P. P. Betancourt and S. C. Ferrence (eds), Metallurgy: Understanding How, Learning Why, Studies in Honor of James D. Muhly, Prehistory Monography 29PhiladelphiaINSTAP Academic Press Philadelphia2219. [Google Scholar], 224 Table 22.2). Copper production and metallurgy in Cyprus begins in the third millennium bc and the first examples of three casting moulds and found at Marki-Alonia (Fasnacht 2006Fasnacht, W.2006, ‘Kıbrıs’ta Madencilik ve Bakır Üretimi, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum51728. [Google Scholar], 519). It is known that Cyprus/Alashiya was the largest copper supplier in terms of mining, manufacturing and export in the Late Bronze Age (Knapp 2008Knapp, A. B.2008, Prehistoric and Protohistoric Cyprus: Identity, Insularity, and Connectivity, Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar], 307–313).
Most of the copper ingots in the Gelidonia and Uluburun wrecks conformed with Apliki-Karamallos and Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios on the western slope of the Troodos and the copper smelter slag in Enkomi in the eastern part of the Troodos (Gale and Stos-Gale 2006Gale, N. H., and Stos-Gale, Z. A.2006, ‘Uluburun Batığı Bakır Külçelerinin Kaynak Analizi ve Geç Tunç Çağı’nda Akdeniz’de Metal Ticareti, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC.Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum11933. [Google Scholar], 121–24). A few cylinder seals from Enkomi showing possible Type 1 ingots have been dated to 1550–1400 BC (Bass 1967Bass G. F.1967, ‘Cape Gelidonya: a bronze age shipwreck’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57, 8, 1177. doi: 10.2307/1005978[Crossref], [Google Scholar], 68, Fig. 86). Presence of mining activities of Cyprus also known in the Politico-Phorades on the western slope of the Troodos during the 16th–15th centuries (Knapp and Kassianidou 2008Knapp, A. B., and Kassianidou, V.2008, ‘The archaeology of Late Bronze Age copper production. Politiko Phoradeson Cyprus’, in Ü. Yalçın (ed.), Anatolian Metal IV, Der Anschnitt Beiheft 21BochumDeutsches Bergbau Museum Bochum13547. [Google Scholar], 135–43). Lead isotope analysis of the ingots in the wreck will show whether there is any connection between Phorades or other Cypriot sites or somewhere else.
George Bass states that the three main ingot types classified by Buchholz and himself cannot be separated chronologically. However, he also wrote that, unlike the oxhide ingots with handles, pillow-shaped ingots with no handles could be dated to an earlier period (Bass 1967Bass G. F.1967, ‘Cape Gelidonya: a bronze age shipwreck’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57, 8, 1177. doi: 10.2307/1005978[Crossref], [Google Scholar], 62–9). As mentioned above, Cemal Pulak also expressed that opinion that pillow-shaped ingots represent a type common to the 16th–15th centuries bc (Pulak 2000Pulak, C.2000, ‘The cargo of copper and tin ingots from the Late Bronze Age shipwreck at Uluburun’, in Ü. Yalçın, (Hrsg.), Anatolian Metal I, Der Anschnitt,. Beiheft 13BochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum. [Google Scholar], 138; 2006Pulak, C.2006, ‘Uluburun Batığı, Uluburun Gemisi’ in Ü.YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum57104. [Google Scholar], 61). Indeed, such ingots are usually seen in Egyptian tomb paintings dating to the 15th century bc. However, Type 1 ingots are also depicted in Egyptian art into the 14th century bc (Bass 1986Bass, G. F.1986, ‘A bronze age shipwreck of Uluburun (Kaş): 1984 Campaign’, American Journal of Archaeology 90, 26996. doi: 10.2307/505687[Crossref][Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar], 276). It is possible to get an idea about the classification of ingots on the paintings of Egyptian tombs in which many details were included in a realistic form (Table 1 for 15th century bcTable 2 for 14th century bcTable 3 for 14th century bc). It is very clear that ‘pillow form’ ingots in the wreck and ingot forms which shown in the paintings mainly dating to the 15th century bcin Egypt are typologically very similar to each other.

Table 1. Ingots in 15th century bc Egyptian representations (after Davies 1935; Davies 1943; Bass 1967; Popa 2015).

Table 2. Ingots in 15th century bc Egyptian representations (after Hoskins 1835; Davies 1935; Bass 1967; Coghlan 1939–1940; Popa 2015).

Table 3. Ingots in 14th century bc (after Säve-Söderbergh 1957; Davies 1903; Davies 1905; Bass 1967).

Known as ‘the oldest wreck in the world’, the Uluburun wreck, which was discovered in 1982, dates to the 14th century bc. The Gelidonia wreck, which was discovered before 1958, dates to the 13th–12th century bc. Other copper ingots found from the sea of Kyme were found before 1906 dates back to 16th–15th century bc. This new discovery, so long after these other wrecks, will be a great opportunity to start a new excavation with the advantage of many technological advancements. At this stage, only typological evaluations can be made, since the newly-discovered wreck is still in situ. Comparison with the Kyme Ingots, the Bucholz/Bass classification and the prevalence of the shape in Egyptian representations all point to the possibility that the wreck should be dated to the 16th–15th centuries bc. If so, this new wreck in Antalya of unique scientific value. Many modern methods such as 14C and lead isotope analysis, along with the excavation will certainly provide clearer, more accurate information.

References

  • Alpozen, O. 2006, ‘Türkiye’de Sualtı Arkelojisi ve Bodrum Müzesi, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum4756. 
  • Bass G. F.1967, ‘Cape Gelidonya: a bronze age shipwreck’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 57, 8, 1177. doi: 10.2307/1005978, 
  • Bass, G. F.1986, ‘A bronze age shipwreck of Uluburun (Kaş): 1984 Campaign’, American Journal of Archaeology 90, 26996. doi: 10.2307/505687, 
  • Bucholz, H.-G., and Karageorghis, V.1973Prehistoric Greece and Cyprus: An Archaeological HandbookLondon Phaidon Press. 
  • Coghlan, H. H.1939–1940, ‘Prehistoric Copper and Some Experiments in Smelting’, Transactions of the Newcomer Society for the Study of the History of Engineering and Technology 20, 49–65. 
  • Davies, N. de Garis1903The Rock Tombs of El-‘Amarna Part I. The Tomb of MeryraLondonE.E.S. 
  • Davies, N. de Garis1905The Rock Tombs of El-‘Amarna Part IIIThe Tomb of Huya and AhmesLondonE.E.S. 
  • Davies, N. de Garis1922The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes VolINew York. 
  • Davies, N. de Garis1935Paintings from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re at ThebesNew York. 
  • Davies, N. de Garis1943The Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re at Thebes Vol IINew YorkPlantin Press. 
  • Fasnacht, W.2006, ‘Kıbrıs’ta Madencilik ve Bakır Üretimi, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum51728. 
  • Gale, N. H., and Stos-Gale, Z. A.2006, ‘Uluburun Batığı Bakır Külçelerinin Kaynak Analizi ve Geç Tunç Çağı’nda Akdeniz’de Metal Ticareti, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum11933. 
  • Hoskins, G. A.1835Travels in EthiopiaLondon: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green. 
  • Hirschfeld, N., and Bass, G. F.2013, ‘Return to Cape Gelidonya’, Pasiphae Rivista di Filologia e Antichità Egee VII, 99104. 
  • Knapp, A. B.2008, Prehistoric and Protohistoric Cyprus: Identity, Insularity, and Connectivity, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 
  • Knapp, A. B., and Kassianidou, V.2008, ‘The archaeology of Late Bronze Age copper production. Politiko Phorades on Cyprus’, in Ü. Yalçın (ed.), Anatolian Metal IV, Der Anschnitt Beiheft 21BochumDeutsches Bergbau Museum Bochum13547. 
  • Popa, C. I.2015, ‘Representation of a Keftiu type ingot on a bronze belt plate from Transylvania and its connections, representations, signs and symbols’, in N. C. RişcuţaI. V. Ferencz, and O. T. Bărbat (eds), Proceedings of the Symposium on Religion and MagicCluj-NapocaEditura Mega187214. 
  • Pulak, C.2000, ‘The cargo of copper and tin ingots from the Late Bronze Age shipwreck at Uluburun’, in Ü. Yalçın, (Hrsg.), Anatolian Metal I, Der Anschnitt,. Beiheft 13BochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum. 
  • Pulak, C.2001, ‘The cargo of Uluburun ship and evidance for trade with the agean and beyond’, in L. Bonfante and V.Karageorghis (eds), Italy and Cyprus in Antiquity, 1500–450 BCENicosiaCostakis and Leto Severis Foundation, Nicosia1360. 
  • Pulak, C.2006, ‘Uluburun Batığı, Uluburun Gemisi’ in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum57104. 
  • Säve-Söderbergh, T.1957Private Tombs at Thebes IFour Eighteenth Dynasty TombsOxfordThe Griffith Institute. 
  • Stos-Gale, Z. A.2011, ‘ “Biscuits with ears” a search for the origin of the earliest oxhide ingots’, in P. P. Betancourt and S. C.Ferrence (eds), Metallurgy: Understanding How, Learning Why, Studies in Honor of James D. Muhly, Prehistory Monography 29PhiladelphiaINSTAP Academic Press Philadelphia2219. 
  • Wainwright, G.1954, ‘Keftiu and Karamania (Asia Minor)’, Anatolian Studies 4, 3348. doi: 10.2307/3642373, 
  • Yalçın, U.Pulak, C.Slotta, R.2006, ‘Eser Kataloğu, Uluburun Gemisi’, in Ü. YalçınC. Pulak, and R. Slotta (eds), 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya TicaretiBochumDeutsches Bergbau-Museum559681. 

Section 5. A report by David Anderson on Bronze Age Shipwreck Discovered Off The Coast Of Turkey

Sea cliffs near Mermerli Beach in Antalya, Turkey.
Sea cliffs near Mermerli Beach in Antalya, Turkey.
 GETTY
Earlier this month, archaeologists reported the discovery of a shipwreck west of the Antalya district off the coast of Turkey that is believed to date to the 16th or 15th century B.C.  The results of this study by Hakan Öniz were published earlier this month in the journal Palestine Exploration Quarterly.  Such an early date places this shipwreck in the Mediterranean’s Bronze Age and makes it one of the oldest known shipwrecks ever found in the region.
The development of Bronze metallurgy spurred an increase in commerce across the Mediterranean.  Bronze is a metal alloy formed by smelting and intermixing different metal ores and is typically made by adding a small percentage of tin or arsenic to copper. The result is a harder and more durable metal alloy that made for longer lasting tools. As demand for bronze grew, thus so did the need for commerce between the many cultures found throughout the region in order to secure supplies of the necessary ores.
The shipwreck discovered off the coast of Turkey opens a window onto this world of intercultural commerce.  While much work remains to be done, the preliminary identification and dating of the shipwreck was based on the presence of more than 70 pillow-type ingots, probably composed of copper although some possible tin ingots were also identified.

Diver recording the Antalya Bronze Age Ship Wreck.
Diver recording the Antalya Bronze Age Ship Wreck.
 HAKAN ÖNIZ
An ingot represents processed ore that has been smelted and prepared for trade.  During the Mediterranean Bronze Age, it became common practice to form ingots into a pillow-like shape. This standardization aided cross-cultural exchange and also makes it easier for archaeologists today to identify broadly when such ingots date to.
Late Bronze Age pillow-type copper ingot thought to be from Cyprus on display at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Late Bronze Age pillow-type copper ingot thought to be from Cyprus on display at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
 METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART
Peter Campbell, a specialist in underwater archaeology not affiliated with the project, noted that this shipwreck is an important and major discovery, all the more so because “Bronze Age shipwreck are incredibly rare.”  Archaeologists Jens Notroff, also told the author that this discovery is of great importance for the light it could shed on trade and exchange relationships during the period.
Much work remains to be done to study this new Antalya shipwreck.  To date the site has been surveyed and photographed, but as much of the wreck is located in waters deeper than 55 meters, divers will have to take special precautions in order to excavate the site.  Öniz notes in his published paper that dive teams hope to return to the ship later this year, which means new exciting details are certain to emerge!
I received my Ph.D. In Anthropology from Tulane University specializing in the archaeology of the ancient Maya. My research has focused on the origins and development of complex sociopolitical organization, the role of sport in culture, and the many interactions between the ancient past and the modern world. My interests in archaeology were first peaked as a young man by reading a book about a mysterious lost civilization that professional archaeologists were too narrow-minded to recognize. As I started to study archaeology, I quickly saw how wrong this book was but it inspired a passion to understand how pseudoarchaeological claims flourish in the face of scientific archaeological research.




































1.     

Underlying language of Indus Script is Proto-Indo-European (Meluhha). Ancient Far Eastern origin (Meluhha) posited for most of the tin used in southern Mesopotamia: Daniel T. Potts (1967)

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urūnum signifies a metal-smelting furnace. Cognate with: Kur. ōrnā to be warm weather, be heated (e.g. iron, body with fever); ōrta'ānā to warm, heat. Malt. órtre to make red-hot; óthre to become red-hot (DEDR 1064) 

Santali. Ta. uru (-pp-, -tt-) to burn, smart, be angry; uruppam, uruppu heat, anger; urumam heat (as of the sun, of the atmosphere), sultriness, noon; Ka. uri to burn, blaze, glow, burn with fever, rage, envy, burn or smart as a wound, as mouth from pepper; n. burning, flame, blaze, etc.; urika one who burns (tr.), a passionate, angry man; uripu, urisu to cause to burn, inflame; uruvala, uravala, ural, urlu fuel; uru, urapu, uripu, urupu, uruvu, urpu burning, flame; urugu passion, anger, wrath; ummaḷa heat; grief, trouble; ummaḷike heat; grief, distress; ummaḷisu to be hot; to grieve, be distressed. Koḍ. uri (-v-, -ñj-) burning sensation is felt; uri burning sensation. Tu. uri blaze, flame, heat, acute pain, wrath; uriyuni to burn, blaze, feel a burning sensation, be angry, envious, (belly) is hungry; urkilů prickly heat. Te. (K.) uriyu to burn (intr.), be afflicted, grieve; (K.) uralu to burn (intr.)Br. hushing to set fire to, burn, scorch, make feverish, burn with rage; hushingingto be burnt, etc. Cf. 568 Ta. ukkaram, 661 Ta. uruku, and 1064 Kui ōpu, Kur. ōrnā (DEDR 656) Ta. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel. Ko. uk steel. Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.);ukkï steel. Te. ukku id. Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih-/urh- (Voc. 262). Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel. Cf. 656 Ta. uru.(DEDR 661) Fusing metals: āˊvartayati ʻ causes to turn round ʼ RV. 2. āvártana -- n. ʻ turning round ʼ RV., ʻ stirring, melting of metals ʼ lex. 3. āˊvr̥tta -- ʻ stirred ʼ. [√vr̥t1]1. Pa. āvaṭṭēti tr. ʻ turns round ʼ, Pk. āvattēiāyaṭṭaïāuṁtāvēiāvaṭṭaï ʻ is melted ʼ; Kho. awehrtēik ʻ to cause to turn, make give in exchange ʼ; S. āṭaṇu tr. ʻ to melt ʼ; P. auṭṇā ʻ to boil ʼ; A. āuṭiba ʻ to smelt, thicken (milk) by boiling ʼ; B. āoṭāna ʻ to stir when boiling ʼ; Or. āuṭibā ʻ to melt, boil ʼ; Bhoj. awãṭal ʻ to stir, boil ʼ; H. auṭnā tr. ʻ to boil, to evaporate over a fire ʼ (> intr. ʻ to be boiled, be consumed with rage ʼ whence der. tr. auṭānā); G. avṭavāvũ ʻ to be evaporated while being stirred (of milk or medicine) ʼ; M. aṭṇẽ ʻ to thicken by boiling, fuse metals ʼ.2. Pa. āvattana -- n. ʻ turning back ʼ, āvaṭṭana -- n. ʻ twisting ʼ, Pk. āvattaṇa -- , āyaṭṭaṇa -- n.; Kho. awertōnu ʻ place where water pours over an edge ʼ; S. ātaṇu m. ʻ place where women sit and spin ʼ; L. ātaṇattuṇ m. ʻ party of women collected to spin together ʼ; Or. āutaṇa ʻ act of stirring milk over a fire ʼ, H. auṭan m. ʻ boiling ʼ.3. See *ardhāvr̥tta -- ʻ half melted ʼ.Addenda: āvartayati: S. āuṭaṇu (KhubSD) intr. ʻ to melt, dissolve ʼ, tr. ʻ to smelt, cast (metal) ʼ. (CDIAL 1420)

Sumerian. Nagga [AN.NA], Akk. Annaku was tin, an additive to copper to produce the alloy bronze (Sum. Zabar, Akk. Sipparu). urudu-luh-ha signified refined copper. urudu-sig5 signified refined copper. urudu, unrefined matte or black copper ingots were imported from Meluhha. "Benno Landsberger and other Assyriologists argued that by examining the structure of Sumerian names of occupations, as well as toponyms and hydronyms, one can suggest that there was once an earlier group of people in the region who spoke an entirely different language, often referred to as Proto-Euphratean. Terms for "farmer", "smith", "carpenter", and "date" (as in the fruit), also do not appear to have a Sumerian or Semitic origin...Proto-Euphratean is a hypothetical unclassified language or languages which was considered by some Assyriologists (for example Samuel Noah Kramer), to be the substratumlanguage of the people that introduced farming into Southern Iraq in the Early Ubaid period (5300-4700 BC).
Stone statue of Kurlil, Early Dynastic III, 2500 BC Tell Al-'Ubaid. The statue compares with the Mohenjo-daro and Mari priests.



I suggest that the expression urudu-luh-ha 'refined copper' is cognate with (and perhaps derived from) Proto-Indo-European (Meluhha) words rudhira, 'red' and loha 'copper, iron, any metal'. Similarly, the Sumerian word AN.NA, annaku, nagga, 'tin' are cognate with and derived from  nāga नाग -गम् 1 Tin. -2 Lead;  -जम् 1 red lead. -2tin; -जीवनम् tin;  -नामकम् Tin.

रुद्र   rudra रुद्र -सखः N. of Kubera;  -रोदनम् gold; यत्सेवयाग्नेरिव रुद्ररोदनम् Bhāg. 8.24.48;  रुधिर   rudhira रुधिर a. [रुध्-किरच् Uṇ.1.5] Red, red-coloured. -रम् 1 Blood. -2 Saffron. -रः 1 The red colour. 

lōha लोह a. 1 Red, reddish. -2 Made of copper, coppery. -3 Made of iron; भ्रमतश्च वराहस्य लोहस्य प्रमुखे समम् Mb.1. 135.23. -हः, -हम् 1 Copper. -2 Iron. -3 Steel. -4 Any metal; वस्तून्योषधयः स्नेहा रसलोहमृदो जलम् Bhāg.2. 6.24. -5 Gold; यथा सौम्यैकेन लोहमणिना Ch. Up.6.1.5. -6 Blood. -7 A weapon; अद्भ्यो$ग्निर्त्रह्मतः क्षत्रमश्मनो लोह- मुत्थितम् Ms.9.321.

"Sumer was first settled between 4500 and 4000 BCE by a non-Semitic people who did not speak the Sumerian language. These people now are called proto-Euphrateans or Ubaidians, for the village Al-ʿUbayd, where their remains were first discovered. The Ubaidians were the first civilizing force in Sumer, draining the marshes for agriculture, developing trade, and establishing industries, including weaving, leatherwork, metalwork, masonry, and pottery. After the Ubaidian immigration to Mesopotamia, various Semitic peoples infiltrated their territory, adding their cultures to the Ubaidian culture and creating a high pre-Sumerian civilization.
Map Ubaid culture-en.svg

See: http://nautarch.tamu.edu/Theses/pdf-files/JonesM-MA2007.pdf Michael Rice Jones, 2007, Oxhide ingots, coper production, and the mediterranean trade in copper and other metals in the Bronze Age, Thsesis submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University, 418 pages. Abstract. "The production and trade in copper and bronze was one of the major features of the complex societies in the Near East and Mediterranean during the third to first millennia B.C. While finished metal objects are common finds from the period, ancient metal ingots and hoards of scrap metal, as well as archaeological evidence of metallurgical activities, are often more important sources of information for how ancient technology and trade functioned. Shipwrecks, particularly those found off the coast of Turkey at Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya, as well as mining and smelting sites in the Mediterranean region, provide invaluable information on the production and trade of copper and tin, the main ingredients of bronze. In this thesis, I examine the evolution of the copper trade in the eastern and central Mediterranean, particularly during the Late Bronze Age, when ‘oxhide’ ingots were widely exported. Finds of oxhide ingots have increased dramatically in recent years, and no synthesis of all of this newly available evidence is currently available. I attempt to analyze this new evidence in relation to older finds and research, with a particular focus on the cargo of the Uluburun shipwreck, the largest collection of Bronze Age metal ingots from a single site in the Mediterranean. The history of oxhide ingot production is complex, but by the Late Bronze Age Cyprus was supplying much of the copper used to neighboring regions, with revolutionary effects on societies in Cyprus and elsewhere. The archaeological evidence shows that oxhide ingots are early examples of a standardized industrial product made for export by emerging state-level societies during the second millennium B.C. and fueled the development of international trade, metallurgical technology, and complex social institutions in a variety of Mediterranean societies from Egypt and the Levant, Greece, Cyprus, to Sardinia in the central Mediterranean."

“As a general rule it can be assumed that smelting, the initial refining of copper ore, took place at or close to the source area in order to obviate the high cost of transporting raw ore. On the other hand, the fact that cuneiform texts consistently distinguish refined (urudu-luh-ha) from unrefined copper (urudu strongly suggests that it was matte and not refined copper that was often imported into the country. Old Assyrian texts concerned with the import of copper from Anatolia distinguish urudu from urudu-sig5, the latter term appearing when written phonetically as dammuqum, ‘fine, good’ (CAD D:180, s.v. dummuqu), and this suggests that it is not just ‘fine quality’ but actually ‘refined’ copper that is in question. A comparable concern with ‘good’ and ‘bad’ ingots appears in the Old Babylonian correspondence of the copper merchant Ea-nasir of Ur, probably the most well-known figure in the early second-millennium trade with Dilmun (Oppenheim, A.L., 1954, Ancient Mesopotamia, Chicago:100). It is only logical to assume that if ‘good’ ingots referred to already refined copper, these would have been more expensive to purchase than ‘bad’ or unrefined matte ingots. Moreover, the recognition that matte was being imported into Mesopotamia accounts for the otherwise inexplicable results of an analysis of a Neo-Assyrian ingot from Nimrud in the British Museum which was found to contain c. 15.5 per cent iron along with significant levels of antimony, bismuth, lead, silver and zinc. The team which  undertook this analysis concluded, ‘It demonstrates that copper was being transported and traded in a raw and unrefined state rather than being refined at or near to the mines’ (Moorey, PRS, JE Curtis, DR Hook and MJ Hughes, 1988, ‘New analysis of old Babylonian metalwork from Tell Sifr’, Iraq 50: 39-48:47), but it seems more likely that a preliminary smelting resulting in the production of the ingot had taken place, for it was an ingot and not as ore that copper was sent to Nimrud. Moreover, the iron content of the Nimrud ingot is hardly surprising given the fact that iron-bearing sulphide ores are even more difficult to refine than ordinary sulphide ores (Muhly, J.D., 1973, Copper and tin: the distribution of mineral resources and the nature of the metals trade in the Bronze Age. [Trans. Connecticut Acad. of arts and sciences, 43.] New Haven, Conn.: Connecticut Acad. of arts and sciences Pp. 155–535:172). As part of the evidence for the distinction between refined and unrefined copper use in southern Mesopotamia derives from several ‘recipe’ texts which give instructions for the making of tin-bronze, it is best at this point to turn to the subject of tin. TIN. In antiquity tin (Sum. Nagga [AN.NA], Akk. Annaku) was important, not in its own right, but as an additive to copper in the production of the alloy bronze (Sum. Zabar, Akk. Sipparu) (Joannes, F., 1993-7, ‘Metalle und Metallurgie. A.I. In Mesopotamien’, in D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie, 8, Berlin/New York, NY: Walter de Gruyter, 96-12:97-8). The exact proportions of tin required to make bronze were somewhat variable. In some cases, ancient recipes (see below) call for a ratio of tin to copper as high as 1:6 or 16.6 per cent, while other texts speak of a ratio 1:8 ratio or 12.5 per cent (Joannes, F., 1993-7, ‘Metalle und Metallurgie. A.I. In Mesopotamien’, in D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie, 8, Berlin/New York, NY: Walter de Gruyter, 96-12: 104). Muhly considers ‘the classic radio’ about 1:9 or 11.11 per cent, noting however that modern bronzes generally contain 10 per cent (and rarely exceed 15 per cent) tin. This is not to say that ancient objects have not been analysed which contain much less tin, but pieces with a tin content of, for example, 1-4 per cent were probably not intentional alloys so much as the result of the uncontrolled melting down of tin-bronze together with copper objects in order to cast new pieces. In cases where copper objects formed the bulk of the material being reused, and no extra tin was added, the smiths produced copper with a smattering of residual tin, rather than intentional, low-tin bronzes. Whether a little tin was considered better than no tin at all we do not know.In spite of new excavations and more analysis, it remains as true today as it did nearly twenty years ago that ‘there is little or no tin bronze’ in Western Asia before c. 3000 BCE (Muhly, JD,1977, The copper ox-hide ingots and the Bronze Age metals trade, in: Iraq 39: 73-82:76; cf. Muhly, JD, 1983, Kupfer B. Archaologisch. RIA 6: 348-64). The presence of at least four tin-bronzes in the Early Dynastic I period (for the date. See {prada. Hansen, Dunham and Babcock 1992: 110) Y-Cemetery at Kish signals the ffirst appearance of tin-bronze in southern Mesopotamia, although one of the pieces analysed contained only 6.24 per cent tin, and Muhly feels ‘this sporadic occurrence of bronze does not constitute a serious use of the new alloy’ since, as noted above, arsenical copper continued in use at sites like Tepe Gawra, Fara, Kheit Qasim and Ur (Muhly, JD, 1993, Copper and Tin: The Distribution of Mineral ... American Journal of Archaeology 97 :129) (Fig. VII.2). 

"By the time of the Royal Cemetery at Ur (Early Dynastic IIIa), according to M. Muller-Karpe, ‘tin-bronze had become the dominant alloy’ (Michael Muller-Karpe, 1991, Aspects of early metallury in Mesopotamia, Basel,Boston, Birkhauser Verlag:111) in southern Mesopotamia. As evidence for this statement one can point to the fact that nine out of twelve objects analysed by Pernicka and Paszthry are tin-bronze eight with a tin content of 2-10 per cent and one with over 10 per cent. To these must be added two spearheads from PG 580 in the Royal Cemetery which have tin contents of 10.2 per cent tin and  11.3 per cent, a shaft-hole axe from PG 1751 with over 10.3 per cent tin and a dagger from PG 49 with 9.6 per cent tin, all of which were analysed by the University of Pennsylvania’s Mesopotamian Metals Project (Muhly 1993:129). Interestingly, some of these tin levels are in the range of the levels prescribed by later cuneiform texts which contain information on alloying (see below). On the other hand, as noted above, 42 per cent of the metal objects from the Royal Cemetery analysed by the Pennsylvania project were made of arsenical copper, suggesting that if tin-bronze was beginning to take the lead in southern Mesopotamian metallurgy, it was certainly not by much. Part of the difficulty of judging such figures, however, lies in the fact that we are only speaking in terms of percentages of objects analysed without an appreciation of the size of the entire sample. Moreover, as Muller-Karpe has suggested, it is quite possible that different sites will be found to show different proportions of tin-bronze and arsenical copper in their metal inventories. Thus, at Ur the analysis of metal vessels seems to show a greater tendency to use tin-bronze, whereas metal vessels from the slightly later Cemetery A at Kish (ED IIIb) were predominantly made of arsenical copper. The decision to make an object out of tin-bronze or arsenical copper may have been dependent not just on the availability of tin as opposed to arsenical copper, but on the particular type of object being manufactured. Cast objects from the Royal Cemetery, such as weapons and tools, seem to be made of arsenical copper more often than tin-bronze, whereas metal vessels (Muller-Karpe 1993a, 1993b) exhibit just the opposite pattern. This is a somewhat unexpected observation, however, since metal vessels are normally hammered and not cast. Hammered vessels ought to have been easier to manufacture in arsenical copper than in tin-bronze, whereas tools and weaponry ought to have been easier to cast in tin-bronze rather than arsenical copper. Muller-Karpe suggests that the relative scarcity of tin and the difficulty of obtaining it may have given it a high status, thereby making its use in the manufacture of elite metal vessels more desirable than arsenical copper. Certainly the high cost of tin is readily visible when we compare the equivalency charts showing the amounts of tin and copper procurable for one shekel of silver (Tables VII.1-3). 
Finallly, it might have been possible to produce thinner sheet metal out of tin-bronze than arsenical copper and ‘thus lighter and more elegant vessels’ (Muller-Karpe 1991: 112). The sources of the tin used in southern Mesopotamia have been sought from Thailand in the east to Cornwall in the west. Most metallurgists believe that it was cassiterite (SnO2), which occurs as ‘bright black placer crystals’ (for a convenient overview, see Wertime 1978:2) in certain rare alluvial deposits, that was exploited in antiquity, and not stannite (Cu2FeSnS4) (e.g. Charles, J.A. (1979). "The development of the usage of tin and tin-bronze: some problems". In Franklin, A.D.; Olin, J.S.; Wertime, T.A. (eds.). The Search for Ancient Tin. Washington D.C.: A seminar organized by Theodore A. Wertime and held at the Smithsonian Institution and the National Bureau of Standards, Washington D.C. March 14–15, 1977. pp. 25–32:27, 29). Gudea of Lagash sayshe received tin from Meluhha, generally identified with the Indus Valley, and in the Old Babylonian period it was imported to Mari from Elam. Thus, in spite of recent claims for ancient tin mines in Turkey (e.g. Yener, KA, 1989, "Nigde-Çamardè'nda Kalay Buluntularè" IV. Arkeometri Sonuçlarè Toplantèsè (Ankara May 20-24 1988), 17-28. Ankara: General Directorate of Antiquities), the eastern origin of most of the tin used in southern Mesopotamia seems clear. We shall examine some recent work suggesting that tin reached Mesopotamia from Central Asian sources in Chapter XIII.” (Daniel T. Potts, 1997, Mesopotamian Civilization: the material foundations, A&C Black,  pp.168-174).

Shu-ilishu cylinder seal with Indus Script hieroglyphs, Akkadian cuneiform inscription confirms Meluhha trade in copper and tin

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https://tinyurl.com/y2lpc55b


This is an addendum to: 


1. Archaeological evidence for presence of Meluhha speakers (Indian sprachbund, 'language union') in Ancient Near East 

https://tinyurl.com/y26gb4td 

2. Underlying language of Indus Script is Proto-Indo-European (Meluhha). Ancient Far Eastern origin (Meluhha) posited for most of the tin used in southern Mesopotamia: Daniel T. Potts (1967) 

https://tinyurl.com/yxhxo2rb  

3. Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from AncientFar East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu

In item 3, the remarkable finding by Begemann, F. et al (2009), has been reported that: based on lead isotope evidence the urudu-luh-ha (refined copper metal) used in Mesopotamia for tin alloying is from India, which is also contracted with an import via Dilmun.This finding, together with Daniel T.Potts view cited in item 2, positing that most of the tin used in southern Mesopotamia came from the Ancient Far East (from Thailand through Meluhha), the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is revisited. This seal with hieroglyphs of a person carrying a goat and another person carrying a liquid measure signify that the two persons are Meluhha merchants of copper and tin, respectively. 


Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy Department des Antiquities Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: 


Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI 

(interpreter of Meluhha language).

 

The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin, signified by the field symbols vividly portrayed on the cylinder seal. The Meluhha merchant carries melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile: kuhāru 'crucible' rebus: kuhāru 'armourer'.


Thus, the cylinder seal signifies a trade transaction between a Mesopotamian armourer (Akkadian speaker) and Meluhhans settling a trade contract for their copper and tin. The transaction is mediated by Shu-ilishu, the Akkadian interpreter of Meluhha language.

Cuneiform texts record long distance copper trade

"Cuneiform texts from the Late Uruk/Jemdet Nasr Period to the Old Babylonian Period (c. 3100-1750 B.C.) record the importation by sea of copper from Meluhha (probably northwest India), Magan (likely southeastern Arabia), and Dilmun (probably modern Bahrain) by Mesopotamian merchants, probably working either as agents for the city temple or rulers.(1) Some trade by private individuals took place as well, though on a smaller scale. (2) The archives of one merchant from Old Babylonian period Ur were excavated by Woolley; these record the importation of copper from Tilmun (probably in Iran) via the Persian Gulf, as well as various disputes with customers over the quality of his copper and the speed of his deliveries. (3) Production of finished copper and bronze products seems to have followed a similar pattern as Pylos, Alalakh, and Ugarit in Third Dynasty Ur (c. 2100 B.C.E.); at all of these sites, clay tablets record the allotment of copper to smiths for the production of weapons and other  tems.(4)(Michael Rice Jones, 2007Oxhide ingots, coper production, and the mediterranean trade in copper and other metals in the Bronze Age, Thsesis submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University, 418 pages: p.62).

"Metal ores, particularly the ores of copper and tin that became so important in the Bronze Age, take an enormous amount of labor and technological expertise to extract from the natural environment and process into useful finished products. Metal ores also occur in geographically localized areas, which would have limited access of prehistoric communities to metals and encouraged long distance trade between them. By the second millennium B.C.,Mediterranean societies had developed complex trade networks to transport and exchange metals and other bulk goods over long distances. Copper, particularly as the main component of bronze, became one the most important materials for tools, weapons, and statusenhancing luxury goods during the Bronze Age." (5)(ibid., p.1)

Cuneiform texts record long distance trade in tin
Image result for tin belt bharatkalyan97The largest tin belt of the globe is in Ancient Far East
"Texts from the palace of Zimri-lin (c.1780-1760 B.C.) of Mari in northern Syria attest to a thriving trade in tin operated by Assyrian merchants, who exported tin to Anatolia for twice the price at which they had purchased it.(6) These records indicate that copper and bronze were imported to Mari from Alashia, and that tin was imported to Mari from the Mesopotamian city of Esnunna; it was then transported to various cities in Syria and Palestine, ultimately reaching Ugarit.(7) The source of the tin from Mari is unknown, but it may have been transported overland from eastern Afghanistan.(8) One document records the purchase of tin by individuals called “the Caphtorite” (usually translated as ‘the Cretan’), who received 20 minas of tin “for the second time,” and “the Carian,” who received an unknown amount of tin.(9) The foreigners in Mari were likely agents for purchasing tin and other goods in the city.(10) Various objects from “Kaptara”, usually identified as Keftiu or Crete, are mentioned in the Mari texts as well; therefore, it seems likely that the tin route continued further west to
Crete and Anatolia.(11) References to objects and materials connected with Caphtor or Keftiu are also known from several Bronze-Age texts from Mari. Since references to metal objects of ‘Keftian’ origin, workmanship, or style are the most prominent associations with the name, Keftiu seems to have been known especially for its metalwork.(12) Scattered references to the name Keftiu appear in New Kingdom Egyptian texts as well, dating from perhaps as early as c. 2300 B.C., through the second and first millennia B.C.E, to the most recent references in the Roman period.(13) Keftiu is most commonly identified with Crete, although locations such as Cyprus,Cilicia, and the Cyclades have also been proposed.(14) The sophisticated Minoan metallurgy industry would have required large amounts of imported tin and copper in order to function, since there are no tin and only insignificant copper deposits known on the island.(15)"(ibid., p.58)


Notes:

1. (Weeks, L. R. 2003. Early Metallurgy of the Persian Gulf. Boston, MA: Brill AcademicPublishers.Weeks, 14-5; Leemans W.F., 1960. Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, as Revealed by Textsfrom Southern Mesopotamia. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill. 5, 11, 19, 21, 34, 50-1, 54; Larsen, M. T. 1976. The Old Assyrian City-State and Its Colonies. Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology Volume 4. Copenhagen, Denmark: Akademisk Forlag.Larsen, 227-8.)
2. Leemans W.F., 1960. Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, as Revealed by Textsfrom Southern Mesopotamia. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill.,50, 56.
3. Muhly, J.D., "The Bronze Age Setting." In The Coming of the Age of Iron, 25-68. New Haven: Yale University Press, 38. 
4. Wiseman, D. J. 1953. The Alalakh Tablets. Liverpool, England: C. Tinling & Co., 2, 105-6; Ventris, M., and J. Chadwick. 1973. Documents in Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge, UK:Cambridge University Press, 352.
5. Sherratt, A. and S. Sherratt, 1961, "From Luxuries to Commodities: the Nature of Mediterranean Bronze Age Trading Systems." In Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, edited by N. H. Gale, 1-15. Studies in Mediterranean

Archaeology, vol. XC. Jonsered, Sweden: Paul Åströms Förlag., pp. 361-362)
6. Muhly, J. D. 1973a. Copper and Tin: The Distribution of Mineral Resources and the Nature of the Metals Trade in the Bronze Age. Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, v. 43, 155-535. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 292
7. Muly, J.D., opcit., 293; Georgiou, H. 1979. “Relations Between Cyprus and the Near East in the Middle and Late Bronze Age.” Levant 11:84-100., 86.
8.Muhly, J.D., opcit., 292; Leemans W.F., 1960. Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, as Revealed by Textsfrom Southern Mesopotamia. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill., 138.
9. Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/Keftiu: A New Investigation. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill., 90; Malamat, A. 1971. “Syro-Palestinian Destinations in a Mari Tin Inventory.” IEJ 21:31-8., 34.
10. Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/Keftiu: A New Investigation. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill., 91.
11. Muhly, J. D. 1973a. Copper and Tin: The Distribution of Mineral Resources and the Nature of the Metals Trade in the Bronze Age. Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, v. 43, 155-535. Hamden, CT: Archon Books., 293-4;  Leemans W.F., 1960. Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, as Revealed by Textsfrom Southern Mesopotamia. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill., 138; Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/Keftiu: A New Investigation. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill., 91-2.
12. Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/Keftiu: A New Investigation. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill.,, 91-3, 96; Wiener, M. H. 1990. "The Isles of Crete? The Minoan Thalassocracy Revisited." In Thera and the Aegean World III: Volume I: Archaeology, edited by D. A. Hardy,128-61. Proceedings of the Third International Congress, Santorini, Greece, 3-9 September, 1989. London: The Thera Foundation., 146.
13. Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/Keftiu: A New Investigation. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill.,, 108-9.
14. Strange, J. 1980. Caphtor/Keftiu: A New Investigation. Leiden, Holland: E. J. Brill.,, 113-84.
15. Branigan, K. 1968. Copper and Bronze Working in Early Bronze Age Crete. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology v. XIX. Lund, Sweden: Carl Bloms Boktryckeri A.-B., 51-2, 57; 1974, 57-65, 105-6; Wiener, M. H. 1990. "The Isles of Crete? The Minoan Thalassocracy Revisited." In Thera and the Aegean World III: Volume I: Archaeology, edited by D. A. Hardy,128-61. Proceedings of the Third International Congress, Santorini, Greece, 3-9 September, 1989. London: The Thera Foundation., 146.



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