Quantcast
Channel: Bharatkalyan97
Viewing all 11247 articles
Browse latest View live

Dholavira: only a fraction excavated so far -- YS Rawat

$
0
0

Ruins on the Tropic of Cancer

Only a fraction of the Indus Valley city of Dholavira has been unearthed. But if one thing is clear, it is the astonishing scientific temper of its inhabitants

The heat is rising and nameless villages blur past. The SH 40 runs like an interminable, taut, black tape slicing the Rann of Kutch. It is virtually free of traffic and lined with cacti, acacias and shrubs. The earth is a pale brown, broken here and there by rocky outcrops. Farms are few: the sea is not far and soil salinity is high.

Finally, a large, blue board announces that Dholavira, a metropolis of the Indus Valley Civilisation, is not far. The driver slows down and honks his way through a herd of sheep that two rabaris are jauntily herding. A short drive later, we are in the village.
Dholavira village is dusty, windswept and nondescript. There is a Border Security Force camp here. And the ruins, 2 km away, are clearly demarcated. Dholavira is crucial to India’s prehistory, as prominent a site of the Indus Valley Civilisation as Mohenjodaro or Harappa. And it happens to be located right on the Tropic of Cancer.
Yet, there have been no excavations here since 2005, and the findings, so far, are very small, compared to what lies buried.
In fact, only about 10% of the site has been excavated, says Y.S. Rawat, former director of the State Archaeology Department of Gujarat, who was part of the excavation team here. “There is still a long way to go. We know very little about the residential part of the settlement, for instance.”

Serendipitous stumble

In February this year, Current Anthropology published what has been called a “treasure trove” of new discoveries based on a long-term study (2007-2014) of the northwestern Indus region. The findings have been significant enough for the report to say that studying the Indus civilisation might help us understand what it takes for cities to survive dire climate change.
The Indus digs, they say, show how an ancient society coped with diverse and varied ecologies and a changing environment.
If the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) were to take up digging in Dholavira again, who knows what could be unearthed. It was in the mid-60s that ASI serendipitously stumbled upon the site when villagers tilling a field found three stamps and seals. They took these to the village postmaster, Sabhundan Gadhvi. Gadhvi handed them over to the Kutch museum at Bhuj. In 1967, J.P. Joshi, the then Director General of ASI, saw them and linked them to the Indus Valley. Excavations began in 1990 and went on for the next 15 years.
For all the attention the archaeological site receives, the village, with a population of around 2,000, is fairly unperturbed. The residents are either subsistence farmers or work on the salt farms of the Rann. Some youngsters work at factories in Bhachau city well over 100 km away.
On the porch of a small museum near the site, I meet Tulsibhai Makwana, a tall man in his early 20s. He lives in the village and helps his father on the farm where they grow groundnut and lentils. Makwana has also been trained as a guide by Gujarat Tourism.
“During summer there aren’t too many visitors, but in the cooler months tourists come to Kutch to see the white, moonlit desert. And some foreign visitors come to Dholavira too; I show them around,” he says. If ASI resumed excavations, academics and others would come too, says Makwana. “Nahi toh khandar, khandar hi rahega (Else, the ruins will remain ruins)”. He realises his village is known only because of the archaeological findings.
As we walk through the unearthed ruins, I realise how large its scale is, and how well-acquainted its erstwhile inhabitants were with the concept of town planning. The divisions between the various parts of the city are geometrical. In comparison, our contemporary cities and towns seem crammed and cluttered.
Excavations have revealed three distinct sections of the township—a citadel, a middle town and a lower town—spread over 100 hectares in the shape of a parallelogram. An amphitheatre on the northern side was likely used for sports, community or religious events or as a marketplace. The citadel lies to the south, while a castle and bailey (where officials lived), also fortified, are to the east and the west respectively. Arterial streets divide the residential units.

Rise and fall

Archaeologists have identified seven cultural stages in the rise and fall of the civilisation at Dholavira. For about 1,200 years, till 1450 BCE, the settlement grew and then faded. Stage IV is considered its apogee. The town, by this time, had acquired gateways and towers, large edifices and a drainage system. Pottery, seals, weights and measures, beads, gold and silver items, copper, ivory, steatite and stones have been excavated in abundance from the site. The ASI’s site museum displays some of these finds.
But perhaps the most astonishing insight we have into this ancient city is the scientific temper of its inhabitants. Excavated evidence suggests, for instance, that the people had spectacular knowledge of hydro-engineering and water harvesting.
Dholavira lies in an isolated, water-scarce island, Khadir, which is surrounded by the salty expanse of the Great Rann of Kutch. But the site is flanked by two rainfed streams, the Manhar and the Mansar. This township met its water needs with the aid of check-dams, reservoirs, and stormwater channels. Sixteen reservoirs of varying sizes and designs were built around the township and a series of ducts carried water around it. The ASI estimates water management structures made up about 10 hectares, translating into 10% of the total area. At the eastern entrance to the citadel is a stone pulley—nothing short of a work of art with its exquisite design—that has withstood extremes of temperature, dust and corrosive air.
The paper published in Current Anthropology describes Dholavira’s formidable water management network of dams, reservoirs and tanks. “As water cascaded through the terraced city of approximately 100 ha, it reached the lower levels of the city carrying potable and domestic water before being channeled to agricultural fields. The complexity of this system and the substantial labor force needed to construct and manage its flow could have been managed and monitored at each level by collective groups, as has been documented elsewhere by a more centralized bureaucracy in view of its complexity. The Dholavira data provide evidence for the significance of water storage and the contribution of small-scale producers at Indus’s major centers.”
The 13-metre gradient between the high and low areas was indeed well suited for cascading reservoirs. These were separated by bunds and connected through feeding drains. Six water tanks, one to the east of the castle and five to its south, have been fully or substantially unearthed, the largest 10.60 metres deep. The citadel also had a network of stormwater drains, each connected to an arterial one with slopes, steps, cascades, manholes, paved flooring and capstones. The main drain was large enough for a person to walk through. The rainwater collected was separately stored. Toilets, in the form of sullage jars or sanitary pits, have also been excavated.
23.5 degrees north
Dholavira’s location—on the Tropic of Cancer—had an added advantage. The sun is directly overhead at noon at this latitude (23.5 degrees north) during Summer Solstice. Mayank Vahia, professor at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (Mumbai), and Srikumar Menon of the National Institute of Advanced Studies (Bengaluru) have hypothesised in their paper in the Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage that two circular structures found in the bailey—distinct from the usual rectangular ones—were possibly used for solar astronomy.
Dholavira was at that time surrounded by the sea and was a trading port. The two scientists surmised that a record of time and seasons would have been important. “This was essential to exploit seasonal winds for sail-driven ships,” as Menon says.
It is apparent that the design of the circular structure was very deliberate. Excavations in other Indus valley sites have not so far yielded astronomy-related structures, making Dholavira unique. And why was the low-lying bailey chosen? The answer, of course, is its latitudinal location.
The Rann of Kutch is open country, marsh, sea and nothingness. It offers an untrammelled, 360-degree view. I stood on the citadel ground and looked westward. I could see Kala Dungar, a tall hillock about 70 km away.
Could a people who knew geometry, complex city planning, water management and engineering have also been aware of their location on the Tropic of Cancer? Was astronomy a corollary to a rational culture?
We don’t know for sure yet. Rawat believes we need renewed work on the site. “If excavations could go on for the last 200 years in Egypt, why shouldn’t we persevere longer at Dholavira,” he asks.
The writer pretends to read and write a little. His other interests are photography and Western classical music.

Dramatic new discoveries illuminate the lost Indus civilization

This urban society in South Asia survived a weather apocalypse 4,000 years ago.

 - 
It was probably this multicultural aspect of Indus life that helped people survive climate change. Rather than depending on one kind of water management system or a few staple crops, the civilization was built around diverse and redundant practices. As the researchers put it, "Indus populations in some regions were well adapted to living in diverse and changeable ecological and environmental conditions and were thus well placed to make sustainable and resilient decisions in the face of environmental change." The more centralized and homogenous the culture, the more fragile it is when dealing with environmental shifts. Having many strategies and many cultures allowed the Indus civilization to react nimbly, adapting fast to environments that were literally transforming before their eyes.
The Indus city of Dholavira in western India had impressive water infrastructure, such as this deep reservoir. The Indus people needed a way to conserve their water supply because rainy seasons were unpredictable. Each city came up with slightly different solutions to the water problem.
The Indus civilization is one of the great mysteries of the ancient world. An urban society, it was made up of hundreds of cities and towns that stretched across what are today northern India and Pakistan. Though its inhabitants left great art and elaborate water infrastructures behind, we know almost nothing about the Indus people who lived between 3,000 and 1300 BCE. In fact, we still haven't even deciphered their written language.
But now, the results of a new long-term study of the northwestern Indus region have given us a new understanding of how this civilization functioned. We've also gotten hints about how the civilization coped with dramatic climate change from ever-changing weather patterns.
An international team with the Land, Water, and Settlement project in northwest India studied Indus settlements in that region between 2007 and 2014, looking at everything from water systems and plant remains to art and pottery. What they found has overturned conventional wisdom about who the Indus people were and how they lived. Now they've published a treasure trove of new findings about local centers in the Indus civilization in Current Anthropology.

Monsoon crisis

University of Cambridge archaeologist Cameron Petrie and his team found that settlements in the Indus Valley 5,000 years ago did not represent a unified culture, though clearly they shared many things in common. Some symbols and pottery styles are found in hundreds of settlements, but many were not. And when it came to farming and water management practices, each Indus settlement seemed to have its own ways of doing things.
Crops varied widely from place, though rice and millet were staples. Even growing seasons varied, with some settlements preferring winter crops and others preferring summer. Still others seemed to prefer a mix of both. The reason for this wide variation had a lot to do with access to water. The Indus region is at an environmental crossroads where monsoon rainfall varies dramatically from place to place.
Indus cities and towns, even ones that were essentially neighbors, adapted to very different patterns of rainy and dry seasons. Some used monsoon rains to water crops, others waited for rain-swollen local rivers to flood fields, while still others built reservoirs to maintain a water supply year-round. The biggest Indus cities, Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, are famous for their sophisticated waterworks, far more advanced than those of their trade partners in the great cities of Mesopotamia. Though other civilizations of the same era left behind monumental ziggurats and pyramids, the Indus left reservoirs and fountains.
Ruins of Mohenjo-daro, one of the biggest cities of the Indus civilization. It had impressive public fountains, baths, and plumbing. Its water infrastructure was far more advanced than other civilizations in nearby Mesopotamia.
Enlarge / Ruins of Mohenjo-daro, one of the biggest cities of the Indus civilization. It had impressive public fountains, baths, and plumbing. Its water infrastructure was far more advanced than other civilizations in nearby Mesopotamia.
Usman Ghani
Then, at the height of Indus urbanization, when the region's cities were growing the largest they had ever been, climate disaster struck. The life-giving monsoons weakened starting in roughly 2200 BCE. Drought crept into some regions, while others were relatively unaffected. And yet the Indus settlements survived for centuries afterward. Writing in Current Anthropology, the researchers say this is why the story of the Indus region "provides a unique opportunity to understand how an ancient society coped with both diverse and varied ecologies as well as change in the fundamental and underlying environmental parameters."
Studying the Indus civilization might give us hints about what it takes for cities to make it through a period of dire climate change.

Mobility and diversity

One of the intriguing discoveries that's come out of the Land, Water, and Settlementproject is that the Indus cultures seem to have been uniquely qualified to deal with a climate crisis. Even before the monsoon rains slackened, each Indus settlement was used to adapting quickly to new weather patterns. At the very least, they dealt with a season of floods and a season of drought every year. Beyond that, rainfall could also vary a lot over longer periods.
Preliminary evidence suggests that many settlements may have moved around quite a bit to follow farm-friendly wet weather. The researchers suggest that when we look at the hundreds of settlements left behind by the Indus peoples, we have to consider the possibility that only 5-10 percent of them were occupied at any given time. Maybe these countless cities are the remains of just a few groups setting up camp in new areas every generation. We have strong evidence that Indus population centers moved from west to east over a period of roughly 1,500 years, until finally people abandoned their cities entirely and returned to a rural way of life.
Here you can see distribution of urban-phase Indus settlements (A) and post-urban-phase Indus settlements (B) in northwest India and their relationship to mean annual rainfall (1900–2008). It's clear that sites moved eastward over time, possibly to capture more rain as the monsoons weakened to the state they're in today. Major Indus sites and sites investigated by the Land, Water and Settlement project are shown in white.
Enlarge / Here you can see distribution of urban-phase Indus settlements (A) and post-urban-phase Indus settlements (B) in northwest India and their relationship to mean annual rainfall (1900–2008). It's clear that sites moved eastward over time, possibly to capture more rain as the monsoons weakened to the state they're in today. Major Indus sites and sites investigated by the Land, Water and Settlement project are shown in white.
Current Anthropology
Indus people weren't just changing their locations all the time. They also changed what they ate. It seems that they planted new kinds of crops, depending on what the environment could support. Winter crops like rabi-wheat, barley, pea, lentil, and chickpea could be swapped out for summer crops like kharif-millet, rice, and tropical pulses. Often, Petrie and his team would find a mix of winter and summer crops, as if people were experimenting to find out what grew best and when.
The researchers write:
Such an environment may have required settled populations to be relatively mobile in order to survive a constantly shifting hydrology, and there may have been high population mobility between settlement locales. Individual families or kin groups potentially spread their members between multiple settlements, and individuals or groups might have moved between settlements to access available water in times of shortage or stress.

Panarchy

What's fascinating is that ecological diversity in the Indus valley seems to be echoed by a strong cultural diversity among the people of the Indus civilization. Anthropologists sometimes call this phenomenon "panarchy" to describe the interaction between environment and social structure.
Indus cities and villages produced their own unique farming practices as well as unique styles of art. Some of the researchers found "region-specific styles of pottery" in villages, unlike pottery found anywhere else, intermingled with "characteristically Indus material" like bangles and blue beads, which are found throughout the Indus region. This suggests strong local identities supplemented a broader Indus culture. We know that migration between villages and cities was common, so it's likely that people in the Indus valley thought of themselves as part of an overarching civilization. But evidence strongly suggests it was a multicultural society, meaning that there were a lot of cultural differences at the local level, too.
Indus beads and fragments of mainstream Indus Art -- bangles found at local northwestern sites Masudpur I and VII.
Current Anthropology, 2017. DOI: 10.1086/690112

 

Cameron A. Petrie, et al., 2017, Adaptation to variable environments, resilience to climate change; investigating land, water and settlement in Indus Northwest India, 2017, in: Current Anthropology, Vol. 58, No. 1, February 2017

http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/690112


This paper explores the nature and dynamics of adaptation and resilience in the face of a diverse and varied environmental and ecological context using the case study of South Asia’s Indus Civilization (ca. 3000–1300 BC). Most early complex societies developed in regions where the climatic parameters faced by ancient subsistence farmers were varied but rain falls primarily in one season. In contrast, the Indus Civilization developed in a specific environmental context that spanned a very distinct environmental threshold, where winter and summer rainfall systems overlap. There is now evidence to show that this region was directly subject to climate change during the period when the Indus Civilization was at its height (ca. 2500–1900 BC). The Indus Civilization, therefore, provides a unique opportunity to understand how an ancient society coped with diverse and varied ecologies and change in the fundamental environmental parameters. This paper integrates research carried out as part of the Land, Water and Settlement project in northwest India between 2007 and 2014. Although coming from only one of the regions occupied by Indus populations, these data necessitate the reconsideration of several prevailing views about the Indus Civilization as a whole and invigorate discussion about human-environment interactions and their relationship to processes of cultural transformation.

http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/690112

बहुसुवर्णक bahusuvarṇaka aṣṭāśri yupa, Vaidika roots of Śivalinga Rudra bhāga; Binjor 4MSR Epigraphia Indus Script deciphered

$
0
0

Binjor Yupa of  Sarasvati Vaidika civilization is yajñasya ketu (RV 3.8.8), a proclamation emblem of performance of a Soma Samsthāyajña. Such a yajña yields bahusuvarṇakam; 'many gold pieces' and thus, a wealth-producing metallurgical enterprise performed with śraddhā,'dedication, devotion' and prayers.
The evidence of yajñakuṇḍa PLUS epigraphs conclusively establish the link of Sarasvati Civilization with Veda traditions and brilliant metallurgical contributions of the Bronze Age made by artisans of the Civilization. Consistent with the purport of Indus Script Corpora, the epigraphs constitute data archives of wealth-production by metallurgists.
The Binjor Yupa is  अष्टा* श्रि [p= 117,1] mfn. having eight corners S'Br. The octagonal shape provides for 
श्री [p= 1098,2] (= √1. श्रि) , to burn , flame , diffuse light RV. i , 68 , 1; f. (prob. to be connected with √1. श्रि and also with √1. श्री in the sense of " diffusing light or radiance " ; nom. श्र्/ईस् accord. to some also श्री) light , lustre , radiance , splendour , glory , beauty , grace , loveliness (श्रिय्/ए and श्रिय्/ऐ , " for splendour or beauty " , " beauteously " , " gloriously " cf. श्रिय्/असे ; du. श्रियौ , " beauty and prosperity " ; श्रिय आत्मजाः , " sons of beauty "i.e. horses [cf. श्री-पुत्र] ; श्रियः पुत्राः , " goats with auspicious marks ") RV. &c; prosperity , welfare , good fortune , success , auspiciousness , wealth , treasure , riches (श्रिया , " according to fortune or wealth ") , high rank , power , might , majesty , royal dignity (or " Royal dignity " personified ; श्रियो भाजः , " possessors of dignity " , " people of high rank ") AV. &c; N. of लक्ष्मी (as goddess of prosperity or beauty and wife of विष्णु , produced at the churning of the ocean , also as daughter of भृगु and as mother of दर्प) S3Br. &c; mfn. diffusing light or radiance , splendid , radiant , beautifying , adorning (ifc. ; » अग्नि- , अध्वर- , क्षत्र- , गण- , जन-श्री &c ) RV. iv , 41 , 8. [The word श्री is frequently used as an honorific prefix (= " sacred " , " holy ") to the names of deities (e.g. श्री-दुर्गा , श्री-राम) , and may be repeated two , three , or even four times to express excessive veneration. (e.g. श्री-श्री-दुर्गा &c ) ; it is also used as a respectful title (like " Reverend ") to the names of eminent persons as well as of celebrated works and sacred objects (e.g. श्री-जयदेव , श्रीभागवत) , and is often placed at the beginning or back of letters , manuscripts , important documents &c ; also before the words चरण and पाद " feet " , and even the end of personal names.]
The Seven Mother Goddesses (Matrikas) Flanked by Shiva-Virabhadra and Ganesha, Lord of Obstacles LACMA M.80.157 (1 of 4).jpgThe Seven Mother Goddesses (Matrikas) Flanked by Shiva-Virabhadra and Ganesha, Lord of Obstacles. India, Madhya Pradesh, 9th century
Sculpture Red sandstone Gift of Paul F. Walter (LACMA M.80.157) South and Southeast Asian Art 9th century.10 1/2 x 35 1/4 x 5 in. (26.67 x 89.53 x 12.7 cm)
Shiva (leftmost) with the Matrikas: (from left) BrahmaniMaheshvariKaumariVaishnaviVarahiIndraniChamunda  
Saptamatrika with Ganesha, at Panchalingeshvara temple in Karnataka.

aṣṭāśri Octagonal shape of the Śivalinga Rudra bhāga signifies aṣṭadhātu. Deified as metaphors of divine aṣṭamātṛkā, signifiers of 'eight forms of wealth' (together associated with Gaṇeśa, signifier of tri-dhātu, 'three ferrite ores: magnetite, haematite, laterite -- and also Śiva-vīrabhadra associated with Yupa and caṣāla (godhuma, wheat chaff smoke, infusing carbon into metals in furnaces.) अष्ट  [p= 116,2] mfn. ( √ अक्ष् ; cf. निर्- √अक्ष्) " marked , branded " , only in comp. with -कर्ण; aṣṭan अष्टन् num. a. [अश-व्याप्तौ कनिन् तुट् च Uṇ.1.154.] (nom., acc. अष्ट-ष्टौ) Eight. It often occurs in comp. as अष्टा with numerals and some other nouns; as अष्टादशन्, अष्टाविंशतिः, अष्टापद &c. [cf. L. octo; Gr. okto; Zend astani Pers. hasht.].-धातुः the eight metals taken collectively; स्वर्णं रूप्यं च ताम्रं च रङ्गं यशदमेव च । शीसं लौहं रसश्चेति धातवो$ष्टौ प्रकीर्किताः ॥ -लोहकम् a class of 8 metals; सुवर्णं रजतं ताम्रं सीसकं कान्तिकं तथा । वङ्गं लौहं तीक्ष्णलौहं लौहान्यष्टाविमानि तु ॥  -मातृकाः ब्राह्मी, माहेश्वरी, कौमारी, वैष्णवी, वाराही, इन्द्राणी, कौबेरी, and चामुण्डा. -मुद्राः सुरभी, चक्र, ध्यान, योनि, कूर्म, पङ्कज, लिङ्ग and निर्याण.

Indus Script epigraphs/inscriptions of Binjor
poḷa'bos indicus, zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 
'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'kundana 'fine gold'. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu.kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation' sangara 'trade'. bhaṭa'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa'furnace'. Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of) gold, 'furnace workshop'. 
meḍ 'body' rebus: meḍ 'iron'; PLUS kanka, karṇika'rim of jar' rebus: karṇika'scribe, account'karṇi'supercargo' PLUS bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 

A terracotta seal with three Harappan signs showing two human figures on both sides of a jar with a double handle. It belongs to the Mature Harappan period. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus metal casting workshop. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account'.
dhāu 'strand'(cross-section view) rebus: dhāū'red stone minerals' PLUS kolom'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
Binjor seal.

Decipherment:

Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) cognate ancu 'iron' (Tocharian) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. ayo'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal alloy (Rgveda) Vikalpa 1: khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236) Vikalpa 2: badho ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: bahoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)


gaṇḍa'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements. 
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa 'metallic iron alloy implements'.

koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

pōlaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel. See painted Nausharo pot with zebu + black drongo: 
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite. The hieroglyphs are: Squirrel, wild ass, goat.
 *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ.

khara Equus hemionus, 'Indian wild ass' Rebus: khār ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)
mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' mlecha ‘copper’
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite.
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite, found in the "key trench" at 4MSR. One one side are engravings of figures of a dog, a mongoose and, perhaps, a goat. On the other are the figures of a frog and a deer. The pendant belongs to the Early Harappan period (3000-2600 BCE). The pendant, with a knob-like projection at the top, had a hole too for a cord to pass through so that it could be worn around the neck [Credit: V. Vedachalam]
Hieroglyph: Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot'. muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'.
miṇḍā́l'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.). med‘copper’ (Slavic)
Santali glosses.

Binjor. Potsherd with painted saffloweer. karaḍā'safflower'.करडी [ karaḍī ] id. rebus: kaaraḍā'hard alloy' (Marathi) Allograph: The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa  करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'
dāṭu'cross' rebus: dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' PLUS koḍa 'one' Rebus: ko 'workshop'. Thus, mineral (metal) casting workshop.
Parallels from other examples of Indus Script Corpora
Image result for bird zebu fish bull indus sealA zebu bullA zebu bull tied to a post; a bird above. Large painted storage jar discovered in burned rooms at Nausharo, ca. 2600 to 2500 BCE. 

See Susa pot with zebu + fish + black drongo:

Below the rim of the storage pot, the contents are described in Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint.





Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.)
The hieroglyphs and Meluhha rebus readings on this pot from Meluhha are: 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3.  pōlaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel. Vikalpa: करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)
Thus, the text of Indus Script inscription on the Binjor Seal reads: 'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' PLUS the hieroglyphs of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device in front read rebus:

kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'
kundana 'fine gold'. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu.kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725)

Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation' sangara 'trade'.

Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of)  'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop'. 
Three characteristic hieroglyphs -- bos indicus (zebu), black drongo, and fish PLUS fish-fins' constitute a Hypertext expression to signify a mint working with cast iron and alloy metal. Three hieroglyph components of the expression are:

1. पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel'
2 मेढा mēḍhā  A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl rebus:  med 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) medhā 'dhana, yajna'. This is a semantic determinant of the hieroglyph पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' rebus: पोळ pōḷa, 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
3. ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā ʻfish-finʼ rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)
The hypertext expression is demonstrated in a number of examples from Sindhu-Sarasvati (Indus) Script Corpora in this monograph.

पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' of Sarasvati Script corpora is rebus:pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian), fuladh(Persian) folādī (Pashto)
pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore) pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel' The semantics of bull (zebu) PLUS black drongo bird are the reason why the terracotta bird is shown with a bull's head as a phonetic determinative to signify 'steel/magnetite ferrite ore'.

పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS
wings/plumage
Black drongo bird
Black Drongo (Dicrurus macrocercus) IMG 7702 (1)..JPG
A Black drongo in Rajasthan state, northern India

పసి (p. 730) pasi pasi. [from Skt. పశువు.] n. Cattle. పశుసమూహము, గోగణము. The smell of cattle, పశ్వాదులమీదిగాలి, వాసన. పసిపట్టు pasi-paṭṭu. To scent or follow by the nose, as a dog does a fox. పసిగొను to trace out or smell out. వాసనపట్టు. మొసలి కుక్కను పసిపట్టి when the crocodile scented the dog. పసులు pasulu. n. plu. Cattle, గోవులు. పసిగాపు pasi-gāpu. n. A herdsman, గోపకుడు పసితిండి pasi-tinḍi. n. A tiger, పెద్దపులి. పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత. Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens. వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.) పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు. 

"With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo

Hieroglyph: eagle పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu) पोळ pōḷa 'zebu'& pōlaḍu 'black drongo' signify polad 'steel.
పోలడు (p. 820) pōlaḍu , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)  rebus: pōlaḍu 'steel' (Russian. Persian) PLUS
wings/plumage

PLUS

 *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]
S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640) rebus: Central Asia seal. Bird (eagle) PLUS wings. ಕಮ್ಮಟ kammaṭa 'mint' kambāṟa 'blacksmith'.

A text from Mulavarman Yupa inscription of the historical periods evokes the same expression bahusuvarṇakam used by Vālmīki. The key expressions on the Mulavarman Yupa inscription (D.175) are in Samskritam and one fragment reads: yaṣṭvā bahusuvarṇakam; tasya yajñasya yūpo ‘yam. This means "from yaṣṭi to possess many gold pieces; this Yupa is a commemoration of that yajna."

The first yupa studied by Vogel (1918) mentions a Soma Yaga called  बहुसुवर्णक bahusuvarṇaka adj. 
Possessing many gold pieces This expression is used twice in the Ramayana (as noted by Chhabra, 1947, pp. 77-82). 
The translation of the quote from Ramayana : "Thereupon that foremost of twice born ones Usanas of austere penances, wishing the prosperity of the sacrifice, said to Ravana the Rakshasa chief "Hear,I shal relate to thee everything, O king ;thy son hath met with the fruits of many a sacrifice Agnistoma
AsvamedhaBahusuvarnaka." (Valmiki Ramayana 7.30)

बहु--हिरण्य [p= 726,1] mf()n. rich in gold A1pS3r.m. N. of an एकाह commonly called दूणाश Ka1tyS3r.दूणाश a. Difficult to destroy.

Mulavarman's yupa inscription described the soma yaga as बहुसुवर्णकbahusuvarṇaka, the same metaphorical expression used in the epic Valmiki Ramayana, sto ignify creation and distribution of wealth. Every one of the 19 yupa inscriptions are on octagonal-shaped pillars and relate to the performance of soma  yajña categories of अहीन सत्त्र (performed for 2-12 days, for more than 12 days).

'यज्ञो वै मेधः'इति श्रुतेः । एकविंशति- मेधान्ते Mb.14.29.18. (com. मेधो युद्धयज्ञः । 'यज्ञो वै मेधः'इति श्रुतेः ।) 

All the 19 yupa inscriptions recorded in Epigraphia Indica are  अहीन or सत्त्र soma  yajña lasting for over 2 days.

यष्ट्वा बहुसुवर्णकम् (Expression used in Mulavarman's yupa inscription)

"Of the footprints of early Bramhanic culture in the (Indonesian) achipelagc a very important early epigraphic document offers a startling piece of evidence. It is the record of a Hindu Kshatriya king who performed a Vedic sacrifice in Borneo. It recalls the somewhat similar yupa inscription on stone discovered at Isapura (near Muttra) dating about 102 CE. Like the Isapura inscription those in Borneo are recorded on a stone yupa...The text of Vayupurana runs as follows : “ Tathaiva Malayadwipa mevameva susamvritam i Maniratnakaram spitam3.karani kanakasya cha. 1| 20. Tatra shrimangstu Maiayah Parvvato rajatakarab | Mahinialaya ityevam vikhydto vara parvvatah {j 22. Nana paspa plialopetam ramyam devarsi sevitani | Agastya-bhavanam tatra devasuranamaskritam” |{ 23. “ Vayupiirana ” Translation : ‘ So is Malaya Dwipa, pretty round in shape, the home of gems and jewels and the repository of gold. There stands the auspicious Malaya Mountain rich in silver,— famous as the “ Mahamalaya Hill ” — full of all varieties of fruits and flowers and inhabited by divine sages — there stands the house of Agastya who is adored by gods as well as by demons.’...Mula-varnima rajendra Yastva bahusuvarnakam dvijendrais samprakalpitah, tasya yajnasya yupo’yam.” Translation: ‘‘The Illustrious Mulavarman, the Lord of Kings, who had performed a bahusuvarnaka sacrifice. For that sacrifice this sacred post has been erected by the chief amongst the twice-born.” It comes from a place called Koetei in East Borneo and forms the earliest Sanskrit record of the Sunda islands. It has been ascribed to about 400 CE Incidentally it suggests that the culture which reached the Indian Archipelago was not only the Hinduism of later pauranic renaissance — but also the earlier culture of Vedic India. The last two lines are very significant : “tasya puuyasya yupo’yam krito viprair ihagatair" for that deed of merit this sacrificial post has been made by the Brāhmaṇa-s (priestS) who had come hither They might have come from India or from other parts of Borneo."(O.C. Ganguly, 1927, The cult of Agastya and the origin of Indian Colonial Art, in: Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XVII, No.3, January 1927, pp. 169-191)

The yupa is a conclusive evidence of Veda culture in the Binjor (4MSR) site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. This is specially described in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa & Rigveda.

An exposition by Sadhashiv A Dange: “the yūpa is described as being the emblem of the sacrifice (RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu). Though it is fixed on the terrestrial plane at the sacrifice, it is expected to reach the path of the gods. Thus, about the many sacrificial poles (fixed in the Paśubandha, or at the Horse-sacrifice) it is said that they actually provide the path for reaching the gods (ib., 9 devānām api yanti pāthah). They are invoked to carry the oferings to the gods (ib., 7 te no vyantu vāryam devatrā), which is the prerogative of the fire-god who is acclaiemd as ‘messenger’ (dūta); cf. RV I.12.1 agrim dūtam vṛṇimahe). In what way is the yūpa expected to carry the chosen offering to the gods? It is when the victim is tied to the sacrificial pole. The prallelism between the sacrificial fire and the yūpa is clear. The fire carries it through the smoke and flames; the yūpa is believed to carry it before that, when the victim is tied to it, as its upper end is believed to touch heaven. A more vivid picture obtains at the yajapeya. Here the yūpa is eight-angled, corresponding to the eight qurters. (śat. Br. V.2.1.5 aṣṭāśrir yūpo bhavati; the reason given is that the metre Gayatri has eight letters in one foot; not applicable here, as it is just hackneyed. At Taitt.Sam. I.7.9.1, in this context a four-angled yūpa is prescribed.) The one yūpa is conceived as touching three worlds: Heaven, Earth and the nether subterranean. The portion that is above the caṣāla (ring) made of wheat-dough (cf.śat. Br. V.2.1.6 gaudhūmam caṣālam bhavati) represents Heaven. This is clear from the rite of ascending to the caṣāla, made of wheat-dough, in the Vajapeya sacrifice. The sarificer ascends to it with the help of a ladder (niśrayaṇī); and, while doing so, calls upon his wife, ‘Wife, come; let us ascend to Heaven’. As soon as he ascends and touches the caṣāla, he utters, ‘We have reached Heavven, O gods’ (ib., 12). According to Sāyaṇa on the Taiit.Sam. I.7.9.1, the sacrificer stretches his hands upwards when he reaches the caṣāla and says, ‘We have reached the gods that stay in heaven’ (udgṛhītābhyām bāhubhyām). Even out of the context of the Vajapeya, when the yūpa is erected (say in the Paśubandha), it is addressed, ‘For the earth you, for the mid-region you, for heaven you (do we hoist you)’ (Taitt. Sam. I.3.6.1-3; cf. śat. Br. III.7.1.5-6). The chiselled portion of the yūpa is above the earth. So, from the earth to heaven, through the mid-region the yūpa represents the three-regions. The un-chiselled portion of the yūpa is fixed in the pit (avaṭa) and the avaṭa, which represents the subterranean regions, is the region of the ancestors (ib.4).The yūpa, thus, is the axis mundi…Then, it gave rise to various myths, one of them being that of the stūpa of Varuṇa, developing further into Aśvattha tree, which is nothing but a symbol of a tree standing with roots in the sun conceived as the horse (aśva-stha = aśvattha), a symbol obtaining at varius places in the Hindu tradition. It further developed into the myth of the churning staff of the mountain (Amṛta-manthana); and yet further, into the myth of Vasu Uparicara, whom Indra is said to have given his yaṣṭi (Mb.Adi. 6y3.12-19). This myth of the yaṣṭi was perpetuated in the ritual of the Indra-dhvaja in the secular practice (Brhatsamhita, Chapter XLII), while in the s’rauta practice the original concept of the axis mundi was transformed into the yūpa that reached all regions, including the under-earth. There is another important angle to the yūpa. As the axis mundi it stands erect to the east of the Uttaravedi and indicates the upward move to heaven. This position is unique. If one takes into account the position of the Gārhapatya and the āhavaniya fireplaces, it gets clear that the march is from the earth to heaven; because, the Gārhapatya is associated with this earth and it is the household fire (cf. gṛhā vai gārhapatyah, a very common saying in the ritual texts), and the seat of the sacrificer’s wife is just near it, along with the wives of the gods, conceptually. From this fire a portion is led to the east, in the quarter of the rising sun (which is in tune with such expressions as prāñcam yajñam pra nayatā sahāyah, RV X.101.2); where the Ahavaniya fireplace is structured. As the offerings for the gods are cast in the Ahavaniya, this fire is the very gate of heaven. And, here stands, the yūpa to its east taking a rise heavenwards. This is, by far, the upward rise. But, on the horizontal plane, the yūpa is posted half-inside, half-outside the altar. The reason is, that thereby it controls the sacred region and also the secular, i.e. both heaven and earth, a belief attested by the ritual texts. (Tait. Sam. VI.6.4.1; Mait. Sam. III.9.4).”(Dange, SA, 2002, Gleanings from Vedic to Puranic age, New Delhi, Aryan Books International, pp. 20-24).
The Sukta RV X.101 reads, explaining the entire yajña as a metaphor of golden-tinted soma poured into a wooden bowl, a smelting process yielding weapons of war and transport and implements of daily life (Translation of RV X.101):
10.101.01 Awake, friends, being all agreed; many in number, abiding in one dwelling, kindle Agni. I invoke you, Dadhikra, Agni, and the divine Us.as, who are associated with Indra, for our protection. [In one dwelling: lit., in one nest; in one hall].
10.101.02 Construct exhilarating (hymns), spread forth praises, construct the ship which is propelled by oars, prepare your weapons, make ready, lead forth, O friends, the herald, the adorable (Agni).
10.101.03 Harness the ploughs, fit on the yokes, now that the womb of earth is ready, sow the seed therein, and through our praise may there be abundant food; may (the grain) fall ripe towards the sickle. [Through our praise: sow the seed with praise, with a prayer of the Veda; s’rus.t.i = rice and other different kinds of food].
10.101.04 The wise (priests) harness the ploughs, they lay the yokes apart, firmly devoted through the desire of happiness. [Happiness: sumnaya_ = to give pleasure to the gods].
10.101.05 Set up the cattle-troughs, bind the straps to it; let us pour out (the water of) the well, which is full of water, fit to be poured out, and not easily exhausted.
10.101.06 I pour out (the water of) the well, whose cattle troughs are prepared, well fitted with straps, fit to be poured out, full of water, inexhaustible.
10.101.07 Satisfy the horses, accomplish the good work (of ploughing), equip a car laden with good fortune, pour out (the water of) the well, having wooden cattle-troughs having a stone rim, having a receptable like armour, fit for the drinking of men.
10.101.08 Construct the cow-stall, for that is the drinking place of your leaders (the gods), fabricate armour, manifold and ample; make cities of metal and impregnable; let not the ladle leak, make it strong.
10.101.09 I attract, O gods, for my protection, your adorable, divine mine, which is deserving of sacrifice and worship here; may it milk forth for us, like a large cow with milk, giving a thousand strreams, (having eaten) fodder and returned.
10.101.10 Pour out the golden-tinted Soma into the bowl of the wooden cup, fabricate it with the stone axes, gird it with ten bands, harness the beast of burden to the two poles (of the cart).
10.101.11 The beast of burden pressed with the two cart-poles, moves as if on the womb of sacrifice having two wives. Place the chariot in the wood, without digging store up the Soma.
10.101.12 Indra, you leaders, is the giver of happiness; excite the giver of happiness, stimulate him, sport with him for the acquisition of food, bring down here, O priests, Indra, the son of Nis.t.igri_, to drink the Soma. [Nis.t.igri_ = a name of Aditi: nis.t.im ditim svasapatni_m girati_ti nis.t.igri_raditih].
Thus, what has been discovered in Binjor is in Rigveda tradition of a yupa topped by caṣāla (godhuma, wheat chaff smoke) to carburize metal in furnace, fire-altar. The yupa is RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu, the signature tune of the prayer, the signifier. Hieroglyph for caṣāla is the snout of varāha, the Veda Purusha. caṣāla and yupa are the vajra, which yield the adamantine glue, sanghgāta which is signified by the hieroglyphs: sangaDa, 'chain, lathe-portable furnace' in Indus Script tradition of data archiving. The Binjor seal with inscription is a data archive of metalwork by the artisans of Binjor (4MSR) who are engaged in a Cosmic process of creating wealth out of mere stone and rock mediated by fire and yaj, 'prayer'.

aṣṭāśri octagonal yupa found in Binjor 4MSR. Śivalinga found in Vizhinjam 1st cent. CE? 

The octagonal shape of Rudra bhāga of Vizhinjam Śivalinga compares with the aṣṭāśri octagonal yupa found in Binjor Yajna kunda (ca. 2500 BCE). 
After Plate 8 in Kumar et al opcit. Ajit Kumar* Rajesh S.V.* Abhayan G.S.*Vinod V.* and Sujana Stephen**, 2013, Indian Ocean Maritime Trade: Evidences fromVizhinjam, South Kerala, Indiain:  Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No. 9, 2013 | 195-201 and 31-33 (Plates).

A remarkable discovery is the octoganal brick which is a yaṣṭi.in a fire-altar of Bijnor site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. Thi yaṣṭi attests to the continuum of the Vedic tradition of fire-altars venerating the yaṣṭi as a baton, skambha of divine authority which transforms mere stone and earth into metal ingots, a manifestation of the cosmic dance enacted in the furnace/smelter of a smith. Bhuteswar sculptural friezes provide evidence to reinforce this divine dispensation by describing the nature of the smelting process displaying a tree to signify kuTi rebus: kuThi 'smelter' with kharva 'dwarf' adorning the structure with a garland to signify kharva 'a nidhi or wealth' of Kubera. A Bhutesvar frieze also indicates the skambha with  face signifying ekamukha linga rebus: 
mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).

Published: June 7, 2017 12:30 IST | Updated: June 6, 2017 16:14 IST
Contrasting mounds
T.S. SUBRAMANIAN An innovative chula with a vessel inside for heating water in the compound of a house at 43GB, about 50 km from 4MSR. This kind of chula has been extant from the Harappan times.

THE Harappan sites of 4MSR and 43GB situated 50 km apart in Rajasthan present contrasting pictures as far as their mounds go. While the mound in 4MSR is more or less intact and without habitation, thus facilitating excavation in 2015, 2016 and 2017, the one at 43GB has numerous houses making it impossible for the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) to undertake a systematic excavation. However, in March the ASI excavated two trial trenches in the mound in an attempt to understand the cultural linkage between 4MSR and 43GB.
A two-hour drive on a broad, unpaved road over much of the 50 km distance takes one from 4MSR to 43GB. The village has a primary school, and tractors were parked in front of several houses. Bulls were roaming around on the unpaved streets. The mound itself was surrounded by wheat fields, as at 4MSR. The Ghaggar river, now dry, flowed about 500 metres away on the southern side of the mound.
Sanjay Kumar Manjul, director of the excavation at both sites, said Rakesh Tewari, Director General, ASI, inspired him “to do a detailed investigation of the sites surrounding 4MSR in order to understand the complete picture of the region”. After extensive exploration, 43GB was taken up for trial excavation. The site belongs to the Mature Harappan and late Mature Harappan phases.
V.P. Yathees Kumar and M. Prasanna, Assistant Archaeologists, ASI, were supervising the excavation. The trial trenches revealed mud-brick structures and potsherds that belonged to the later phase of the Mature Harappan civilisation. Bangles made of terracotta, beads fashioned out of semi-precious stones such as carnelian and steatite, and painted pottery were found. A steatite seal showing a unicorn and Harappan signs was found on the surface of the mound. “We began the excavation at 43GB to understand the cultural sequence of the site and its relationship with 4MSR and other sites nearby,” said Manjul. “We are trying to understand the paleoclimate of this region with the evidence provided by the archaeological finds and the settlement pattern of Harappan sites in this region,” he added.
Manjul and his team from the Institute of Archaeology visited several Harappan sites in the region, which had been earlier explored by scholars such as Aurel Stein, A. Ghosh and K.N. Dikshit. But unlike 4MSR, 43GB had no Early Harappan phase at all, Manjul said. When the Harappans settled down at 43GB, a dry climate seemed to have prevailed during the transitional phase from the Early Harappan to the Mature Harappan stage.
Manjul said the Mature Harappan people dispersed to many places because of the climatic conditions and the availability of more resources in those places. “That is how the settlement came up here at 43GB. Tarkhanewaladera, a site that is about 7 km from 4MSR, witnessed dispersal during the Mature phase. The ASI had excavated it earlier,” he said.
On why the Harappans abandoned these sites, he said the setting in of a dry climate and aridity could have driven them towards the upper reaches of the Ghaggar river. This held good for almost all Harappan sites in the region, including Baror and 68/2.
Even as this discussion was under way, Yathees Kumar and Prasanna unearthed a small hearth with ash and charcoal pieces in one of the two trenches. Nearby was a triangular stone. Rajan was sure that it was a domestic hearth for cooking and the triangular stone was meant for grinding.
During the exploration at68/2,which is around 13 km from Anupgarh on the way to Suratgarh, some Early Harappan ceramics were found. The villagers had cut the ancient mound, but some portion was left intact which was investigated by the ASI team in 2017. During the excavation, it was observed that the pottery and other artefacts were similar to those of the Early Harappan phase of 4MSR, Kalibangan, Sothi and Kunal. A disturbed human burial was exposed along with pottery. Manjul said: “We have collected samples down to the natural soil for scientific dates and other analysis to understand more about the contemporary settlements in this region as well their connection with other settlements on the ancient Sarasvati basin.”
T.S. Subramanian
Published: June 7, 2017 12:30 IST | Updated: June 6, 2017 16:12 IST
A complete sequence

THE Harappan site of 4MSR witnessed a continuous cultural sequence from the Early Harappan to the late phase of the Mature Harappan civilisation. Evidence of this can be found in the gradual development in the seals of these periods.
The excavation in the lower levels of the trenches yielded small seals with concentric circles on both sides or animal motifs on both sides. During the transitional phase from Early to Mature Harappan, the seals were a little bigger and had geometric patterns and each had a knob on the reverse.
Seals of the Mature phase had engravings of animals and the Harappan script, and the knob on the reverse was a well-developed one, according to Sanjay Manjul, director of the excavation at 4MSR. Seals of the late phase of the Mature Harappan had only the Harappan script and a protruding knob.
The excavations at 4MSR unveiled data on climate changes that occurred from circa 4500 BCE to circa 2000 BCE, which was cross-checked at 43GB.
Radiocarbon dating done at the Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow, on rice, barley, charcoal and sediments excavated at 4MSR revealed dates varying from 2200 BCE to 2488 BCE to 4249 BCE.
“At the moment, we can safely say that the site was extant from circa 4000 BCE to 2000 BCE. We are awaiting more dates. Then we can say whether we can go beyond these dates,” Manjul said.
T.S. Subramanian

COMMENTS:

Being an Archaeologist particularly involved in the study of the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization, I am keen on knowing about the important discoveries in the excavations at Binjor.
from:  A. Sundara
Posted on: Jun 18, 2017 at 04:05 IST  
Published: June 7, 2017 12:30 IST | Updated: June 7, 2017 12:03 IST
ARCHAEOLOGY
Telltale furnacesShow

An oval furnace with a hub in the middle for keeping the crucible where artisans kept the copper ingots before fashioning them into artefacts. The furnace has holes for aeration and for inserting tuyeres to work up the flames. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN

The star discovery of the year at 4MSR, the Archaeological Survey of India's site in Rajasthan, was this oval-shaped furnace lined with mud bricks. It was in furnaces such as these that the laborious process of making copper artefacts began. The furnace was used to smelt copper from the copper ore. It had a hole for inserting the tuyere for fanning the flame and holes on its sides for aeration. Beside the furnace is an anvil 
where the sheeted ore was hammered into ingots. Photo:T.S. Subramanian

Sanjay Kumar Manjul, ASI’s director of excavation, studying storage jars adjacent to furnaces build on brick platforms. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
In 4MSR, trench after trench threw up furnaces and hearths in different shapes, clearly indicating that it was a thriving industrial centre. The picture shows a long, oval-shaped furnace and a circular furnace built on a mud-brick platform. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
A circular hearth with charcoal pieces and ash. Harappans made beads out of steatite, agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and so on here. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
A yoni-shaped furnace found at 4MSR. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

This terracotta vessel with a pronounced knob at the centre has engaged the attention of archaeologists as a "unique find" and is probably used in rituals or ceremonies. Similar vessels have been depicted on Harappan seals and copper plates. Photo:ASI

The copper plate with the engraving of the knobbed ceremonial vessel similar to the one found in the 2017 round of excavations. Photo:VASANT SHINDE

At the ASI's 43GB site, Sanjay Kumar Manjul (right) and K. Rajan, professor of history, Pondicherry University. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
An inverted pot, probably of the Mature Harappan period, found in situ in a trench at 4MSR. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
A portion of the enclosure wall that has been excavated in different areas around the mound. The wall, made of mud bricks, is thought to run around the settlement, and this one is in the south-east corner. Photo:ASI
A painted vase that was probably baked in one of the many kilns at the 4MSR site, which also yielded baked pots, storage jars, perforated jars, beakers and so on. Photo:ASI
A painted terracotta pot. Photo:ASI
A view of the sunset from the mound at 4MSR surrounded by wheat fields. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
Harappan beakers for measuring liquids. Photo: V.V. KRISHNAN
Boards announcing the names of 4MSR village near Bijnor. 4MSR is, as the crow flies, 7 km from the border with Pakistan. After Partition, Rajasthan Irrigation Department officials gave names such as 4MSR, 43GB and 86GB to newly created settlements for refugees from across the border. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
The ASI's Arvin Manjul (third from left), co-director of the excavation at 4MSR, 43GB and 68/2GB, and other archaeologists examine a human skeleton found in the trench at 68/2GB. Photo:ASI
On the mound at 43GB around 50 km from 4MSR. Unlike 4MSR, the mound is heavily built up with houses and other structures, making excavation a real challenge. People of the Mature Harappan period settled on a big sand dune at 43GB, which became a mound after they abandoned it. Photo: T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
The trial trench at 68/2GB near 4MSR. It yielded Early Harappan ceramics, beads made of semi-precious stones, terracotta bangles and pestles. Photo:ASI
Gold rings, pieces and foils found in the 2017 excavations testified to the fact that the 4MSR Harappans made gold products too. They sourced gold from present-day Karnataka. Photo:ASI
The seal with a perfectly carved figure of a unicorn-it has been scooped out with precision on a thin slate of white steatlite-belongs to the Mature Harappan period. The ceremonial vessel in front of the unicorn is a puzzle. The seal has one Harappan sign on top and other signs that seem to have been scraped off. It has a perfectly made knob with a hole on the reverse and is a good example of seals of the Mature Harappan period. Photo:ASI
Seven different seals were found at 4MSR in the 2017 round of excavations and they provided insights into the gradual development in the production of seals. The seal with triangular designs and a crudely made knob, with a hole through which to string a thread, belongs to the transitional phase between the Early Harappan and Mature Harappan phases. Photo:ASI
Seven different seals were found at 4MSR in the 2017 round of excavations and they provided insights into the gradual development in the production of seals. The triangular seal with three concentric circles and no motifs on the other side belongs to the Early Harappan phase (c.3000 BCE-2600 BCE). Photo:ASI
Arrowheads, spearheads, celts and fish hooks, all made of copper, were found in the trenches at 4MSR, affirming to the industrial nature of the site. Archaeologists found copper bangles, rings, beads, and so on. Photo:ASI
Hundreds of oblong (popular qamong archaeologists as idli-shaped), triangular terracotta cakes have been found at 4MSR and the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Haryana, 340 km away. While the oblong cakes were used to retain heat in domestic hearths and chulas for keeping milk and water warm, the painted triangular cakes were embedded as decorative pieces on walls and floors of houses. Photo:ASI
Humped bulls, made of terracotta, found in the trenches at 4MSR. Photo:ASI
The shell of a tortoise in one of the trenches. Two such shells were found in different trenches along with charred bones, indicating that the Harappans consumed tortoise meat. Photo:ASI

The latest round of the Archaeological Survey of India’s excavations at 4MSR in Rajasthan gives valuable insights into how the Harappans made the transition from an agricultural society into an industrial one. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

A CIRCULAR flat-bottomed terracotta vessel with a pronounced knob at the centre is among the artefacts that are engaging the attention of archaeologists at 4MSR, a Harappan site about 10 kilometres from Anupgarh town in Rajasthan. They found not one but two such vessels, but in the second one the knob had broken off. “This is a unique find,” says Sanjay Kumar Manjul, director of the excavation for the 2017 field season, the third so far, at 4MSR. (No one seems to know what 4MSR stands for.) “It is probably a ritualistic vessel. Similar type of pot depictions have been found on seals from Harappan sites in India and Pakistan,” he added. The vessel has been depicted on Harappan seals, placed in front of a unicorn, and on copper plates along with a seated “yogi” with a horned headdress. Manjul, who is also Director of the Institute of Archaeology, the academic wing of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), New Delhi, and other scholars make intelligent guesses that it may be a ritual/ceremonial vessel, an incense burner, or a massive dish that is placed on a stand.
The bowl takes pride of place in the huge tent pitched on the dry bed of the Ghaggar river near 4MSR that houses all artefacts excavated at the site. Another exciting find was two tortoise shells amid charred bones of the tortoises. This suggested that tortoises formed an important part of the food of the Harappans who lived at 4MSR about 5,000 years ago.
Among the artefacts discovered were seals; fragments of gold foils and gold beads; miniature beakers probably used for measuring liquids; painted pottery; perforated jars; goblets and storage pots; beads made of steatite, agate, jasper, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and other semi-precious stones; earrings; fish hooks; spear-heads and arrowheads made of copper; bangles made of conch shells; and terracotta figurines. The trenches also yielded hundreds of terracotta cakes in shapes that ranged from oblong (popular among archaeologists as idli-shaped) to triangle and similar to a clenched fist (mushtika). They also yielded 10 pieces of weights made of banded chert stones.
But the most important discovery this year was a massive wall built of mud bricks stacked to a width of 8 metres, in the south-eastern corner of the excavation mound. The wall showed clear evidence of having been built during two successive phases of the Harappan civilisation, and it turns right at one point perhaps indicating that it could have run around the settlement, thus demolishing the assumption that 4MSR did not have a fortification or enclosure wall. In fact, the remains of the wall have been found on the western and northern sides of the mound.
K. Rajan, professor of history, Pondicherry University, who gave a series of lectures to students of the Institute of Archaeology at the site, confirmed that it was an enclosure wall, a feature found in many Harappan sites. The paleo-channels of the Ghaggar river were just 500 metres away from the site, to the north and the south. The wall could have been built to prevent flooding of the site. While fortification/enclosure walls at Harappan sites in Gujarat were made of stones, as one travelled towards Mohenjo-daro or Harappa (both in Pakistan now) they began to be made of burnt bricks. In Rajasthan, the walls, be they at 4MSR or Kalibangan, were built of mud bricks that were made with fine clay, which gave the bricks a fine texture, that is, they had been well levigated, as Disha Ahluwalia, a superviser at 4MSR, explained.
Besides the wall, the lower levels of this Harappan industrial complex showed evidence of streets having been there, belying the assumption that the settlement had no organised streets.
Industrial secrets
The trenches excavated in 2015, 2016 and 2017 revealed the industrial secrets of 4MSR, which lasted from circa 4000 BCE to circa 2000 BCE through what is called the Early Harappan (3000-2600 BCE) and the Mature Harappan (2600-2000 BCE) phases. Possibly the Late Harappan phase settlements may also be visible. At the time Frontline visited the mound in March, more than 15 trenches, each 10 metre x 10 metre, had been dug jointly by students of the Institute of Archaeology and archaeologists of the Excavation Branch-II of the ASI. Arvin Manjul, Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch-II was the co-director of the excavation.
The mound itself offered a spectacular sight, with trench upon trench bristling with furnaces, hearths and kilns that confirmed the industrial nature of the site. The furnaces, hearths and kilns were situated on mud-brick platforms at various levels and presented insights into the activity during the various periods. Close to the furnaces and hearths were big storage pots, twin pots and broken perforated jars. Beads lay scattered on a few furnace floors. In the kilns, there were terracotta beads and broken terracotta bangles. This year’s excavation threw up furnaces and hearths of different shapes: oval, circular, yoni-shaped and even a squarish one.
One of the trenches had a big, oval-shaped furnace lined with mud bricks. It had a short mud-brick wall, with the inner side of the bricks blackened from the searing heat of the furnace and the furnace floor rammed with mud. The furnace had a hole for blowing air into it with tuyeres to fan the flames. There was a central hub too for placing crucibles in which to smelt copper from the copper ore. “This furnace was for extracting copper from the copper ore. It was periodically plastered. That meant it was used for a long time,” Manjul said.
In a furnace in a nearby trench, copper ingots recovered from the copper ore in the previous furnace had been converted into workable pieces. This furnace had a passage for blowing air with bellows and charcoal pieces were found strewn on the furnace floor. An anvil was found nearby, which was obviously the place where the copper ingots were beaten into workable pieces. There was also a channel for bringing fresh water that the smiths used for strengthening the workable pieces.
In the third furnace, the Harappan artisans converted the copper ingots into tools and artefacts Manjul summed up the process: “The first furnace was probably for smelting copper from the ore. Here, high temperature was required. In the second, normal temperature was required because the smiths had already made copper. In the third, the artisans made a variety of copper artefacts such as bangles, beads, rings, fish hooks, arrowheads, spear heads, and so on.”
In one trench was a big, circular kiln, with potsherds lying on its floor. There were white patches on the floor, which had apparently resulted from the intense heat worked up in the kiln. Explaining the difference between a furnace and a kiln, Rajan said: “If you are working a metal like copper, it is called a furnace. If you are firing/baking ceramic products, it is called a kiln.” It is in these kilns that the Harappans fired a variety of pottery, including storage pots, big jars, perforated jars, goblets, beakers, dish-on-stands and terracotta figurines.
With such a variety of furnaces, hearths and kilns, it was not surprising that Manjul called 4MSR “an important industrial settlement” that is “at present the only example in the Harappan context which shows a major industrial activity”. The series of furnaces in trench after trench and at different levels indicated that multiple artisans had worked simultaneously and that the site had been occupied continuously and industrial activity was also continuous, he said. There were many sites of a similar nature in the vicinity. Manjul added: “The region was a major industrial hub. There is no doubt about it. These varieties of artefacts cannot be consumed here itself. This was one of the industrial centres that catered to urban settlements such as Kalibangan, Rakhigari and Ganweriwala.”
Indeed, the three seasons of excavation have provided a tremendous insight into how 4MSR evolved from an agricultural settlement into a major industrial centre that manufactured copper artefacts, beads from semi-precious stones and a wide variety of terracotta products and exported them to Harappan sites nearby and far away.
Manjul said: “In the lower levels [of trenches], there is evidence of agriculture because there are domestic hearths within residential complexes. In the transitional phase from Early Harappan to Mature Harappan, there are furnaces within house complexes. Later, during the Mature Harappan phase, there was a complete transformation into an industrial site. Thus, there was a gradual transformation from agriculture to industry.”
The third season of excavation at 4MSR had a clear objective: to understand the nature of the industrial activity that had been observed during the second field season in 2016. Manjul said: “In this season, we have some clear evidence of copper smelting, melting and craftsmen working on the metal. Along with that, we have excavated anvils, storage jars, dish-on-stand, etc. We have found copper slag, terracotta crucibles and terracotta moulds and finished copper artefacts such as fish-hooks, spearheads, arrowheads, beads, copper strings, copper rings and bangles. It was observed that the entire process of copper working, from smelting to making finished products, was done here. This site revealed manufacturing of artefacts from steatite. In the smaller hearths, along with steatite we noticed charcoal and ash.
“The industrial activity started during the transitional stage from the Early Harappan phase to the Mature Harappan stage. Full-fledged industrial activity took place during the Mature Harappan stage and the late Mature Harappan phase.” Shubha Majumdar, Deputy Superintending Archaeologist, ASI, said that at least four major structural phases were noticed during the Mature Harappan phase.
There were signs of agricultural activity in the lower levels of the trenches because the weather at that point of time was conducive to farming. When the weather changed for the worse, the region became semi-arid. “So people switched over from agriculture to industrial activity to sustain themselves,” Manjul said.
What facilitated the change to industrial activity in a big way was the availability of copper ore, possibly from the Khetri belt situated about 150 km away, in Rajasthan. Similarly, gypsum, which was used in the flooring of homes, was available in the nearby area, while steatite, which was used for making beads, was available in plenty within a 200 sq km area. On the other had, lapis lazuli, gold, shell and semi-precious stones were not available nearby, and artefacts made from them showed clear evidence of 4MSR’s linkage with distant shores and contemporary settlements, Manjul said.
The Harappans at 4MSR exploited a variety of stones available in the Aravalli hill range for making pestles, mortars and anvils. Chert stones were available in the Rohri hills in Pakistan. The artisans made both small and big chert blades. The chert blades were used for manifold purposes, including skinning of animals and making sickles. The Harappans also fashioned modular chert blades for making different tools, besides tools of copper, bones, antlers and stone. Stone-hammers were made with a wooden handle. In the early stages of development, the Harappans made tools by driving the stone inside the wood. In subsequent stages, they drove the wood inside metal for they had learnt the art of metal working.
The settlement pattern 10 to 20 km around 4MSR showed that there were separate Early Harappan sites, Mature Harappan sites and sites with the late phase of the Mature Harappan civilisation. “After that, in this same region, we had painted grey ware (PGW) settlements, and they continued up to post-Gupta period followed by the Rang Mahal culture. This is the complete cultural sequence of this area,” Manjul said.
Seals
Another important feature of the latest round of excavation is the discovery of seven seals, which confirmed that 4MSR belonged to the Early Harappan, then transitional and the Mature Harappan phases.The seal that belonged to the transitional phase has a geometric design on the one side and a little knob on the other side. Since it has a knob on the obverse side, it could have been used to stamp the geometric pattern on a piece of clay tied to a bag to signal that duty had been paid on the goods kept in the bag. Of the two seals that belong to the Mature Harappan phase, one had the engraving of a unicorn with a ceremonial vessel in front of it. There is a Harappan sign above the unicorn. There were more Harappan characters, but they had been scraped off. This seal showed superb workmanship because the artisan had not merely carved the unicorn on the tiny steatite slab but had unerringly scooped out the outline of the entire animal within the narrow confines of the seal.
This seal has a knob on the obverse with a hole in it for a string to pass through. Perhaps, the owner of the seal wore it around his neck. Another seal portrays a unicorn, but the seal’s top portion is broken off. It was found embedded in the mud and the impression of the unicorn can still be seen on the mud.
Animal treasures
What excited the archaeologists was the discovery of two tortoise shells amid charred remains of tortoises. Vijay Sathe, a professor in the Deccan College Post-graduate and Research Institute, Pune, who studied the tortoise shells, antlers and other animal remains, said: “This site has a good representation of skeletal evidence of animals. They include cattle, sheep, goat, antelope and similar small-sized mammalian fauna. The inhabitants of 4MSR used a good blend of wild and domesticated animals for food and farming. An interesting thing noticed here was the inhabitants’ preference for animals such as tortoise and fish. The presence of a couple of varieties of tortoises was noticed in the form of their carapace and their charred bones, which are potential indicators of the food habits of the inhabitants. That is, they roasted and consumed the tortoise. Besides tortoises, the remains of a variety of freshwater fish have been found in charred condition.”
If one were to look at the composition of both wild and domesticated animals that the Harappans of 4MSR ate, it appears that a variety of animals, especially small-sized animals, such as chinkara, antelope and barking deer, besides cattle, goat and sheep, did have their share in their food economy, Sathe said. The science of archaeo-zoology had important role in archaeology, he added. Once a detailed analysis was completed, it would be possible to talk about the animal population found around 4MSR, the contribution of the cattle to agricultural and other practices and the attitude of the Harappans towards these animals as a whole.

COMMENTS:

Usually harrapan civilisation is known for well defined town planning, high degree of water management, standardisation of bricks, harrapan script ,other artifacts like wieght,Seals,etc. Till date urban cites are highlighted by scholar like mohanjodro, harrapa ,kalibanga,dholavira,etc. But we have lesser knowledge of rular and industrial sites. 4Msr provided a new insights of great harrapan civilisation ,it also informed us about the evolution of culture on the bank ancient saraswati river.I have also read last two year article which indicated ritualistic practice by the harrapans.
from:  Skand
Posted on: Jun 10, 2017 at 23:44 IST  
A new Harappan site
The discovery and excavation of a new site, 4MSR, near Binjor, Rajasthan, may yield vital clues about the evolution and continuity of the mature and late phases of the Harappan civilisation and their relationship to the painted grey ware culture that followed. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

A seal made of steatite stone found in one of the trenches in 4MSR. It is a sure sign that the site belongs to the Mature Harappan phase. The seal has the carving of a unicorn standing in front of an incense burner and five Harappan characters on the top part.
A view of the mounds at the 4MSR site near Binjor.
Sanjay Kumar Manjul, Director of the Institute of Archaeology and also Director of Excavation at 4MSR, examining a painted pot. Manjul is a specialist in ceramics.
A perforated pot found in a trench. A rare feature of the site is that a perforated jar, a perforated pot and a perforated bowl have been found, all telltale signs a Mature Harappan culture.
A.K. Pandey, Deputy Director of Excavation, points to the mud-brick structures and a pestle in a trench. The trench also yielded ovens and hearths. At right is a silo lined with mud for storing grains.
A view of the trench with rooms made of mud bricks.
A view of the trenches, which have revealed mud-brick structures, silos for storing grains, and ovens and hearths.
A trench full of pots, jars and other ceramics. It was perhaps a storehouse for grains.
A razor blade (left) and a broken celt, both made of copper. Harappan culture belonged to the Bronze Age.
A variety of beads found at the site, which yielded evidence of industrial activity to make beads from semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, carnelian, faience, agate and steatite.
A chert blade. Such blades were used for skinning hunted animals.
Painted terracota pottery.
A perforated bowl, with a hole at the bottom, a rare occurence in Harappan sites.
A potsherd with a painted flower.
A potsherd with a painting of a lion or an animal belonging to the cat family.
Ceramics, includinga painted pot with a handle, another rarity.
Copper rings.
A terracota figurine of a humped bull.
Fabric marks on a piece of clay. Spindle whorls have been found, indicating that the residents there knew how to weave fine fabrics.
The impression of a seal on clay, indicating that tax had been paid on goods. This confirms that the site had trade with other Harappan settlements.
A part of a gold ear ornament. It is rare to find gold ornaments at Harappan sites. However, gold tubular beads have been found at Khirsara and Lothal, both in Gujarat.
A cubicular weight made of chert stone.
The fire altar, with a yasti made of an octagonal brick.
An idli-shaped terracota cake that retained heat and was used to keep milk warm for children in winter.
The skeleton of a woman, about 40 years old. The ASI archaeologists are identifying the grave goods in the trench to determine whether the skeleton belongs to the Early Harappan, Mature Harappan or a later period.
Students of the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, and staff of the ASI taking part in the excavation at 4MSR. In the back row, A.K. Pandey is seen showing an instrument used in the excavation. On his left is Sanjay Kumar Manjul.
SEVEN kilometres from the small town of Anupgarh in Rajasthan, as our taxi was speeding on the road, we spotted the board we were looking for. It simply said “4MSR”. Nobody seems to know what “MSR” stands for. The local people say names like these are given to villages by the Irrigation Department. Houses in the village have spacious, open courtyards where tractors are parked, or cattle are chewing hay in the late afternoon sun. One kilometre from the village, a fascinating site greets us: big tents on four corners of a level ground which is actually the dry bed of the Ghaggar river. At the centre is a badminton court. At the entrance to the bivouac is the tent for security personnel, and it has a bell—a piece of iron railing—hanging next to it. The tent we enter is a spacious one and has a white screen on one side and several rows of chairs in front of it—obviously a classroom.
“To welcome you, we excavated a seal just yesterday. It is made of steatite.” A.K. Pandey, Deputy Director of the excavation at the Harappan site of 4MSR, told the Frontlineteam. Along with Pandey, who is also the Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch-II, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), New Delhi, were the staff of the ASI and the students of the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, affiliated to the ASI. “It is a square seal, having the figure of a unicorn. Five Harappan letters are incised on its upper part. The seal shows that the people of 4MSR had trade with other areas,” he said.

The site, which is a couple of kilometres from Binjor village, is in Anupgarh tehsil of Sri Ganganagar district, Rajasthan. It is just 7 km from the India-Pakistan border as the crow flies. The archaeologists and the students are excavating a big mound in the alluvial plains of the Ghaggar river. Ghaggar is the modern name given to the Saraswati river. The village residents call the mound Thed and it is about 400 metres from the camp.
There was a swirl of activity on the mound, where 10 trenches have been excavated, each measuring 10 by 10 metres, with four quadrants. Women from 4MSR were sieving the sand dug up from the trench, hoping to find tiny beads or seals. In the pottery yard, more women were sorting out different types of pottery. Behind the pottery yard, Hardeep Singh, a carpenter, was giving the finishing touches to a scabbard he had made while Mangla Ram, an ironsmith, was working up the flames in a chula and sharpening the tools needed for the excavation. Sometimes, Hardeep Singh becomes the ironsmith and Mangla Ram the carpenter.
Sanjay Kumar Manjul, Director, the Institute of Archaeology and head of the excavation at 4MSR, came straight to the topic. “It is natural to ask why there was a need to excavate at 4MSR when so many Harappan sites situated in the Ghaggar river valley have been excavated and reports published on them,” he said. In the Ghaggar river valley itself, he pointed out, explorations and excavations had been done in several sites by archaeologists such as L.P. Tessitore (1916-17), Aurel Stein (1940-41), Amalananda Ghosh, Katy Dalal and others. These sites included Kalibangan, excavated by B.B. Lal, B.K. Thapar and J.P. Joshi, over nine field seasons from 1961 to 1969; 46 GB and Binjor 2, 3 and 4, all situated within a few kilometres of 4MSR and excavated by Amalananda Ghosh; Binjor 1, excavated by Dalal; Rakhigarhi, excavated by Amarendra Nath (1997-2000) and Vasant Shinde (2014 and 2015); and Baror (2003-06), excavated by Urmila Sant and T.J. Baidya.
Manjul explained: “The purpose of the present excavation at 4MSR is to learn about the Early Harappan deposits, 4MSR’s relationship with other contemporary sites and to fill the gap between the Late Harappan phase and the painted grey ware [PGW] culture. We should know about the early farming phase [that existed in the pre-Harappan period]. It is also important to know the continuity of the sequence from the Late Harappan phase to the PGW culture. That is why we have taken up explorations and excavations in this entire area.”
At its height, the Harappan civilisation flourished over 2.5 million sq. km in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. About 2,000 sites have been found, from Sutkagendor in the Makran coast of Balochistan to Alamgirhpur in the east in Uttar Pradesh and from Manda in Jammu to Daimabad in Maharashtra.
The Harappan civilisation is divided into three phases: Early (3000 BCE-2600 BCE), Mature (2600 BCE -1900 BCE) and Late (1900 BCE-1500 BCE). The PGW culture came later and is datable to circa 1200 BCE and belongs to the early historical period.

After Partition, big Harappan sites such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa and Ganweriwala fell on the Pakistani side. Between 1972 and 1974, M.R. Mughal, former Director General of Archaeology and Museums, Pakistan, explored Bahawalpur in the Cholistan region of Punjab, situated on the border with Rajasthan. Mughal found a lot of pottery on the surface there and named it Hakra ware after the Hakra river which flows there and which is called Ghaggar in India. Originating in the Himalayas, the Ghaggar flows through Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Gujarat before joining the Arabian Sea near the Rann of Kutch.
If the cornucopia of artefacts thrown up from the current excavation is any indication, 4MSR has all the characteristics of having been an Early Harappan and Mature Harappan site like Kalibangan situated 120 km away. There are no indications that a Late Harappan phase existed. “A special feature of 4MSR is the discovery of a perforated jar, a perforated bowl with a hole at the bottom and a perforated pot, confirming its status as a Mature Harappan site,” asserted Pandey. What fascinated him was the discovery of pots with handles. “In a nutshell, our excavations have yielded pre-Harappan Hakra ware, Early Harappan pottery and Mature Harappan ceramics,” he said.
What stands out in the excavation is the bonanza of Early Harappan pottery with beautifully painted figures of peacocks, a lion, birds, pipal leaves and fish-net designs. Another discovery, a beautiful pot with a pencil mouth, could have been used to keep precious liquids or perfume.
Other important artefacts obtained from the site are beads made of carnelian, lapis lazuli, steatite, agate and terracotta; copper, shell and terracotta bangles; copper rings and fish hooks; terracotta spindles and whorls; weights made out chert stone; terracotta sling balls, toy-cart frames, figurines of humped bulls, and arrowheads. Two horns of nilgai were found in a trench. Of particular interest is a potsherd with the impression of a fabric. Besides the seal, a sealing (impression of a seal) was found. The centrepiece of the discoveries is a fragment of a gold ornament for the ear. It is rare to find gold ornaments in Harappan sites although tubular gold beads have been found in Khirsara and Lothal, both Harappan sites in Gujarat.
One trench yielded a skeleton, perhaps that of a female, about 40 years old. The ASI team is in the process of identifying the presence of grave goods in the trench to determine the period to which it belongs.
What has come as a bonus is the discovery of a fire altar, with a yasti (a shaft) in the middle. “The yasti is an indication that rituals were performed at the altar,” said Manjul. The yasti here is an octagonal, burnt brick. Although bones were found in the upper level of the deposits in this trench, it could not be ascertained whether they were sacrificial bones. The ASI team traced mud and ash layers at the lower level in the trench and also found a bead inside the fire altar. Pandey said fire altars had been found in Kalibangan and Rakhigarhi, and the yastis were octagonal or cylindrical bricks. There were “signatures” indicating that worship of some kind had taken place at the fire altar here.

Rakhigarhi Rediscovered
According to Manjul, an important reason why so many Harappan settlements came up in the then Saraswati valley was its fertile alluvial plains. Besides, raw materials such as chert, clay and copper were available in the nearby areas.
It was puzzling, Manjul said, that while a lot of pottery belonging to the Mature Harappan period was found at Kalibangan, Baror, Binjor and 4MSR, no pottery belonging to the Late Harappan phase had been found in these and other nearby sites. “The Harappans deserted 4MSR, Binjor and Baror after the Mature Harappan phase. Why?” he asked. Another puzzle was that only the Late Harappan culture existed in the Suratgarh region in Rajasthan. “There is no continuity of the Harappan phases in the Ghaggar river valley. Did a migration take place towards Suratgarh after the Mature Harappan period? We have to find out the reasons why it happened,” Manjul said. (Baror, Binjor and 4MSR are contiguous sites. While Baror is about 20 km from Binjor and 4MSR, Kalibangan is 120 km from 4MSR. Kalibangan is 25 km from Suratgarh).
Again, there was no continuity between the Late Harappan phase and the PGW culture. To find out whether there was any continuity between the Late Harappan phase and the PGW culture, the ASI and the Institute of Archaeology excavated a trial trench in March 2015 in a mound called 86 GB, less than 2 km from 4MSR. There are several sites with PGW deposits within 20 km of 4MSR. “It is important to understand both the cultures, the Late Harappan and the PGW cultures, which are in independent horizons along the Ghaggar river,” Manjul said.
It was ASI Director General Rakesh Tewari and former Joint Director General R.S. Bisht who suggested that the ASI excavate Binjor again, where earlier Amalananda Ghosh and Katy Dalal had dug up several mounds. This led to the Excavation Branch-II, ASI, and the Institute of Archaeology taking up a joint excavation at 4MSR. “If an excavation is done again at Binjor [4MSR], we can combine the results of the excavation done in Cholistan by M.R. Mughal and the excavations here,” Bisht said.
So, when Pandey and his colleagues surveyed Binjor in September 2014, they discovered Thed. “We thought it had been discovered earlier by either [Amalananda] Ghosh or [Katy] Dalal, but nowhere has it been mentioned in the records. Ghosh had mentioned four mounds named Binjor 1, 2, 3 and 4. This mound is not one of them. This is different. This was discovered by me, Ambily C.S. and Vinay Kumar, both assistant archaeologists of the ASI,” Pandey said. On the top of the mound is the grave of Peer Baba, a Muslim holy man who is worshipped by Hindus and Sikhs.

When the excavation began in January 2015, ASI archaeologists found that a lot of waste material had been dumped on the summit of the mound by the local people and the Army, which had camped there soon after Partition. This turned out to be a blessing in disguise because the dump had protected the mound. But modern farming activity had reduced the mound’s size because farmers had cut away its sloping fringes to reclaim land for farming. So, the mound that exists now is only half its original size. Farmers have built a long concrete trough for storing water and laid water channels around the mound to water the wheat fields. In February, when Frontline visited the area, all around the mound were vast stretches of wheat fields in bloom. Indeed, for 100 km from Kalibangan to 4MSR, wheat fields, watered by the aquifers of the Ghaggar river, stretch endlessly on either side of the road. Every trench has revealed structures such as walls and small rooms made of mud bricks. Most of the rooms have post holes, where posts stood more than 4,000 years ago to support the roof, or perhaps they held door jambs. The size of the mud bricks is in the ratio of 1:2:4, a typical Mature Harappan feature.
There are successive floor levels made of mud bricks, especially in the industrial area of the site. “It shows that whenever the original floor in which the Harappans were working got damaged, they built another floor over it. Between two floors, we have found a lot of ash, charcoal, bones, pottery and artefacts. There are katcha drains in some trenches,” Pandey said.
The trenches have thrown up remnants of ovens, hearths and furnaces, with white ash and soot embedded in the soil, testifying to the industrial activity of making beads at the site. Hearths were found both inside and outside the Harappan houses. Pandey offered an explanation: During winter, Harappans cooked inside their homes but in summer, they cooked outside. One trench revealed a deep silo, lined with mud, to store grains.
The number of idli-shaped terracotta cakes found in the ovens and hearths is incredible. “The presence of idli-shaped terracotta cakes in great numbers in ovens and hearths shows that they had a great role to play in baking many things,” Pandey said.
V. Muthukumar, assistant archaeologist with the ASI and a trench supervisor at the site, who is now a student of the Institute of Archaeology, explained that the idli-shaped terracotta cakes, heated by flaming charcoal, retained their heat for a long time. These hot terracotta cakes were kept in the oven at night to keep milk warm for children, he said. Hundreds of small riverine shells found in trenches “must have been used to clean pots”, Muthukumar said.

To reach the soil beneath the mound quickly, two trenches had been dug in the south-east and south-west corners. Since water channels ran close to these two trenches, their floors were wet and mud bricks found in these trenches had coagulated because of water seepage. The trench in the south-east corner had mud-brick structures and a “hara” for keeping cattle feed. “This was perhaps a cattle shed,” said Jigme Wangmo, a student who was at work there. Since the mud bricks had got fused, it would be difficult to say with certainty whether the bricks had been used for flooring or building a wall, said Siripuram Rushikesh, also a student.
Indeed, the credit for discovering the steatite seal that was shown to us on our arrival goes to Raj Kumar, a labourer who was working in quadrant three of trench N30 E10. Delighted, he showed it to the trench supervisor, Ambily C.S., who sprinted to show it to Pandey. It was in the same trench that she found the skeleton too.
What has gladdened Pandey is that the excavation has thrown up a variety of artefacts, confirming that 4MSR has all the traits of a Mature Harappan civilisation. These include a jar, a pot and a bowl, all perforated; jars for storage; black-on-red and plain red ceramics; goblets; beakers; dish-on-stand; pots with pencil mouths; a seal; a sealing; a cubicular weight made of chert stone; mud-brick structures; painted pottery with a variety of designs, and so on. Goblets have rims with lines incised at perfect intervals.
“The characteristics of the pottery of the Mature Harappan period are that they are made of well-baked clay and precisely decorated with paintings. Perfection is the hallmark of Mature Harappan ware,” Pandey said.
A remarkable feature is that a bonanza of ceramic assemblage belonging to the Early Harappan period has been found in the lower levels of the trenches. They are akin to the Hakra and Sothi ware of Pakistan, and the Kulli style of paintings of Afghanistan. “We also found plenty of Periano Ghundai [an archaeological mound in Balochistan, Pakistan] reserved slipware. Along with this, an exuberant amount of Kot Dijian [Kot Diji is an archaeological site in Sindh, Pakistan, considered a forerunner of the Harappan Civilisation] style of the painted pottery tradition of Pakistan has been found,” said Manjul. Periano Ghundai is in the Zhop valley of Pakistan. Pottery from this Early Harappan site has designs of peacocks, birds, a lion or perhaps an animal belonging to the cat family, a moustache design and bichrome floral designs, and they are similar to the Kot Diji ware. “The Kot Dijian style of ceramics, which consists of pots with everted, rounded, square and beaked rims, is prominent in the assemblage,” said Prabodh Shirvalkar, Assistant Professor of Archaeology, Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, Pune. The pots are painted with black horizontal bands and wavy lines in panels. An important example, which shows the influence of the Kulli style of painting on ceramics, is the painting of the body portion of an animal belonging to the cat family. The animal has an elongated body and its hind limbs are curved inwards.

Manjul said: “The appearance of the Early Harappan period ceramic assemblage found at 4MSR is dominated by Hakra, Kot Dijian and Sothi elements. This is the first site in this region where so much of cultural mixing or amalgamation is available. This has helped in understanding the development of the Mature Harappan phase and its cultural process. In the transitional phase, there is a combination of Early and Mature Harappan pottery. The ceramic assemblage of Mature Harappan is dominated by black-on-red ware, plain red ware, perforated jars, pots and plates, globular pots and dish-on-stand, but there is a continuation of the early traditions. The gradual transformation from the Early Harappan to the Mature Harappan is very visible here.”

A bar seal found in one of the trenches at Kalibangan, an Early and Mature Harappan site. Photo:V.V. Krishnan dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic) karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNadhAra 'helmsman'. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS bAra 'twelve' rebus: barae 'merchant'. Thus, metal castings merchant. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS aḍar 'harrow' Rebus: aduru 'native metal' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kamaTha 'bow and arrow' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner,coinage'. Thus, meta casting mint.
OUR plan was to visit the Harappan site of 4MSR in Rajasthan, where excavation is under way, by travelling by train from New Delhi to Sri Ganganagar and then driving down to 4MSR. When we told P.S. Sriraman, Superintending Archaeologist-in-charge, Jodhpur Circle, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), about our plans to visit 4MSR from Sri Ganganagar, he told us: “You have made a mistake. You should get down at Suratgarh railway station, which is 80 km beyond Sri Ganganagar and drive down from Suratgarh to 4MSR. Kalibangan lies on the way. Anyway, you have to cross Kalibangan to reach 4MSR. Do visit Kalibangan, which was a big Harappan site, which the ASI excavated from 1961 to 1969. We have a good site museum at Kalibangan.”
That was music to the Frontline team’s ears. Behind the spacious site museum of the ASI in Kalibangan lie three big rolling mounds which, in their innards, had concealed a big Harappan town that belonged to the Early Harappan period (3000 BCE–2600 BCE) and the Mature Harappan period (2600 BCE–1900 BCE). Pravin Singh, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI, Kalibangan, led us to the mounds. “You put your foot anywhere on the mounds, and you will trample on a prodigious amount of pottery,” he said. He knew the rolling, desolate mounds like the back of his hand. The entire Harappan town at Kalibangan was built of mud bricks, Pravin Singh stressed. He took us to the KLB-1 mound, which housed the citadel where the ruling elite lived and the KLB-2 mound where the lower town was built. (Kalibangan in the Rajasthani language means black bangles. Nearby is Pilibangan, which means blue bangles).
It was eerie visiting the greatly eroded mounds, with millions of potsherds, broken terracotta bangles, and idli-shaped terracotta cakes lying everywhere. Rows of Harappan bricks or terracotta drainpipes jutted out of the eroded mounds, giving us an insight into how the town would have been built with mud bricks more than 4,500 years ago.
Sriraman calls Kalibangan an important Harappan site and ranks it “on a par with Dholavira, Rakhigarhi and Lothal”. It was a site that belonged to both the Early Harappan and the Mature Harappan phases. It did not have a Late Harappan phase, he stressed.
“It was a typical Harappan settlement, with fortification walls, an upper town and a lower town,” Sriraman said.

Like 4MSR, situated about 120 km away, Kalibangan was built on the banks of the now-dry Ghaggar river. According to Michel Danino, a specialist in Harappan civilisation, Amalananda Ghosh, who became the ASI Director General in 1953, spent two winters in 1950 and 1951 exploring the valleys of Saraswati and Drishadvati rivers, as he called the Ghaggar and the Chautang rivers respectively, and identified the Harappan culture of Kalibangan in about December 1950. Professor B.B. Lal, B.K. Thapar and J.P. Joshi excavated the mounds for nine field seasons from 1961 to 1969.
The late B.K. Thapar, in his article entitled “Kalibangan, A Harappan Metropolis Beyond the Indus Valley”, says that “the excavations at Kalibangan brought to light the grid layout of a Harappan metropolis, perhaps truly ‘the first city’ of the Indian cultural heritage.” The significant part of the evidence from the excavation, according to Thapar, “relates to the discovery of a non-Harappan settlement immediately underlying the occupational remains of the Harappan citadel (KLB-1). Kalibangan thus became the fourth site, after Amri, Harappa and Kot Diji, all in Pakistan, where the existence of a preceding culture below that of the Harappan has been recognised.”
“An outstanding discovery” of the excavations at Kalibangan, Thapar said, was the discovery of a ploughed field, situated south-east of the settlement, outside the town wall. The ploughed field revealed a criss-cross pattern of furrows. The nine field seasons of excavation revealed a series of seven fire altars, residential buildings for the elite, drains and wells built with baked bricks, large quantities of beads, copper artefacts, and so on.

Sriraman said the ASI had plans to refurbish the site museum at Kalibangan, add more galleries displaying the artefacts found there and provide more facilities to tourists.
July 22, 2016
Harappan surprises
Excavations at the 4MSR site near Binjor in Rajasthan reveal an exclusive industrial production centre belonging to the Early Harappan and Mature Harappan phases. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
An aerial view of the Harappan industrial site of 4MSR near Binjor in Rajasthan.
This photograph, taken from a drone, shows the “key trench”, the main trenches on the mound, the grave of Peer Baba (which stands separately on the mound) and a concrete tank with water (partly seen) to irrigate the wheat fields that surround the mound at 4MSR.
Platforms made of mud bricks, at varying levels.
Some platforms at the site were separated by a gap of 170 cm. “It can be a corridor or a passage. It can be a separation of one house from the other,” said Mazumdar. Some workshops had small residential houses situated adjacent to them.
The rubble dumped on the mound by the Army after Partition in 1947 and later by villagers helped preserve the Harappan exotica for many years. But farmers have cut the sloping sides of the mound to reclaim more area for wheat cultivation. Worse, a concrete tank used for irrigation now stands close to the mound.
Circular and yoni-shaped (foreground) hearths in a trench. In the furnaces, Harappan artisans made beads, copper products and gold ornaments.
Platforms made of mud bricks, and oval- and circular-shaped hearths.
An ingeniously built furnace with a platform (right) for the smith to sit and blow the fire burning in a pit in front of it. Air from the blower resting in a depression abutting the platform ran through an underground pipe to the firepit. The molten metal collected in the hearth was cast by artisans into ingots.
Terracotta cakes of different shapes found in the trenches. While the disc-shaped cakes were used to maintain the temperature in hearths, the triangular- and the rectangular-shaped ones were used for decoration and flooring.
Hundreds of disc-shaped terracotta cakes have been found at 4 MSR during the excavations in 2015 and 2016.
Four of a series of circular hearths. The hearths, the furnaces and the artefacts confirm that 4MSR was a Harappan industrial site.


Excavations at the 4MSR site near Binjor in Rajasthan reveal an exclusive industrial production centre belonging to the Early Harappan and Mature Harappan phases. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

Updated: July 6, 2016 12:53 IST 

AS far as Harappan sites go, it is the odd one out. The settlement had no fortification walls, no streets cutting at right angles, no citadel where the ruling elite lived, no middle town which housed the residences of traders and craftsmen and no warehouse—features that characterise Harappan settlements. Instead, it had all the trappings of a small, rural industrial production centre. This Harappan site, named 4MSR, is near Binjor village in Suratgarh district of Rajasthan and is believed to be 5,000 years old. It lasted for more than 1,100 years through what is called the Early Harappan (3000-2600 BCE) and the Mature Harappan (2600-1900 BCE) phases. It had no Late Harappan (1900-1500 BCE) phase.
Why Harappans abandoned the site at the peak of the Mature Harappan phase is not clear. Experts believe it could either be because of floods or because the land became arid. The site was situated between the two channels of the Ghaggar river.
The furnaces, hearths and structures made of mud bricks discovered in the 12 trenches dug by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) from January to March in a big mound surrounded by wheat fields at 4MSR were ample proof of a factory site with multipurpose workshops. The ash in the furnaces looked fresh 4,000 years after the site was abandoned!
One of the furnaces stood out for the ingenuity of its design. It had a platform for the smith to sit and blow the fire burning in a pit a short distance away. A tuyere (a tube or pipe through which air is blown into a furnace) ran through the earth from a scooped out depression, in which one end of the blower rested, to the firepit. Artisans sat here to smelt gold and copper from the ore and cast them into ingots. An anvil lay in another trench.
Adjacent to the furnaces were hearths, which were circular, oval or yoni-shaped, where craftsmen made exquisitely finished products in gold, such as earrings, beads, spacers and pendant frames, or stuff like rings, bangles, chisels, needles, fish hooks and spearheads in copper. A rare artefact unearthed from one of the trenches was a copper stylus with a thin gold foil wrapped around one end of it.
Beads in different shapes and designs made out of semi-precious stones such as carnelian, lapis lazuli, jasper, agate, steatite and amazonite were also produced in these workshops. Bangles and rings were made out of seashells and terracotta too. The assemblage of ceramic ware—S-shaped jars, perforated jars, storage pots, goblets, beakers, and black and redware—at 4MSR shows that the potters of the Early Harappan period were a creative lot.
Most of the artefacts, especially the beads, the copper ware and the gold ornaments, were traded in other Harappan sites. The weights, small and big, made from chert stone and seashells bear testimony to the long-distance trade links of the Harappans at 4MSR.
Rural settlement
“The usual plan of a Harappan settlement, which had a citadel, a middle town, a lower town and fortifications, is not traced here. This was a rural settlement,” said Sanjay Manjul, the director of the excavation at 4MSR. Manjul is the Director of the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, ASI’s academic wing, which offers a two-year postgraduate diploma in archaeology. It has been conducting the excavations at 4MSR jointly with the Excavation Branch-II of the ASI at Purana Qila, New Delhi. Students of Santiniketan, Kolkata; and Kumaon University, Uttarakhand; and the staff of the archaeology departments of Telangana and Assam also formed part of the excavation team.
Each of the 12 trenches dug in the second season this year measures 10 x 10 metres and has four quadrants of varying depths. “This site is important,” Manjul said, “to get a complete picture of the Harappan period and to understand the process of urbanisation at that time. Without studying a rural settlement, one cannot understand an urban settlement.”
‘A unique site’
R.S. Bisht, former Joint Director General, ASI, called it “a unique site” which “exclusively had a cluster of workshops for industrial activity right at the beginning of the pre-Harappan [also known as Early Harappan] period”. Bisht, who led 13 seasons of excavation of Harappan sites at Dholavira in Gujarat from 1990 to 2005, visited 4MSR both last year and this year.
He observed that 4MSR had “so many factories” and said: “I could not notice any street system. There were no lanes either. I saw so many fireplaces for the first time in a Harappan settlement.”
One other thing that fascinated Bisht was the discovery of a cluster of eight weights made out of banded chert stone, seashells (three) and sandstone. They weighed 0.25 grams, 0.46 g, 0.76 g, 2.26 g, 6.95 g, 13.68 g, 27.5 g and 52.10 g. The general ratio of the weights was 1:2. “So far, Dholavira is the only site which has yielded so many shell weights. It has not been reported from any other site that the Harappans were also using shell weights. But Binjor now has three shell weights,” he said.
Shubha Mazumdar, Deputy Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch-II, ASI, said the importance of the site lay in its workshops. “The Harappans, depending on their capacity and economic conditions, built these kinds of workshops. They made finished products here and exported them to other sites,” he said.
The ASI team also discovered a large quantity of terracotta and shell bangles with ornamentation from the site. Some of them were of the conjoined variety, that is, twin bangles. “They were all made in hearths. In the bigger hearths, we found a lot of disc-shaped or triangular terracotta cakes,” Manjul said. Among the artefacts found at 4MSR, three stand out: a seal-cum-pendant made out of steatite with engravings of animals on both sides; a terracotta seal with three Harappan signs; and a terracotta figurine with a beak-like nose, hairdo, banded ornaments, and holes around the neck, which might have been for the inlay of semi-precious stones.
K. Rajan, Professor of History, Pondicherry University, and an accomplished field archaeologist, called his visit to 4MSR in March “one of the most rewarding academic experiences”. The 4MSR excavation was important on several counts, he said. Generally attention was paid to big Harappan sites such as Kalibangan, Dholavira, Rakhigarhi and others, he said. “We hardly concentrate on small settlements to understand the intricacies involved in the urbanisation of the Indus Valley civilisation. That way, Binjor is a unique Harappan settlement that provides the much-needed data on feeding [distribution] centres,” Rajan said.
Similarities, differences
In what ways are this year’s excavation different from the one last year which yielded a vast assemblage of painted ceramic ware from the Early Harappan period? A Harappan seal, thousands of beads made from semi-precious stones, a gold ornament, hundreds of disc- and triangular-shaped terracotta cakes, a fire altar and the skeleton of a woman were found in the excavation at 4MSR in 2015 (“Harappan surprise”, Frontline, April 17, 2015).
“It was a limited excavation last year to know the cultural sequence and the nature of the site, the catchment area of nearby Late Harappan sites, and the sites that belonged to the painted greyware [PGW] culture and the black and redware [BRW] culture. These sites are situated all around 4MSR,” said Manjul. This year, the ASI team tried to understand the settlement pattern of the Harappans, and the horizontal plan of each stage of the Early Harappan and the Mature Harappan periods. So trenches were laid across the mound in the east-west and north-south directions.
The excavation last year, though limited in scale, prompted the ASI staff to assume that 4MSR was a factory site with several workshops. “This year’s excavation confirmed that 4MSR was indeed a factory site and the horizontal excavation revealed the plan of these multipurpose workshops with their furnaces, a series of hearths of different shapes and sizes and an anvil,” Manjul said.
“A lot of urban sites have been excavated. But rural, camp or factory sites have hardly been excavated in the Harappan context. This excavation has revealed a lot of furnaces, hearths and an anvil along with the raw materials that the artisans used in their workshops. So this site is important to understand a rural Harappan settlement. It came up sometime during the period of other Harappan sites such as Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Baror and Banawali,” he said.
Ingenious design
The multipurpose workshop complex had within it a small square tank ingeniously designed with wedge-shaped bricks to store water. In many Harappan sites, while structures such as platforms and residential houses were built with rectangular mud bricks (bricks made of clay and dried in the sun), the well was built with wedge-shaped burnt bricks. 

A small tank made with wedge-shaped burnt bricks and the channel that carried water into it. The tank measured 130 cm x 130 cm on the outside. Harappan craftsmen used the water in the tank mainly for cooling the beads they made.
Layers of history
The key trench did not reveal any structural activity after the eighth layer. It was in the eighth layer that the ASI staff found the steatite seal-cum-pendant which carried the engravings of animals on both sides.
There were indications in the 10th and 11th layers that a flood had occurred. “This is river sand from the Ghaggar,” said Yathees Kumar, scooping out sand from the 11th level.
The trenches dug in the mound have seven layers, each layer revealing the history of a particular period. The top two layers form the rubble heap. Layers three and four, below them, are associated with the Mature Harappan period. “Layer four signifies the peak period of the Mature Harappan phase. Layer three depicts the end of the Mature Harappan phase. 
There is no Late Harappan phase here,” said Mazumdar. Layer five forms the transitional phase between the Early Harappan phase and the Mature Harappan phase. Vestiges of the Early Harappan period are found in layers six and seven.
Bricks baked in kilns at a high temperature did not break easily. The tank in this case was made of two layers of wedge-shaped burnt bricks, with the floor level measuring 80 cm x 80 cm and the outer wall of the tank measuring 130 cm x 130 cm. Water reached the tank through a small channel on the floor.
“Water is sprinkled on the beads which get heated up when craftsmen drill holes in them. Besides, water is used for kneading the clay for the terracotta products and while bending products,” Shubha Mazumdar said.
There was “abundant evidence” of the abandonment of the site, and the ASI staff noticed flood deposits in the “key trench” in at least two stages, during the Early Harappan and the Mature Harappan phases, Manjul said. “The reason may be floods or a dry phase, which we will determine after the scientific analysis of the sediments,” he said.
The botanical remains from the trench will be sent to the Birbal Sahni Institute of Paleobotany, Lucknow, to find out what forced the Harappans to abandon the site after its Mature Harappan phase. The faunal remains are being studied by a multidisciplinary team from the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute in Pune, which is excavating the Harappan site at Rakhigarhi, and other institutions to understand the climatic conditions that prevailed at the site during its Early Harappan and Mature Harappan phases. “As a whole, the site shows the various stages of the Early Harappan and Mature Harappan periods. Mud-brick structures to house multipurpose workshops-cum-residential quarters were found there,” Manjul said.
Importantly, the ASI staff excavated what they call “a key trench” among the wheat fields, about 30 metres from where the slope of the mound ends. “The original mound would have extended beyond this key trench. The key trench was excavated to identify the original extent of the mound and unearth the cultural deposits there,” said V.P. Yathees Kumar, assistant archaeologist, ASI.
The ASI team dug this trench up to 11 layers. The villagers and the Army had disturbed the top six layers. So the top 80 cm did not yield any cultural deposit. The sixth layer yielded Early Harappan pottery. The rim of Early Harappan pottery was thin or featureless. That is, it did not turn inwards or outwards. The rim carried paintings.
Sanjay Manjul (second from left), director of the excavation at 4MSR, and his team members with a pot discovered from the site.
A student of the Institute of Archaeology, ASI, New Delhi, brushing a perfectly made pot.
A soak jar, with a terracotta pipe leading to it. Waste water produced after activities such as cooling of beads while drilling holes in them or washing of vessels and clothes was let into the soak jar. In Harappan settlements, these soak jars were often placed just outside the house, in drains on the street.
A copper ring.
A copper stylus with a gold foil at one end, and gold ornaments.
A terracotta seal with three Harappan signs showing two human figures on both sides of a jar with a double handle. It belongs to the Mature Harappan period. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus metal casting workshop. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account'.
A hammer, chisel and spearhead made out of copper found in the trenches.
Several gold bits found in the workshops.
A terracotta top.
A terracotta animal figure.
The trenches yielded a spectacular variety of pottery assemblage of the Mature Harappan period. They include S-shaped jars, perforated jars, goblets, dish-on-stand, cooking vessels, redware, black and redware, black on redware and greyware.
The layers belonging to the Early Harappan phase yielded dish-on-stand, a variety of goblets, beakers, pottery with bichrome paintings and some shards with polychrome designs. Toy carts and animal figures, especially those of bulls, were recovered from here. “The total cultural deposits of the site would be more than five metres,” said Manjul.
A rare human figurine with a beak-like nose and holes around the neck. The holes may have been for the inlay of semi-precious stones.
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite
 *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ.
khara Equus hemionus, 'Indian wild ass' Rebus: khAr ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)
mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' mlecha ‘copper’
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite.
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite, found in the "key trench" at 4MSR. One one side are engravings of figures of a dog, a mongoose and, perhaps, a goat. On the other are the figures of a frog and a deer. The pendant belongs to the Early Harappan period (3000-2600 BCE). The pendant, with a knob-like projection at the top, had a hole too for a cord to pass through so that it could be worn around the neck [Credit: V. Vedachalam]
Hieroglyph: Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot'. muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'.
miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.).med ‘copper’ (Slavic)

The seal-cum-pendant belongs to the Early Harappan phase. Carved on one side of it are a frog and a deer with horns. The other side has a mongoose, a dog and, perhaps, a goat. One cannot but admire the dexterity of the craftsman who carved the animals on both sides of the thin seal, 2.3 cm x 2.2 cm, without damaging it. “You can wear it as an amulet or a pendant. It is basically an amulet-seal without a script,” said Manjul.
Bisht said the discovery of this kind of steatite pendant from the pre-Harappan level was interesting. “It does not appear to be a seal. It appears to be a token, a kind of pendant. I doubt whether such a pendant has been reported from any site so far,” he said. It has a knob-like projection and a hole for a cord to pass through, which is unusual. “What is also unique is the depiction of five animals,” Bisht said.
A dabber used by Harappan potters to smoothen out the surfaces of pots or jars they made. To this day, potters everywhere, be it in villages in Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka or Gujarat, use the same kind of dabber. The tradition has continued for 5,000 years.
A furnace containing ash in an industrial shed. The ash looked fresh in the furnace that was perhaps last used 4,500 years ago.

COMMENTS:

 
It could be that the metal-smelting town was active when River Sarasvati or its drainage was active in this area i.e. during early and Mature Harappan phases. When drying/ shifting of River Sarasvati/ drainage took place, this important smelting town became inactive i.e. in late Harappan period.
from:  Dr. A.K. Grover
Posted on: Jul 13, 2016 at 21:55 IST
The site borders the Ahar (chalcolithic) territory known for metal working. The earliest iron smelting (circa 2000 BCE) can be traced to this cultural zone. Probably a procurement center than an export zone.
from:  Sai Papineni
Posted on: Jul 7, 2016 at 21:16 IST
Ancients were highly civilised and knew the importance of natural resources. Moderns on the other hand are wasting natural resources. This is because ancients were close to inner nature.
from:  Jain
Posted on: Jul 7, 2016 at 16:55 IST
It has all the characteristics of a burial place. Indian archaeologists as usual harp on 'factory theory',.Without a drastic change in their outlook there will be no improvement in Indus Archaeology.
from:  jeyakumar


KN Dikshit, 2013, Origin of early Harappan cultures in the Sarasvati Valley: Recent archaeological evidence and radiometric dates, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No. 9, 2013, pp. 88 to 142 (Plates)

Addorsed zebu, Rakhigarhi. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magenetite, ferrite ore'. Thus magnetite casting. (After Fig. 69 in KN DIkshit opcit)

The work at Binjor 4MSR was not only related to Soma SamsthA but indicate the work of seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization who exported the metalwork products into Ancient Near East.


Revelations in History, Saturday, 13 June 2015 | Vaishnavi Singh

A terracota figurine of a humped bull.poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'.

The recent excavation of a modern village at Binjor in Rajasthan has revealed many artefacts dating back to Early and Mature Harappan phases. Vaishnavi Singh reports

A skeleton of a woman, aged 35-40 years, lying in a supine position facing north to south, terracotta spindles and whorls and weights made out of chert stone are few of the intriguing artefacts that were excavated from Binjor, an archeological site in the Ganganar district of Rajasthan, seven km east of the Indo-Pak border. What makes this site more interesting is the fact that it is one of the lesser known places of the ancient Harappan civilisation.
Few mysteries of the new-found artefacts were brought to light by AK Pandey, superintending archaeologist at the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), at a recent discussion. The artefacts are a result of the Phase II excavations at Binjor— 4MSR, which was carried out from January to April 2015 by the excavation branch (at Purana Qila) of the ASI.
The question that arose was why was there a need to excavate this new site when already so many Harappan excavations had been carried out in its near vicinity, in the Ghaggar valley itself. Pandey, also the deputy director of the excavation, explained, “The sole objective of this excavation at 4MSR is to learn about the early Harappan deposits, the sites’ relationship with other contemporary sites and to draw a cultural sequence with the late Harappan phase. If the copious amount of artefacts recovered from Binjor are any indication, then the site belongs to the early Harappan (c. 3000 - 2700 BCE) and the mature Harappan period (c. 2600 - 2000 BCE), much like the Kalibangan site which is 120 km away. This will help in the formation of a sequence and will lead to continuity, and so it becomes imperative to take up explorations in this entire area.”
A mound, known as Thed among the villagers, was found in the Ghaggar river basin, the modern name given to the Saraswati river. “We had earlier dug six trenches on the mound, but the number was increased to 12 trenches of 10 by 10 metres with four quadrants,” he added. In its glorious days, the Harappan civilisation flourished over two million sq km, from Sutkagendor on the Makran coast of Balochistan to Alamgirhpur in Uttar Pradesh, and from Manda in Jammu to Daimabad in Maharashtra.
What interested Pandey was the discovery of a jar, a bowl with a hole at the bottom and a perforated pot. “These confirm that the excavations belong to the mature Harappan period,” he informed us. The unearthing of pots with handles is another thing which fascinated him. He added, “We also uncovered a steatite seal with a hole on the back depicting a mythical animal with a single horn, like a unicorn as found in other Harappan seals, and a short inscription of five letters in the Indus script.” The excavations also lead to the discovery of houses made of standardised size of mud bricks (7.5 by 15 by 30 cm) in a ratio of 1:2:4. Huge quantities of ash and molten metal were also found indicating to metallurgical industrial activities that may have been carried out when the civilisation flourished. A common feature of the mature Harappan phase of large scale structural activities is also suggested through the excavations.
He also spoke about other artefacts which were unearthed at the site including beads made of carnelian, steatite, copper, terracotta bangles and cakes; copper rings and fish hooks; terracotta spindles and whorls; weights made out of chert stone, terracotta sling balls, toy cart frames, figurines of humped bulls, copper arrowheads and terracotta pipes. “Apart from all this we also found gold beads which are very rare to come across in these excavations. One trench also yielded the skeleton of a woman, aged 35-40 years lying in a supine position facing north to south. No burial woods were found on the site and we are still in the process of ascertaining the exact time period to which this body belongs to,” he added.
What has come as a surprise in these excavations is the discovery of a yoni-pitha type fire altar with a stump of octagonal birch in the middle. “This is an indication that rituals were performed at the altar,” said Pandey. The thing that stands out in these excavations is the windfall of pre-Harappan hakra ware, early Harappan pottery and Mature Harappan ceramics. Early Harappan finds include pottery with beautifully painted figures of peacocks, a lion, birds, fish-net and floral designs.
When the excavations initially began, it was found that a lot of waste material had been dumped on the mound by the local people and the Army, which had camped there soon after the partition. This turned out to be a good thing in the end as the dump had protected the mound. But agricultural and irrigation activities later led to the cutting of the mound on three sides which reduced its size considerably.
The trenches have brought to the fore the remnants of saddle— querns, mullars, ovens, hearths and furnaces. Pandey postulated, “One trench has also revealed a deep silo, lined with mud, to store grains. We have also recovered cattle bones and soil and grain samples, and they are yet to be sent for further examination and carbon dating.” He also disclosed that a bead containing the swastika symbol was also found which greatly fascinated all the archaeologists present at the site. “A lot of red ware and hakra pottery have also been discovered. Storage jars, goblets, stands, miniature pots, vases and paintings with horizontal bands, loops, floral designs and figures of birds and animals of the cat family have been discovered as well. Another intriguing aspect which was found in the handled pots was that there was incised decoration on them, at accurate intervals. Pots with textile and type imprint were also uncovered. These are usually painted with black, and at times, white colour,” he shared.
Pandey concluded by saying, “This is the first site in this region where so much of cultural mixing or amalgamation is available. It has helped in determining the cultural process of the early and mature Harappan phases and the gradual transition from one phase to the other. Interestingly, we could not find any artefacts relating to the late Harappan period at the site.”

http://www.dailypioneer.com/vivacity/revelations-in-history.html

Addendum:

The find of a zebu figurine is significant as a metalwork catalogue. poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'.

A momentous discovery is the yajna kunda with an octagonal yupa.
This is a signature tune of a Soma SamsthA performed at the site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati.

A remarkable discovery is the octoganal brick which is a yaṣṭi.in a fire-altar of Bijnor site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. Thi yaṣṭi attests to the continuum of the Vedic tradition of fire-altars venerating the yaṣṭi as a baton, skambha of divine authority which transforms mere stone and earth into metal ingots, a manifestation of the cosmic dance enacted in the furnace/smelter of a smith. Bhuteswar sculptural friezes provide evidence to reinforce this divine dispensation by describing the nature of the smelting process displaying a tree to signify kuTi rebus: kuThi 'smelter' with kharva 'dwarf' adorning the structure with a garland to signify kharva 'a nidhi or wealth' of Kubera. A Bhutesvar frieze also indicates the skambha with  face signifying ekamukha linga rebus: 
mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).


Kalibangan. Mature Indus period: terracotta cake incised with horned deity. Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India See notes at http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/functions-served-by-terracotta-cakes-of.html A terracotta type found in Kalibangan has the hieroglyph of a warrior: bhaTa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace', thus reinforcing the smelting process in the fire-altars. Smelters might have used bhaThi 'bellows'. bhástrā f. ʻ leathern bag ʼ ŚBr., ʻ bellows ʼ Kāv., bhastrikā -- f. ʻ little bag ʼ Daś. [Despite EWA ii 489, not from a √bhas ʻ blow ʼ (existence of which is very doubtful). -- Basic meaning is ʻ skin bag ʼ (cf. bakura<-> ʻ bellows ʼ ~ bākurá -- dŕ̊ti -- ʻ goat's skin ʼ), der. from bastá -- m. ʻ goat ʼ RV. (cf.bastājina -- n. ʻ goat's skin ʼ MaitrS. = bāstaṁ carma Mn.); with bh -- (and unexpl. -- st -- ) in Pa. bhasta -- m. ʻ goat ʼ, bhastacamma -- n. ʻ goat's skin ʼ. Phonet. Pa. and all NIA. (except S. with a) may be < *bhāsta -- , cf. bāsta -- above (J. C. W.)]With unexpl. retention of -- st -- : Pa. bhastā -- f. ʻ bellows ʼ (cf. vāta -- puṇṇa -- bhasta -- camma -- n. ʻ goat's skin full ofwind ʼ), biḷāra -- bhastā -- f. ʻ catskin bag ʼ, bhasta -- n. ʻ leather sack (for flour) ʼ; K. khāra -- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ; -- S. bathī f. ʻ quiver ʼ (< *bhathī); A. Or. bhāti ʻ bellows ʼ, Bi. bhāthī, (S of Ganges) bhã̄thī; OAw. bhāthā̆ ʻ quiver ʼ; H. bhāthā m. ʻ quiver ʼ, bhāthī f. ʻ bellows ʼ; G. bhāthɔ,bhātɔbhāthṛɔ m. ʻ quiver ʼ (whence bhāthī m. ʻ warrior ʼ); M. bhātā m. ʻ leathern bag, bellows, quiver ʼ, bhātaḍ n. ʻ bellows, quiver ʼ; <-> (X bhráṣṭra -- ?) N. bhã̄ṭi ʻ bellows ʼ, H. bhāṭhī f.
*khallabhastrā -- .Addenda: bhástrā -- : OA. bhāthi ʻ bellows ʼ .(CDIAL 9424) bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj] Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭhm., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhībhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v.bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- .Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.*bhraṣṭrāgāra ʻ grain parching house ʼ. [bhráṣṭra -- , agāra -- ]P. bhaṭhiār°ālā m. ʻ grainparcher's shop ʼ.(CDIAL 9656, 9658) 
 
The fire altar, with a yasti made of an octagonal brick. Bijnor (4MSR) near Anupgarh, Rajasthan. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI "(Archaeologist) Pandey said fire altars had been found in Kalibangan and Rakhigarhi, and the yastis were octagonal or cylindrical bricks. There were “signatures” indicating that worship of some kind had taken place at the fire altar here." http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/harappan-surprise/article7053030.ece Amarendra Nath, archaeologist who excavated Rakhigarhi also noted: “Mature Period II is marked by a fortification wall and fire altars with yaSTi and yonipITha, with muSTikA offerings.”(Puratattgva: Bulletin of the Indian Archaeological Society 29 (1998-1999): 46-49).
Compare these 'shafts' in fire-altars with the pillars or cylindrical offering bases in Dholavira within an 8-shaped stone-wall enclosure:
Also comparable are the skambha pillar atop a smelter in Bhutesvar friezes:
मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda)
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2).This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda)मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usually मेढ q. v.) मेडका m A stake, esp. as bifurcated. मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. मेढा (p. 665) [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. मेढी (p. 665) [ mēḍhī ] f (Dim. of मेढ) A small bifurcated stake: also a small stake, with or without furcation, used as a post to support a cross piece. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post.) A term for a person considered as the pillar, prop, or support (of a household, army, or other body), the staff or stay. मेढेजोशी (p. 665) [ mēḍhējōśī ] m A stake-जोशी; a जोशी who keeps account of the तिथि &c., by driving stakes into the ground: also a class, or an individual of it, of fortune-tellers, diviners, presagers, seasonannouncers, almanack-makers &c. They are Shúdras and followers of the मेढेमत q. v. 2 Jocosely. The hereditary or settled (quasi fixed as a stake) जोशी of a village.मेंधला (p. 665) [ mēndhalā ] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi)
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE shows a gaNa, dwarf with tuft of hair in front, a unique tradition followed by Dikshitar in Chidambaram. The gaNa is next to the smelter kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' which is identified by the ekamukha sivalinga. mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). kharva is a dwarf; kharva is a nidhi of Kubera. karba'iron' (Tulu)  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/indus-script-corpora-muha-metal-from.html
 Worship of linga by Gandharva, Shunga period (ca. 2nd cent. BCE), ACCN 3625, Mathura Museum. Worship signified by dwarfs, Gaṇa (hence Gaṇeśa =  Gaṇa +  īśa).
A tree associated with smelter and linga from Bhuteshwar, Mathura Museum. 
Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). 

Skambha Suktam ( Atharva Veda X-7,8 ). 

A pair of Yupa stambha of Dholavira. Signify div 'light' svar 'twilight' अष्टाश्रि yupa in Binjor and caturas'ri yupa in Kalibangan signify a Soma yaga as attested in Rigveda: He is the ‘Pillar supporting the kindreds, that is, gods and men’. (RV I.59.1-2). He is the standard (ketu) of the yajna (equivalent of the dawn), the standard which supports heaven in the East at daybreak. (RV I.113.19; III.8.8). The purport of the ketu in Taittiriya samhita 1.7.9: 'In truth, the yajñika makes himself a ladder and a bridge to reach the celestial world' (Taittiriya Samhita VI.6.4.2) and in SBr. V.2.1.9: While setting up the ladder, the yajñika says to his wife, 'Come, let us go up to Heaven'. She answers, 'Let us go up'.

The pillar is a cultural artifact, it belongs to the Hindu tradition as a legacy of Vedic culture. 

What is the meaning of the ketu (standard) with interrelationships in prayer and doctrine? (Snodgrass, Adrian, 1992, The symbolism of the Stupa, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi). 

Atharva Veda (X.8.2) declares in an extraordinary metaphor: like the pillar, twilight and dusk split apart the originally fused Heaven and Earth. Heaven and Earth stand fast being pillared apart by the pillar. The objective of the ketu is to signify the desire to attain amRtam, immortality, to reach Heaven.

Light of dawn ‘divorces the coterminous regions – Sky and Earth – and makes manifest the several worlds. (RV VII.80; cf. VI.32.2, SBr. IV 6.7.9).




‘Sun is space, for it is only when it rises that the world is seen’ (Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana I.25.1-2). When the sun sets, space returns into the void (JUB III.1.1-2).

Indra supports heavn and earth by ‘opening the shadows with the dawn and the sun’. (RV I.62.5). He ‘extends heaven by the sun; and the sun is the prp whereby he struts it.’ (RV X.111.5).

‘He who knows the Brahman in man knows the Supreme Being and he who knows the Supreme Brahman knows the Skambha’. (AV X. 7.17).

Linga-Purana (I.17.5-52; 19.8 ff.) provides a narrative. Siva appeared before Brahma and Vishnu as a fiery linga with thousands of flames. As a Goose, Brahma attempted to fly to the apex of the column; Vishnu as a Boar plunged through the earth to find the foot of the blazing column. Even after a thousand years, they couldn’t reach the destination, bow in homage to the Pillar of the Universe as the Paramaatman.

He is the ‘Pillar supporting the kindreds, that is, gods and men’. (RV I.59.1-2). He is the standard (ketu) of the yajna (equivalent of the dawn), the standard which supports heaven in the East at daybreak. (RV I.113.19; III.8.8).

The same spectra of meanings abound in Bauddham, as a symbolic continuum. So it is, the Buddha is a fiery pillar, comprising adorants at the feet marked with the Wheel of Dharma and the apex marked by a S’rivatsa (pair of fishes tied together by a thread, read as hieroglyph composition: ayira (metath. ariya) dhama, mandating norms of social, interpersonal conduct). Just as Agni awakens at dawn, the Buddha is the awakened.

The Skambha is Yupa, it has a unique shape: अष्टाश्रि 'octagonal' as evidenced by the octagonal pillar in Binjor yajna kunda. Since the site has also yielded an Indus seal, the period to which the yajna kunda ralates may be ca. 2500 BCE since Indus script writing tradition is a signature-tune, a ketu (standard) of the mature phase of the civilization on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati.

The abiding Vedic culture continues to be evidenced by 19 octagonal yupa incriptions: in an extensive area from Binjor (Anupgarh) on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati (ca. 2500 BCE) to Mulavarman octagonal yupa inscriptions of ca. 400 CE. 

The octagonal shape of the yupa finds its echo on the Skambha, the s'ivalingas all over the extended Hinduised states of the Far East, of Bharatavarsha from Rajasthan, India to My Son, Vietnam.

Of the 19 yupa inscriptions, nine are from Rajasthan, five are from East Borneo (Indonesia) and the rest from regions such as Mathura and Allahabad.

1 Isapur Mathura, 102 CE
2 Kosam-Allahabad 125 CE
3-4 Nandasa Udaipur 225 CE
5 Barnala Jaipur 227 CE
6-8 Badva Kotah 238 CE
9 Badva Kotah 238 CE
10 Nagar Jaipur 264 CE
11 Barnala Jaipur 278 CE
12 Bijayagarh Bharatpur 371 CE
13-16 Koetei Borneo c. 400 CE
17-19 Koetei Borneo c. 400 CE

Hinduised states of Eurasia, journeys of Narmada man from 300K YBP to 4000 BCE -- Subhodeep Mukhopadhyay

Tracing the Vedic Saraswati River in the Great Rann of Kachchh -- Nitesh Khonde et al (2017)

$
0
0

Tracing the Vedic Saraswati River in the Great Rann of Kachchh

Received:
Accepted:
Published online:

    Abstract

    The lost Saraswati River mentioned in the ancient Indian tradition is postulated to have flown independently of the Indus River into the Arabian Sea, perhaps along courses of now defunct rivers such as Ghaggar, Hakra and Nara. The persistence of such a river during the Harappan Bronze Age and the Iron Age Vedic period is strongly debated. We drilled in the Great Rann of Kachchh (Kutch), an infilled gulf of the Arabian Sea, which must have received input from the Saraswati, if active. Nd and Sr isotopic measurements suggest that a distinct source may have been present before 10 ka. Later in Holocene, under a drying climate, sediments from the Thar Desert probably choked the signature of an independent Saraswati-like river. Alternatively, without excluding a Saraswati-like secondary source, the Indus and the Thar were the dominant sources throughout the post-glacial history of the GRK. Indus-derived sediment accelerated the infilling of GRK after ~6 ka when the Indus delta started to grow. Until its complete infilling few centuries ago, freshwater input from the Indus, and perhaps from the Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara, probably sustained a productive marine environment as well as navigability toward old coastal Harappan and historic towns in the region.

    Introduction

    The Great Rann of Kachchh (GRK) is a landlocked and largely infilled shallow marine basin connected to the Arabian Sea, neighboring the Indus delta to the east. Thar Desert and Aravalli Hills border GRK to the north and northeast respectively (Fig. 1a and b). At present GRK is a monotonous, salt-encrusted, vast mudflat, largely dried up during early summer (i.e., March–July) and inundated during the summer monsoon and winter season (i.e., July to February). Strong summer monsoon winds push seawater from the Arabian Sea into the GRK; usually the water does not evacuate or evaporate until the next summer12. Owing to the harsh conditions, lack of accessibility and limited sediment exposure, only a few geomorphological and geoarchaeological studies are available for the region1,2,3,4,5,6.
    Figure 1
    Figure 1
    (a) Regional drainage pattern for the western continental margin of the Indian plate. Dotted lines are the paleochannels of the Vedic Saraswati River after Ghose et al.11 and Kar and Ghose48. The box represents the area shown in b. Location of the Dhordo core site and river sediment samples analyzed are also shown. (b) Geomorphic setting of the Great Rann of Kachchh (GRK) basin with surrounding hinterland and core locations. NPF- Nagar Parkar Fault, IBF- Island Belt Fault, KMF- Kachchh mainland Fault, KHF- Katrol hill Fault, NKF- North Kathiawar Fault, SWF- South Wagad Fault, P- Pachham Island, K-Khadir Island, B- Bela Island and C- Chorar Island. Core location: DH- Dhordo core raised from central GRK basin. Maps were prepared using a licensed copy of Ocean Data49 View (https://odv.awi.de/).
    Several sites of the Bronze Age Harappan civilization flourished in and around GRK, including the large town of Dholavira on Khadir Island (Fig. 1b). As the Harappan coastal economy was probably dependent on maritime trade, the history of these towns was controlled by access to the Arabian Sea, which in turn was dependent on local sea level and fluvial infilling of the GRK7,8. Previous studies postulated that a now extinct Vedic Saraswati River sourced in the Himalaya9or Sub-Himalaya810 reached down into the Arabian Sea as an independent river, parallel to the Indus1112. Such a river must have discharged into the paleo-gulf of GRK to reach the Arabian Sea. However, in spite of its geological and archaeological significance, GRK remains one of the least investigated regions of the Harappan domain13.
    One of the keys to understand the geological and geomorphological evolution of the GRK is to fingerprint and resolve its potential sediment sources. Such sources may include the Indus River, the postulated Saraswati, the Arabian Sea shelf, the mainland Kachchh, Thar Desert and the Aravalli Ranges. In the present study we reconstruct sediment sources for the past ~17 ka6using radiogenic tracers (i.e., Nd and Sr isotopes) in sediment core recovered from the GRK. The main goal of our study is to assess whether a Himalayan/Sub-Himalayan river reached the GRK independently of the Indus and for how long such a river was active, if at all.
    Neodymium and strontium isotopes are some of the most robust provenance proxies. Nd is undergoing negligible alteration during erosion, sediment transport and deposition14,15,16,17whereas Sr has been shown to be a good indicator of provenance in our study area1819. In our regional context, such studies have proven useful to explore erosion patterns, transport pathways, and provenance shifts for the Ganga–Brahmaputra172021 as well as the Indus1922fluvial systems. In addition, terrains neighboring the GRK such as the Thar Desert23,24,25, outcropping volcanics26 and Mesozoic rocks on Kachchh mainland27 have also been investigated for their Nd-Sr isotopic compositions.

    Results

    The sediment core was recovered from the GRK (Fig. 1) near Dhordo village (23°49′37.9“N; 69°39′09“E) from the central Kachchh basin. Based on our previously published radiocarbon dates28, the Dhordo core recovered sediments as old as 17.7 ka down to ~60 m from the present day Rann surface. The subsurface GRK sediments studied in our core are consistently fine-grained in nature (i.e., silty-clay to clayey silts with negligible sand content; SI Fig. 1). Fine-grained sediments are typical for the GRK mudflats and remarkably consistent spatially and temporally in the entire basin13629. Our core at Dhordo is located far off from the elevated regions of mainland Kachchh, outside significant local sediment input, thus representing GRK basin wide changes. We assume that sedimentation is still active or non-erosional at Dhordo as the site is inundated during the summer monsoon.
    The Dhordo core shows 87Sr/86Sr ratios range from 0.725 to 0.732 whereas εNd varies from −14.34 to −12.63. (SI Table 1). To characterize potential end members, we also analyzed modern sediments from three local rivers, namely the Luni, Rupen as well as a local stream called Saraswati (no connection with the Vedic counterpart). The sample from the Luni River, which flows through the Thar yields 87Sr/86Sr and εNd values of as 0.73 and −13.97. The local Saraswati stream and the Rupen River draining the Aravalli Hills yielded 87Sr/86Sr and εNd values of 0.735, 0.731 and −15.22, −14.86 respectively (SI Table 1). For other sediment sources such as the fluvial or eolian sediments along the proposed Vedic Saraswati, the Indus courses and shelf as well as the Thar Desert we discuss published data below.

    Discussion

    Presence of foraminifera throughout the core section indicates marine sedimentation throughout630. To allow for fine-grained marine sedimentation at ~18 ka30, when the eustatic sea level in the Arabian Sea was below 100 m relative to present level3132, the Dhordo site must have been uplifted significantly since then. GRK is largely compressional and uplift of ca. 5 m is recorded for a marine sedimentary sequence on Khadir Island in the last 500 years5, so uplift at Dhordo is not surprising.

    Sediment Provenance

    Marine sediments accumulating at the core location show a very tight range of variability within the Nd-Sr space (Fig. 2) The Aravalli sedimentary source is similar in isotopic composition to our sediments (present study; Fig. 2) but it cannot account for a significant contribution to the infilling of a large volume GRK basin. The mica-rich mineralogy of sediments (i.e., illite and chlorite) is indicative instead of their Himalayan and/or Karakoram origin1828. Similarly the Kachchh mainland hills were probably not a significant source of sediments given their small areal extent and geomorphology (i.e., the hydrographic network of short rivers is preferentially oriented southward). Therefore the remaining potential sediment sources for GRK sediments are Himalayan and/or Sub-Himalayan rivers including the Indus and the postulated Vedic Saraswati. In fact our sediments plot as a mixture of Indus sediments1822 with high εNd and low radiogenic Sr typical for the Karakoram and low εNd and high radiogenic Sr in Ghaggar-Hakra sediments182223 indicative of High and Lesser Himalayan sources (Figs 2 and 3). Sediments coming from the Thar Desert2533 could also account for a significant contribution to GRK (Fig. 2), but this is not surprising as the Thar has been interpreted as a mixture of Himalayan and Sub-Himalayan sediments from the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra systems23. However, Thar Desert is a vast sediment reservoir that is still poorly characterized geochemically.
    Figure 2
    Figure 2
    Scatter plot of 87Sr/86Sr and εNd isotope compositions of our GRK sediments, Indus delta/floodplain (Clift et al.1822), Aravalli rivers (present study), Thar Desert (Tripathi et al.25), Ghaggar-Hakra fluvial system (East et al.23; Singh et al.33; Alizai et al.50 and the Indus shelf northwest of the Indus Canyon (Limmer et al.19) along with various potential end-members such as High Himalayan Crystalline, Lesser Himalaya and Siwaliks (Singh et al.17; Tripathi et al.2425 and references therein). Graph was prepared using a licensed copy of Sigma Plot v.10.
    Figure 3
    Figure 3
    Deglacial and Holocene downcore variations in εNd and 87Sr/86Sr ratio values for GRK sediments plotted along with Indus River, Indus Shelf and Ghaggar-Hakra system. Ranges of variability for potential sources are shown at the top of each graph. Graphs were prepared using a licensed copy of Sigma Plot v.10.

    Sedimentation History

    The temporal variability in Nd and Sr composition for the marine sediments at our GRK site is remarkably subdued (see Fig. 3) when compared to similar compositional histories of potential sources (i.e., Indus, Ghaggar-Hakra and Thar). However it is clear that GRK sediments before 10 ka plot between the two sources of sediments (Fig. 3) possibly indicating input from the Himalayas (Higher and/or Lesser) in addition to Indus sediments that include Karakoram and Tethyan Himalayan signals. A Thar Desert origin for the sediments is also possible but this vast region may exhibit a large variability in Nd and Sr isotopic composition that needs to be better assessed (Fig. 2). After that period the sediments in the GRK are practically indistinguishable from the Indus when using Nd and Sr fingerprinting. In contrast sediments from the Indus continental shelf, at least those located west of the Indus canyon that have been measured so far, appear more radiogenic in Nd and have lower 87Sr/86Sr values due to alongshore contributions from the Bela ophiolite1922. Thus another alternative interpretation explaining the divergence between GRK and Indus isotopic signatures before 10 ka could be that the Indus sediments themselves contain a significant contribution from the Bela Ophiolite before 10 ka (Fig. 3). Such an input could have come alongshore from the west into the GRK and Indus paleo-estuary when its delta was only incipiently developing more inland.
    The rather invariant history of the GRK sediment composition since deglaciation contrasts with the Indus record (Fig. 3), which shows an increasing Lesser Himalayan input22. On the other hand Ghaggar-Hakra sediments show an increasingly Thar-like signature in the later Holocene (Fig. 3), a trend that cannot be recognized in the GRK sediments. In that case the GRK sediments could have been a mixture of Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra sediments since the beginning of our core records. The GRK record could also be interpreted to be strongly dominated by Thar sediments if we assume that a desert is somewhat homogenous (Fig. 3). As such, the signature for an independent Saraswati extending the course of the Ghaggar-Hakra towards the Arabian Sea cannot be discerned in the GRK using the Nd-Sr isotopic system. The most likely reason for that is not the mixing between Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra sediments per se but the input from the mixed Thar reservoir.

    Landscape Dynamics

    Many courses for the Vedic Saraswati have been proposed over the years41134,35,36 but they generally lack continuity in subsurface data and/or chronological information. Our new isotopic data suggests that a river, flowing parallel to and independent of the Indus, may have existed and reached the GRK before 10 ka (Fig. 3). At the time the Ghaggar-Hakra system may have been a much larger river tapping the Sutlej and/or the Yamuna810333738. However, this interpretation is dependent on the isotopic homogeneity of the vast sediment reservoir of the Thar Desert, which is still to be assessed. Whether such a river reached the Arabian Sea via the GRK during the Holocene and especially, during Vedic times remains to be demonstrated.
    Recent studies of the upper courses of the proposed Saraswati in Haryana and Cholistan suggested that river desiccation started ~6.5 ka B.P.810243438. However, Giosan et al.8 showed that fluvial sedimentation was still active in the western part of the Thar Desert as late as ~3 ka, with river courses joining the Nara valley. Currently we do not know if the Nara was independent or received input from the Indus near Sukkur or further down after emerging from below the Rohri Hills (Fig. 1). However, the isotopic composition of the GRK sediments are not in contradiction with the idea of a dwindling Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara under the aridification of South Asia as the monsoon declined in the late Holocene39,40,41.
    The Holocene sedimentation pattern in the GRK basin shows a regressive pattern with the basin becoming shallower as the sea level rose and rivers provided infill. During the deglaciation when sea level was considerably lower, a Saraswati-like river had a better chance to deliver a pure signal to GRK if it possessed its own Pleistocene incised valley, independent of the Indus incised valley102241. However, by ~5 to 6 ka the Indus delta extended into the western GRK and probably provided sediments directly into the GRK41. Historical maps and documents42,43,44,45suggest that GRK may have still been a gulf ca. 500 years ago546. A deeper GRK with fresh water input from the Indus and potentially Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara would have provided a more productive marine environment and navigable ways for the old coastal Harappan towns in the region (e.g, Dholavira) as well as for later historical settlements.

    Conclusions

    The Nd and Sr isotopic composition of sediments from our Dhordo core site in the Great Rann of Kachchh suggests that a large Himalayan or Sub-Himalayan Saraswati-like river may have discharged into the Arabian Sea until 10 ka. However, our study also shows that radiogenic isotope fingerprinting of the GRK sediments is unlikely to detect a gradually drying Saraswati-like river after that time, due to contamination with sediments from the Thar Desert and/or the Indus. Alternatively the Thar may have been the dominant sediment source along with the Indus for the entire post-glacial history of the GRK. Future studies should concentrate instead on geophysical imaging, dating and geochemical fingerprinting of subsurface deposits from infilled channels along potential river courses in the Thar Desert. However, the Holocene sedimentary evolution of the Great Rann should be better explored to understand its role in Harappan and historical coastal habitation.

    Sampling and methodology

    The continuous sediment core was raised from the GRK basin (Fig. 1; SI Fig. 1). A ~60 m long core was drilled from the central part of the basin at Dhordo (23°49′37.9” N and 69°36′09.9” E). The entire core section was then X-radiographed before it was opened. The core pipes were then split longitudinally into two halves: one half of the core was sampled at 2 cm intervals while the other half was preserved as an archive. The GRK sediments are typically fine-grained, dominated by silts and clays with occasional sands6 (SI Fig. 1). The samples obtained from our cores at various depth intervals were analyzed for Nd-Sr radiogenic isotopes (SI Table 1) and radiocarbon chronologies (reported in Khonde et al.28). We also collected samples for Sr-Nd measurements from the Luni and Rupen rivers and the local stream Saraswati that discharge into the Great and Little Rann basins from the east. These rivers come from the Aravalli Hills, which lie further to the east and northeast.

    Nd and Sr isotopic systematics

    Measurements were carried out on carbonate- and organic matter-free silicate fraction. A known amount (~100 mg) of this fraction taken in Teflon vials (Savillex) was spiked with 84Sr and 150Nd and subjected to acid digestion with concentrated HF-HNO3-HCl at 90 °C to complete dissolution. Pure Nd and Sr fractions were separated from the solution following standard ion exchange procedures1747. The fractions were then dried and redissolved in 4 ml of 0.4 N HNO3. Both Nd and Sr measurements were done on MC-ICP-MS in static multi-collection mode at PRL1517. The measured 87Sr/86Sr and 143Nd/144Nd ratios were corrected for instrumental mass fractionation by normalizing them with 86Sr/88Sr, 0.1194 and 146Nd/144Nd, 0.7219. The Nd and Sr concentrations for these samples were obtained by isotope dilution method. A standard solution of 200 ppb of SRM 987 Sr-standard was measured several times on MC-ICP-MS that yielded an average value of 0.710307 ± 0.000010 (1σ, n = 10) for 87Sr/86Sr whereas 143Nd/144Nd in 100 ppb solution of JMC standard yielded 0.511732 ± 0.000016 (1σ, n = 10) respectively. Replicate samples were also measured for Nd and Sr concentrations and isotopic compositions on selected samples to check the overall reproducibility of the Nd-Sr measurements (SI Tables 2 and 3). Based on replicate measurements, the average variation was found to be 0.0002 and 0.2 for 87Sr/86Sr and εNd respectively. However the standard errors for 87Sr/86Sr and143Nd/144Nd are 0.0014%, 0.0010% respectively.

    Additional Information

    Publisher's note: Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

    References

    1. 1.
      Glennie, K. W. & Evans, G. A. Reconnaissance of the recent sediments of the Ranns of Kutch, India. Sedimentology 23, 625–64 (1976).
    2. 2.
      Roy, A. B. & Merh, S. S. The Great Rann of Kachchh: An intriguing Quaternary terrain. Recent Research in Geology 9, 100–108 (1981).
    3. 3.
      Bilham, R. Slip parameters for the Rann of Kachchh, 16 June 1819 earthquake, quantified from historical accounts. Geol. Soc. Lon. Spec. Pub. 146, 295–319 (1998).
    4. 4.
      Burnes, A. Memoir on the eastern branch of the River Indus. Trans. Roy. Asia. Soc. 3, 550–88 (1835).
    5. 5.
      Khonde, N. et al. Environmental significance of raised Rann sediments along the margins of Khadir, Bhanjada and Kuar bet islands in Great Rann of Kachchh, Western India. Curr. Sci. 101(11), 1429–1434 (2011).
    6. 6.
      Maurya, D. M. et al. Subsurface sediment characteristics of the Great Rann of Kachchh, western India based on preliminary evaluation of textural analysis of two continuous sediment cores. Curr. Sci. 104(3), 1071–1077 (2013).
    7. 7.
      Gaur, A. S. et al. Was the Rann of Kachchh navigable during the Harappan times (Mid-Holocene)? An archaeological perspective. Curr. Sci. 105(11), 1485–1491 (2013).
    8. 8.
      Giosan, L. et al. Fluvial Landscapes of Harappan civilization. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci.109(26), E1688–94 (2012).
    9. 9.
      Valdiya, K. S. The River Saraswati was a Himalayan-born river. Curr. Sci. 104(1), 42 (2013).
    10. 10.
      Clift, P. D. et al. U-Pb zircon dating evidence for a Pleistocene Sarasvati River and capture of the Yamuna River. Geology 40(3), 211–14 (2012).
    11. 11.
      Ghose, B., Kar, A & Husain, Z. The lost courses of the Saraswati River in the Great Indian Desert: New evidence from landsat imagery. Geogr. Jour. 446–451 (1979).
    12. 12.
      Oldham, C. F. The Saraswati and the Lost River of the Indian Desert.JourRoy. Asi. Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland (New Series) 25(01), 49–76 (1893).
    13. 13.
      Merh, S. S. The Great Rann of Kachchh: Perceptions of a field geologist. Jour. Geol. Soc. Ind. 65, 9–25 (2005).
    14. 14.
      Galy, A. & France-Lanord, C. Higher erosion rates in the Himalaya: geochemical constraints on riverine fluxes. Geology 29(1), 23–26 (2001).
    15. 15.
      Goswami, V. et al. Temporal variations in 87Sr/86Sr and ɛNd in sediments of the southeastern Arabian Sea: Impact of monsoon and surface water circulation. Geochem, Geophy. Geosys. 13(1), Q01001 (2012).
    16. 16.
      Grousset, F. E. et al. Neodymium isotopes as tracers in marine sediments and aerosols: North Atlantic. Earth. Planet. Sci. Lett. 87, 367–378 (1988).
    17. 17.
      Singh, S. K., Rai, S. K. & Krishnaswami, S. Sr and Nd isotopes in river sediments from the Ganga Basin: Sediment provenance and hot-spots of physical erosion. Jour. Geophys. Res. 113, F3 (2008).
    18. 18.
      Clift, P. D. et al. Monsoon control over erosion patterns in the western Himalaya: possible feed-back into the tectonic evolution. Geol. Soc. Lond. Spec. Publ. 342(1), 185–218 (2010).
    19. 19.
      Limmer, D. R. et al. Geochemical record of Holocene to Recent sedimentation on the Western Indus continental shelf, Arabian Sea. Geochem. Geophy. Geosys. 13(1), Q01008 (2012).
    20. 20.
      France-Lanord, C., Derry, L. & Michard, A. Evolution of the Himalaya since Miocene time: isotopic and sedimentological evidence from the Bengal Fan. Geol. Soc. Lond. Spec. Publ74 (1), 603–621 (1993).
    21. 21.
      Singh, S. K. & France-Lanord, C. Tracing the distribution of erosion in the Brahmaputra watershed from isotopic compositions of stream sediments. Ear. Plant. Sci. Lett. 202(3), 645–662 (2002).
    22. 22.
      Clift, P. D. et al. Holocene erosion of the Lesser Himalaya triggered by intensified summer monsoon. Geology 36, 79–82 (2008).
    23. 23.
      East, A. E. et al. Fluvial–eolian interactions in sediment routing and sedimentary signal buffering: an example from the Indus Basin and Thar Desert. Jour. Sedi. Res. 85(6), 715–728 (2015).
    24. 24.
      Tripathi, J. K. et al. Is River Ghaggar, Saraswati? Geochemical constraints. Curr. Sci.87(8), 1141–1145 (2004).
    25. 25.
      Tripathi, J. K., Bock, B. & Rajamani, V. Nd and Sr isotope characteristics of Quaternary Indo-Gangetic plain sediments: Source distinctiveness in different geographic regions and its geological significance. Chem. Geol. 344, 12–22 (2013).
    26. 26.
      Sen, G. et al. Deccan plume, lithosphere rifting, and volcanism in Kutch, India. Ear. Plant. Sci. Lett. 277(1), 101–111 (2009).
    27. 27.
      Patil. D. J. et al. C, O, Sr isotope compositions of sediments of sediments of the Mesozoic Kutch basin, NW India. Paper presented at 21st Goldschmidt Conference, 1606 (2011).
    28. 28.
      Khonde, N., Maurya, D. M. & Chamyal, L. S. Late Pleistocene-Holocene clay mineral record from the Great Rann of Kachchh basin, Western India: Implications for palaeoenvironments and sediment sources. Quat. Int., 443, 86–98, doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2016.07.024 (2017).
    29. 29.
      Tyagi, A. K. et al. Mid-Holocene sedimentation and landscape evolution in the western Great Rann of Kachchh, India. Geomorphology 151, 89–98 (2012).
    30. 30.
      Khonde, N. Holocene environments and geomorphic evolution of the Great Rann of Kachchh, Western India. PhD Thesis. (The M. S. University of Baroda, Vadodara, 2014).
    31. 31.
      Camoin, G. F., Montaggioni, L. F. & Braithwaite, C. J. R. Late glacial to post glacial sea levels in the Western Indian Ocean. Mar. Geol 206(1), 119–146 (2004).
    32. 32.
      Kench, P. S. et al. Geological effects of tsunami on mid-ocean atoll islands: the Maldives before and after the Sumatran tsunami. Geology 34(3), 177–180 (2006).
    33. 33.
      Singh, A. et al. Geochemistry of buried river sediments from Ghaggar Plains, NW India: Multi-proxy records of variations in provenance, paleoclimate, and paleovegetation patterns in the Late Quaternary. Palaeogeogr. Palaeoclimat. Palaeoecol. 449, 85–100 (2016).
    34. 34.
      Pal, Y. et al. Remote sensing of the ‘lost’ Saraswati river. Proc. Ind. Nat. Sci. Acad. (Earth and Planetary Sciences) 89(3), 317–331 (1980).
    35. 35.
      Rao, S. M. Use of isotopes in search of Lost River. J. Radioanal.and Nucl. Chem. 257(1), 5–9 (2003).
    36. 36.
      Saini, H. S. et al. Reconstruction of buried channel-floodplain systems of the northwestern Haryana Plains and their relation to the ‘Vedic’ Saraswati. Curr. Sci. 97(11), 1634–43 (2009).
    37. 37.
      Maemoku, H. et al. Geomorphological Constraints on the Ghaggar River Regime During the Mature Harappan Period. Climates, Landscapes, and Civilizations, 97–106pp (2013).
    38. 38.
      Saini, H. S. & Mujtaba, S. A. I. Depositional history and palaeoclimatic variations at the northeastern fringe of Thar Desert, Haryana Plains, India. Quat. Int. 250, 37–48 (2012).
    39. 39.
      Enzel, Y. et al. High-resolution Holocene environmental changes in the Thar Desert, northwestern India. Science 284(5411), 125–128 (1999).
    40. 40.
      Ponton, C. et al. Holocene aridification of India. Geophy. Res. Lett39(3) (2012).
    41. 41.
      Giosan L. et al. On the control of climate- and human-modulated fluvial sediment delivery on river delta development: The Indus: Eos (Transactions, American Geophysical Union), 87, 52, OS14A–04 (2006).
    42. 42.
      Rajendran, C. P. & Rajendran, K. Characteristics of deformation and past seismicity associated with the 1819 Kutch earthquake, northwestern India. Bull. Seism. Soc. Amer91(3), 407–426 (2001).
    43. 43.
      Rao, S. R. Lothal and Indus Civilization (Asian Publishing House, NY, 1973).
    44. 44.
      Sivewright, R. Cutch and the Ran. Geog. Jour. 29(5), 518–535 (1907).
    45. 45.
      Wynne, A. B. & Fedden, F. Memoir on the Geology of Kutch: To Accompany the Map Compiled by AB Wynne and F. Fedden, During the Seasons of 1867–68 and 1868–69. Geol. Sur. Ind. (1872).
    46. 46.
      Frere, H. B. E. Notes on the Runn of Cutch and neighbouring region. Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond. 181–207 (1870).
    47. 47.
      Rahaman, W. et al. Climate control on erosion distribution over the Himalaya during the past ~100 ka. Geology 37(6), 559–562 (2009).
    48. 48.
      Ghose, B. & Kar, A. The Former Stream courses in the Indian Desert and their Effects on Natural Resources. In Proceedings of the Indo-US Workshop on Arid Zone Research, CAZRI, Jodhpur. pp. 140–149 (1984).
    49. 49.
      Schlitzer, R., Ocean Data View, http://odv.awi.de (2016).
    50. 50.
      Alizai, A. et al. Pb isotopic variability in the modern-Pleistocene Indus River system measured by ion microprobe in detrital K-feldspar grains. Geoch. Cosm. Acta 75(17), 4771–4795 (2011).

    Acknowledgements

    The drilling effort and subsequent study of the cores was funded by Department of Science and Technology (DST), Government of India sponsored research project to DMM (Project No. SR/S4/ES-21/Kachchh Window/P1) under the science of Shallow Subsurface Programme (SSS). N. Khonde gratefully acknowledges Indo-US Post-doctoral Fellowship sponsored by SERB-IUSSTF for research work at Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, USA during the revision of the paper. We thank Amal Kar and Peter Clift for their valuable suggestions during revision.

    Author information

    Author notes

      • Nitesh Khonde
      Present address: Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow, 266007, India

    Affiliations

    1. Department of Geology, The M. S. University of Baroda, Vadodara, 390002, India

      • Nitesh Khonde
      • , D. M. Maurya
      •  & L. S. Chamyal
    2. Physical Research Laboratory, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad, 380009, India

      • Sunil Kumar Singh
      •  & Vinai K. Rai
    3. Geology and Geophysics, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, USA

      • Liviu Giosan

    Contributions

    D.M.M., N.K., L.S.C., S.K.S. designed research, N.K., S.K.S. performed research; V.K., S.K.S. analyzed data, N.K., D.M.M., S.K.S. and L.G. interpreted the data and wrote the paper.

    Competing Interests

    The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

    Corresponding author

    Correspondence to D. M. Maurya.

    Supplementary information

    1. 1.

      Supplementary Datasheet 1

    2. Supplementary information for

      Tracing the Vedic Saraswati River
      in the Great Rann of Kachchh





      Nitesh Khonde1, #, Sunil Kumar Singh2, D. M. Maurya1*,
      Vinai K. Rai2, L. S. Chamyal1 and Liviu Giosan3

      1Department of Geology, The M. S. University of Baroda, Vadodara 390002, India.
      2Physical Research Laboratory, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad 380009, India.
      3Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, MA 02543, USA
      #Present Address: Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow 266007, India




      Corresponding Author: dmmaurya@yahoo.com

      Supplementary Figures:
      SI Figure 1. a. Lithology and grain size measurements for the Dhordo core (after Maurya et al. 2013). AMS 14C-dated horizons are indicated by arrows (after Khonde et al. 2016). Graphs were prepared using licensed copy of Coral Draw v.15.     




      Table 1. Downcore variations in the 87Sr/86Sr, Sr (ppm), 143Nd/144Nd, εNd and Nd (ppm) isotopic concentration in the Dhordo (DH) Core in the Great Rann basin of Kachchh, and rivers draining from the Aravallis.
      Sr No
      Sample ID
      Depth (m)
      87Sr/86Sr (Corr.)
      Sr (ppm)
      144Nd/143Nd
      Nd (ppm)
      εNd
      (CHUR0)
      01
      DH-1
      0.48
      0.728006
      140.35
      0.511926
      17.33
      -13.88
      02
      DH-2
      1.72
      0.727946
      121.22
      0.511934
      16.95
      -13.74
      03
      DH-3
      2.94
      0.725449
      99.33
      0.511990
      14.87
      -12.64
      04
      DH-4
      3.93
      0.725854
      97.41
      0.511974
      14.73
      -12.96
      05
      DH-5
      4.29
      0.726797
      105.47
      0.511969
      15.45
      -13.04
      06
      DH-6
      5.02
      0.726484
      100.23
      0.511991
      15.02
      -12.63
      07
      DH-7
      5.54
      0.726849
      100.26
      0.511987
      14.75
      -12.70
      08
      DH-8
      7.1
      0.727716
      120.27
      0.511924
      16.39
      -13.93
      09
      DH-9
      11.18
      0.727097
      117.72
      0.511941
      17.16
      -13.60
      10
      DH-10
      14.48
      0.726502
      111.47
      0.511965
      14.95
      -13.14
      11
      DH-11
      16.96
      0.726320
      112.25
      0.511987
      15.35
      -12.70
      12
      DH-12
      18.61
      0.726340
      101.91
      0.511967
      15.14
      -13.08
      13
      DH-13
      20.52
      0.728226
      117.25
      0.511958
      16.39
      -13.26
      14
      DH-14
      21.2
      0.730531
      148.40
      0.511877
      17.20
      -14.84
      15
      DH-15
      23.34
      0.728269
      101.74
      0.511927
      15.53
      -13.87
      16
      DH-16
      25.38
      0.728236
      98.40
      0.511926
      15.07
      -13.89
      17
      DH-17
      26.64
      0.730023
      107.46
      0.511920
      16.57
      -14.00
      18
      DH-18
      28.44
      0.729822
      106.99
      0.511943
      16.18
      -13.57
      19
      DH-19
      29.93
      0.730340
      108.24
      0.511935
      15.25
      -13.71
      20
      DH-20
      31.13
      0.730340
      108.24
      0.511935
      17.23
      -13.72
      21
      DH-21
      36.67
      0.731281
      112.06
      0.511911
      18.99
      -14.18
      22
      DH-22
      39.77
      0.732244
      106.06
      0.511922
      16.86
      -13.97
      23
      DH-23
      42.91
      0.732095
      125.83
      0.511911
      15.43
      -14.19
      24
      DH-24
      44.01
      0.732493
      109.12
      0.511903
      16.00
      -14.34
      25
      DH-25
      46.15
      0.730941
      109.83
      0.511915
      17.22
      -14.10
      26
      DH-26
      48.22
      0.731680
      109.28
      0.511919
      16.63
      -14.03
      27
      DH-27
      51.57
      0.731885
      107.09
      0.511908
      17.33
      -14.23
      28
      DH-28
      54.5
      0.730690
      114.45
      0.511933
      17.21
      -13.75
      29
      DH-29
      58.45
      0.730690
      114.45
      0.511918
      17.41
      -14.05
      30
      LUNI
      Aravalli river
      0.730103
      131.19
      0.511922
      4.48
      -13.97
      31
      RUPEN
      Aravalli river
      0.731141
      83.97
      0.511876
      17.71
      -14.86
      32
      SARASW-ATI
      Aravalli river
      0.734564
      57.80
      0.511858
      5.60
      -15.22


      Table 2. Reproducibility of elemental and isotopic composition of Sr in the sediments analysed.
      Sample ID
      87Sr/86Sr
      87Sr/86Sr
      Std Error %
      Sr (ìg/g)
      Sr (ìg/g)
      Std Error %
      DH-5-48
      0.72680
      0.0016
      121.2
      0.0050

      0.72671
      0.0011
      120.9
      0.0061
      DH-7-62
      0.72690
      0.0021
      117.5
      0.0084

      0.72710
      0.0009
      117.7
      0.0042
      DH-11-49
      0.73053
      0.0011
      148.4
      0.0060

      0.73082
      0.0012
      147.9
      0.0033
      DH-14-29
      0.72959
      0.0033
      107.2
      0.0142

      0.72974
      0.0025
      107.3
      0.0090
      LUNI
      0.72992
      0.0009
      131.5
      0.0029

      0.73010
      0.0022
      131.2
      0.0066


      Table 3. Reproducibility of elemental and isotopic composition of Nd in sediments analysed.
      Sample ID
      143Nd/144Nd
      143Nd/144Nd Std Error %
      ºNd
      ºNd
      Std Error %
      Nd (ìg/g)
      Nd (ìg/g)
      Std Error %
      DH-5-48
      0.51199
      0.0019
      -12.7
      1.5
      14.7
      0.0044

      0.51198
      0.0008
      -12.9
      0.6
      14.8
      0.0028
      DH-11-49
      0.51188
      0.0007
      -14.8
      0.5
      17.2
      0.0018

      0.51190
      0.0008
      -14.5
      0.5
      14.6
      0.0020
      DH-14-29
      0.51196
      0.0012
      -13.3
      0.9
      16.4
      0.0027

      0.51193
      0.0011
      -13.7
      0.8
      16.4
      0.0036
      RUPEN
      0.51188
      0.0005
      -14.8
      0.3
      17.7
      0.0015

      0.51188
      0.0005
      -14.9
      0.3
      17.7
      0.0015

    Indus Script hypertext makara rebus dhmakara ‘forge-blower, blacksmith’ is a divine signifier of wealth, nidhi

    $
    0
    0

    Indus Script hypertexts on iconographs signify marut-s (sons of Rudra) disgorged by makara ‘composite animal’, khambhaṛā‘fish-fin’ rebus dhmakara'forge-blower', kammaṭa'mint, coiner'

    Meluhha plain text expressions 1. dhmakara, 'forge-blower', dhamaka 'blacksmith' 2. kammaṭa 'mint' are Indus Script hypertexts, signified by 1. makara, ‘composite animal’ vāhana of Asura Varuṇa, personified Ganga river 2. kamaṭha, 'turtle' vāhana of personified Yamuna river and khambhaṛā ‘fish-fin’.

    Hypertexts of Indus Script dhmakara, 'forge-blower', dhamaka 'blacksmith' 2. kammaṭa 'mint' signify wealth-producing activities of bronze-age artisans.

    Makara and kharva'two of the 9 treasures of Kubera' are associated with makara'composite animal' rebus: dhmakara'forge-blower'

    Makara is a metaphor for one of the 9 treasures of कुबेर Kubera.

    Kharva is a metaphor for one of the 9 treasures of कुबेर Kubera. The orthographic, iconographic metaphor is signified by dwarfish, imperfect figures on sculptures, often shown in association with makara: 
    खर्व [p= 338,1] low , dwarfish L.; mfn. (cf. /अ- , त्रि-) mutilated , crippled , injured , imperfect TS. ii , 5 , 1 , 7. Indus Script hieroglyph to signify kharva 'nidhi of Kubera' is karibha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron' rebus: tridhātu gaṇeśa. This explains why gaṇeśa is shown atop a makara on a sculpture and why kharva,'dwarfs or imperfect figures' are shown emerging out of the snout of a makara.


    kharva, 'dwarfs' are associated with ekamukha śivalinga (Rudra) atop a smelter on Bhutesvar sculptural friezes, to signify wealth-producing smelted products. mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' kharva'dwarf' rebus: kharva'nidhi of Kubera'karba'iron'.


    gaṇeśa on makara, Hindu temple, Java, Indonesia. (Reinforcing association of makara with working in iron). http://www.asiasworld.net/religion-in-asia/the-makara/index.cfm
    " In the Indian Iconography ,  Makara is a composite figure, generally,  with a trunk as that of an elephant, ears like that of a cow, eyes as those of a fish, body as that of a boar, and the tail elaborate and  bushy like that of a peacock ; and its legs resemble that of a lion . It could even be presented as fantastic marine monster structured with the body and tail of a fish and the forelegs, neck, and head of an antelope, an alligator, or a shark; or whatever...It is also called kantaka, Asita-dramstra (black teeth) and jala-rupa (water form). Makara may be shown either as carrying a rider on its back (vahaka yuktam) or it may not (svatantram). It may even be shown as if it is ready to pounce and attack (yuddha sannaddham) or just being playful (kridabhi-ramakam).https://sreenivasaraos.com/tag/varuna-iconography/


    Maruts are disgorged by makara on sculptures as iconographic metaphors of divinities, of warriors and wealth, 'flashing or shining ones'. One meaning of marut is gold (Samskrtam).

    मरुत्त [p= 790,3] wind, gale; m. (= मरुद्-दत्त accord. to Pat. on Pa1n2. 1-4 , 58. 59 Va1rtt. 4) N. of various kings Br. S3a1n3khS3r. &c[L=158345.1]wind , a gale (?) W. मरुद् marud = in comp. for मरुत्marut = m. pl. (prob. the " flashing or shining ones "; मरुद्--दत्त mfn. given by the Maruts Pa1n2. 1-4 , 58 ; 59 Va1rtt. 4 Pat. Thus, marut shown on sculptures together with makara are wealth-giving divinities. Marut means gold: marut मरुत् m. [मृ-उति Uṇ.1.94] 1 Wind, air, breeze; दिशः प्रसेदुर्मरुतो ववुः सुखाः R.3.14. -2 Vital air or breath, life-wind; (वशमनयत्) अपरः प्रणिधानयोग्यया मरुतः पञ्च शरीर- गोचरान् R.8.19; Ku.3.48. -3The god of wind; इति दर्शितविक्रियं सुतं मरुतः कोपपरीतमानसम् Ki.2.25. -4 A god, deity; वैमानिकानां मरुतामपश्यदाकृष्टलीलान्नरलोकपालान् R.6.1; 12.11.  Gold. -गणः the host of the gods.

    मरुत्  -गणः are Rudras, "are storm deities and sons of Rudra and Prisni and attendants of Indra. The number of Marutas varies from 27 to sixty (three times sixty in RV 8.96.8). They are very violent and aggressive, described as armed with golden weapons i.e. lightning and thunderbolts, as having iron teeth and roaring like lions, as residing in the north, as riding in golden chariots drawn by ruddy horses. Hymn 66 of Mandala VI of the Rig Veda is an eloquent account of how a natural phenomenon of a rain-storm metamorphose into storm deitieshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maruts 

    Marut-s are a troop of young warriors; the synonym is marya, 'young men' (Samskrtam), referred to as mari-an-ni in Mitanni treaties and in Susian versions of Darius' inscriptions as followers of Harriya (Aryans).  मर्या [p= 791,3] f. (perhaps orig. 
    something clear or shining ; cf. मरीचि and मरुत्) a mark , limit , boundary L. Hence, divinities shown on Kudurru stones are used to signify limits or boundaries of lands assigned as grants by rulers.

    gveda (2.33) describes Rudra as the "Father of the Maruts", a group of storm gods.

    2.033.01 Father of the Maruts [idam pitre maruta_m: RV 1.114.6], may the felicity extend to us; exclude us not from the sight of the sun; (grant that) our valiant (descendants) may overcome (these) foes, and that we may be multiplied, Rudra, by (our) progeny. 
    2.033.02 Nourished by the curative vegetables which are bestowed by you, may I live a hundred winters; extirpate mine enemies, my exceeding sin, and my manifold infirmities. 
    2.033.03 You, Rudra, are the chief of beings in glory; you, wielder of the thunderbolt, are the might of themighty; do you waft us in safety over (the ocean) of sin; repel all the assaults of iniquity. 
    2.033.04 Let us not provoke you, Rudra, to wrath by our (imperfect) adorations; nor, showerer (of benefits), by our unworthy praise, nor by our invocation (of other deities); invigorate our sons by your medicinal plants, for I hear that you are a chief physician amongst physicians. [bhis.aktamam tva_ bhis.aja_m s'r.n.omi: an emphatic attribution of qualities of a physician to Rudra]. 
    2.033.05 May I pacify by my praises that Rudra, who is worshipped with invocations and oblations; and never may he who is soft-bellied, of a tawny hue, and handsome chin; who is reverently invoked; subject us to that malevolent disposition (that purposes our destruction). [Soft-bellied: r.du_dara babhruvarn.a sus'ipra: r.du_dara = mr.du udara, having a soft belly (Nirukta 6.4); that malevolent disposition: ma_ no asyai ri_radhan mana_yai: mana_ = hanni_ti manyama_na_ buddhih, the mind meditating, I kill]. 
    2.033.06 May the showerer of benefits, the lord of the Maruts, gratify me his suppliant with invogorating food; may I, free from sin, so propitiate Rudra, that I may attain to his felicity, as a man, distressed by heat, (finds relief) in the shade. 
    2.033.07 Where, Rudra, is your joy-dispending hand, which is the healer and delighter (of all); showerer (of benefits), who are the dispeller of sins of the gods, quickly have compassion upon me. [The dispeller of the sins of the gods: apabharta_ rapaso daivyasya = devakr.tasya pa_pasya apaharta_, the taker-away of sin committed by a divinity; daivya may also connote sin against the gods]. 
    2.033.08 I address infinite and earnest praise to the showerer (of benefits), the cherisher (of all), the white-complexioned; adore the consumer (of sin), with prostrations; we glorify the illustrious name of Rudra. [White-complexioned: s'viti_ce = s'vaityam an~cate, he who goes to or obtains whiteness]. 
    2.033.09 (Firm) with strong limbs, assuming many forms fierce, and tawny-coloured, he shines with brilliant golden ornaments; vigour is inseparable from Rudra, the supreme ruler and lord of this world. [Vigour: asuryam = bala, strength; or, it may connect Rudra with the asuras]. 
    2.033.10 Worthy (of reverence), you bear arrows and a bow; worthy (of praise), you wear an adorable and omniform necklace; worthy (of adoration), you preseve all this vast universe; there is no one more powerful than you. [Worship of reverence: arhan = arha, yogya, fit for, or worthy of; necklace: nis.ka = ha_ra]. 
    2.033.11 Glorify the renowned Rudra, riding in his car, ever youthful, destructive, fierce like a formidable wild beast; Rudra, propitiated by praise, grant happiness to him who praises (you), and let your hosts destroy him who is our adversary. 
    2.033.12 I bow, Rudra, to you, approaching (our rite), as a boy to his father when pronouncing a blessing upon him; I glorify you, the giver of much (wealth), the protector of the virtuous; do you, thus glorified, bestow healing herbs upon me. 
    2.033.13 Maruts, I solicit of you those medicaments which are pure; those, showerers (of benefits), which give great pleasure; those which fonfer felicity; those which (our) sire, Manu, selected; and those (medicaments) of Rudra which are the alleviation (of disease), and defence (against danger). [Those which our sire Manu selected: ya_ni manur avr.n.i_ta_ pita_ nah: Maha_bha_rata legend: reference to the vegetable seeds which Manu was directed to take with him into the vessel in which he was preserved at the time of the deluge]. 
    2.033.14 May the javelin of Rudra avoid us; may the great displeasure of the radiant deity pass away (from us); showerer of benefits, turn away your strong (bow) from the wealthy (offerers of oblations), and bestow happiness upon (our) sons and grandsons. [Yajus. 16.50: the end of the first half of the hymn reads: durmatir-agha_yoh, the displeasure of the sinful or the malevolent; durmati-mahi_ ga_t = may the great displeasure pass away]. 
    2.033.15 Cherisher of the world, showerer (of benefits), omniscient and divine (Rudra), hearer of our invocation, so consider us on this occasion, that you may not be irate, nor slay us; but that, blessed with excellent descendants, we may worthily glorify you at this sacrifice.

    On the possible links of Marutta of Mahabharata with Maruttas in Babylon, cf. http://frontiers-of-anthropology.blogspot.in/2014/04/guest-blogger-jayasree-maruttas-as.html?m=0  Maruttas as progenitor​s of Mundas and Asurs by Jayasree Saranathan (2014)

    "He is the father of Maruts the "storm gods"; hence they are called Rudriya. They are the deities who bring havoc, associated with the atmosphere The Maruts (immortals) are described as restless troops of flashy young men, transporting in space the hordes young warriors called maryus (mortals).  

    Maruts, sons of Rudra are storm divinities and iconographic, sculptural signifiers of marut-s are lion-faced warriors emerging out of the snout of a makara (rebus: dhmakara, 'forge-blower').

    Maruts are war-minded close knit bunch of exuberant youth. “They have iron teeth, roam like lions, hold bows and arrows and round projectiles; they speed away in golden chariots drawn by tawny stallions. They dwell in the North.”(RV 1.153.6)."
    http://creative.sulekha.com/the-rudras-eleven_398301_blog Maruts are warriors, like young Maryu and roam like lions. This is the reason why Maruts are signified in sculptures as emerging out of the snout of a makara. The Mitanni warriors were called marya (Hurrian: maria-nnu), the term for (young) warrior in Samskrtam is maryu (Manfred Mayrhofer, Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen, Heidelberg 1986-2000, II 293)मर्य [p= 791,3] m. (prob. fr. √ मृ) a mortal , man , (esp.) young man , lover , suitor RV. VS. Br. (pl. people ; voc. often used as a kind of particle ; cf. VPra1t. ii , 16 and भोस्); a stallion RV. vii , 56 , 16 &c; मर्यक [p= 791,3]m. a little man (a term applied to a bull among cows) RV. v , 2 , 5; मर्या [p= 791,3] f. (perhaps orig. something clear or shining ; cf. मरीचि and मरुत्) a mark , limit , boundary L.; मरुत्[p= 790,2]m. pl. (prob. the " flashing or shining ones " ; the storm-gods (इन्द्र's companions and sometimes e.g. Ragh. xii , 101 = देवाः , the gods or deities in general ; said in the वेद to be the sons of रुद्र and पृश्नि q.v. , or the children of heaven or of ocean ; and described as armed with golden weapons i.e. lightnings and thunderbolts , as having iron teeth and roaring like lions , as residing in the north , as riding in golden cars drawn by ruddy horses sometimes called पृषतीः q.v. ; they are reckoned in Naigh. v , 5 among the gods of the middle sphere , and in RV. viii , 96 , 8are held to be three times sixty in number ; in the later literature they are the children of दिति , either seven or seven times seven in number , and are sometimes said to be led by मातरिश्वन्RV. &c; the god of the wind (father of हनुमत् and regent of the north-west quarter of the sky) Kir. Ra1jat. (cf.comp.); wind , air , breath (also applied to the five winds in the body) Ka1v. Pur. &c; gold Naigh. i , 2 (Monier-Williams)

    A kudurru brought in from Chaldea into Susa is noted in IM de Morgan's archaeology mission in Susiana: "(kudurru is) of "Nazi-maruttash, king of Kis, son of Kurig-alzu, descendant of Burna-buryas, king of Babylon." By way of a specimen we give here an illustration of one which offers a special peculiarity--it is unfinished [fig. 249]. It will be seen that the figures are winged. [p. 325] Huntsmen, gods, serpents, lions, and birds, the usual decorations of theh kudurru, are well engraved, but the cuneiform text is absent. The space reserved for it is framed by two columns, the body of a serpent and a crenellated frieze. It appears, therefore, that this object must have been seized in Chaldæa by the Susians, before it had been utilized and consecrated.http://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/Archaeology/susa.htm

    Image result for nazi maruttash kudurruKudurru of Nazi Maruttash. Nazimaruttash's kudurru does not use registers. Instead, graphic symbols are used. Nineteen deities are invoked to curse the foolhardy individual who seeks to desecrate it. Some are represented by symbols, such as a goat-fish for Enki or a bird on a pole for Papsukkal, a spear-head for Marduk or an eight-pointed star for Ishtar. Shamash is represented by a disc.

    "Nazi-Maruttaš, typically inscribed Na-zi-Ma-ru-ut-ta-aš or mNa-zi-Múru-tašMaruttaš (a Kassite god synonymous with Ninurtaprotects him, was a Kassite king of Babylon ca. 1307–1282 BC (short chronology) and self-proclaimed šar kiššati, or “King of the World,” according to the votive inscription pictured.[1][i 1] He was the 23rd of the dynasty, the son and successor of Kurigalzu II, and reigned for twenty six yearshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazi-Maruttash

    "Some theonyms, proper names and other terminology of the Mitanni are considered to form (part of) an Indo-Aryan superstrate, suggesting that an Indo-Aryan elite imposed itself over the Hurrian population in the course of the Indo-Aryan expansion.
    In a treaty between the Hittites and the Mitanni (between Suppiluliuma and Shattiwaza, c. 1380 BC), the deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and Nasatya (Ashvins) are invoked. Kikkuli's horse training text (circa 1400 BC) includes technical terms such as aika (Vedic Sanskrit eka, one), tera (tri, three), panza (pañca, five), satta (sapta, seven), na(nava, nine), vartana (vartana, round). The numeral aika "one" is of particular importance because it places the superstrate in the vicinity of Indo-Aryan proper (Vedic Sanskrit eka, with regular contraction of /ai/ to [eː]) as opposed to Indo-Iranian or early Iranian (which has *aiva; compare Vedic eva "only") in general....Sanskritic interpretations of Mitanni names render Artashumara (artaššumara) as Arta-smara "who thinks of Arta/Ṛta" (Mayrhofer II 780), Biridashva (biridašṷa, biriiašṷa) as Prītāśva "whose horse is dear" (Mayrhofer II 182), Priyamazda (priiamazda) as Priyamedha "whose wisdom is dear" (Mayrhofer II 189, II378), Citrarata as citraratha "whose chariot is shining" (Mayrhofer I 553), Indaruda/Endaruta as Indrota "helped by Indra" (Mayrhofer I 134), Shativaza (šattiṷaza) as Sātivāja "winning the race price" (Mayrhofer II 540, 696), Šubandhu as Subandhu 'having good relatives" (a name in Palestine, Mayrhofer II 209, 735), Tushratta (tṷišeratta, tušratta, etc.) as *tṷaišaratha, Vedic Tveṣaratha "whose chariot is vehement" (Mayrhofer I 686, I 736).Archaeologists have attested a striking parallel in the spread to Syria of a distinct pottery type associated with what they call the Kura-Araxes culture.[

    Names of gods

    From treaties of Mitanni.
    Transcription of cuneiformInterpretationVedic equivalentComments
    a-ru-na, ú-ru-wa-naVarunaVaruṇa
    mi-it-raMitraMitra
    in-tar, in-da-raIndraIndra
    na-ša-ti-ya-an-naNasatya-nnaNāsatyaHurrian grammatical ending -nna
    a-ak-ni-išĀgnisAgnionly attested in Hittite, which retains nominative -/s/ and lengthens stressed syllables


    "In the Marut Suktas (RV 1, 2, 5, 8) and Indra-Suktas (RV 1, 3, 8, 10) of the Rigveda (RV), the epithet "Rudras"– originating from the verb root rud or ru and meaning howlers, roarers or shouters – is used numerous times for the Maruts – identifying them with the Rudras even when associated with Indra, rather than Rudra. There are some hymns in the Rigveda (RV 2, 7, 8, 10) that explicitly distinguish between the Maruts and the Rudras.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rudras
    "According to the Rig Veda, the ancient collection of sacred hymns, they wore golden helmets and breastplates, and used their axes to split the clouds so that rain could fall. They were widely regarded as clouds, capable of shaking mountains and destroying forests."

    "Panini (say 4th century BCE) in his Grammar -Astadhyayi (1-49; 3-53; 4-100; 5-3-99) mentions that Rudra was called variously: Mrida, Bhava, Sarva, Grisha, Mahadeva and Trayambaka...He is the ‘archer’(sarva - sarv - which means ‘to injure’ or ‘to kill’), the ‘bowman’ (dhanvin) armed with fast-flying arrows (ashu - bana-hastha)...Rudra is also used both as a name of Shiva, synonymous with Bhava, Sarva, Ugra and Mahadeva. Rudra also means ‘Father of the Maruts’(RV 2.33.1); and collectively "the Rudras" is used to mean ‘the sons of Rudra’ or the Maruts...Sri Krishna in Bhagavad-Gita declares, among the eleven Rudras I am Lord Shiva. " 

    Lintel. Provenance: Cambodia, Kompong Thom Province, Sambor Prei Kuk S7. Style by Sambor Prei Kuk. First half of the 7th century.Detail showing the edge of the lintel and a Marut, god of the storm and wind. Guimet Museum, Paris.



    Makara disgorging a lion-like creature on corner of a lintel on one of the towers) surrounding the central pyramid at BakongRoluosCambodia

    Asura Varuṇa of R̥gveda is associated with the acquisition of wealth by seafaring artisans and maritime trade activities. Ganga and Yamuna river basins abound in archaeo-metallurgical sites of ca. 2nd and earlier millennia, contributing to the wealth of the nation during the Bronze Age. 

    Asura Varuṇa of R̥gveda is associated with the acquisition of wealth by seafaring artisans and maritime trade activities. Ganga and Yamuna river basins abound in archaeo-metallurgical sites of ca. 2ndand earlier millennia, contributing to the wealth of the nation during the Bronze Age. Makara is a metaphor for one of the 9 treasures of कुबेर Kubera. cf. https://sreenivasaraos.com/category/varuna/ Association of makara with Asura Varuṇa of R̥gveda points to the seafaring artisans and merchants of Meluhha who worked in guilds to create wealth, working with foundries, forges, mints and smithies, since Varuṇa is the divinity of riverine waterways, maritime trade across oceans and protector of seafarers. See the monograph of RN Dandekar (1940) which presents textual references from the R̥gveda. Asura Varuṇa. [R. N. Dandekar Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Vol. 21, No. 3/4 (1939-40), pp. 157-191 

    वरुण [p= 921,2] N. of a partic. magical formula recited over weapons R. (v.l. वरण); वरण m. a rampart , mound L. ; causeway, bridge (Monier-Williams)

    Another Indus Script hypertext which signifies kammaṭa 'mint' is often referred to as: śrivatsa metaphor which is a hypertext orthograph composed of hieroglyph multiplex of two fish-fins tied together as on Bharhut and Sanchi toraṇa-s: ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS  khambhaṛā  'fish=fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. The hypertext is ligatured to a wheel with 8 spokes, evoking the memory of aṣṭāśri yūpa, ketu to proclaim a somasamsthā yāga. Molluscs and palm-spathe decorating the hypertexts are: sangi 'mollusc' Rebus: sangin 'shell-cutter; sippī ʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi 'artificer, craftsman'. Thus, the hypertexts on Bharhut and Sanchi toraṇa-s proclaim: aya 'alloy metal' PLUS kammaṭa 'mint' PLUS sippi 'artificer' PLUS sangin 'shell-cutter (scribe)'.

    Image result for bharhut srivatsaImage result for bharhut srivatsa

    In the sculptural tradition, the toraṇa-s are profusely decorated with (dh)makara 'forge-blower, blacksmith' motifs.
    click to open a full-size photo (2-7 MB)medallion of makara. Bharhut rebus: dhmakara 'forge-blower, blacksmith' karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār 'blacksmith' karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish=fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. On many makara expressions, a human emerges out of the outh of the crocodile-elephant trunk: the person who emerges is an artificer, a blacksmith.
    Begram ivory. Artificer emerges out of the mouths of a pair of makara. Association with seafaring is signified by makara, vāhana of Asura Varuṇa. Association with metalwork in the Ganga basin is signified by makara, vāhana of Ganga river.

    mogge 'sprout, bud' Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali) From the flower emerges the torana. Many hieroglyphs adorn the torana. One is the hieroglyph: khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. atop tAmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tAmra 'copper'. The fish-fins are shown in pair: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, metal castings emerging out of the work of the khAr 'blacksmith' hieroglyph: karA 'crocodile'.

    Hieroglyph 1: mákara1 m. ʻ crocodile ʼ VS.Pa. makara -- m. ʻ sea -- monster ʼ; Pk. magara -- , mayara<-> m. ʻ shark ʼ, Si. muvarāmōrā, Md. miyaru. -- NIA. forms with -- g -- (e.g. H. G. magar m. ʻ crocodile ʼ) or -- ṅg<-> (S. maṅgar -- macho m. ʻ whale ʼ, maṅguro m. ʻ a kind of sea fish ʼ → Bal. māngar ʻ crocodile ʼ) are loans from Pk. or Sk. or directly from non -- Aryan sources from which these came, e.g. Sant. maṅgaṛ ʻ crocodile ʼ.(CDIAL 9692) Hieroglyph 2: makura, makula, mukula 'bud'.mukula n. ʻ bud ʼ Suśr., makula -- 2 n. lex. 2. mukura -- , makura -- 2 n. lex. 3. *bakula -- 2. [Cf. similar interchange of initial in bakula -- 1. -- ← Drav., Tam. mokkuḷ &c., DED 4007; also mudgara -- 2 m. ʻ bud ʼ lex. with same variation of -- k -- ~ -- dg -- as in mukuṣṭha -- ]
    1. Pa. makula -- m. ʻ bud ʼ, Pk. maüla -- m.n.; S. mora f. ʻ budding ʼ, morṛo m. ʻ fresh new leaf ʼ.
    2. Pk. maüra -- m.n. ʻ bud ʼ; H. maur m. ʻ bud, blossom ʼ; G. mɔhɔr m. ʻ blossom ʼ.
    3. MB. baula, B. bol ʻ bud, blossom of fruit tree, knob of a wooden clog ʼ; Or. baüḷa ʻ mango bud ʼ; Aw.lakh. baur ʻ mango blossom ʼ. *mukurayati, mukulayati, mukulāyatē.(CDIAl 10146) mukulayati ʻ *blossoms ʼ. 2. *mukurayati. 3. mukulāyatē. [mukulayati (tr.), °lāyatē (intr.) ʻ closes (like a bud) ʼ Kāv., °litá -- R., °lāyita -- Kāv. ʻ having blossoms ʼ, mukurita -- ʻ id.? ʼ Pāṇ.gaṇa. -- mukula -- ] 1. Pk. maülēi ʻ blossoms ʼ; S. morjaṇu ʻ to sprout ʼ; P. maulnā ʻ to blossom, bud ʼ; Ku. maulṇo ʻ to flourish ʼ, N. maulanu; B. maulā ʻ to blossom ʼ, H. maulnā.
    2. H. maurnā ʻ to blossom ʼ, G. mɔrvũ. 3. Pk. maülāaï ʻ blossoms ʼ, N. maulāunu, H. maulānā.(CDIAL 10147)

    मूष vāhana of  gaṇeśa signifies a crucible and a bellows, fire-blower. gaṇeśa with the head of an elephant as an Indus Script hypertext metaphor, is associated with and works with iron smelter. In front of gaṇeśa is a jackal (tiger? or antelope) which looks back. kola 'tiger, jackal' rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter'; kolle 'blacksmith'. The animal has a ring on its neck: Pk. kulla -- , kōla -- m. neck rebus: kolhe 'smelter'; koḍiyum 'ring on neck' (Gujarati) Rebus: ko 'workshop' 

    Rudrabhāga is part of a skambha. Skambha is the Fulcrum of the Universe (personified in AV. x , 7 and x , 8 , and identified with ब्रह्मन् , the Supreme Being , as well as with पुरुष.

    Amaravati skambha hypertexts signify this Supreme Being, as a fiery pillar of light, together with the Indus Script hypertexts of khambhaṛā 'fish=fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' and meḍ 'step'.) rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)

    Image result for amaravati skambhaImage result for amaravati skambhaphaṇi 'cobra hood' rebus: phaṇi 'lead, zinc''marketplace'.

    शिव m. a post for cows (to which they are tied or for them to rub against) L. ; synonym is: यूप [p= 856,1] m. (prob. fr. √ युप् ; but according to Un2. iii , 27 , fr. √2. यु) a post , beam , pillar , (esp.) a smooth post or stake to which the sacrificial victim is fastened , any sacrificial post or stake (usually made of bamboos or खदिर wood ; in R. i , 13 , 24 ; 25, where the horse sacrifice is described , 21 of these posts are set up , 6 made of बिल्व , 6 of खदिर , 6 of पलाश , one of उडुम्बर , one of श्लेष्मातक , and one of देव-दारुRV. &c; a column erected in honour of victory , a trophy (= जय-स्तम्भL.; other synonyms are:  स्कम्भ[p= 1257,1] m. a prop , support , pillar , buttress , fulcrum , the Fulcrum of the Universe (personified in AV. x , 7 and x , 8 , and identified with ब्रह्मन् , the Supreme Being , as well as with पुरुष ; » Muir's Sanskrit Texts , v , 378RV. AV.; यष्टि  [p= 848,3] n. (only L. ) or f. (also यष्टी cf. g. बह्व्-ादि ; prob. fr. √ यछ् = यम् ; for 1. यष्टि » [p= 840,3]) " any support " , a staff , stick , wand , rod , mace , club , cudgel; pole , pillar , perch S3Br. &c; a flag-staff (» ध्वज-य्°); the blade of a sword (» असि-य्°)

    Turtle sculptures of Candi-Sukuh (Java, Indonesia) are signifiers of minwork at the temple site. The side also shows a sculptural frieze of Bhima and Arjuna working as smith, forge-blower producing swords and metal implements as gaṇeśa’s dance-step signifies iron working.

    Image result for candi sukuh linga inscription
    Hieroglyphs on Candi Sukuh linga: 1. eight-cornered star (aṣṭāśri 'having eight corners'), 2. crucible, 3. sword.  mēḍha 'polar' star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda) PLUS (evokes the imagery of) aṣṭāśri caṣāla Yūpa 'eight-angled skambha topped with godhūma' signifies śiva 'iron' (to carburize iron) reinforced by khaṇḍa 'sword' (as shown on Candi-Sukuh Śivalinga) rebus: lokhaṇḍa 'metal implements' PLUS skambha 'pillar' rebus:  kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. koṭhārī ʻcrucible ʼ (Old Punjabi)(CDIAL 3546) rebus: koṭhari 'chamber'; कुठारु kuṭhāru 'armourer'. षण्ड n. = लिङ्ग (used in explaining पाषण्डBhP.; mn. (often written खण्ड, also v.l. or w.r. for शण्ड , षण्ढ , and सण्ड) a group of trees or plants , wood , thicket (always ifc. ; cf. वन and वृक्ष-ष्°). Rudrabhāga of Śivalinga is octagonal. 


    meḍ 'dance-step' signifies meḍ 'iron,copper' reinforced by hieroglyph component of elephant-head: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron', ibbo '(iron) merchant'.

    Dance-step of gaṇeśa in Candi-Sukuh sculptural frieze. meḍ 'dance-step' rebus: meḍ 'iron,copper' (Mu.Ho.Slavic)

    RV 10.53.9: Tvastar, most deft of workmen, knew each magic art, bringing most blessed bowls that hold the drink of Gods. His axe, wrought of good metal, he is sharpening now, wherewith the radiant Brahmanaspati will cut. Note: Brahman.aspati is gaṇeśa fashioned by Tvastar. gaṇeśa is fashioned with the head replaced by the head and trunk of an elephant. gaṇeśa is Indus Script hypertext expression. karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'. His vāhana is  मूष [p= 827,2] 

    m. f(आ and ई). a rat , mouse Pan5cat. L. rebus: मूष a crucible Ma1rkP. Kull. L.  मूषा 'round window, airhole'. Thus, the vāhana of gaṇeśa and elephant head of evoke the crucible and air-hole of a forge-bloweer, an iron-worker, blacksmith, working with an iron smelter. On the Candi-Sukuh sculptural frrieze, Bhima is the blacksmith taking out a sword from the furnace, Arjuna is the dhamaka, dhmakara bellows-fire blower working with the bellows. The tiled hut on the Candi-Sukuh sculptural frieeze is the smelter as shown on Bhutesvar sculptural hypertext expressions with a tree PLUS smelter: kuṭhi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. The ekamukha linga is the octagonal yupa described in R̥gveda and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇaas a ketu (topped by a caṣāla, godhuma to infuse carbon fumes) of Soma Samsthā yajña. mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' Thee Bhutesvar sculptural fragment also shows the dwarfs, kharva, gaṇa. खर्व [p= 338,1] dwarfish; rebus: खर्व m. N. of one of the nine निधिs or treasures of कुबेर L.


    Sudh in Javanese means 'thought' (i.e. metaphor); Gangga sudhi (expression used on the Linga inscription of Candi-Sukuh) in Javanese literally means 'Mother-river thought'. The  imagery of linga and 4 spheres is paralleled on a 1.82m. tall linga of Candi Sukuh temple together with an inscription in Javanese and hieroglyphs of: kris sword-blade flanked by hieroglyphs of sun and crescent-moon. The lingga has the feature that all of the phalluses on the temple have; balls ligatured just below the tip of the phallus.  These are representative of a custom of the time, that Majapahit sculptors would have marble or gold balls implanted under the tip of the penis.  On top of the Mt.Lawu fortification of Candi Sukuh stood this 1.82m. tall linga.

    The Lingga discovered at Candi Sukuh on the slopes of Mt. Lawu in Central Java and now in the  National Museum in Jakarta; note the keris. (from c.j. van der Vlis report of 1843). The lingga should have fallen off from the roof of the pyramid which had a square altar to hold the sculpted, inscribed lingga. 

    The lingga has the feature that all of the phalluses on the temple have; balls ligatured just below the tip of the phallus.  These are representative of a custom of the time, that Majapahit sculptors would have marble or gold balls implanted under the tip of the penis.  

    The 1.8 metre lingga of Candi Sukuh has four such balls and also has an inscription (representing the vein of the phallus) that reads: ‘Consecration of the Holy Gangga sudhi in … the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world’

    Ancient Siva Lingam in Bronze & Glass at Candi Sukuh, Indonesia

    Unique Siva Lingam found at Candi Sukuh, Java, Indonesia is made of glass and encased in a bronze cup.
    Water stored in this cup has not dried even today.
    Candi Sukuh [ˈtʃandi ˈsukʊh] is a 15th-century Javanese-Hindu temple (candi) that is located on the western slope of Mount Lawu (elevation 910 metres (2,990 ft)) on the border between Central and East Java provinces.
    Candi Sukuh was one of the last temples constructed in Indonesia before the country came under the influence of Islam. The temple is significant because of its association with Lord Shiva, Mahabharata and the pyramid shaped architecture resembles that of a Mayan temple in Mexico.
    Indonesia became a predominantly Muslim country between the 13th and 16th centuries, and had a long and rich Hindu history prior to that.
    Evidences exists in the form of numerous ancient temples spread across the islands that together form the country.
    Founder of Candi Sukuh thought that the slope of Mount Lawu was a sacred place for worshiping the ancestors and nature spirits and for observance of the fertility cults.
    The monument was built around 1437 CE, as written as a chronogram date on the western gate, meaning that the area was under the rule of the Majapahit Kingdom during its end (1293–1500 CE). Some archaeologists believe the founder had cast the fall of Majapahit, based on the reliefs that displaying the feud between two aristocratic houses, symbolizing two internal conflicts in the kingdom.
    Candi Sukuh Glass Shiva Linga
    In 1815, Sir Thomas Raffles, the ruler of Java during 1811–1816, visited the temple and found it in bad condition.
    Many statues had been thrown down on the ground and most of the figures had been decapitated. Raffles also found the giant lingga statue broken into two pieces, which was then glued together. This vandalism of traditional culture (especially where sexuality is not suppressed, as in the statues) is likely to be an effect of the Islamic invasion of Java during the 16th century, based upon the identical patterns found in all other Islamic and monotheistic invasions generally.
    Candi Sukuh Shiva Linga water
    Though the Glass Siva Lingam found in bronze cup is hidden here during Islamic invasions, it could have been made much earlier than the temple.
    It is believed that this glass Lingam is from 1000 CE, while temple was built around 1437 CE.
    Surprisingly, water stored in the bronze cup was not dry, although it has been stored for many centuries.
    Archaeologists have tested acidity of this water and found it to be pure even today.
    Candi Sukuh crystal Shiva Linga
    The water in the bronze cup could be perplexing to the scientific mind but to the locals it is elixir, or Amrit. In fact, a story of the Amrit from the Adi Parwa of the Mahabharata can be found inscribed on one of the walls of Candi Sukuh.
    Among other artefacts are jewellery such as bangles.
    Candi Sukuh artifacts
    These ancient jars and their contents are currently being stored in the Archaeological Heritage Preservation Hall of Central Java, Prambanan, Klaten.
    There are multiple reliefs depicting scenes from Mahabharata and also related to worship of Lord Siva.
    On such reliefs at Candi Sukuh depict Arjuna, Lord Ganesha and Bheema besides numerous motifs related to Siva worship.
    http://luk.tsipil.ugm.ac.id/candi/artikel/Candi-PhD-V%C3%A9ronique.pdf Candi Space and Landscape: A Study on the Distribution, Orientation and Spatial Organization of Central Javanese Temple Remains by Véronique Myriam Yvonne Degroot  1972.

    Makara is a signifier of Bronze Age metalwork wealth-accounting catalogue entries; makara is a hypertext composition of hieroglyphs to signify merchant-cum-blacksmith's work of smelting, working with iron, working in an alloy metal mint: peacock tail, feline paws, elephant trunk, crocodile, fish-fin, body of a boar, copulation. The Meluhha Indus Script readings are: Mora, 'peacock' rebus: morakkaka 'a kind of steel'; maraka 'peacock' Rebus: marakaka loha 'copper alloy, calcining metal'.kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron'; karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant' karā 'crocodile' rebus: khār 'blacksmith' khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' barāh, baḍhi 'boar' rebus: vāḍhī, bari, barea 'merchant' bārakaśa'seafaring vessel' kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Kanada) kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, coiner, coinage (Kannada).

    Makara with peacock tail at Lakuddi near Gadag, Karnataka



    Ligatured elephant + crocodile glyph on Bharhut sculpture.



    A joined animal is sangaḍa. Rebus: sāngaḍa'double-canoe, seafaring vessel'. Hence, makara as sangaḍa is the vAhana of Ganga which was a navigable waterway. Cargo were products out of  khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage', made by karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'; karibha 'elephant trunk' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'. Makara is the quintessential proclamation of the life-work of artisans of the Bronze Age revolution. These artisans created the Bharhut, Sanchi stupa and other temples as monuments, celebrating their life-activities signified by these metaphors, these Indus Script hieroglyphs as rebus metonymy (sculptural or orthographic metaphors of a writing system).

    The continuum of the Indian writing system is demonstrated by the continued use of glyphs of elephant and sun’s rays on Mauryan and later-day punch-marked coins. The glyphs had significance in the context of the coinmaker, kammaTi (signified by the glyph of bow, kammaTa – as shown on a punchmarked coin of the imperial first series). Elephant glyph also gets ligatured to crocodile glyph to create the unique composite glyph of makara which gets represented on the entry steps of many temples during the historical periods and also in Bharhut sculptures. 

    Makara on sculptures is useed on torana, gateways of monuments. On many ancient sculptural friezes, makara yields a creeper as a decorative ornament on the temple gateway.

    Some see in a makara, body parts of six or seven animals such as the trunk of the 
    elephant, jaws of thecrocodile, ears of the mouse or ape, extruding teeth of wild swine, the tail plume of the peacock and feet of the lion.  Clough, B. (1997). Sinhalese English Dictionary. Asian Educational Services. p. 163.

    Makara Thoranam above the door of the to Garbhagriha of Chennakesava Temple at Belur. Two makaras are shown on either end of the arch.

    Image result for vahana aihole of varunaVarua with Varuṇāni. Statue carved out of basalt, dates back to 8th century CE, discovered in Karnataka. On display at the Prince of Wales museum, Mumbai.
    Related image
    Image result for vahana aihole of varunaVaruṇāni on makara Konarak Sun temple, 11th cent. Eastern Ganga dynasty. National Museum, Delhi.
    Image result for vahana aihole of varunaVarua, makara iconography at the 11th-century Rajarani Hindu temple, Bhubaneshwar.
    Image result for vahana aihole of varunaVaruṇa, Varuṇi on makara. Halebidu.
    Related image
    Makara on lentil from Sambor Prei Kuk temple, Kampong Thom City, Cambodia. A smith-artificer riding a makara, another artisan emerging out of makara's jaws.kamāṭhiyo 'archer' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, coinage, mint'

    Makara 12th cent. Sandstone
    Image result for vahana aihole of varunaMakara flag of Karava Community, Sri Lanka. Karava may be cognate kaurava of Mahabharata. Both makara and peacock are metalwork catalogues. karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' moraka 'peacock' morakkaka loha 'a form of copper'.
    Makara is a sculptural celebration...


    Row of Makara in base of Chennakesava Temple at Belur, Karnataka. Note Makara standing vertical at corner.

    Stone CarvingVaruna and Varuni on Makara. Hoysala style. Hieroglyphs: Feline paws, peacock tail, elephant trunk, crocodile
    Image result for vahana aihole of varuna

    Varuna on makara. Aihole. Feline paws (reinforced by a tiger looking back at the bottom), elephant trunk, peacock tail, crocodile. A copulating couple at the bottom right signifies kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Kanada) kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, coiner, coinage (Kannada) .  
    The sculpture is thus an amplification of the significance of Makara ~~ dhmakaraciting functions smelting and creating/casting metal implements and weapons.
    Varuna on Makara. Aihole.  Hieroglyphs: Feline paws, peacock tail, elephant trunk, crocodile
    Khajuraho. Makara, hieoglyph components: jaw of a crocodile, trunk of elephant, ears of lion, horns of ram, and tail of fish. Vahana of Ma Ganga.


     Ganga relief depicting the goddess atop her makara mount at Kelaniya Temple Sri Lanka
    Ganga-Yamuna. National Museum. New Delhi. Gupta period. Sarasvati is shown atop a lotus on Ellora Cave 16 temple of River Goddesses. Ganga has makara vAhana and Yamuna has kUrma vAhana. kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    On the banks of River Ganga, a number of ancient smelter sites are located such as Lohardiwa, Malhar, Raja-nal-ki-tila, dated to 18th cent. BCE.

    On the banks of River Yamuna, a number of ancient mints are located.

    At the entrance to the Gupta gallery, 5th century, in National Museum, New Delhi, there are two terracotta statues of Goddesses Ganga and Yamuna from Ahichatra, Uttar Pradesh. Ganga stands on her vehicle, makara, a hybrid creature with the body of a crocodile and the tail of a fish; she holds a pot full of water. An attendant holds a parasol over her. On the other side, Yamuna stands on her vehicle, kamaṭha, a turtle, also holding a pot of water. Two attendants, signifying the hydrological character of a river named Yamiuna which is prone to river captures. and migrations. 

    These statues were originally placed at the entrance to a temple symbolizing a dip in the sacred rivers for purification.

    Thus, the chosen 
    vāhana-s are hieroglyphic signifiers of the nature of metallurgical activities of ancient times on sites of the river basins: one river basin (Ganga) was spotted with smelters of ores to produce metals; the other river basin (Yamuna) was spotted with mints to work with alloys and metals. Ahicchatra on Yamuna river basin and Panchala janapada are metalwork region with mints of the Bronze Age.

    Coin of Agnimitra, showing the depiction of Agni with flaming hair on the obverse, and a reverse showing the three dynastic symbols of the Panchala rulers and a legend naming the king: Agimitasa.
    A bronze currency of ½ karshapana of King Indramitra (ca 75-50 BC?) Of Ahichatra of Panchala. Obv: A inside a rectangle, a line of 3 symbols, under the name of the king. Rev: Indra standing on a pedestal without pillars. Dimensions: 15 mm. Weight: 4.18 g.

    Many Mahājanapada-s clustered on the Yamuna and Ganga River Basins issued ancient coins.

    “Makaradhvaja is a popular Kupipakwa Rasayana, prepared with the Swarna (gold),
    Parada (mercury) and Gandhaka (sulfur) in a specified ratio. It was first described by Rasendra Chintamani[
    1] by the name ofChandrodaya Rasa, although the word Makaradhvaja was first coined by Rasaratnakara. The term Makaradhvaja is composed of two words, i.e. Makara and Dhvaja. The term Makaradhvaja is also a synonymous of Kamadeva,[2] the God of beauty.”  (Khedekar S, Patgiri BJ, Ravishankar B, Prajapati PK., 2011, Standard manufacturing process of Makaradhvaja prepared by Swarna Patra - Varkha and Bhasma. Ayu. 2011 Jan;32(1):109-15.) http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed?


    Suvannamaccha yields the association with gold, a material for wealth. Suvannamaccha, gold fish, macchanu fish (ayo, fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal') and makara dhvaja are all related to metalwork processes. Makaradhvaja in Rasayana, ancient alchemical traditionsis preparedwith svarna 'gold' parada (darada 'cinnabar', 'mercury') and gandhaka 'sulfur'.

    These extraordinary links with metallurgy is what makes makara an extraordinary iconograph, hieroglyph to signify wealth.

    Bronze Age kuṭhāru 'armourer, फड, phaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons' signified as Indus Script hypertexts

    $
    0
    0

    https://tinyurl.com/yda2b9qo


    --Hypertexts of Āyāgapaṭa, aṟupaṭai and aimpaṭai, aṣṭamangaḷa necklaces


    In a breath-taking splendour of a sculptural relief of Bharhut, Nāgaraja, Erapattra worships in front of the 

    paṭa which is topped by a tree: kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter. 


    The tree is atop a पट n. a thatch or roof (= पटल) L. 


    The Indus Script hypertexts are: paṭa ‘roof’ rebus: फडphaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons'.


    The hypertext constitutes the kole.l 'smithy, forge' is kole.l'temple for फडphaḍa,  'cobra hood' rebus: फडphaḍa 'Bhāratīya arsenal of metal weapons'. That the roof shown on the relief signifies a smelter is reinforced by similar structures shown on Bhuteshwar sculptural fragments discussed in this monograph.

    Image result for nagaraja erapattra bharhut
    Nāgaraja, Erapattra worshipping at the smelter and tree. kuṭi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. Bharhut, 100 BCE.

    This relief shows puja to tree: Hieroglyph: kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi'smelter' (smithy). The complex of hieroglyph readings rebus: kole.l'smithy' rebus: kole.l'temple'. The dagoba is dhātugarbha, composed of the earth containing minerals as the womb. The hieroglyph composition of tied fish-tail pair emerges out of the roof of the brick kiln (smelter). This ligaturing is comparable to the ligature of Ekamukha linga emerging out of the sloping roof brick-kiln. 

    धातु--गर्भ [p= 513,3] m. (with Buddh. ) receptacle for ashes or relics , a Dagaba or Dagoba (Sinhalese corruption of पालि Dhatu-gabbha) (Monier-Williams'Buddhism in its connexion with ब्राह्मण् ism & हिन्दू ism: and in its contrast with Christianity, xxxv)

    The worship of a smithy (smelter) as a temple is also seen in the artistic representations in Mathura in the context of worship of Sivalinga (Ekamukha siva linga); this is a remarkable affirmation of Bauddham, Jaina and Hindu traditions as composite gestalt of ancient Bharatam Janam venerating natural phenomena as an extension of cosmic-consciousness order called dharma-dhamma..:

    आ-याग [p= 148,1]  is a gift given at a yajña. āyāgapaa is a written tablet with sacred/auspicious hieroglyphs/hypertexts of homage offered at a sacred place like a temple.

    The sacred symbols of āyāgapaṭalso recur on peronal ornaments of children and as marriage badges, tāli. 

    aimpaṭai, aṣṭamangaḷa necklaces with Indus Script hypertexts signify Bronze Age Bhāratīya army arsenal.

    Tamil children had Aimpataittāli made up of five symbols or five weapons of Vishnu: śankha, 'Vishnus’s conch',Cakra, 'discus, wheel', sāranga, 'bow', nandaka khaṇḍa, 'sword' and Kaumodakī gada,'mace'. Ref. Akam.54, Puram.77:7-8. There are references in Silappadikaram, Manimekalai (Fifth Century CE) and Peria Puranam (Tenth Century CE).

    Impadai_thaali
    Picture of Aimpatai Thali of Tails with Five of Vishnu’s weapons.

    https://tamilandvedas.com/2014/06/17/talismans-in-atharva-veda-ancient-tamil-literature/

    Hieroglyphs on ancient Bhāratīya artifacts signified as hypertexts are NOT personal names but professional responsibilities/artisanal skills traditionally handed won by ancestors, as seen on a number of pendants as hypertexts on ancient necklaces.

    Ta. tāli central piece of a neck ornament solemnly tied by the bridegroom around the bride's neck as marriage badge, a child's necklace, amulet tied on a child's neck. Ma. tāli the centre piece of a neck ornament tied as the marriage badge. Ko. ta·ḷy a heavy necklace. To. to·ly woman's gold neck ornament. Ka. tāli, tāḷi a small round plate of gold worn at the neck as a marriage badge, that plate used as an ornament. Tu. tāli, tāḷi the marriage badge worn by a female. Te. tāli small piece of gold tied by the bridegroom at the marriage ceremony to the neck of the bride. / Cf. Skt. tāli- (Mayrhofer, s.v.)(DEDR 3175)
     
    aṣṭamangalaka hāra  depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Haracarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62]. 

    At least five metalwork tools and implements are recognizable on the hypertexts signified on the necklaces seen on Sanchi sculptures, which signify aṣṭamangaḷa 'eight auspicious hieroglyphs' in the tradition of Indus Script cipher (e.g. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron', ayas 'weapon').

    अङ्कुश [p= 7,2]  mn. a hook , especially an elephant-driver's hook
    परशु [p= 589,2]m. a hatchet , axe , the axe of a woodcutter; ( Naigh. ii , 20
    a thunderbolt RV. &c; पर्शु m. (cf. परशु and Un2. i , 34 Sch.) an axe , hatchet Hariv. R.
    अयस् [p= 85,1]n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10. 
    The hieroglyph is: ayo 'fish' Duplicated: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, dul ayas 'cast iron weapon'.
    खड्ग [p= 335,3]m. (fr. √खड् for खण्ड्?) a sword , scymitar MBh. R. &c (ifc. f(). Katha1s. ); a large sacrificial knife W.; n. iron L.
    kammaṭa=portable furnace (Te.) rebus:  kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    karaḍa 'safflower' rebus: kharaḍā खरड़ा wealth accounting ledge entries of metalwork wealth created in smithies, forges, foundries'.

    The central pendant of the necklaces is a replica of the hypertext which adorns Sanchi/Bharhut toranas.
    Stūpa is the ziggurat (dagoba, dhatugarbha) The hypertext is mounted on a pedestal, paa 'throne, tablet, a thatch or roof (= पटलL.' , फडpha'cobra hood' rebus: फडphaa 'arsenal, metalwork artisan guild in charge of manufactory'. 

    Necklaces with pendants as hypertexts in a continuum of Indus Script writing hypertext tradition: karaDi 'safflower' rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' DAng 'mace' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' thus, iron metal casting. sangaDa 'portable brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection of articles' sangar 'fortification'  khambhaṛā'fin' rebus: kammaa'mint', sippi'mollusc' rebus: sippi'engraver, sculptor'. Thus, the wearer of the necklaces a metal sculptor or creator of lost-wax metal castings.


    The Indus Script hypertext message is: tāmra ayo kammaṭa sippi kāraikā sanghin 'copper, iron mint, artisan, scribe guild'.

    tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS kárikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka, kāraikā  'scribe'. This reading is combined with ̄khī 'mollusc' Rebus: sangin 'guild' to read the message as kāraikā sanghin 'scribes guild'. 

    दळ (p. 406)[ daa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower rebus: ḍhāḷako 'a large metal ingot' (may be signified on sculptural friezes by a picture of 'ox-hide ingot', ḍhāḷa 'shield'.


    Temples of dhamma


    Related image
    Bharhut sculptural relief fragment shows a series of three temple entrances.Image result for bharhut stupa relief series of templesSeries of four temples shown on a relief.

    The centre-piece for each temple is a garland. The rebus reading is: Rebus:dhamma 'dharma' (Pali) Hieroglyphs: dām 'garland, rope. The artist conveys the message of Dhamma Temple, venerated by the worshippers. The bottom register shows a tree representing smithy (kole.l 'smithy, temple' -- forkarada 'safflower' rebus: karada 'hard alloy'): kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. A garland on the tree connotes: dām 'garland' Rebus; dhamma 'dharma'. Thus together, the glosses are dhamma kole.l 'dharma temple'. The worshippers are artisans working in smithy, temple: kole.l. A cognate gloss kolhe connotes 'smelter' as seen in Maya's dream since she belongs to the guild of kolhe or koliya.


    See: 

     



    Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2). This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting meD 'iron'


    Linga worship relief. Bhutesvara, Mathura. 1st cent. BCE (Fig. 5.1)  The ling is in the centre of a brick-kiln. In the backgrouns a tree is shown. A pair of dwarfs holding rope venerate the linga.




    Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' (Pali) Hieroglyphs: dām 'garland, rope':
    Hieroglyphs: hangi 'mollusc' + dām 'rope, garland' dã̄u m. ʻtyingʼ; puci 'tail' Rebus: puja 'worship'

    Rebus: ariya sanghika dhamma puja 'veneration of arya sangha dharma'

    Hieroglyph: Four hieroglyphs are depicted. Fish-tails pair are tied together. The rebus readings are as above: ayira (ariya) dhamma puja 'veneration of arya dharma'.


    ayira 'fish' Rebus:ayira, ariya, 'person of noble character'. युगल yugala 'twin' Rebus: जुळणें (p. 323) [ juḷaṇēṃ ] v c & i (युगल S through जुंवळTo put together in harmonious connection or orderly disposition (Marathi). Thus an arya with orderly disposition.

    sathiya 'svastika glyph' Rebus: Sacca (adj.) [cp. Sk. satya] real, true D i.182; M ii.169; iii.207; Dh 408; nt. saccaŋ truly, verily, certainly Miln 120; saccaŋ kira is it really true? D i.113; Vin i.45, 60; J (Pali)

    सांगाडा [ sāṅgāḍā ] m The skeleton, box, or frame (of a building, boat, the body &c.), the hull, shell, compages. 2 Applied, as Hulk is, to any animal or thing huge and unwieldy.
    सांगाडी [ sāṅgāḍī ] f The machine within which a turner confines and steadies the piece he has to turn. Rebus: सांगाती [ sāṅgātī ] a (Better संगती) A companion, associate, fellow.


    Sanchi.


    Āyāgapaṭa are homage panels. āyāgapaṭa (タāyāgapaṭa) are also called deva-Paa

    "In Jainism, Srivatsa often marks the chest of the Tirthankara image. It is one of the ashtamangala (auspicious symbol). It can look somewhat like a fleur-de-lis, an endless knot, a flower or diamond-shaped symbol." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Srivatsa
    Flag of Rakhine State, showing the srivatsa

    Berliner Indologische Studien No. 8. 1995, pp. 229-283. 
    http://www.herenow4u.net/index.php?id=81263 : "As a rule, āyāgapaṭṭa.s with Jina figures have a non-Pārśva in their centre, but one āyāgapaṭṭa has a figure of Pārśva in the corresponding position (Joshi Ea: pl. 34.1). On this slab, Pārśva is shown with seven cobra-hoods which is the standard form of Northern India (Joshi Ea: 335b). The first object which shows Pārśva and non-Pārśva.s side by side is the dated Kaa slab (Mitterwallner Fr, pl. 24: Kaśramao) with four Jina.s, J-J-P-J, in its upper register. Independent Pārśva images surface likewise in the first sequence, or even earlier (Mitterwallner Sc: 92). It would thus appear that, at least by the time of the first sequence of Kuṣāṇa art, the Pārśva/non-Pārśva opposition is fully established." (N.P. Joshi, "Deva-Paṭṭas," in: T.S. Maxwell (ed.) Eastern Approaches. Oxford University Press 1992. See pp. 133-40)

    aṟupaṭai are six weapons, aṟupaṭai vīṭu are six army camps.

    ஐம்படை ai-m-paṭai n. < ஐந்து +. 1. The five weapons of Viṣṇu. See பஞ்சாயுதம். (சூடா.) 2. See ஐம்படைத்தாலி. ஐம்படை சதங்கை சாத்தி (பெரியபு. தடுத்தாட். 4).ஐம்படைத்தாலி ai-m-paṭai-tālin. < ஐம்படை +. A gold pendant worn by children in a necklace bearing in relief the five weapons of Viṣṇu, as an amulet; கழுத்திலே பிள் ளைகளணியும் பஞ்சாயுதவுருவமைந்த அணி. ஐம்படைத் தாலி . . . குறுநடைப் புதல்வர்க்கு. (மணி. 7, 56).
    ஐம்படைப்பருவம் ai-m-paṭai-p-paru- vamn. < id. +. Stage of childhood appropriate for wearing the aimpaṭai-t-tāli; ஐம் படைத்தாலியை யணிதற்குரிய குழந்தைப்பருவம். ஐம் படைப்பருவத்து வெம்படை தாக்கி (S.I.I. ii, 310).

    திருமால்தரிக்கும்ஐந்தாயுதங்கள்:சங்கு, சக்கரம், வில், வாள், தண்டு, இவைமுறையே பாஞ்சசன்னியம், சுதரிசனம், சார்ங்கம், நாந்தகம், கௌமோதகி எனப்பெயர்பெறும்.
    "Tolkappiyam refers to fire worship. The specific expressions used are Koṭinilai, Kantali and Valli (Porul. Purattinai.86) to denote the existence of worship in three forms: the cūr in the sky, fire on the earth and moon on the waters. Not only the word tēvam but also the specific expressions teral arun kaṭavuḷ (Akam. 396:1) = fiery-unique God, arum teral marapir kaṭavuḷ (Akam. 372:1) = unique-fiery-traditional God, teral aru marapin kaṭavuḷ (Akam. 13:3) = fiery-unique-traditional God, teral arum kaṭavuḷ (Nat.189:3) = fiery-unique God etc., prove the fact...the famous Arupaṭai Vīṭkaḷ or six battle camps are situated only on the hills: Tirupparankundram, Tirucīr Alaivai (Tiruchendur), Tiru Avinaŋkuṭi (Palani), Tiruverakam (Swami Malai), Kunrutōratal (other hills and hillocks) and Palamutircolai (Alakar Malai). "

    http://murugan.org/research/rao.htm The expression Tiruverakam for Swami Malai is significant. The word eraka is an Indus Script hieroglyph to signify metalwork: eraka'copper', arka'gold'.

    மூலப்படை mūla-p-paṭai
    n. < id. +. Soldiers who have been maintained from very early times or from time immemorial; reserved force, one of aṟuvakai-p-paṭai, q.v.; அறுவகைப் படையுள் நீண்டகாலமாகத் தொடர்ந்து வரும் படை. (குறள், 762, உரை.) (சுக்கிரநீதி, 303.)



    On the Sanchi stupa, fourth and fifth components are added to this, which may be called the s'rivatsa hieroglyhph multiplex, signifying the wealth earned as artificer: 


    A pair of fish-tails: fourth component: ayo 'fish' Rebus aya 'iron'; ayas 'metal' PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus dul aya 'metal caster.'


    It is notable that the antithetical S-curves denoting molluscs are ligatured with a pair of lotuses: tAmara 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper', thus emphasizing the artificer's work with copper alloys. An alternative set of readings is also possible, if the ligatures are viewed as a bunch of twigs:



    In the alternative reading of orthography of the pair of 'lotuses' ligatured, the hieroglyphs are seen as signifying 'pericarp of lotus'.


    Hieroglyph: kárṇikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka,  kāraṇikā  'scribe'. This reading is combined with sã̄khī 'mollusc' Rebus: sangin 'guild' to read the message as kāraṇikā sanghin 'scribes guild'.


    This alternative reading is suggested by a signifier relief at Sanchi showing scribes at prayer. In this relief, two scribes are seated in a worshipful state in front of a tablet filled with flower, twig and other hieroglyphs. It will be demonstrated in this monograph that it is likely that the artificers who build the ivory artifacts of Begram were the sculptors of Sanchi artifacts. This demonstration is reinforced by an inscription at Sanchi monument which indicates the donors to be: dantakara, 'ivory artisans'.  


    kūdī, kūṭī ‘bunch of twigs’ are the centre-piece of this relief. The centrality of  kuṭhi 'smelter' together with the making of metalware, tools and weapons as products of metalwork is what makes kole.l 'smithy-forge' a kole.l 'temple'.

    Just below the pair of 'twigs' are a row of 'X' hierogyphs which may denote ingots (ox-hide shape)

    Hieroglyphs atop Sanchi torana North gate constitute a hāra 'garland of flowers' (of) ib daṇḍu vartaka vaṭhāra,  'iron/metal business quarter of town -- of caravan, troop, party, company, guild' with kole.l 'temple' puja.

    vaṭhāra, quarter of town, palace; वठाण [ vaṭhāṇa ] n C (अवस्थान S) A room of a house or a suite of rooms; a division of a house as allotted to any person or purpose.
    वठार [ vaṭhāra ] m C A ward or quarter of a town. (Molesworth Marathi)

    The tree on a platform is the centre-piece. It is the temple.
    Detail of a panel: bas-relief of worshippers at the Bodhi tree.Bas relief panel.
    West Gateway, Stupa 1. south pillarWest Gateway. Sanchi.
    Sanchi East torana.
    Sanchi Western Gate
    Sanchi - Great Stupa gateway carving

    Venerated tree, garlanded. gaNa and worshippers. Tree atop ingot slab.
    Bharhut sculptural relief. The center-piece is the slab with hieroglyphs (sacred writing) held on the platform which holds a pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols (hieroglyphs). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using Meluhha glosses to explain the veneration of ayira-ariya dhamma. A related life-activity reading: ayira 'fish' rebus: aya'metal alloy'; karada 'saffower' rebus: karada 'hard alloy of metal'. This is work done in kole.l 'smithy' rebus: kole.l 'temple'.

    The central hieroglyphs flanked by two 'srivatsa' hieroglyphs are a pair of spathes:
    Hieroglyph: दळ (p. 406)[ daḷa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower. dula 'pair'
    Rebus: metalcast: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) dul 'cast metal'. The three 'x' on this frame are also hieroglyphs: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the sculptural composition is a narrative of work in a Meluhha smithy.

    Hieroglyphs (sacred writing) are held on the platform which holds a pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols (hieroglyphs). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using Meluhha glosses to explain the veneration of ayira-ariya dhamma.

    The 'tablet of destinies' with Indus Script inscriptions PLUS the bunch of twigs are the objects of veneration in this sculptural frieze.


    Tablet of destinies and Āyāgapaṭa


    Āyāgapaṭa are stone tablets set up outside temples or stupas as offerings of worship.

    .
    याग [p= 850,2] m. ( √1. यज्) an offering , oblation , sacrificeany ceremony in which offerings or oblations are presented Ya1jn5. Ragh. Ra1jat. &c 
    presentation , grant , bestowal Hcat. This root gloss yields a compound Meluhha phrase: आयागपट्ट Āyāgapaṭṭa. Use of Āyāgapaṭṭa pre-dates Bauddham and is evidenced in veneration of Jaina Arhants and Jaina temples. This practice of offerings is also comparable to the 'tablet of destinies' carried away by the s'yena (falcon) in Ancient Near East narratives reported from the days of Sumer civilization.
    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura.

    Jaina tablet being offered by Vasu, daughter of Lavana Sobhika, relief from Kankalitila, Mathura, India, Hindu Civilization, Kushan Empire, 1st century. Centre-piece hieroglyph composition atop the third, top architrave is a spathe-palm or palmetto ligatured with molluscs; sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ Rebus: sippī 'sculpture, sculptor'.

    The set of molluscs hieroglyphs occurs together with wheel of dharma: dhamma-chakka on a sculptural friese and on an AyAgapaTTa:

    Adoration Of Symbol Of Triratna Relief From Jamalgarhi Pakistan Indian Civilization Gandhara Period 1st CenturyBCE

    மரகதம் marakatam, n. < marakata. 1. Emerald, one of nava-maṇi, q.v.; நவமணியு ளொன்றான பச்சையிரத்தினம். மரகத மணியோடு வயிரங் குயிற்றிய (சிலப். 5, 147). 2. Green colour; பச்சைநிறம்.மரகதக்கதிரும் (பெரியபு. அமர்நீதி. 7). மரகதமேனியன் marakata-mēṉiyaṉ, n. < மரகதம் +. Viṣṇu, as green in color; திருமால். (W.)

    Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

    auspicious motif of two fishauspicious motif of two fishFoliagemotif. Fish tied in a pair of molluscs, flanking two arches 'M' shaped enshrining two slabs (with script) hangi 'molusc' Rebus: sanghi 'member of sangha, community' dAma 'tying' Rebus: dhamma 'dharma, consciousness-cosmic ordering'. ayira 'fish' rebus: ayira, ariya 'person of noble character, dharmin'.

    Depiction of torana, or gateway, of stupa, a fragment of a Jaina stupa railing, Kankali Tila, near Mathura (Government Museum, Lucknow). In ancient times, the symbols and motifs of the art of all faiths in India were the same. This depiction is identical to the toranas of Buddhist stupas of early times. Photo: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2420/stories/20071019505206400.htm

    On this sculpture, the garland is offered at the Torana, just below the first of three Architraves. The third, top Architrave is adorned by a set of molluscs+spathe of alm flanked by srivata hieoglyphs atop dharma-chakka 'wheel of dhamma, dharma'. 


    Association with metalwork is seen in the following frieze from Kankali Tila:


    Sculpted beam, stupa railing, Kankali, Mathura region, 2nd century B.C. The pulsating vine of the abundance of the natural order is carried by human figures as it courses through the world, bringing with it the wealth of nature.


    The stupa railing bottom register shows fire-altar next to a smelter hut followed by a tree adorned with safflower: karaDa 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy'. Next to the fire-altar is a basket: dhokra 'basket' Rebus: dhokra 'cire perdue metal caster'. Next to the fire-altar is a plate of fruit offerings. The top register shows pericarp of lotus: kárṇikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka,  kāraṇikā  'scribe'.
    Sanchi relief. Monkeys, tree, archer. kuThAru 'monkey' Rebus:kuhāru 'armourer or weapon-maker'. kamāṭhiyo'archer' Indus Script copper tablet hieroglyph to signify kammaṭa'coiner, mint'. 

    Sanchi reliefs. Adoration of tree with garlands.
    Prof. of Religion, Carthage College
    Buffalo heads on field of sculptural relief together with tree, bulls, antelopes, archers. Sanchi relief.Western gateway. Top right: a fire altar is flanked by two huts, smithies, brick-kilns.

    The tree is also worshipped by monkeys in Monkey Jataka narrative: kuThAru'monkey' Rebus: kuhāru 'armourer or weapons-maker'.
    Monkey jataka. kuThAru 'monkey' Rebus: kuhāru 'armourer or weapon-maker'.
    Monkeys are Indus Script hypertexts associated with the 'tree' hypertext.
    kuThAru 'monkey' Rebus:kuhāru 'armourer or weapon-maker'.
    North Gate. Sanchi.
    Medallion with monkeys and elephants, relief from Stupa of Bharhut
    Rebus 1: kuṭhi 'smelter' (Santali)

    Rebus 2:  guḍi 'A circle' (Telugu) గుడి [ guḍi ] 'temple'.

    Thus, reading this sculptural relief together with the North Gate Torana hieroglyph multiplex, the message is read as: kāraṇikā sanghin sippi dul aya dham̄a pujjā guḍi 'Temple of worship (by) scribes, shell-cutter, metalcaster, articer, guild'. 

    This alternative reading is consistent with 1) the work of Hackin, Hamelin and Sanjyot Mehendale who have documented the sculptural splendour of Begram with comparable motifs traceable in Sanchi and 2) the tradition in Bauddham of tisarana which had resulted in the veneration of Sanchi Stupa:

    Buddham saranam gacchami I go to the Buddha for refuge. Dhammam saranam gacchami I go to the Dhamma for refuge. Sangham saranam gacchami I go to the Sangha for refuge.

    The monograph includes excerpts from the insights provided by Hackin, Hamelin and Sanjyot Mehendale if bone and ivory carvings of Begram which can be compared with 
    the hieroglyph multiplex sets of Sanchi monument.

    Lotus: fifth component: tAmara 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper'.

    Fish-tail: S. puchu m. ʻ tail ʼ, °chī f. ʻ fish's tail ʼ Rebus: pūā -- , pujjā -- 'worship' (Prakritam). This gloss is explained semantically in Indian sprachbund (language union) signifying how the semantic evolution occurred from early worship of ancestors at a dagoba, i.e. dhatugarbha, heap of earth and stones: M. puj̈āviṇẽ ʻ to gather in a heap ʼ.2. Pa. pañja -- m. ʻ heap ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) p*lnǰi ʻ heap of stones as a memorial cairn ʼ; N. pã̄jo ʻ row of cut corn laid out to dry ʼ; B. pã̄jā ʻ wisp, bundle, stack, brickkiln ʼ; M. pã̄jī f. ʻ offering of food to a ghost ʼ. Thus, the gloss puj̈ā 'heap', i.e. stupa is puj̈ā 'veneration at a memorial cairn', a veneration of ancestors.

    Thus, together, the hieroglyph multiplex of four components reads rebus-metonymy Meluhha cipher: pujjā sã̄kh sippi tAmra dul aya dham̄a '(Place of) worship by shell-cutter, copper metalcaster, artificer'. Alternative reading: pujjā sã̄kh sippi dul aya dham̄a guḍi 'Temple of shell-cutter, metalcaster, articer guild'.

    This artificer, copper metalcaster is signified by the architect statue placed next to this hieroglyph multiplex.
     Just below this semantic message, a pair of winged rams are shown on the top architrave. meDha 'ram' Rebus; meD 'iron' (Ho. Munda); eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast'. Thus, the employment of the artificer is to work in iron and creating metalcastings using molten metal alloys.

    This hieroglyph multiplex occurs on top of the topmost third architrave of North gate (Torana) of Sanchi stupa. Together with this multiplex, two additional sets of hieroglyphs are displayed: A spoked wheel ligatured to four elephants as the centre-piece and a pair of winged-tigers flanking the entire set of hieroglyphs.

    The centre-piece hieroglyph multiplex is: four elephants ligatured to a spoked wheel.

    Spoked wheel ligatured to four elephants: 

    vaṭa 'circle' PLUS āra 'spokes' Rebus: vaṭhāra 'quarter of town'. 

    gaNda 'four' Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'
    ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'; dand, daṁta, daṁti -- m. ʻelephantʼ Rebus:  daṇḍu 'caravan, troop, party, company, guild'.

    Thus, together, the rebus-metonymy cipher signified by this centre-piece hieroglyph multiplex reads:kanda ib daṇḍu vaṭhāra 'quarter of town (of) fire-altar, iron-work guild'.

    A pair of winged tigers:

    The entire hieroglyph multiplex set is flanked by two winged tigers.

    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelters' PLUS eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the pair of winged tigers signify: kol dul eraka 'iron smelting metalcasters'.

    The entire hieroglyph multiplex adorning the top of the Northern Torana thus signifies an announcement like an advertisement board comparable to the Dholavira Gateway Board. The announcement is that the pilgrims are entering the quarter of the town --vaṭhāra-- of Vidisha (Besanagara) with smelters, iron workers, metalcasters, copper alloy smithy-forge. 

    This is also a temple of worship: pujjā sã̄kh sippi tAmra dul aya dham̄a '(Place of) worship by shell-cutter, copper metalcaster, artificer'.

    In Meluhha semantic tradition, kole.l signifies a smithy. The same gloss kole.l also signifies a temple. 

    Thus, the entire hieroglyph multiplex set adorning the top of the Northern Torana is an explanation that the pilgrims are entering a place of worship of ancestors who were shell-cutters, copper metalcasters and artificers. 

    This is thus a declaration of tradition continuum of metalwork deploying the Indus Script cipher of rebus-metonymy Meluhha to convey the message through inscribed, sculpted masterpieces of craftsmanship.

    See: http://tinyurl.com/ofda5rw A temple at Sanchi for Dhamma by a kāraṇikā sanghin 'guild of scribes' in Indus writing cipher continuum


    śāṅkhika ʻ relating to a shell ʼ W. 2. *śāṅkhinī -- (śaṅkhinī -- f. ʻ mother -- of -- pearl ʼ Bālar.). [śaṅkhá -- 1] 1. K. hāngi ʻ snail ʼ; B. sã̄khī ʻ possessing or made of shells ʼ.
    2. K. hö̃giñ f. ʻ pearl oyster shell, shell of any aquatic mollusc ʼ.(CDIAL 12380).

    śaṅkhá1 m. (n. lex.) ʻ conch -- shell ʼ AV., śaṅkhaka- m.n. MBh. Pa. saṅkha -- m. ʻ conch, mother -- of -- pearl ʼ; Pk. saṁkha -- m.n. ʻ conch ʼ, °khiyā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ; S. saṅghī f. ʻ a kind of bracelet ʼ; B. sã̄kh ʻ conch -- shell ʼ, sã̄khā, °kā, sẽkhā ʻ conch bracelet ʼ, Or. saṅkhā; OAw. sāṁkha m. ʻ conch -- shell ʼ, H. saṅkh m., Si. sak -- a, ha°. -- Lws. in S. saṅkhu m. ʻ conch ʼ, Ku. sã̄kh, sã̄k.1 [a < non -- apophonic IE. o (Gk. ko/gxos) T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 69] WPah.kṭg. śáṅkkh m. ʻ conch ʼ ← H.; Md. sangu ← Ind.; A. śã̄k (phonet. x -- ) ʻ bracelet made of shells ʼ(CDIAL 12263). śaṅkhakāra -- , °aka -- m. ʻ shell -- worker ʼ lex. [śaṅkhá -- 1, kāra -- 1] B. sã̄k(h)āri ʻ maker of conch -- shell bracelets ʼ; Or. saṅkhāri ʻ shell -- worker ʼ; -- or < śaṅkhadāraka  m. ʻ shell -- cutter ʼ lex. [śaṅkhá -- 1, dāra -- 1] (CDIAL 12265)

    śaṅkú1 m. ʻ peg, spike ʼ RV., ʻ stake, post ʼ MBh., ʻ stick, arrow ʼ Hariv.

    Pa. saṅku -- , °uka -- m. ʻ stake, spike, javelin ʼ, Pk. saṁku -- m.; Dm. šaṅ ʻ branch, twig ʼ, šã̄kolīˊ ʻ small do. ʼ, Gaw. šāṅkolīˊ; Kal.rumb. šoṅ (st. šoṅg -- ), urt. šaṅ ʻ branch ʼ; Kho. šoṅg ʻ a kind of shrub with white twigs (?) ʼ; Phal. šōṅ ʻ branch ʼ; P. saṅglā m. ʻ a plank bridge in the hills ʼ; A. xãkāli ʻ a kind of fishing spear ʼ; Si. aku -- va ʻ stake ʼ. -- X śāˊkhā -- : Gaw. šã̄khá, šã̄ká ʻ branch ʼ, Sv. šã̄khe; OG. sāṁkha m. ʻ beam ʼ. -- Connexion of the following is doubtful: S. sã̄ga f. ʻ one fork of a forked stick ʼ, sã̄gi f. ʻ spear ʼ; L. sāṅg, pl. °gã f. ʻ spear ʼ, sãgolā m. ʻ spear carried by a watchman ʼ; P. sã̄g f. ʻ prong, fork, point ʼ, sāṅgī f. ʻ pitchfork ʼ; H. sã̄g f. ʻ spear, instrument for digging wells ʼ, sã̄gī f. ʻ small spear ʼ; G. M. sã̄g f. ʻ iron spear ʼ. *śalyaśaṅku -- .śaṅku -- 2 ʻ a partic. tree ʼ see śāka -- 1. śaṅkú -- [Shgh. x̌ï/ūng ʻ stick ʼ not ← IA. e.g. Kho. šoṅg (CDIAL 12260).

    *sippī ʻ shell ʼ. [← Drav. Tam. cippi DED 2089] Pa. sippī -- , sippikā -- f. ʻ pearl oyster ʼ, Pk. sippī -- f., S. sipa f.; L. sipp ʻ shell ʼ, sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ, (Ju.) sip m., sippī f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ; P. sipp m., sippī f. ʻ shell, conch ʼ; Ku. sīpsīpi ʻ shell ʼ; N. sipi ʻ shell, snail shell ʼ; B. sip ʻ libation pot ʼ, chip ʻ a kind of swift canoe ʼ S. K. Chatterji CR 1936, 290 (or < kṣiprá -- ?); Or. sipa ʻ oyster shell, mother -- of -- pearl, shells burnt for lime ʼ; Bi.sīpī ʻ mussel shells for lime ʼ; OAw. sīpa f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ, H. sīp f.; G. sīp f. ʻ half an oyster shell ʼ, chīp f. ʻ shell ʼ; M. śīpśĩp f. ʻ a half shell ʼ, śĩpā m. ʻ oyster shell ʼ; -- Si. sippiya ʻ oyster shell ʼ ← Tam. (CDIAL 13417) Ta. ippi pearl-oyster, shell; cippi shell, shellfish, coconut shell for measuring out curds. Ma. ippi, cippi oyster shell. Ka. cippu, sippu, cimpi, cimpe, simpi, simpu, simpe oyster shell, mussel, cockle, a portion of the shell of a coconut, skull, a pearl oyster; (Gowda) cippi coconut shell. Tu. cippi coconut shell, oyster shell, pearl; tippi, sippi coconut shell. Te. cippa a shell; (kobbari co) coconut shell; (mōkāli co) knee-pan, patella; (tala co) skull; (muttepu co) mother-of-pearl. Go. (Ma.) ipi shell, conch (Voc. 174). / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 13417, *sippī-; Pali sippī- pearl oyster, Pkt. sippī- id., etc. (DEDR 2535).

    Rebus: śílpa n. ʻ artistic work ʼ Br. ʻ manual craft ʼ Mn. [śilpá -- ʻ bright, decorative ʼ VS. -- Derivation from *piśla -- (P. Tedesco Language 23, 383) is improbable]
    Pa. sippa -- , °aka -- n. ʻ art, craft ʼ, NiDoc. śilpa, Pk. sippa -- n.; Ku. sīp ʻ skill, ability ʼ, N. sip (Ku. N. sipālu ʻ clever, dexterous ʼ), OAw. sīpa; Si. sip -- a ʻ art, handiwork ʼ.śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]
    Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ. (CDIAL 12470, 12471)
    śācipūjana Renowned, earnest adoration attested in Rigveda

    śācipūjana RV viii.17, 12 is a Rigveda phrase.शाचि--पूजन [p= 1063,2]  having earnest worship (Monier-Williams) Renowned adoration (Sayana's explanation of the Rca).

    Thus, renowned, earnest adoration is śācipūjana. This adoration and worship with garlands and flowers is depicted on many sculptures of the stupa, temple at Sanchi.



    8.017.01 Come, we express, Indra, for you, the Soma; drink it; sit down upon this my sacred grass.
    8.017.02 Let your long-maned horses, Indra, that are yoked by prayers, bring you here, anddo you hear our prayers.
    8.017.03 We bra_hman.as, offerers of Soma, bearing the effused Soma, invoke with suitable (prayers), you the drinker of the Soma. [We bra_hmna.as = i.e. brahma_n.ah = bra_hamn.a_h]
    8.017.04 Come to us offering the libation, accept our earnest praises; drink, handsome-jawed, of the (sacrificial) beverage.
    8.017.05 I fill your belly (with the libation); let is spread throughout the limbs; take the honied Soma with your tongue. [Belly: kuks.yoh, in the dual: Indra has two bellies, indrasya hi dve udare; fill both the bellies of the slayer Vr.tra; or, the reference may only be to the right and left sides, or the upper and lower portions of the same belly, yadva_ ekasyaiva udarasya savyadaks.in.abhedena u_rddhva_dhobha_gena va_ dvitam].
    8.017.06 May the sweet-flavoured Soma be grateful to you, who are munificent; (may it be grateful) to your body may it be exhilarating to your heart.
    8.017.07 May this Soma, invested (with milk), approach you, observant Indra, like a bride (clad in white apparel). [Bride: janir iva = ja_ya_ iva, like brides; s'uklair vastraih sam.vr.tah; sam.vr.tah = covered or invested by, an epithet of Soma, payahprabhr.tibhih, by milk and other ingredients].
    8.017.08 Long-necked, large-bellied, strong-armed Indra, in the exhilaration of the (sacrificial) food, destroys his enemies.
    8.017.09 Indra, who by your strength are the lord over all, come to us, slayer of Vr.tra, subdue our foes.
    8.017.10 Long be your goad, wherewith you bestow wealth upon the sacrificer offering libations. [Goad: or, crook; an:kus'a = an instrument for drawing towards us things out of reach].
    8.017.11 This Soma, purified (by filtering) through the sacred grass is for you, Indra, come to it, hasten, drink. [Sacred grass: or, purified (by being) filtered through the cloth called das'a_ pavitra over the sacred grass (strewed on the vedi)].
    8.017.12 Renowned for radiance, renowned for adoration, this libation is for your gratification; destroyer of foes, you are earnestly invoked. [Radiance: s'a_cigo: s'akta_ ga_vo yasya, he whose cattle are strong; s'a_cayah = vyakta_h, manifest; or, prakhya_ta_h, famous; ga_Vah = ras'mayah, rays, i.e., of renowned or manifest brilliance; s'a_cipu_jana = prakhya_tapu_jana, of renowned adoration; or, whose hymns are renowned].
    8.017.13 (Indra), who was the offspring of S'r.n:gavr.s.a, of whom the kun.d.apa_yya rite was the protector, (the sages) have fixed (of old) their minds upon this ceremony. [S'r.n:gavr.s.a: yas te s'r.n:gavr.s.o napa_t pran.apa_tkun.d.apa_yyah = he was, S'r.n:gavr.s.a, your grandson, your great-grandson, Kun.d.apa_yya; a legend is cited: Indra takes upon himself the character of the son of a r.s.i names S'r.n:gavr.s.a (or S'r.n:gavr.s.an); napat = apatya, offspring generally; S'r.n:gavr.s.a = the sun, i.e. s'r.n:gair vars.ati, he rains with rays; na-pat = not causing to fall, na pa_tayita_, i.e. he who was the establisher of the sun, the heaven, Indra. Kun.d.apa_yya = a ceremony in which the Soma is drunk from a vessel called Kun.d.a (Pa_n.ini, 3.1.130), and this is said to be te pran.apa_t = tava raks.ita_, the protector of you, Indra].
    8.017.14 Lord of dwellings, may the (roof) pillar be strong; may there be vigour of body for the offerers of libation; may Indra, the drinker (of the Soma), the destroyer of the numerous cities (of the asuras), ever be the friend of the Munis.
    8.017.15 With head uplifted like a serpent, adorable, the recoverer of the cattle, Indra single, is superior to multitudes; (the worshipper) brings Indra to drink the Soma by a rapid seizure, like a loaded horse (by a halter). [With head uplifted: pr.da_kusa_nu = pr.da_kuh sarpah, a serpent; sa iva sa_nuh samucchr.tah tadvad unnatas'iraskah, having the head lifted up in like manner; sa_nu = sam.bhajani_ya, to be served or propitiated as a snake is, with many gems, mantras, medicaments; sa yatha bahubhir man.imantraus.adha_dibhis sam.sevyo na_lpai evam indropi bahubhis stotra_dibhir yatnais sevyah; by a rapid seizure: gr.bha = means of seizing, i.e. a praise].


    Pūja (adj.) [Epic Sk. pūjya, cp. pujja] to be honoured, honourable A iii.78 (v. l.; T. pūjja); J iii.83 (apūja= apūjanīya C.); pūjaŋ karoti to do homage Vism 312. Pūjanā (f.) [fr. pūjeti] veneration, worship A ii.203 sq.; Dh 106, 107; Pug 19; Dhs 1121; Miln 162.Pūjā (f.) [fr. pūj, see pūjeti] honour, worship, devotional attention A i.93 (āmisa˚, dhamma˚); v.347 sq.; Sn 906; Dh 73, 104; Pv i.55; i.512; Dpvs vii.12 (cetiya˚); SnA 350; PvA 8; Sdhp 213, 230, 542, 551.  -- âraha worthy of veneration, deserving attention Dh 194; DhA iii.251. -- karaṇa doing service, paying homage PvA 30. -- kāra=karaṇa DhA ii.44. Pūjita [pp. of pūjeti] honoured, revered, done a service S i.175, 178; ii.119; Th 1, 186; Sn 316; Ud 73 (sakkata mānita p. apacita); Pv i.42 (=paṭimānita C.); ii.810. Pūjiya [=pūja, Sk. pūjya] worthy to be honoured Sn 527; J v.405; Sdhp 542.Pūjeti [pūj, occurring in Rigveda only in śācipūjana RV viii.16, 12] to honour, respect, worship, revere Sn 316 (Pot. pūjayeyya), 485 (imper. pūjetha); Dh 106, 195; DA i.256; PvA 54 (aor. sakkariŋsu garukkariŋsu mānesuŋ pūjesuŋ); Sdhp 538. -- pp. pūjita (q. v.)(Pali)

    This is a tribute to Hackin, Hamelin, Auboyer & Sanjyot Mehendale for documenting the sculptural splendour of Begram ivories, many of which compare with hieroglyhs on the sculptural splendour of Sanchi Stupa.

    Sculpture of Amrawati in Govt. Museum Madras showing Śrīvatsa atop molluscs and circle (flower): sangha puja; kolA 'tail' Rebus: kole.l 'temple, smithy'. Phonetic determinant: kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelters' kole.l 'smithy'.
    See: http://docslide.net/documents/stupa-as-temple-srivatsa-as-hieroglyph.html

    It is possible to interpret the unique hieroglyph multiplex of Sanchi North Torana  of both the śrīvatsa PLUS 'architect' as signifying: śrīvatsa kāraṇikā 
    seṭṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻforeman of a guildʼ or guild-master of kāraṇikā sanghin 'guild of scribes'.

    śrīˊ f. ʻ light, beauty ʼ RV., ʻ welfare, riches ʼ AV. Pa. Pk. sirī -- f., Pk.  -- f. ʻ prosperity ʼ; M. -- s hon. affix to names of relationship (e.g. āj̈ā -- sājī -- s) LM 412. -- Si. siri ʻ health, happiness ʼ (EGS 180) ← Pa. <-> (CDIAL 12708) śrḗyas ʻ better ʼ RV., ʻ auspicious ʼ MBh., n. ʻ better state ʼ AV. [śrīˊ -- ] Pa. seyyō nom. sg. m. ʻ excellent ʼ, n. ʻ happiness ʼ; Pk. sēa -- ʻ fortunate ʼ, n. ʻ fortune ʼ, sēaṁsa -- , sejjaṁsa -- adj.; Gy. pal. šē ʻ happy ʼ (š -- < * -- < śr -- ).(CDIAL 12721) śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ] Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ.śrēṣṭhin -- .śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)

    श्री--वत्स [p= 1100,1]  an epithet of Viṣṇu. -2 a mark or curl of hair on the breast of Viṣṇu; प्रभानुलिप्त- श्रीवत्सं लक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणम् R.1.1. (Samskritam.Apte) m. " favourite of श्री " N. of विष्णु L.partic. mark or curl of hair on the breast of विष्णु or कृष्ण (and of other divine beings ; said to be white and represented in pictures by a symbol resembling a cruciform flower) MBh. Ka1v. &c the emblem of the tenth जिन (or विष्णु's mark so used) L. (Monier-Williams)

    Next to the srivatsa hieroglyph is a smith at work on the following frieze:

    A smith at work. Relief also shows roof of smithy with a base or bricks. On the left is the pair of inerted fish-tails. Bharhut coping from stupa, Cleveland Museum, Sunga, India, 2nd Century, B.C.E, Sculpture and painting- The Cleveland Museum, ACSAA

    Evolution of S'rivatsa hieroglyph multiplex -- From Mathura (Jaina) to Sanchi (Dharma) to Amaravati (Bauddham - Dhamma)

    Hackin 1954, p.169, figs.18 Ivory? Size: 10.6 x 15.8 x 0.4 cm Rectangular plaque depicting three palmettos with curled-up ends, held together by rings made up of lotus petals. Between the palmettos elongated fruit is shown . This scene is bordered by a band depicting a series of four-leaved flowers set in a square frame.

    In this hieroglyhphic multiplex, there are three distinct orthographic components:

    Mollusc 1. mollusc (snail) pair depicted by a pair of antithetical S curved lines: sã̄khī Rebus: sã̄kh ʻconch-shell-cutterʼ
    Palmetto or Spathe 2. spathe of a palm or palmetto: sippī f. ʻspathe of date palmʼ Rebus: sippi 'artificer, craftsman'
    Tied together, cord 3. a thread or cord that ties the mollusc pair and spath in the centre together into a composite orthographic unit. dām ʻropeʼ Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' dham̄a ʻemployment in the royal administrationʼ.

    Bharhut. Medallion. Venerating a circle of palmetto and karaDa 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy'.

    On the Sanchi stupa, fourth and fifth components are added to this, which may be called the s'rivatsa hieroglyhph multiplex, signifying the wealth earned as artificer:

    A pair of fish-tails: fourth component: ayo 'fish' Rebus aya 'iron'; ayas 'metal' PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus dul aya 'metal caster.'

    It is notable that the antithetical S-curves denoting molluscs are ligatured with a pair of lotuses: tAmara 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper', thus emphasizing the artificer's work with copper alloys. An alternative set of readings is also possible, if the ligatures are viewed as a bunch of twigs:


    In the alternative reading of orthography of the pair of 'lotuses' ligatured, the hieroglyphs are seen as signifying 'pericarp of lotus'.

    Hieroglyph: kárṇikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka,  kāraṇikā  'scribe'. This reading is combined with sã̄khī 'mollusc' Rebus: sangin 'guild' to read the message as kāraṇikā sanghin 'scribes guild'.

    This alternative reading is suggested by a signifier relief at Sanchi showing scribes at prayer. In this relief, two scribes are seated in a worshipful state in front of a tablet filled with flower, twig and other hieroglyphs. It will be demonstrated in this monograph that it is likely that the artificers who build the ivory artifacts of Begram were the sculptors of Sanchi artifacts. This demonstration is reinforced by an inscription at Sanchi monument which indicates the donors to be: dantakara, 'ivory artisans'.  

    Just below the pair of 'twigs' are a row of 'X' hierogyphs which may denote ingots (ox-hide shape)

    Hieroglyphs (sacred writing) are held on the platform which holds a pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols (hieroglyphs). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using Meluhha glosses to explain the veneration of ayira-ariya dhamma.

    The 'tablet of destinies' with Indus Script inscriptions PLUS the bunch of twigs are the objects of veneration in this sculptural frieze.

    Tablet of destinies and Āyāgapaṭṭa

    Āyāgapaṭṭa are stone tablets set up outside temples or stupas as offerings of worship.
    .
    याग [p= 850,2] m. ( √1. यज्) an offering , oblation , sacrificeany ceremony in which offerings or oblations are presented Ya1jn5. Ragh. Ra1jat. &c
    presentation , grant , bestowal Hcat. This root gloss yields a compound Meluhha phrase: आयागपट्ट Āyāgapaṭṭa. Use of Āyāgapaṭṭa pre-dates Bauddham and is evidenced in veneration of Jaina Arhants and Jaina temples. This practice of offerings is also comparable to the 'tablet of destinies' carried away by the s'yena (falcon) in Ancient Near East narratives reported from the days of Sumer civilization.



    Susa ritual basin decorated with goatfish figures, molluscs. Compared with śrivatsa depicted on sāñci stūpa andMathura Lion Capital.
    Note the pattern of molluscs on the Mathur panel which compares with Susa ritual basin glyphic. Photograph of a sculpture panel from Mathura, taken by Edmund William Smith in the
    1880s-1890s. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and
    important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular
    prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist,
    Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from
    all three represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of
    photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was
    ayagapata [homage panel]."The tablet shows a representation of a stupa with a staircase
    leading up to a terrace which is surrounded by a railing similar of those of the stupas of Bharhut and Sanchi. It appears from the inscription that the tablet is Jain. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum."
    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura.
    Jaina tablet being offered by Vasu, daughter of Lavana Sobhika, relief from Kankalitila, Mathura, India, Hindu Civilization, Kushan Empire, 1st century. Centre-piece hieroglyph composition atop the third, top architrave is a spathe-palm or palmetto ligatured with molluscs; sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ Rebus: sippī 'sculpture, sculptor'.

    The set of molluscs hieroglyphs occurs together with wheel of dharma: dhamma-chakka on a sculptural friese and on an AyAgapaTTa:
    Adoration Of Symbol Of Triratna Relief From Jamalgarhi Pakistan Indian Civilization Gandhara Period 1st CenturyBCE

    மரகதம் marakatam, n. < marakata. 1. Emerald, one of nava-maṇi, q.v.; நவமணியு ளொன்றான பச்சையிரத்தினம். மரகத மணியோடு வயிரங் குயிற்றிய (சிலப். 5, 147). 2. Green colour; பச்சைநிறம்.மரகதக்கதிரும் (பெரியபு. அமர்நீதி. 7). மரகதமேனியன் marakata-mēṉiyaṉ, n. < மரகதம் +. Viṣṇu, as green in color; திருமால். (W.)
    auspicious motif of two fishauspicious motif of two fishFoliagemotif. Fish tied in a pair of molluscs, flanking two arches 'M' shaped enshrining two slabs (with script) hangi 'molusc' Rebus: sanghi 'member of sangha, community' dAma 'tying' Rebus: dhamma 'dharma, consciousness-cosmic ordering'. ayira 'fish' rebus: ayira, ariya 'person of noble character, dharmin'.

    Depiction of torana, or gateway, of stupa, a fragment of a Jaina stupa railing, Kankali Tila, near Mathura (Government Museum, Lucknow). In ancient times, the symbols and motifs of the art of all faiths in India were the same. This depiction is identical to the toranas of Buddhist stupas of early times. Photo: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2420/stories/20071019505206400.htm

    On this sculpture, the garland is offered at the Torana, just below the first of three Architraves. The third, top Architrave is adorned by a set of molluscs+spathe of alm flanked by srivata hieoglyphs atop dharma-chakka 'wheel of dhamma, dharma'.

    Association with metalwork is seen in the following frieze from Kankali Tila:

    Sculpted beam, stupa railing, Kankali, Mathura region, 2nd century B.C. The pulsating vine of the abundance of the natural order is carried by human figures as it courses through the world, bringing with it the wealth of nature.


    The stupa railing bottom register shows fire-altar next to a smelter hut followed by a tree adorned with safflower: karaDa 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy'. Next to the fire-altar is a basket: dhokra 'basket' Rebus: dhokra 'cire perdue metal caster'. Next to the fire-altar is a plate of fruit offerings. The top register shows pericarp of lotus: kárṇikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka,  kāraṇikā  'scribe'.
    How life-forms perceive or comprehend meaning of life and living is a philosophical enquiry related to all activities, all phenomena. Philosophy of symbolic forms is a subset of this enquiry.

    The hieroglyphs used to denote dhamma is a garland or rope, dhāma, 'rope, garland'. This hieroglyph was used in the context of sculptural metaphors commonly used by all Bharatam Janam, 'metalcasters'. 

    Be they adherants of Bauddha, Jaina or Hindu paths, be they ariya, ayira or mleccha, meluhha, they were allbharatam janam 'metalcasters'. The hieroglyph which denoted ariya-ayira was: ayira, 'fish'. The hieroglyph which denoted puja was puci, pici 'tail (of) fish'.

    The sangha as a community with common socio-economic interests and founded on dharma-dhamma was an extension of the discipline of corporate behavior associated with an artisan or trade guild during the Bronze Age.

    Ariya, Ayira was a Meluhha gloss which connoted a person of noble character contributing to the welfare; such a person was a sotthiya, blessed.

    Thus, four key terms in the evolution of the sacredness associated with the glosses and related hieroglyphs: dharm-dhammasanghaariya-ayira and puja (worship). The worship was a recognition of the cosmic phenomena which made smithy (kole.l) a metaphor for a temple (kole.l) where the community celebrates the joint wealth-producing life-activities by trade exchanges, journeys on caravans and as seafaring artisans and merchants. The puja (worship) can be for a hieroglyph of a stake (linga: meDh 'stake' rebus: meDh 'helper of merchant') or a tree (kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter') or a person seated in meditation (kamaDha 'penance' rebus: kampaTTa 'mint') with horns (koD 'horns' rebus: koD 'artisan's workshop'). Extension of life-activities merge into the process of transformation from Being to Becoming, reinforced by written-down hieroglyphic representations of cosmic-consciousness order of dharma-dhamma which seem to coalesce in nihs'reyas (beatitude or absolution), contemplation of the divine dance of the cosmic dancer. [Explaining the compound: निः [p= 538,3] for निस् (q.v.) before a sibilant meaning: 'out , forth , away' + śrēyas श्रेयस् , thus niśrēyas 'forth into beatitude' which is attained by dharma-dhamma.]

    Note on rebus reading of svastika hieroglyph on Sanchi stupa and Jaina Ayagapata

    Pali etyma point to the use of 卐 with semant. 'auspicious mark'; on the Sanchi stupa; the cognate gloss is: sotthika, sotthiya 'blessed'. 

    Or. ṭaü ʻ zinc, pewter ʼ(CDIAL 5992). jasta 'zinc' (Hindi) sathya, satva 'zinc' (Kannada) The hieroglyph used on Indus writing consists of two forms: 卍. Considering the phonetic variant of Hindi gloss, it has been suggested for decipherment of Meluhha hieroglyphs in archaeometallurgical context that the early forms for both the hieroglyph and the rebus reading was: satya.

    The semant. expansion relating the hieroglyph to 'welfare' may be related to the resulting alloy of brass achieved by alloying zinc with copper. The brass alloy shines like gold and was a metal of significant value, as significant as the tin (cassiterite) mineral, another alloying metal which was tin-bronze in great demand during the Bronze Age in view of the scarcity of naturally occurring copper+arsenic or arsenical bronze.

    I suggest that the Meluhha gloss was a phonetic variant recorded in Pali etyma: sotthiya. This gloss was represented on Sanchi stupa inscription and also on Jaina ayagapata offerings by worshippers of ariya, ayira dhamma, by the same hieroglyph (either clockwise-twisting or anti-clockwise twisting rotatory symbol of svastika). Linguists may like to pursue this line further to suggest the semant. evolution of the hieroglyph over time, from the days of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization to the narratives of Sanchi stupa or Ayagapata of Kankali Tila.

    स्वस्ति [ svasti ] ind S A particle of benediction. Ex. राजा तुला स्वस्ति असो O king! may it be well with thee!; रामाय स्वस्ति रावणाय स्वस्ति! 2 An auspicious particle. 3 A term of sanction or approbation (so be it, amen &c.) 4 Used as s n Welfare, weal, happiness.स्वस्तिक [ svastika ] n m S A mystical figure the inscription of which upon any person or thing is considered to be lucky. It is, amongst the जैन, the emblem of the seventh deified teacher of the present era. It consists of 卍. 2 A temple of a particular form with a portico in front. 3 Any auspicious or lucky object.(Marathi)

    svasti f. ʻ good fortune ʼ RV. [su -- 2, √as1]Pa. suvatthi -- , sotthi -- f. ʻ well -- being ʼ, NiDoc. śvasti; Pk. satthi -- , sotthi -- f. ʻ blessing, welfare ʼ; Si. seta ʻ good fortune ʼ < *soti (H. Smith EGS 185 < sustha -- ). svastika ʻ *auspicious ʼ, m. ʻ auspicious mark ʼ R. [svastí -- ]Pa. sotthika -- , °iya -- ʻ auspicious ʼ; Pk. satthia -- , sot° m. ʻ auspicious mark ʼ; H. sathiyāsati° m. ʻ mystical mark of good luck ʼ; G. sāthiyɔ m. ʻ auspicious mark painted on the front of a house ʼ.(CDIAL 13915, 13916)

     Nibbānasotthi (welfare). saccena suvatthi hotu nibbānaŋ Sn 235.Sotthi (f.) [Sk. svasti=su+asti] well -- being, safety, bless ing A iii.38=iv.266 ("brings future happiness"); J i.335; s. hotu hail! D i.96; sotthiŋ in safety, safely Dh 219 (=anupaddavena DhA iii.293); Pv iv.64(=nirupaddava PvA 262); Sn 269; sotthinā safely, prosperously D i.72, 96; ii.346; M i.135; J ii.87; iii.201. suvatthi the same J iv.32. See sotthika & sovatthika. -- kamma a blessing J i.343. -- kāra an utterer of blessings, a herald J vi.43. -- gata safe wandering, prosperous journey Mhvs 8, 10; sotthigamana the same J i.272. -- bhāva well -- being, prosperity, safety J i.209; iii.44; DhA ii.58; PvA 250. -- vācaka utterer of blessings, a herald Miln 359. -- sālā a hospital Mhvs 10, 101.Sotthika (& ˚iya) (adj.) [fr. sotthi] happy, auspicious, blessed, safe VvA 95; DhA ii.227 (˚iya; in phrase dīgha˚ one who is happy for long [?]).Sotthivant (adj.) [sotthi+vant] lucky, happy, safe Vv 8452.Sovatthika (adj.) [either fr. sotthi with diaeresis, or fr. su+atthi+ka=Sk. svastika] safe M i.117; Vv 187 (=sotthika VvA 95); J vi.339 (in the shape of a svastika?); Pv iv.33 (=sotthi -- bhāva -- vāha PvA 250). -- âlankāra a kind of auspicious mark J vi.488. (Pali)
    [quote]Cunningham, later the first director of the Archaeological Survey of India, makes the claim in: The Bhilsa Topes (1854). Cunningham, surveyed the great stupa complex at Sanchi in 1851, where he famously found caskets of relics labelled 'Sāriputta' and 'Mahā Mogallāna'. [1] The Bhilsa Topes records the features, contents, artwork and inscriptions found in and around these stupas. All of the inscriptions he records are in Brāhmī script. What he says, in a note on p.18, is: "The swasti of Sanskrit is the suti of Pali; the mystic cross, or swastika is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the combination of the two syllables, su + ti = suti." There are two problems with this. While there is a word suti in Pali it is equivalent to Sanskrit śruti'hearing'. The Pali equivalent ofsvasti is sotthi; and svastika is either sotthiya or sotthika. Cunningham is simply mistaken about this. The two letters su + ti in Brāhmī script are not much like thesvastika. This can easily been seen in the accompanying image on the right, where I have written the word in the Brāhmī script. I've included the Sanskrit and Pali words for comparison. Cunningham's imagination has run away with him. Below are two examples of donation inscriptions from the south gate of the Sanchi stupa complex taken from Cunningham's book (plate XLX, p.449). 

    "Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

    1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].
    2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

    http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html

    The purport of this monograph is to collate evidence on dharma from archaeological and lexical sources and evaluate the evidence in the context of inscriptions of Indus writing and related Meluhha hieroglyphs of Indian sprachbund. to provide a framework for narrating Itihasa of Bharatam Janam, 'History of ancient metalcasters' during the Bronze Age.

    Thanks to James G. Lochtefeld of Carthage College who has produced exquisite phographs from Sanchi sculptural reliefs which provide glimpses to the lives of ancient Bharatam Janam.
    Bharhut sculptural relief. The center-piece is the slab with hieroglyphs (sacred writing) held on the platform which holds a pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols (hieroglyphs). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using Meluhha glosses to explain the veneration of ayira-ariya dhamma. A related life-activity reading: ayira 'fish' rebus: aya'metal alloy'; karada 'saffower' rebus: karada 'hard alloy of metal'. This is work done in kole.l 'smithy' rebus: kole.l 'temple'.

    The central hieroglyphs flanked by two 'srivatsa' hieroglyphs are a pair of spathes:
    Hieroglyph: दळ (p. 406)[ daḷa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower. dula 'pair'
    Rebus: metalcast: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) dul 'cast metal'. The three 'x' on this frame are also hieroglyphs: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the sculptural composition is a narrative of work in a Meluhha smithy.


    Many reliefs depict life-activities of people. Many symbols are hieroglyphs read rebus, related to dharma and archaeometallurgy, lapidary work on semiprecious stones and work with sea-shells (turbinella pyrum).
    Fire altar. Smith at work. In front of the hut, smithy. Tree on field. Swan or goose on field. kanda 'fire-altar' (Santali)
    Sanchi sculptural relief: What is the fire altar flanked by two roofed huts?
    Veneration of the tree, surrounded by dwarfs, gaNa. kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
    Hieroglyph composition of spathe+ molluscs clanked by elephants.

    Hieroglyph: spathe, buds flanked by molluscs -- atop a ring flanked by two petas, dala 'petal'. DhALako 'ingot'
    Venerated tree, garlanded. gaNa and worshippers. Tree atop ingot slab.




    Lakshmi flanked by elephants. Divinity of wealth. Hieroglyphs: ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali) dula 'pair' rebus:dul 'cast metal'. Hence, dul ib 'cast iron'.

    Kaustubha (Sanskrit कौस्तुभ:) is a divine jewel or "Mani", belongs to Divinity Vishnu who lives in the Ksheera Sagara - "the ocean of milk". Kaustubha is one of the fourteen treasure jewels (Ratna) that emerged from the churning of the ocean, kshirasagara manthanam. Divinity Shiva that nobody in the universe except Divinity Vishnu could handle the brilliance and magnificence of this "Mani" (javheri), since it could corrupt the bearer by infusing in him or her a greed to carry it forever. Kaustubha adorns the neck of Hindu Divinity Vithoba विठोबा  as a green color pearl in Pandharpur Hindu temple. For remembered memory of ancient activities of pitr-s, see the name khirsara given to a village with an archaeological site in the Indian Ocean coastline of Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization. 

    Khirsara provides archaeometallurgical evidence of rudimentary, practical knowledge of litharge, metaphor of Samudramanthanam narrative and an evolutionary History of Hindu Chemistry
    Kaustubha ratna held in the hand of the cosmic dancer in a sculptural relief.


      Swastika-patta, Tablet of Homage carved with a Svastika, Mathura, from the JainaKankali Tila at Mathura. About 1st century A.D. now preserved in Lucknow Museum.


    Jain votive plaque. Ayagapata.Mathura UP, Kankali Tila. Kushana (2nd c. CE). 65 x 57.5 cm. National Museum, New Delhi
    Matsya yugala, triratna, srivatsa, makara, dharma cakra, s’ankha, purnaghat.a are remarkable metaphors.of stupa (sanchi and barhut) and also Bergram ivory/bone carvings. Some of these glyphs also appear on the as.t.amangala (eight auspicious representations or metaphors) haara worn by yakshi [other glyphs added include svastika, dhvaja or pennant, darpana (mirror)]



    Foliagemotif. Fish tied in a pair of molluscs, flanking two arches 'M' shaped enshrining two slabs (with script) hangi 'molusc' Rebus: sanghi 'member of sangha, community' dAma 'tying' Rebus: dhamma 'dharma, consciousness-cosmic ordering'. ayira 'fish' rebus: ayira, ariya 'person of noble character, dharmin'.

    Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.
    Sanchi reliefs. Adoration of tree with garlands.
    Prof. of Religion, Carthage College
    Buffalo heads on field of sculptural relief together with tree, bulls, antelopes, archers. Sanchi relief.Western gateway. Top right: a fire altar is flanked by two huts, smithies, brick-kilns.
    View of the Jain stupa as excavated, Kankali Tila, Mathura
    Kankali Tila. Jaina Stupa; photo taken in 1889.
    Ek Mukhi Siva Linga, Kushana period (Government Museum, Lucknow). The Siva Linga is one of the most profound symbols of humankind. It is the "mark" of the unmanifest eternal manifesting itself in innumerable forms of the world. Simultaneously, it embodies the vital forces of nature in the manifest world. It is the hieroglyph which denotes 'ingot smelter': hieroglyph: mukha lo Rebus: muh loh 'ingot copper'
    Woman's Shringhar, Kushana period, scene on a pillar railing (Government Museum, Mathura). The grace and delicacy of the human form is sensitively expressed in this scene, which meets the worshipper's eye as he goes around the stupa. The centre-piece of the doorway of the stupa is the hieroglyph 'ingot': mukha lo Rebus: muh loh 'ingot copper'. This divinity is venerated by the worshippers wearing large anklets (perhaps of metal).
    Molluscs on Susa ritual basin compared with Molluscs on Sanchi Monument Stupa II Huntington Scan Number 0010873 (See more examples in: http://www.scribd.com/doc/13267649/Resources-Hieroglyphs-Ancient-Indian-Tradition)

    See: Molluscs on Susa ritual basin compared with Molluscs on Sanchi Monument Stupa II Huntington Scan Number 0010873 (See more examples in: http://www.scribd.com/doc/13267649/Resources-Hieroglyphs-Ancient-Indian-Tradition) See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/10/meluhha-hieroglyphs-evidence-of.html 

    Śrīvatsa symbol variants found at Kankalitila, Mathura,late1st cent.BCE: with variants in about five Jaina āyāgapaṭṭa-s; a fish is shown in the middle apparently tied to two strings (or, molluscs) on either side; apparently, this ligatured pictorial formed the basis for the evolution of the Śrīvatsa symbol almost looking like a stylized trident. (After Pl. 30 C in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian Symbols, Numismatic Evidence, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, U.P., 1975,Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p. 77). The hieroglyph composition of fish tied to a pair of molluscs can be read rebus: ayira ‘fish’; dhama ‘tie’; hangi ‘snail’; pair ‘dul’; Rebus: arya, ayira ‘noble’; dhama ‘global ethic’: ayira dhama; ayira sangha ‘community’; dol ‘picture,form’. Thus, the composition connotes the message: ariya dhamma, ariya sangha. When the scribe had to depict a grapheme which sounded close to the word, ‘dhamma’, the artisan chose the form of a tied up up – tied to a fish, ayir; rebus: ayira, arya. The use of ‘fish’ glyphs (ayir ‘fish’) can be explained as rebus representations of the nobility associated in Jaina tradition with the word ayira (metath. Arya) ‘noble person’. Pali: Ayira (& Ayyira) (n. -- adj.) [Vedic ārya, Metathesis for ariya as diaeretic form of ārya, of which the contracted (assimilation) form is ayya. 

    An idential symbol is depicted at sāñci stūpa (Smith, VA, Jaina Stupa, p. 15, Pl. VII, L. Buhler, Epigraphica Indica II, pp. 200, 313; Agrawala, VS, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 4). 
    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/susa-ritual-basin-decorated-with.html

    āyāgapaṭa (タāyāgapaṭa) are also called deva-Paṭṭa

    "In Jainism, Srivatsa often marks the chest of the Tirthankara image. It is one of the ashtamangala (auspicious symbol). It can look somewhat like a fleur-de-lis, an endless knot, a flower or diamond-shaped symbol." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Srivatsa

    The centre-piece being venerated in the temple precinct flanked by the pair of fish-tails combine is a bunch of twigs:

    kūdī, kūṭī ‘bunch of twigs’ are the centre-piece of this relief. The centrality of  kuṭhi 'smelter' together with the making of metalware, tools and weapons as products of metalwork is what makes kole.l 'smithy-forge' a kole.l 'temple'.

    On the relief, the veneration is at one stage is to the bunch of twigs; at another stage, the veneration is to a tree on a platform or roof of a smelter. This tree is venerated with garlands:
    Sanchi reliefs. Adoration of tree with garlands.
    Prof. of Religion, Carthage College
    Venerated tree, garlanded. gaNa and worshippers. Tree atop ingot slab.

    Sanchi relief. Monkeys, tree, archer.
    The tree is also worshipped by monkeys in Monkey Jataka narrative: kuThAru 'monkey' Rebus: 
    kuhāru  'armourer or weapons-maker'.
    Medallion with monkeys and elephants, relief from Stupa of Bharhut
    Rebus 1: kuṭhi 'smelter' (Santali)

    Rebus 2:  guḍi 'A circle' (Telugu) గుడి [ guḍi ] 'temple'.

    Thus, reading this sculptural relief together with the North Gate Torana hieroglyph multiplex, the message is read as: kāraṇikā sanghin sippi dul aya dham̄a pujjā guḍi 'Temple of worship (by) scribes, shell-cutter, metalcaster, articer, guild'. 

    This alternative reading is consistent with 1) the work of Hackin, Hamelin and Sanjyot Mehendale who have documented the sculptural splendour of Begram with comparable motifs traceable in Sanchi and 2) the tradition in Bauddham of tisarana which had resulted in the veneration of Sanchi Stupa:

    Buddham saranam gacchami I go to the Buddha for refuge. Dhammam saranam gacchami I go to the Dhamma for refuge. Sangham saranam gacchami I go to the Sangha for refuge.

    The monograph includes excerpts from the insights provided by Hackin, Hamelin and Sanjyot Mehendale if bone and ivory carvings of Begram which can be compared with 
    the hieroglyph multiplex sets of Sanchi monument.

    Lotus: fifth component: tAmara 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper'.

    Fish-tail: S. puchu m. ʻ tail ʼ, °chī f. ʻ fish's tail ʼ Rebus: pūā -- , pujjā -- 'worship' (Prakritam). This gloss is explained semantically in Indian sprachbund (language union) signifying how the semantic evolution occurred from early worship of ancestors at a dagoba, i.e. dhatugarbha, heap of earth and stones: M. puj̈āviṇẽ ʻ to gather in a heap ʼ.2. Pa. pañja -- m. ʻ heap ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) p*lnǰi ʻ heap of stones as a memorial cairn ʼ; N. pã̄jo ʻ row of cut corn laid out to dry ʼ; B. pã̄jā ʻ wisp, bundle, stack, brickkiln ʼ; M. pã̄jī f. ʻ offering of food to a ghost ʼ. Thus, the gloss puj̈ā 'heap', i.e. stupa is puj̈ā 'veneration at a memorial cairn', a veneration of ancestors.

    Thus, together, the hieroglyph multiplex of four components reads rebus-metonymy Meluhha cipher: pujjā sã̄kh sippi tAmra dul aya dham̄a '(Place of) worship by shell-cutter, copper metalcaster, artificer'. Alternative reading: pujjā sã̄kh sippi dul aya dham̄a guḍi 'Temple of shell-cutter, metalcaster, articer guild'.

    This artificer, copper metalcaster is signified by the architect statue placed next to this hieroglyph multiplex.
     Just below this semantic message, a pair of winged rams are shown on the top architrave. meDha 'ram' Rebus; meD 'iron' (Ho. Munda); eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast'. Thus, the employment of the artificer is to work in iron and creating metalcastings using molten metal alloys.

    This hieroglyph multiplex occurs on top of the topmost third architrave of North gate (Torana) of Sanchi stupa. Together with this multiplex, two additional sets of hieroglyphs are displayed: A spoked wheel ligatured to four elephants as the centre-piece and a pair of winged-tigers flanking the entire set of hieroglyphs.


    The centre-piece hieroglyph multiplex is: four elephants ligatured to a spoked wheel.

    Spoked wheel ligatured to four elephants: 

    vaṭa 'circle' PLUS āra 'spokes' Rebus: vaṭhāra 'quarter of town'. 

    gaNda 'four' Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'
    ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'; dand, daṁta, daṁti -- m. ʻelephantʼ Rebus:  daṇḍu 'caravan, troop, party, company, guild'.

    Thus, together, the rebus-metonymy cipher signified by this centre-piece hieroglyph multiplex reads:kanda ib daṇḍu vaṭhāra 'quarter of town (of) fire-altar, iron-work guild'.

    A pair of winged tigers:

    The entire hieroglyph multiplex set is flanked by two winged tigers.

    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelters' PLUS eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast'. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. Thus the pair of winged tigers signify: kol dul eraka 'iron smelting metalcasters'.

    The entire hieroglyph multiplex adorning the top of the Northern Torana thus signifies an announcement like an advertisement board comparable to the Dholavira Gateway Board. The announcement is that the pilgrims are entering the quarter of the town --vaṭhāra-- of Vidisha (Besanagara) with smelters, iron workers, metalcasters, copper alloy smithy-forge. 

    This is also a temple of worship: pujjā sã̄kh sippi tAmra dul aya dham̄a '(Place of) worship by shell-cutter, copper metalcaster, artificer'.

    In Meluhha semantic tradition, kole.l signifies a smithy. The same gloss kole.l also signifies a temple. 

    Thus, the entire hieroglyph multiplex set adorning the top of the Northern Torana is an explanation that the pilgrims are entering a place of worship of ancestors who were shell-cutters, copper metalcasters and artificers. 

    This is thus a declaration of tradition continuum of metalwork deploying the Indus Script cipher of rebus-metonymy Meluhha to convey the message through inscribed, sculpted masterpieces of craftsmanship.

    See: http://tinyurl.com/ofda5rw A temple at Sanchi for Dhamma by a kāraṇikā sanghin 'guild of scribes' in Indus writing cipher continuum


    śāṅkhika ʻ relating to a shell ʼ W. 2. *śāṅkhinī -- (śaṅkhinī -- f. ʻ mother -- of -- pearl ʼ Bālar.). [śaṅkhá -- 1] 1. K. hāngi ʻ snail ʼ; B. sã̄khī ʻ possessing or made of shells ʼ.
    2. K. hö̃giñ f. ʻ pearl oyster shell, shell of any aquatic mollusc ʼ.(CDIAL 12380).

    śaṅkhá1 m. (n. lex.) ʻ conch -- shell ʼ AV., śaṅkhaka- m.n. MBh. Pa. saṅkha -- m. ʻ conch, mother -- of -- pearl ʼ; Pk. saṁkha -- m.n. ʻ conch ʼ, °khiyā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ; S. saṅghī f. ʻ a kind of bracelet ʼ; B. sã̄kh ʻ conch -- shell ʼ, sã̄khā, °kā, sẽkhā ʻ conch bracelet ʼ, Or. saṅkhā; OAw. sāṁkha m. ʻ conch -- shell ʼ, H. saṅkh m., Si. sak -- a, ha°. -- Lws. in S. saṅkhu m. ʻ conch ʼ, Ku. sã̄kh, sã̄k.1 [a < non -- apophonic IE. o (Gk. ko/gxos) T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 69] WPah.kṭg. śáṅkkh m. ʻ conch ʼ ← H.; Md. sangu ← Ind.; A. śã̄k (phonet. x -- ) ʻ bracelet made of shells ʼ(CDIAL 12263). śaṅkhakāra -- , °aka -- m. ʻ shell -- worker ʼ lex. [śaṅkhá -- 1, kāra -- 1] B. sã̄k(h)āri ʻ maker of conch -- shell bracelets ʼ; Or. saṅkhāri ʻ shell -- worker ʼ; -- or < śaṅkhadāraka  m. ʻ shell -- cutter ʼ lex. [śaṅkhá -- 1, dāra -- 1] (CDIAL 12265)

    śaṅkú1 m. ʻ peg, spike ʼ RV., ʻ stake, post ʼ MBh., ʻ stick, arrow ʼ Hariv.

    Pa. saṅku -- , °uka -- m. ʻ stake, spike, javelin ʼ, Pk. saṁku -- m.; Dm. šaṅ ʻ branch, twig ʼ, šã̄kolīˊ ʻ small do. ʼ, Gaw. šāṅkolīˊ; Kal.rumb. šoṅ (st. šoṅg -- ), urt. šaṅ ʻ branch ʼ; Kho. šoṅg ʻ a kind of shrub with white twigs (?) ʼ; Phal. šōṅ ʻ branch ʼ; P. saṅglā m. ʻ a plank bridge in the hills ʼ; A. xãkāli ʻ a kind of fishing spear ʼ; Si. aku -- va ʻ stake ʼ. -- X śāˊkhā -- : Gaw. šã̄khá, šã̄ká ʻ branch ʼ, Sv. šã̄khe; OG. sāṁkha m. ʻ beam ʼ. -- Connexion of the following is doubtful: S. sã̄ga f. ʻ one fork of a forked stick ʼ, sã̄gi f. ʻ spear ʼ; L. sāṅg, pl. °gã f. ʻ spear ʼ, sãgolā m. ʻ spear carried by a watchman ʼ; P. sã̄g f. ʻ prong, fork, point ʼ, sāṅgī f. ʻ pitchfork ʼ; H. sã̄g f. ʻ spear, instrument for digging wells ʼ, sã̄gī f. ʻ small spear ʼ; G. M. sã̄g f. ʻ iron spear ʼ. *śalyaśaṅku -- .śaṅku -- 2 ʻ a partic. tree ʼ see śāka -- 1. śaṅkú -- [Shgh. x̌ï/ūng ʻ stick ʼ not ← IA. e.g. Kho. šoṅg (CDIAL 12260).

    *sippī ʻ shell ʼ. [← Drav. Tam. cippi DED 2089] Pa. sippī -- , sippikā -- f. ʻ pearl oyster ʼ, Pk. sippī -- f., S. sipa f.; L. sipp ʻ shell ʼ, sippī f. ʻ shell, spathe of date palm ʼ, (Ju.) sip m., sippī f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ; P. sipp m., sippī f. ʻ shell, conch ʼ; Ku. sīpsīpi ʻ shell ʼ; N. sipi ʻ shell, snail shell ʼ; B. sip ʻ libation pot ʼ, chip ʻ a kind of swift canoe ʼ S. K. Chatterji CR 1936, 290 (or < kṣiprá -- ?); Or. sipa ʻ oyster shell, mother -- of -- pearl, shells burnt for lime ʼ; Bi.sīpī ʻ mussel shells for lime ʼ; OAw. sīpa f. ʻ bivalve shell ʼ, H. sīp f.; G. sīp f. ʻ half an oyster shell ʼ, chīp f. ʻ shell ʼ; M. śīpśĩp f. ʻ a half shell ʼ, śĩpā m. ʻ oyster shell ʼ; -- Si. sippiya ʻ oyster shell ʼ ← Tam. (CDIAL 13417) Ta. ippi pearl-oyster, shell; cippi shell, shellfish, coconut shell for measuring out curds. Ma. ippi, cippi oyster shell. Ka. cippu, sippu, cimpi, cimpe, simpi, simpu, simpe oyster shell, mussel, cockle, a portion of the shell of a coconut, skull, a pearl oyster; (Gowda) cippi coconut shell. Tu. cippi coconut shell, oyster shell, pearl; tippi, sippi coconut shell. Te. cippa a shell; (kobbari co) coconut shell; (mōkāli co) knee-pan, patella; (tala co) skull; (muttepu co) mother-of-pearl. Go. (Ma.) ipi shell, conch (Voc. 174). / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 13417, *sippī-; Pali sippī- pearl oyster, Pkt. sippī- id., etc. (DEDR 2535).

    Rebus: śílpa n. ʻ artistic work ʼ Br. ʻ manual craft ʼ Mn. [śilpá -- ʻ bright, decorative ʼ VS. -- Derivation from *piśla -- (P. Tedesco Language 23, 383) is improbable]
    Pa. sippa -- , °aka -- n. ʻ art, craft ʼ, NiDoc. śilpa, Pk. sippa -- n.; Ku. sīp ʻ skill, ability ʼ, N. sip (Ku. N. sipālu ʻ clever, dexterous ʼ), OAw. sīpa; Si. sip -- a ʻ art, handiwork ʼ.śilpin ʻ skilled in art ʼ, m. ʻ artificer ʼ Gaut., śilpika<-> ʻ skilled ʼ MBh. [śílpa -- ]
    Pa. sippika -- m. ʻ craftsman ʼ, NiDoc. śilpiǵa, Pk. sippi -- , °ia -- m.; A. xipini ʻ woman clever at spinning and weaving ʼ; OAw. sīpī m. ʻ artizan ʼ; M. śĩpī m. ʻ a caste of tailors ʼ; Si. sipi -- yā ʻ craftsman ʼ. (CDIAL 12470, 12471)

    Stone relief from Mathurå depicting a gateway or torana. From Hackin 1954, fig. 494.


    Together with trees which are smelters, one relief shows artisans as seafaring merchants surrounded by makar hieroglyph and flying aquatic birds, anser indicus, hamsa. The hamsa were karaDa Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloys'. The relief shows artisans venerating the ancestor seafaring merchants on a boat.
    The architect carries a garland in his left hand. The gloss is dāma a wreath or garland of fls. J i.397 (Pali); rebus: dhamma. The entire architecture of the Sanchi monuments is an offering, a puja by the sāṅgtarāś sangha. In his right hand is held ukkā; (dhamm -- okkā); ii.401; iv.291; v.322; Vism 428; ThA 287; DA i.148; DhA i.42, 205; PvA 154. Esp. as tiṇ˚ firebrand of dry grass M i.128, 365; Nd2 40Ie; DhA i.126; Sdhp 573. -- 2. a furnace or forge of a smith A i.210, 257; J vi.437. Rebus: he is dhammika (adj.) [=Sk. dharmya, cp. dhammiya] lawful, according to the Dh. or the rule; proper, fit, right; permitted, legitimate, justified; righteous, honourable, of good character, just, esp. an attr. of a righteous King (rājā cakkavattī dhammiko dhammarājā) D i.86; ii.16; A i.109=iii.149; J i.262, 263; def. by Bdhgh as "dhammaŋ caratī ti dh." (DA i.237) & "dhammena caratī ti dh., ñāyena samena pavattalī ti" (ib. 249). <-> Vin iv.284; D i.103; S ii.280 (dhammikā kathā); iii.240 (āhāra); iv.203 (dhammikā devā, adh˚ asurā); A i.75; iii.277; Sn 404; DhA ii.86 (dohaḷa); iv.185 (˚lābha); PvA 25 (=suddha, manohara). Also as saha -- dh˚ (esp. in conn. w. pañha, a justified, reasonable, proper question: D i.94; S iv.299 in detail) Vin iv.141; D i.161; iii.115; A i.174. -- a˚ unjust, illegal etc. Vin iv.285; S iv.203; A iii.243. (Source for the photograph: http://imagesvr.library.upenn.edu/a/aiis/thumb/A36-60.JPG)

    Jataka torana, Sanchi stupa. The bottom right-most shows a crucible. On top of this, there are hieroglyphs of spathe of palm or palmettos: kAraNika Rebus: kAraNika 'scribes'. These are reinforced by a monkey next to a tree: kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi'smelter'; kuThAru'monkey' Rebus: kuhāru 'armourer or weapon-maker'. Safflower: karaDa Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' are some of the metalwork catalogues displayed on this frieze. The narrative occurs next to a smith's hut followed by hieroglyhs: ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' kaNDe 'pine-cone' Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'. Arye 'lion' Rebus: arA 'brass'. kamaDha 'archer' Rebus: kampaTTa 'mint'. There is also a narrative of trade exchange between merchants below the pair of lions.Spathe of palm or palmettos PLUS garland, a tribute to scribes karaNika.

    Associated with the dharma glyph which adorns the Sanchi torana is the śilpi, the architect of the poems in stone. What was he called? Hindi. संगतरा/श  (nm) sāṅgtarāś a stone- cutter/carver/dresser; ~शी stone cutting/carving/dressing. He works with sang, 'stone'. His signature tune is the composite glyph: sang makara 'water-elephant, water-crocodile'; ligatured with a mollusc, sangi and puccha 'fish-tail', the sanghi performs puja with his exquisite architectural forms of the temple, kole.l, guḍi .


    An alternative reading of fish-tail: Hieroglyph: Kur. xolā tail. Malt. qoli id.(DEDR 2135) Rebus: kole.l 'temple, smithy' (Kota) In this rendering, the Śrīvatsa hieroglyph multiplex as shown on Sanchi torana (North gate) signified a temple: kole.l (of sippi kAraNika sanghin 'guild of sculptor scribes'). The chord which binds the hieroglph of fish-tail and spathe-palm signifies: dama 'chord' Rebus: dhamma 'dharma, righteous conduct'.

    Indus Script signifies Bharhut's Bronze Age weapons manufactory, phaḍa 'arsenal', kuṭhāru 'armourer', paṭṭā 'long sword', dhā̆vaḍ dul ayo kammaṭa 'smelter cast iron mint'

    $
    0
    0

    -- phaḍa 'arsenal', kuṭhāru 'armourer', paṭṭā 'long sword', dhā̆vaḍ dul ayo kammaṭa  'smelter cast iron mint', makara ‘comosite hieroglyph’ rebus: dhmakara‘forge-blower’, dhamaka ‘blacksmith’.

    See:  


    Bharhut's arsenal, weapons manufactory is signified by Indus Script hypertexts, paṭṭā 'long sword', dhā̆vaḍ dul ayo kammaṭa  'smelter cast iron mint', kuṭhāru 'armourer', karabha, ibha'elephant' rebus: karba, ib'iron'

    kuṭhāru  कुठारु [p= 289,1] m. a tree L.; a monkey L.
    kuṭhāru 'armourer L.' (Monier-Williams)
    कुठि [p= 289,1] mfn. " leafless , bare " or " crooked , wry " (Comm. ; said of a tree) Shad2vBr.m. a tree L. rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'

    In Bharhut sculptural friezes, the hypertexts of trees (trees associated with minted coins) and monkeys are recurrent artistic motifs.
    Image result for bharhut monkey
    Related image
    The jackal arbitrating for the two cats Dabbhapuppha-Jataka, Bharhut
    Image result for bharhut monkey
    Image result for bharhut monkey
    Image result for bharhut soldier


    The monkey chief and the king of Varanasi, red sandstone relief from Bharhut

    "Bharhutalso called Bardavati, Bardadoh, or Bhaironpur, village, 120 miles (190 km) southwest of Allahabad, in Satna District, northeastern Madhya Pradesh state, India. It is believed to have been founded by the Bhoro people. Bharhut is famous for the ruins of a Buddhist stupa (shrine) discovered there by Major General Alexander Cunningham in 1873. The stupa’s sculptural remains are now mainly preserved in the Indian MuseumKolkata, and in the Municipal Museum of Allahabad...The stupa was probably begun in the time of Ashoka (c. 250 bce). It was originally built of brick, and it was enlarged during the 2nd century bce, when a surrounding stone railing with entrances on the four cardinal points was constructed. This railing bears a wealth of fine relief carving on its inner face. About the beginning of the 1st century bce, four stone gateways (toranas), each elaborately carved, were added to the entrances. An inscription on these gateways assigns the work to King Vatsiputra Dhanabhuti during the rule of the Shungas (i.e., before 72 bce). The sculptures adorning the shrine are among the earliest and finest examples of the developing style of Buddhist art in India."
    File:I17 1karshapana Sunga MACW4325 1ar (8485402873).jpgA silver coin of 1 karshapana of King Pushyamitra Sunga (185-149 BC) of the Sunga dynasty (185-73 BC), workshop of Vidisa (?). Obv:5 symbols including a sun Rev: 2 symbols.
    Bronze coin of the Shunga period, Eastern India. 2nd–1st century BCE.
    Image result for ancient india coin dhanabhuti
    A copper coin of 1/4 karshapana of Ujjain in Malwa of the Sunga dynasty (185-73 BC). Obv: symbols Rev: symbols Dimensions: 15 x 12.5 mm Weight: 2 g. The four recurring symbols on the obverse of the coin in four quadrants of a square + are comparable to the Indus Script hieroglyph seen on the scabbard of Greek soldier's sword scabbard, Bharhut. 

    भोर *bhora (“dawn”). Cognate Punjabi ਭੋਰ (bhor), Gujarati ભોર (bhor), Oriya ଭୋର (bhorô). Probably related to भोलानाथ (bholānāth, “Lord Shiva as husband of Ushas. भोळानाथ (p. 363) bhōḷānātha m भोळाशंकर m भोळासांब m भोळामहा- देव m Lord of the artless and simple. Titles of शिव. 2 Applied to a person guileless and unsuspecting. (Marathi)
    Related image
    Related imageRelated imageTrees associated with minted coins
    Image result for ancient india coin dhanabhuti
    Abb.: Der Mahbodhi-Baum Koṇāgamana's, Bharhut, 150/100 v. Chr. (Mahabodhi tree of Koṇāgamana)
    http://www.payer.de/mahavamsa/chronik15.htm (Note: I suggest that this is NOT Mahabodhi tree, but kuṭhāru'tree' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' kuṭhi'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'.
    Location: Bharhut Village, Satna Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
    Site: Bharhut Village
    Monument/Object: Bharhut Stupa, vedika (railing) pillar, roundel
    Current Location: Indian Museum, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
    Subject: worship of tree
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: 100 - 80 BCE
    Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
    Material: sandstone, red
    Scan Number: 52997
    Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
    Image Source: Huntington Archive
    Related imageTree venerated.kuṭhi 'tree' kuṭhāru  कुठारु [p= 289,1] m. a tree L.
    kuṭhāru 'armourer L.' (Monier-Williams) kuṭhi 'smelter'

    Image result for bharhut monkeyMonkeys and elephant. Karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' kuṭhāru  कुठारु [p= 289,1] a monkey L.
    kuṭhāru 'armourer L.' (Monier-Williams)
    Image result for bharhut monkeyTree asociated with elephants.Karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' kuṭhi 'tree' kuṭhāru  कुठारु [p= 289,1] m. a tree L.
    kuṭhāru 'armourer L.' (Monier-Williams) kuṭhi 'smelter'
    Image result for bharhut soldierIndus Script hypertext on the scabbard of the long, broad dword held by the left arm of the Greek soldier, Bharhut, 2nd cent. BCE. The hypertext is composed of hieroglyphs:
    1. Srivatsa (pair of fish-fins) tied together
    2. Atop a dotted circle
    3. Staff (stake)
    4. Long, broad sword

    The readings are:

    mēḍhā'stake'rebus:  mēḍhā'yajña, dhanam' paṭṭā 'A stripe, streak, line. '
    dāya'dotted circle' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ iron-smelters'
    dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'
    ayo'fish' rebus: aya'iron', ayas'alloyed metal' (R̥gveda)
    khambhaṛā'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa'mint, coiner, coinage'
    पट्टा (p. 273) paṭṭā m ( H) A kind of sword. It is long, two-edged, and has a hilt protecting the whole fore arm. Applied also to a wooden sword for practice and sports. पट्टा ओढणें-घालणें-पाडणें (To draw a stripe.) To draw the razor rudely along the head (in head-tonsure). Hence, generally, (कामाचा पट्टा ओढणें &c.) To perform rudely or roughly: also (i.e. to draw the lines indicative of commencement) to make a rude or rough beginning. पट्ट्याचा हात फिरविणें To brandish the पट्टा. 2 fig. To use beguiling demonstrations; to make promises and flourishes idle and hollow. पट्टा परजणें To wave the पट्टा; and fig. to brandish the arms in oratorical display or in animated speaking. पट्टा मारणें or देणें To despoil by violence. Rebus: फड (p. 313) phaḍa 'arsenal, metals manufactory guild'
    Location: Bharhut Village, Satna Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
    Site: Bharhut Village
    Monument/Object: Bharhut Stupa, vedika (railing) pillar, relief sculpture
    Current Location: Indian Museum, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
    Subject: Greek warrior
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: ca. 100 - 80 BCE
    Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
    Material: sandstone
    Scan Number: 4663
    Photo Date: 1970
    Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.
    Image Source: Huntington Archive
    Image result for bharhut soldier
    Calcutta ei05-13.jpg
    Second view of pillar, possibly Indo-Greek, with flowing headband, tunic, and Buddhist triratana symbol on his sword. Bharhut, 2nd century BCE.
    Image result for bharhut soldier
    Vedika pillar with "Yavana" Greek warrior. Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh, Shunga Period, c. 100-80 BC. Reddish brown sandstone. Indian Museum, Calcutta.
    Plate XXXII, Fig. 1 (Cunningham, 1879)
    Cunningham, Sir Alexander (1879). The Stûpa of Bharhut: a Buddhist monument ornamented with numerous sculptures illustrative of Buddhist legend and history in the third century B.C. London: W. H. Allen.

    Cunningham, Bharhut, pp. 32-33

    फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फड- निशी & फडनीस. फडनिशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniśī or sī f The office or business of फडनीस. फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस. फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. 



    Factory, guild: फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singingshop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain).  फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.(Marathi) பட்டரை¹ paṭṭarai , n. See பட்டறை¹. (C. G. 95.) பட்டறை¹ paṭṭaṟai , n. < பட்டடை¹. 1. See பட்டடை, 1, 3, 5, 7, 8, 12, 14. 2. Machine; யந்திரம். 3. Rice-hulling machine; நெல்லுக் குத்தும் யந்திரம். Mod. 4. Factory; தொழிற்சாலை. Mod. 5. Beam of a house; வீட்டின் உத்திரம். 6. Wall of the required height from the flooring of a house; வீட்டின் தளத்திலிருந்து எழுப்ப வேண்டும் அளவில் எழுப்பிய சுவர். வீடுகளுக்குப் பட்டறை மட்டம் ஒன்பதடி உயரத்துக்குக் குறை யாமல் (சர்வா. சிற். 48). பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai , n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம். (Tamil)

    పట్టడ (p. 696) paṭṭaḍa paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు. 

    పటసాల (p. 695) paṭasāla paṭa-sāla. [Tel.] n. A hall or courtyard. பட்டகசாலை paṭṭaka-cālai n. < T. paṭa- šāla. [K. paṭṭasāle.] 1. Central or principal hall in a house; கூடம்Loc.


    Location: Bharhut Village, Satna Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
    Site: Bharhut Village
    Monument/Object: Bharhut Stupa, architectural fragment, vedika (railing) pillar, roundel, relief sculpture
    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India
    Subject: triratna
    Photo Depicts: bottom section
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: 2nd - 1st century BCE
    Religious Affiliation: Buddhist
    Material: sandstone
    Scan Number: 11535
    Photo Date: 1984
    Image Source: Huntington Archive

    Location: Bharhut Village, Satna Dt., Madhya Pradesh, India
    Site: Bharhut Village
    Monument/Object: Bharhut Stupa, vedika (railing) roundel, relief sculpture
    Current Location: Indian Museum, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
    Subject: makara
    Period: Sunga and Related Periods
    Date: ca. 100 - 80 BCEReligious Affiliation: BuddhistMaterial: sandstone, brownScan Number: 4727Photo Date: 1970Copyright: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.Image Source: Huntington Archive

    Rechurning Mahabharata, reinforcing dharma -- Aditi Banerjee

    $
    0
    0
    When I was in a primary school in Penukonda, in 1943, I had the privilege of listening to harikatha narratives rendered by eminent balladiers recounting the Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Bhāgavata.. These ballads complemented the non-detailed and detailed texts which were rendered in the middle school and high school of Penukonda with the works of Nannaya, Potana and others.

    Thanks to Nehruvian secularism, these narratives are not part of the school curricula after the 1950's.

    It is time to review the school curricula and ensure that the narratives from the epics and ancient texts are made an integral part of dharma education.

    It is great to see the initiatives of Adluri and Bagchee renewing the balladiers'' renderings in the modern academic formats.

    It is a privilege indeed to read Aditi Banerjee's account of her attendance in a 4-day academic workshop by Adluri and Bagchee.

    Adluri, Bagchee, jeevema śaradah śatam, may you live a hundred autumns protecting dharma.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    .
















    Indus Script hypertexts of mint, metalwork PLUS Brahmi & Kharoṣṭhi on coins of Vr̥ṣṇi whose descendant is Kr̥ṣna

    $
    0
    0

    https://tinyurl.com/ybndfyt3

    Monday
    August 14, 2017 is Kr̥ṣnāṣṭami. 
    Today, August 12, 2017, recollecting 
    Bhāratīya itihāsa, 'ancient traditions of Bhārata',
     
    I offer my prayers to 
    Vṣṇī Vāsudeva.

    In Hindu tradition, and as evidenced in Bhagavad Gīta, Kr̥ṣna is a descendant of Vr̥ṣṇi (kula). There are two Vr̥ṣṇi coins of Ancient Bhārat, attesting emphatically to Śrī Kr̥ṣṇa as a historical person in Bhāratīya itihāsa, 'ancient traditions'.

    वृष्णीनां वासुदेवोऽस्मि पाण्डवानां धनञ्जय: |
    मुनीनामप्यहं व्यास: कवीनामुशना कवि: || 37||

    Vr̥ṣṇīnāṁ vāsudevo ’smi pāṇḍavānāṁ dhanañjayaḥ 
    munīnām apyahaṁ vyāsaḥ kavīnām uśhanā kaviḥ

    Amongst the descendants of Vr̥ṣṇi, I am Krishna, and amongst the Pandavas I am Arjun. Know me to be Veda Vyasa amongst the sages, and Śukrācārya amongst the great thinkers. (Bhagavadgīta 10.37).

    There are two ancient Bhāratīya Vr̥ṣṇī coins. 1. Ahmedabad coin is with both Brāhmi and Kharohi legends. 2. British Museum coin is with Brahmi legends. 
    1. Brāhmi legend: (Vŗ)ṣṇi Rajaña Ganasya Tratarasya (वृ)ष्णी राजञ गणस्य त्रतरस्य; Kharohi legend: Vrshni Rajana Ganasa (Trata)... (Vr̥ṣṇi coin, Ahmedabad auction, October 2016).


    2. Vr̥ṣṇi Raja jnâganyasya blubharasya. (Vr̥ṣṇi coin, British Museum)
    Vrishni coin.png

    Note on tratara on many ancient coind “In the Prakrit legend on certain coins of the Parthian king Gondo[phernes, the title used is Maharaja-rajatiraja-tratara (Sanskrit mahārāja-rājātirāja-trātr̥, ‘thr great king, the supreme king amongst kings, the saviour’), in which the word tratara is a translation of the Greek epithet soter used by many of the Indo-Greek rulers. (DC Sircar, 1996, Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, Motilal Banrsidass, p.332).”

    Both the coins use Indus Script hypertexts. 

    Obverse of coin:

    āra आर n. v.l. for अर q.v. , a spoke MBh. i , 1498 (ed. Bomb. i , 33 , 4 reads अर) rebus:  āra आर n. brass BhP. x , 41 , 20; iron (Monier-Williams)

    Reverse of coin:

    kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter', kolle 'blacksmith'
    karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus:karba, ib 'iron'

    sangaḍa 'joined animal parts' (elephant trunk PLUS tiger joined together) and held up as a flag Rebus: sangara 'trade'

    vajra वज्र [p=913,1] mn. " the hard or mighty one " , a thunderbolt rebus: vajra sanghāta, 'adamantine metallic glue' (Note: the expression for joined animals is sangaḍa).

    paṭṭā 'A stripe, streak, line. rebus: phaḍa 'arsenal, manufactory guild'

    dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

    ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron', ayas 'alloyed metal' (R̥gveda)
    khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    Thus, the coins catalogue Bronze Age metalwork wealth-creation categories in Indus Script cipher.

    Ahmedabad Vr̥ṣṇi coin

    On the Vr̥ṣṇi coin sold in an auction in Ahmedabad in October 2016 for Rs. 27 lakhs, tiger and elephant are joined to create a composite hyperext. This is Harappa Script orthographic cipher. 
    Republic of the Vrishni Peoples (10-40AD), Silver Drachm, MIGIS Type 928 variation, 2.15g. Obv: Standard, topped by a Nandipada finial and an elephant's head and forepart of a leaping lion below it, in an ornamental railing; Brahmi legend (Vŗ)ṣṇi Rajaña Ganasya Tratarasya (वृ)ष्णी राजञ गणस्य त्रतरस्य reading anticlockwise outwards below. Rev: Ornate 14-spoked wheel with scalloped outer rim; Kharoshthi legend from 3 o'clock to 9 o'clock  "The Vrishnis were known to Panini and to Kautilya; the latter describes them as a Sangha. In the Mahabharata they are counted amongst the Vratya brotherhood of Kshatriyas. As one of the Yadava clans they are closely associated with Krishna in myth and lore. It is said that they migrated to Dwaraka from Mathura, after Krishna's capital was besieged by the demon Kalayavana. The reference to 'Yavana' here and the subsequent migration from Mathura may have had some historical basis" The coins of the Vrishnis are by far the rarest of the so-called 'Tribal' coins of India. Only one silver specimen, from the Alexander Cunningham collection, is known to exist in the British Museum and has been published by Mitchiner as Type 928 in MIGIS.  http://classicalnumismaticgallery.com/advancesearch.aspx

    It is a composite animal with ligatured elephant-tiger pictorial motifs. 

    It signifies a skambha topped by a pair of fish-fins (khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint'.) dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal' aya 'iron' PLUS  khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

    It is a tiger (kola 'tiger' rebus: kol'blacksmith'). It is an elephant (karba, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'). It is a yupawith caṣāla signifying a Soma samsthā Yāga. It is a cakra, a vajra in Vedic tradition (eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: erako 'moltencast' eraka, arka 'copper, gold').arā 'spokes' rebus: āra 'brass' kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kunda 'turner' kundār turner (A.) It is a professional calling card of a metalcaster, e.g. dhokra kamar who is a śilpi, artificer of cire perdue bronze and metal alloy pratimā.

    eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: erako 'moltencast, copper'; arA 'spokes, rebus: Ara 'brass' khaNDa 'division'
    rebus: kaNDa 'implements' arka 'sun' rebus: arka, eraka 'copper'. Six-spoked hypertext emanating from
    dotted circle is: dhAu 'element, mineral ferrite' PLUS muhA 'furnace quantity, ingot' PLUS kANDa 'arrow'
    rebus: kaNDa 'implements;. Thus, the five PMC hypertexts signify mintwork with iron, molten cast copper,
    iron implements, ingots, furnace work.

    Kur. goṭā any seed which forms inside a fruit or shell. Malt. goṭa a seed or berry(DEDR 069) N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ (CDIAL 4271) <gOTa>(P)  {ADJ} ``^whole''.  {SX} ``^numeral ^intensive suffix''.  *Kh., Sa., Mu., Ho<goTA>,B.<goTa> `undivided'; Kh.<goThaG>(P), Sa.<goTAG>,~<gOTe'j>, Mu.<goTo>; Sad.<goT>, O., Bh.<goTa>; cf.Ju.<goTo> `piece', O.<goTa> `one'. %11811.  #11721. <goTa>(BD)  {NI} ``the ^whole''.  *@. #10971. (Munda etyma) Rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver' (G.) goṭi = silver (G.) P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ(CDIAL 4271)

    The pellet border is composed of: goṭā 'seed', round pebble, stone' rebus: goṭā ''laterite, ferrite ore''gold braid' खोट [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down). The railing for the pillar is Vedi, sacred fire-altar for Soma samsthā Yāga. There is evidence dated to ca. 2500 BCE for the performance of such a yajna in Binjor (4MSR) on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. The fire-altar yielded an octagonal pillar, which is detailed in ancient Vedic texts as a proclamation of Soma samsthā Yāga.

    Three hour-glass shaped vajra-s are shown in a cartouche below the yupa on the coin. Normally Vajrapani is shown such a vajra which has octagonal edges. kolom'three' rebus: kolimi, kole.l 'smithy, forge' kole.l 'temple'.
    It is a record of the performance of a Soma samsthā Yāga. It is Vrishni Janapada coin of ca. 10 CE.Cakra, pavi in Vedic tradition is also
    vajra. Rudra is vajrabāhu 'vajra weapon wielder'; said also of Agni and Indra. 

    वज्र [p=913,1] mn. " the hard or mighty one " , a thunderbolt (esp. that of इन्द्र , said to have been formed out of the bones of the ऋषि दधीच or दधीचि [q.v.] , and shaped like a circular discus , or in later times regarded as having the form of two transverse bolts crossing each other thus x ; sometimes also applied to similar weapons used by various gods or superhuman beings , or to any mythical weapon destructive of spells or charms , also to मन्यु , " wrath "RV. or [with अपाम्] to a jet of water AV. &c ; also applied to a thunderbolt in general or to the lightning evolved from the centrifugal energy of the circular thunderbolt of इन्द्र when launched at a foe ; in Northern Buddhist countries it is shaped like a dumb-bell and called Dorje ; » MWB. 201 ; 322 &c RV. &c; a diamond (thought to be as hard as the thunderbolt or of the same substance with it) , Shad2vBr. Mn. MBh. &c; m. a kind of column or pillar VarBr2S.; m. a kind of hard mortar or cement (कल्कVarBr2S. (cf. -लेप); n. a kind of hard iron or steel L.

    Ligature to 'mintwork' signifier is also shown on the wheel sculptural friezes of Amaravati -- spokes are ligatured on their tips with 'fish-fins' joined together:ayo kammaTa 'iron mintwork' ayo 'fish' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin'.;

    Amaravati sculpturel friezes: cakra with ligatures.
    Elaborate orthography on sanchi stupa relates the spoked wheel to 'fish-fin' hypertext (mintwork) and also to tAmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tAmra 'copper'.

    1. dotted circle
    2. arrow (three)
    3. twist (three) Some examples replace the 'twist' with 'buns-shaped ingots'. Thus, total six hypertexts emanate from dotted circle as spokes.

    Four components of hypertext are read rebus in Meluhha:

    1. Dotted circle is a Harappa Script hieroglyph and signifies a 'strand' of rope. dhāī˜ 'strand' rebus: dhāu'soft red stone, element'(ferrite ore)

    2. Twist is: मेढा mēḍhā A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’(Ho.)med 'copper' (Slavic languages) medha 'yajña, dhanam'. mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).



    Connection to a rope imagery is seen here: 'strand' of rope. dhāī˜ 'strand' rebus: dhāu 'soft red stone, element'(ferrite ore) PLUS मेढा mēḍhā A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’(Ho.) Thus, the signifiers are: meD dhAtu 'iron element' PLUS ayo khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus:aya kammaTa 'iron mint'. Eight spokes relate to अष्टाश्रि yūpo bhavati 'eight-corneres yupa' of a Soma Samsthā yāga

    Thus, together, the hypertext of dotted circle linked to six spokes as the चषालः caṣāla or cakra signifies a weapon with multiple prongs orthographed by sculptors and mintworkers who punched symbols on punch-marked coins. The arrows and twists thus signify: implements and furnaced ingots of dhatu'(ferrite) minerals'.

    Santali glosses

    Hieroglyph: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773).

    Rebus: Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ(CDIAL 6773)

    Location of the Vrishni among other groups: the Audumbaras, the Kunindas, the Vemakas, the Yaudheyas, the Pauravas and the Arjunayanas.

    British Museum Vr̥ṣṇi coin

    Alexander Cunningham found a unique silver coin of a King Vrishni (Raja Vrishni) which he identifies from the tribe of the Audumbaras, found in Hoshiarpur, Punjab.(Alexander Cunningham's Coins of Ancient India: From the Earliest Times Down to the Seventh Century (1891) p.70This coin is at the British Museum, London. This circular coin has a sort of nandipada-standard-in-railing, a mythical animal, half lion and half elephant and a circular Brahmi legend Vṛṣṇirāja Jñāgaṇasya trātārasya on the obverse and an elaborate chakra of twelve spokes in pellet border with slightly truncated Kharoshthi legend Vṛṣṇirājaṇṇa(gaṇasa) tra(tarasa) the reverse.( Lahiri, Bela (1974). Indigenous States of Northern India (Circa 200 B.C. to 320 A.D.), Calcutta: University of Calcutta, pp.242-3) Later a number of Vrishni copper coins were also discovered from Punjab.

    British Museum. 2nd cent. Hoshiarpur, Punjab.

    Silver coin of a "King Vrishni" (of the Audumbaras according to Cunningham).
    Obv Pillar with half-lion and half-elephant, surmounted by a Triratnasymbol and surrounded by Buddhist railing. Indian legend Vṛishṇi Raja jnâgaṇyasya blubharasya
    Rev Large Dharmachakra symbol. Arian legend Vrishni Raja jnâganyasya blubharasya. 

    (Alexander Cunningham's Coins of Ancient India: From the Earliest Times Down to the Seventh Century (1891) p.70)

    Vr̥ṣṇi-s

    Coin of the Bactrian King Agathokles.jpg
    The images Balarāma and Kr̥ṣna, two most celebrated Vr̥ṣṇi-s depicted in a coin of the Indo-Greek king Agathocles (c. 190–180 BCE)



    वृष्णि is a term in Rigveda.  वृष्णि [p= 1013,2] वृष्ण्/इ or व्/ऋष्णिmfn. manly , strong , powerful , mighty RV.m. a ram VS. TS. S3Br.m. a bull L.m. a ray of light L.m. N. of शिव MBh.m. of विष्णु-कृष्ण L.m.of इन्द्र L.m. of अग्नि L.m. pl. N. of a tribe or family (from which कृष्ण is descended , = यादव or माधव ; often mentioned together with the अन्धकs) MBh. Hariv. &cn. N. of a सामन् A1rshBr. (Monier-Williams)

    "The Vr̥ṣṇi-s were an ancient Indian clan who were believed as the descendants of Vr̥ṣṇii, a dscendent of Yadu. It is believed that Vr̥ṣṇi was son of Satvata, a descendant of Yadu, the son of Yayati. He had two wives, Gandhari and Madri. He has a son named Devamidhusha by his wife Madri. Vasudeva, the father of Krishna was the grandson of Devamidhusha. (Pargiter F.E. (1922, reprint 1972). Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.103-7) According to the Puranas, the Vrishnis were residents of Dvaraka...Jarasandha, father-in-law of Kamsa, invaded Mathura with a vast army; and though Krishna destroyed his army of demons, another asuraKalayavan by name, surrounded Mathura with another army of thirty million monstrous fiends. Then Krishna thought it well to depart to Dwaraka.(Sister Nivedita & Ananda K.Coomaraswamy: Myths and Legends of the Hindus and Bhuddhists, Kolkata, 2001)...Pāṇini in his Ashtadhyayi (IV.1.114, VI.2.34) mentioned about the Vr̥ṣṇi-s along with the Andhakas. Arthashastra of Kautilya described the Vrishnis as a sangha(tribal confederation). In the Mahabharata (Drona Parva, 141.15) the Vrishnis and the Andhakas are referred as Vratyas.(Raychaudhury, H.C. (1972). Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta: University of Calcutta, pp.126-8)."


    The Vr̥ṣṇi-s are mentioned in a number of Vedic texts, which include the Taittiriya Samhita (III.2.9.3), the Taittiriya Brahmana(III.10.9.15), the Satapatha Brahmana (III.1.1.4) and the Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana (I.6.1). (Sircar, D. C. (2008). Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. p. 16. ) The Taittiriya Samhita and the Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana mention about a teacher, Gobala belonging to this clan.(Sircar, D. C. (2008). Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. p. 29,29fn4. )

    Although, Panini, in his Ashtadhyayi (IV.1.114) includes the Vr̥ṣṇi-s in the list of the clans of the Kshatriya gotra, having a sangha(tribal oligarchy) form of government,[26] but in the Drona Parva (141.15) of the Mahabharata, the Vrishnis, like the Andhakas were categorized as the Vratyas (deviators from orthodoxy). In the Shanti Parva (81.25) of the Mahabharata, the Kukuras, the Bhojas, the Andhakas and the Vrishnis are together referred as a sangha, and Vasudeva Krishna as Sanghamukhya (seignor of the sangha).(Raychaudhuri, Hemchandra (1972) Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta: University of Calcutta, pp.127-8) According to the Puranas, Vrishni was one of the four sons of Satvata. (Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.102-4.) Vrishni had three (or four) sons, Anamitra (or Sumitra), Yudhajit and Devamidhusha. Shura was son of Devamidhusha. His son Vasudeva was father of Balarama and Krishna.(Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.105-107.)

    According to the Harivamsa (II.4.37-41), the Vr̥ṣṇi-s worshipped goddess Ekānamśa, who, elsewhere in the same text (II.2.12), described as daughter of Nandagopa.(Bhattacharji, Sukumari (2000). The Indian Theogony: Brahmā, Viṣṇu and Śiva, New Delhi: Penguin, p.173) The Mora Well inscription, found from a village near Mathura and dated to the early decades of the Common era records the installation of the images of the five Vrishni viras (heroes) in a stone shrine by a person, named Tosha. These five Vrishni heroes have been identified with SamkarshanaVasudevaPradyumnaAniruddha and Samba from a passage in the Vayu Purana (97.1-2).(Srinivasan, Doris Meth (1997). Many Heads, Arms and Eyes : Origin, Meaning and Form of Multiplicity in Indian Art. New York: Brill. p. 211.)
    Vrishni coin.png
    A Vrishni silver coin from Alexander Cunningham's Coins of Ancient India: From the Earliest Times Down to the Seventh Century (1891). This unique silver coin of the Vr̥ṣṇi-s was discovered from HoshiarpurPunjab. This coin is presently preserved in the British MuseumLondon.(Lahiri, Bela (1974). Indigenous States of Northern India (Circa 200 B.C. to 320 A.D.), Calcutta: University of Calcutta, pp.242-3) Later, a number of copper coins, clay seals and sealings issued by the Vr̥ṣṇi-s were also discovered from Sunet, near Ludhiana. (Handa, Devendra (2006). Sculptures from Haryana: Iconography and Style. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study. p. 86.)

    The Shainyas or Shaineyas

    The Shainyas or Shaineyas are believed to have descended from Shini, son of Anamitra, son of Vrishni. In the Mahabharata and the Puranas, the most notable Shaineya was Yuyudhana, son of Satyaka and grandson of Shini. He was a contemporary of Krishna. According to the Puranas, Asanga and Yugandhara were his son and grandson respectively.(Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.105-107.)

    Akrura and the Syamantaka

    A number of Puranas mention Akrura, a Vrishni, as the ruler of Dvaraka.(Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, p.280.) His name is found in the Nirukta (2.2) as the holder of the jewel.(Sarup, Lakshman (1920–27 (reprint 1998)). The Nighantu And The Nirukta:of Sri Yaskacarya The Oldest Indian Treatise On Etymology, Philology And Semantics, Part II, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 23,23fn1) In the Puranas, Akrura is mentioned as the son of Shvaphalka, who was great-grandson of Vrishni (Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.105-107.)  and Gandini. In the Mahabharata, the Bhagavata Purana and the Brahma Purana, he was mentioned as the keeper of the Syamantaka, the most well-known jewel of the Yadavas. (Sarup, Lakshman (1920–27 (reprint 1998)). The Nighantu And The Nirukta:of Sri Yaskacarya The Oldest Indian Treatise On Etymology, Philology And Semantics, Part II. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 23,23fn1. Dowson, John (1984) [1879]. A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology, and Religion, Geography, History. Calcutta: Rupa & Co. p. 10.) According to the Puranas Akrura had two sons, Devavant and Upadeva.(Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.105-107.)

    The fratricidal war and its aftermath

    According to the Mausala Parva (7.185-253) of the Mahabharata, as well as a number of Puranas, a few years after the Kurukshetra War, all Yadava (Satvata) clans of Dvaraka were virtually extinguished due to a fratricidal war. Both Balarama and Krishna died soon after this war. After the strife ended, Dvaraka was abandoned and the Yadavas retreated northwards. On the way, they were attacked and broken up by the Abhiras in the land of the five rivers (present-day eastern Punjab). Later, son of Kritavarma became ruler of Mrittikavati and grandson of Yuyudhana became ruler of the territory near the Sarasvati River. The rest of the surviving Yadavas took refuge in Indraprastha. Vajra, grandson of Krishna was installed as their king.(Wilson, Horace Hayman (tr.) (1840). The Vishnu Purana. London: John Murray. p. 440.)
    Vajra is mentioned as the great-grandson of Krishna in the Vishnu Purana. According to a section of this text (IV.15.34-42), he was the son of Aniruddha and Subhadra.[43] But according or another section (V.32.6-7), he was the son of Aniruddha and Usha, daughter of Bana and granddaughter of Bali.(Wilson, Horace Hayman (tr.) (1840). The Vishnu Purana. London: John Murray. p. 591.) Bahu (or Pratibahu) was his son and Sucharu was his grandson.[43] Elsewhere in this text (V.38.34), he was mentioned as installed as king in Mathura instead of Indraprastha.(Wilson, Horace Hayman (tr.) (1840). The Vishnu Purana. London: John Murray. p. 615.)
    The narrative of the Yadava fratricidal war is also found in two Jataka tales of the Pali Buddhist canon: the Ghata Jataka and the Samkicca Jataka. According to the Ghata Jataka, Vasudeva, Baladeva and eight other Andhaka-Venhu (probably, a corrupt form of Andhaka-VenhiPali equivalent to Sanskrit Andhaka-Vrishni) brothers seized Dvaravati and killed its king Kamsa. Later, these brothers fought amongst themselves and except Vasudeva and Baladeva everybody died. Vasudeva and Baladeva also died soon after. The Samkicca Jataka mentions that the Andhaka-Venhus killed each other.(Sullivan, Bruce M. (1990). Kṛṣṇa Dvaipāyana Vyāsa and the Mahābhārata: A New Interpretation. New York: E. J. Brill. pp. 103–4) Kautilya also in his Arthaśāstra (I.6.10) mentioned about the destruction of Vrishni clan because of their foolhardiness.(Rangarajan, L.N. (ed. & tr.) (1992). The Arthashastra, New Delhi: Penguin, p.144)

    The Shurasenas and Krishna worship

    The Buddhist and Jaina texts list 16 powerful states (shodasha mahajanapada), which flourished in the early 6th century BCE. Shurasena was one of such states mentioned in the Anguttara Nikaya, a Buddhist text. The capital of the Shurasenas was Mathura, which was also known as Madura.(Singh, Upinder (2008). A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century. Delhi: Pearson Education. pp. 260, 264.Megasthenes (c. 350 – 290 BCE) mentions that the Sourasenoi (Shurasenas), who lived in the Mathura region, worshipped Herakles, by which he may have meant Vasudeva Krishna, the Indian god bearing the closest resemblance to Herakles. The worship of Vasudeva Krishna seems to have originated in the Mathura region. (Singh, Upinder (2008). A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century. Delhi: Pearson Education. p. 436.)
    A number of traditions exist regarding the origin of the Shurasenas. According to a tradition, found in the Linga Purana (I.68.19), Shurasenas were descendants of Shurasena, son of Arjuna Kartavirya. According to another tradition found in the Ramayana(VII.62.6) and the Vishnu Purana (IV.4.46), the Shurasenas were descendants of Shurasena, son of Shatrughna, brother of Rama. (Pargiter, F.E. (1972) [1922]. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, pp.170-1,171fn2) According to the Devibhagavata Purana (IV.1.2), Shurasena was father of Vasudeva, father of Krishna.[51] Alexander Cunningham in his Ancient Geography of India states that because of Surasena, his grandfather, Krishna and his descendants were known as the Surasenas. But he has not cited any source. (J. N. Singh (1992). through the ages, from ancient period to date. Sharada Pub. House. p. 181.Bhasa, in his Balacharita mentions that the mother of Kamsa was a Shurasena (Shaurasenimata).(. S. A. Rao (1 May 1979). Social movements and social transformation: a study of two backward classes movements in India. Macmillan. pp. 128–129.)


    See: 

     


    Kuninda coins also show the 'īhypertext which is shown on 

     coins


     


    Kuninda coins are found with several additional symbols and varieties. One rather rare variety, where Lakshmi is standing on a swastika, is shown below.

    Image result for vrishni coin
    Kuninda Kingdom, Amoghabhuti, Silver Drachm, 2.1g, 19mm, 200-100 BC

    Obv: Deer standing right, stupa (3-arched hill) with a crescent on top between the legs of the deer, symbol behind deer's horn, crowned by two cobras above the horn, attended by a full breasted, wide hipped Goddess Lakshmi holding a long stemmed lotus flower by stalk in right hand, left hand on hip, adorned with amulets on leg. Legend in Prakrit language written in Brahmi script, from left to right: Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas").

    Rev: Stupa (6-arched hill) with a crescent surmounted by the Buddhist 'triratna' symbol , and surrounded by a swastika and a "Y" symbol to the left, and a tree in railing to the right, wavy line representing flowing river below the stupa. Legend in Kharoshti script, from right to left: Rana Kunidasa Amoghabhutisa Maharajasa, ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas").



    The Idea Of Bhārata Mātā Is Ancient And Originally Indian -- Aravindan Neelakandan

    $
    0
    0
    • The Idea Of Bharat Mata Is Ancient And Originally Indian - Here Are The Facts 

      SNAPSHOT
      Contrary to what some academics and authors claim, an analysis of Indian literature, scriptures, and culture makes it plain that the idea of Bharat Mata is very Indian, and very old.
      “For what is a nation? What is our mother-country? It is not a piece of earth, nor a figure of speech, nor a fiction of the mind. It is a mighty Shakti, composed of the Shaktis of all the millions of units that make up the nation, just as Bhawani Mahisha Mardini sprang into being from the Shaktis of all the millions of gods assembled in one mass of force and welded into unity. The Shakti we call India, Bhawani Bharati, is the living unity of the Shaktis of three hundred million people …”
      —Sri Aurobdindo (Bhawāni Mandir)
      Bharat Mata or Mother India is a name that evokes a deeply emotional veneration in almost all Indians. Often portrayed carrying the national flag and riding a lion, she is to most Indians, a goddess in her own right.
      She also has her detractors. She was disliked and feared by the colonialists. Both her devotees and detractors at one time or another identified her with Kali. There are some who deny her ancient roots. To them, she is a colonial construct. Recently, a Dravidian politician claimed that to him, only Tamil was mother. As one cannot have two mothers, India cannot be considered as his mother, he said. At another level, Sumathi Ramaswamy, professor of History and International Comparative Studies, Duke University, considers the imagery of Bharat Mata as the undoing of the European enlightenment through “the recuperation of old myths and the return of fancy”. She also claims that “modern secular and scientific mapped knowledge is hijacked” to assist that “unraveling”.
      The economist Swaminathan S. Anklesaria Aiyar wrote that in his youth he had “not heard of Bharat Mata”. He also added: “As a Tamilian, I see it as one more example of north Indian imperialism.” Marxist historian Irfan Habib announced that “the idea of Bharat Mata was an import from Europe and there was no evidence of any such imagination in either ancient or medieval India”.
      So who or what is Bharat Mata?
      Most Western and Westernised Indian academic studies start the study of Bharat Mata with Vande Mataram, a song composed by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in 1875 and published as part of his novel Anandamath seven years later. They usually neglect the early goddess-centred unorganised resistance to subjugation of people, documented from medieval to early colonial periods.
      The Pre-Vande Mataram Goddess
      The goddess tradition started spreading throughout Bengal, coinciding with it coming under Mughal and then British rule. When British control became total in Bengal and started generating famines, the famous Sanyasi Rebellion happened. The subsequent increase in dacoity after the rebellion saw the emergence of Kali as the syncretic goddess bridging the religious divide between Hindus and Muslims. Professor Jati Sankar Mondal explains:
      The dacoits used to undertake their operations on moonless nights so as to take advantage of the darkness with its auspicious association with Kali. Still there are places in Bengal with temples named dakatia Kali or thangadiya Kali.... Firstly, every gang of dacoits, whether they are Hindu or Muslim, used to follow the ritual. The reason is probably the amalgamation of sanyasi and fakir with the peasantry turned into dacoits. These sanyasis and fakirs like Majnu Shah of Birbhum along with others tried to resolve Hindu-Muslim bifurcation in their approach to religion and life.
      The British soon “discovered” the secret network of stranglers. The Thuggees or thugs were used by the British to justify their colonial project in India. Colonial narratives in the form of tales of brave British officers saving Hindus deluded by thugs filled the English press. According to the British, the thugs were worshippers of Kali who were motivated by their evil religion to waylay and strangulate people. As many post-colonial studies have shown, most of the excesses of thugs were colonial fabrications which enabled officials to fuel their campaigns and usurp authority. Decapitated “thug” heads were sent to Edinburgh. Based on pseudo-scientific phrenology studies, the British doctors talked about the thug skulls showing “representative examples of normal Hindoo type”, of the “apathetic, weak and lazy Hindoo” with “natural inclination for the work of death”.
      Historian Kim Wagner at the University of Edinburgh points out that the Hindu text Bhagavata Purana shows Kali as the patron of a band of thieves. Most of the “thugs” captured, persecuted and ultimately executed by the British, most often referred to Bhavani as their goddess. Wagner points out that Bhavani was the patron goddess of Marathas and the family deity of many Rajput lineages. Marathas were prominent among the Indic forces offering resistance to the British and earlier to the Mughals.
      With 19th century consolidation of power by the East India Company, came also the great 1857 rebellion. And the Goddess seems to have played a role in the great uprising of 1857 also – particularly in creating a liaison between the local communities. British accounts record the execution of one Shunker, a small Raja of the Gonds. He was charged, along with his son, of conspiring with the sepoys against the British. He was 'blown away from the cannon's mouth'. Later, British found with him a 'poetical invocation to Devi or Kali, the goddess of all cut-throats'. The verses invoked the Goddess, addressing her as 'Mata Chandi' and 'Mata Kali' and asked her to 'listen to the calling of the poor' and requested her 'not to delay' her actions, 'devour the English quickly' and ‘protect Shankar and her disciples’.
      If one is to look back into the centuries just preceding the arrival of the British, then one can discern a pattern. When the Mughal rule entered a particularly oppressive phase, the goddess tradition appeared both in Maharashtra in the form of Bhavani worship and in Sikh tradition, though subsumed to the impersonal supreme Ek Omkar principle, in the form of Guru Gobind Singh’s Chandi di Var. In other words, the goddess has appeared as a socio-spiritual node each time the nation faced a crisis.
      This is a uniquely Indic phenomenon. It is not just the principal people movements, that take the centre stage, for whom the goddess provides inspiration, but also the initially expelled, marginalised sections of the population, who under an oppressive structure resort to dacoity.

      So, is the emergence of goddess precipitated by heightened social anxiety?

      Or is the goddess connected to the physical body as well as the natural resources of India and the human relations to them?
      The “Ankle Bracelet”
      Chilapathikaram (epic of the ankle bracelet), a Tamil epic variously dated between second century to fifth century CE, written by Ellango, who tradition says was a prince turned monk, may contain the answer for this pan-Indic phenomenon.
      Sangham literature (300 BCE to 300 CE) classifies the land into five eco-cultural categories. These categories were originally intended as literary techniques. Yet they had clearly helped the rulers and administrators manage the natural resources of the land. Each of these categories have their names and deities (See table).
      How does the goddess come to get associated with deserts? Illango gives an extraordinarily insightful answer to this question. He points out that Palai is not a separate category:
      “Chaotic and low the nation becomes,
      When a king and council of ministers do not deliver.
      The same, when climate does not deliver,
      The Kurunchi and Mullai get degraded,
      Painfully deteriorate and become Palai.”
      The parallel between the vagaries of climate and the non-deliverance by the state and subsequently people of the degraded lands resorting to dacoity, make it abundantly clear that dacoity, though a punishable crime, was also understood as a symbol of protest against mismanagement or/ and disregarding of the natural resources as well as the rights of the people associated with such affected natural zones. So, when such people took to dacoity, the goddess whose body the natural resources are, was worshipped in her fierce form. The subtle hint is not just to the failing climate that has to be blamed but also the very human failure of the state in not mitigating the suffering of the people.
      The epic poem itself is the celebration of fierce nature of the Divine Feminine and explores, through a forest chant of tribal people, the various dimensions of the goddess. Shalini, the priestess of the tribes, who enters into an altered state of consciousness manifesting the goddess, blesses the heroine who is soon going to seek justice in a fierce way. The verses speak of the goddess thus:
      “Cloaked in the hide of the elephant and wearing the skin of the tiger
      Stands She on the black head of the wild buffalo;
      She stands at the end of the Scripture of the Scriptures,
      The unflickering Flame of Gnosis, all pervasive and worshipped by the celestials.”
      While the first two lines show a fierce tribal goddess, the next two lines indicate the goddess whom the celestials meet, as narrated in Chandogya Upanishad. “Scripture of the Scriptures” is a term in Tamil to denote the Upanishads. In the ensuing lines of the epic, the goddess is given the attributes of both Shiva and Vishnu. Their deeds are her deeds. She drank the poison that emanated from the oceans. Hence she is blue throated. She destroyed the three flying towns of the demons with Meru as her bow and the cosmic serpent her bow string. These are deeds of Shiva. She is the one who destroyed with a kick the demonic wheel sent by the evil Kamsa, which is the childhood deed of Krishna. Thus we have here a literary painting of a pan-Indic goddess portrayed in all her glory, being worshipped by the tribal communities in South India.

      The depiction is by a poet who lived more than at least 1,500 years ago. In short, the goddess who emerges when the land and the people suffer, is already there with the tribal communities of the deep-South.
      Centuries later, she would reappear in Punjab in Guru Gobind Singh’s Chandi di Var on her fierce lion:
      “She called upon her demon devouring lion. ‘Do not worry at all,’ she assured the gods. The Great Mother became frenzied and prepared to destroy the demons.”
      The Khalsa had come into being to fight against the imposition of monoculture.

      Now read this report by James Ker ICS, a personal assistant to the Director of Criminal Intelligence, from 1907 to 1913, on the image of the demon-slaying goddess who was named “Rashtriya Jagruti” (National awakening)
      “Her lion or tiger is labeled `Bahiskar’ (Boycott) and is attacking the bovine monster labeled `Pardeshi Vyapar’ (Foreign Trade), on whose back the goddess has placed her foot after, apparently, cutting off its head. The demon near the severed head of the monster is labeled ‘Vilayati Mal’ (English Goods) and is being bitten in the arm by a snake called `Swabhiman’ (Pride of Self), which is held in one of the hands of the heroine, while the same demon’s head has been injured by the knife labeled `Svavalamban’ (Self-Independence). The demon being held by the hair is labeled `Desha Droha’ (Disloyalty to Country) ... the hand which holds his hair is labeled `Desh Seva’ (Service of Country).”
      She is simultaneously the essence of all deities and philosophies even as she is wild, fierce and battle ready—the spirit of Bharat Mata. A colonial import—She?
      Her Vedic roots
      The roots of the both the fierce and benign dimensions of the goddess can be found in Vedic literature. Yet she predates and stands above the Vedas.
      Many modern scholars have pointed out that the imagery of Bharat Mata has roots in Prithvi. For David Kinsley, a historian of religion, “the fundamental conviction that the earth itself, or the Indian subcontinent itself, is a goddess, indeed, that she is one's mother, pervades the modern cult of Bharat Mata (Mother India), in which all Indians are called sons or children of India and are expected to protect their mother without regard for personal hardship and sacrifice”. He considers Vande Mataram as “one of the earliest and probably still the most popular literary expressions of this theme”.

      Anwar Shaikh, Pakistan-born British author and humanist, traces the concept of Bharat Mata to Bhoomi Sukta of Atharva Veda. The hymn pays respect to the entire Earth, whom it calls as ‘queen of all’ and this queen, according to Shaikh, is Bharat Mata. ‘Prithivi, as I understand, is the deified earth’ Anwar Sheikh opines and to him ‘it refers to Bharat.’

      Later, Bankim Chandra only provided another manifestation to a phenomenon that had been repeated throughout India. According to art historian Vidya Dehejia, “Since the land itself is spoken of in Sanskrit as Prithvi or goddess earth, it is perhaps not surprising that kingdoms, cities, districts, and boroughs are gendered feminine. India is Bharat Mata or Mother India”.
      While it is very easy to associate the benign smiling Bharat Mata we see today in calendar art to the Vedic Prithvi, how do we relate the ferocious Kali to her?
      Nirrrti is the Vedic goddess who is considered “black in form”. She is also golden haired. She has often been considered a ‘negative goddess’ by Western Indologists. It is true the Vedic hymns ask her not to bind humans. They ask her to leave.

      However, she was not despised. This is clear from the fact that people were named after her and she was considered as motherly as any goddess. Thus, we have a Rig Vedic seer Nirrti-Putra Kapota (dove). In Harappan excavations too, goddess figurines associated with the dove have been found. Vedic scholar RN Dandekar derives her name from the absence of ṛta. She is the Vedic entropy. The Satapathabrahmana identifies Nirrti with the earth. Yama is Agni and Nirrti is Yami and “this Earth”. Being of one mind with Yama and Nirrti liberates one. Nirrti not only binds humans but can also unloose the bonds.

      So, here we have the goddess of the earth, who is black and fierce. She punishes those who disrupt ṛta—the natural order. Nirrti is the archetype from which the goddess-warrior groups emerge from the communities of eco-degraded and oppressed lands in India.
      There are also other mighty streams of goddesses who have merged into the body of Bharat Mata. The three goddesses who are invoked together in the Vedas are Saraswati, Ila and Bharati. They are called the three goddesses in Rig Veda. In Atharva Veda, all three are given the name, Saraswati. Saraswati is also a goddess who can fight. She is compared to Indra and her assistance is requested in battlefields.
      She is also Vac . The Vac Sukta is an interesting hymn attributed to the very human daughter, Vac, of sage Ambhrna. She, seized with an altered state of consciousness, merging with the archetypal Divine Feminine, identifies herself with the Goddess. She declares herself to be roaming the land with Rudras (invoked with Saraswati in Vac Sukta), Adityas (invoked with Bharati) and Vasus (invoked with Ila). Thus, she embodies in her all the three Goddesses. Then she says that she fights for the people. She reveals herself as Rashtri – the embodiment of the nation. She says that she strings the bow of the Rudras and fights for the people.

      A comparable poetic manifestation of this Vedic hymn would arise centuries later in the worship of Goddess expressed in Chilapathikaram in South India. Later, in pan-Asian Buddhism, she would become the Goddess fighting for Dharma and in Indic evolution, she would emerge as Bhawani Mahisha Mardini.
      Again, we have here the primordial precursor of Bharat Mata in her fierce fighting imagery which would later emerge during freedom struggle.
      Goddess of Liberty embodying Diversity
      Swami Vivekananda, with his penetrating insight, had spoken of Mother India as the only true Godhead from which all other Divinities arise. He also associated Her with the very population of India – thus making service to the masses the true worship to the underlying Divinity of motherland:
      For the next fifty years this alone shall be our keynote — this, our great Mother India. Let all other vain gods disappear for the time from our minds. This is the only god that is awake, our own race — “everywhere his hands, everywhere his feet, everywhere his ears, he covers everything.” All other gods are sleeping. What vain gods shall we go after and yet cannot worship the god that we see all round us, the Virât? When we have worshipped this, we shall be able to worship all other gods.
      In Vande Mataram, she seized the rhythm of the national heart. Kazi Abdul Gaffar, an Urdu poet from Hyderabad, translated Vande Mataram and published in Payam, a popular Urdu paper in 1937: “Madare watan! Hum tujhe salaam karte hain.”

      Interestingly, that was the same year that the Muslim League passed a resolution condemning Vande Mataram as “anti-Islamic” and “idolatrous”. Prof Aurobindo Mazumdar also points out that the first Indian to sing Vande Mataram in a foreign land was the Parsi patriot, Bhikaji Rustom Cama.
      For Savarkar she became the Goddess of Liberty. He composed his famous song 'Jayostute' on Goddess Liberty during his confinement in Andamans, where he scribbled the lines on the walls. He addresses the Goddess, who is one with the 'soul of the nation' as 'Sivastmate' and 'Bhagavati'. He related this Goddess of liberty to the ultimate Vedantic liberation sought by the seers. So the political liberation becomes a spiritual aspiration and Bharat Mata merged with the Goddess of Liberty.

      There is an interesting parallel to the fundamentalist and Marxist-colonial critique of Bharat Mata. In the United States, which got from France, the Statue of Liberty, the protestant clergymen considered it 'pagan and idolatrous'. Even in 1925, a prominent Christian theologian Rev. Dr. Andrew Bard stated that the statue of Liberty should be replaced by a statue of Jesus Christ. In many fundamentalist, evangelical texts, one can still come across attacks on the Statue of Liberty.
      Linguistic sub-nationalisms emerged during the colonial period. Strategically encouraged by British, the proponents of these often based their narratives on the framework of Aryan/non-Aryan divide. One of the earliest Indian proponents who insisted on a separate Tamil identity was Maraimalai Adigal (1876-1950). However, he also composed a hymn on Mother India which is very similar to the Anandamath depiction of glorious and fallen Mother:
      “Oh Mother India who gave the world many riches,
      Thou art the lamp of light to the entire world!
      Thou art dear to me as very life of my life!
      How can I with my little knowledge
      Elaborate upon the multi-splendored greatness of Thee!
      Thou with wealth that can never be lost,
      Stand today impoverished by plundering aliens!
      That shame shall be wiped out by thy children!
      Enlightened they toil to revive thy glory in fields diverse!
      May they flourish and succeed in their efforts and
      May our minds cease suffering!”
      The Tamil-Sanskrit scholar Sankaranarayanan (Jataayu) points out that even the Mother Tamil anthem by Manonmaniam Sundaram Pillai, which is sung compulsorily at all government functions in Tamil Nadu, derives its very opening imagery from Vedic literature: “Ocean as the garment of earth.”

      The sculpture of Mother Tamil installed by Dr MG Ramachandran at Madurai in 1985 was modelled after the sculpture of Gnana Saraswati in the Brihadeeswarar Temple, Gangaikonda Cholapuram built in the 11th century by Rajendra Chola. The concept of Tamil as Mother is essentially part of the pan-Indic goddess tradition which sees languages as manifestations of the goddess. Sri Lalita Sahasranama, the thousand names of the goddess, which forms part of Brahmanda Purana, has as the 678th name “She who manifests in language forms”.

      So in the Tamil psyche, Mother India and Mother Tamil are not contradictory or mutually exclusive. This finds expression in a sculptor’s banner for his workshop where he has named his workshop “Mother Tamil” and proudly displayed in the banner is the picture of Bharat Mata with the flag.
      Mother Tamil as Bharat Mata&nbsp;
      Mother Tamil as Bharat Mata 
      Has She a Consort?
      Both, during the independence struggle and also in the post-independent era, in all her depictions, she stands alone - Mother India. Though the Indian mind naturally identifies her with Durga or Kali, she is depicted in pictures as being alone - a Goddess with no consort.

      However, the Tamil poet Subramanya Bharathi explicitly pictured her with Siva, as his consort. He sang:
      Demonic Our Mother can be;
      Great Madness carries She.
      She loves dearly the Mad One
      He who carries the Fire scorching
      It is interesting that it was the much despised Maqbool Fida Husain, who, during the fiftieth anniversary of Indian Independence, brought out this association very forcefully in the visual medium. In the painting he made of Bharat Mata (1997), he shows Her with Ganesha, playing. And there is the uncompromising sacred geography of Himalayas as the very head of Lord Siva - notice the crescent.

      It is hard to miss the association of this painting with the 77th name in Sri Lalitha Sahasranama: 'Kameshwara mukaloka kalpitha sri Ganeshwara'– She who has begotten Ganesa by looking into the desire arousing face of Siva.
      Husain’s Bharat Mata in 1997
      Husain’s Bharat Mata in 1997
      With some fringe opposition to his old paintings bringing him extreme media attention, and he himself being a person who loved basking in it, MF Husain started intentionally provoking simplistic Hindu sentiments. He knew, that in doing so, he would catapult himself to fame without getting into any real danger.

      This sad fall can be seen in the comparison of his two paintings: the 1997 and the 2006 painting. In the 1997 painting one can see the 'secular' dimensions of the state being both harmonized and subsumed to the sacred nature of the nation. In the 2006 painting, which relies more on the riots of colours than on innate dynamics of aesthetics and symbolism, one can see all dimensions of the sacred being erased. Despite the fall, it remains that the 1997 painting by MF Hussain, despised by many in the Hindutva camp, was the one which made the boldest visual statement identifying Bharat Mata with Goddess Parvati - in all Her splendour, both secular and the sacred.
      All Inclusive
      Though older than the Vedas, she is still dynamic and is all inclusive. Dr. Arkotong Longkumer, who studies the interactions of religions in the Heraka movement among the north-eastern tribal communities, makes a critical observation about Bharat Mata:
      “The pan-Hindu idea of ‘Bharat Mata’ (Mother India) as a territorial deity correlated with the image of a ‘mother’ in Heraka contexts, and ‘Goddess’ in Gaidinliu’s biography. It portrays an imagery as uniting and including disparate groups in India, such as the Heraka, under the wings of ‘Bharat Mata’.”
      The Goddess embedded in ‘Jana Gana Mana’
      In 1911 Gandhiji wrote a small note in Tamil to one of his compatriots. He ends the letter with Vande Mataram followed by his signature. By the 1930s, for the sake of communal unity, he accepted that the song could be truncated. He further wrote: “If at any mixed gathering any person objected to the singing of Vande Mataram, even with the Congress expurgations, the singing should be dropped.”

      However in 1940, in response to the students’ strike in a missionary college in Calcutta because of the stopping of the singing of Vande Mataram, he wrote, “Whether the song is in fact national or not is not for the missionaries to determine. For them it is surely enough to know that their students recognise the song as national.”
      On 25 August 1948, in the Constituent Assembly, Nehru announced that ‘Jana Gana Mana’ composed by Tagore would be accepted as the national anthem. A section of nationalists found this substitution humiliating. The perceived humiliation comes from identifying the term “Bharata bhagya vidhata”—dispenser of the destiny of India—with King George V.

      Going through the song itself, which comprises of five stanzas, it is not hard to find the identity of this “dispenser”. The third stanza talks of him as the “eternal charioteer” (chirasarathi) and goes on to say that in the midst of revolution or chaos, this charioteer’s “conch sounds” (shankhadhwani). Concluding that the “Bharata bhagya vidhata” is none other than Vishnu, this writer prepared a presentation in 2007 which is available on scribd. However, while revisiting the work recently, I found that that the poet had given a feminine description of this “dispenser of the destiny of India”:
      Through Your lowered but winkless eyes
      Through nightmares and fears,
      You protected us in your lap,
      O loving mother!”
      Tagore here is employing a very old Vedic motif. Discussing the four-pointed star pattern found in Harappa, (like the button seal discovered by Brad Chase from the Kot Diji phase of Harappa 2800-2600 BCE), Parveen Talpur, a historian who specializes on Harappan culture writes:
      Parpola has already suggested that the circle with a dot motif represents eye. It is also known through Vedic texts that Varuna keeps an eye on his subjects through the stars which are his thousand-eyed spies. Furthermore, Parpola compares gods’ eyes with fish eyes, as both are unwinking.
      Was Tagore somehow bringing in the Vedic imagery? Then why he is making it feminine here? Of course Varuna, like Nirrti, is also a binding deity. There may also be another influence here. Before Japan became menacingly expansionist, Tagore had looked forward to Japan for a pan-Asiatic cultural collaboration. He had worked with such eminent scholars of Japan like Okakura Kakuzo, who, during his visit to India in 1902, stayed with Tagore and finished the book The ideals of the East in collaboration with Sister Nivedita. Tagore too, was very interested in the culture, art, education and spirituality of Japan. Dr. Upendra Thakur, historian of ancient Indian and Asian studies, points out a relevant fact:
      (The) God widely worshipped by people in downtown Tokyo was originally Varuna and was introduced into Buddhist pantheon by esoteric Buddhism and then adopted by Shintoists … We have some idea of his iconography from the Daran-hu-kyo according to which his image should be carved out of white sandalwood with a height of five inches in the form of a Tennyo (Devi) with three eyes, heavenly crown and garments and a cintamani jewel held by his two hands.
      If Tagore had known about this Deity, surely he would have made the connect between the feminine Varuna and his three eyes in Japanese iconography and the three eyes of the Goddess so pervasive in his own native Bengal. Tagore once said of Nikolai Roerich, the famous Russian painter, that what Tagore failed to depict in words, Roerich fulfilled it with a stroke of his brush.

      Now look at this painting of Nikolas Roerich titled ‘Mother of the world’ and read again the Japanese iconography of Vedic-Buddhist Varuna in feminine form. Now look at the Mother figure seated on lotus like peninsular land surrounded on three sides by water. She is holding the jewel. The famous three dots, which in Roerich pact represents art, science and religion, the three cultural aspects of humanity, neatly map into the three circles. Are they also her eyes? Her crown are the heavens. And the world comes to her in veneration.
      Can you recognize Her?
      Roerich’s ‘Mother of the world’&nbsp;
      Roerich’s ‘Mother of the world’ 
      Perhaps you can recognize Her with the following prophetic words of Swami Vivekananda:
      “I do not see into the future; nor do I care to see. But one vision I see dear as life before me: that the ancient Mother has awakened once more, sitting on Her throne rejuvenated, more glorious than ever. Proclaim Her to all the world with the voice of peace and benediction.”
      Simply brilliant, Aravindan. A vivid evocation of the R̥gveda Sukta (RV 10.125).
      ahaM rAShTrI saMgamanI vasUnAM chikituShI prathamA yaGYiyAnAM |
      tAM mA devA vy-adadhuH purutrA bhUristhAtrAM bhUry
      A-veshayantIM || 3 ||,
      I am the one who gives wealth to the nation,
      I am the first one to whom this yajna is addressed,
      The gods have found my manifoldness,
      And enter in to it and take possession of the manifoldness. (RV 10.125.3)
      The word Rāṣṭrī recurs in Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. The metaphor elevating mother divinity to signify a civilizational state
      is itihāsa par excellence which fuses history with culture and ādhyāmikā enquiries. Dhanyosmi, Aravindan. We have to rewrite the history of history and frame our own framework -- form and function -- of itihāsa to protect dharma.
        • Avatar
          Prithvi Sukt from Vedas is best example to prove that Mother land should be respected as Mother. During British rule Vedic Scholar Satvalekar ji was imprisoned by Britishers when they smelled his interpretation of Prithvi Sukt of Vedas as conspiracy to the British Rule. They considered his interpretations as an attempt to dethrone the Britishers. In Islam we do not find any such concept of respect towards Motherland. Is it not the reason that majority of Muslims in any country are more dedicated towards ARAB rather than their own motherland?
            • Avatar
               
              Bharatiya Danga party bjp don't want to resolve the kashmir issue. BDP wants to establish hindoo nation. It worships the map of India as "bharat mata" and j&k looks like the head of that imaginary bharat mata. Hence all the confusion in Bharatiya Danga party and its Danga partners rss, sangh parivar etc...!!.
                • Avatar
                   
                  Removal of Article 370, 35(A) etc. is the best resolution of the Kashmir issue.
                    • Avatar
                       
                      Mai tere ghar ki jawan auraato ko Bollywood me kaam dilaunga tu unki hot and s€xy photo aur video post kar na.
                        • Avatar
                           
                          Kashmir is Muslim land disputed or not. Muslims live there. This reality is not going to change. Now Kashmiri pandits can go there. Even hijbol is calling them back. Muslims have given land to non Muslims. Singapore - Malaysia gave to non muslim, Greek Cyprus - turkey gave to non-Muslim, South Sudan - Sudan gave to none muslim etc just a few example....
                            • Avatar
                               
                              So you agree that the problem is mainly Islamic?
                                • Avatar
                                   
                                  Bharatiya Danga party don't want to resolve the issue. BDP wants to establish hindoo nation. It worships the map of India as "bharat mata" and j&k looks like the head of that imaginary bharat mata. Hence all the confusion in Bharatiya Danga party and its Danga partners rss, sangh parivar etc...!!
                            • Avatar
                               
                              Arab is their Holy land...
                              • Avatar
                                For what is a nation?
                                A group of same race, same language, same culture and same ethnicity! A criteria which India does not fucking Fit in because we have Punjab nation,Bengal nation bihari nation etc etc all in one country!!
                                India ain't a Nation motherfucker it's a Country made up of multiple Nations, the sooner fuckwit pan-India nationalists realise this the better. Sub-Nationalists are the ones who have a legitimacy behind their Nationalism. Ethnicity is a real thing and your bullshit pan-India revisionist history isn't.
                                Bharat used to be an insignificant Kingdom in North India which had NOTHING to do with South India.
                                This is nothing but historical revisionism! You want me to fucking buy that a Bihari has just as much claim over Karnataka or Manipur as his "Mother land"!? bullshit, absolute bullshit!
                                Mother Goddess MariAmman is something which existed in South India predating most modern Hindu Gods and certainly the dumb fucking idea of "Bharat Mata".
                                  • Avatar
                                     
                                    PV, Rahul, Prof medina, hindinationallanguage, AryanBrahminDalitRapists,Inc are the same pakistani loser who wishes he was Indian.LOL
                                    For those who aren't aware, hindinationallanguage and AryanBrahaminDalitRapistsInc is the same guy who is PV, Rahul, Prof Medina, etc. Basically the same loser from pakistan coming here to cause trouble (even pretending to be two different Indians to try and cause mischief) and he probably thinks he's being smart by his people's standards. However, he failed to note that Indians have a much higher level of intelligence than the people where he comes from.
                                      • Avatar
                                         
                                        "Ethnicity is a real thing and your bullshit pan-India revisionist history isn't."
                                        No.
                                        Pan-India cohesion is as real as ethnicity. Please see, for example, the concept of aggregate religion in Jeyamohan's article "Am I a Hindu"
                                        Or you can read the section titled "Sanskrit Unites the Great and Little Traditions" in Rajiv Malhotra's Being Different (p240).
                                        Or you can see the similarity of concerns in (i) Advaita and (ii) the vacanas of the Lingayat tradition. (see www.academia.edu/7866603for (i) and https://www.academia.edu/18... for (ii))
                                          • Avatar
                                             
                                            Rajiv Malhotra!? That old bag of NRI dog turd aka one of the proppnents of RSS Historic Revisionism!? I've read his book "Breaking India" He is a typcial delusional chaddi warrior who badly needs a Gunshot to the face.
                                            We have our own Ethnic histories&traditions that are unique and region specific, STOP this nonsense of revisionism! It's creating a new history at the cost of distorting the original history.
                                            All attempts made to homogenize and fit Indian history into a unitary "Akhad Bharat" mould only FUELS my Ethnic Nationalism.
                                              • Avatar
                                                 
                                                BHARAT is the land of HINDUS and only leftist turd will cry "revisionist" when faced with Real History. Its no wonder that UK and US loving people will lap the lies of the whites and their mental slaves, and bend their backs to please their masters. However, the real HINDUS know its always been BHARAT and BHARAT MATA is an idea which has been around for thousands of years. The victory of BHARAT tribe over the 10 kings - as mentioned in the RigVeda- clearly underscores the idea of BHARAT. Hindustan is ONE LAND under BHARAT and who cant digest the truth will NEED to leave the land of BHARAT. AKHAND BHARAT will be a reality soon. Time is coming for Hindu Hindustan!!!
                                                  • Avatar
                                                     
                                                    "Homogenize" is an unsuitable concept or the Indian traditions. Please don't bring into the Indian traditions those concepts or categories that are suitable for the Vatican's way of doing things.
                                                • Avatar
                                                  People upset that the lies have been exposed now ask - why live in the past?
                                                  They should ask - why live with a lie?
                                                    • Avatar
                                                      A scholarly article that covers our tradition well and how it has influenced even Japan.
                                                        • Avatar
                                                          What is the relevance of this write in these days? 
                                                          why we wants to waste our precious time over such insignificant topics. 
                                                          How it will address our present problems? 
                                                          History is for leisure and only full stomach cough such tantrums.
                                                          we should avoid such futile topics and let us concentrate on problems at hand.
                                                            • Avatar
                                                               
                                                              from regressive left challenging these topics is ok and when patriots proud of their culture write its boring, out of trend.
                                                              Wow hypocrisy or a comment from a paid troll.
                                                              so much for tolerance, you cant tolerate an article, now dont say you are liberal. 
                                                              By the way someone forced you to read this article, your parents or some friend who is by chance a person who is proud of their culture. .
                                                                • Avatar
                                                                   
                                                                  Why u wants live in past which has no bearing over future, how many days u wants to continue such regressive reports to waste your energy and resources. 
                                                                  By not accepting the truth are doing in justice with society. you wants live them in past forever, shutting reforms and ways and means to meet the contemporary challenges. 
                                                                  No one forces others, likes of you are writhe when confronted with facts. calm down your antediluvian mind set and support futuristic ideas.
                                                                    • Avatar
                                                                       
                                                                      simple thing some one want to make their countryman aware of their heritage, their culture and what types of threat it faced in past which in turns make them future ready.
                                                                      Its like that somebody making you aware of your mistakes so that you dont make them in future, its a futuristic idea, its your problem you're not getting it.
                                                                      eg:- people in kasmir face exodus, kasmiri pandit, majority muslim.
                                                                      people in pakistan faced exodus, hindus and etc, majority muslim.
                                                                      Same in everywhere. 6 district in kerala is muslim majority and hindus facing exodus.
                                                                      conclusion:- Now whats the conclusion muslims doesnt allow other religion to coexist.
                                                                      Solution :- Nowhere allow muslim majority in India.
                                                                      source of conclusion and solution :- past
                                                                      But why you are having an Itch what somebody writing dont you have any work besides interfering in others FoE. Or jnuites can say bharat ki barbadi and all its media partners can say anything to support why they are saying this, go there and waste your time there.
                                                                  • Avatar
                                                                    Sangham literature (300 BCE to 300 CE) classifies the land into five 
                                                                    eco-cultural categories. These categories were originally intended as 
                                                                    literary techniques. Yet they had clearly helped the rulers and 
                                                                    administrators manage the natural resources of the land. Each of these 
                                                                    categories have their names and deities (See table).
                                                                    Sorry, where is the table?

                                                                  National Water Grid. NaMo, make it nation's priority to be achieved by 2022

                                                                  Form and function of Bhāratīya Itihāsa from 1600, impoverishment upto 1947 and resurgence from 2014

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0
                                                                  From 33% in 1 CE to 24% in 1700 to 12% in 1870 is a precipitous drop in the contribution made by Bhāratam to World GDP. It is clear from the statistics provided by Economic Historians that the most devastating impoverishment of the nation of Bhārat occurred between 1700 and 1870.

                                                                  In 1700, Britain’s GDP was $10.7 billion (2.88% of World GDP). This status was changed to $100 billion in 1870 (9.1% of World GDP). Britain had colonized Bhāratam through East India Company founded in 1600.

                                                                  The impoverishment of Bhāratam and the enrichment of Britain between 1700 and 1870 has not been fully narrated in Bhāratīya Itihāsa. This narrative should not be a colonial narrative but an account of the transformation of the human condition and cultural moorings of billions of people.

                                                                  From British Empire where the Sun never set to the pathetic state of Britain exiting European Union is a saga of the lessons to be learnt from history. No looter can retain his or her loot for ever. Wealth is mithyā, it goes round and round in cycles. The nation of Bhāratam founded on dharma can never be subjugated.

                                                                  The form and function of the new Bhāratīya Itihāsa should be a vivid evocation of the R̥gveda Sukta (RV 10.125).
                                                                  ahaM rAShTrI saMgamanI vasUnAM chikituShI prathamA yaGYiyAnAM |
                                                                  tAM mA devA vy-adadhuH purutrA bhUristhAtrAM bhUry
                                                                  A-veshayantIM || 3 ||,
                                                                  I am the one who gives wealth to the nation,
                                                                  I am the first one to whom this yajna is addressed,
                                                                  The gods have found my manifoldness,
                                                                  And enter in to it and take possession of the manifoldness. (RV 10.125.3)
                                                                  The word Rāṣṭrī recurs in Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. The metaphor elevating mother divinity to signify a civilizational state is itihāsa par excellence which fuses history with culture and ādhyāmikā enquiries. Dhanyosmi, Aravindan. We have to rewrite the history of history and frame our own framework -- form and function -- of itihāsa to protect dharma.

                                                                  Form and function of Bhāratīya Itihāsa of the period from 1600 should narrate, impoverishment upto 1947 and resurgence from 2014 of a young nation today (2017) of over 130 crore people of whom 75% are youth below the age of 35.

                                                                  S. Kalyanaraman
                                                                  Sarasvati Research Centre










                                                                   http://indiafacts.org/book-review-corporation-changed-world-nick-robins/

                                                                  On racism & History of history. Does German indology lack a sense of history?

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0






                                                                  Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee's work Nay Science is a contribution to historiography and establishes the lack of a sense of history in German indology. The reasons for this lack of sense of history are manifold. Little do pundits realise that myth is the "nearest approach to absolute truth that can be stated in words." (Ananda Coomaraswamy). 

                                                                  It is time to reclaim the true import of Bhāratīya Itihāsa, 'ancient traditions' to protect dharma-dhamma.

                                                                  Indology, Indomania, and Orientalism:  Ancient India's Rebirth in Modern Germany

                                                                  Indology, Indomania, and Orientalism: Ancient India's Rebirth in Modern Germany

                                                                   

                                                                  Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hb6nlav

                                                                  This article by Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee, follows up the arguments in their book The Nay Science: A History of German Indology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

                                                                  1. Was German Indology more scientific or rather, based on racial, anti-semitic and anti-brahmanic principles?

                                                                  2. Was it ethical, with discipline’s involvement in Nazism or their share of responsibility in legitimating Aryanism?

                                                                  3. How did German Indology contribute to pedagogy, restricting texts to disciplinary initiates? 

                                                                  4. if the discipline contributed neither to science nor to ethics nor to pedagogy, what function did it serve? Why was it funded? Here we found that Indology’s main function consisted of oversight over the Brahmanic (read: priestly) tradition... the German Indologists actually constituted themselves as a new priesthood.

                                                                  The points made by Vishwa Adluri and Joydeep Bagchee apply to all Western academic indologists.

                                                                  Indology's falsehoods stem from positing modernity versus tradition without presenting an objective, ethical research framework (e.g. tantrayukti of Bharatiya tradition). On application of tantrayukti for Indus script decipherment see http://tinyurl.com/h9m4wno  

                                                                   


                                                                  Indology as a western academic discipline is born in sin and has a lot to introspect and allow the not-so scientific indologists to heal themselves by getting back to the ancient texts, starting with the Veda -- as knowledge systems which the Rishi-s saw ca 7th millennium BCE and recorded in hi-fidelity oral transmission to ensure their insights were transmitted with integrity and without blemish.

                                                                  S. Kalyanaraman
                                                                  Sarasvati Research Centre

                                                                  Excerpts:

                                                                  [quote] Established in 1935 as a haven for European intellectuals fleeing Nazi persecution, The New School for Social Research played a distinguished role in the history of the Jewish diaspora. In the postwar years it welcomed many émigré scholars including Hannah Arendt, Hans Jonas and Reiner Schürmann. Immersed in the critical spirit of the Frankfurt School, professors at our alma mater taught us to question inherited categories of thinking. In our first book, we brought this same spirit to bear on a problem that directly concerned the Jewish experience in World War II: the search for an Aryan identity, which was fashioned primarily by German scholars working in the fields of Sanskrit philology and literature in the nineteenth century. A critical history of their work from the perspective of a philosophical critique of the Enlightenment formed the basis for a turn to Hindu texts, seeking to understand a long-neglected tradition in its irreducible alterity. As we studied these texts, the same problem confronted us again and again: the engagement with Hinduism had occurred and was occurring on a ground Jewish intellectuals had already traversed. Hinduism was not studied or understood for itself, but ineluctably drawn into Christian apologetics against Judaism. The scholar’s relationship to his subject was framed as a conflict between modernity and tradition,between reason and revelation; and the scholar’s role was primarily that of an  iconoclastic subversion of tradition, albeit in the name of “criticism,” “universal values” and “‘enlightened’ modernity.”
                                                                  Conclusion

                                                                  The analysis presented here lets us now appreciate the full scope of The Nay Science’s project. Our aimin this work was to ask four questions about Indology as it is currently practiced. The first was epistemological: how was German Indology a science? How did it generate certain, universally valid propositions? Here we showed that Indology did not correspond to any acceptable definition of science. Even though the Indologists claimed that their work was objective and scientific as compared with the allegedly arbitrary interpretations of native commentators, their work was not any more scientific.

                                                                  Rather, it was based on racial, anti-Semitic, and anti-Brahmanic principles. The second question we asked was ethical: how did the German Indologists address these problematic aspects of their history? Were they cognizant of them? Had they engaged in a self-critique? Had they corrected for the historical-critical method’s anti-Judaic bias? Once again, we found that, far from addressing these problems, the Indologists were obsessed with defending an institutional hegemony. They failed to acknowledge either their discipline’s involvement in Nazism or their share of responsibility in legitimating Aryanism.

                                                                  The third question we asked was pedagogic: how did German Indology contribute to pedagogy? What was its value to students? Here we showed that the discipline did not actually aim to make texts accessible and transparent. Indeed, it rejected philosophical interpretation as incommensurable with the “scientific” task. Although German Indologists claimed to be part of the humanities, their work favored an arcane, technical style, that restricted these texts to other disciplinary “initiates.”

                                                                  Their work set aside both ethics and pedagogy as beyond Indology’s ambit, and posited a fantastic objectivity instead. The fourth question we asked concerned German Indology’s public value: if the discipline contributed neither to science nor to ethics nor to pedagogy, what function did it serve? Why was it funded? Here we found that Indology’s main function consisted of oversight over the Brahmanic (read: priestly) tradition. German Indologists had failedto evolve a single positive justification for their discipline, other than offering a counterpoint to the tradition.

                                                                   Yet, although they claimed to be historically self-aware, they could not answer a simple question: in what way was their scholarship “critical”? Parasitic on the Indian tradition, using their corporate status to compel respect from the Indians, and yet incapable of dialoguing with them, the Indologists thus represent a failed chapter in German intellectual history. They survive merely on the strength of their institutional arrangements, that is, what Ringer terms “legality.”The present paper brought these points together and showed how, on the back of a supersessionist narrative of liberation from Brahmanism, the German Indologists actually constituted themselves as a new priesthood. Their example is instructive for anyone concerned with the university’s future direction. [unquote]

                                                                  Photo published for Jews and Hindus in Indology

                                                                  https://www.scribd.com/document/338933300/Jews-and-Hindus-in-Indology-Jews-and-Hindus-in-Indology-2014




                                                                  Merriam-Webster

                                                                  Definition of historiography

                                                                  1.    1a :  the writing of history; especially :  the writing of history based on the critical examination of sources, the selection of particulars from the authentic materials, and the synthesis of particulars into a narrative that will stand the test of critical methodsb :  the principles, theory, and history of historical writing a course in historiography

                                                                  2.    2:  the product of historical writing :  a body of historical literature a survey of the country's historiography

                                                                  See: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3270519

                                                                  Did the Hindus Lack a Sense of History?

                                                                  Arvind Sharma
                                                                  Numen
                                                                  Vol. 50, No. 2 (2003), pp. 190-227

                                                                  Arvind Sharma

                                                                  Hinduism and Its Sense of History$Print publication date: 2003
                                                                  Print ISBN-13: 9780195665314
                                                                  Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012
                                                                  DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195665314.001.0001

                                                                  Does Hinduism Lack a Sense of History? Thesis Re-examined

                                                                  Arvind Sharma

                                                                  DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195665314.003.0004
                                                                  The preceding chapters were devoted to a consideration of the emergence of the view that the Hindus lacked a sense of history, its influence on Indian Studies, and the responses it evoked. This chapter now asks whether the proposition itself—independent of its origin, influence, and the response it has provoked—is valid or not. It argues that if one is looking for evidence to judge the presence or absence of historical sense among the Hindus, then the place to look for it are the epigraphic records left by the rulers. Stones and not parchment seems to have the medium of choice in ancient India. The two inscriptions examined are the Junagadh Inscription of Rudradāman (c. 150 AD) and the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta (c. 350 AD).
                                                                  http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195665314.001.0001/acprof-9780195665314-chapter-4

                                                                  Bharatiya historiography: role of Ramayana and Mahabharata


                                                                  Bharatiya historiography cannot be straight-jacketed in the present-day contexts or meanings of ‘history’ as a chronicle, a chronology or narration of human progress.
                                                                  Bharatiya historiography is founded on brahma yajna and many manifestations of knowledge represented by this aadhyaatmika journey of the practitioner, the aatman. Bharatiya historiography is an integral inquiry into phenomena and in relation to one’s station in life and the dharma to be performed for attaining nihs’reyas and abhyudayam.
                                                                  Brahma yajna is a process of knowing about the cosmos and includes many facets of learning through many sources.

                                                                  In the context of brahma yajna, Taittiriya Aranyaka notes:
                                                                  Somaahutibhir yad atharvaangiraso madhvaahutibhir yad braahman.aaneetihaasaan puraan.aani kalpaan gaathaa naaraas’amseer medaahutitirbhirava tad devas tarpati ta enam truptaa aayushaa tejasaa varcasaa s’riyaa yas’asaa brahma varcasena annaadyena ca tarpayanti (2.10)

                                                                  Chandogya Upanishad (7.1.4) brackets itihaasa and puraan.a with the Veda:
                                                                  Mimaamsate ca yo vedaan s.ad.bhiangaih savistaraih
                                                                  Itihaasa puraan.aani sa bhaved veda paragah
                                                                  (One who studies thoroughly the Veda along with it’s six limbs and the itihaasa and puraan.a becomes a true knower of the Veda)

                                                                  The list of history related terms are: braahman.a, itihaasa, puraan.a, kalpa, gaathaa naaraas’amsee, aakhyaana

                                                                  All these terms are in plural. There are many itihaasa, many puraan.a. The tradition holds the Ramayana and Mahabharata to be itihaasa.
                                                                  The compound, iti-ha-aasa means ‘so indeed it was’.

                                                                  Puraan.a means ‘belonging to ancient times’.

                                                                  Aakhyaana means ‘narrations, recitation of historical narrations’ (S’rimadbhagavatam 1.9.28); aakhyaayika means ‘anectode’.

                                                                  Itivrtta means ‘kaavya’ or literary works or lores, and can be in three forms: naat.aka, nr.tya, keertana.

                                                                  kalpa is a cycle of creation. For example, kalpa sutra in the Jaina tradition includes the narrations of the lives of Mahavira and other tirthankara.

                                                                  Gaatha are meditations. One group of 17 sacred texts called Gaatha in the Avestan tradition, referring to the holy songs of Zarathushtra. In Rigveda (1.167.6, 9.11.4), the term, gaatha is used as a reference to a song. In some contexts, gaatha also refers to poetry of legends or aakhyaana (e.g., S’unahs’epa aakhyaana, Supran.a aakhyaana) or to a metrical part of the Bauddha utra.

                                                                  Naaraas’amsee gaathaa means ‘songs in praise in the Rigveda’. Some also interpret the term as a reference to anecdotes gleaned from the Veda. (For example, in Brihaddevataa, adhyaaya 2, naaras’amsi, pavamaana and jaatavedas are grouped together as songs to divinities including pavamaana soma, personified material; divinities of Rigveda also include tanoonapat and naaras’amsi who are divinities of the apri rica-s indicating idhma as a form of agni; divinities of Rigveda 1.14-15 include tanoonapat, naaras’amsi, il.aa, barhis).

                                                                  S’ivagita is included in the uttarakanda of Padma Purana. “The Siva Gita begins with episode from the Ramayana epic, where Rama is despondent over the loss of Sita. At this time, Rama is visited by Sage Agastya, and Sage Agastya prescribes to Rama that he should observe a special vow called the Pasupata vrata. By observing this vow Agastya promises that Rama shall have a vision of Lord Siva, and will receive the Pasupata arrow without which Ravana cannot be defeated. Rama performs the vow and at the end of four months receives a divine vision of Siva. Siva presents Rama with the Pasupata arrow, and Rama in turn asks Lord Siva a series of questions. The dialogue between Sri Rama and Lord Siva makes up the bulk of the Siva Gita.”

                                                                  Some excerpts have been cited from this text of S’ivagita:

                                                                  [quote]I am the Rg Veda, the Yajur Veda, the Sāma Veda, the Atharvana, full of sacred mantras, and similarly the distinguished Angiras all originate from Me. ||16||
                                                                  I am the Itihāsas, the Purāņas, I am the kalpa (cycle of creation), and the performer of the rituals. I am the Narasamsi (hymn of Rudra); I am the Gātha (hymn praising Vedic ritual). I am meditation and the secret wisdom. ||17|| [quote]
                                                                  The brahmayajna verses cited earlier read with this text show that in the scheme of knowledge and the texts to be read and understood include, apart from the Veda, the itihaasa, puraan.a, kalpa, naaras’amsi and gaatha.
                                                                  Other terms which have a reference to such studies are: aakhyaana, itivr.tta, vams’a, vams’aanucarita. Good example of vams’a and vams’aanucarita are provided in the work of Bana Bhatta, Harshacarita and of Vakpatiraja, Padmagupta, Atula, Bilhana, Bhulokamalla, Jayanaka, Kalhana.

                                                                  Veda and Puraan.a are sometimes referred to as apaurusheya:
                                                                  Atharva veda 11.7.24: rcah saamaani chandaamsi puraan.am yajusaa saha
                                                                  Ucchis.t.ajjajnire sarve divi deva divis’ritah (Rig, Saama, Yajur and Atharva veda, along with the Puraan.a, and all the divinities residing in heavenly planets appeared from the Supreme).
                                                                  Atharva Veda 15.6.10,12 also lists itihaasa in the following context:
                                                                  Sa br.hatim dis’amanuvyacalat
                                                                  Tam itihaasas’ca puraan.am ca gaathaas’ca
                                                                  Itihaasasya ca sa vai puraan.asya ca gaathaanaam ca
                                                                  Naaras’amseenaam ca priyamdhama bhavati ya evam veda
                                                                  (He moved favourably towards Br.hati and thus the itihaasa, puraan.a, gata and naaras’amsee became favourable to him. One who knows this verily becomes the dear abode of the itihaasa and puraan.a and naaras’amsee)
                                                                  Gopatha Braahman.a Purva 2.10 notes and adds a new term, anvakhyaata:
                                                                  Evamime sarve veda nirmitah sa kalpah
                                                                  Sa rahasyah sa braahman.ah sopanis’at.kah
                                                                  Setihaasah sa anvakhyatah sa puraan.aah
                                                                  (In this way all the Veda became manifest along with the Kalpa, Rahasya, braahman.a, Upanishad, itihaasa, anvakhyaata and puraan.a)

                                                                  Note: these citations and translations from Atharva Veda and Gopatha Braahman.a are after http://kkswami.com/faith/Appendix-10-Sri-Tattva-sandarbha.php

                                                                  Many aberrations and distortions in understanding the ancient hindu civilization arise from a misunderstanding or lack of understanding of the evolution of historiography in Bharatam as a complement to the ultimate purushaartha of upholding dharma in every action and in every inquiry. The aberrations and distortions in Bharatiya Itihaasa have occurred because of this misunderstanding and jumpting to the wrong conclusion that Bharatiya lack a sense of ‘history’ (as defined by the western academics).

                                                                  History in bharatiya tradition is an vast and expansive continuum in time and space. The sankalpa mantra uttered before beginning the brahma yajna exemplifies this tradition, first locating the practitioner or student in time and space, before proceeding with the s’ikshaa. In this sikshaa which is also a deekshaa, itihaasa is only one part of studying paraa and aparaa vidyaa. Ramayana and Mahabharata are the itihaasa in this hindu civilization continuum. Both these itihaasa should be viewed only in the cultural context in which they have been communicated to the people through many media such as pravacana, naat.aka, puppetry, dance and song. One has only to see the importance of Ramayana by listening to the kriti-s of Tyagaraja, dances of Thailand or of Mahabharata by viewing the puppet shows in Indonesia.

                                                                  To say that Ramayana and Mahabharata are not ‘historical texts’ is an unfortunate misunderstanding of the context in which these itihaasa are rendered and accepted by many citizens in many parts of the world, in general, of Bharatam, in particular. I submit that Ramayana and Mahabharata are the sheet-anchors of Bharatiya Itihaasa. We have to research on and delve deep into these texts to document a grand narrative of Bharatiya Itihaasa.
                                                                  https://kalyan97.wordpress.com/2007/11/10/1243/

                                                                  Links:



                                                                  http://ddceutkal.ac.in/Syllabus/MA_history/Paper_07.pdf Indian historiography by BB Satpathy

                                                                  Revised: Aug 01, 2014 By: Richard Pallardy

                                                                  श्राद्ध for & significance of Kr̥ṣṇa & Ram Mandir for Bhāratīya Itihāsa

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0
                                                                  https://tinyurl.com/ybdb8pte

                                                                  Mithyā, quest for ātmā and meaning of yajña in Itihāsa, 'Bhāratīya ancient traditions' is exemplified by the yearning -- ongoing yajña -- of millions of people for Ram Mandir in Ayodhya. 

                                                                  Call it myth, call it consciousness, call it ātmā.

                                                                  'Myth embodies the nearest approach to absolute truth that can be stated in words.' -- Ananda Coomaraswamy

                                                                  Rāma and Kr̥ṣṇa are such statements closest to absolute truth. The devatā of Vākdevi suktam of R̥gveda (RV 10.125) is ātmā.

                                                                  The problem with western academics exemplified by German indology and 'pseudo-secular' naxal brigage of Bhāratīya commies have no clue as to the import of Bhāratīya Itihāsa which is a narrative of 'ancient traditions'. Impelled by the bogus Hegelian/Marxist 'dialectic', little do these worthies realize the nature of ātman, 'consciousness'. Calling it 'social sciences' does not make history 'scientific'. Artificial intelligence and neuroscience researches have not even come close to realizing the nature of ātman, 'consciousness'. What did the R̥ṣi mean when he said that Soma is yajñasya ātmā?

                                                                  There are seven soma samsthā yajña:
                                                                  1. Agniṣṭoma,
                                                                  2. atyagniṣṭoma,
                                                                  3. uktha,
                                                                  4. ṣoḍhaśī,
                                                                  5. atirātra,
                                                                  6. āptoryāma and
                                                                  7. vājapeya
                                                                  Soma yajña is the 'consciousness' of the Ṛgveda (ātmā yajñasya: RV. IX. 2,10; 6,8). Within soma, amśu which is a component, is ātmā yajñasya.
                                                                  Bhāratīya Itihāsa studies have to delve deep into the meaning of this insight of R̥veda and outline the nature of Soma. The entire corpus of Veda texts is in nuce, 'in a nutshell', the narrative of Soma.
                                                                  So are Rāma and Kr̥ṣṇa quintessential metaphors of protection of dharma, the eternal, global ethic, the cosmic order that governs the framework of consciousness.
                                                                  I submit that 'mithyā' is a quest for for ātmā and meaning of yajña in Itihāsa, 'Bhāratīya ancient traditions'. This quest is an intersection of 'science' and 'humanities', 'science' and 'culture', 'science' and 'religion'.
                                                                  The yearning of millions of people for a Ram Mandir in Ayodhya is yajña.
                                                                  Image result for ram mandir This temple will be a monument for the ātmā of Sri Rāma, who is the embodiment of dharma -- Ramo vigrahavān dharmah, says R̥si Viśvāmitra to Daśaratha.
                                                                  This vigrahavān dharmah, is enshrined in the hearts and minds of millions of people, call it science, call it faith or śraddhā.
                                                                  श्राद्ध [p= 1097,3] mf()n. (fr. श्रद्-धा) faithful , true , loyal , believing HParis3. SaddhP. (cf. Pa1n2. 5-2 , 101n. a ceremony in honour and for the benefit of dead relatives observed with great strictness at various fixed periods and on occasions of rejoicing as well as mourning by the surviving relatives (these ceremonies are performed by the daily offering of water and on stated occasions by the offering of पिण्डs or balls of rice and meal [see पिण्ड] to three paternal and three maternal forefathers i.e. to father , grandfather , and great grandfather ; it should be borne in mind that a श्राद्ध is not a funeral ceremony [अन्त्ये*ष्टि] but a supplement to such a ceremony ; it is an act of reverential homage to a deceased person performed by relatives , and is moreover supposed to supply the dead with strengthening nutriment after the performance of the previous funeral ceremonies has endowed them with ethereal bodies ; indeed until those अन्त्ये*ष्टि , or " funeral rites " have been performed , and until the succeeding first श्राद्ध has been celebrated the deceased relative is a प्रे* or restless , wandering ghost , and has no real body [only a लिङ्ग-शरीर q.v.] ; it is not until the first श्राद्ध has taken place that he attains a position among the पितृs or Divine Fathers in their blissful abode called पितृ-लोक , and the श्राद्ध is most desirable and efficacious when performed by a son ; for a full description of the श्राद्ध ceremonies » RTL. 276 , 304 &c Gr2S3rS. Mn. MBh. &c

                                                                  आत्म [p= 135,1] (in comp. for आत्म्/अन् ; also rarely ifc. e.g. अध्य्-ात्म , अध्य्-ात्म्/अम्). आत्मन्[p= 135,1] m. (variously derived fr. अन् , to breathe ; अत् , to move ; वा , to blow ; cf. त्म्/अन्) the breath RV.; principle of life and sensation RV. AV. &c; self , abstract individual [e.g. आत्म्/अन् (Ved. loc.धत्ते , or करोति , " he places in himself " , makes his own TS. v S3Br. आत्मना अकरोत् , " he did it himself " Ka1d. आत्मना वि- √युज् , " to lose one's life " Mn. vii , 46 ; आत्मन् in the sg. is used as reflexive pronoun for all three persons and all three genders e.g. आत्मानं सा हन्ति , " she strikes herself " ; पुत्रम् आत्मनः स्पृष्ट्वा निपेततुः , " they two having touched their son fell down " R. ii , 64 , 28 ; see also below s.v. आत्मना ]; आत्मना instr. of आत्मन् , in comp. ([but not in a बहुव्रीहि]) with ordinals Pa1n2. 6-3 , 6 (cf. the बहुव्रीहि compounds आत्म-चतुर्थ , and -पञ्चम.).
                                                                  Thus, the quest for ātmā is the quest for 'identity' of the self or consciousness. Researchers have a long way to go recounting Bhāratīya Itihāsa as a quest for ātmā.
                                                                  The quest for ātmā is a  śrāddha performed in honour of ancestors who are the beacon-lights for dharma. beacon is an intentionally conspicuous device designed to attract attention to a specific location.
                                                                  This quest, this śrāddha in memory of Sri Rāma is also a prayer to Sri Kr̥ṣṇa whose janmāṣṭami is celebrated on 14 August 2017, today.  Kr̥ṣṇa Rāma are ātmā of Bhāratīya Itihāsa. Kr̥ṣṇa Rāma are personifications of divinity in Bhāratīya Itihāsa. By calling humanities 'social science' cannot make the discipline scientific because science has no method to unravel the contours of divinity, not even ātmā, 'consciousness'. Call humanities a study of art, one of the 64 arts listed by  Vātsyāyana in vidyāsamuddeśa, 'objectives of education'. Calling the discipline 'science' is a cop out by hypocritical indologists in the track of German indological traditions.

                                                                  Kalyanaraman
                                                                  Sarasvati Research Center
                                                                  August 14, 2017


                                                                  Ram temple will transform Hindu-Muslim relations


                                                                  By M.D. Nalapat | 13 August, 2017
                                                                  As suggested by Shia petitioners, a mosque should be erected in a nearby location.
                                                                  Even a cursory visit to a country such as Saudi Arabia will show the separation between Shia mosques and those catering to Sunnis. The Babri Masjid was built as a Shia house of prayer, although in a legal manoeuvre, it got reclassified as Sunni just before 1947, through the decision of a judge who subscribed to the same school of theology within the great faith he belonged to, as that which his verdict favoured. To accuse him of bias may be unjust, but from then onwards, Shia organisations were sought to be excluded from activities connected to the mosque. Now they have re-entered the legal arena, seeking to re-establish their historically valid claim to being the actual trustees of the mosque, rather than the (Sunni) Wakf Board, which was given control by the Faizabad judge. A comprehensive review of the historical evidence would almost certainly result in the Shia community being given back legal authority over what remains of a structure that was destroyed in 1992 by kar sevaks. This was as a consequence of a lack of effective protection by the Narasimha Rao government, which went by assurances related to the safety of the structure that were quickly shown to be incorrect. What is not in dispute is the fact that hundreds of millions of individuals believe the Babri Masjid to have been erected on the very site where Lord Ram was born. Similarly, a structure was constructed atop what is almost universally regarded within the Hindu community as being the birthplace in Mathura of Lord Krishna, and (in Varanasi) a mosque was built on what is believed to be the site of an ancient Shiva temple. Those within India and outside with an interest in ensuring toxicity within the Hindu-Muslim relationship would like these three locations to remain as they are, an oozing wound on the psyche of a billion people.
                                                                  This columnist is clear that the battles and events described in the Mahabharataactually took place, and it is evidence of the persistence of colonial mindsets in a country that won its freedom seven decades ago that historians steeped in the external prejudices that have suffused Nehruvian thought, continue to regard the Indian epics as “myths”. Were Italians to regard Julius Caesar as a fantasy, or Greeks as a historical untruth the life and conquests of Alexander, they would be called insane. Those who acknowledge the truth of the epics of ancient India are not termed mad, merely “fanatics” who seek to invent history. Or in other words, be accused of precisely what colonial-era historians and their successors in post-1947 India did. Which was to create an ersatz history that subliminally ensured that any sense of pride in being sons and daughters of the subcontinent would get stamped out.
                                                                  Unfortunately, more than a few champions of the Correct History (as distinct from Colonial History) cause are aiming at the wrong target by demanding the extinction, rather than spread of a useful weapon of global empowerment, which is the Englishlanguage. Such faulty targeting is an error common in the history of India, and which has been responsible for the fact that even in 2017, this country is dependent on foreign sources for almost all its core defence and technological needs. As has been pointed out by worried scientists, even laboratory equipments need to be imported, as very few items are indigenously produced. Were sanctions on such supplies to get imposed, much of R&D would halt. Not, of course, that there is a surfeit of genuinely swadeshi R&D anyway, most of it being re-heated versions of concepts and models from countries that are less dismissive of their own talent than India. The widening trajectories of the indigenous capabilities of India and China show the extent to which the retention of the colonial model of bureaucracy, housing, healthcare and education has damaged the future of India. In the chemistry of a people, history is at the heart, and acknowledging that Lord Ram and Lord Krishna are as real in history as Alexander and Julius Caesar, is essential to historical truth. Such a factual history, rather than continuing with colonial-era myth-making, is a necessary step towards a rejuvenated Indian nation. In this context, were the birthplaces of Lord Ram at Faizabad, that of Lord Krishna at Mathura, and the spiritual centre of gravity that is the former structure in Varanasi consecrated to Lord Shiva, to be gifted to their Hindu brothers and sisters by the Muslim community, such a princely gesture would douse the flames of tension rising between the practitioners of these two noble faiths. Once this transfer takes place, any attempt by individuals to change the status of other houses of worship in this country on historical grounds should be met with police bullets. No further change on the lines of the three already mentioned should be asked for, or granted. Those irresponsible enough to do so should be shunned.
                                                                  There are fanatics in all communities, even within those that are known for their modernity and rationality, such as the Jains, Sikhs and Parsis. A tiny substratum of believers in the Two Nation theory popularised under the British should no longer be allowed to block the path towards the comprehensive communal harmony in India that will dawn with the building of temples at the three sites mentioned. Also (in Faizabad and Mathura), historical complexes should be constructed in a traditional architectural way that tells the life stories of Lord Ram and Lord Krishna, and to which every individual on the planet should be welcomed. Epic heroes are universal, whether they be from India, Europe or elsewhere. They each belong to all humankind. Additionally, as suggested by the Shia petitioners in the Babri Masjid case, a mosque should be erected in nearby locations in the three centres, which would be visible symbols of the mercy, compassion and peace that so fills the Holy Quran. The gesture of agreeing to the relocation of the three places of worship in order to ensure lasting communal harmony would be the finest 70th birthday gift to the entire nation. It would show the world that Muslims in India are second to none in their respect and tolerance for other faiths.

                                                                  German indology, ātmā, Mahābhārata & Tyranny at Nuremberg

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0

                                                                  Do German indologists, historians, scientists of Nay Science, see a parallel between Mahābhārata war and Tyranny at Nuremberg -- Paul Craig Roberts? Have they figured out the meaning of Bhagavadgīta? Aha, it is an interpolation ! is their answer. What about the naxals? Aha, it is Hindutva. If Dharma studies are Hindutva, so be it. Calling humanities 'social science' is hypocritical because 'science' cannot figure out ātmā, 'consciousness'. ātmā is devatā of RV 10.125, Devi Sūktam.


                                                                  See: 

                                                                   


                                                                  Kalyanaraman

                                                                  Tyranny at Nuremberg

                                                                  Image result for paul craigPaul Craig Roberts
                                                                  Update Aug. 12, 2017: Here is David Irving’s account of his arrest, trial, and imprisonment in Austria. His conviction was overturned by a higher court, and he was released. http://www.fpp.co.uk/books/Banged/up.pdf [1]
                                                                  The showtrial of a somewhat arbitrarily selected group of 21 surviving Nazis at Nuremberg during 1945-46 was US Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson’s show. Jackson was the chief prosecutor. As a long-time admirer of Jackson, I always assumed that he did a good job.
                                                                  My admiration for Jackson stems from his defense of law as a shield of the people rather than a weapon in the hands of government, and from his defense of the legal principle known as mens rea, that is, that crime requires intent. I often cite Jackson for his defense of these legal principles that are the very foundation of liberty. Indeed, I cited Jackson in my recent July 31 column. His defense of law as a check on government power plays a central role in the book that I wrote with Lawrence Stratton, The Tyranny of Good Intentions.
                                                                  In 1940 Jackson was US Attorney General. He addressed federal prosecutors and warned them against “picking the man and then putting investigators to work, to pin some offense on him. It is in this realm—in which the prosecutor picks some person whom he dislikes or desires to embarrass, or selects some group of unpopular persons and then looks for an offense—that the greatest danger of abuse of prosecuting power lies. It is here that law enforcement becomes personal, and the real crime becomes that of being unpopular with the predominant or governing group, being attached to the wrong political views or being personally obnoxious to, or in the way of, the prosecutor himself.”
                                                                  Later as a Supreme Court justice Jackson overturned a lower court conviction of a person who had no idea, or any reason to believe, that he had committed a crime.
                                                                  Having just finished reading David Irving’s book Nuremberg (1996), I am devastated to learn that in his pursuit of another principle, at Nuremberg Jackson violated all of the legal principles for which I have so long admired him. To be clear, at Nuremberg Jackson was in pursuit of Nazis, but their conviction was the means to his end—the establishment of the international legal principle that the initiation of war, the commitment of military aggression, was a crime.
                                                                  The problem, of course, was that at Nuremberg people were tried on the basis of ex post facto law—law that did not exist at the time of their actions for which they were convicted.
                                                                  Moreover, the sentence—death by hanging—was decided prior to the trial and prior to the selection of defendants.
                                                                  Moreover, the defendants were chosen and then a case was made against them.
                                                                  Exculpatory evidence was withheld. Charges on which defendants were convicted turned out to be untrue.
                                                                  The trials were so loaded in favor of the prosecution that defense was pro forma.
                                                                  The defendants were abused and some were tortured.
                                                                  The defendants were encouraged to give false witness against one another, which for the most part the defendants refused to do, with Albert Speer being the willing one. His reward was a prison sentence rather than death.
                                                                  The defendants’ wives and children were arrested and imprisoned. To Jackson’s credit, this infuriated him.
                                                                  President Franklin D. Roosevelt, General Eisenhower, and Winston Churchill thought that surviving Nazis should be shot without trial. Roosevelt laughed about liquidating 50,000 German military officers. Eisenhower told Lord Halifax that Nazi leaders should be shot while trying to escape, the common euphemism for murder. Russians spoke of castrating German men and breeding German women to annihilate the German race. US Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau wanted to reduce Germany to an agrarian society and send able-bodied Germans to Africa as slaves to work on “some big TVA project.”
                                                                  Robert Jackson saw in these intentions not only rank criminality among the allied leadership but also a missed opportunity to create the legal principle that would criminalize war, thus removing the disaster of war from future history. Jackson’s end was admirable, but the means required bypassing Anglo-American legal principles.
                                                                  Jackson got his chance, perhaps because Joseph Stalin vetoed execution without trial. First a showtrial, Stalin said, to demonstrate their guilt so that we do not make martyrs out of Nazis.
                                                                  Whom to select for the list of 21-22 persons to be charged? Well, whom did the allies have in custody? Not all those they desired. They had Reichsmarschall Herman Göring who headed the air force. Whatever the valid charges against Göring, they were not considered to be mitigated by the fact that under Göring the German air force was mainly used against enemy formations on the battleground and not, like the US and British air forces in saturation terror bombing of civilian cities, such as Dresden, Tokyo, Hiroshima, and Nagasaki, or by the fact that in Hitler’s final days Hitler removed Göring from all his positions, expelled him from the party, and ordered his arrest.
                                                                  The Nuremberg trials are paradoxical in that the law Jackson intended to establish applied to every country, not to Germany alone. The ex post facto law under which Germans were sentenced to death and to prison also criminalized the terror bombing of German and Japanese cities by the British and US air forces. Yet, the law was only applied to the Germans in the dock. In his book, Apocalypse 1945: The Destruction of Dresden (1995), Irving quotes US General George C. McDonald’s dissent from the directive to bomb civilian cities such as Dresden. Gen. McDonald characterized the directive as the “extermination of populations and the razing of cities,” war crimes under the Nuremberg standard.
                                                                  They had foreign minister Ribbentrop. They had field marshals Keitel and Jodl and the grand-admirals Raeder and Dönitz. They had a German banker, who was saved from sentencing by the intervention of the Bank of England. They had a journalist. They had Rudolf Hess who had been in a British prison since 1941 when he went to Britain on a peace mission to end the war. They wanted an industrialist, but Krupp was too old and ill. He was devoid of the persona of a foreboding evil. You can read the list in Irving’s book.
                                                                  Göring knew from the beginning that the trial was a hoax and that his death sentence had already been decided. He had the means (a poison capsule) throughout his imprisonment to commit suicide, thus depriving his captors of their planned humiliation of him. Instead, he held the Germans together, and they stood their ground. Possessed of a high IQ, time and again he made fools of his captors. He made such a fool of Robert Jackson during his trial that the entire court burst out in laughter. Jackson never lived down being bested in the courtroom by Göring.
                                                                  And Göring wasn’t through with making his captors look foolish and incompetent. He, the field marshalls and grand admiral requested that they be given a military execution by firing squad, but the pettiness of the Tribunal wanted them hung like dogs. Göring told his captors that he would allow them to shoot him, but not hang him, and a few minutes before he was to be marched to the gallows before the assembled press and cameras he took the poison capsule, throwing the execution propaganda show into chaos. To this injury he added insult leaving the prison commandant, US Col. Andrus a note telling him that he had had 3 capsules. One he had left for the Americans to find, thus causing them to think his means of escaping them had been removed. One he had taken minutes prior to his show execution, and he described where to find the third. He had easily defeated the continuous and thorough inspections inflicted upon him from fear that he would commit suicide and escape their intended propaganda use of his execution.
                                                                  There was a time in Anglo-American law when the improprieties of the Nuremberg trials would have resulted in the cases being thrown out of court and the defendants freed. Even under the ex post facto law and extra-judicial, extra-legal terms under which the defendants were tried, at least two of the condemned deserved to be cleared.
                                                                  It is not clear why Admiral Donitz was sentenced to 10 years in prison. The chief American judge of the Tribunal, Francis Biddle, said: “It is, in my opinion, offensive to our concept of justice to punish a man for doing exactly what one has done himself.” “The Germans,” Biddle said, “fought a much cleaner war at sea than we did.“
                                                                  Jodl, who countermanded many Nazi orders, was sentenced to death. The injustice of the sentence was made clear by a German court in 1953 which cleared Jodl of all Nuremberg charges and rehabilitated him posthumously. The French justice at the Nuremberg Tribunal said at the time that Jodl’s conviction was without merit and was a miscarriage of justice.
                                                                  The entire Nuremberg proceeding stinks to high heaven. Defendants were charged with aggression for the German invasion of Norway. The fact was kept out of the trial that the British were about to invade Norway themselves and that the Germans, being more efficient, learned of it and managed to invade first.
                                                                  Defendants were accused of using slave labor, paradoxical in view of the Soviets own practice. Moreover, while the trials were in process the Soviets were apparently gathering up able-bodied Germans to serve as slave labor to rebuild their war-torn economy.
                                                                  Defendants were accused of mass executions despite the fact that the Russians, who were part of the prosecution and judgment of the defendants, had executed 15,000 or 20,000 Polish officers and buried them in a mass grave. Indeed, the Russians insisted on blaming the Germans on trial for the Katyn Forest Massacre.
                                                                  Defendants were accused of aggression against Poland, and Ribbentrop was not permitted to mention in his defense the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact that divided Poland between Germany and the Soviet Union, without which Germany could not have attacked Poland. The fact that the Soviets, who were sitting at Nuremberg in judgment on the Germans, had themselves invaded Poland was kept out of the proceedings.
                                                                  Moreover, without the gratuitous British “guarantee” to Poland, the Polish military dictatorship would likely have agreed to return territories stripped from Germany by the Versailles Treaty and the invasion would have been avoided.
                                                                  The greatest hypocrisy was the charge of aggression against Germany when the fact of the matter is that World War 2 began when the British and French declared war on Germany. Germany conquered France and drove the British from the European Continent after the British and French started the war with a declaration of war against Germany.
                                                                  Irving’s book is, of course, politically incorrect. However, he lists in the introduction the voluminous files on which the book is based: Robert Jackson’s official papers and Oral History, Francis Biddle’s private papers and diaries, Col. Andrus’ papers, Adm. Raeder’s prison diary, Rudolf Hess’ prison diary, interrogations of the prisoners, interviews with defense counsel, prosecutors, interrogators, and letters from the prisoners to their wives. All of this and more Irving has made available on microfilms for researchers. He compared magnetic tape copies of the original wire-recordings of the trial with the mimeographed and published transcripts to insure that spoken and published words were the same.
                                                                  What Irving does in his book is to report the story that the documents tell. This story differs from the patriotic propaganda written by court historians with which we are all imbued. The question arises: Is Irving pro-truth or pro-Nazi. The National Socialist government of Germany is the most demonized government in history. Any lessening of the demonization is unacceptable, so Irving is vulnerable to demonization by those determined to protect their cherished beliefs.
                                                                  Zionists have branded Irving a “holocaust denier,” and he was convicted of something like that by an Austrian court and spent 14 months in prison before the conviction was thrown out by a higher court.
                                                                  In Nuremberg, Irving removes various propaganda legends from the holocaust story and reports authoritative findings that many of the concentration camp deaths were from typhus and starvation, especially in the final days of the war when food and medicine were disappearing from Germany, but nowhere in the book does he deny, indeed he reports, that vast numbers of Jews perished. As I understand the term, a simple truthful modification of some element of the official holocaust story is sufficient to brand a person a holocaust denier.
                                                                  My interest in the book is Robert Jackson. He had a noble cause—to outlaw war—but in pursuit of this purpose he established precedents for American prosecutors to make law a weapon in their pursuit of their noble causes just as it was used against Nazis—organized crime convictions, child abuse convictions, drug convictions, terror convictions. Jackson’s pursuit of Nazis at Nuremberg undermined the strictures he put on US attorneys such that today Americans have no more protection of law than the defendants had at Nuremberg.
                                                                  [2] [3]

                                                                  Imminent balkanisation of China -- Yatish Yadav

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0

                                                                  China faces split into seven parts

                                                                  By Yatish Yadav  |   Published: 13th August 2017 08:14 AM  |  
                                                                  Chinese President Xi Jinping | File Photo | AP
                                                                  NEW DELHI: Balkanisation of China seems to be imminent. The so-called unity within the Chinese Communist Party is in tatters as all three factions are involved in a bitter feud. This is likely to intensify in the coming months, triggering the beginning of a revolution and then disintegration of the country into seven independent territories.
                                                                  The Shanghai faction, led by Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao-led Beijing faction are caught in a covert war with Zhenjiang faction, led by President Xi Jinping, and each one is trying to eliminate the influence of the other in the dirty political game. And, behind the scene is a massive labour unrest, pro-democracy protests against the present regime that hardly find mention in the highly-censored national and international media.
                                                                  Spies and analysts closely monitoring the growing turbulence in China believe that the collapse is likely to be expedited as unprecedented crackdown against opposition and disappearance of lawyers and human right activists is causing massive chaos in the Chinese hinterland.
                                                                  Unprecedented crackdown on opposition and disappearance of lawyers and human rights activists is causing massive chaos in the Chinese hinterland. “Thanks to brutal control over media, China has managed to mute news reports about hundreds of protests in provinces. But some underground activists have provided details on what we now know as a major uprising against the Xi Jinping regime ahead of 19th National Congress of the Communist Party,” sources said.
                                                                  “China is finally reaching a tipping point and Xinjiang, Manchuria, Hong Kong, Tibet, Chengdu, Zhangzhung and Shanghai could turn into free nations after a Chinese revolution.” They added that the Chinese government is trying hard to keep the focus on the Doklam standoff and North Korea’s nuclear posturing against the US to rally support for Jinping. Teng Biao, China’s best-known human rights activist and lawyer, told The Sunday Standard from New York that China is escalating the standoff and Jinping is using the occasion to galvanise his dwindling support base.
                                                                  Teng said some anti-India demonstrations in China are being sponsored by the ruling Communist Party. He also said pro-democracy activists are quietly working to engineer a revolution against China’s one-party rule to install a democratic government.
                                                                  “We don’t know whether it will take five or 10 years. It is clear that we are not waiting but preparing for another revolution like 1989. Despite the crackdown on social media and blogs by the Jinping regime, activists and lawyers are using other medium to ship out information and assist the revolution,” Teng said.
                                                                  “The main objective of the Chinese Communist Party is absolute monopoly by any means but we have strengthened the rights groups since early 2000 that have given us the possibility for revolution. The Communist Party, led by Xi Jinping, is also facing major crises between party and people, and an economic crisis.”
                                                                  “More and more people are deciding not to believe in Jinping’s propaganda. The gap between poor and a handful of rich is widening. Only people with close connections with the top leadership and Jinping are prospering and that is the reason people don’t see a political reform in the Communist Party but they want to uproot it,” Teng, who was earlier jailed by the Chinese regime for pro-democracy support, said.

                                                                  http://www.newindianexpress.com/thesundaystandard/2017/aug/13/china-faces-split-into-seven-parts-1642330--1.html

                                                                  See: http://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/research/docs/clm46am-2.pdf 

                                                                  The Trouble with Factions - Hoover Institution


                                                                  Wang Xiangwei






                                                                  WHY XI JINPING HAS NO NEED OF FACTIONS IN THE COMMUNIST PARTY

                                                                  Overhaul of Youth League marks another landmark in president’s drive to consolidate his influence, but suggestions he is grooming his own clique are premature
                                                                  BY WANG XIANGWEI
                                                                   / UPDATED ON 
                                                                  The writing was on the wall for the Communist Youth League, the power base of former president Hu Jintao, as early as 2012 – even before Xi Jinping came to power.
                                                                  Ling Jihua, then the chief of staff to Hu and widely seen as the league’s future flag bearer, reportedly mounted a failed bid for the top leadership in the run-up to the 18th party congress, which ended up ensuring the ascendancy of Xi as head of the party and the state in late 2012.
                                                                  Read more from This Week in Asia

                                                                  The revelations about Ling’s attempts to cover up the crash of a Ferrari which killed his son that year led to the end of his political career, and marked the beginning of the end for one of the party’s most powerful factions of recent decades. Last month Ling was sentenced to life in prison on charges including corruption and leaking state secrets.
                                                                  Ling Jihua has been sentenced to life in prison on charges of corruption and leaking state secrets. Photo: SCMP Pictures
                                                                  It should come as no surprise that on Tuesday Xinhua made public a comprehensive plan to overhaul the league’s leadership structure and downsize its management. The announcement was preceded by official media reports that quoted the party’s anti-graft investigators blasting the league as “bureaucratic, elitist, and entertainment-oriented”, and that said the league’s budgets for this year had been slashed by more than 50 per cent. There were also reports that one of the universities operated by the league would be shut down. All this came amid widespread speculation about Xi’s personal distaste for the league’s dysfunctions.

                                                                  Nipping the bud: big changes planned for ‘aristocratic’ Communist Youth League

                                                                  The latest development will no doubt drastically curtail the influence of the league and basically cut off one of the major paths for younger officials to rise to power, at least for the foreseeable future.
                                                                  This marks another landmark in Xi’s drive to consolidate his power ahead of the party’s 19th congress, scheduled next year, when most of the current top leaders except for Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to retire to make way for a new leadership.
                                                                  Inevitably, this has given rise to further speculation about Premier Li’s standing in the new leadership line-up after next year’s congress following reports of a rift between Xi and Li over the country’s economic development. Li’s political career started at the league where he rose to become its first secretary in the 1990s after working closely with Hu, who was the head in the 1980s.
                                                                  President Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are rumoured to disagree on the future of the economy. Photo: Reuters
                                                                  The 20 years before Hu’s retirement in 2012 were a golden era for the league as Hu expanded its influence and promoted many of its officials to central and local government positions.
                                                                  Hu used the league as a power base to counterbalance the Shanghai faction headed by former president Jiang Zemin that comprised mainly of officials from Shanghai where Jiang was the party secretary in the 1980s.

                                                                  ‘Tigers’ on trial: the striking parallels in the prosecutions of an ex-presidential aide, former security tsar and Chongqing party boss

                                                                  Those two factions largely held the balance in China’s secretive politics until Xi came to power.
                                                                  As Xi’s unprecedented campaign to tackle rampant corruption within the party continues unabated after more than three years, it has dealt major blows to both factions as many top party, government and military officials belonging to them were investigated and jailed on graft charges.
                                                                  Meanwhile there have been reports that Xi is trying to parachute officials from Zhejiang, where he was party secretary, into important positions in central and local government, giving rise to suggestions a Zhejiang faction is on the rise. But those suggestions sound premature. The jury is out on how Xi will orchestrate the composition of the leadership for the next five year term.
                                                                  President Xi Jinping walks past former Chinese presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao (right) as he prepares to deliver his speech at the start of a military parade in Tiananmen Square on September 3, 2015. Photo: AFP
                                                                  As Xi has emulated Mao Zedong in his efforts to exert absolute control over the party, he clearly shares Mao’s distaste for the cliques and factions within the party, a point Xi has made often in speeches. His past suggests he did not make special efforts to groom his own people before he came to power. For instance, he worked in Fujian for 17 years where he held various leadership posts including that of provincial governor but he has not promoted many officials from the province over the past three years.
                                                                  Later, he became the party secretary of Zhejiang from 2002 to 2007 and the party head of Shanghai less than one year before he was elevated into the party’s Politburo Standing Committee. Those relatively short periods of leadership suggest there was not enough time for him to groom his own people.
                                                                  Moreover, the elevation of officials from Zhejiang and Shanghai, two of China’s most dynamic economic areas, has long been a tradition for the party leadership.

                                                                  Xi follows in Mao’s footsteps on path to consolidate power

                                                                  As the son of a revolutionary who helped found the People’s Republic, Xi belongs to the group of children of senior party leaders known as princelings or “second generation red”. He is widely believed to have gained strong support from those princelings in important military posts. But the princelings are a very loosely defined group and whether their members will make significant inroads into the party and government remains to be seen.
                                                                  More likely, Xi will take heart from one of Mao’s sayings that party cadres should come from “five lakes and four seas”, referring to their diverse backgrounds. The underlying message is that being an absolute ruler, one does not need any particular faction of supporters.

                                                                  85% of Kaziranga under water in its worst deluge since 1988. NaMo, move flood waters to 6.2 l villages, National Water Grid

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0

                                                                  85% of Kaziranga under water in its worst deluge since 1988

                                                                   | Updated: Aug 14, 2017, 10:30 AM IST
                                                                  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9fLiDK3cKWI Published on Aug 11, 2017
                                                                  FLOOD ASSAM
                                                                  GUWAHATI: Even before it could recover from last month's floods, the Kaziranga National Park has once again been hit, with more than 85% of the protected area going under water following heavy rainfall in the last 24 hours. In fact, officials claim this could be the worst flooding in nearly three decades.

                                                                  Water from the Brahmaputra river rushed into the area, triggering large-scale migration of animals from the park to the highlands in neighbouring Karbi Anglong district. Park officials said at many places the water level has crossed six feet. Many of the anti-poaching camps have also been submerged.


                                                                  Woman holds her goat while sitting on a raft at the flood affected Koliabor village, some 186km from Guwahati. (AFP photo)

                                                                  "In fact, Sunday's flood is one of the worst deluges Kaziranga has experienced since 1988. The situation is very grim after large swathes of the park went under water. We don't know yet how many animals perished in the flood. We will only be able to know after the water level recedes," Kaziranga divisional forest officer, Rohini Ballav Saikia, said, adding that 148 of the 188 permanent and makeshift anti-poaching camps have been submerged.

                                                                  At least 107 animals, including seven rhinos, died in last month's flood. Among them about 13 were killed when they were hit by vehicles while they were crossing the highway, trying to flee the flooded Kaziranga.

                                                                  Saikia said additional forest and police officials have been deployed along the border areas of Karbi Anglong district where the animals from Kaziranga have taken shelter. Last month over hundred additional forest and police officials were deployed in areas surrounding Kaziranga.

                                                                  During floods, animals from Kaziranga move to the highlands in Karbi Anglong on the southern side of the park by crossing National Highway-37.


                                                                  On Sunday, large portions of the highway too was flooded following a breach in an embankment in Jakhalabandha area of Nagaon district.


                                                                  "Our personnel are keeping a close watch on the movement of animals so that they do not fall prey to poachers. Four rhino calves have been rescued so far," Saikia said.

                                                                  TOP COMMENT

                                                                  Almost all the bjp ruled States are in trauma! bjp a bad omen?Dont abuse


                                                                  Located on the floodplains of Brahmaputra, Kaziranga has to bear the brunt of the monsoon every year. In fact, Kaziranga's ecosystem is intrinsically dependent on the annual deluge.


                                                                  In last month's flood, Kaziranga, home to a large population of rhinos, elephants, tigers, wild buffalos and eastern swamp deer, suffered an infrastructure damage of around Rs 7.35 crore. Roads used for patrolling as well as for tourists, 130 camps and several bridges in the park were damaged in the flood.
                                                                  Click here to watch the video

                                                                  http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/assam-floods-over-85-of-kaziranga-inundated/articleshow/60052122.cms

                                                                  Itihāsa, smṛti of Nāga-s, Bronze Age cupellation metallurgical metaphors in Pauṣya, Pauloma, Āstīka upaparvas of Ādi-parva

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0
                                                                  https://tinyurl.com/y92gsg35

                                                                  Kaliya- or kārīya-mardanam is a metaphor for an alchemical cupellation process to create litharge by isolating lead from precious metals such as silver through an archaeo-metallurgical process of cupellation.  kāliya m. ʻ name of a Nāga ʼ MBh. Pk. kāliya -- m. ʻ a species of snake ʼ, S. kārī f., kārīharu m. (+?); Or. kāḷi ʻ the Nāga Kālīya ʼ.(CDIAL 3101). *ஈயம்¹ īyam , n. < sīsa. 1. White lead. See வெள்ளீயம். (திவா.) 2. Black-lead; காரீயம்.

                                                                  The Mahābhārata episodes are narrated from Kannada Vacana bhārata, a vernacular prose version of Mahābhārata kāvya narrated by Kṛṣṇa-dvaipāyana vyāsa– Kṛṣṇa, as he had a dark complexion and dvaipāyana, as he was born in a dvīpa, an island of River Ganga

                                                                  In the professional responsibilities gleaned from the names and recollected memories (स्मृति smṛti) of historical persons mentioned in Pauṣya, Pauloma, Āstīka upaparvas, it is possible to derive archaeo-metallurgical meanings and activities related to alchemical processes such as cupellation, to separate nāga (anakku in Akkadian), phaṇi, or phaḍa 'lead or tin' to purify metals such as iron, gold or silver.

                                                                  Cupellation is metaphor is seen on a Kṛṣṇa - Kāḷiyamardanam sculptural friezes of Halebid and Cambodia.


                                                                  Hoysala.
                                                                  Kṛṣṇa - Kāḷiyamardanam Kamboja (Cambodia) On this sculptural frieze, the hooded serpent and four zebu, bos indicus are shown.
                                                                  कालिय a [p= 278,1] m. N. of a नाग (inhabiting the यमुना , slain by कृष्ण , also written कालीय VP. MBh. 
                                                                  पिंजरापोळ (p. 293) piñjarāpōḷa m (A recent formation.) An enclosure prepared (or projected to be prepared) as an asylum for the पोळ or dedicated bull, of which the liberty to be a general pest is thought to be threatened. See further under पांजरपोळ. पांजरपोळ (p. 283) pāñjarapōḷa m पांजरपोळा m An asylum (as at Bombay, Baroda & &c.) for superannuated animals, and for reptiles and vermin. They are duly fed and cared for. पोळा (p. 305) pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.  पोळ (p. 305) pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. 
                                                                  Rebus: पोळ 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 
                                                                  Smelters are standing next to the zebu-s seizing trees which are Indus Script hieroglyphs: kuṭhi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'.
                                                                  In the sculptural narrative, the frieze signifies the purification of pyrites to remove lead and other baser minerals by oxidation and to obtain पोळ 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 
                                                                  One ancient process for extracting the silver from lead was cupellation. Lead was melted in a bone ash 'test' or 'cupel' and air blown across the surface. This oxidised the lead to lithargetroy ounces of silver per ton of lead (178 ppm).
                                                                  The mineral pyrite, or iron pyrite, also known as fool's gold, is an iron sulfide with the chemical formula FeS2. This mineral's metallic luster and pale brass-yellow hue give it a superficial resemblance to gold, hence the well-known nickname of fool's gold. The color has also led to the nicknames brassbrazzle, and Brazil, primarily used to refer to pyrite found in coal.
                                                                  Mining areas of the ancient Middle East. Boxes colors: arsenic is in brown, copper in red, tin in grey, iron in reddish brown, gold in yellow, silver in white and lead in black. Yellow area stands for arsenic bronze, while grey area stands for tin bronze.

                                                                   Common aims of early alchemy were chrysopoeia, the transmutation of "base metals" (e.g., lead) into "noble metals" (particularly gold).
                                                                  In ancient alchemical traditions, transmutation of lead into gold is presented as an analogy for personal transmutation, purification, and perfection.(Antoine Faivre, Wouter J. Hanegraaff. Western esotericism and the science of religion. 1995. p.96).
                                                                  I suggest that sarpa-yāga or sarpa-sattra were processes to transmute lead (Pb) mineral to perfection by alchemical processes.
                                                                  Mahābhārata – Pauloma and Āstīka-upaparvas
                                                                  sarpa-yāga of Janamejaya as Āstīka intervenes and stop the destruction of Takshaka.

                                                                  Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva
                                                                  Mahābhārata – Pauloma and Āstīka-upaparvas


                                                                  Adhyāya 1. Anukramaṇikā

                                                                  नारायणं नमस्कृत्य
                                                                  नरञ्चैव नरोत्तमम् ।
                                                                  देवीं सरस्वतीं व्यासं
                                                                  ततो जयमुदीरयेत् ॥
                                                                  Having saluted Nārāyaṇa,
                                                                  the human and the divine;
                                                                  Sarasvatī; and Vyāsa –
                                                                  May Jaya be hailed!
                                                                  This is the benedictory verse that occurs at the very beginning of the Mahābhārata. The anukramaṇikā (prologue) of the first chapter begins with this. The Sūta-paurāṇika (mythologist-bard) Ugraśrava, son of Lomaharṣa comes to Naimiṣāraṇya (Naimiṣa-forest) where the kulapati (head of the sages) Śaunaka is conducting a twelve-year long satra (a type of yāga, a Vedic fire ritual). Śaunaka and the other seers received him, exchanged pleasantries, and extended hospitality. After Ugraśrava rested awhile, the seers requested him to narrate a few stories. (Verses 1-7) He started his narration by saying that he had visited the sarpa-yāga of King Janamejaya, where the seer Vaiṣampāyana retold the story that he had heard from Vyāsa. After hearing these stories, Ugraśrava went on a pilgrimage to various holy sites and also walked across the regions  (Samanta-pañcaka) where Kauravas and Pāṇḍavas fought the war. Then Ugraśrava asked the seers as to which story they would like to hear. They desired to listen to that sacred story of Bhārata that contained the essence of the Vedas. He begins narrating the Mahābhārata story with the following invocatory verses:
                                                                  आद्यं पुरुषमीशानं
                                                                  पुरुहूतं पुरुष्टुतम् |
                                                                  ऋतमेकाक्षरं ब्रह्म
                                                                  व्यक्ताव्यक्तं सनातनम् |२०|
                                                                  Salutations to the primordial being Īśāna, who is invited and invoked frequently in yajñas; and often worshipped by many; he is the One, the Cosmic Order, the imperishable, the eternal Brahman who manifests in both perceptible and imperceptible forms.
                                                                  असच्च सच्चैव च यद्-
                                                                  विश्वं सदसतः परम् |
                                                                  परावराणां स्रष्टारं
                                                                  पुराणं परमव्ययम् |२१|
                                                                  He is Existence yet he transcends existence and is the master of the defined and the un-defined; he is the Creator of the superior and the inferior; he is ancient yet ever-new; he is the Supreme and he is indestructible.
                                                                  माङ्गल्यं मङ्गलं विष्णुं
                                                                  वरेण्यमनघं शुचिम् |
                                                                  नमस्कृत्य हृषीकेशं
                                                                  चराचरगुरुं हरिम् |२२|
                                                                  He is Viṣṇu, the Auspicious and the all-pervading; he is radiant, unblemished, and pure; I salute Hṛṣīkeśa, the master of the senses and a manifestation of Hari, the Overseer of the animate and the inanimate.
                                                                  महर्षेः पूजितस्येह
                                                                  सर्वलोके महात्मनः |
                                                                  प्रवक्ष्यामि मतं कृत्स्नं
                                                                  व्यासस्यामिततेजसः |२३|
                                                                  I narrate to you, in its entirety, the noble words of the great seer-poet Vyāsa, of infinite brilliance, worshipped by the world.
                                                                  Ugraśrava’s narration and dialogue with the others goes on until the end of adhyāya 54. From then on, Vaiṣampāyana’s words begin. After he narrates the entire story of the Mahābhārata, we find the concluding remarks of Ugraśrava.
                                                                  We learn from this adhyāya what follows later. In the beginning there was no light; it was only darkness. There was only Brahmā—in the form of an egg—the seed of all creation. And from that, the process of creation started. Deities and humans were born. Several royal lineages arose.
                                                                  Some people trace the origin of Mahābhārata to Manu, to Āstika, or to Uparicara. After Vyāsa re-organized the Vedas, he started composing this sacred epic. He ordered Vaiṣampāyana to narrate the epic when Janamejaya asks. If we omit the upākhyānas (sub-plots) it comes to 24,000 verses of thirty-two letters each (prose or verse, not necessarily adhering to theśloka format). There is also an abridged version in 150 verses. Vyāsa first told this story to his son Śuka. Then the rest of the students learnt it. Śuka taught this to Nārada and others.
                                                                  This is followed by the summary of the Mahābhārata. They have described Duryodhana and Yudhiṣṭira as two giant trees representing Anger and Dharma respectively. This summarized story begins at the point where Pāṇḍu has annexed several territories, thanks to his valour, and is ruling his empire. The story concludes at the point where Dhṛtarāṣṭra is lamenting at the loss of his children and repenting for his acts, with Sañjaya consoling him. The adhyāya ends with the semantic etymology of the word ‘mahābhārata’ – महत्वात् भारवत्वाच्च महाभारतमुच्यते – “It is known as Mahābhārata for its profundity and its great volume.”

                                                                   
                                                                  JANAMEJAYA’S DĪRGHA-SATRA (PHOTO COURTESY – BHARATA DARSHANA PUBLICATIONS)
                                                                  The following is the summary of the episode: While Janamejaya, Parikṣit’s son, along with his brothers Śrutasena, Ugrasena and Bhīmasena was performing a dīrgha-satra (an elaborate yāga), a stray puppy appears. Janamejaya’s brothers chase it away. It goes to its mother Saramā and complains. Saramā was a female dog from the heavens. For having harassed her innocent pup, she cursed them that a hitherto unseen fear would get the better of them. Having completed the satra, Janamejaya returns to Hastināpura and appoints the seer Somaśrava as his purohita (royal preceptor). He was born to a female snake. His life’s vow was that he would never refuse the request of a brāhmaṇa. Promising him that he would support him in the observance of his vow, Janamejaya appointed him. Thereafter the king conquered Takṣaśila, the abode of the serpents. 
                                                                  Around this time, a young graduate named Uttaṅka approached his guru Veda and asked what he would like as guru-dakṣiṇa. The guru said that he didn’t want anything. (Perhaps the difficulties that Veda faced with his own guru during his studenthood softened him towards his student, Uttaṅka. There are stories that narrate the ordeals thrust upon Veda and his classmate Upamanyu and Uddālaka-āruṇi by their guru Ayodhadhaumya – see Translators’ Note below for details.) Uttaṅka pestered and finally Veda told him, “Go and ask my wife. Bring her whatever she asks for.” She told him that she wanted the earrings of the queen of King Puṣya. According to her wish, he went to the queen and fetched her earrings. On his way back, when Uttaṅka wanted to wash his hands and feet, he placed the earrings down. Takṣaka , the king of serpents, came in the guise of śramaṇa (ascetic), stole the earrings, and took them away to Nāgaloka (the realm of the serpents). Uttaṅka faced several tribulations before he could win back the earrings for his guru’s wife. Guru Veda and his wife were both pleased that Uttaṅka had brought the dakṣiṇa in the stipulated time. Uttaṅka was naturally annoyed with Takṣaka  for all the trouble that he had caused. Therefore he wholeheartedly blessed King Janamejaya, who had conquered Takṣaśila and had arrived at Hastināpura with the word, “O King Supreme! There’s a task that you need to accomplish. You’ve spent your childhood and youth doing everything except this important task.” Upon being questioned about it, Uttaṅka replied, “You have to avenge the torture your father was subject to by Takṣaka . Your father, that noble and innocent soul, was bitten to death by Takṣaka. And Kaśyapa , who was on his way to revive your father from his untimely death was forced to retreat because of Takṣaka . That lowly serpent, filled with arrogance arising out of strength, must be burnt to cinders in the raging fire of the sarpa-yāga, which you must perform. This will avenge the injustice caused to your father and will also gladden my heart, for when I was on my guru’s errand, he put me through a great deal of trouble.” Upon hearing these words, Janamejaya’s fury was kindled.

                                                                  Translator’s Note:

                                                                  The third adhyāya of the Ādi-parva narrates a story connected with a contemporary of Janamejaya, Guru Ayodhadhaumya, who had three students – Āruṇi of Pāñcāla, Upamanyu and Veda. Once, the guru asked Āruṇi to repair the broken embankments of a paddy field. Āruṇi, who went to the field, was unable to repair it and laid himself across the embankmentthus checking the water flow. As he did not return for a long time, the guru was worried and went out to the fields looking for Āruṇi. The guru called out for Āruṇi, who immediately got up from his position and came to greet his guru.
                                                                  Uddalaka Mahabharata Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva Uddalaka-300x240
                                                                  UDDĀLAKA-ĀRUṆI (PHOTO COURTESY – BHARATA DARSHANA PUBLICATIONS)
                                                                  Āruṇi told his guru – ‘I was lying down by the fields to check the flow of the water and I got up, came running to you as soon as I heard you call out for me. Command me what I need to do next!’ The Guru Ayodhadhaumya said ‘Hereafter, you will be known as Uddālaka as you built the embankment and now have come breaking it again. As you have followed my command each time, you will attain the best of knowledge’
                                                                  Upamanyu, who was also a student of Guru Ayodhadhaumya and was asked by his guru to tend the cows. He took care of the cattle during the day and returned home at dusk and prostrated before the guru, waiting for his command. One day, the guru noticed that Upamanyu was growing plump and healthy day by day and asked him how it was possible. Upamanyu said that he was begging for food during the day. The guru said that it was a student’s duty to first offer the procured food to the guru. Upamanyu agreed and brought the food he had got by begging and offered it to his guru. The guru ate the whole portion without leaving anything behind for the student.  Upamanyu never questioned his guru and continued his duty of tending the cows and prostrating before the guru in the evening. Guru Ayodhadhaumya, after a few days noticed that Upamanyu was even then as plump and healthy as he formerly was, the guru asked “You offer me all the alms that you procure, but your body has remained as trim as of old. How is it so?” Upamanyu replied – “I offer my gatherings in the first round of alms to you and go for a second round”. Enraged, the guru said “By going begging a second time, you are snatching away another student’s share. It is adharma to do so and you are greedy!” The guru did not tell him how else he was to procure food and the student did not ask him either.  Upamanyu knew only to be obedient to his teacher. When he was again found to be plump, after a few days, the guru asked him how it was so and Upamanyu said that he drank the cows’ milk. The guru stopped him from doing so by saying that it was forbidden to drink the milk of the cows that belonged to his āśrama without his permission. After a few days, the guru again noticed that the student was still plump, healthy and was executing his duties as before. When questioned, Upamanyu said that he was feeding on the froth of milk bristling at the mouth of the calves when they had fed their mother’s milk. The guru forbid him from doing so by saying “perhaps, the calves, out of their sympathy for you are letting out much froth from their mouths. You are snatching away some of the share of their food from them. This is not dharma!” As he was forbidden from begging a second time and drinking milk of the cows in any form, Upamanyu took to eating the leaves of the arka plant (crown-flower plant) and turned blind due to the leaf’s injurious quality. Unable to find his way back, he fell into a deep well in the woods. The guru grew anxious as Upamanyu had not returned to the āśrama even after the sun-set. He went with his students to the forest calling out for Upamanyu, only to hear his reply from deep within a well. Upamanyu told him how he ate the arka leaves out of hunger and had thus turned blind. The guru told him to pray to the Aśvinī-devatas to get cured.  Upamanyu intensely prayed to them and the Aśvinī-devatas appeared before him. They offered him apūpa (a piece of food), consuming which he would regain his eyes. Upamanyu however refused to eat it without offering it to his teacher. Impressed with the devotion to his guru, they said that when they had offered apūpa  to Guru Ayodhadhaumya in the past, he had consumed it without offering it to his own guru and advised Upamanyu to consume it similarly.
                                                                  Uttanka Mahabharata Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva Uttanka-300x300
                                                                  UTTANKA AND AŚVINĪ-DEVATAS (PHOTO COURTESY – BHARATA DARSHANA PUBLICATIONS)
                                                                  However, Upamanyu still refused to follow the example set by his guru and wanted to consume the apūpa only after offering it to him. The Aśvinī-devatas, extremely pleased with his sincerity blessed him by saying – “We are impressed by your devotion. Your guru’s teeth have turned into iron and your teeth are going to turn into gold. You are going to gain divine eye-sight” and vanished. Upamanyu came out of the well and received his guru’s blessings. The guru said “You will be an expert in various fields of knowledge. All the Vedas and dharma-śāstrawill always remain etched in your memory”
                                                                  Veda was the third student of Guru Ayodhadhaumya. The guru once told Veda – “Stay with me for sometime, always serving me. That will bring you great prosperity in life.”Veda agreed and without any complaints put up with every discomfort and hardship in the āśrama. The people of the āśrama, at times, used him in place of oxen to pull the plough and till the land. He withstood thirst, hunger, extreme heat and cold and gladly performed all the work and duties the master imposed on him. The guru was absolutely pleased and with his blessings, Veda became an omniscient. Later, with his guru’s permission, Veda graduated from the gurukula and entered the gṛhasthāśrama. He had three students too and Uttaṅka was one of them.
                                                                  These difficulties that Veda and his classmates had faced with their own guru during their studenthood had perhaps, softened Veda towards his student, Uttaṅka.
                                                                  Adhyāyas 4-12. Pauloma-parva
                                                                  The adhyāyas from 4 to 12 form the Pauloma-parva. Just like the anukramaṇikā (prologue), this section starts with a prose passage.
                                                                  रोमहर्षणपुत्र उग्रश्रवाः सूतः पौराणिको नैमिषारण्ये शौनकस्य कुलपतेर्द्वादशवार्षिके सत्रे |(Sūta-paurāṇika Ugraśrava, the son of Romaharṣaṇa during the twelve year long satra conducted by Śaunaka in the Naimiṣāraṇya,….)
                                                                  This is followed by a few more lines of prose and verses. When Ugraśrava, the Sūta-paurāṇika, asks them which story they would like to hear, they replied, “Our kulapati Śaunaka is now in the agni- gṛha (the place where the three sacred fires i.e., gārhapatya, āhavanīya and dakṣiṇa are housed). Let him come and we shall consult him. You may kindly narrate the story that he wishes to hear.” Upon the completion of his work, Śaunaka joined them and told Ugraśrava that he wished to listen to the stories of his ancestors. Śaunaka belonged to the Bhṛgu-vaṃśa (lineage of seer Bhṛgu) and so the Sūta-Paurāṇika starts narrating the stories of that lineage. Starting from the seer Bhṛgu, he narrated the story of Bhṛgu’s son Cyavana, his son Pramati, his son Ruru, and Śunaka, who was Ruru’s son. How did the name Cyavana arise? The next two adhyāyas are dedicated to answering this question. A rākṣasa by name Puloma harassed Pulomā, Bhṛgu’s pregnant wife and her foetus was ‘cyuta’ (separated, fell) from her womb and hence the name ‘Cyavana.’ (Since this segment mainly deals with the story of Puloma and Pulomā, it is called the Pauloma-parva.) Later, Ruru marries Pramadvarā. (Just like Śakuntalā, Pramadvarā too was a daughter of Menakā; she was born through a gandharva named Viśavasu. Menakā abandoned the infant on the banks of a river, where the seer Sthūlakeśa found her; he raised her as his own child.) Pramadvarā dies of a snake-bite and Ruru rejuvenates her by offering half of his own life-years. Because of this, he develops animosity towards all snakes and kills every snake that caught his eye.
                                                                  Once, when Ruru had raised his hand to kill a water-snake by name Ḍuṇḍubha, the snake said, “I’m not a poisonous snake. Non-poisonous snakes are not dangerous. Further, I’ve turned into a snake due to a curse. Now I am released from the curse, thanks to you. A brāhmaṇa  should not harm animals. To punish is a kṣatriya’s job. In the past, when Janamejaya was performing the sarpa-yāga, a brāhmaṇa  named Āstīka  stopped it. (This portion of the story is yet to take place in the sequence of events. Also, this Janamejaya is a different one and belongs to the previous kalpa. The commentators’ explanation for this is merely that all these events have a cyclic repetition and had also taken place in previous kalpas. It is also possible that different recensions of the Upakramaṇikā  portion have got mixed up and this inconsistency in the sequence of events has crept in.) Ruru asks Ḍuṇḍubha, “How did the kṣatriya Janamejaya punish the snakes? Why did he do so? And why did Āstīka  come to their rescue?” The seer who had been freed from the curse told Ruru, “Āstīka ’s is a long story. Ask any brāhmaṇa  and he will tell you!” Saying so, Ḍuṇḍubha vanished. Ruru learns of this story from his father Pramati.

                                                                  Adhyāya 13-53. Āstīka-parva

                                                                  Āstīka (upa-parva ranges from the thirteenth to the fifty-third adhyāya. This is ancient history narrated by Kṛṣṇa-dvaipāyana. Ugraśrava’s father Lomaharṣa (also called Romaharṣaṇa) also narrated this to the brāhmaṇas. The Sūta-paurāṇika Ugraśrava, upon hearing this story from his father, retells it to Śaunaka and other sages (Adhyāya 13, verses 6-8). The main story of this segment is as follows:
                                                                  mahabharata Mahābhārata – Pauloma and Āstīka-upaparvas sarpa-yagna2
                                                                  IMAGE COURTESY:- GOOGLE IMAGE SEARCH
                                                                  The king Parikṣit who has gone hunting encounters a seer in silent meditation, whom he interrogates regarding the whereabouts of the deer that he had just shot. The seer remains mute. The enraged king, with mischievous intent, garlands the seer with a dead snake. Śṛṅgi, the son of seer Śamīka, who happens to come there, notices this prank and curses King Parikṣit to die of a snake-bite. The curse finds its fulfillment in Parikṣit’s death due to a snake-bite. To avenge his father’s death, Janamejaya vows to eliminate the entire serpentine species and undertakes the sarpa-yāga. While the yāga was in progress, Āstīka—the son of the serpent-king Vāsuki’s sister—comes to Janamejaya, praises him and his undertaking of the yāga, gains his confidence, and requests him to stop the yāga. King Janamejaya, who was well-versed in dharma, knew that it was only correct to fulfill the wish of a brāhmaṇa  while a yāga was in progress; accordingly he acquiesces to Āstīka’s request and stops the sarpa-yāga. Delighted, Āstīka goes away. 
                                                                  When the sarpa-yāga was going on, during the breaks, Vaiśampāyana narrated the story of the Bhāratas. This has become a great epic since the story constantly branches out in various directions but eventually keeps finding its way back to the root-story. 
                                                                  Āstīka’s father Jaratkāru was once immersed in tapas and had given up thoughts about marriage. His ancestors, the Yāyāva sages, were deeply saddened since Jaratkāru’s celibacy would put an end to their lineage. In order to pay tributes to the ancestors, Jaratkāru made up his mind to get married. [Progeny was seen as imperative for the sustenance of the lineage and also to honour the dead ancestors.] But he wanted a wife who would listen to his words and her name was to be the same as his. Although he was poor, he expected that the bride’s family would come of their own accord and offer their daughter in marriage. Fortunately, the serpent-king Vāsuki had a sister who fulfilled the criteria. He gave his sister’s hand in marriage to Jaratkāru. However, his family life was short-lived. Frustrated and upset with her, he abandoned her even as she was pregnant. Later, Āstīka was born to her and grew up in his uncle Vāsuki’s house. 
                                                                  The reason for the death of so many snakes in the fire of the sarpa-yāga was due to the curse of Kadru, the mother of all serpents. What is the reason for this curse? To know the answer, we have to rewind to the beginning of creation. The creator Prajāpati had two daughters, Kadru and Vinatā. He got them both married off to Kaśyapa . The snakes were born to Kadru; Aruṇa and Garuḍa were born to Vinatā. Once Kadru and Vinatā had an argument regarding the colour of the divine horse Uccaiśravas – whether it was black or white. It was agreed that the loser would become a slave to the winner. Vinatā said that the horse was white in colour while Kadru said that its tail was black. Indeed, Uccaiśravas had a white tail and Vinatā should have justly won the argument. However, Kadru, fearing slavery to Vinatā, ordered her children to stick on to the horse’s tail and make it appear black in colour. But they refused to abet this crime. Furious, Kadru cursed them: “All of you will get reduced to ashes in the sarpa-yāga that Janamejaya will perform!” A few serpents, having gotten afraid of the curse, stuck to the tail of the horse, making it appear black. This made Vinatā and her son Garuḍa the slaves of Kadru. Garuḍa fought the devas and brought amṛta (elixir of immortality) to the nāgas, thus freeing himself and his mother from slavery. Indra, however, hoodwinked the serpents and took the amṛta away before they could partake of it. All that they could get in the end was slit tongues, having licked the blades of the darbha grass on which the pot of amṛta had been placed. 
                                                                  At the mention of amṛta, the story switches to the samudra-mathana episode (churning of the milk-ocean for amṛta). The narration starts with the churning of the ocean, the appearance of poison and several other items, and finally the emergence of amṛta [soma is also used synonymously with amṛtaadhyāya 30, verses 7, 8, 13, 18, and 19.] Viṣṇu, in the guise of Mohinī, distributes the amṛta only to the devas. This and several other stories with all their vivid details appear in this section. 
                                                                  We have already seen that Śṛṅgi, the son of Śamīka, cursed Parikṣit. However, Śamīka did not approve of his son’s act. “Parikṣit is, after all, a king. Moreover, śama (self-control) and kṣama (forbearance) are the ornaments for a brāhmaṇa . Thus I shall inform him of this. Let him plan for his safety!” Saying so, he asked his student Gauramukha to inform Parikṣit of the curse. According to the curse, Parikṣit was to die within seven days of Takṣaka ’s bite. Thus, Parikṣit retired to an enclosure with a single pillar supporting it and had tight security arrangements made. He had with him physicians and māntrikas (people highly accomplished in mantra-lore). He executed his kingly duties from this enclosure. Six days passed.
                                                                  On the seventh day, a māntrika by name Kaśyapa , having heard this news was on his way to Hastināpura, claiming that he could cure Parikṣit of a snake-bite; he was driven by an ulterior motive of making money. Takṣaka, who happened to be on the same path, met Kaśyapa  and asked him who he was and what he was doing. After learning about Kaśyapa’s intention, Takṣaka  decided to test his skills in mantra-lore. So he bit a banyan tree that was nearby, which instantly turned to ashes. Kaśyapa , with the power of his mantras, revived the tree. If such a skilled māntrika were to be around, Takṣaka  feared that his mission would not succeed and therefore paid large sums of money to Kaśyapa and sent him away from there. Having received the money, Kaśyapa thought to himself that it was anyway time for Parikṣit to die and went back the way he came. Takṣaka  reached the enclosure and realized that the place was heavily guarded. He called a few of his snakes and ordered them to put on the guise of sages and visit Parikṣit with fruits and flowers. Since they appeared as sages, no one prevented their entry into the enclosure. The king received the sages cordially and accepted their gifts of fruits and flowers. He distributed them to his aides and also picked up a fruit to eat. Inside that fruit, Takṣaka  had hidden himself in the form of a worm. Parikṣit picked up the red worm with black eyes and told his ministers mockingly, “The sun is setting. I don’t think I have to fear poison anymore. If this worm bites me in the name of Takṣaka , let it do so! Let the words of the sage come true! We shall find a remedy for it!” Saying so, he picked up the worm and put it on his neck. The worm turned into Takṣaka , coiled itself around his body, and bit him. He succumbed to the poison-rage. The enclosure too was reduced to ashes along with his people. 
                                                                  The ministers organized his last rites and crowned the infant Janamejaya as the king. After he grew up, once Uttaṅka came to him and instigated him to conduct a sarpa-yāga (as narrated earlier). Janamejaya asked his ministers to narrate his father’s story. Listening to their detailed narration, Janamejaya was in tears. He said, “Takṣaka ’s intention was to kill my father. If his intention was merely to bring fulfillment to Śṛṅgi’s curse, he would have bit my father and gone away. Kaśyapa would have revived him. But he didn’t do so. He played on Kaśyapa’s mind, sent him off, and then came to destroy my father. Therefore, the performance of the sarpa-yāgais justified. It will not only make me happy but will also please Uttanka. Make the appropriate arrangements!”
                                                                  The story goes that the architect of the yajña-mantapa (the enclosure in which yajña  is performed) noticed bad omens during its construction. He declared, “This yajña will never be completed. A brāhmaṇa  will be responsible for its abrupt end.” Therefore, Janamejaya made a strict order – “Don’t allow anyone into the yāga-śālā until the yajña is complete.” [Here, the words yāga and yajña have been used interchangeably.] 
                                                                  The arrangements were made accordingly and the yajña started. Several varieties of serpents of different colours and types started falling into the fire of the yāga. When the heat of the yajña started affecting Vāsuki and his family, he called his sister Jaratkāru and said, “Send your son Āstīka  and make him stop the sarpa-yāga. He was born only to rescue us from this predicament.” Āstīka  reassured Vāsuki and went to the yajña-śālā. The gate-keepers would not let him in. Then even at the doorstep, Āstīka  started praising the yajña, the person conducting it, and the ṛtviks officiating it. This gladdened Janamejaya and he said, “Although young, this person at the door seems to be intelligent. Let him in.” He welcomed him and asked, “Tell me what you wish for. I shall give it to you.”
                                                                  mahabharata Mahābhārata – Pauloma and Āstīka-upaparvas sarpa-yagna1
                                                                  IMAGE COURTESY:- GOOGLE IMAGE SEARCH
                                                                  In the meanwhile, except Takṣaka most other snakes had fallen into the fire of the yajña. However, Janamejaya’s enmity was primarily with Takṣaka . He had thus commanded the ṛtviks that Takṣaka  must be forcibly brought and offered to the fire. Sensing imminent danger to his life, Takṣaka  took refuge in Indra. Having learnt this, the ṛtviks uttered the mantra ‘sendrāya takṣakāya svāhā’ (“We offer Takṣaka  along with Indra!”) as they performed the ritual. Indra was thus forced to come along with Takṣaka . Indra, however, left Takṣaka  midway in the skies and returned to his abode. At the same time, Āstīka  said, “O respected king! Let the yajña stop at this point! This is all I wished for! I don’t ask for any gold or silver.” Janamejaya was bound by his word and had to follow the dharma of a yajña, thus having to fulfill Āstīka ’s wish. The sarpa-yāga was stopped before completion. Takṣaka  survived. Āstīka  was happy. 
                                                                  Śaunaka was enthralled listening to the story. He asked the Sūta-Paurāṇika, “You have finished narrating all the stories starting from the lineage of Bhṛgu. Please recount the strange and fascinating tales that Vyāsa and others narrated during the time of the sarpa-yāga.” The Sūta-Paurāṇika Ugraśrava said, “All brāhmaṇas except Vyāsa narrated stories from the Vedas but Vyāsa always narrated the story of Bhārata alone.” Śaunaka then asked, “If so, please tell us the Bhārata story that you heard from Vyāsa.” Ugraśrava said, “So be it! I shall narrate the elaborate story of the epic Mahābhārata as retold by Kṛṣṇa-dvaipāyana. I too am eager to recount that very tale.” Saying so, he started the Bhārata epic.
                                                                  Thus, the fifty-third adhyāya and the Āstīka (upa-) parva comes to an end.
                                                                  A R Krishna Sastri Mahabharata Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva ark
                                                                  Prof. A R Krishna Sastri was a journalist, scholar, polyglot, and a pioneer of the modern Kannada renaissance, who founded the literary journal Prabuddha Karnāṭaka. His 'Vacana-bhārata' and 'Kathāmṛta' are classics of Kannada literature while his 'Saṃskṛta-nāṭaka' and 'Bankimacandra' are of unrivalled scholarship.

                                                                  A R Krishna Sastri's Vacana-bhārata (1950), is a condensed prose rendition of the Mahābhārata in modern Kannada.
                                                                  (Translated by Arjun Bharadwaj from the Kannada original (ವಚನಭಾರತ). Thanks to Śatāvadhāni Dr. R Ganesh for his astute feedback. Thanks to Hari Ravikumar for his edits and suggestions.)

                                                                  This Vyāsa-pūrṇimā, Prekshaa is delighted to present a translation of the masterly introductory essay of A R Krishna Sastri to his magnum opus, the Vacana-bhārata, which is a condensed prose rendition of the Mahābhārata in modern Kannada. 
                                                                  The text is dharma-śāstraartha-śāstra, and mokṣa-śāstra.
                                                                  History of Nāga-s 
                                                                  [quote]
                                                                  • MBh (1,57)
                                                                  Naga race in north-west India was almost exterminated by Janamejaya, the Kuru king in Arjuna's line, who conducted the massacre of Nagas at Takshasila. This massacre was stopped by Astika, a Brahmin whose mother was a Naga. The names of the principal Nagas known widely for their achievements, and slain by Janamejaya is mentioned at (1,57). They were described to be belonging to different Naga races:-
                                                                  Takshaka's Race  :- Puchchandaka, Mandalaka, Pindasektri, Ravenaka; Uchochikha, Carava, Bhangas, Vilwatejas, Virohana; Sili, Salakara, Muka, Sukumara, Pravepana, Mudgara, Sisuroman, Suroman and Mahahanu. (Takshaka's son Aswasena is mentioned as belonging to the Airavata's race at (8,90). This could mean that Takshaka's race, was a branch of Airavata's race.)
                                                                  Kauravya's Race  :- Aryaka, Kundala Veni, Veniskandha, Kumarka, Vahuka, Sringavera, Dhurtaka, Pratara and Astaka. (Kauravya's race is mentioned as a branch of Airavata's race at (1,216).
                                                                  Dhritarashtra's Race :- Sankukarna, Pitharaka, Kuthara, Sukhana, and Shechaka; Purnangada, Purnamukha, Prahasa, Shakuni, Dari, Amahatha, Kumathaka, Sushena, Vyaya, Bhairava, Mundavedanga, Pisanga, Udraparaka, Rishabha, Vegavat, Pindaraka; Raktanga, Sarvasaranga, Samriddha, Patha and Vasaka; Varahaka, Viranaka, Suchitra, Chitravegika, Parasara, Tarunaka, Maniskandha and Aruni. (Dhritarashtra was Airavata's younger brother (1,3).)
                                                                  Nagas, Pannagas and Uragas
                                                                  Nagas were mentioned as born of Surasa and Pannagas another Naga race, was mentioned as born of Kadru at (1,66). Pannagas and Nagas were mentioned as separate but related Naga races at (3,85). Pannagas were mentioned to denote Nagas at (3-172,180,289) (7-142) (9,45) (12,47) (13,98) Nagas destroyed by Arjuna at Khadavaprstha is described as Pannagas (5,124). Pannagas and Uragas were mentioned as separate but related races at (6,65). Uragas were mentioned to denote Nagas at (1-1,172) (3-167,179,187,223) (many other references) Uragas and Nagas were mentioned as separate but related Naga races at (3,158) -in Yaksha territory; also at (7-160,198) At (1,172) is mentioned that Uragas along with Yakshas, Rakshasas, Gandharvas, Pisachas and Danavas as aware of the history of Arya kings.

                                                                  The names of the principal Naga Chiefs[edit]

                                                                  At (1,35) (Birth of Nagas) the name of principal Naga chiefs were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Sesha (Naga Ananta) was the foremost, and then Vasuki. Then were born AiravataTakshakaKarkotaka (linked with Nala, king of Nishadha), Dhananjaya, Kalakeya (was also mentioned as an Asura clan), the serpent Mani, Purana, Pinjaraka, and ElapatraVamana, Nila, Anila, Kalmasha, Savala, Aryaka, Ugra, Kalasapotaka, Suramukha, Dadhimukha, Vimalapindaka, Apta, Karotaka, Samkha, Valisikha, Nisthanaka, Hemaguha, Nahusha (Nahusha was also described as a king in the Lunar Dynasty; Pururavas (first king of Lunar dynasty) -> Ayus - > Nahusha), Pingala, Vahyakarna, Hastipada, Mudgarapindaka, Kamvala Aswatara, Kaliyaka, Vritta, Samvartaka, Padma, Mahapadma, Sankhamukha, Kushmandaka, Kshemaka, Pindaraka, Karavira, Pushpadanshtraka, Vilwaka, Vilwapandara, Mushikada, Sankhasiras, Purnabhadra, Haridraka, Aparajita, Jyotika, Srivaha, Kauravya, Dhritarashtra (also mentioned as a Gandharva king), Sankhapinda, Virajas, Suvahu, Salipinda, Prabhakara, Hastipinda, Pitharaka, Sumuksha, Kaunapashana, Kuthara, Kunjara, Kumuda, Kumudaksha, Tittri, Halika, Kardama, Vahumulaka, Karkara, Akarkara, Kundodara, and Mahodara.
                                                                  At (5,103) (Matali's history) the name of principal Naga chiefs were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Vasuki, Takshaka, Karkotaka, Dhanjaya, Kaliya (linked with river Yamuna and Vasudeva Krishna), Nahusha (also a king belonging to Lunar Dynasty), Aswatara, Vakyakunda, Mani, Apurana, Khaga, VamanaElapatra, Kukura, Kukuna, Aryaka (linked with Bhima), Nandaka, Kalasa, Potaka, Kalilasaka, Pinjaraka, Airavata, Sumanmukha, Dadhimukha, Sankha, Nanda, Upanandaka, Apta, Kotaraka, Sikhi, Nishthuraka, Tittiri, Hastibhadra, Kumuda, Maylapindaka, the two Padmas, Pundarika, Pushpa, Mudgaraparnaka, Karavira, Pitharaka, Samvritta, Vritta, Pindara, Vilwapatra, Mushikada, Sirishaka, Dilipa, Sankha-sirsha, Jyotishka, Aparajita, KauravyaDhritarashtra, Kuhara, Krisaka, Virajas, Dharana, Savahu, Mukhara, Jaya, Vidhira, Andha, Visundi, Virasa, and Sarasa.
                                                                  At (14,4) (Last moments of Bala Rama) the name of principal Naga chiefs were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Karkotaka and Vasuki and Takshaka and Prithusravas and Varuna and Kunjara, and Misri and Sankha and Kumuda and Pundarika, Dhritarashtra, and Hrada and Kratha and Sitikantha of fierce energy, and Chakramanda and Atishanda, Durmukha, and Amvarisha, and king Varuna
                                                                  At (1,65) (Genesis) the names of the sons of Kadru were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Sesha or Ananta, VasukiTakshaka, Kumara, and Kulika are known to be the sons of Kadru.
                                                                  At (2,9) Nagas linked with Varuna were mentioned as:-
                                                                  VasukiTakshaka, and the Naga called Airavata, Krishna and Lohita (see Lauhitya), Padma, Chitra, Kamvala, Aswatara, Dhritarashtra, Valahaka, Matimat, Kundadhara, Karkotaka, Dhananjaya, Panimat, Kundaka, PrahladaMushikada and Janamejaya wait upon Varuna. Many Asuras also is mentioned as waiting upon Varuna. Nagas, Daityas (a clan of Asuras), Sadhyas and inferior Devas were mentioned to follow Varuna (3,41).

                                                                  Prominent Nagas

                                                                  Naga King Takshaka

                                                                  Acts of Pandava Arjuna and Naga Takshaka was the cause of enmity between Kuru kings and Nagas. Arjuna killed Takshaka's wife who dwelled in the Khandava Forest. Takshaka killed Parikshitthe grandson of Arjuna by poisoning him in league with Shringi. King Janamejaya conducted a massacre of Nagas to avenge his father Parikshit's death. Later a sage named Astika ended this enmity between Kurus and Nagas.

                                                                  Naga King Nahusha

                                                                  Nahusha is mentioned as a Naga at (1,35) (5,103).
                                                                  At (13,99) Nahusha is mentioned as ruling even the Deva territories, and later degraded to the status of a Naga king. It is repeated at (12,342). The history of Nahusha becoming the king of Deva territories is mentioned at (5-11 to 17). He was powerful and renowned. Power corrupted him and he was later banished from the throne of Deva territories. It seems he later lived as a small king of the Naga race. Yayati (a king of Lunar Dynasty) is mentioned as his son at many places in Mahabharata. Thus, it seems, he later became known as a king belonging to the Lunar Dynasty of kings in ancient India.
                                                                  A snake (a viper) attacked and afflicted Bhima in a forest called Visakhayupa, situated at the source of river Yamuna. This incident is mentioned at (3,176). At (3,178) that snake is described as Nahusha. He is mentioned here as the son of Ayus (Pururavas (first king of Lunar Dynasty) -> Ayus -> Nahusha), thus he becomes a forefather of the Pandavas. This raises a doubt whether the lunar race of kings originally branched from the Naga race of kings. Many kings in the line of Purus and Kurus, all being branches of the lunar race, like Dhritarashtra and Janamejaya also were mentioned as Nagas at various places. Kuru city Hastinapura also is some times mentioned as Nagapura (one of its meaning being the city of Nagas).
                                                                  • In Book 12 and 13 Nahusha is mentioned as a learned king conversing with many sages like Bhrigu, Chyavana and Agastya

                                                                  Naga chief Aryaka

                                                                  Nagawanshi Aryaka (sansk. आर्यक) was mentioned to be a member of Naga king Vasuki's palace. He was described as related to Pandava Bhima. He was the grandfather of the father of Kunti, the mother of Bhima. He recognized Bhima as his kinsmen when the Nagas rescued Bhima, a boy then, and brought him to the palace of Vasuki. Bhima was food-poisoned, tied up and thrown into river Ganges at a place called Pramanakoti, by Duryodhana (1,128).
                                                                  Aryaka is mentioned to have born in the race of Kauravya. Kauravya is born in the race of Airavata. Aryaka's son was named Chikura. Chikura was slain by a Suparna. Chikura's wife was the daughter of a Naga named Vamana. Chikura's son was named Sumukha. Matali, the charioteer of Deva king Indra chose Sumuka as his daughter Gunakesi's husband (5,103).

                                                                  Naga Prince Iravan

                                                                  During a 12-year-long pilgrimage over the whole of India, Arjuna, leaving Indraprastha, arrived at the source of the Ganges (now known as Rishikesh) where it entered the plains. There he met a Naga woman, Ulūpī. She took Arjuna to the mansion of Kauravya, king of the Nagas. Kauravya himself was mentioned as an Airavata. Arjuna spent one night with Ulūpī and came back from the palace of Kauravya to the region where the Ganges enters the plains (1,216).
                                                                  Ulūpī's former husband was slain by a Suparna and she was childless. A son named Iravan was born to Arjuna and Ulūpī. But Ulūpī's brother hated Arjuna since he destroyed the Nagas dwelling in Khandava forest and so abandoned Ulūpī and his son.
                                                                  Iravan grew in the territory of Nagas, protected by his mother. Later when Arjuna visited the region to the northeast of the Naga territories, he went and met Arjuna. He accepted him as his beloved son, and asked him to render assistance in battle when required. Iravan entered the Kurukshetra War with an excellent cavalry force driven by Naga warriors (6,91). He participated in the war (6-84,91) and was slain by the Rakshasa Alamvusa, the son of Risyasringa (6,91).
                                                                  • Ulūpī is mentioned as interacting with Arjuna's another son Vabhruvahana, born of another wife Chitrangada at (14,79).
                                                                  • Ulūpī and Chitrangada are mentioned as being accepted into the palace of Hastinapura at (14,88)
                                                                  • Ulūpī and Chitrangada are mentioned with other wives of the Pandavas at (15,1).
                                                                  • Ulūpī and Chitrangada are mentioned as departing, when Pandavas set for their last journey (17,1).
                                                                  • A weapon used in Kurukshetra War is named a Naga weapon (8,53).

                                                                  Other Nagas

                                                                  Intermixing of other Indian races with Naga race

                                                                  • Naga Nahusha is also mentioned as a king in the Lunar Dynasty of Arya Kings (3,178).
                                                                  • A king named Riksha in the race of Puru (a branch of Lunar Dynasti is mentioned as marrying the daughter of a Naga in the race of Takshaka (1,95).
                                                                  • Naga Aryaka is described as the grandfather of Kunti's father. Kunti is the mother of Pandavas. (1,128).
                                                                  • Iravat was mentioned as the son of Arjuna and a Naga woman named Uloopi, born in the race of Airavata (6,91).
                                                                  • Sage Somasrava, the priest of Janamejaya was the son of a Brahmin named Srutasrava and a Naga woman. (1,3).
                                                                  • Sage Astika was the son of a sage in the race of Yayavara Brahmins (1,13) and a Naga woman (sister of Vasuki) (1-14,15,48). Though but a boy, he had great gravity and intelligence. And he was reared with great care in the palace of the Nagas (1,48). He prevented the massacre of the Naga race by Janamejaya (1-15,56).
                                                                  • Naga women alias Nakar women of Kerala married Namboodiris of the Aryan race resulting in one of the sub-caste of Nair clan of Kerala.

                                                                  Other references

                                                                  • The Daitya heroes Sunda and Upasunda defeated the Devas, Yakshas, Rakshasas, Nagas and Arya kings. (1-212,214)
                                                                  • Rakshasa king Ravana also defeated all of them (3,289).
                                                                  • Naga women were mentioned to be very beautiful (3,263) (4,9) (6,105).
                                                                  • In the Harivamsa, Karkotaka and his Nagas were mentioned to be vanquished by Kartavirya Arjuna, the thousand human armed Chandravanshi Yadava King of Haihayas.
                                                                  • Yakshas, and Rakshasas, and Nagas were mentioned to use 17 types of crops for their food. This crops were mentioned as produced by a king named Prithu, the son of Vena (12,58).
                                                                  • At (14,44) the word Uraga is used to denote all the reptile-species and the word Naga is used to denote all snakes, where it mentions Nagas are the foremost among the Uragas.
                                                                  [unquote]
                                                                  Taxaka Statue.jpg
                                                                  Idol of Takshaka at Taxakeshwar temple
                                                                  Takshaka Takṣaka) was one of the Nagas mentioned in the Hindu epic Mahābhārata. He lived in a city named Takshasila, which was the new territory of Takshaka after his race was banished by Pandavas led by Arjuna from the Khandava Forest and Kurukshetra, where they built their new kingdom.
                                                                  Takshaka is known in Chinese and Japanese mythology as being one of the "eight Great Dragon Kings" (八大龍王 Hachi Ryuu-ou),amongst Nanda (Nagaraja), Upananda, Sagara (Shakara), Vasuki, Balavan, Anavatapta and Utpala.(http://www.chinabuddhismencyclopedia.com/en/index.php/Eight_great_dragon_kings)
                                                                  Takshaka is mentioned as a King of the Nagas at (1,3). Takshaka is mentioned as the friend of Indra the Deva king, at (1-225,227,230). Takshaka, formerly dwelt in Kurukshetra and the forest of Khandava (modern-day Delhi) (1,3). Takshaka and Aswasena, are constant companions who dwell in Kurukshetra on the banks of the Ikshumati (1,3). Srutasena, the younger brother of Takshaka, resided at the holy place called Mahadyumna with a view to obtaining the chiefship of the serpents (1,3).
                                                                  According to Shrimad Bhagavatam, Takshaka belonged to the Ikshvaku dynasty. He was a descendent of Shri Rama. The name of Takshaka's son was Brihadbala, who was killed in battle by Abhimanyu, the son of Arjuna.
                                                                  In the forest of Khandava dwelleth, with his followers and family, the Naga, called Takshaka, who is the friend of Indra (1,225). Nagas lived there with other tribes like the PisachaRakshasas and Daityas and Danavas (clans of Asuras ) (1,227). Arjuna burned that forest. At that time the Naga chief Takshaka was not there, having gone to Kurukshetra. But Aswasena, the mighty son of Takshaka, was there. Arjuna slew Takshaka's wife, the mother of Aswasena. But Aswasena escaped (1-229,230) (4,2). To revenge upon the slaughter of his mother, Aswasena attacked Arjuna during Kurukshetra War (8,90) (9,61), while he was battling with Karna. Aswasena is mentioned here as born in the race of Airavata (8,90). An Asura named Mayasura who was a great architect is mentioned as escaping from the abode of Takshaka when Khandava Forest was burned (1,230).
                                                                  After King Parikshit was cursed by a sage's son to die by a snake bite for a small mistake,Takshaka came to fulfil the curse. Takshaka did the deed by approaching in disguise (1,50) and biting Parikshit, the grandson of Arjuna and thus slaying him, while he was meditating on Lord Vishnu. He also prevented the possibility of getting any medical aid to the king, by bribing a priest in the Kasyapa clan, who was an expert in curing people from snake-poisoning (1,43). Later King Janamejaya, the son of Parikshit, fought a war at Takshasila (1,3) and expelled the Nagas headed by Takshaka from there too. Takshaka later became a robber, waiting to loot anything valuable from the travellers traversing through his domain. The Kingdom of Paushya king and the new stronghold of Takshaka was close to Takshasila. Utanka became the victim of Takshaka, while he was passing through the domain of Takshaka. By visiting Janamejaya, Utanka invoked the ire of that Kuru king directed at its full force, towards Takshaka and the Naga race. Janamejaya started a campaign, at Takshasila where he massacered the Nagas, with the view of exterminating the Naga race (1,52). Takshaka left his territory and escaped to the Deva territory where he sought protection from Deva king Indra (1,53). But Janamejaya's men traced him and brought him as a prisoner, to execute him along with the other Naga chiefs (1,56). At that time, a learned sage named Astika, a boy in age, came and interfered. His mother Manasa was a Naga and father was a Brahmin. Janamejaya had to listen to the words of the learned Astika and set Takshaka free. He also stopped the massacre of the Nagas and ended all the enmity with them (1,56). From then onwards the Nagas and Kurus lived in peace. Janamejaya became a peace-loving king.
                                                                  Takshaka, disguising as a beggar, stole the ear-rings of Paushya king's queen, which she gave as a gift to a Brahmin named Uttanka. Uttanka managed to get it back with the help of others. He wished to revenge on Takshaka and proceeded towards Hastinapura, the capital of Kuru king Janamejaya, the great-grandson of Arjuna. Uttanka then waited upon King Janamejaya who had some time before returned victorious from Takshashila. Uttanka reminded the king of his father Parikshit's death, at the hands of Takshaka (1,3).
                                                                  In the chapters (14-53 to 58) Uttanka's history is repeated where the ear-rings were mentioned to be of queen Madayanti, the wife of king Saudasa (an Ikshwaku king) (14,57). A Naga in the race of Airavata is said to steal away the ear-rings (14,58).
                                                                  • A king named Riksha in the race of Puru (a branch of Lunar Dynasty) is mentioned as marrying the daughter of a Naga in the race of Takshaka (1,95).
                                                                  • Bhishma is compared in prowess to Naga Takshaka at (6,108).
                                                                  • Takshak snake means gliding snake in Hindi and Sanskrit languages.
                                                                  तक्षक [p= 431,3] » also °क्षm. ( Pa1n2. 8-2 , 29 Ka1s3. ) " a cutter " » काष्ठ- , वृक्ष-; a carpenter L.; विश्वकर्मन् L.; of a नाग prince (cf. °क्षAV. viii , 10 , 29 Ta1n2d2yaBr. xxv , 15 S3a1n3khGr2. iv , 18 , 1 Kaus3. MBh. &c; of a son of प्रसेन-जित् BhP. ix , 12 , 8

                                                                  "The son of Pandava prince Arjuna (one of the main heroes of the Mahabharata) and the Naga princess Ulupi, Iravan is the central deity of the cult of Kuttantavar which is also the name commonly given to him in that cult—and plays a major role in the cult of Draupadi. Both these cults are of South Indian origin, from a region of the country where he is worshipped as a village deity and is known as Aravan. He is also a patron god of well-known transgendercommunities called ThiruNangai (also Aravani in South India, and Hijra throughout South Asia)...Iravan is also known in Indonesia (where his name is spelled Irawan). An independent set of traditions have developed around Irawan on the main island of Java where, for example, he loses his association with the Naga. Separate Javanese traditions present a dramatic marriage of Irawan to Titisari, daughter of Krishna, and a death resulting from a case of mistaken identity. These stories are told through the medium of traditional Javanese theatre (Wayang), especially in shadow-puppet plays known as Wayang Kulit...According to the Monier Williams Sanskrit–English Dictionary (1899), the name Iravan, also spelt Irawan, is formed from the root Iravat (इरावत्, Irāvat), also spelt Irawat.[3] In turn, the root Iravat is derived from Irā (इरा)—closely linked with Iḍā (इडा)—meaning "possessing food", "endowed with provisions" or, by extension, "comfortable" (as used in the Mahabharata and the Rig and Atharva vedic scriptures). (Monier-Williams (2008) [1899]. "Monier Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary"Universität zu Köln. p. 168). Alf Hiltebeitel, George Washington University professor of religion,[5] suggests that the Sanskrit name Iravan or Iravant is derived from Iḍā-vant, "one who possessed Iḍā". The French Indologist Madeleine Biardeau describes religious use of the word Iḍā as reference to an "oblatory substance consumed by the participants from which comes all fecundity of the sacrifice".(Hiltebeitel, Alf (1988). "Chapter 15: Aravan's Sacrifice". The cult of Draupadi: Mythologies: from Gingee to Kuruksetra. The cult of Draupadi. 1. University of Chicago Press.Based on this definition, Biardeau concludes that Iravant means sacrificial victim in the Mahabharata. Iḍā is also used elsewhere to denote a substance that Devas (demi-gods) and Asuras (demons) vie for."
                                                                   इरा--वत् [p= 168,1] mfn. (/इरा°) possessing food , full of food; granting drink or refreshment , satiating , giving enjoyment; endowed with provisions; comfortable RV. AV. AitBr. MBh. &c; m. (आन्N. of a son of अर्जुन VP. इरा--वती f. N. of a river in the Panjab (now called Ravi) MBh. Hariv. VP.

                                                                  नाग n. (m. L. ) tin , lead Bhpr.; फणिन् m. " hooded " , a serpent (esp. Coluber नागKa1v. Katha1s. Pur.; n. (prob.) tin or lead Ka1lac.
                                                                  फडा (p. 313) phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c.; फडी (p. 313) phaḍī f (Dim. of फडा) The expanded hood of Coluber Nága &c. फडी फिंदारणें To expand its hood--the नाग. 2 fig. To glare at. (Marathi)
                                                                  फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singingshop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain).फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.   (Marathi)
                                                                  Nāga-s are pulic officers, functionaries maintaining water-tanks, water-bodies. As फड (p. 313) phaḍa they maintain and regulate markets, factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing office and other public utilities. They constitute a guild, a band or set.
                                                                  Kṛṣṇa - Kāḷiyamardanam Kamboja (Cambodia) On this sculptural frieze, the hooded serpent and four zebu, bos indicus are shown.
                                                                  पिंजरापोळ (p. 293) piñjarāpōḷa m (A recent formation.) An enclosure prepared (or projected to be prepared) as an asylum for the पोळ or dedicated bull, of which the liberty to be a general pest is thought to be threatened. See further under पांजरपोळ. पांजरपोळ (p. 283) pāñjarapōḷa m पांजरपोळा m An asylum (as at Bombay, Baroda & &c.) for superannuated animals, and for reptiles and vermin. They are duly fed and cared for. पोळा (p. 305) pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship.  पोळ (p. 305) pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. 
                                                                  Rebus: पोळ 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 
                                                                  In the sculptural narrative, the frieze signifies the purification of pyrites to remove lead and other baser minerals by oxidation and to obtain पोळ 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 
                                                                  One ancient process for extracting the silver from lead was cupellation. Lead was melted in a bone ash 'test' or 'cupel' and air blown across the surface. This oxidised the lead to lithargetroy ounces of silver per ton of lead (178 ppm).
                                                                  The mineral pyrite, or iron pyrite, also known as fool's gold, is an iron sulfide with the chemical formula FeS2. This mineral's metallic luster and pale brass-yellow hue give it a superficial resemblance to gold, hence the well-known nickname of fool's gold. The color has also led to the nicknames brassbrazzle, and Brazil, primarily used to refer to pyrite found in coal.
                                                                  Mining areas of the ancient Middle East. Boxes colors: arsenic is in brown, copper in red, tin in grey, iron in reddish brown, gold in yellow, silver in white and lead in black. Yellow area stands for arsenic bronze, while grey area stands for tin bronze.

                                                                   Common aims of early alchemy were chrysopoeia, the transmutation of "base metals" (e.g., lead) into "noble metals" (particularly gold).
                                                                  Transmutation of lead into gold is presented as an analogy for personal transmutation, purification, and perfection.(Antoine Faivre, Wouter J. Hanegraaff. Western esotericism and the science of religion. 1995. p.96).
                                                                  I suggest that sarpa-yāga or sarpa-sattra were processes to transmute lead to perfection by alchemical processes.

                                                                  Cupellation is a refining process in metallurgy, where ores or alloyed metals are treated under very high temperatures and have controlled operations to separate noble metals, like gold and silver, from base metals like leadcopperzincarsenicantimony 
                                                                  or bismuth, present in the ore.The process is based on the principle that precious metals do not oxidise or react chemically, unlike the base metals; so when they are heated at high temperatures, the precious metals remain apart and the others react forming slags or other compounds. (Bayley, J. 2008 Medieval precious metal refining: archaeology and contemporary texts compared, in Martinón-Torres, M and Rehren, Th (eds) Archaeology, history and science: integrating approaches to ancient materials by. Left Coast Press: 131-150.) Since the Early Bronze Age, the process was used to obtain silver from smelted lead ores.
                                                                  Lead melts at 327°C, lead oxide at 888°C and silver melts at 960°C. To separate the silver, the alloy is melted again at the high temperature of 960°C to 1000°C in an oxidizing environment. The lead oxidises to lead monoxide, then known as litharge, which captures the oxygen from the other metals present. The liquid lead oxide is removed or absorbed by capillary action into the hearth linings. This chemical reactionmay be viewed as:
                                                                  Ag(s) + 2Pb(s) + O
                                                                  2
                                                                  (g) → 2PbO(absorbed) + Ag(l) 
                                                                  The base of the hearth was dug in the form of a saucepan, and covered with an inert and porous material rich in calcium or magnesium such as shells, lime, or bone ash.[11] The lining had to be calcareous because lead reacts with silica (clay compounds) to form viscous lead silicate that prevents the needed absorption of litharge, whereas calcareous materials do not react with lead. Some of the litharge evaporates, and the rest is absorbed by the porous earth lining to form "litharge cakes".
                                                                  Brass moulds for making cupels. "The primary tool for small scale cupellation was the cupel. Cupels were manufactured in a very careful way. They used to be small vessels shaped in the form of an inverted truncated cone, made out of bone ashes. According to Georg Agricola,[17] the best material was obtained from burned antlers of deer although fish spines could work as well. Ashes have to be ground into a fine and homogeneous powder and mixed with some sticky substance to mould the cupels. Moulds were made out of brass with no bottoms so that the cupels could be taken off. A shallow depression in the centre of the cupel was made with a rounded pestle. Cupel sizes depend on the amount of material to be assayed. This same shape has been maintained until the present.Archaeological investigations as well as archaeometallurgical analysis and written texts from the Renaissance have demonstrated the existence of different materials for their manufacture; they could be made also with mixtures of bones and wood ashes, of poor quality, or moulded with a mixture of this kind in the bottom with an upper layer of bone ashes...Archaeological findings of silver and lead objects together with litharge pieces and slag have been studied in a variety of sites, and metallurgical analysis suggests that by then people were confidently extracting silver from lead ores so the method would have been known earlier. During the following Iron Age, cupellation was done by fusing the debased metals with a surplus of lead, the bullion or result product of this fusion was then heated in a cupellation furnace to separate the noble metals."

                                                                  Acts of Pandava Arjuna and Naga Takshaka was the cause of enmity between Kuru kings and Nagas. This enmity is metaphorically narrated as sarpa-yāga of Janamejaya. Āstīka upaparva narrates how Āstīka intervenes and stops the destruction of Nāga Takshaka.

                                                                  Āstīka is an apparent reference to an ancient tradition, since he is the son of jarat-kāru, an ancient, infirm artisan.

                                                                  आस्तीक [p= 161,2] m. N. of a मुनि (the son of जरत्कारु and भगिनी जरत्कारु
                                                                  MBh. Hariv.; जरत् mf(अती)n. (pr. p. √1 जॄ Pa1n2. 3-2 , 104) old , ancient , infirm , decayed , dry (as herbs) , no longer frequented (as temples) or in use RV. AV. &c (often in comp. [ Pa1n2. 2-1 , 49Kaus3. A1s3vGr2. iv , 2 MBh. &c ) कारु mf. (fr. √1. कृ) , a maker , doer , artisan , mechanic Mn. Ya1jn5. &c; m. " architect of the gods " , N. of विश्व-कर्मन् L.;m. an art , science L.

                                                                  JANAMEJAYA’S DĪRGHA-SATRA (PHOTO COURTESY – BHARATA DARSHANA PUBLICATIONS)
                                                                  The following is the summary of the episode: While Janamejaya, Parikṣit’s son, along with his brothers Śrutasena, Ugrasena and Bhīmasena was performing a dīrgha-satra (an elaborate yāga), a stray puppy appears. Janamejaya’s brothers chase it away. It goes to its mother Saramā and complains. Saramā was a female dog from the heavens. For having harassed her innocent pup, she cursed them that a hitherto unseen fear would get the better of them. Having completed the satra, Janamejaya returns to Hastināpura and appoints the seer Somaśrava as his purohita (royal preceptor). He was born to a female snake. His life’s vow was that he would never refuse the request of a brāhmaṇa. Promising him that he would support him in the observance of his vow, Janamejaya appointed him. Thereafter the king conquered Takṣaśila, the abode of the serpents. 
                                                                  Around this time, a young graduate named Uttaṅka approached his guru Veda and asked what he would like as guru-dakṣiṇa. The guru said that he didn’t want anything. (Perhaps the difficulties that Veda faced with his own guru during his studenthood softened him towards his student, Uttaṅka. There are stories that narrate the ordeals thrust upon Veda and his classmate Upamanyu and Uddālaka-āruṇi by their guru Ayodhadhaumya – see Translators’ Note below for details.) Uttaṅka pestered and finally Veda told him, “Go and ask my wife. Bring her whatever she asks for.” She told him that she wanted the earrings of the queen of King Puṣya. According to her wish, he went to the queen and fetched her earrings. On his way back, when Uttaṅka wanted to wash his hands and feet, he placed the earrings down. Takṣaka , the king of serpents, came in the guise of śramaṇa (ascetic), stole the earrings, and took them away to Nāgaloka (the realm of the serpents). Uttaṅka faced several tribulations before he could win back the earrings for his guru’s wife. Guru Veda and his wife were both pleased that Uttaṅka had brought the dakṣiṇa in the stipulated time. Uttaṅka was naturally annoyed with Takṣaka  for all the trouble that he had caused. Therefore he wholeheartedly blessed King Janamejaya, who had conquered Takṣaśila and had arrived at Hastināpura with the word, “O King Supreme! There’s a task that you need to accomplish. You’ve spent your childhood and youth doing everything except this important task.” Upon being questioned about it, Uttaṅka replied, “You have to avenge the torture your father was subject to by Takṣaka . Your father, that noble and innocent soul, was bitten to death by Takṣaka. And Kaśyapa , who was on his way to revive your father from his untimely death was forced to retreat because of Takṣaka . That lowly serpent, filled with arrogance arising out of strength, must be burnt to cinders in the raging fire of the sarpa-yāga, which you must perform. This will avenge the injustice caused to your father and will also gladden my heart, for when I was on my guru’s errand, he put me through a great deal of trouble.” Upon hearing these words, Janamejaya’s fury was kindled.

                                                                  Translator’s Note:

                                                                  The third adhyāya of the Ādi-parva narrates a story connected with a contemporary of Janamejaya, Guru Ayodhadhaumya, who had three students – Āruṇi of Pāñcāla, Upamanyu and Veda. Once, the guru asked Āruṇi to repair the broken embankments of a paddy field. Āruṇi, who went to the field, was unable to repair it and laid himself across the embankmentthus checking the water flow. As he did not return for a long time, the guru was worried and went out to the fields looking for Āruṇi. The guru called out for Āruṇi, who immediately got up from his position and came to greet his guru.
                                                                  Uddalaka Mahabharata Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva Uddalaka-300x240
                                                                  UDDĀLAKA-ĀRUṆI (PHOTO COURTESY – BHARATA DARSHANA PUBLICATIONS)
                                                                  Āruṇi told his guru – ‘I was lying down by the fields to check the flow of the water and I got up, came running to you as soon as I heard you call out for me. Command me what I need to do next!’ The Guru Ayodhadhaumya said ‘Hereafter, you will be known as Uddālaka as you built the embankment and now have come breaking it again. As you have followed my command each time, you will attain the best of knowledge’
                                                                  Upamanyu, who was also a student of Guru Ayodhadhaumya and was asked by his guru to tend the cows. He took care of the cattle during the day and returned home at dusk and prostrated before the guru, waiting for his command. One day, the guru noticed that Upamanyu was growing plump and healthy day by day and asked him how it was possible. Upamanyu said that he was begging for food during the day. The guru said that it was a student’s duty to first offer the procured food to the guru. Upamanyu agreed and brought the food he had got by begging and offered it to his guru. The guru ate the whole portion without leaving anything behind for the student.  Upamanyu never questioned his guru and continued his duty of tending the cows and prostrating before the guru in the evening. Guru Ayodhadhaumya, after a few days noticed that Upamanyu was even then as plump and healthy as he formerly was, the guru asked “You offer me all the alms that you procure, but your body has remained as trim as of old. How is it so?” Upamanyu replied – “I offer my gatherings in the first round of alms to you and go for a second round”. Enraged, the guru said “By going begging a second time, you are snatching away another student’s share. It is adharma to do so and you are greedy!” The guru did not tell him how else he was to procure food and the student did not ask him either.  Upamanyu knew only to be obedient to his teacher. When he was again found to be plump, after a few days, the guru asked him how it was so and Upamanyu said that he drank the cows’ milk. The guru stopped him from doing so by saying that it was forbidden to drink the milk of the cows that belonged to his āśrama without his permission. After a few days, the guru again noticed that the student was still plump, healthy and was executing his duties as before. When questioned, Upamanyu said that he was feeding on the froth of milk bristling at the mouth of the calves when they had fed their mother’s milk. The guru forbid him from doing so by saying “perhaps, the calves, out of their sympathy for you are letting out much froth from their mouths. You are snatching away some of the share of their food from them. This is not dharma!” As he was forbidden from begging a second time and drinking milk of the cows in any form, Upamanyu took to eating the leaves of the arka plant (crown-flower plant) and turned blind due to the leaf’s injurious quality. Unable to find his way back, he fell into a deep well in the woods. The guru grew anxious as Upamanyu had not returned to the āśrama even after the sun-set. He went with his students to the forest calling out for Upamanyu, only to hear his reply from deep within a well. Upamanyu told him how he ate the arka leaves out of hunger and had thus turned blind. The guru told him to pray to the Aśvinī-devatas to get cured.  Upamanyu intensely prayed to them and the Aśvinī-devatas appeared before him. They offered him apūpa (a piece of food), consuming which he would regain his eyes. Upamanyu however refused to eat it without offering it to his teacher. Impressed with the devotion to his guru, they said that when they had offered apūpa  to Guru Ayodhadhaumya in the past, he had consumed it without offering it to his own guru and advised Upamanyu to consume it similarly.
                                                                  Uttanka Mahabharata Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva Uttanka-300x300
                                                                  UTTANKA AND AŚVINĪ-DEVATAS (PHOTO COURTESY – BHARATA DARSHANA PUBLICATIONS)
                                                                  However, Upamanyu still refused to follow the example set by his guru and wanted to consume the apūpa only after offering it to him. The Aśvinī-devatas, extremely pleased with his sincerity blessed him by saying – “We are impressed by your devotion. Your guru’s teeth have turned into iron and your teeth are going to turn into gold. You are going to gain divine eye-sight” and vanished. Upamanyu came out of the well and received his guru’s blessings. The guru said “You will be an expert in various fields of knowledge. All the Vedas and dharma-śāstrawill always remain etched in your memory”
                                                                  Veda was the third student of Guru Ayodhadhaumya. The guru once told Veda – “Stay with me for sometime, always serving me. That will bring you great prosperity in life.”Veda agreed and without any complaints put up with every discomfort and hardship in the āśrama. The people of the āśrama, at times, used him in place of oxen to pull the plough and till the land. He withstood thirst, hunger, extreme heat and cold and gladly performed all the work and duties the master imposed on him. The guru was absolutely pleased and with his blessings, Veda became an omniscient. Later, with his guru’s permission, Veda graduated from the gurukula and entered the gṛhasthāśrama. He had three students too and Uttaṅka was one of them.
                                                                  These difficulties that Veda and his classmates had faced with their own guru during their studenthood had perhaps, softened Veda towards his student, Uttaṅka.
                                                                  Adhyāyas 4-12. Pauloma-parva
                                                                  The adhyāyas from 4 to 12 form the Pauloma-parva. Just like the anukramaṇikā (prologue), this section starts with a prose passage.
                                                                  रोमहर्षणपुत्र उग्रश्रवाः सूतः पौराणिको नैमिषारण्ये शौनकस्य कुलपतेर्द्वादशवार्षिके सत्रे |(Sūta-paurāṇika Ugraśrava, the son of Romaharṣaṇa during the twelve year long satra conducted by Śaunaka in the Naimiṣāraṇya,….)
                                                                  This is followed by a few more lines of prose and verses. When Ugraśrava, the Sūta-paurāṇika, asks them which story they would like to hear, they replied, “Our kulapati Śaunaka is now in the agni- gṛha (the place where the three sacred fires i.e., gārhapatya, āhavanīya and dakṣiṇa are housed). Let him come and we shall consult him. You may kindly narrate the story that he wishes to hear.” Upon the completion of his work, Śaunaka joined them and told Ugraśrava that he wished to listen to the stories of his ancestors. Śaunaka belonged to the Bhṛgu-vaṃśa (lineage of seer Bhṛgu) and so the Sūta-Paurāṇika starts narrating the stories of that lineage. Starting from the seer Bhṛgu, he narrated the story of Bhṛgu’s son Cyavana, his son Pramati, his son Ruru, and Śunaka, who was Ruru’s son. How did the name Cyavana arise? The next two adhyāyas are dedicated to answering this question. A rākṣasa by name Puloma harassed Pulomā, Bhṛgu’s pregnant wife and her foetus was ‘cyuta’ (separated, fell) from her womb and hence the name ‘Cyavana.’ (Since this segment mainly deals with the story of Puloma and Pulomā, it is called the Pauloma-parva.) Later, Ruru marries Pramadvarā. (Just like Śakuntalā, Pramadvarā too was a daughter of Menakā; she was born through a gandharva named Viśavasu. Menakā abandoned the infant on the banks of a river, where the seer Sthūlakeśa found her; he raised her as his own child.) Pramadvarā dies of a snake-bite and Ruru rejuvenates her by offering half of his own life-years. Because of this, he develops animosity towards all snakes and kills every snake that caught his eye.
                                                                  Once, when Ruru had raised his hand to kill a water-snake by name Ḍuṇḍubha, the snake said, “I’m not a poisonous snake. Non-poisonous snakes are not dangerous. Further, I’ve turned into a snake due to a curse. Now I am released from the curse, thanks to you. A brāhmaṇa  should not harm animals. To punish is a kṣatriya’s job. In the past, when Janamejaya was performing the sarpa-yāga, a brāhmaṇa  named Āstīka  stopped it. (This portion of the story is yet to take place in the sequence of events. Also, this Janamejaya is a different one and belongs to the previous kalpa. The commentators’ explanation for this is merely that all these events have a cyclic repetition and had also taken place in previous kalpas. It is also possible that different recensions of the Upakramaṇikā  portion have got mixed up and this inconsistency in the sequence of events has crept in.) Ruru asks Ḍuṇḍubha, “How did the kṣatriya Janamejaya punish the snakes? Why did he do so? And why did Āstīka  come to their rescue?” The seer who had been freed from the curse told Ruru, “Āstīka ’s is a long story. Ask any brāhmaṇa  and he will tell you!” Saying so, Ḍuṇḍubha vanished. Ruru learns of this story from his father Pramati.

                                                                  Adhyāya 13-53. Āstīka-parva

                                                                  Āstīka (upa-parva ranges from the thirteenth to the fifty-third adhyāya. This is ancient history narrated by Kṛṣṇa-dvaipāyana. Ugraśrava’s father Lomaharṣa (also called Romaharṣaṇa) also narrated this to the brāhmaṇas. The Sūta-paurāṇika Ugraśrava, upon hearing this story from his father, retells it to Śaunaka and other sages (Adhyāya 13, verses 6-8). The main story of this segment is as follows:
                                                                  mahabharata Mahābhārata – Pauloma and Āstīka-upaparvas sarpa-yagna2
                                                                  IMAGE COURTESY:- GOOGLE IMAGE SEARCH
                                                                  The king Parikṣit who has gone hunting encounters a seer in silent meditation, whom he interrogates regarding the whereabouts of the deer that he had just shot. The seer remains mute. The enraged king, with mischievous intent, garlands the seer with a dead snake. Śṛṅgi, the son of seer Śamīka, who happens to come there, notices this prank and curses King Parikṣit to die of a snake-bite. The curse finds its fulfillment in Parikṣit’s death due to a snake-bite. To avenge his father’s death, Janamejaya vows to eliminate the entire serpentine species and undertakes the sarpa-yāga. While the yāga was in progress, Āstīka—the son of the serpent-king Vāsuki’s sister—comes to Janamejaya, praises him and his undertaking of the yāga, gains his confidence, and requests him to stop the yāga. King Janamejaya, who was well-versed in dharma, knew that it was only correct to fulfill the wish of a brāhmaṇa  while a yāga was in progress; accordingly he acquiesces to Āstīka’s request and stops the sarpa-yāga. Delighted, Āstīka goes away. 
                                                                  When the sarpa-yāga was going on, during the breaks, Vaiśampāyana narrated the story of the Bhāratas. This has become a great epic since the story constantly branches out in various directions but eventually keeps finding its way back to the root-story. 
                                                                  Āstīka’s father Jaratkāru was once immersed in tapas and had given up thoughts about marriage. His ancestors, the Yāyāva sages, were deeply saddened since Jaratkāru’s celibacy would put an end to their lineage. In order to pay tributes to the ancestors, Jaratkāru made up his mind to get married. [Progeny was seen as imperative for the sustenance of the lineage and also to honour the dead ancestors.] But he wanted a wife who would listen to his words and her name was to be the same as his. Although he was poor, he expected that the bride’s family would come of their own accord and offer their daughter in marriage. Fortunately, the serpent-king Vāsuki had a sister who fulfilled the criteria. He gave his sister’s hand in marriage to Jaratkāru. However, his family life was short-lived. Frustrated and upset with her, he abandoned her even as she was pregnant. Later, Āstīka was born to her and grew up in his uncle Vāsuki’s house. 
                                                                  The reason for the death of so many snakes in the fire of the sarpa-yāga was due to the curse of Kadru, the mother of all serpents. What is the reason for this curse? To know the answer, we have to rewind to the beginning of creation. The creator Prajāpati had two daughters, Kadru and Vinatā. He got them both married off to Kaśyapa . The snakes were born to Kadru; Aruṇa and Garuḍa were born to Vinatā. Once Kadru and Vinatā had an argument regarding the colour of the divine horse Uccaiśravas – whether it was black or white. It was agreed that the loser would become a slave to the winner. Vinatā said that the horse was white in colour while Kadru said that its tail was black. Indeed, Uccaiśravas had a white tail and Vinatā should have justly won the argument. However, Kadru, fearing slavery to Vinatā, ordered her children to stick on to the horse’s tail and make it appear black in colour. But they refused to abet this crime. Furious, Kadru cursed them: “All of you will get reduced to ashes in the sarpa-yāga that Janamejaya will perform!” A few serpents, having gotten afraid of the curse, stuck to the tail of the horse, making it appear black. This made Vinatā and her son Garuḍa the slaves of Kadru. Garuḍa fought the devas and brought amṛta (elixir of immortality) to the nāgas, thus freeing himself and his mother from slavery. Indra, however, hoodwinked the serpents and took the amṛta away before they could partake of it. All that they could get in the end was slit tongues, having licked the blades of the darbha grass on which the pot of amṛta had been placed. 
                                                                  At the mention of amṛta, the story switches to the samudra-mathana episode (churning of the milk-ocean for amṛta). The narration starts with the churning of the ocean, the appearance of poison and several other items, and finally the emergence of amṛta [soma is also used synonymously with amṛtaadhyāya 30, verses 7, 8, 13, 18, and 19.] Viṣṇu, in the guise of Mohinī, distributes the amṛta only to the devas. This and several other stories with all their vivid details appear in this section. 
                                                                  We have already seen that Śṛṅgi, the son of Śamīka, cursed Parikṣit. However, Śamīka did not approve of his son’s act. “Parikṣit is, after all, a king. Moreover, śama (self-control) and kṣama (forbearance) are the ornaments for a brāhmaṇa . Thus I shall inform him of this. Let him plan for his safety!” Saying so, he asked his student Gauramukha to inform Parikṣit of the curse. According to the curse, Parikṣit was to die within seven days of Takṣaka ’s bite. Thus, Parikṣit retired to an enclosure with a single pillar supporting it and had tight security arrangements made. He had with him physicians and māntrikas (people highly accomplished in mantra-lore). He executed his kingly duties from this enclosure. Six days passed.
                                                                  On the seventh day, a māntrika by name Kaśyapa , having heard this news was on his way to Hastināpura, claiming that he could cure Parikṣit of a snake-bite; he was driven by an ulterior motive of making money. Takṣaka, who happened to be on the same path, met Kaśyapa  and asked him who he was and what he was doing. After learning about Kaśyapa’s intention, Takṣaka  decided to test his skills in mantra-lore. So he bit a banyan tree that was nearby, which instantly turned to ashes. Kaśyapa , with the power of his mantras, revived the tree. If such a skilled māntrika were to be around, Takṣaka  feared that his mission would not succeed and therefore paid large sums of money to Kaśyapa and sent him away from there. Having received the money, Kaśyapa thought to himself that it was anyway time for Parikṣit to die and went back the way he came. Takṣaka  reached the enclosure and realized that the place was heavily guarded. He called a few of his snakes and ordered them to put on the guise of sages and visit Parikṣit with fruits and flowers. Since they appeared as sages, no one prevented their entry into the enclosure. The king received the sages cordially and accepted their gifts of fruits and flowers. He distributed them to his aides and also picked up a fruit to eat. Inside that fruit, Takṣaka  had hidden himself in the form of a worm. Parikṣit picked up the red worm with black eyes and told his ministers mockingly, “The sun is setting. I don’t think I have to fear poison anymore. If this worm bites me in the name of Takṣaka , let it do so! Let the words of the sage come true! We shall find a remedy for it!” Saying so, he picked up the worm and put it on his neck. The worm turned into Takṣaka , coiled itself around his body, and bit him. He succumbed to the poison-rage. The enclosure too was reduced to ashes along with his people. 
                                                                  The ministers organized his last rites and crowned the infant Janamejaya as the king. After he grew up, once Uttaṅka came to him and instigated him to conduct a sarpa-yāga (as narrated earlier). Janamejaya asked his ministers to narrate his father’s story. Listening to their detailed narration, Janamejaya was in tears. He said, “Takṣaka ’s intention was to kill my father. If his intention was merely to bring fulfillment to Śṛṅgi’s curse, he would have bit my father and gone away. Kaśyapa would have revived him. But he didn’t do so. He played on Kaśyapa’s mind, sent him off, and then came to destroy my father. Therefore, the performance of the sarpa-yāgais justified. It will not only make me happy but will also please Uttanka. Make the appropriate arrangements!”
                                                                  The story goes that the architect of the yajña-mantapa (the enclosure in which yajña  is performed) noticed bad omens during its construction. He declared, “This yajña will never be completed. A brāhmaṇa  will be responsible for its abrupt end.” Therefore, Janamejaya made a strict order – “Don’t allow anyone into the yāga-śālā until the yajña is complete.” [Here, the words yāga and yajña have been used interchangeably.] 
                                                                  The arrangements were made accordingly and the yajña started. Several varieties of serpents of different colours and types started falling into the fire of the yāga. When the heat of the yajña started affecting Vāsuki and his family, he called his sister Jaratkāru and said, “Send your son Āstīka  and make him stop the sarpa-yāga. He was born only to rescue us from this predicament.” Āstīka  reassured Vāsuki and went to the yajña-śālā. The gate-keepers would not let him in. Then even at the doorstep, Āstīka  started praising the yajña, the person conducting it, and the ṛtviks officiating it. This gladdened Janamejaya and he said, “Although young, this person at the door seems to be intelligent. Let him in.” He welcomed him and asked, “Tell me what you wish for. I shall give it to you.”
                                                                  mahabharata Mahābhārata – Pauloma and Āstīka-upaparvas sarpa-yagna1
                                                                  IMAGE COURTESY:- GOOGLE IMAGE SEARCH
                                                                  In the meanwhile, except Takṣaka most other snakes had fallen into the fire of the yajña. However, Janamejaya’s enmity was primarily with Takṣaka . He had thus commanded the ṛtviks that Takṣaka  must be forcibly brought and offered to the fire. Sensing imminent danger to his life, Takṣaka  took refuge in Indra. Having learnt this, the ṛtviks uttered the mantra ‘sendrāya takṣakāya svāhā’ (“We offer Takṣaka  along with Indra!”) as they performed the ritual. Indra was thus forced to come along with Takṣaka . Indra, however, left Takṣaka  midway in the skies and returned to his abode. At the same time, Āstīka  said, “O respected king! Let the yajña stop at this point! This is all I wished for! I don’t ask for any gold or silver.” Janamejaya was bound by his word and had to follow the dharma of a yajña, thus having to fulfill Āstīka ’s wish. The sarpa-yāga was stopped before completion. Takṣaka  survived. Āstīka  was happy. 
                                                                  Śaunaka was enthralled listening to the story. He asked the Sūta-Paurāṇika, “You have finished narrating all the stories starting from the lineage of Bhṛgu. Please recount the strange and fascinating tales that Vyāsa and others narrated during the time of the sarpa-yāga.” The Sūta-Paurāṇika Ugraśrava said, “All brāhmaṇas except Vyāsa narrated stories from the Vedas but Vyāsa always narrated the story of Bhārata alone.” Śaunaka then asked, “If so, please tell us the Bhārata story that you heard from Vyāsa.” Ugraśrava said, “So be it! I shall narrate the elaborate story of the epic Mahābhārata as retold by Kṛṣṇa-dvaipāyana. I too am eager to recount that very tale.” Saying so, he started the Bhārata epic.
                                                                  Thus, the fifty-third adhyāya and the Āstīka (upa-) parva comes to an end.
                                                                  A R Krishna Sastri Mahabharata Mahābhārata – The Pauṣya-upaparva ark
                                                                  Prof. A R Krishna Sastri was a journalist, scholar, polyglot, and a pioneer of the modern Kannada renaissance, who founded the literary journal Prabuddha Karnāṭaka. His 'Vacana-bhārata' and 'Kathāmṛta' are classics of Kannada literature while his 'Saṃskṛta-nāṭaka' and 'Bankimacandra' are of unrivalled scholarship.

                                                                  A R Krishna Sastri's Vacana-bhārata (1950), is a condensed prose rendition of the Mahābhārata in modern Kannada.
                                                                  (Translated by Arjun Bharadwaj from the Kannada original (ವಚನಭಾರತ). Thanks to Śatāvadhāni Dr. R Ganesh for his astute feedback. Thanks to Hari Ravikumar for his edits and suggestions.)

                                                                  This Vyāsa-pūrṇimā, Prekshaa is delighted to present a translation of the masterly introductory essay of A R Krishna Sastri to his magnum opus, the Vacana-bhārata, which is a condensed prose rendition of the Mahābhārata in modern Kannada. 
                                                                  The text is dharma-śāstraartha-śāstra, and mokṣa-śāstra.
                                                                  History of Nāga-s 
                                                                  [quote]
                                                                  • MBh (1,57)
                                                                  Naga race in north-west India was almost exterminated by Janamejaya, the Kuru king in Arjuna's line, who conducted the massacre of Nagas at Takshasila. This massacre was stopped by Astika, a Brahmin whose mother was a Naga. The names of the principal Nagas known widely for their achievements, and slain by Janamejaya is mentioned at (1,57). They were described to be belonging to different Naga races:-
                                                                  Takshaka's Race  :- Puchchandaka, Mandalaka, Pindasektri, Ravenaka; Uchochikha, Carava, Bhangas, Vilwatejas, Virohana; Sili, Salakara, Muka, Sukumara, Pravepana, Mudgara, Sisuroman, Suroman and Mahahanu. (Takshaka's son Aswasena is mentioned as belonging to the Airavata's race at (8,90). This could mean that Takshaka's race, was a branch of Airavata's race.)
                                                                  Kauravya's Race  :- Aryaka, Kundala Veni, Veniskandha, Kumarka, Vahuka, Sringavera, Dhurtaka, Pratara and Astaka. (Kauravya's race is mentioned as a branch of Airavata's race at (1,216).
                                                                  Dhritarashtra's Race :- Sankukarna, Pitharaka, Kuthara, Sukhana, and Shechaka; Purnangada, Purnamukha, Prahasa, Shakuni, Dari, Amahatha, Kumathaka, Sushena, Vyaya, Bhairava, Mundavedanga, Pisanga, Udraparaka, Rishabha, Vegavat, Pindaraka; Raktanga, Sarvasaranga, Samriddha, Patha and Vasaka; Varahaka, Viranaka, Suchitra, Chitravegika, Parasara, Tarunaka, Maniskandha and Aruni. (Dhritarashtra was Airavata's younger brother (1,3).)
                                                                  Nagas, Pannagas and Uragas
                                                                  Nagas were mentioned as born of Surasa and Pannagas another Naga race, was mentioned as born of Kadru at (1,66). Pannagas and Nagas were mentioned as separate but related Naga races at (3,85). Pannagas were mentioned to denote Nagas at (3-172,180,289) (7-142) (9,45) (12,47) (13,98) Nagas destroyed by Arjuna at Khadavaprstha is described as Pannagas (5,124). Pannagas and Uragas were mentioned as separate but related races at (6,65). Uragas were mentioned to denote Nagas at (1-1,172) (3-167,179,187,223) (many other references) Uragas and Nagas were mentioned as separate but related Naga races at (3,158) -in Yaksha territory; also at (7-160,198) At (1,172) is mentioned that Uragas along with Yakshas, Rakshasas, Gandharvas, Pisachas and Danavas as aware of the history of Arya kings.

                                                                  The names of the principal Naga Chiefs[edit]

                                                                  At (1,35) (Birth of Nagas) the name of principal Naga chiefs were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Sesha (Naga Ananta) was the foremost, and then Vasuki. Then were born AiravataTakshakaKarkotaka (linked with Nala, king of Nishadha), Dhananjaya, Kalakeya (was also mentioned as an Asura clan), the serpent Mani, Purana, Pinjaraka, and ElapatraVamana, Nila, Anila, Kalmasha, Savala, Aryaka, Ugra, Kalasapotaka, Suramukha, Dadhimukha, Vimalapindaka, Apta, Karotaka, Samkha, Valisikha, Nisthanaka, Hemaguha, Nahusha (Nahusha was also described as a king in the Lunar Dynasty; Pururavas (first king of Lunar dynasty) -> Ayus - > Nahusha), Pingala, Vahyakarna, Hastipada, Mudgarapindaka, Kamvala Aswatara, Kaliyaka, Vritta, Samvartaka, Padma, Mahapadma, Sankhamukha, Kushmandaka, Kshemaka, Pindaraka, Karavira, Pushpadanshtraka, Vilwaka, Vilwapandara, Mushikada, Sankhasiras, Purnabhadra, Haridraka, Aparajita, Jyotika, Srivaha, Kauravya, Dhritarashtra (also mentioned as a Gandharva king), Sankhapinda, Virajas, Suvahu, Salipinda, Prabhakara, Hastipinda, Pitharaka, Sumuksha, Kaunapashana, Kuthara, Kunjara, Kumuda, Kumudaksha, Tittri, Halika, Kardama, Vahumulaka, Karkara, Akarkara, Kundodara, and Mahodara.
                                                                  At (5,103) (Matali's history) the name of principal Naga chiefs were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Vasuki, Takshaka, Karkotaka, Dhanjaya, Kaliya (linked with river Yamuna and Vasudeva Krishna), Nahusha (also a king belonging to Lunar Dynasty), Aswatara, Vakyakunda, Mani, Apurana, Khaga, VamanaElapatra, Kukura, Kukuna, Aryaka (linked with Bhima), Nandaka, Kalasa, Potaka, Kalilasaka, Pinjaraka, Airavata, Sumanmukha, Dadhimukha, Sankha, Nanda, Upanandaka, Apta, Kotaraka, Sikhi, Nishthuraka, Tittiri, Hastibhadra, Kumuda, Maylapindaka, the two Padmas, Pundarika, Pushpa, Mudgaraparnaka, Karavira, Pitharaka, Samvritta, Vritta, Pindara, Vilwapatra, Mushikada, Sirishaka, Dilipa, Sankha-sirsha, Jyotishka, Aparajita, KauravyaDhritarashtra, Kuhara, Krisaka, Virajas, Dharana, Savahu, Mukhara, Jaya, Vidhira, Andha, Visundi, Virasa, and Sarasa.
                                                                  At (14,4) (Last moments of Bala Rama) the name of principal Naga chiefs were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Karkotaka and Vasuki and Takshaka and Prithusravas and Varuna and Kunjara, and Misri and Sankha and Kumuda and Pundarika, Dhritarashtra, and Hrada and Kratha and Sitikantha of fierce energy, and Chakramanda and Atishanda, Durmukha, and Amvarisha, and king Varuna
                                                                  At (1,65) (Genesis) the names of the sons of Kadru were mentioned as:-
                                                                  Sesha or Ananta, VasukiTakshaka, Kumara, and Kulika are known to be the sons of Kadru.
                                                                  At (2,9) Nagas linked with Varuna were mentioned as:-
                                                                  VasukiTakshaka, and the Naga called Airavata, Krishna and Lohita (see Lauhitya), Padma, Chitra, Kamvala, Aswatara, Dhritarashtra, Valahaka, Matimat, Kundadhara, Karkotaka, Dhananjaya, Panimat, Kundaka, PrahladaMushikada and Janamejaya wait upon Varuna. Many Asuras also is mentioned as waiting upon Varuna. Nagas, Daityas (a clan of Asuras), Sadhyas and inferior Devas were mentioned to follow Varuna (3,41).

                                                                  Prominent Nagas

                                                                  Naga King Takshaka

                                                                  Acts of Pandava Arjuna and Naga Takshaka was the cause of enmity between Kuru kings and Nagas. Arjuna killed Takshaka's wife who dwelled in the Khandava Forest. Takshaka killed Parikshitthe grandson of Arjuna by poisoning him in league with Shringi. King Janamejaya conducted a massacre of Nagas to avenge his father Parikshit's death. Later a sage named Astika ended this enmity between Kurus and Nagas.

                                                                  Naga King Nahusha

                                                                  Nahusha is mentioned as a Naga at (1,35) (5,103).
                                                                  At (13,99) Nahusha is mentioned as ruling even the Deva territories, and later degraded to the status of a Naga king. It is repeated at (12,342). The history of Nahusha becoming the king of Deva territories is mentioned at (5-11 to 17). He was powerful and renowned. Power corrupted him and he was later banished from the throne of Deva territories. It seems he later lived as a small king of the Naga race. Yayati (a king of Lunar Dynasty) is mentioned as his son at many places in Mahabharata. Thus, it seems, he later became known as a king belonging to the Lunar Dynasty of kings in ancient India.
                                                                  A snake (a viper) attacked and afflicted Bhima in a forest called Visakhayupa, situated at the source of river Yamuna. This incident is mentioned at (3,176). At (3,178) that snake is described as Nahusha. He is mentioned here as the son of Ayus (Pururavas (first king of Lunar Dynasty) -> Ayus -> Nahusha), thus he becomes a forefather of the Pandavas. This raises a doubt whether the lunar race of kings originally branched from the Naga race of kings. Many kings in the line of Purus and Kurus, all being branches of the lunar race, like Dhritarashtra and Janamejaya also were mentioned as Nagas at various places. Kuru city Hastinapura also is some times mentioned as Nagapura (one of its meaning being the city of Nagas).
                                                                  • In Book 12 and 13 Nahusha is mentioned as a learned king conversing with many sages like Bhrigu, Chyavana and Agastya

                                                                  Naga chief Aryaka

                                                                  Nagawanshi Aryaka (sansk. आर्यक) was mentioned to be a member of Naga king Vasuki's palace. He was described as related to Pandava Bhima. He was the grandfather of the father of Kunti, the mother of Bhima. He recognized Bhima as his kinsmen when the Nagas rescued Bhima, a boy then, and brought him to the palace of Vasuki. Bhima was food-poisoned, tied up and thrown into river Ganges at a place called Pramanakoti, by Duryodhana (1,128).
                                                                  Aryaka is mentioned to have born in the race of Kauravya. Kauravya is born in the race of Airavata. Aryaka's son was named Chikura. Chikura was slain by a Suparna. Chikura's wife was the daughter of a Naga named Vamana. Chikura's son was named Sumukha. Matali, the charioteer of Deva king Indra chose Sumuka as his daughter Gunakesi's husband (5,103).

                                                                  Naga Prince Iravan

                                                                  During a 12-year-long pilgrimage over the whole of India, Arjuna, leaving Indraprastha, arrived at the source of the Ganges (now known as Rishikesh) where it entered the plains. There he met a Naga woman, Ulūpī. She took Arjuna to the mansion of Kauravya, king of the Nagas. Kauravya himself was mentioned as an Airavata. Arjuna spent one night with Ulūpī and came back from the palace of Kauravya to the region where the Ganges enters the plains (1,216).
                                                                  Ulūpī's former husband was slain by a Suparna and she was childless. A son named Iravan was born to Arjuna and Ulūpī. But Ulūpī's brother hated Arjuna since he destroyed the Nagas dwelling in Khandava forest and so abandoned Ulūpī and his son.
                                                                  Iravan grew in the territory of Nagas, protected by his mother. Later when Arjuna visited the region to the northeast of the Naga territories, he went and met Arjuna. He accepted him as his beloved son, and asked him to render assistance in battle when required. Iravan entered the Kurukshetra War with an excellent cavalry force driven by Naga warriors (6,91). He participated in the war (6-84,91) and was slain by the Rakshasa Alamvusa, the son of Risyasringa (6,91).
                                                                  • Ulūpī is mentioned as interacting with Arjuna's another son Vabhruvahana, born of another wife Chitrangada at (14,79).
                                                                  • Ulūpī and Chitrangada are mentioned as being accepted into the palace of Hastinapura at (14,88)
                                                                  • Ulūpī and Chitrangada are mentioned with other wives of the Pandavas at (15,1).
                                                                  • Ulūpī and Chitrangada are mentioned as departing, when Pandavas set for their last journey (17,1).
                                                                  • A weapon used in Kurukshetra War is named a Naga weapon (8,53).

                                                                  Other Nagas

                                                                  Intermixing of other Indian races with Naga race

                                                                  • Naga Nahusha is also mentioned as a king in the Lunar Dynasty of Arya Kings (3,178).
                                                                  • A king named Riksha in the race of Puru (a branch of Lunar Dynasti is mentioned as marrying the daughter of a Naga in the race of Takshaka (1,95).
                                                                  • Naga Aryaka is described as the grandfather of Kunti's father. Kunti is the mother of Pandavas. (1,128).
                                                                  • Iravat was mentioned as the son of Arjuna and a Naga woman named Uloopi, born in the race of Airavata (6,91).
                                                                  • Sage Somasrava, the priest of Janamejaya was the son of a Brahmin named Srutasrava and a Naga woman. (1,3).
                                                                  • Sage Astika was the son of a sage in the race of Yayavara Brahmins (1,13) and a Naga woman (sister of Vasuki) (1-14,15,48). Though but a boy, he had great gravity and intelligence. And he was reared with great care in the palace of the Nagas (1,48). He prevented the massacre of the Naga race by Janamejaya (1-15,56).
                                                                  • Naga women alias Nakar women of Kerala married Namboodiris of the Aryan race resulting in one of the sub-caste of Nair clan of Kerala.

                                                                  Other references

                                                                  • The Daitya heroes Sunda and Upasunda defeated the Devas, Yakshas, Rakshasas, Nagas and Arya kings. (1-212,214)
                                                                  • Rakshasa king Ravana also defeated all of them (3,289).
                                                                  • Naga women were mentioned to be very beautiful (3,263) (4,9) (6,105).
                                                                  • In the Harivamsa, Karkotaka and his Nagas were mentioned to be vanquished by Kartavirya Arjuna, the thousand human armed Chandravanshi Yadava King of Haihayas.
                                                                  • Yakshas, and Rakshasas, and Nagas were mentioned to use 17 types of crops for their food. This crops were mentioned as produced by a king named Prithu, the son of Vena (12,58).
                                                                  • At (14,44) the word Uraga is used to denote all the reptile-species and the word Naga is used to denote all snakes, where it mentions Nagas are the foremost among the Uragas.
                                                                  [unquote]
                                                                  Taxaka Statue.jpg
                                                                  Idol of Takshaka at Taxakeshwar temple
                                                                  Takshaka Takṣaka) was one of the Nagas mentioned in the Hindu epic Mahābhārata. He lived in a city named Takshasila, which was the new territory of Takshaka after his race was banished by Pandavas led by Arjuna from the Khandava Forest and Kurukshetra, where they built their new kingdom.
                                                                  Takshaka is known in Chinese and Japanese mythology as being one of the "eight Great Dragon Kings" (八大龍王 Hachi Ryuu-ou), amongst Nanda (Nagaraja), Upananda, Sagara (Shakara), Vasuki, Balavan, Anavatapta and Utpala.(http://www.chinabuddhismencyclopedia.com/en/index.php/Eight_great_dragon_kings)
                                                                  Takshaka is mentioned as a King of the Nagas at (1,3). Takshaka is mentioned as the friend of Indra the Deva king, at (1-225,227,230). Takshaka, formerly dwelt in Kurukshetra and the forest of Khandava (modern-day Delhi) (1,3). Takshaka and Aswasena, are constant companions who dwell in Kurukshetra on the banks of the Ikshumati (1,3). Srutasena, the younger brother of Takshaka, resided at the holy place called Mahadyumna with a view to obtaining the chiefship of the serpents (1,3).
                                                                  According to Shrimad Bhagavatam, Takshaka belonged to the Ikshvaku dynasty. He was a descendent of Shri Rama. The name of Takshaka's son was Brihadbala, who was killed in battle by Abhimanyu, the son of Arjuna.
                                                                  In the forest of Khandava dwelleth, with his followers and family, the Naga, called Takshaka, who is the friend of Indra (1,225). Nagas lived there with other tribes like the PisachaRakshasas and Daityas and Danavas (clans of Asuras ) (1,227). Arjuna burned that forest. At that time the Naga chief Takshaka was not there, having gone to Kurukshetra. But Aswasena, the mighty son of Takshaka, was there. Arjuna slew Takshaka's wife, the mother of Aswasena. But Aswasena escaped (1-229,230) (4,2). To revenge upon the slaughter of his mother, Aswasena attacked Arjuna during Kurukshetra War (8,90) (9,61), while he was battling with Karna. Aswasena is mentioned here as born in the race of Airavata (8,90). An Asura named Mayasura who was a great architect is mentioned as escaping from the abode of Takshaka when Khandava Forest was burned (1,230).
                                                                  After King Parikshit was cursed by a sage's son to die by a snake bite for a small mistake,Takshaka came to fulfil the curse. Takshaka did the deed by approaching in disguise (1,50) and biting Parikshit, the grandson of Arjuna and thus slaying him, while he was meditating on Lord Vishnu. He also prevented the possibility of getting any medical aid to the king, by bribing a priest in the Kasyapa clan, who was an expert in curing people from snake-poisoning (1,43). Later King Janamejaya, the son of Parikshit, fought a war at Takshasila (1,3) and expelled the Nagas headed by Takshaka from there too. Takshaka later became a robber, waiting to loot anything valuable from the travellers traversing through his domain. The Kingdom of Paushya king and the new stronghold of Takshaka was close to Takshasila. Utanka became the victim of Takshaka, while he was passing through the domain of Takshaka. By visiting Janamejaya, Utanka invoked the ire of that Kuru king directed at its full force, towards Takshaka and the Naga race. Janamejaya started a campaign, at Takshasila where he massacered the Nagas, with the view of exterminating the Naga race (1,52). Takshaka left his territory and escaped to the Deva territory where he sought protection from Deva king Indra (1,53). But Janamejaya's men traced him and brought him as a prisoner, to execute him along with the other Naga chiefs (1,56). At that time, a learned sage named Astika, a boy in age, came and interfered. His mother Manasa was a Naga and father was a Brahmin. Janamejaya had to listen to the words of the learned Astika and set Takshaka free. He also stopped the massacre of the Nagas and ended all the enmity with them (1,56). From then onwards the Nagas and Kurus lived in peace. Janamejaya became a peace-loving king.
                                                                  Takshaka, disguising as a beggar, stole the ear-rings of Paushya king's queen, which she gave as a gift to a Brahmin named Uttanka. Uttanka managed to get it back with the help of others. He wished to revenge on Takshaka and proceeded towards Hastinapura, the capital of Kuru king Janamejaya, the great-grandson of Arjuna. Uttanka then waited upon King Janamejaya who had some time before returned victorious from Takshashila. Uttanka reminded the king of his father Parikshit's death, at the hands of Takshaka (1,3).
                                                                  In the chapters (14-53 to 58) Uttanka's history is repeated where the ear-rings were mentioned to be of queen Madayanti, the wife of king Saudasa (an Ikshwaku king) (14,57). A Naga in the race of Airavata is said to steal away the ear-rings (14,58).
                                                                  • A king named Riksha in the race of Puru (a branch of Lunar Dynasty) is mentioned as marrying the daughter of a Naga in the race of Takshaka (1,95).
                                                                  • Bhishma is compared in prowess to Naga Takshaka at (6,108).
                                                                  • Takshak snake means gliding snake in Hindi and Sanskrit languages.
                                                                  Kaliyamardana. Bronze. 900 CE. National Museum, Delhi.

                                                                  तक्षक [p= 431,3] » also °क्षm. ( Pa1n2. 8-2 , 29 Ka1s3. ) " a cutter " » काष्ठ- , वृक्ष-; a carpenter L.; विश्वकर्मन् L.; of a नाग prince (cf. °क्षAV. viii , 10 , 29 Ta1n2d2yaBr. xxv , 15 S3a1n3khGr2. iv , 18 , 1 Kaus3. MBh. &c; of a son of प्रसेन-जित् BhP. ix , 12 , 8

                                                                  "The son of Pandava prince Arjuna (one of the main heroes of the Mahabharata) and the Naga princess Ulupi, Iravan is the central deity of the cult of Kuttantavar which is also the name commonly given to him in that cult—and plays a major role in the cult of Draupadi. Both these cults are of South Indian origin, from a region of the country where he is worshipped as a village deity and is known as Aravan. He is also a patron god of well-known transgendercommunities called ThiruNangai (also Aravani in South India, and Hijra throughout South Asia)...Iravan is also known in Indonesia (where his name is spelled Irawan). An independent set of traditions have developed around Irawan on the main island of Java where, for example, he loses his association with the Naga. Separate Javanese traditions present a dramatic marriage of Irawan to Titisari, daughter of Krishna, and a death resulting from a case of mistaken identity. These stories are told through the medium of traditional Javanese theatre (Wayang), especially in shadow-puppet plays known as Wayang Kulit...According to the Monier Williams Sanskrit–English Dictionary (1899), the name Iravan, also spelt Irawan, is formed from the root Iravat (इरावत्, Irāvat), also spelt Irawat.[3] In turn, the root Iravat is derived from Irā (इरा)—closely linked with Iḍā (इडा)—meaning "possessing food", "endowed with provisions" or, by extension, "comfortable" (as used in the Mahabharata and the Rig and Atharva vedic scriptures). (Monier-Williams (2008) [1899]. "Monier Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary"Universität zu Köln. p. 168). Alf Hiltebeitel, George Washington University professor of religion,[5] suggests that the Sanskrit name Iravan or Iravant is derived from Iḍā-vant, "one who possessed Iḍā". The French Indologist Madeleine Biardeau describes religious use of the word Iḍā as reference to an "oblatory substance consumed by the participants from which comes all fecundity of the sacrifice".(Hiltebeitel, Alf (1988). "Chapter 15: Aravan's Sacrifice". The cult of Draupadi: Mythologies: from Gingee to Kuruksetra. The cult of Draupadi. 1. University of Chicago Press.Based on this definition, Biardeau concludes that Iravant means sacrificial victim in the Mahabharata. Iḍā is also used elsewhere to denote a substance that Devas (demi-gods) and Asuras (demons) vie for."
                                                                   इरा--वत् [p= 168,1] mfn. (/इरा°) possessing food , full of food; granting drink or refreshment , satiating , giving enjoyment; endowed with provisions; comfortable RV. AV. AitBr. MBh. &c; m. (आन्N. of a son of अर्जुन VP. इरा--वती f. N. of a river in the Panjab (now called Ravi) MBh. Hariv. VP.

                                                                  नाग n. (m. L. ) tin , lead Bhpr.; फणिन् m. " hooded " , a serpent (esp. Coluber नागKa1v. Katha1s. Pur.; n. (prob.) tin or lead Ka1lac.
                                                                  फडा (p. 313) phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c.; फडी (p. 313) phaḍī f (Dim. of फडा) The expanded hood of Coluber Nága &c. फडी फिंदारणें To expand its hood--the नाग. 2 fig. To glare at. (Marathi)
                                                                  फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्या- चा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nachhouse, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singingshop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work,--as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊस, वांग्या, मिरच्या, खरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चाल, पड, घाल, मांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणें- राखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain).फडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस.   (Marathi)
                                                                  Nāga-s are pulic officers, functionaries maintaining water-tanks, water-bodies. As फड (p. 313) phaḍa they maintain and regulate markets, factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing office and other public utilities. They constitute a guild, a band or set.
                                                                  Metaphors drawn from archao-metallurgy
                                                                  Cupellation is a refining process in metallurgy, where ores or alloyed metals are treated under very high temperatures and have controlled operations to separate noble metals, like gold and silver, from base metals like leadcopperzincarsenicantimony 
                                                                  or bismuth, present in the ore.The process is based on the principle that precious metals do not oxidise or react chemically, unlike the base metals; so when they are heated at high temperatures, the precious metals remain apart and the others react forming slags or other compounds. (Bayley, J. 2008 Medieval precious metal refining: archaeology and contemporary texts compared, in Martinón-Torres, M and Rehren, Th (eds) Archaeology, history and science: integrating approaches to ancient materials by. Left Coast Press: 131-150.) Since the Early Bronze Age, the process was used to obtain silver from smelted lead ores.
                                                                  Lead melts at 327°C, lead oxide at 888°C and silver melts at 960°C. To separate the silver, the alloy is melted again at the high temperature of 960°C to 1000°C in an oxidizing environment. The lead oxidises to lead monoxide, then known as litharge, which captures the oxygen from the other metals present. The liquid lead oxide is removed or absorbed by capillary action into the hearth linings. This chemical reaction may be viewed as:
                                                                  Ag(s) + 2Pb(s) + O
                                                                  2
                                                                  (g) → 2PbO(absorbed) + Ag(l) 
                                                                  The base of the hearth was dug in the form of a saucepan, and covered with an inert and porous material rich in calcium or magnesium such as shells, lime, or bone ash.[11] The lining had to be calcareous because lead reacts with silica (clay compounds) to form viscous lead silicate that prevents the needed absorption of litharge, whereas calcareous materials do not react with lead. Some of the litharge evaporates, and the rest is absorbed by the porous earth lining to form "litharge cakes".
                                                                  Brass moulds for making cupels. "The primary tool for small scale cupellation was the cupel. Cupels were manufactured in a very careful way. They used to be small vessels shaped in the form of an inverted truncated cone, made out of bone ashes. According to Georg Agricola,[17] the best material was obtained from burned antlers of deer although fish spines could work as well. Ashes have to be ground into a fine and homogeneous powder and mixed with some sticky substance to mould the cupels. Moulds were made out of brass with no bottoms so that the cupels could be taken off. A shallow depression in the centre of the cupel was made with a rounded pestle. Cupel sizes depend on the amount of material to be assayed. This same shape has been maintained until the present.Archaeological investigations as well as archaeometallurgical analysis and written texts from the Renaissance have demonstrated the existence of different materials for their manufacture; they could be made also with mixtures of bones and wood ashes, of poor quality, or moulded with a mixture of this kind in the bottom with an upper layer of bone ashes...Archaeological findings of silver and lead objects together with litharge pieces and slag have been studied in a variety of sites, and metallurgical analysis suggests that by then people were confidently extracting silver from lead ores so the method would have been known earlier. During the following Iron Age, cupellation was done by fusing the debased metals with a surplus of lead, the bullion or result product of this fusion was then heated in a cupellation furnace to separate the noble metals."

                                                                  Acts of Pandava Arjuna and Naga Takshaka was the cause of enmity between Kuru kings and Nagas. This enmity is metaphorically narrated as sarpa-yāga of Janamejaya. Āstīka upaparva narrates how Āstīka intervenes and stops the destruction of Nāga Takshaka.

                                                                  Āstīka intervenes to save Takshaka, an artisan, a carpenter who works with an adze or a hoe.

                                                                  takṣa in cmpd. ʻ cutting ʼ, m. ʻ carpenter ʼ VarBr̥S., vṛkṣa -- takṣaka -- m. ʻ tree -- feller ʼ R. [√takṣ]
                                                                  Pa. tacchaka -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, taccha -- sūkara -- m. ʻ boar ʼ; Pk. takkha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ carpenter, artisan ʼ; Bshk. sum -- tac̣h ʻ hoe ʼ (< ʻ *earth -- scratcher ʼ), tec̣h ʻ adze ʼ (< *takṣī -- ?); Sh. tac̣i f. ʻ adze ʼ; -- Phal. tērc̣hi ʻ adze ʼ (with "intrusive" r).
                                                                   takṣaṇa n. ʻ cutting, paring ʼ KātyŚr. [√takṣPa. tacchanī -- f. ʻ hatchet ʼ; Pk. tacchaṇa -- n., °ṇā -- f. ʻ act of cutting or scraping ʼ; Kal. tēčin ʻ chip ʼ (< *takṣaṇī -- ?); K. tȧchyunu (dat. tȧchinis) m. ʻ wood -- shavings ʼ; Ku. gng. taċhaṇ ʻ cutting (of wood) ʼ; M. tāsṇīf. ʻ act of chipping &c., adze ʼAddenda: takṣaṇa -- : Pk. tacchaṇa -- n. ʻ cutting ʼ; Kmd.barg. taċə̃ři ʻ chips (on roof) ʼ GM 22.6.71.tákṣati (3 pl. tákṣati RV.) ʻ forms by cutting, chisels ʼ MBh. [√takṣ]
                                                                  Pa. tacchati ʻ builds ʼ, tacchēti ʻ does woodwork, chips ʼ; Pk. takkhaïtacchaïcacchaïcaṁchaï ʻ cuts, scrapes, peels ʼ; Gy. pers. tetchkani ʻ knife ʼ, wel. tax -- ʻ to paint ʼ (?); Dm. taċ -- ʻ to cut ʼ (ċ < IE. k̂s NTS xii 128), Kal. tã̄č -- ; Kho. točhik ʻ to cut with an axe ʼ; Phal. tac̣<-> ʻ to cut, chop, whittle ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) thačoiki ʻ to fashion (wood) ʼ; K. tachun ʻ to shave, pare, scratch ʼ, S. tachaṇu; L. tachaṇ ʻ to scrape ʼ, (Ju.) ʻ to rough hew ʼ, P. tacchṇā, ludh. taccha ʻ to hew ʼ; Ku. tāchṇo ʻ to square out ʼ; N. tāchnu ʻ to scrape, peel, chip off ʼ (whence tachuwā ʻ chopped square ʼ, tachārnu ʻ to lop, chop ʼ); B. cã̄chā ʻ to scrape ʼ; Or. tã̄chibācã̄chibāchã̄cibā ʻ to scrape off, clip, peel ʼ; Bhoj. cã̄chal ʻ to smoothe with an adze ʼ; H. cã̄chnā ʻ to scrape up ʼ; G. tāchvũ ʻ to scrape, carve, peel ʼ, M. tāsṇẽ; Si. sahinavāha° ʻ to cut with an adze ʼ. <-> Kho. troc̣ik ʻ to hew ʼ with "intrusive" r. Addenda: tákṣati: Kmd. taċ -- ʻ to cut, pare, clip ʼ GM 22.6.71; A. cã̄ciba (phonet. sãsibɔ) ʻ to scrape ʼ AFD 216, 217, ʻ to smoothe with an adze ʼ 331.  tákṣan (acc. tákṣaṇam RV., takṣāṇam Pāṇ.) m. ʻ carpenter ʼ. [√takṣ] Pk. takkhāṇa -- m., Paš. ar. tac̣an -- kṓr, weg. taṣāˊn, Kal. kaṭ -- tačon, Kho. (Lor.) tačon, Sh. thac̣on m., kaṭ -- th°, K. chān m., chöñü f., P. takhāṇ m., °ṇī f., H. takhān m.; Si. sasa ʻ carpenter, wheelwright ʼ < nom. tákṣā. -- With "intrusive" r: Kho. (Lor.) tračon ʻ carpenter ʼ, P. tarkhāṇ m. (→ H. tarkhān m.), WPah. jaun. tarkhāṇ. -- With unexpl. d -- or dh -- (X dāˊru -- ?): S. ḍrakhaṇu m. ʻ carpenter ʼ; L. drakhāṇ, (Ju.) darkhāṇm. ʻ carpenter ʼ (darkhāṇ pakkhī m. ʻ woodpecker ʼ), mult. dhrikkhāṇ m., dhrikkhaṇī f., awāṇ. dhirkhāṇ m. (CDIAL 5618 to 5621).
                                                                  Related image

                                                                  Kaliamardana, Ramachandra temple, Hampi
                                                                  Image result for sculpture kaliyamardanaRaghurajeshwara temple, Bhonsla ghat, Varanasi
                                                                  Image result for sculpture kaliyamardana
                                                                  Kedareshwaratemple. Halebid.
                                                                  Image result for sculpture kaliyamardanaMamallapuram. Kaliyamardanam
                                                                  Image result for sculpture kaliyamardanaKaliyamardana. Image result for sculpture kaliyamardana









                                                                  Karti Chidambaram can’t leave country without joining probe: Supreme Court

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0

                                                                  Karti Chidambaram can’t leave country without joining probe: Supreme Court


                                                                  Karti Chidambaram. File photo  

                                                                  The Madras HC on Thursday stayed the ‘Look Out Circular’issued by the Bureau of Immigration against the son of former Finance Minister.

                                                                  The Supreme Court on Monday stayed aMadras High Court order of August 10freezing the implementation of a Look Out Circular (LOC) issued by the Bureau of Immigration against Karti Chidambaram and urged him to "cooperate and participate" in a corruption case involving kickbacks paid by INX Media for obtaining clearance from the Foreign Investment Promotion Board.
                                                                  A Bench of Chief Justice of India J.S. Khehar and D.Y. Chandrachud emphasised that Mr. Karti, the son of former Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, has to participate in the investigation by appearing before the probe officers for questioning.
                                                                  "Our business is only one. You must go for the investigation. How will it be if people of this country do not respond to investigations against them?" Chief Justice Khehar asked orally.
                                                                  The court said was also upto Mr. Chidambaram to decide whether he wanted to wait for the Madras HC's decision on his pending petition for quashing of the investigation.
                                                                  "But our little thing is that you cannot, as of now, leave the country till you participate in the investigation. That's all," CJI Khehar observed orally.

                                                                  ‘Bitter experience’

                                                                  To a plea by senior advocate Gopal Subramanium, for Mr. Karti, that he had already booked his tickets for the U.K. on August 16, CJI Khehar replied: "We have had the bitter experience of allowing people to go abroad and they never come back... You (Karti) first show us your bonafide by going to the investigating officer".
                                                                  The court pointed out that theFIR against Mr. Kartiwas registered on May 15. He was issued a notice on June 15 to appear before the investigating officer on June 29.
                                                                  The CBI, on the very following day on June 16, had issued the LOC.
                                                                  Mr. Subramanium submitted that Mr. Karti had requested the agency for a subsequent date. This was done so, and a second notice was issued on July 4. In this notice, Mr. Karti's presence was sought on July 21.
                                                                  Mr. Subramaniam said it was only post July 21, almost a month after the LOC was issued, that the accused incidentally came to know of the existence of the LOC. The Madras HC had found the issuance of the LOC on the very next day after the notice was issued on June 15 as "prima facie unwarranted", Mr. Subramanium argued.
                                                                  The Bench, however acknowledged the submission made by Addititional Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, for CBI, who said the intent and language of the LOC was not to detain or arrest Mr. Karti.
                                                                  It was only a measure to ensure that he did not leave the country when the investigation into a case involving "serious offences" was going on.
                                                                  "The question you have to consider here is when do you really interfere with the right of a citizen to travel... It is only when somebody is a fugitive. My client was sitting in the same courtroom as the investigating officer during the case hearing. He has his father here. He has a daughter. His family is here," Mr. Subramanium interjected strongly.
                                                                  "We are not on the issue whether he is guilty or not. We are on a very small issue. Have you participated and co-operated with the investigating officer? The answer is 'no'," CJI Khehar responded orally.
                                                                  "And what is wrong with an LOC on the next day? The CBI is conducting an investigation. They do not want to take the chances of a man becoming a fugitive... the LOC does not say they will arrest you. They just do not want you to travel out of the country," CJI Khehar addressed Mr. Subramanium.
                                                                  The court issued notice to Mr. Karti and posted the case for Augsut 18.
                                                                  The HC had also stayed the LOCs issued against C.B.N. Reddy, Ravi Visvanathan, Mohanan Rajesh and S. Bhaskararaman.
                                                                  The CBI has alleged that Mr. Reddy, Mr. Visvanathan and Mr. Rajesh were Directors of Advantage Strategic Consulting, which received the kickbacks on behalf of Mr. Karti.
                                                                  http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karti-chidambaram-cant-leave-country-without-joining-probe-supreme-court/article19491606.ece?utm_source=pushnotifications&utm_campaign=pushnotifications

                                                                  NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court (SC) on Monday ordered Karti Chidambaramto appear before the CBI in a corruption case, thus staying a Madras high court order+ that allowed him to travel abroad.

                                                                  The Madras high court had allowed Karti - son of former Finance Minister P Chidambaram - to travel abroad and he was scheduled to fly out on August 16. The High Court had on August 10 stayed the 'look out circulars' issued against Karti and four others by the Centre over the CBI case, holding that they were prima facie "unwarranted".

                                                                  Karti had requested an SC stay and was prepared to give an undertaking that he won't go abroad till this coming Friday's hearing on the case. But the SC said it "didn't want to risk" Karti not appearing before the CBI.

                                                                  "Why have you not appeared even once," the top court asked Karti.

                                                                  The top court further said the CBI had the option of seizing Karti's passport and arresting him but it has done neither, therefore it was of utmost importance that he makes an appearance.



                                                                  The case pertains to an FIR filed on May 15 against Karti and INX Media along with eight others for alleged irregularities in the Foreign Investment Promotion Board clearance given to the media house for foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2007.The probe+ agency had claimed that the FDI proposal of the media house was "fallacious" but former Union finance minister Chidambaram had cleared it.

                                                                  http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/supreme-court-orders-karti-chidambaram-to-appear-before-cbi-stays-cancellation-of-madras-hc-lookout-notice/articleshow/60057611.cms

                                                                  INX media corruption probe: Supreme Court puts on hold Madras HC order on Karti Chidambaram

                                                                  By Express News Service  |   Published: 14th August 2017 03:37 PM  |  
                                                                  Last Updated: 14th August 2017 04:47 PM  |   A+A-   |  

                                                                  Former Union Minister P Chidambaram's son, Karti Chidambaram (File |EPS)
                                                                  NEW DELI: In a setback to Karti Chidambaram, son of former Union Minister P Chidambaram, the Supreme Court on Monday stayed Madras High Court order which had stayed the Look Out Circular issued by CBI and told him to appear before the investigative body in INX media FIPB clearance case.
                                                                  A bench headed by Chief Justice J S Khehar refused to give any relief to Karti and said, “You (Karti) must appear before the CBI for investigation purposes. How will any investigation in this country succeed if people don’t join investigation?”
                                                                  CJI further observed, “We are not on whether he is guilty or not. We are on a small issue. Has he so far participated in the probe? Answer is No.”
                                                                  Senior advocate Gopal Subramaniam appearing on behalf of Karti wanted to prevent the stay from the court and was even prepared to give an undertaking that he won't go abroad till the next hearing on Friday.
                                                                  But CJI said, “We have had very bad experiences of allowing people to go abroad, and they never come back.”
                                                                  The apex court made it clear that Karti can’t travel abroad until and unless he joins the probe. Karti had to travel abroad on August 16.
                                                                  The bench said, CBI had the option of seizing Karti's passport and arresting him but it has done neither and questioned as to “why he has not even appeared once before the investigating agency?”
                                                                  The court will now hear the case on Friday.
                                                                  The order comes on the urgent plea of Additional Solicitor General Tushar Mehta in the morning who told the Bench that the Madras High Court had no jurisdiction to entertain Karti's petition as the FIR was registered in Delhi and that search warrants were issued in Delhi, and so High Court cannot have jurisdiction over the case.
                                                                  The case pertains to an FIR filed on May 15, against Karti and INX Media along with eight others for the alleged irregularities in the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) clearance given to the media house for foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2007.
                                                                  Madras High Court had while staying the circular pointed out the unnecessary urgency by the investigating agency in issuing the LoC and pointed out that on June 15 Karti had been asked to appear before authorities on June 29, but on June 16 itself the circular was issued.
                                                                  The court, however, made it clear that Karti should give advance intimation to authorities about his foreign trips.



                                                                  Has any PT heard that BC wants PC to appeal against today's SC Order in ICJ ?

                                                                  Hinduism – A Ravaged Soul and the Quest for Survival -- Vasudha Srivastava

                                                                  $
                                                                  0
                                                                  0

                                                                  Hinduism – A Ravaged Soul and the Quest for Survival

                                                                  The continuous genocide of Hindus is a story that the world has simply never considered. It is time to bring it into global consciousness.

                                                                   
                                                                  Hinduism – A Ravaged Soul and the Quest for SurvivalHinduism – A Ravaged Soul and the Quest for Survival
                                                                  S U M M A R Y
                                                                  • The history of Islamic invasion and expansion in India is one of the bloodiest genocides of native Hindus.
                                                                  • Scholarship regarding this 1000 year phenomenon is so hypocritical and controlled by leftist forces, that today’s generation is not even aware of its horrors.
                                                                  • These horrors continue even today also and one just has to see the demography changes in our neighborhood in Islamic Pakistan and Bangladesh where the percentage of Hindu population has been dwindling steadily and alarmingly.
                                                                  • Hinduism is struggling for survival today and one wonders if the declaration of India as a secular state via the 42nd constitutional amendment in 1976 has effectively poured the last spoon of ghee on the pyres of Hinduism.refer to Muḥammad ibn Qāsim ath-Thaqafī as the “First Pakistani”. Muhammad was a military general who conquered the areas of Sindh and Multan along the Indus River to establish the reins of Umayyad Caliphate and spread Islam in the 8th Century AD. Umayyad’s dreams for an Islamic India was crushed by the Indian Hindu Kings and his invasion into mainland India was stalled temporarily. For the next 200 years, Islam consolidated its gains west of Indus and had a modest growth.
                                                                  Pakistani text books refer to Muḥammad ibn Qāsim ath-Thaqafī as the “First Pakistani”. Muhammad was a military general who conquered the areas of Sindh and Multan along the Indus River to establish the reins of Umayyad Caliphate and spread Islam in the 8th Century AD. Umayyad’s dreams for an Islamic India was crushed by the Indian Hindu Kings and his invasion into mainland India was stalled temporarily. For the next 200 years, Islam consolidated its gains west of Indus and had a modest growth.
                                                                  Early 10th Century saw the rise of Mahmud of Ghazni (Afghanistan), who raided Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms in South Asia; 17 times in 33 years. After every raid, he left the defeated province as a vassal state in the hands of a puppet king and destroyed their temples as a symbol of Islamic supremacy. The idea was to propagate Islam and extirpate idolatry. The Hindu massacres perpetuated by Mahmud in India is unparalleled in history where cruelty was a norm – mass burnings, crucifixions, rapes and barbaric tortures.
                                                                  After Ghazni came Muhammad of Ghori, who initiated the Islamic expansion in 1173 AD and established the first Sunni Islamic kingdom of India or the Delhi Sultanate. Ghori was 150 years after Ghazni but was equally brutal, if not worse. He had the typical Jihadi injunctions and believed that the unbelievers(kafirs) did not deserve to live if they disagreed to convert to Islam. Men who refused were publicly crushed by the elephants and their women were raped. Hundreds of temples were looted, burnt and razed to the ground.
                                                                  After Ghori’s assassination, his slave Turkic Qutb al-Din Aibak assumed power and became the Sultan of Delhi. The Islamisation of sub-continent gained momentum during the 320 years of Sultanate rule under the six muslim dynasties – the Mamluks’ (1206 – 90), the Khiljis’ (1290 – 1320), the Tughlaqs’ (1320 – 1414), the Sayyids’ (1414 – 51), the Lodis’ (1451 – 1526) and the Mughals’ (1526 – 1862). The series of unabated dynasty rule was a more planned and systematic Islamization of India, not by force, but by prohibitions.
                                                                  Albeit, the only solace one finds is that the savageness and barbarism reduced over the years. Hindu practices, festivals and culture were either banned or methodically blended with a flavour of Islam, and Muslim habits were enforced by means of a Royal decree or imposing taxes. This essentially happened because Hinduism was not a religion, it was a way of life. It believes “God is Anaadi and Anant – Never taken birth & endless”; hence there was no singular identity to preserve and the original, benevolent Hindu culture got mutated and became a shadow of Islam. Unfortunately, today it is almost extinct.
                                                                  More than 400 million Hindus were massacred, another couple of millions were enslaved and castrated, thousands of Hindu women were raped and hundreds of temples were destroyed.
                                                                  The 1,151 years of Arab conquest and Islamic invasion that began with the Umayyad (711AD) and ended with the last Mughal, Bahadur Shah Zafar (1862 AD), was literally a Hindu genocide. More than 400 million Hindus were massacred, another couple of millions were enslaved and castrated, thousands of Hindu women were raped and hundreds of temples were destroyed. The cost of the Hindu decimation was massive in terms of lives, wealth and culture; and any other civilization would have certainly faded if they had 400 million dead.
                                                                  It is indeed very surprising that such colossal barbarity and horror finds no mention in Indian history text books. Children are only educated about the differences between the two religions, and somehow it is smartly entangled with the Two-Nation theory. Sadly, there is an over conscious endeavour to maintain religious parity in favour of Islam and avoid communal vocabulary.
                                                                  The present day reality is equally repulsive. Pakistan has systematically converted or wiped out the Hindu demography in their country. From 15% Hindus’ in 1947, there are just about 2% Hindus’ in Pakistan today. But why only question the Pakistanis’? In India itself, the Hindu population of 84.1% (in 1951 census) has reduced to 79.8% (in 2011 census). Mutatis mutandis, the Muslim population in India has increased from 9.9% in 1947 to 14.23% in 2011 census.
                                                                  In reality, the Arab and Islamic invasion of India ravaged the soul of Hinduism and certainly today India is not a Hindu nation, at best it is a Hindu majority. The third largest religion of the world is struggling for survival and existence. One wonders if the after-thought of declaring India a secular state by the 42nd amendment act of Constitution in 1976, was the last spoon of Ghee on the pyres of Hinduism.
                                                                  Vasudha Srivastava

                                                                  Vasudha Srivastava

                                                                  The Author is an army wife who is a keen observer of Indian politics and the Indian Army.

                                                                  A travel junkie, she enjoys exploring the road untraveled with her husband.
                                                                  Viewing all 11247 articles
                                                                  Browse latest View live


                                                                  <script src="https://jsc.adskeeper.com/r/s/rssing.com.1596347.js" async> </script>