Translation of excerpts from Telugu news report in Andhra Jyoti, 22, 2016: Granaparents reveal that they are vaDDera kulam. Parents said they are OBC. Rohit converted to Christianity and was renmed Chakravarti -- E-police enquiries.
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Rohit, Mallik Chakravarthi, Vaddera christian convert -- E-Police enquiries in Guntur, Andhra Jyoti Report
Ek naujawan bete Rohith...maa-Bharti ne apna ek laal khoya -- NaMo.
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Data mining of a Mohenjo-daro copper tablet, kāmṭhiyɔ ʻarcherʼ.rebus kammaṭa 'coinage, mint, coiner'
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/jq88v7z
A deterministic affirmation of the entire Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork comes from data mining of a Mohenjo-daro copper tablet with hieroglyph writing. A hieroglyph 'archer' signifies 'mint, coiner'. The archer is horned. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'.Thus, the catalog entry of this side of the copper tablet signifies a coiner's workshop: kammaṭa koḍ (Prakritam aka Meluhha, mleccha, Indian sprachbund). See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/data-mining-explains-indus-script.html
Hieroglyph: Gujarati:kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.
Rebus: Kannada:kammaṭa 'coinage, mint, coiner'
Hieroglyph: kamāṭhiyo 'archer' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, mint'. The hieroglyph is evidenced by terracotta cake of Kalibangan and copper plate inscrption of Mohenjo-daro. Another hieroglyph: kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron' is evidenced by terracotta cake of Kalibangan and copper plate inscriptions of Mohenjo-daro. Kalibangan terracotta cake also shows hieroglyph-multiplex of a 'tiger' dragged by a rope by a person to be tied to yupa 'pillar' synonym: mēḍha
(Samskritam. Ho.Mu.Santali) med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
For a color image of 'archer' see m1540A image of copper tablet, Mohenjodaro. Two copper tablets. Mohenjo-daro. Showing two allographs: archer hieroglyph; ficus + crab hieroglyph. ḍato = claws of crab (Santali); dhātu = mineral (Skt.) loa ‘ficus religiosa’ (Santali) rebus: loh ‘metal’ (Skt.) kamaṛkom ‘fig’.kamaḍha ‘crab’. kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Kannada); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Telugu)
kamaṭha m. ʻ bamboo ʼ lex. 2. *kāmaṭha -- . 3. *kāmāṭṭha -- . 4. *kammaṭha -- . 5. *kammaṭṭha -- . 6. *kambāṭha -- . 7. *kambiṭṭha -- . [Cf. kambi -- ʻ shoot of bamboo ʼ, kārmuka -- 2 n. ʻ bow ʼ Mn., ʻ bamboo ʼ lex. which may therefore belong here rather than to kr̥múka -- . Certainly ← Austro -- as. PMWS 33 with lit. -- See kāca -- 3 ]1. Pk. kamaḍha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ bamboo ʼ; Bhoj. kōro ʻ bamboo poles ʼ.2. N. kāmro ʻ bamboo, lath, piece of wood ʼ, OAw. kāṁvari ʻ bamboo pole with slings at each end for carrying things ʼ, H. kã̄waṛ, °ar, kāwaṛ, °ar f., G. kāvaṛ f., M. kāvaḍf.; -- deriv. Pk. kāvaḍia -- , kavvāḍia -- m. ʻ one who carries a yoke ʼ, H. kã̄waṛī, °ṛiyā m., G. kāvaṛiyɔ m.
3. S. kāvāṭhī f. ʻ carrying pole ʼ, kāvāṭhyo m. ʻ the man who carries it ʼ.4. Or. kāmaṛā, °muṛā ʻ rafters of a thatched house ʼ;G. kāmṛũ n., °ṛī f. ʻ chip of bamboo ʼ, kāmaṛ -- koṭiyũ n. ʻ bamboo hut ʼ.5. B. kāmṭhā ʻ bow ʼ, G. kāmṭhũ n., °ṭhī f. ʻ bow ʼ; M. kamṭhā, °ṭā m. ʻ bow of bamboo or horn ʼ; -- deriv. G. kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.6. A. kabāri ʻ flat piece of bamboo used in smoothing an earthen image ʼ.7. M. kã̄bīṭ, °baṭ, °bṭī, kāmīṭ, °maṭ, °mṭī, kāmṭhī, kāmāṭhī f. ʻ split piece of bamboo &c., lath ʼ.(CDIAL 2760)
Rebus 1: కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same asకమటము . కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste. కామాటము (p. 0272) [ kāmāṭamu ] kāmāṭamu. [Tel.] n. Rough work. మోటుపని . R. viii. కామాటి kāmāṭi. n. A labourer, a pioneer. adj. Rustic. Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint.
Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner(DEDR 1236)
Rebus 2: కమటము (p. 0246) [ kamaṭamu ] kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals.అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి .
Rebus 3: కమతము (p. 0246) [ kamatamu ] or కమ్మతము kamatamu. [Tel. n. Partnership.అనేకులు చేరిచేయుసేద్యము . The cultivation which an owner carries on with his own farming stock. Labour, tillage. కృషి, వ్యవసాయము. కమతకాడు or కమతీడు or కమతగాడు a labourer, or slave employed in tillage.కమ్మతము (p. 0247) [ kammatamu ] Same as కమతము . కమ్మతీడు Same as కమతకాడు .
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 23, 2016
3. S. kāvāṭhī f. ʻ carrying pole ʼ, kāvāṭhyo m. ʻ the man who carries it ʼ.4. Or. kāmaṛā, °muṛā ʻ rafters of a thatched house ʼ;G. kāmṛũ n., °ṛī f. ʻ chip of bamboo ʼ, kāmaṛ -- koṭiyũ n. ʻ bamboo hut ʼ.5. B. kāmṭhā ʻ bow ʼ, G. kāmṭhũ n., °ṭhī f. ʻ bow ʼ; M. kamṭhā, °ṭā m. ʻ bow of bamboo or horn ʼ; -- deriv. G. kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.6. A. kabāri ʻ flat piece of bamboo used in smoothing an earthen image ʼ.7. M. kã̄bīṭ, °baṭ, °bṭī, kāmīṭ, °maṭ, °mṭī, kāmṭhī, kāmāṭhī f. ʻ split piece of bamboo &c., lath ʼ.(CDIAL 2760)
Rebus 1: కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as
Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner(DEDR 1236)
Rebus 2: కమటము (p. 0246) [ kamaṭamu ] kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals.
"చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్ "హంస . ii.
Rebus 3: కమతము (p. 0246) [ kamatamu ] or కమ్మతము kamatamu. [Tel. n. Partnership.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 23, 2016
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Why the battle for Sanskrit needs to be joined -- Rajeev Srinivasan. Kudos to Rajiv Malhotra for शङ्खनादम्
Why the battle for Sanskrit needs to be joined
January 20, 2016 22:52 IST
'It is a great misfortune that the Nehruvian Stalinists of India have colluded with the grand project of demeaning and destroying Sanskrit.'
'Today, the number of Sanskritists in India is low, and falling,' says Rajeev Srinivasan.
The outsider point of view sees Sanskrit as a 'dead language', of the same order as Latin or old Greek, which are museum pieces, as their cultures have been digested into the prevailing Western culture, says Rajeev Srinivasan. Photograph published only for representational purpose, kind courtesy Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao/Facebook.
'The destruction of culture has become an instrument of terror, in a global strategy to undermine societies, propagate intolerance and erase memories.'
--Irina Bokova, director-general, UNESCO
--Irina Bokova, director-general, UNESCO
Irina Bokova wrote this in reference to the visible destruction of heritage sites in Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Libya ('Terrorists are destroying our cultural heritage. It's time to fight back,' World Economic Forum Global Agenda, January 18, 2016), where she also talked about the #unite4heritage campaign, launched last year. She had three suggestions: Prevent trafficking in objects, reinforce preventive actions, and strengthen international cooperation.
The wholesale rape and pillage of Mesopotamian sites, and earlier of Bamiyan, are clearly catastrophes of the first order. The irony, though, is that a subtle but equally malign destruction of Indic heritage has been going on virtually unnoticed for a few centuries, although it has accelerated in scale, ruthlessness and effectiveness in the recent past.
Rajiv Malhotra, well known for articulating the civilisational attack on India by malevolent Western forces, concentrates on the topic of language in his latest book, The Battle for Sanskrit, for, he suggests, Sanskrit is the prize for the deracination project.
Rajiv Malhotra was a lone voice in the wilderness for some time, but I am delighted that he has gained a dedicated following. I am glad to have played a small part in bringing him to the attention of the Indian reader with my piece on Rediff.com: Fear of Engineering in 2002. Since then, in a series of penetrating books, he has turned around and analysed Western scholars as anthropological specimens, exactly the way they analyse us.
Needless to say, that has not endeared him to them. In 2002, the concerns expressed, about obscure American academics, may have seemed abstruse, but in the fullness of time they have become life-and-death issues for Indian civilisation. It is not a coincidence that we are seeing withering attacks on Hindu culture via, say, Jallikattu and Sabarimala.
Malhotra has devoted himself for the last 20 years to analysing Western academia in its continuous attempts to do two things: First, using an 'etic' or outsider perspective, and second, 'digesting' the tradition. The etic point of view sees Sanskrit as a 'dead language,' of the same order as Latin or old Greek, which are museum pieces, as their cultures have been digested into the prevailing Western culture, even though there is much incongruence. This, Malhotra notes, is not true of Mandarin, Persian or Arabic (and I would add Hebrew too), which are treated as living languages worthy of respect and accommodation.
In the etic perspective, the spiritual aspect of the ancient language and culture has been completely erased -- and so the Greek and Roman religious traditions have been turned into pure 'mythology' (while, asymmetrically, Western mythology is 'scripture'). The more secular aspects have been mined and digested and expropriated by the West. Thus, 'pagan' Greek and Roman thoughts have been discreetly assimilated into Semitic thought, although the pagan and Semitic world-views are like chalk and cheese.
Orientalism 2.0 proponents want the same fate for Sanskrit -- it should be shorn of all religious and spiritual meaning, and it should be turned into a source of ideas that can be mined, digested, and appropriated by the dominant Western hegemonic narrative.
In other words, in short order, the Hindu tradition should be erased, and anything useful (yoga, meditation, Ayurveda, mathematics, etc) should end up being 'owned' by the West.
In this enterprise, the academics are as one with the Christian fundamentalists, especially those such as the conversion-focused (and spectacularly Orwellian-named) USCIRF. They have already succeeded in several parts of India. The academics thus form a dangerous alliance with churches, either wittingly or not.
Those of us in the 'emic' or insider tradition, Rajiv Malhotra suggests, are unable to stand up to this withering assault spearheaded by professors from famous universities such as Harvard or Columbia. Interestingly, the locus of Orientalism has moved from Britain to the US. It was European Orientalists such as William Jones and Max Mueller who created the canonical English interpretations of Sanskrit texts that are accepted as infallible even today. Their successors include Michael Witzel of Harvard and Wendy Doniger of Chicago, as well as the entire RISA (Religions in South Asia) group of academics.
Malhotra calls them 'American Orientalists' who use social sciences fads such as postmodernism that are completely alien to the Sanskrit worldview. They are qualitatively different from the Europeans, partly because they are more subtle: For instance, they have co-opted the Nehruvian Stalinists of India, who have pretensions to nationalism.
Even though the Orientalism that Edward Said and others spoke about has been discredited, and the rights of Muslims to provide their own narrative conceded, the same is not true of Hindus and Sanskrit.
It is a great misfortune that, unlike nationalistic Arabs, the Nehruvian Stalinists of India have colluded with the grand project of demeaning and destroying Sanskrit. Today, the number of Sanskritists in India is low, and falling.
I was startled by an anecdote recounted by Michel Danino quoting the late manuscriptologist K V Sarma (he curated the canonical Aryabhatiya). When a copy of the Arthashastra (it had been considered lost, and was only known through references by others) was unearthed by accident in 1904, there was a Ramasastry who could read it. Now there are a few who still can.
But in 50 years, there will probably be nobody in India who can read a newly discovered old manuscript. Some American Orientalist will be called in, who will give it all the colouring of his or her Western biases.
A few years ago, I remember the ICHR said the classical languages of India were, drum roll, Sanskrit, Persian and Arabic! Of course, not Pali and Tamil. The Sri Sankara Sanskrit University had a leftist extremist as VC. Neither he, nor Romila Thapar, 'eminent historian' of ancient India, knows Sanskrit! JNU, at least until recently, did not have a Sanskrit department. The neglect, and active hostility, have been startling. Nehru thought Hinduism and Tibetan Buddhism were outdated.
The fact that so few Hindus know Sanskrit, except the dwindling few who have chosen the traditional path of mathas and spirituality and learning sadhana under a Master, means that we are gullible.
For instance, it is now widely alleged by missionaries that Prajapati, the Lord of Creation, is actually Jesus. They will quote verses from the Bhavishya Purana to substantiate this. Since most of us have no idea of the authenticity of that Purana or the specific verses, and have no way of disputing the Sanskrit translation they produce, we are forced to accept this hilarious, and possibly even (if we had that concept, blasphemous) equivalence.
In general, this is the problem Malhotra is attempting to address in his book: Who hasadhikara (authority)? As of now, the American Orientalists are attempting to -- with, alas, considerable success -- take on that mantle. Hindus are unable to fend off their claims, partly, as Malhotra explains, they fall into several categories:
- Traditionalists who do not understand the mala fide intentions or the jargon of the American Orientalists and are therefore unable to do a purva-paksha (analysing their arguments prior to debate);
- Genuine scholars who are so enmeshed in the Western system that they find it hard to take a stand;
- Sepoys who are happy with the crumbs that they can get;
- Committed Leftists who are delighted to collaborate in the 'breaking-India' project; and finally
- Well-meaning Indians, including tech billionaires, who, while wanting to support Sanskrit, end up being hoodwinked into supporting these very same malign American Orientalists.
It is just such an effort that prompted Malhotra to write this book: The Sringeri Math, a major centre of Sanskrit learning set up by Adi Sankara, to give its imprimatur to Columbia University for a project to be headed by one Professor Sheldon Pollock. By doing his due diligence, Malhotra shows that Pollock with his 'liberation philology' is a dangerous adversary.
At least in my reading, he is the Dr Jekyll-Mr Hyde doppelganger of the corrosive and foul-mouthed Wendy Doniger. Pollock uses the turgid disciplines of post-modernism and other social sciences to deconstruct, and most importantly, rob Sanskrit of its spirituality and its universality.
To be fair, Pollock does advertise his intentions. One of Pollock's important works is titled The Death of Sanskrit, and Malhotra in his purva-paksha identifies several memes that Pollock uses frequently, and that analysis forms the bulk of the book. Malhotra goes on to provide suitable counters to them.
- Decoupling Sanskrit and its shastras from the Vedas
- Politicising kavyas (literature) and decoupling them from the Vedas
- Interpreting the Ramayana as a project for propagating Vedic social oppression (the ideas in the itihasa instil hierarchical thinking)
- Rise of the pan-Asian Sanskrit cosmopolitan (only after Buddhism arose did Sanskrit become formalised and written down)
- Death of Sanskrit and the rise of the vernaculars
- Dangerous impact of Sanskrit on Western thoughts (that the 'Aryan' business was imported by Germans from Sanskrit).
Malhotra raises an interesting question about Pollock: Is he 'too big to challenge?' Personally, I don't think so. Let him debate and win, as Malhotra seems to be saying. Besides, Pollock may well be on thin ice based on faulty chronology: His conjecture that Sanskrit was purely oral before the Buddhists was probably plain wrong. Intriguingly for a classical scholar, Pollock is explicitly political: Malhotra shows that he has been a signatory to a number of petitions against, for instance, Prime Minister Narendra Modi. And some of his former students in India are now explicitly anti-Hindu.
The book is not a personal attack on Pollock, as he is merely the archetype of the American Orientalist. On the other hand, it throws light on the convergence of destructive influences that motivate the beast, including the Church's efforts to completely convert India (as seen in the Joshua Project and Project Thessalonica), the left’s efforts to wipe out Hinduism, and the West's efforts to contain India.
It is perhaps no coincidence that the Pollockian effort to paint Sanskrit as inherently casteist and without value before Buddhism (although the Buddhist canon is written in Pali) is coeval with the British left's efforts to declare caste as an artifact explicitly punishable by law.
Nor is it separate from the efforts to secularise and undermine Ganesha Puja, Durga Puja, the Sabarimala pilgrimage, Navaratri, and in fact everything Hindu.
This is an important book; for any Indian, and particularly any Hindu who is concerned about the Indian Grand Narrative, the possible loss of control over Sanskrit is a tragedy. At the moment it is an avoidable tragedy, but only if there is a concerted effort on our part. It is nothing short of an act of terrorism, if you believe the UNESCO director-general, and this book is an attempt at preventive action.
The Battle for Sanskrit: Is Sanskrit Political or Sacred? Oppressive or Liberating? Dead or Alive?, By Rajiv Malhotra, Harper Collins Publishers India 2016, Hardback, Rs 699.
http://m.rediff.com/news/column/column-why-the-battle-for-sanskrit-needs-to-be-joined/20160120.htm?sc_cid=fbshare
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Data mining of four Indus Script inscriptions with hieroglyph signifiers of kammaṭa mint, coiner, coinage; kamata 'guild'
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hgpt88e
Four hieroglyph-multiplexes from Indus Script Corpora signify kammaṭa
'coinage, mint, coiner'. In the Vedic tradition of Soma Yaga, this semantic structure signified by the writing system of Indus Script is evidence of the related fire-work of the Bronze Age as mint-, metal-work of coiners in a mintworker guild (kamata 'partnership of owner cultivation, tillage'). This signifier indicates an emerging organization of society into professional guilds during the Bronze Age.
1. Kalibangan terracotta cake with a horned archer (hunter) PLUS a tiger tied to a rope and dragged.
2. Binjor SomaYaga Kunda (fire-altar) with an octagonal Yupa or stake (in the context of a seal with Indus Script inscription signifying mint-, metal-work.
3. Mohenjo-daro copper tablet with a hieroglyph of an archer (paralleled by another copper tablet with a hieroglyph-multiplex of a pair of ficus circumscript on a crab claws) signifying: dula'two' rebus: dul'metal casting'loa'ficus' rebus; loh'copper' PLUS datu'claws' rebus: dhatu'mineral' PLUS kamaṭha'crab' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coinage, coiner'.
4. Frogs as hieroglyphs on Dong Son Bronze Drums also signify kamaTha 'frog' rebus: rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coinage, coiner'.
A deterministic affirmation of the entire Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork comes from data mining of a Mohenjo-daro copper tablet with hieroglyph writing. A hieroglyph 'archer' signifies 'mint, coiner'. The archer is horned. koḍ 'horn' rebus: koḍ 'workshop'.Thus, the catalog entry of this side of the copper tablet signifies a coiner's workshop: kammaṭa koḍ
(Prakritam aka Meluhha, mleccha, Indian sprachbund).
See: http://bharatkalyan97.
Hieroglyph: Gujarati:kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.
Rebus: Kannada: kammaṭa ' coinage, mint, coiner'
Pl. XXII B. Terracotta cake with incised figures on obverse and reverse, Harappan. On one side is a human figure wearing a head-dress having two horns and a plant in the centre; on the other side is an animal-headed human figure with another animal figure, the latter being dragged by the former.
Decipherment of hieroglyphs on the Kalibangan terracotta cake:
bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'; Hieroglyph 1: khamba 'plumage'; Hieroglyph 2: kamaTha 'archer' Rebus: kammaTa 'coiner, mint'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'; kUdI 'twig' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
koD 'horn' rebus: koD 'workshop' or, kampa 'thorn, twig' rebus: (phonetic determinant) kampaṭṭam coinage, coiner, mint.
Hieroglyph: kamba strong rope (tied to the neck of the tiger shown being dragged on the terracotta cake) Ta. kampākam, kampāṉ ship's cable. Ma. kampa cable, strong rope. / Cf. Sgh. kam̆ba strong rope. (DEDR 1240) Rebus: kampaṭṭam coinage, coiner, mint. Evokes the phonetics of a bull tied in a treading team: खांब्या (p. 205) [ khāmbyā ] a (खांब ) Epithet of that bullock of a treading team which is next to the post of the treading floor.
kola 'tiger' rebus: kolle 'blacksmith', kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron'
Thus, the terracotta cake inscription signifies a iron workshop smelter/furnace and smithy in a coiner's mint.
The recording of an inscription on a terracotta cake used in a fire-altar continues as a tradition with inscriptions recorded on Yupa, 'pillars' of Rajasthan indicating the type of yajna's performed using those Yupa.
Binjor seal with Indus Script deciphered. Binjor attests Vedic River Sarasvati as a Himalayan navigable channel en route to Persian Gulf
The fire altar, with a yasti made of an octagonal brick. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI Binjor seal. खांबट [ khāmbaṭa ] 'small post' Rebus: kampaṭṭam, kammaṭa 'coinage, coiner, mint.' Thus, the octagonal yupa is a signifier of a smelting/furnace process in a coiner's mint, a continuum of the Vedic tradition of Soma Yaga to produce soma 'electrum, synonym: ancu, ams'u 'iron' -- products of exchange value as wealth.
Binjor (4MSR) seal.Binjor Seal Text.
Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badhoṛ ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)
khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; khambh ʻwing'*skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]S. khambhu, °bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640). Rebus: Rebus: kammaṭa 'coinage, coiner, mint.'
gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements.
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaNDa 'metallic iron alloy implements'. or, aya kammaṭa'metal (alloy) mint, coiner' PLUS khaNDa 'metal implements'.
koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khŏḍu ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)
The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa
करण्ड m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'
Thus, the text of Indus Script inscription on the Binjor Seal reads: 'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' PLUSthe hieroglyphs of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device in front read rebus:
kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'.
Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation.Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of) 'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop'
khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; khambh ʻwing'
*skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]S. khambhu, °bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640). Rebus: Rebus: kammaṭa 'coinage, coiner, mint.'
करण्ड m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa
m1540A archer hieroglyph: kamāṭhiyo 'archer' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, mint'.Hieroglyph: kamāṭhiyo 'archer' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, mint'. The hieroglyph is evidenced by terracotta cake of Kalibangan and copper plate inscrption of Mohenjo-daro. Another hieroglyph: kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', kol 'working in iron' is evidenced by terracotta cake of Kalibangan and copper plate inscriptions of Mohenjo-daro. Kalibangan terracotta cake also shows hieroglyph-multiplex of a 'tiger' dragged by a rope by a person to be tied to yupa 'pillar' synonym: mēḍha मेढ Stake or post rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Samskritam. Ho.Mu.Santali) med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
For a color image of 'archer' see m1540A image of copper tablet, Mohenjodaro. Two copper tablets. Mohenjo-daro. Showing two allographs: archer hieroglyph; ficus + crab hieroglyph. ḍato = claws of crab (Santali); dhātu = mineral (Skt.) loa ‘ficus religiosa’ (Santali) rebus: loh ‘metal’ (Skt.) kamaṛkom ‘fig’.kamaḍha ‘crab’. kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Skt.lex.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Kannada); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Telugu)
Miniature drum with four frogs. Dong Son Bronze Drum.
Focus on the 'frog' hieroglyph on a Dong Son bronze drum. Includes also cire perdue crafted tympanum to signifykanka 'heron' rebus: kanga 'brazier'.
Indian sprachbund: select lexis to signify hieroglyphs and related rebus readings
kamaṭha m. ʻ bamboo ʼ lex. 2. *kāmaṭha -- . 3. *kāmāṭṭha -- . 4. *kammaṭha -- . 5. *kammaṭṭha -- . 6. *kambāṭha -- . 7. *kambiṭṭha -- . [Cf. kambi-- ʻ shoot of bamboo ʼ, kārmuka -- 2 n. ʻ bow ʼ Mn., ʻ bamboo ʼ lex. which may therefore belong here rather than to kr̥múka -- . Certainly ← Austro -- as. PMWS 33 with lit. -- See kāca -- 3]1. Pk. kamaḍha -- , °aya -- m. ʻ bamboo ʼ; Bhoj. kōro ʻ bamboo poles ʼ.2. N. kāmro ʻ bamboo, lath, piece of wood ʼ, OAw. kāṁvari ʻ bamboo pole with slings at each end for carrying things ʼ, H. kã̄waṛ, °ar, kāwaṛ, °ar f., G. kāvaṛ f., M. kāvaḍf.; -- deriv. Pk. kāvaḍia -- , kavvāḍia -- m. ʻ one who carries a yoke ʼ, H. kã̄waṛī, °ṛiyā m., G. kāvaṛiyɔ m.3. S. kāvāṭhī f. ʻ carrying pole ʼ, kāvāṭhyo m. ʻ the man who carries it ʼ.4. Or. kāmaṛā, °muṛā ʻ rafters of a thatched house ʼ;G. kāmṛũ n., °ṛī f. ʻ chip of bamboo ʼ, kāmaṛ -- koṭiyũ n. ʻ bamboo hut ʼ.5. B. kāmṭhā ʻ bow ʼ, G. kāmṭhũ n., °ṭhī f. ʻ bow ʼ; M. kamṭhā, °ṭā m. ʻ bow of bamboo or horn ʼ; -- deriv. G. kāmṭhiyɔ m. ʻ archer ʼ.6. A. kabāri ʻ flat piece of bamboo used in smoothing an earthen image ʼ.7. M. kã̄bīṭ, °baṭ, °bṭī, kāmīṭ, °maṭ, °mṭī, kāmṭhī, kāmāṭhī f. ʻ split piece of bamboo &c., lath ʼ.(CDIAL 2760)
Rebus 1: కమ్మటము (p. 0247) [ kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Telugu] A man of the goldsmith caste. కామాటము (p. 0272) [ kāmāṭamu ] kāmāṭamu. [Tel.] n. Rough work. మోటుపని. R. viii. కామాటి kāmāṭi. n. A labourer, a pioneer. adj. Rustic. Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint.Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner(DEDR 1236)
Rebus 2: కమటము (p. 0246) [ kamaṭamu ] kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి.
"చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్" హంస. ii.Rebus 3: కమతము (p. 0246) [ kamatamu ] or కమ్మతము kamatamu. [Tel. n. Partnership. అనేకులు చేరిచేయుసేద్యము. The cultivation which an owner carries on with his own farming stock. Labour, tillage. కృషి, వ్యవసాయము. కమతకాడు or కమతీడు or కమతగాడు a labourer, or slave employed in tillage.కమ్మతము (p. 0247) [ kammatamu ] Same as కమతము. కమ్మతీడు Same as కమతకాడు.
Ta. kampalai agricultural tract; kampaḷar inhabitants of an agricultural tract. Ka. kampaṇa a district. Te. (Inscr.) kampaṇamu an administrative division. / Cf. Mayrhofer, s.v. kampanaḥ. (DEDR1237)
Ko. kabaḷm communal work in one man's garden. Ka. kambaḷa daily hire or wages. Koḍ. kambaḷa feast given in field at transplantation time; picnic.(DEDR 1238)
खांबट [ khāmbaṭa ] n (Dim. or deprec. of खांब ) A small post: also a weak, slight, flimsy post. खांब [ khāmba ] m (स्तंभ S) A post. 2 fig. The trunk or stem of the Plantain. 3 fig. The staff, stay, or sup- porting member (of a household or community.) खांबाला डोक पाहणें (To look for gum from a post.) अग्निखांब (p. 009) [ agnikhāmba ] m A heated iron pillar. One of the materials of the Fiery ordeal or instruments of Savage persecution. Ex. तप्त भूमीवरी चालविती पायीं ॥ अग्निखांबास ही कवळविती ॥ खांबणी (p. 205) [ khāmbaṇī ] f खांबला or खांबुला m C खांबली f खांबा m R (Dim. of खांब ) A small stake bifurcated or having a tenon that it may support a cross-piece; a short supporting post, a stanchion. 2 A short stake (fixed) or post gen. खांबोटी (p. 205) [ khāmbōṭī ] f (Dim. of खांब ) A short post, a stanchion.खांबोळ (p. 205) [ khāmbōḷa ] n ळी f ळें n (खांब & ओळ ) The place left in a wall whilst building it, to receive a post. 2 The arrangement of two cross-pieces (+) on the head of a post underneath the beam.घुसळखांब (p. 262) [ ghusaḷakhāmba ] m The fixed post of a churning apparatus. डोलकाठी (p. 356) [ ḍōlakāṭhī ] f डोलखांब m A mast of a ship or boat. 2 The flagstaff at a जजत्रा . ढालकाठी (p. 356) [ ḍhālakāṭhī ] f ढालखांब m A flagstaff; esp.the pole for a grand flag or standard. 2 fig. The leading and sustaining member of a household or other commonwealth.ढोलखांब (p. 360) [ ḍhōlakhāmba ] m A pillar planted in a cornfield, supporting a ढोल or drum (or सूप &c.) which is beaten to scare away birds.पुरखांब (p. 522) [ purakhāmba ] m (पुरणें & खांब ) A post planted or fixed in the ground. Opp. to उथळ्यावरचा खांब A post fixed in a socket. skabha *skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh ]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?).SKAMBH ʻ make firm ʼ: *skabdha -- , skambhá -- 1 , skámbhana -- ; -√*chambh. (CDIAL 13638) skambhá skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1 ). [√skambh ]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöp, üšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambh, khambhā, khammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmoʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khām, khāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmh, khāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj.khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ,khã̄bhi , °bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho, °bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambü rü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G.khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ.*skambhaghara -- , *skambhākara -- , *skambhāgāra -- , *skambhadaṇḍa -- ; *dvāraskambha -- . Addenda: skambhá -- 1 : Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.(CDIAL 13639) *skambhaghara ʻ house of posts ʼ. [skambhá -- 1 , ghara -- ]B. khāmār ʻ barn ʼ; Or. khamāra ʻ barn, granary ʼ: or < *skambhākara -- ?
†skámbhatē Dhātup. ʻ props ʼ, skambháthuḥ RV. [√skambh ]
Pa. khambhēti ʻ props, obstructs ʼ; -- Md. ken̆bum ʻ punting ʼ, kan̆banī ʻ punts ʼ?
Pa. khambhēti ʻ props, obstructs ʼ; -- Md. ken̆bum ʻ punting ʼ, kan̆banī ʻ punts ʼ?
Ka. kambaḷa a buffalo race. Tu. kambula, kambuḷa a buffalo race in a rice field. (DEDR 1239) (See the Indus Script hieroglyphs of tumblers with buffalo/drummer to signify metlwork).
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 23, 2016
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Kudos to NIA for cracking the ISIS cells in Bharatam. Jai Jawan, effectove cyber security work.
CIA leads help Indian agencies bust ISIS cells
TNN | Jan 23, 2016, 07.35 AM IST
NEW DELHI: Till not too long ago, the exact presence of Islamic State (ISIS) operatives was being debated. On Friday almost 20 ISIS operatives are in the dragnet of security forces as a result of a pan-India crackdown that has its roots in behind the scenes cooperation between Indian and US intelligence agencies.
Highly placed sources said tip offs by US agencies, that are tracking ISIS computers and phones in West Asia, saw Indian agencies follow the leads over the last weekend that led them to blow the lid off the ISIS cells.
Explaining the operation, a source said CIA is keeping a watch on hundreds of IP addresses of computers and smart phones being used by ISIS in Syria and Iraq. There were several addresses which ISIS operatives were using to access Facebook.
All such IPs and proxy servers were under surveillance and one address was used by ISAuT commander Shafi Armar (codename: Yousuf al-Hindi) to communicate with the likes of Akhlaq ur Rehman (arrested in Haridwar aloing with three others) and several others. The inputs were being shared and surveillance mounted on the suspects.\
Sources say the agencies were able to intercept calls and Whatsapp and Facebook messages being exchanged by the arrested operatives.
In mid-January, an exchange between Yousuf and Akhlaq read — 7 kalash rakh do. The code was interpreted as a plot to bomb seven places.This input was shared by CIA with Indian agencies and alarmed security officials briefed national security adviser Ajit Doval.
In the next few hours, the suspects shifted from Roorkee to Haridwar. The sleuths were all charged up anticipating the next move. They knew a strike was in the making. After five hours, the suspects in Haridwar shifted base to Roorkee after conducting a survey . Similarly, other modules also seemed to act in a suspicious manner. A crackdown on all known ISIS modules across India was ordered.
Agency sleuths worked against time and roped in police and anti-terror squads stationed in Delhi, Bangalore, Mumbai and Hyderabad. A control room was set-up in Delhi as field officers and policemen spread at their respective target places. Nobody had an idea of the identity of the target and were only briefed about the name and place of stay of the person.
Highly placed sources said tip offs by US agencies, that are tracking ISIS computers and phones in West Asia, saw Indian agencies follow the leads over the last weekend that led them to blow the lid off the ISIS cells.
Explaining the operation, a source said CIA is keeping a watch on hundreds of IP addresses of computers and smart phones being used by ISIS in Syria and Iraq. There were several addresses which ISIS operatives were using to access Facebook.
All such IPs and proxy servers were under surveillance and one address was used by ISAuT commander Shafi Armar (codename: Yousuf al-Hindi) to communicate with the likes of Akhlaq ur Rehman (arrested in Haridwar aloing with three others) and several others. The inputs were being shared and surveillance mounted on the suspects.\
Sources say the agencies were able to intercept calls and Whatsapp and Facebook messages being exchanged by the arrested operatives.
In mid-January, an exchange between Yousuf and Akhlaq read — 7 kalash rakh do. The code was interpreted as a plot to bomb seven places.This input was shared by CIA with Indian agencies and alarmed security officials briefed national security adviser Ajit Doval.
In the next few hours, the suspects shifted from Roorkee to Haridwar. The sleuths were all charged up anticipating the next move. They knew a strike was in the making. After five hours, the suspects in Haridwar shifted base to Roorkee after conducting a survey . Similarly, other modules also seemed to act in a suspicious manner. A crackdown on all known ISIS modules across India was ordered.
Agency sleuths worked against time and roped in police and anti-terror squads stationed in Delhi, Bangalore, Mumbai and Hyderabad. A control room was set-up in Delhi as field officers and policemen spread at their respective target places. Nobody had an idea of the identity of the target and were only briefed about the name and place of stay of the person.
Through Saturday and Sunday, the agencies executed the operation and picked up the suspects. The Roorkee-Haridwar operation happened before agencies suspected a strike even sooner than other modules. Once they were detained, all suspects were picked up one by one. The north Indian module was handed over to the special cell which had already been tracking them. The others were handed over to the NIA and other police.
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1962: The War That Wasn't by Shiv Kunar Verma: Book review by Wg. Commdr. Rajesh Khosla
DID WE SCREW UP? Oh YES! BIG TIME!
By
Wing Commander Rajesh Khosla
This is a review of a book, titled rather aptly 1962: The War That Wasn't by Shiv Kunal Verma. There have been books on Indian military history and there will no doubt be more books on the subject, but in my humble opinion, this book will stand out for years to come. The victor, we are often told, writes history. Yet for a work to emerge from within the ranks of the vanquished, even half a century after the event, it takes a great deal of courage and conviction. To be able to hold up a mirror that questions all our established myths and beliefs is one thing, to be able to knit a near perfectly credible story takes skill and dedication of the highest order. A lot of reviewers use the term 'a must read' - almost to the point of it being a cliché. In this book's case, it ought to be mandatory.
This is not just some in-your-face 'history' that is done and dusted. Having swept the reality of what happened in the High Himalayas under the carpet, we as a nation seem to have continued with our merry ways. What is perhaps most alarming - and the reason for my writing this article - that the echoes of what happened in the 1950s in the buildup to the Chinese debacle, finds expression in what is happening even today. In my writings thus far, I have often referred to the apex leadership of the three Services as dancing girls. Instead of learning from history and developing a backbone, many of them continue with their unfortunate and bizarre mix of Kathakali and the Bhangra, dancing to the tune of bureaucrats and politicians who, more often than not, have little of no understanding of National Security.
However, before I come back to the book, I digress a bit. Like hundreds of my retired mates, father time has also moth-balled me; however, I will always see myself as a fighter pilot who lived every pulsating moment of my Service life believing I was the sharp end of my country's fire power. We were, or are, the MiG-21 generation, which to my mind, will always be a privileged lot for we were the chosen ones to fly the greatest aircraft that was ever produced. After spending 24 years in service where the only thing that mattered was the country, the country and the country, I finally hung up my uniform in 1992. Back in the civilian milieu, my horizons began to expand, and to my horror I began to realize that there was a lot more to life. Once out of the cocoon of Service life, one was faced with the biggest reality check - the soldier, sailor and airman - despite the slogan shouting at times of war or natural calamities, was at the bottom of the decision-making and social order.
How had this happened? Especially in a nation where an hitherto mercenary army serving the British Crown had so seamlessly shed its earlier avatar and transformed itself into a nationalistic force. By the third week of October in 1947, both the Army and the Air Force had been thrown into combat, together literally pulling the Kashmir Valley out of the fire. Junagad, Hyderabad, Nagaland, Goa - our boys were always there, collectively helping to shape modern India. We were a struggling country then, emerging from the ashes of colonialism. We were not a sophisticated Armed Force, nor were we well paid. Yet we were the cream, or so we believed, for we had unconditional respect from our own people - and with the respect came an aura of invincibility, a combination that can never be bought by money or gold! And then came 1962.
The very aura that sustained India's fighting man began to challenge Prime Minister Nehru, India's first and only 'nominated' leader. Having repeatedly blundered in his reading of Chinese intentions through the early half of the 1950s, the Longju incident blew the cover of Nehru’s China policy. His own political survival under a cloud, a cynical Nehru used VK Krishna Menon as his ‘cats paw’ to not only destroy Thimayya, but with him Lieutenant Generals SPP Thorat and SD Verma. Even the likes of Sam Manekshaw were not spared, as under the garb of ‘civil supremacy’, the decks were cleared for the rise of Bijji Kaul, Nehru’s chosen man for all seasons.
The geo-politics, the early history, the political machinations all come alive before the book takes us through the company and platoon level scenarios which paint the whole picture. However, for the purpose of this essay, I shall restrict myself to the one question that has haunted not just us fighter pilots but also entire military think tanks for decades – why was the Air Force kept out of the conflict with China?
The Eastern Army Commander, Lieutenant General SPP Thorat in March 1960, held exercise Lal Qila, a good two-and-a-half years before the Chinese attacked across the Nam Ka Chu in the east and in the DBO and Chushul Sectors in the west. Was the use of air power discussed then? Yes, it was. Thorat, like Thimayya had served in Korea and the two of them would have been familiar with the desperate fighting between the US and Chinese armies. There too, it was the use of air power that had helped pull the American chestnuts out of the fire. And yet? What did we do?
Without wanting to play the spoiler, let me quote from the book: ‘The problem probably lay in the difference between availability of intelligence and the ability to interpret it. Mullik’s view, that come what may, the Chinese would never attack obviously permeated down ranks in the Intelligence Bureau. No one was willing to rock the boat by offering an opinion contrary to the top man’s view. It was a classic case of the tail wagging the dog!
‘Not only did the IB paint for Nehru a highly exaggerated picture about the PLAAF’s strike capability, it was downright dishonest in its overall appreciation. In March 1962, Lieutenant Liu Chengsze of the PLAAF defected to the USA in Formosa (Taiwan). He had earlier approached the Indians seeking political asylum, offering detailed information about the state of the Chinese air capabilities in exchange. The Indians had refused, but the Americans eagerly accepted the offer. However, the gist of Chengsze’s information had been shared with the Indian Intelligence Bureau. According to the report, despite having over 2,000 aircraft at their disposal, the Chinese could only utilize a fraction of these against India from Tibet.
‘The main reason was the complete reliance on the Soviet Union for aviation fuel and spares. While it was true that the Chinese had used fighters and bombers to neutralize Tibetan resistance fighters in 1958, the quantum of aircraft used was miniscule. Subsequently, with Soviet aid drying up in 1960 after a chill in Sino-Soviet relations, the Chinese were hard-pressed to launch aircraft even in China, let alone Sinkiang and Tibet. Why the Intelligence Bureau chose to deliberately mislead the government and why the air chief failed to arrive at an independent assessment will remain another one of the unsolved mysteries of 1962.’
Verma saves his own comments on the IAF’s role towards the end of the book, coming to the Boys in Blue only in the epilogue.
‘The IB’s assessment of the Chinese air offensive capability knocked the wind out of any offensive plans the IAF might have had. Mullik in his book claims that accurate intelligence about the PLAAF was passed on to Service HQ even before the 18 September meeting. Despite the withdrawal of support by the USSR, the IB felt that the PLAAF, operating from bases in Tibet, Yunnan and even Sinkiang, would have the run of the subcontinent, their bombers could even get to Madras as the IAF had a paucity of night interceptors. Besides, Chinese MiG-17s and 19s plus the newly acquired MiG-21s would wreak havoc on the Indian Canberra bombers because they all had night capability. The final twist to the projected horror story was that Pakistan was also planning to strike at Kashmir the moment hostilities broke out between India and China.
‘There were major flaws in what Mullik and the IB were saying. We have already noted that there were no advanced runways for the PLAAF to operate from, especially low-altitude runways from where aircraft could take off with a regular payload. Second, though China had prevailed on the USSR to delay the supply of MiG-21s to India, they themselves did not have any. Third, the IB hadn’t taken into account the actual performance of the PLAAF in combat, especially when it had run into US-equipped Chinese National Air Force planes operating over Amoy, Shanghai and Canton. Lastly, the IAF, though numerically inferior to the PLAAF, was equipped with quite an impressive array of aircraft—the Hawker Siddeley Hunter and the Gnat were among the most modern subsonic aircraft at that time. In addition, the IAF had the French Ouragan and the Mystère, mainly based in the Western Sector, from where Ladakh was within relatively easy range. In the Eastern Sector, Ouragans,Vampires and Hunters, apart from the Alize and Sea Hawk naval aircraft were available for hitting targets in NEFA and Tibet.’
So here’s my missive to all my mates – both serving and retired, and also those not in uniform. JUST READ THE BOOK! It doesn’t matter if you are a military buff or a peacenik, a man or a woman, a cop or a robber. This country has been betrayed once before, for it was our own leadership that destroyed our army in NEFA and Ladakh. The men never stood a chance. Even today, fifty-three years after the event, we never bothered to build a national memorial for all those who died trying to defend this country. This book is perhaps the biggest memorial for them – it is up to us, the people of this country, to ensure we are never in a similar situation again.
–– Wing Commander Rajesh Khosla
Wg Cdr Rajesh Khosla was born in Lahore, India and did his schooling at St Columba’s, New Delhi. Bitten by the flying bug, he joined the National Defence Academy in June 1963 (30th Course) and passed out in 1966. After a two year training stint at the Bidar Elementary Flying training School, Air Force Flying College, Jodhpur and finally Fighter training Wing, Hakimpet ( Secundrabad), he was commissioned into 220 Squadron on Vampires. Shortly converted to Hunters with 14 Sqn. Being a Cat B Photo interpreter ( a creature in very short supply ) he was withdrawn from active service in the squadron prior to the War and sent to Air Hqs, Directorate of Intelligence to prepare target folders for the impending conflict. He had the unique opportunity to witness the war from the grandstand of the Ops Room at Air Headquarters where there were daily meetings between General Maneckshaw and Air Chief Marshall PC Lal and where it was his privilege to point out the results of yesterday’s operations and intelligence on the reconnaissance photos. Immediately after the War he was converted to the MiG 21 and remained on the Mig 21 thereafter. He served as Chief Flying Instructor at Air Force Academy, Flight Commander 3 Sqn, 15 Sqn and Chief Operations Officer at Awantipur and Cdr 6TAC. He has passed Staff College and was also a member of the Air Force Accident Investigation Board. He took premature retirement in 1992 to join the Airlines.
↧
"Je tiens mon affaire!" Orthography of penance signifies kammaṭa 'mint, coiner' on10 Indus Script inscriptions
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/zh3pl7q
Jean-François Champollion (1790-1832)..."The main breakthrough in his decipherment was when he was also able to read the verb MIS related to birth, by comparing the Coptic verb for birth with the phonetic signs MS and the appearance of references to birthday celebrations in the Greek text. It was on September 14, 1822, while comparing his readings to a set of new texts from Abu Simbel that he made the realization. Running down the street to find his brother he yelled "Je tiens mon affaire!" (I've got it!) but collapsed from the excitement." (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-François_Champollion
loc.ci. Robinson, Andrew (2012). Cracking the Egyptian Code: The Revolutionary Life of Jean-Francois Champollion. Oxford University Press, p.142;Adkins, Lesley; Adkins, Roy (2000). The Keys of Egypt: The Obsession to Decipher Egyptian Hieroglyphs. Harper Collins Publishers, p.181.).
I remembered Jean-François Champollion's exclamation: "Je tiens mon affaire!" (I've got it!) when Prakritam gloss: kamad.ha, kamat.ha, kamad.haka,
kamad.haga, kamad.haya= a type of penance is recognized in sets of hieroglyph-multiplexes on ten inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora. These inscriptions and decipherment are presented.
Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.
Hieroglyph: kamadha ' penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'.
kAru 'crocodile' Rebus: kAru 'artisan'.
Rebus: meD 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.)
Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up.
Glyph: kaṇḍo ‘stool’. Rebus; kaṇḍ ‘furnace’. Vikalpa: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’. Rebus: kamaḍha ‘penance’. Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone ore’. Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’. Glyph: ‘serpent hood’: paṭa. Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Ko.) kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'.
m453B. Scarf as pigtail of seated person.Kneeling adorant and serpent on the field.
khaṇḍiyo [cf. khaṇḍaṇī a tribute] tributary; paying a tribute to a superior king (Gujarti) Rebus 1: khaṇḍaran, khaṇḍrun ‘pit furnace’ (Santali) Rebus 2: khaNDa 'metal implements'
Jean-François Champollion (1790-1832)..."The main breakthrough in his decipherment was when he was also able to read the verb MIS related to birth, by comparing the Coptic verb for birth with the phonetic signs MS and the appearance of references to birthday celebrations in the Greek text. It was on September 14, 1822, while comparing his readings to a set of new texts from Abu Simbel that he made the realization. Running down the street to find his brother he yelled "Je tiens mon affaire!" (I've got it!) but collapsed from the excitement." (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-François_Champollion
loc.ci. Robinson, Andrew (2012). Cracking the Egyptian Code: The Revolutionary Life of Jean-Francois Champollion. Oxford University Press, p.142;Adkins, Lesley; Adkins, Roy (2000). The Keys of Egypt: The Obsession to Decipher Egyptian Hieroglyphs. Harper Collins Publishers, p.181.).
I remembered Jean-François Champollion's exclamation: "Je tiens mon affaire!" (I've got it!) when Prakritam gloss: kamad.ha, kamat.ha, kamad.haka,
kamad.haga, kamad.haya= a type of penance is recognized in sets of hieroglyph-multiplexes on ten inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora. These inscriptions and decipherment are presented.
(Haragovindadāsa Trikamacanda Seṭha, 1963,Prakrit-Sanskrit-Hindi dictionary, Motilal Banarsidass, Dehi,p.223)
Proto-Elamite seal impressions, Susa. Seated bulls in penance posture. (After Amiet 1980: nos. 581, 582).
Hieroglyph: kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) Rebus: kammaTTa 'coiner, mint'
Hieroglyph: dhanga 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'
Hieroglyph: rango 'buffalo' Rebus: rango 'pewter'
Hieroglyph: rango 'buffalo' Rebus: rango 'pewter'
Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.
gumat.a, gumut.a, gumuri, gummat.a, gummut.a a copula or dome (Ka.); ghumat.a (M.); gummat.a, gummad a dome; a paper lantern; a fire-baloon (H.Te.); kummat.t.a arch, vault, arched roof, pinnacle of a pagoda; globe, lantern made of paper (Ta.)(Ka.lex.); gummaṭ m. ‘dome’ (P.) CDIAL 4217
Other glyphs (glyphemes): gúlma— m. ‘clump of trees’ VS., gumba— m. ‘cluster, thicket’ (Pali); gumma— m.n. ‘thicket’ (Pkt.); S. gūmbaṭu m. ‘bullock’s hump’; gumbaṭ m., gummaṭ f. ‘bullock’s hump’ (L.) CDIAL 4217
rebus: kumpat.i = ban:gala = an:ga_ra s’akat.i_ = a chafing dish, a portable stove, a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Te.lex.) kumpiṭu-caṭṭichafing-dish, port- able furnace, potsherd in which fire is kept by goldsmiths; kumutam oven, stove; kummaṭṭi chafing-dish (Ta.).kuppaḍige, kuppaṭe, kum- paṭe, kummaṭa, kummaṭe id. (Ka.)kumpaṭi id. (Te.) DEDR 1751. kummu smouldering ashes (Te.); kumpōḍsmoke.(Go) DEDR 1752.
Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.
Hieroglyph: kamadha '
Reading rebus three glyphs of text on Ganweriwala tablet: brass-worker, scribe, turner:
1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230)
2. Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)
3. khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (G.)
Hieroglyph: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)
meď 'copper' (Slovak)
Mohenjo-daro. Sealing. Surrounded by fishes, lizard and snakes, a horned person sits in 'yoga' on a throne with hoofed legs. One side of a triangular terracotta amulet (Md 013); surface find at Mohenjo-daro in 1936, Dept. of Eastern Art, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. [seated person penance, crocodile?] Brief memoranda: kamaḍha ‘penance’ Rebus: kammaṭa ‘mint, coiner’; kaṇḍo ‘stool, seat’ Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘metalware’ kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar’.
Hieroglyphs (allographs):
kamaḍha 'penance' (Prakriam)
kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali)
kamaṭha crab (Skt.)
kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Sanskrit) kamaḍha = ficus religiosa (Sanskrit)
kamāṭhiyo = archer; kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Sanskrit)
Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.) kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Telugu); kampaṭṭam = mint (Tamil)
Glyph: meD 'to dance' (F.)[reduplicated from me-]; me id. (M.) in Remo (Munda)(Source: D. Stampe's Munda etyma) meṭṭu to tread, trample, crush under foot, tread or place the foot upon (Te.); meṭṭu step (Ga.); mettunga steps (Ga.). maḍye to trample, tread (Malt.)(DEDR 5057) మెట్టు (p. 1027) [ meṭṭu ] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు, నడుచు, త్రొక్కు . "మెల్ల మెల్లన మెట్టుచుదొలగి అల్లనల్లనతలుపులండకు జేరి ." BD iv. 1523. To tread on, to trample on. To kick, to thrust with the foot.మెట్టిక meṭṭika. n. A step , మెట్టు, సోపానము (Telugu)
Slide 207 Tablet with inscription. Twisted terra cotta tablet (H2000-4441/2102-464) with a mold-made inscription and narrative motif from the Trench 54 area. In the center is the depiction of what is possibly a deity with a horned headdress in so-called yogic position seated on a stool under an arch.
Harappa. Two tablets. Seated figure or deity with reed house or shrine at one side. Left: H95-2524; Right: H95-2487.
Harappa. Planoconvex molded tablet found on Mound ET. A. Reverse. a female deity battling two tigers and standing above an elephant and below a six-spoked wheel; b. Obverse. A person spearing with a barbed spear a buffalo in front of a seated horned deity wearing bangles and with a plumed headdress. The person presses his foot down the buffalo’s head. An alligator with a narrow snout is on the top register. “We have found two other broken tablets at Harappa that appear to have been made from the same mold that was used to create the scene of a deity battling two tigers and standing above an elephant. One was found in a room located on the southern slope of Mount ET in 1996 and another example comes from excavations on Mound F in the 1930s. However, the flat obverse of both of these broken tablets does not show the spearing of a buffalo, rather it depicts the more well-known scene showing a tiger looking back over its shoulder at a person sitting on the branch of a tree. Several other flat or twisted rectangular terracotta tablets found at Harappa combine these two narrative scenes of a figure strangling two tigers on one side of a tablet, and the tiger looking back over its shoulder at a figure in a tree on the other side.” [JM Kenoyer, 1998, p. 115].
m1181A2222 Pict-80: Three-faced, horned person (with a three-leaved pipal branch on the crown), wearing bangles and armlets and seated, in a yogic posture, on a hoofed platform
Mohenjo-daro. Square seal depicting a nude male deity with three faces, seated in yogic position on a throne, wearing bangles on both arms and an elaborate headdress. Five symbols of the Indus script appear on either side of the headdress which is made of two outward projecting buffalo style curved horns, with two upward projecting points. A single branch with three pipal leaves rises from the middle of the headdress.
Seven bangles are depicted on the left arm and six on the right, with the hands resting on the knees. The heels are pressed together under the groin and the feet project beyond the edge of the throne. The feet of the throne are carved with the hoof of a bovine as is seen on the bull and unicorn seals. The seal may not have been fired, but the stone is very hard. A grooved and perforated boss is present on the back of the seal.
Material: tan steatite Dimensions: 2.65 x 2.7 cm, 0.83 to 0.86 thickness Mohenjo-daro, DK 12050
Islamabad Museum, NMP 50.296 Mackay 1938: 335, pl. LXXXVII, 222
Material: tan steatite Dimensions: 2.65 x 2.7 cm, 0.83 to 0.86 thickness Mohenjo-daro, DK 12050
Islamabad Museum, NMP 50.296 Mackay 1938: 335, pl. LXXXVII, 222
Hieroglyph: kamaḍha ‘penance’ (Pkt.) Rebus 1: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’ (Ma.) kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.);Rebus 2: kaṇḍa ‘fire-altar' (Santali); kan ‘copper’ (Ta.)
Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻwristlets, bangles ʼ (Gujarati); kara 'hand' (Rigveda) Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus’ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield’s ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk,98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).[Note the twig adoring the head-dress of a horned, standing person]
Horned deity seals, Mohenjo-daro: a. horned deity with pipal-leaf headdress, Mohenjo-daro (DK12050, NMP 50.296) (Courtesy of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan); b. horned deity with star motifs, Mohenjo-daro (M-305) (PARPOLA 1994:Fig. 10.9); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India; c. horned deity surrounded by animals, Mohenjo-daro (JOSHI – PARPOLA 1987:M-304); courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India.
m0305AC 2235 Pict-80: Three-faced, horned person (with a three-leaved pipal branch on the crown with two stars on either side), wearing bangles and armlets. Two stars adorn the curved buffalo horns of the seated person with a plaited pigtail. The pigtail connotes a pit furnace:
Glyph: kamad.ha, kamat.ha, kamad.haka, kamad.haga, kamad.haya = a type of penance (Pkt.lex.)
kamat.amu, kammat.amu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammat.i_d.u = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Te.lex.) ka~pr.aut.,kapr.aut. jeweller’s crucible made of rags and clay (Bi.); kapr.aut.i_wrapping in cloth with wet clay for firing chemicals or drugs, mud cement (H.)[cf. modern compounds: kapar.mit.t.i_ wrapping in cloth and clay (H.);kapad.lep id. (H.)](CDIAL 2874). kapar-mat.t.i clay and cowdung smeared on a crucible (N.)(CDIAL 2871).
kampat.t.tam coinage, coin (Ta.); kammat.t.am, kammit.t.am coinage, mint (Ma.); kammat.i a coiner (Ka.)(DEDR 1236) kammat.a = coinage, mint (Ka.M.) kampat.t.a-k-ku_t.am mint; kampat.t.a-k-ka_ran- coiner; kampat.t.a- mul.ai die, coining stamp (Ta.lex.)
Seated person in penance. Wears a scarf as pigtail and curved horns with embedded stars and a twig.
mēḍha The polar star. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’(Santali) ḍabe, ḍabea ‘large horns, with a sweeping upward curve, applied to buffaloes’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) The narrative on this metalware catalog is thus: (smelter) furnace for iron and for fusing together cast metal. kamaḍha ‘penance’.Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’.Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa‘mint’.
mēḍha The polar star. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’(Santali) ḍabe, ḍabea ‘large horns, with a sweeping upward curve, applied to buffaloes’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) The narrative on this metalware catalog is thus: (smelter) furnace for iron and for fusing together cast metal. kamaḍha ‘penance’.Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’.Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa‘mint’.
ṭhaṭera 'buffalo horns'. Rebus: ṭhaṭerā 'brass worker'
kamadha ' penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'
karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, banglesRebus: khAr 'blacksmith, iron worker'
rango 'buffalo' Rebus:rango 'pewter'
kari 'elephant' ibha 'elephant' Rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron'
kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'
gaNDA 'rhinoceros' Rebus: kaNDa 'im;lements'
mlekh 'antelope, goat' Rebus: milakkha 'copper'
meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron''copper'
dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral
Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up.
Glyph: kaṇḍo ‘stool’. Rebus; kaṇḍ ‘furnace’. Vikalpa: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’. Rebus: kamaḍha ‘penance’. Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone ore’. Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’. Glyph: ‘serpent hood’: paṭa. Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Ko.) kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'.
Glyph: rimless pot: baṭa. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘smelter, furnace’. It appears that the message of the glyphics is about a mint or metal workshop which produces sharpened, tempered iron (stone ore) using a furnace.
Rebus readings of glyphs on text of inscription:
koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. Kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b) G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻangleʼRebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)
aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.) aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada)
ãs = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya ‘metal, iron’ (Gujarati.) cf. cognate to amśu 'soma' in Rigveda: ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)
Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)
The suggested rebus readings indicate that the Indus writing served the purpose of artisans/traders to create metalware, stoneware, mineral catalogs -- products with which they carried on their life-activities in an evolving Bronze Age.
Rebus readings of glyphs on text of inscription:
koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. Kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b) G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻangleʼRebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)
aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.) aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada)
ãs = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya ‘metal, iron’ (Gujarati.) cf. cognate to amśu 'soma' in Rigveda: ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)
G.karã̄ n. pl. ‘wristlets, bangles’; S. karāī f. ’wrist’ (CDIAL 2779). Rebus: khār खार् ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)
dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’
Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)
The suggested rebus readings indicate that the Indus writing served the purpose of artisans/traders to create metalware, stoneware, mineral catalogs -- products with which they carried on their life-activities in an evolving Bronze Age.
khaṇḍiyo [cf. khaṇḍaṇī a tribute] tributary; paying a tribute to a superior king (Gujarti) Rebus 1: khaṇḍaran, khaṇḍrun ‘pit furnace’ (Santali) Rebus 2: khaNDa 'metal implements'
Santali glosses.
paṭa. 'serpent hood' Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Kota) kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'.
paṭa. 'serpent hood' Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Kota) kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 23, 2016
↧
New horizons in history of Sri Lanka - An archaeological perspective - Prof. Raj Somadewa (Sinhala 2:17:04)
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Date: Sun, Jan 24, 2016 at 5:55 AM
Subject: Video - New horizons in history of Sri Lanka - An archaeological perspective - Prof. Raj Somadewa(In Sinhala)
From: Archaeoloy.lk Team <info@archaeology.lk>
Date: Sun, Jan 24, 2016 at 5:55 AM
Subject: Video - New horizons in history of Sri Lanka - An archaeological perspective - Prof. Raj Somadewa(In Sinhala)
Dear All,
Organized by Sri Lanka Association of Anthropology
The lecture was held on January 23, 2016 at Auditorium, Dental Association of Sri Lanka, Organization of Professional Association, Colombo.
ශ්රි ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ නව දිගන්තයන් -පුරාවිද්යාත්මක දෘෂ්ටිකෝණයකින් - මහාචාර්ය රාජ් සෝමදේව
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archaeology.lk team
We uploaded the lecture by Prof. Raj Somadewa. Lecture is in Sinhala.
New horizons in history of Sri Lanka - An archaeological perspective - Prof. Raj Somadewa
Professor Raj Somadeva talks about new findings of archaeology, which will change the way of your thinking about the history of our country.
Organized by Sri Lanka Association of Anthropology
The lecture was held on January 23, 2016 at Auditorium, Dental Association of Sri Lanka, Organization of Professional Association, Colombo.
ශ්රි ලංකා ඉතිහාසයේ නව දිගන්තයන් -පුරාවිද්යාත්මක දෘෂ්ටිකෝණයකින් - මහාචාර්ය රාජ් සෝමදේව
Published on Jan 23, 2016New horizons in history of Sri Lanka - An archaeological perspective - Prof. Raj Somadewa
Lecture is in Sinhala.
Professor Raj Somadeva talks about new findings of archaeology, which will change the way of your thinking about the history of our country.
Organized by Sri Lanka Association of Anthropology
The lecture was held on January 23, 2016 at Auditorium, Dental Association of Sri Lanka, Organization of Professional Association, Colombo.
New horizons in history of Sri Lanka - An archaeological perspective - Prof. Raj Somadewa
Lecture is in Sinhala.
Professor Raj Somadeva talks about new findings of archaeology, which will change the way of your thinking about the history of our country.
Organized by Sri Lanka Association of Anthropology
The lecture was held on January 23, 2016 at Auditorium, Dental Association of Sri Lanka, Organization of Professional Association, Colombo.
Lecture is in Sinhala.
Professor Raj Somadeva talks about new findings of archaeology, which will change the way of your thinking about the history of our country.
Organized by Sri Lanka Association of Anthropology
The lecture was held on January 23, 2016 at Auditorium, Dental Association of Sri Lanka, Organization of Professional Association, Colombo.
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Data mining of nine inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora signifies bhaṭa 'worshipper' rebus: 'furnace'
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/h4ga9vu
Hieroglyph of 'kneeling adorant' or 'worshipper' is such an abiding message that Mahadevan concordance treates the hieroglyph as a text 'sign'.
Signs 45, 46 Mahadevan Concordance. In Sign 46, Sign 45 is ligatured with a pot held by the adoring hands of the kneeling adorant wearing a scarf-type pigtail. I suggest that the rimless pot held on Sign 46 is a phonetic determinant: baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. So, is the kneeling adorant, a worshippper of a person seated in penance, a bhaTa'worshipper in a temple' Rebus: bhaTa'furnace'. For him the kole.l'temple' is kole.l'smithy, forge' (Kota language).
http://bharatkalyan97. blogspot.in/2016/01/je-tiens- mon-affaire-orthography-of. html
"Je tiens mon affaire!" Orthography of penance signifies kammaṭa'mint, coiner' on 10 Indus Script inscriptions
Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.
Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.
Hieroglyph: kamadha ' penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'.
Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'. ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
— Slavic glosses for 'copper'
One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’.
भट्टारक [p=745,2] mf(इका)n. venerable L.;m. a great lord , venerable or worshipful person (used of gods and of great or learned men , esp. of Buddhist teachers and of a partic. class of शैव monks) Inscr. Vet. Hit. &c
भट्ट[p= 745,1] N. of a partic. mixed caste of hereditary panegyrists , a bard , encomiast L.m. (fr. भर्तृ) lord , my lord (also pl. and -पाद m. pl. ; according to Das3ar. ii , 64, a title of respect used by humble persons addressing a prince ; but also affixed or prefixed to the names of learned Brahmans , e.g. केदार- , गोविन्द-भ्° &c , or भट्ट-केदार &c , below , the proper name being sometimes omitted e.g. भट्ट = कुमारिल-भ्° ; also any learned man = doctor or philosopher) Ra1jat. Vet. &c
Pk. bhuaga -- m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ*bhr̥tagātu ʻ hero song ʼ. [bhr̥ta -- , gātú -- 2 ]Ku. bhaṛau ʻ song about the prowess of ancient heroes ʼ.(CDIAL 9590) பட்டாமணியம் paṭṭā-maṇiyam, n. < U. paṭṭā பட்டாரகன் paṭṭārakaṉ , n. < bhaṭṭāraka. 1. Deity; கடவுள். (பிங்.) திருநந்திக்கரை பட் டாரகர் (T. A. S . iii, 206). 2. One who attained the stage of Arhat; அருகபதவி பெற்றோர். நமி பட்டாரகர் (தக்கயாகப். 375, உரை). 3. Spiritual preceptor; ஞானகுரு. (பிங்.) முகுந்தோத்தம பட் டாரகர் (T. A. S . iii, 44).பட்டாசாரி paṭṭācāri , n. < bhaṭṭa பட்டாசாரியன் paṭṭācāriyaṉ , n. < id. +. 1. See பட்டன், 1, 2. (W .) 2. founder of a sub-sect of Mīmāṁsakas; மீமாஞ்ச மதத்தினுள் ஒரு பகுதிக்கு ஆசிரியன். (சி. போ. பா. பக். 44.)பட்டக்காரன்¹ paṭṭa-k-kāraṉ, n. < பட்டம்² +. 1. Title-holder; பட்டம்பெற்றவன். (W .) 2. Title of the headman of the Toṭṭiyar and Koṅkuvēḷāḷa castes; தொட்டியர், கொங்குவேளாளர் சாதித்தலைவரின் சிறப்புப்பெயர்.
m0488
On both the seals, the adorant making the offerings is shown with wide horns and (possibly, a twig as a head-dress) and wearing a scarfed-pigtail; the adorant is accompanied by a ram with wide horns.
I suggest that the orthography points to two spoons (ladles) in an offering bowl:
ḍabu ‘an iron spoon’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) ḍabe, ḍabea wide horns (Santali) Rebus: ḍhābā workplace (P.)
The stool on which the bowl is placed is also a hieroglyph read rebus:
Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. Kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'stone (ore)' as in: ayaskāṇḍ 'excellent iron' (Panini)
dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) Allograph: ḍato = claws of crab (Santali) Rebus: dhātu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali)
See the human face ligatured to a ram's body (an indication of the hieroglyphic nature of the orthographic composition):
mũh 'face' (Santali). Rebus: mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽtko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.)
miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tor.wali) meḍho 'a ram, a sheep' (G.)(CDIAL 10120)mēṇḍhaʻramʼ(CDIAL 9606).मेंढा [mēṇḍhā] m (मेष S through H) A male sheep, a ram or tup. मेंढका or क्या [ mēṇḍhakā or kyā ] a (मेंढा) A shepherd (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) mēṇḍh 'gold' as in: मेंढसर [ mēṇḍhasara ] m A bracelet of gold thread. (Marathi)
मेढ [mēḍha] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. Pr. हातीं लागली चेड आणि धर मांडवाची मेढ.
I suggest that the orthography points to two spoons (ladles) in an offering bowl.
Cylinder seal with kneeling nude heroes, ca. 2220–2159BCE.; Akkadian
Mesopotamia
Red jasper; H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm)
Anonymous Loan (L.1992.23.5)
Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.
Hieroglyph: kamadha ' penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'.
Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up.
Glyph: kaṇḍo ‘stool’. Rebus; kaṇḍ ‘furnace’. Vikalpa: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’. Rebus: kamaḍha ‘penance’. Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone ore’. Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’. Glyph: ‘serpent hood’: paṭa. Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Ko.) kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'.
Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)
The suggested rebus readings indicate that the Indus writing served the purpose of artisans/traders to create metalware, stoneware, mineral catalogs -- products with which they carried on their life-activities in an evolving Bronze Age.
Hieroglyph of 'kneeling adorant' or 'worshipper' is such an abiding message that Mahadevan concordance treates the hieroglyph as a text 'sign'.
Signs 45, 46 Mahadevan Concordance. In Sign 46, Sign 45 is ligatured with a pot held by the adoring hands of the kneeling adorant wearing a scarf-type pigtail. I suggest that the rimless pot held on Sign 46 is a phonetic determinant: baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. So, is the kneeling adorant, a worshippper of a person seated in penance, a bhaTa'worshipper in a temple' Rebus: bhaTa'furnace'. For him the kole.l'temple' is kole.l'smithy, forge' (Kota language).
http://bharatkalyan97.
"Je tiens mon affaire!" Orthography of penance signifies kammaṭa'mint, coiner' on 10 Indus Script inscriptions
Prakritam gloss: kamad.ha, kamat.ha, kamad.haka, kamad.haga, kamad.haya= a type of penance.
The venerated, person seated in a type of penance has been rendered in Indus Script cipher as kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) Rebus: kammaTTa 'coiner, mint'. What did the kneeling adorant as Signs 45 and 46 signifY? I have suggested the cipher: bhaTa 'worshipper' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'.
Prakritam lexis.
m478a tablet
கோலம்¹ kōlam, n. [T. kōlamu, K. kōla, M. kōlam.] 1. Beauty, gracefulness, hand- someness; அழகு. கோலத் தனிக்கொம்பர் (திருக் கோ. 45). 2. Colour; நிறம். கார்க்கோல மேனி யானை (கம்பரா. கும்பக. 154). 3. Form, shape, external or general appearance; உருவம். மானுடக் கோலம். 4. Nature; தன்மை. 5. Costume; appropriate dress; attire, as worn by actors; trappings; equipment; habiliment; வேடம். உள்வரிக் கோலத்து (சிலப். 5, 216). 6. Ornament, as jewelry; ஆபரணம். குறங்கிணை திரண்டன கோலம் பொறாஅ (சிலப். 30, 18). 7. Adornment, decoration, embellishment; அலங்காரம். புறஞ்சுவர் கோலஞ்செய்து (திவ். திருமாலை, 6). 8. Ornamental figures drawn on floor, wall or sacrificial pots with rice-flour, white stone-powder, etc.; மா, கற்பொடி முதலியவற்றாலிடுங் கோலம். தரை மெழுகிக் கோலமிட்டு (குமர. மீனாட். குறம். 25).
The hieroglyphs on m478a tablet are read rebus:
kuTi 'tree'Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati) This hieroglyph is a phonetic deterinant of the 'rimless pot': baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhaṭa 'a furnace'. Hence, the hieroglyph-multiplex of an adorant with rimless pot signifies: 'iron furnace' bhaTa.
bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) The narrative of a worshipper offering to a tree is thus interpretable as a smelting of three minerals: copper, zinc and tin.
Numeral four: gaNDa 'four' Rebus: kand 'fire-altar'; Four 'ones': koḍa ‘one’ (Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the pair of 'four linear strokes PLUS rimless pot' signifies: 'fire-altar (in) artisan's wrkshop'.
Circumscript of two linear strokes for 'body' hieroglyph: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop'. Thus, the circumscript signifies 'cast metal workshop'. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron'.
khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘turner’ (Gujarati)
m1186
There are two seals of Indus script (m1186 and m0488) depicting a kneeling person with some offerings on a stool/tray. In a vivid orthographic analysis, John C. Huntington identifies the nature of the offering on m1186: it is a bowl with ladles. The offering kept on a stool on m0488 is likely to be a similar glyph, though analysis of a higher resolution image is not possible because the tablet with this glyph is worn-out.
m1186 seal. kaula— m. ‘worshipper of Śakti according to left—hand ritual’, khōla—3 ‘lame’; Khot. kūra— ‘crooked’ BSOS ix 72 and poss. Sk. kōra— m. ‘movable joint’ Suśr.] Ash. kṓlƏ ‘curved, crooked’; Dm. kōla ‘crooked’, Tir. kṓolƏ; Paš. kōlā́ ‘curved, crooked’, Shum. kolā́ṇṭa; Kho. koli ‘crooked’, (Lor.) also ‘lefthand, left’; Bshk. kōl ‘crooked’; Phal. kūulo; Sh. kōlu̯ ‘curved, crooked’ (CDIAL 3533).
Rebus: kol ‘pancaloha’ (Tamil)
bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati)
saman 'make an offering (Santali) samanon 'gold' (Santali)
minDAl 'markhor' (Torwali) meDho 'ram' (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: me~Rhet, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)
heraka 'spy' (Samskritam) Rebus:eraka 'molten metal, copper'
maNDa 'branch, twig' (Telugu) Rebus: maNDA 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani)\karibha, jata kola Rebus: karba, ib, jasta, 'iron, zinc, metal (alloy of five metals)
maNDi 'kneeling position' Rebus: mADa 'shrine; mandil 'temple' (Santali)
dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore' (Santali)
The rice plant adorning the curved horn of the person (woman?) with the pig-tail is kolmo; read rebus, kolme ‘smithy’. Smithy of what? Kol ‘pancaloha’. The curving horn is: kod.u = horn; rebus: kod. artisan’s workshop (Kuwi)
The long curving horns may also connote a ram on h177B tablet:
h177B4316 Pict-115: From R.—a person standing under an ornamental arch; a kneeling adorant; a ram with long curving horns.
The ram read rebus: me~d. ‘iron’; glyph: me_n.d.ha ram; min.d.a_l markhor (Tor.); meh ram (H.); mei wild goat (WPah.) me~r.hwa_ a bullock with curved horns like a ram’s (Bi.) me~r.a_, me~d.a_ ram with curling horns (H.)
Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.
Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.
Hieroglyph: kamadha '
Reading rebus three glyphs of text on Ganweriwala tablet: brass-worker, scribe, turner:
1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230)
2. Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)
3. khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (G.)
Hieroglyph: मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic) mẽṛhẽt, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)
meď 'copper' (Slovak)
Wilhelm von Hevesy wrote about the Finno-Ugric-Munda kinship, like "Munda-Magyar-Maori, an Indian link between the antipodes new tracks of Hungarian origins" and "Finnisch-Ugrisches aus Indien". (DRIEM, George van: Languages of the Himalayas: an ethnolinguistic handbook. 1997. p.161-162.) Sumerian-Ural-Altaic language affinities have been noted. Given the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer, some Meluhha glosses might have been adapted in these languages. One etyma cluster refers to 'iron' exemplified by meD (Ho.). The alternative suggestion for the origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'. ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'. ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
KW <i>mENhEd</i>
@(V168,M080)
— Slavic glosses for 'copper'
Мед [Med]Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz']Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
KòperKashubian
Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med']Russian
Meď Slovak
BakerSlovenian
Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.
One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’.
भट्टारक [p=745,2] mf(इका)n. venerable L.;m. a great lord , venerable or worshipful person (used of gods and of great or learned men , esp. of Buddhist teachers and of a partic. class of शैव monks) Inscr. Vet. Hit. &c
भट्ट[p= 745,1] N. of a partic. mixed caste of hereditary panegyrists , a bard , encomiast L.m. (fr. भर्तृ) lord , my lord (also pl. and -पाद m. pl. ; according to Das3ar. ii , 64, a title of respect used by humble persons addressing a prince ; but also affixed or prefixed to the names of learned Brahmans , e.g. केदार- , गोविन्द-भ्° &c , or भट्ट-केदार &c , below , the proper name being sometimes omitted e.g. भट्ट = कुमारिल-भ्° ; also any learned man = doctor or philosopher) Ra1jat. Vet. &c
Pk. bhuaga -- m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ*bhr̥tagātu ʻ hero song ʼ. [
On both the seals, the adorant making the offerings is shown with wide horns and (possibly, a twig as a head-dress) and wearing a scarfed-pigtail; the adorant is accompanied by a ram with wide horns.
I suggest that the orthography points to two spoons (ladles) in an offering bowl:
ḍabu ‘an iron spoon’ (Santali) Rebus: ḍab, ḍhimba, ḍhompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali) ḍabe, ḍabea wide horns (Santali) Rebus: ḍhābā workplace (P.)
The stool on which the bowl is placed is also a hieroglyph read rebus:
Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. Kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'stone (ore)' as in: ayaskāṇḍ 'excellent iron' (Panini)
dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707) Allograph: ḍato = claws of crab (Santali) Rebus: dhātu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali)
See the human face ligatured to a ram's body (an indication of the hieroglyphic nature of the orthographic composition):
mũh 'face' (Santali). Rebus: mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽtko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali.lex.)
miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tor.wali) meḍho 'a ram, a sheep' (G.)(CDIAL 10120)mēṇḍhaʻramʼ(CDIAL 9606).मेंढा [mēṇḍhā] m (मेष S through H) A male sheep, a ram or tup. मेंढका or क्या [ mēṇḍhakā or kyā ] a (मेंढा) A shepherd (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) mēṇḍh 'gold' as in: मेंढसर [ mēṇḍhasara ] m A bracelet of gold thread. (Marathi)
मेढ [mēḍha] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. Pr. हातीं लागली चेड आणि धर मांडवाची मेढ.
I suggest that the orthography points to two spoons (ladles) in an offering bowl.
Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm) cylinder Seal with four hieroglyphs and four kneeling persons (with six curls on their hair) holding flagposts, c. 2220-2159 B.C.E., Akkadian (Metropolitan Museum of Art) Cylinder Seal (with modern impression). The four hieroglyphs are: from l. to r. 1. crucible PLUS storage pot of ingots, 2. sun, 3. narrow-necked pot with overflowing water, 4. fish A hooded snake is on the edge of the composition. (The dark red color of jasper reinforces the semantics: eruvai 'dark red, copper' Hieroglyph: eruvai 'reed'; see four reedposts held.
If the hieroglyph on the leftmost is moon, a possible rebus reading: قمر ḳamar
A قمر ḳamar, s.m. (9th) The moon. Sing. and Pl. See سپوږمي or سپوګمي (Pashto) Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'
The four hieroglyphs are: from l. to r. 1. moon PLUS storage pot of ingots, 2. sun, 3. narrow-necked pot with overflowing water, 4. fish A hooded snake is on the edge of the composition. (The dark red color of jasper reinforces the semantics: eruvai 'dark red, copper' Hieroglyph: eruvai 'reed'; see four reedposts held.
kamar 'moon' Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'
arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'
lokANDa 'overflowing pot' Rebus: lokhaNDa 'metal implements, excellent implements'
aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS meDh 'curl' Rebus: meD 'iron'
kamar 'moon' Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'
arka 'sun' Rebus: arka, eraka 'copper, gold, moltencast'
lokANDa 'overflowing pot' Rebus: lokhaNDa 'metal implements, excellent implements'
aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS meDh 'curl' Rebus: meD 'iron'
Mesopotamia
Red jasper; H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm)
Anonymous Loan (L.1992.23.5)
Citation
"Cylinder seal with kneeling nude heroes [Mesopotamia]" (L.1992.23.5) In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/L.1992.23.5. (October 2006)
Four representations of a nude hero with six sidelocks of hair appear on this cylinder seal. Each wears a three-strand belt with a tassel. In all cases, the hero kneels on one knee and with both hands holds up a gatepost standard in front of his raised leg. Two vertical lines of inscription, one placed before a hero and another placed behind a second hero, give the name as Shatpum, son of Shallum, but do not provide an official title. Placed vertically in the field, a serpent appears behind one hero. In the spaces between the tops of the standards are four symbols: a sun disk, a lunar crescent, a fish, and a vase with flowing streams of water.
The nude hero is often shown with this very explicit type of gatepost, which perhaps is the emblem of a specific god or group of deities. The heroes with gateposts, the flowing vase, and the fish suggest that the iconography of this seal is somehow connected with Ea, god of sweet water and wisdom. However, the meaning of individual symbols could change in different contexts. The sun, moon, vase, and fish are undoubtedly astral or planetary symbols—the vase with streams and the fish are forerunners of what in much later times become zodiacal signs.
Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.
gumat.a, gumut.a, gumuri, gummat.a, gummut.a a copula or dome (Ka.); ghumat.a (M.); gummat.a, gummad a dome; a paper lantern; a fire-baloon (H.Te.); kummat.t.a arch, vault, arched roof, pinnacle of a pagoda; globe, lantern made of paper (Ta.)(Ka.lex.); gummaṭ m. ‘dome’ (P.) CDIAL 4217
Other glyphs (glyphemes): gúlma— m. ‘clump of trees’ VS., gumba— m. ‘cluster, thicket’ (Pali); gumma— m.n. ‘thicket’ (Pkt.); S. gūmbaṭu m. ‘bullock’s hump’; gumbaṭ m., gummaṭ f. ‘bullock’s hump’ (L.) CDIAL 4217
rebus: kumpat.i = ban:gala = an:ga_ra s’akat.i_ = a chafing dish, a portable stove, a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Te.lex.) kumpiṭu-caṭṭichafing-dish, port- able furnace, potsherd in which fire is kept by goldsmiths; kumutam oven, stove; kummaṭṭi chafing-dish (Ta.).kuppaḍige, kuppaṭe, kum- paṭe, kummaṭa, kummaṭe id. (Ka.)kumpaṭi id. (Te.) DEDR 1751. kummu smouldering ashes (Te.); kumpōḍsmoke.(Go) DEDR 1752.
Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.
Hieroglyph: kamadha '
Reading rebus three glyphs of text on Ganweriwala tablet: brass-worker, scribe, turner:
1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230)
Text on obverse of the tablet m453A: Text 1629. m453BC Seated in penance, the person is flanked on either side by a kneeling adorant, offering a pot and a hooded serpent rearing up.
Glyph: kaṇḍo ‘stool’. Rebus; kaṇḍ ‘furnace’. Vikalpa: kaṇḍ ‘stone (ore) metal’. Rebus: kamaḍha ‘penance’. Rebus 1: kaṇḍ ‘stone ore’. Rebus 2: kampaṭṭa ‘mint’. Glyph: ‘serpent hood’: paṭa. Rebus: pata ‘sharpness (of knife), tempered (metal). padm ‘tempered iron’ (Ko.) kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'.
Glyph: rimless pot: baṭa. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘smelter, furnace’. It appears that the message of the glyphics is about a mint or metal workshop which produces sharpened, tempered iron (stone ore) using a furnace.
Rebus readings of glyphs on text of inscription:
koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. Kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b) G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻangleʼRebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)
aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.) aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada)
ãs = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya ‘metal, iron’ (Gujarati.) cf. cognate to amśu 'soma' in Rigveda: ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)
Rebus readings of glyphs on text of inscription:
koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. Kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b) G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻangleʼRebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)
aṭar ‘a splinter’ (Ma.) aṭaruka ‘to burst, crack, sli off,fly open; aṭarcca ’ splitting, a crack’; aṭarttuka ‘to split, tear off, open (an oyster) (Ma.); aḍaruni ‘to crack’ (Tu.) (DEDR 66) Rebus: aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Kannada)
ãs = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya ‘metal, iron’ (Gujarati.) cf. cognate to amśu 'soma' in Rigveda: ancu 'iron' (Tocharian)
G.karã̄ n. pl. ‘wristlets, bangles’; S. karāī f. ’wrist’ (CDIAL 2779). Rebus: khār खार् ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)
dula ‘pair’; rebus dul ‘cast (metal)’
Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana, kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)
The suggested rebus readings indicate that the Indus writing served the purpose of artisans/traders to create metalware, stoneware, mineral catalogs -- products with which they carried on their life-activities in an evolving Bronze Age.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/je-tiens-mon-affaire-orthography-of.html
भट [p= 745,1]m. (fr. भृत) a mercenary , hired soldier , warrior , combatant MBh. Ka1v. &ca servant , slave Ka1vya7d. V = अर्य-भट (cf. below)pl. N. of a degraded tribe L. (cf. भट्ट , भड , भण्ड ; according to some " a person whose father is a Brahman and whose mother is a नटी ") bhr̥ta ʻ carried, brought ʼ MBh. 2. ʻ hired, paid ʼ Mn., m. ʻ hireling, mercenary ʼ Yājñ.com., bhr̥taka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ Mn.: > MIA. bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hired soldier, servant ʼ MBh. [√bhr̥ ]1. Ash. 3 sg. pret. bəṛə, f. °ṛī ʻ brought ʼ, Kt. bŕå; Gaw. (LSI) bṛoet ʻ they begin ʼ.2. Pa. bhata -- ʻ supported, fed ʼ, bhataka -- m. ʻ hired servant ʼ, bhaṭa -- m. ʻ hireling, servant, soldier ʼ; Aś.shah. man. kāl. bhaṭa -- ʻ hired servant ʼ, kāl. bhaṭaka -- , gir.bhata -- , bhataka -- ; Pk. bhayaga -- m. ʻ servant ʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻ soldier ʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; Paš. buṛīˊ ʻ servant maid ʼ IIFL iii 3, 38; S.bhaṛu ʻ clever, proficient ʼ, m. ʻ an adept ʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻ hero, brave man ʼ, gng. adj. ʻ mighty ʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ, bhaṛil ʻ servant, hero ʼ; Bhoj.bhar ʻ name of a partic. low caste ʼ; G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ, ubhaṛ m. ʻ landless worker ʼ (G. cmpd. with u -- , ʻ without ʼ, i.e. ʻ one without servants ʼ?); Si. beḷē ʻ soldier ʼ < *baḷaya, st. baḷa -- ; -- Pk. bhuaga -- m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ, G. bhuvɔ m. (rather than < bhūdēva -- ).*bhārta -- ; abhr̥ta -- ; subhaṭa -- .Addenda: bhr̥ta -- : S.kcch. bhaṛ ʻ brave ʼ; Garh. (Śrīnagrī dial.) bhɔṛ, (Salānī dial.) bhe ṛ ʻ warrior ʼ.(CDIAL 9588)
Tukulti Ninurta I as kneeling adorant in a rebus representation of a dream, adoring the fire-altar of fire-god, karaNDi
Tukulti Ninurta as the kneeling adorant.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/vedic-asurta-based-on-svarsur-sun-and.html Vedic asūrta based on svàr/sūr ‘sun’ and Mlecchita vikalpa. Itihaasa of Asur/Bharatiyo metalcasters, as Bharatam Janam
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/jharkhand-asur-tribe-losing-traditional.html Jharkhand Asur tribe losing traditional skills to modern times -- Abhishek Saha. Asur with links to bronze age metalwork.
Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'.
The hieroglyphs on the fire-altar confirm the link to metallurgy with the use of 'spoked-wheel' banner carried on one side of the altar and the 'safflower' hieroglyph flanking the altar worshipped by Tukulti-Ninurta. It is rebus, as Sigmund Freud noted in reference to the dream. 'I have revealed to Atrahasis a dream, and it is thus that he has learned the secret of the gods.' (Epic of Gilgamesh, Ninevite version, XI, 187.)(Zainab Bahrani, 2011, The graven image: representation in Babylonia and Assyria, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, p. 185)
See: Grayson, A.K. 1987. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Period, I: Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia B.C. (to 1115 B.C.), Toronto, p. 279ff.;
Tukulti-Ninurta I (meaning: "my trust is in [the warrior god] Ninurta"; reigned 1243–1207 BCE) was a king of Assyria (Sumer-Akkad) during the Middle Assyrian Empire (1366 - 1050 BCE). He built a ziggurat for Ishtar-Dinitu (Ishtar of the Dawn).
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/pillar-of-fire-jyotirlinga-and-hindu.html?view=mosaic
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 24, 2016
Tukulti Ninurta I as kneeling adorant in a rebus representation of a dream, adoring the fire-altar of fire-god, karaNDi
Tukulti Ninurta as the kneeling adorant.
Stone pedestal of the god Nuska; Ashur, Temple of Ishtar; Middle Assyrian, reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, ca. 1243–1207 BCE Provenience: Aṣṣur. Alabaster; H. 23 5/8 in. (60 cm); W. 22 1/2 in. (57 cm); Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Vorderasiatische Museum
Stephanie Langin-Hooper (2014) notes the ancient term for altar as 'nemedu' and suggests that the altar was intended for use outside the temple doorway. https://www.academia.edu/5032823/Performance_and_Monumentality_in_the_Altar_of_Tukulti-Ninurta This is an artifact which might have served as a memorial for worshipful ancestors; this worship is exemplified by Tukulti Ninurta I kneeling in front of the 'stake' on the altar image on one side of the altar. The other side of the altar explains the metalwork of bronze age.
Meluhha gloss, semant. 'stick' on the fire-altar with Tukulti as the kneeling adorant: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.)
Cognate glosses in Meluhha are māḷa 'sort of pavilion' (Pali); māṭam a niche in walls.(Malayalam)(DEDR 4832): *māḍa2 ʻ upper storey of a house ʼ. [mālaka -- m. ʻ raised pavilion or balcony ʼ Siṁhās. (see S. Lévi BSOS viii 623), mālikā -- f. ʻ whitewashed upper -- storeyed house ʼ lex., māḍi -- f. ʻ palace ʼ lex. -- ← Drav., Tam. māṭam ʻ storeyed house ʼ, Kan. māḍi ʻ upstair house ʼ, &c. DED 3930. Cf. mēṭa -- m. ʻ whitewashed storeyed house ʼ lex. also ← Drav. ib.]Pa. māḷa -- ʻ sort of pavilion ʼ, māḷaka -- , mālaka -- m. ʻ circular enclosure ʼ, maṇḍala -- māḷa -- m. ʻ circular hall with peaked roof ʼ; Pk. māla -- m. ʻ raised platform, upper part of a house ʼ, māḍia -- n. ʻ house ʼ; Wg. māla, malá ʻ roof ʼ, mala -- druḗk ʻ smoke -- hole ʼ NTS xvii 275; S. māṛī f. ʻ upper storey ʼ; L. māṛī f. ʻ storeyed house of burnt brick ʼ; P. māṛī f. ʻ upper storey ʼ; G. māḷ m. ʻ loft, upper storey ʼ, māḷɔ m. ʻ loft, large house ʼ, māḷiyũ n. ʻ loft ʼ; M. māḷ m. ʻ stage, platform ʼ, māḷā m. ʻ loft, granary ʼ, māḍī f. ʻ storey of a house, loft ʼ; Si. maḷu -- va ʻ courtyard of a house ʼ.(CDIAL 9996). The gloss māṭam means 'Siva's temple': மாடம்¹ māṭam, n. [T. māḍugu, K. māḍa, M. māḍam.] 1. Storied house; See மாடக்கோயில். எண்டோளீசற் கெழின்மாட மெழுபது செய்து (திவ். பெரியதி. 6, 6, 8) மாடக்கோயில் māṭa-k-kōyil, n. < id. +. Šiva temple with narrow passage, built on mounds by Kōcceṅkaṇāṉ; மேட்டிடத்தில் குறுகிய வழியுள்ளதாகக் கோச்செங்கணான் கட்டிய சிவாலயம். வடமலையனையான் மாடக்கோயிலே (தேவா. 467, 10). The structure of Tukulti Ninurta I altar may be a reference to such a māṭam variant nemedu.
Since meḍ is likely to be root etymon, the rebus readings of for -medu in nemedu: Hieroglyph: menḍa 'kneeling' (Manḍ)(DEDR 4677) [The imagery on the altar shows Tukulti Ninurta I kneeling in reverence before the altar.] Rebud: meḍ 'iron' (Ho. Remo. Munda)Allograph: menḍa 'sheep' (Munda)
manḍī मंडी f. an exchange, a place where merchants meet to transact business (Gr.M.).
Re<munDa>(B) {N} ``a ^natural lake''. *Des.
Or. meṭṭā ʻ hillock ʼ(CDIAL 10308).
*mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa -- ]S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312).
Or. meñcaṛā ʻ dwarfish ʼ.(CDIAL 10306).
mēṇḍha2 m. ʻ ram ʼ,*mējjha -- . [r -- forms (which are not attested in NIA.) are due to further sanskritization of a loan -- word prob. of Austro -- as. origin (EWA ii 682 with lit.) and perh. related to the group s.v. bhēḍra --]1. Pa. meṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, °aka -- ʻ made of a ram's horn (e.g. a bow) ʼ; Pk. meḍḍha -- , meṁḍha -- (°ḍhī -- f.), °ṁḍa -- , miṁḍha -- (°dhiā -- f.), °aga -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, Dm. Gaw. miṇ Kal.rumb.amŕn/aŕə ʻ sheep ʼ (a -- ?); Bshk. mināˊl ʻ ram ʼ; Tor. miṇḍ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍāˊl ʻ markhor ʼ; Chil. mindh*ll ʻ ram ʼ AO xviii 244 (dh!), Sv. yēṛo -- miṇ; Phal. miṇḍ, miṇ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍṓl m. ʻ yearling lamb, gimmer ʼ; P. mẽḍhā m., °ḍhī f., ludh. mīḍḍhā, mī˜ḍhā m.; N. meṛho, meṛo ʻ ram for sacrifice ʼ; A. mersāg ʻ ram ʼ ( -- sāg < *chāgya -- ?), B. meṛā m., °ṛi f., Or. meṇḍhā, °ḍā m., °ḍhi f., H.meṛh, meṛhā, mẽḍhā m., G. mẽḍhɔ, M. mẽḍhā m., Si. mäḍayā.2. Pk. meṁṭhī -- f. ʻ sheep ʼ; H. meṭhā m. ʻ ram ʼ.3. H. mejhukā m. ʻ ram ʼ.A. also mer (phonet. mer) ʻ ram ʼ AFD 235.(CDIAL 10310).
Ta. mēṉi body, shape, colour, beauty; mēl body. Ma. mēni body, shape, beauty, excellence; mēl body. Koḍ. me·lï body. Te. mēnu id.; mēni brilliancy, lustre; belonging to the body, bodily, personal. Kol. me·n (pl. me·nḍl) body. Nk. mēn (pl. mēnuḷ) id. Nk. (Ch.) mēn id. Pa. mēn (pl. mēnul) id. Ga. (S.) mēnu (pl. mēngil), (P.) mēn id. Go. (Tr.) mēndur (obl. mēnduḍ-), (A. Y. W. M.) mēndul, (L.) meṇḍū˘l, (SR.) meṇḍol id. (Voc. 2963). Konḍa mēndol human body. Kur. mē̃d, mēd body, womb, back. Malt. méth body.(DEDR 5099).
Kuwi (Su. Isr.) med- (-it-) to put down foot; (F.) medali to push; metkali to jostle.(DEDR 4861) mŏ̈nḍü trampling, rubbing with the feet (cf. manḍun, used -- ˚ as in lata-mŏ̈nḍü, trampling with the feet, trampling down, crushing under the feet (K. 237)(Kashmiri)
Ta. maṇṭi kneeling, kneeling on one knee as an archer. Ma. maṇṭuka to be seated on the heels. Ka. maṇḍi what is bent, the knee. Tu. maṇḍi knee. Te. maṇḍĭ̄ kneeling on one knee. Pa.maḍtel knee; maḍi kuḍtel kneeling position. Go. (L.) meṇḍā, (G. Mu. Ma.) minḍa knee(Voc. 2827). Konḍa (BB) meḍa,meṇḍa id. Pe. menḍa id. Manḍ. menḍe id. Kui menḍa id. Kuwi (F.)menda, (S. Su. P.) menḍa, (Isr.) meṇḍa id. Cf. 4645 Ta. maṭaṅku (maṇi-forms). / ? Cf. Skt. maṇḍūkī- part of an elephant's hind leg; Mar. meṭ knee-joint(DEDR 4677).
mḗdha m. ʻ sacrificial oblation ʼ RV.Pa. mēdha -- m. ʻ sacrifice ʼ; Si. mehe, mē sb. ʻ eating ʼ †mḗdhya -- ʻ full of vigour ʼ AV., ʻ fit for sacrifice ʼ Br. [mḗdha -- m. or mēdhāˊ -- f. ʻ mental vigour ʼ RV.]Pa. mejjha -- ʻ pure ʼ, Pk. mejjha -- , mijjha -- ; A. mezi ʻ a stack of straw for ceremonial burning ʼ. (CDIAL 10327).
mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com.,mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.
1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), miho, miyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽh, mẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehāʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. meh, mehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur) mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.
2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīr, mīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛha, mehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī, meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhām. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(CDIAL 10317). mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ]Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭā, mẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10319). mēdapāṭa m. ʻ name of a country ʼ Uttamac.Pk. mēvāḍ(h)a -- , mēavāḍaya -- m. ʻ id. ʼ,Marw. mewāṛ.(CDIAL 10321).
kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore. In this Santali sentence bica denotes the hematite ore. For example, samṛobica, 'stones containing gold' (Mundari) meṛed-bica 'iron stone-ore' ; bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda). mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’(Munda. Ho.) Meluhha rebus representations are: bica ‘scorpion’ bica ‘stone ore’(hematite). pola (magnetite), gota (laterite), bichi (hematite). kuṇṭha munda (loha) a type of hard native metal, ferrous oxide. For kuṇṭha munda (loha) possible hieroglyph may be ‘stake’ (three of which are shown on Sit-Shamshi bronze).
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/vedic-asurta-based-on-svarsur-sun-and.html Vedic asūrta based on svàr/sūr ‘sun’ and Mlecchita vikalpa. Itihaasa of Asur/Bharatiyo metalcasters, as Bharatam Janam
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/jharkhand-asur-tribe-losing-traditional.html Jharkhand Asur tribe losing traditional skills to modern times -- Abhishek Saha. Asur with links to bronze age metalwork.
करंडा [karaṇḍā] A clump, chump, or block of wood. 4 The stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block.
Rebus: fire-god: @B27990. #16671. Remo <karandi>E155 {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda)
[quote]Description: Although the cult pedestal of the Middle Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta mentions in its short inscription that it is dedicated to the god Nuska, the relief on the front that depicts the king in a rare kind of narrative, standing and kneeling in front of the very same pedestal was frequently discussed by art-historians. More strikingly on top of the depicted pedestal there is not the lamp, the usual divine symbol for the god Nuska, but most likely the representation of a tablet and a stylus, symbols for the god Nabû. (Klaus Wagensonner, University of Oxford)[unquote] http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=pedestal_tukulti_ninurta
No, it is not a representation of a tablet and a stylus, but a chump, a block of wood, karaṇḍā read rebus: karandi 'fire-god' (Munda). Thus, the chump is the divine symbol of fire-god.
The two standards (staffs) are topped by a spoked wheel. āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra 'bronze'. cf. erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Kannada) Glyph: eraka
This rebus reading is consistent with the prayer offered to
the karaṇḍa 'hard alloy'.
This rebus reading is consistent with the prayer offered to
the karaṇḍa 'hard alloy'.
‘alloy’. Allograph: khū̃ṭ ‘zebu’.
करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed.
Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'.
Tukulti-Ninurta I (meaning: "my trust is in [the warrior god] Ninurta"; reigned 1243–1207 BCE) was a king of Assyria (Sumer-Akkad) during the Middle Assyrian Empire (1366 - 1050 BCE). He built a ziggurat for Ishtar-Dinitu (Ishtar of the Dawn).
Another prayer by Tukulti-Ninurta on a fire-altar:
Altar, offered by Tukulti-Ninurta I, 1243-1208 BC, in prayer before two deities carrying wooden standards, Assyria, Bronze AgeSource: http://www.dijitalimaj.com/alamyDetail.aspx?img=%7BA5C441A3-C178-489B-8989-887807B57344%7D
Another view of the fire-altar pedestal of Tukulti-Ninurta I, Ishtar temple, Assur. Shows the king standing flanked by two standard-bearers; the standard has a spoked-wheel hieroglyph on the top of the staffs and also on the volutes of the altar frieze.The mediation with deities by king is adopted by Assurnasirpal II.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 24, 2016
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Emancipation of military: containing the citizenry -- Fred Reed
Emancipation of Military: Containing the Citizenry
Those who try to understand military policy often confuse themselves by focusing on minor matters such as strategy, tactics, logistics, and armament. Here they err. For years the central goal of the military, the brass ring, has been independence from control by civilians. It has been achieved.
In time of war, the first concern of thecommand is to limit the flow of information to their publics. The actions of the enemy are an important but secondary consideration. Thus militaries strive to prevent the dissemination of photos of mutilated soldiers or, as in Washington today, of governmentally tortured prisoners. In the United States, which characteristically fights wars unrelated to the safety of the country, the Pentagon must also keep soldiers from being told that they are being sacrifice for the benefit of arms manufacturers and imperialist ambitions. In wars before Vietnam, this was adroitly effected. You could go to jail for criticizing a war.
In Vietnam, something new happened. The press covered the war freely. Reporters went where they pleased, beyond the control of the military. Their publications ran the results. National magazines printed horrific photographs of what was really happening.
Truth tells. The coverage was one of the two factors that forced Washington to quit the war. The other was the passionate unwillingness of young men to be forced to fight a war in which they had no interest. The war, a source of meaning for Washington’s thunderous hawks and fern-bar Napoleons, was getting them killed.
The military of Vietnam wasn’t very good at fighting, and neither is the military of today. GIs in Asia would assault a hill, usually of no importance, and, after three days, with the aid of helicopters, helo gunships, napalm, artillery, and fighter-bombers, would capture it. This would be called a triumph. The astute observed that if the Americans had to fight on equal terms, without overwhelming material superiority, they would last perhaps ten minutes. This is now a recognized pattern. Note that numerically superior and hugely armed American forces have been outfought for years by lightly armed Afghan goat herds. Since neither the wars nor the soldiers in them are of much importance, this doesn’t matter.
The Pentagon learned a lot from Vietnam: It learned that its greatest enemies are the press and the American public. The burning question became how to keep the goddam public from interfering in wars which were none of its business and, particularly in the award of large contracts.
The problem was solved in two major ways. The first was to end the draft and go to the All Volunteer Army. The command realized that if they conscripted kids from Yale and the University of Virginia to come back in body bags, the prospective conscriptees, their girlfriends, and their families would take to the streets. This would threaten the smooth flow of funds. If volunteer kids from Tennessee died, no one would care.
The second step in keeping the public out of the loop was to control the press. This was done partly by “embedding” reporters in American military units in the victim country. The control was furthered, more by happenstance than plan, by the amalgamation of the major media in a few large corporations which then controlled content. It worked.
A third and crucial element was the quiet and de facto abolition of the restrictions imposed by the Constitution. As long as that document was held to be canonical, Congress would have to declare war before the military could attack anyone. A congressman voting for a war would have to explain to his constituents why he wanted to spend a trillion dollars on killing remote peasants when his jurisdiction had crumbling schools. People in Oklahoma might ask, “Can’t we grow our own goat herds more cheaply and kill them here?”
Congress was happy to shed this responsibility, or for that matter any responsibility. And so it did. The Commander-in-Chief was now able to send troops anywhere he pleased. It was his private army. He could , in effect, contract out the US military to Israel to crush its enemies or to the petro-interests to try to capture oil fields.
However, this happy canvas was not yet raised to Rafaelsesque perfection. There was still the awkward, though now minor, matter of body bags. The Presidency did what it could. It forbade the filming of flag-draped coffins coming into Dover Air Force Base on grounds of protecting the privacy of the occupants. Logicians might question just what intimate private details a photo of a box might reveal. But the public wasn’t William of Ockham. The point was to keep the rubes from knowing what the shrapnel cone of an RPG does the the head of Jimmy Jack Perkins of Memphis.
However, the damage was controllable. Not to Jimmy Jack’s head, but to the Army’s PR persona. That was what the Army cared about. Yet…things were not quite perfect. An awful lot of kids were coming back from obscure wars with TBI–Traumatic Brain Injury, which is what happens when seventy–five pounds of C4 in an IED blows. It turns said kid’s brain into the equivalent of a pudding stirred by an enthusiastic but poorly trained chef. For the next fifty years he stumbles, mumbles, drools, shuffles, and has the IQ of a duckbill platypus.
This was not a serious difficulty. The corporate media were in line, so there was no danger that CBS would do a hostile expose. Besides, with luck the creep would die early. But it was still a potential source of political blowback.
A solution appeared: Drones. They were wonderful, serving several purposes at once. They cost not as much as fighter planes, but enough to funnel lots of loot to contractors.. No body bags ever came back and so didn’t need to be hidden. Drones could be flown by wet-lipped sociopaths in air-conditioned comfort in Colorado. They couldn’t win a war, but neither could they lose one. This was ideal, since either winning or losing would slow the award of contracts.
The remaining bump in the road to full emancipation was the military budget. This matter was neutralized by the major media, which had become for practical purposes minor federal departments. In Mein Kampf, der Fuehrer pointed out that the masses would eventually believe any idea repeated often enough. A corollary was that the masses would ignore any idea mentioned only once or twice. Hiding financial grotesquery was not necessary. It sufficed to mention it briefly in paragraph seventeen or, on the tube, in passing in tones usually used in reporting uneventful weather. Done.
Close. Very close. There was no longer a single columnist in the major media who actually knew the technology, bureaucracy, and tactics of the military, or had been near a rifle. The networks could therefore hire retired colonels to explain that the military was dedicated to truth, justice, and the American way. The final condom in this chain of chastity was the president asserting that America was a city on a hill and a beam of light for darkened mankind, who to reach heaven needed only to give us their oil fields.
http://fredoneverything.org/emancipation-of-military-containing-the-citizenry/
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Nehru's reference to Netaji as 'your war criminal' in his Dec. 1945 letter to Attlee
NEHRU TERMED BOSE ‘YOUR WAR CRIMINAL’
Sunday, 24 January 2016 | Pioneer News Service | New Delhi
The declassified Netaji files have come as a major source of embarrassment for the Congress party with documents showing that in 1945 Jawaharlal Nehru addressed Netaji as “your war criminal” in a letter to then British Prime Minister Clement Attlee and expressed outrage on reports that the Russian had allowed Netaji to enter their territory.
The PMO file No: 915/11/C/6/96 contains a note on the contents of the book The Mysteries of Netaji’s Life and Death by Pradip Bose. The note reveals Nehru’s controversial letter to British PM Attlee on December 1945. The note refers to a deposition by Nehru’s stenographer Shyam Lal Jain before Justice Khosla commission.
Following is deposition Jain made before the commission:
“I solemnly affirm and state on oath that in one evening (the date may be 26 or 27 Dec, 1945) I was told by Shri Jawaharlal Nehru on the telephone to come to the residence of Shri Asaf Ali with a typewriter as he had a lot of work to be typed by me. After getting some papers typed by me, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru drew out a paper from the pocket of his Achkan and asked me to make four copies of it for him. The said paper was a hand written matter and somewhat difficult to read. Now what was written in that paper, I am trying to reproduce from memory:
“Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose proceeded by aeroplane from Saigon, arrived today August 23, 1945 at Dairen (Manchuria) at 1.30 afternoons.
The said plane was a Japanese bomber plane. It was full of gold in the share of bars, ornaments and jewellery. Netaji carried attaché cases, one in each hand. On alighting from the plane Netaji took tea with bananas.
"When Netaji finished tea, he along with four others, of whom one was Japanese named Gen Shedie, (and others have lapsed from memory) took their seats in a jeep standing nearby. The said jeep proceeded towards Russian territory. After three hours, the said jeep returned and informed the pilot of the plane who flew back to Tokyo."
Shyam Lal Jain added, "After handing over the said paper to me for typing, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru went to Mr Asaf Ali and remained busy in conversation with him for 10-15 minutes. I could not complete the work, because the name of the writer on that letter was not readable, and I kept waiting for Shri Jawaharlal Nehru to come and tell the name. In the meantime I went through the letter several times and this is all that I could remember to the present day. Shri Jawharlal Nehru could not discern the name of the writer and asked me to pull out the papers and hand them over to him as they were.
"I solemnly affirm and state on oath that thereafter Shri Jawaharlal Nehru gave me four papers from his writing pad to make on the typewriter four copies of a letter, which he would dictate to me on typewriter. The contents of the letter as far as I could remember were as follows:
To Mr Clement Attlee,
Prime Minister of Britain, 10 Downing Street, London.
Dear Attlee,
I understand from a reliable source that Subhas Chandra Bose, your war criminal, has been allowed to enter Russian territory by Stalin. This is clear treachery and betrayal of faith by the Russians. As Russia has been an ally of the British-Americans, it should not have been done. Please take note of it and do what you consider proper and fit.
The declassification of Netaji files also reveal that for the past six decades several communications have gone from Ministry of External Affairs to Britain to ascertain, whether the UK had declared Subhash Chandra Bose as a war criminal. The documents revealed that the UK never gave a specific answer to India's unending quest on Netaji. Among the volumes of letters in 2002, the UK only confirmed that there was consideration in 1945 on how to handle Netaji and his INA members.
The revelations comes in the letter forwarded on May 29, 2002 by then India's Political Counselor Vikas Swarup, the current Spokesperson of MEA. Swarup was forwarding the communications information from Army Historical Branch and Imperial War Museum of the UK to Ministry of External Affairs.
"With reference to the specific question you posed whether Subhas Chandra Bose was included by the Unitech Kingdom in its 'list of war criminal' drawn up after the Second World War, I have been unable to find any evidence that any such action was taken by the United Kingdom.
"I should add that the question of how to treat Subhash Chandra Bose and other members of the Indian National Army was considered in 1945 by the Government of India in consultation with HMG. The relevant official papers relating to this process are in the public domain. Some of the most pertinent are to be found in Volume VI of the 'Transfer of Power' series. Others are available at the Public Record Office or the Indian Office Library collections in the British Library," said the communication from Army Historical Branch.http://www.dailypioneer.com/todays-newspaper/nehru-termed-bose-your-war-criminal.html
UK’S SECRET TALKS IMPLY NETAJI SURVIVED CRASH
Sunday, 24 January 2016 | M Madhusudan | New Delhi
At a time when Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was said to have allegedly died in a plane crash on August 18, 1945, the fact that the British Government was busy with “top secret” deliberations regarding him raises suspicion that he was indeed alive and in captivity somewhere.
“In many ways the easiest course would be to leave him where he is and not ask for his release. He might, of course, in certain circumstance be welcomed by the Russians. This course could raise fewest immediate political difficulties,” Sir F Mudie, Home Member, Clement Attlee Government’s India Office, wrote on August 23, 1945, in his reply to Sir EM Jenkins, Home Secretary and the last Governor of Punjab. Jenkins had on August 11 sought Mudie’s advise on dealing with Netaji.
The recourse cited by Mudie was one of the 10 options he dished out to the British Government, which was clearly in a dilemma over the way to treat Netaji even as it was in strong favour of “dealing with him as a war criminal”.
The other options included “hanging” him outside India preferably in Malaya, on the premise that the regime there would have no problems in doing so unlike the Burmese or Singaporean dispensations.
The exchange of letters (listed as ‘top secret letter No 1157 and billed as Wavell Papers) happened between August 11 and August 23, 1945 and pertained to the issue of “Indian prisoners of war in Japanese hands and Bose and his associates”.
On Jenkins suggestion that Netaji be treated as a “war criminal”, Mudie said, “He (Bose) clearly is not one in the ordinary sense of the word” and “nor does he appear to come within the extended definition adopted by the UN”.
He then dealt at length about the difficulties that the British Government would face given that Bose’ “influence over the INA (27,000-strong) is very considerable”. “It affects all races, castes and communities almost equally strongly. They regard him with deep admiration, respect and confidence as a sincere patriot, as an able leader without peer, as the organiser of India’s first ‘National Army’,” he pointed out.
Saying the Bengalis treated him almost on par with Mahatma Gandhi, he listed out the difficulties in his trial in India or in a military court even outside India, intern him in India or in some British possession like Seychelles Islands or leave him and not ask him for his surrender.
He pointed out Netaji would not be hanged in India if he is tried in the country; the Burmese Government was busy appeasing the Burmese National Army and so it would not hang him; a trial and execution in Singapore with the news suppressed would be taken as judicial murder; a trial in a military court outside India would invite similar objections; and interning him in India would lead to an agitation and his subsequent release.
He advocated Netaji’s detention and internment outside India. “Out of sight would be to some extent out of mind and agitation for his release might be less,” he stated.
Though he also advised leaving Netaji’s “where he is” saying it would raise fewest political difficulties, at the same time he pointed out that in such an event the security authorities would be concerned about his presence in Russia.
http://www.dailypioneer.com/todays-newspaper/uks-secret-talks-imply-netaji-survived-crash.html
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Major Cities US East coast Grind to a Halt and Face Days of Digging Out Snow
Making up for a remarkably mild winter, the first major snowstorm of the season charged up the East Coast on Saturday, a blizzard propelled by tropical-storm-force winds that brought much of the Northeast to a standstill as officials warned of more than two feet of snow in New York City, where Mayor Bill de Blasio called it “very likely one of the worst snowstorms in our history.”
Officials imposed a travel ban in and around the city to keep drivers off streets. The mayor said Saturday night that the ban would be lifted at 7 a.m. on Sunday. Mr. de Blasio, who urged businesses to close, said that drivers who were caught during the ban would be “subject to arrest.”
Four Hudson River crossings — the Lincoln and Holland Tunnels and the George Washington and Tappan Zee Bridges — were shut down. So were suburban commuter railroads in New York, as were the city’s public bus service and elevated subway lines, which followed the lead of mass transit systems in Washington, Baltimore and Philadelphia.
New York Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo said on Saturday that service to aboveground subways and to Long Island Rail Road and Metro North Railroad could be restored on Sunday, weather permitting, and that a decision would be made at 6 a.m. Travelers hoping to fly into or out of New York City’s two airports, La Guardia and Kennedy Airports, would not be so lucky. The governor said “the vast majority” of flights would be canceled on Sunday.
From Tennessee to North Carolina and north along the Interstate 95 spine, those who persisted found the going slow and treacherous. In some places, long-haul trucks lined up behind snowplows. In others, cars mistook entrance ramps for exits. Officials throughout the Mid-Atlantic region warned that it could be days before residents finished digging out.
In New York, the National Weather Service said 25.1 inches of snow had fallen on Central Park by 7:30 p.m., making the storm the city’s third biggest since 1869.
Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo declared a state of emergency and implored residents to stay home. Governors in at least nine other states did the same as road crews from Nashville to New York did battle with what the National Weather Service called a “potentially crippling winter storm.”
“It’s clearly significant,” said Faye Barthold, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service’s New York area office. “You don’t typically get three-inch-an-hour snowfall rates, but this system is so dynamic and has all that energy.”
The storm — blustery in some places, blinding in others — was a swirling, sprawling mass with a reach of nearly 1,000 miles. It flooded low-lying beaches and brought down trees and power lines, leaving thousands without electricity. The storm also glazed roads and varnished trees as it walloped the Mid-Atlantic region with destructive force.
The ocean poured into shore towns in southern New Jersey: In Sea Isle City, floodwaters laden with chunks of ice surged down the streets, and in Wildwood the frigid, brackish water submerged cars halfway up to their windows. In Belmar, the wind drove a sailboat out of its marina and tangled its mast in overhead wires, knocking out power.
At least 18 people died in the storm, including a Good Samaritan who was shot and killed on the side of a North Carolina highway when he stopped to help a stranded motorist who became belligerent, according to a report in The Charlotte Observer.
But most of the storm’s victims died while attempting to drive on icy highways or shovel snow in the punishing winds. Three of those who died while shoveling were New Yorkers — men aged 67, 78 and 80 — in Queens and Staten Island, the authorities said. Two more were Long Island men, a 61-year-old in West Hempstead and a 94-year-old in Smithtown whose body was found next to a snow blower, the authorities said.
The storm slammed Washington on Friday and continued through the night amid reports of “thunder snow” — snow accompanied by thunder and lightning. As television newscasters predicted a “100 percent chance of snowball fights,” Mayor Muriel Bowser repeated a solemn plea that echoed Mr. de Blasio’s: Stay indoors, she said, warning that the storm was not over yet. With another six to 10 inches expected, streets needed to be clear for emergency vehicles, she said. But the mayor warned it was uncertain how long it would take the city to recover and services, including schools and public transit, to resume.
The storm prevented the scheduled return of Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., who had been in Istanbul for meetings with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey and other officials. The vice president had planned to fly home to Washington on Saturday, but White House officials said that Air Force Two would be rerouted to Miami instead and that Mr. Biden would go on to Washington once the weather cleared. The storm also caused Gov. Chris Christie to go back to New Jersey, far from Republican voters in New Hampshire, where he had taken his presidential campaign. Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter, on his way home from the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, was also diverted, in his case to MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Fla., where he checked in to a hotel.
New York awoke to a wall of white, but by arriving on a Saturday, the storm gave the city a break. There was no rush-hour commute to contend with, and officials did not have to wrestle with whether to close schools. For many, it was a day for sledding, snowboarding and snowshoeing — or for binge-viewing whatever was on the DVR or on Netflix. The music of chains clanking on snowplows and buses provided a muffled accompaniment, the snow quieting the noise against the pavement. Most of the buses — when they were still operating — were empty, and pedestrians, realizing they had the streets to themselves, stepped off sidewalks and walked triumphantly down usually busy avenues.
There were other sounds — the whine of snow blowers clearing narrow sidewalk passes and the achy groan of shovelers who did it the hard way, only to ask themselves why.
“It’s not worth it,” said Mike Diakakis, the foreman at an apartment building on the Upper West Side of Manhattan. “It’s coming down as fast as we clear it away.”
The snow fell as much as three inches an hour, the National Weather Service said. But that did not stop those who had destinations — and perhaps hopes of a sled run or a snowball fight — in mind.
“It’s fun,” said Beth Kastner, on the way to a romp in Central Park with her dog, a 5-year-old Labrador mix named Nala. “You can’t sit in an apartment all day with a large dog. That’s kind of a nightmare. She’ll be O.K., and I’ll be happier.”
Saturday had begun with subways and buses running in New York, but Mr. Cuomo said buses were “having significant issues” and that some commuter trains faced equipment problems.
Mr. Cuomo called in to New York 1, a local television station, to praise New York City officials on Saturday, saying they did a “fantastic job.”
“The Department of Sanitation, the N.Y.P.D., Mayor de Blasio, they all handled the situation extraordinarily well,” he said.
Even before Mr. Cuomo announced that bus service was being halted, some passengers reported long waits in the cold, and as the noon cutoff approached, they worried that they would be stranded. Oscar Garcia, who lives in East Elmhurst, Queens, stood in the Jackson Heights-Roosevelt Avenue station, waiting and watching. He did not like what he saw: As his bus pulled in, the driver changed the sign to “Not in Service.”
That only added to Mr. Garcia’s frustration. He had been on his way to his job at an Italian restaurant in Rego Park when his boss called to say the restaurant would be closed for the day.
The storm stranded airline passengers up and down the East Coast, with 4,993 flights canceled on Saturday and 2,169 canceled for Sunday, according to Flightaware.com, a website that tracks such things. At La Guardia Airport, there were no lines at security checkpoints and no baggage carousels rumbling: With virtually no flights coming in, there was no baggage to unload and there were no passengers to claim it.
Those forced to wait at the airport killed time. Mykhaylo Komar, an artist from Ukraine, fretted. He and his wife were scheduled to fly to Miami for a six-day cruise to Jamaica and the Cayman Islands.
“Snow,” Mr. Komar said, shaking his head. “Very big problem.”
As of 1 p.m., 16.2 inches of snow had fallen at La Guardia Airport, according to the National Weather Service. The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, which operates La Guardia as well as John F. Kennedy and Newark Liberty International Airports, did not say when flights would resume. The agency told passengers to check with their airlines. The agency that manages Reagan National and Dulles International Airports in Washington said the runways would remain closed and air travel was unlikely to resume on Sunday.
The mail did not go through in Manhattan on Saturday — the United States Postal Service suspended delivery, a spokeswoman said, and directed its letter carriers to return to their post offices at noon. And as the day went on, the list of cancellations grew longer. Broadway shows scheduled for Saturday were canceled, as was a hockey game in Brooklyn between the Islanders and the Philadelphia Flyers. The Metropolitan Opera and the New York City Opera canceled performances, as did the New York Philharmonic. Bruce Springsteen said on Twitter that his Sunday concert at Madison Square Garden would be postponed.
Some people took the warnings seriously and stayed indoors. Some did not. Ron Hickey, the manager of a Lowe’s home-improvement store on the Upper West Side, said there were two kinds of customers on Saturday: “the overpreparers and the people coming last second, saying, ‘Oh, no!’ ” Those in the first category, he said, were buying the usual stuff people buy on a Saturday — doors, light bulbs, plungers. The others were buying what those in the first group had bought when they heard the storm warnings on Friday — shovels, salt and batteries.
Chris Rudney, the general manager of Beacon Wines and Spirits, on Broadway at 74th Street, had an explanation for sparsely filled stores, his own included. Based on the blockbuster sales at his store on Friday, it seemed, people were home, having a drink.
“I guess,” he said, “staying inside is worthy of celebration.”
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Media's blind eye to the guilt of its heroes, the 'eminent historians' -- Koenraad Elst
IGNORING TRUTH THAT’S UNSETTLING
Tuesday, 26 January 2016 | Koenraad Elst
Given the moralistic bombast with which the Ayodhya issue has been covered, one would have expected archaeologist KK Mohammed's recent revelations to be well-reported. But the media is reluctant to face an unpleasant fact: The guilt of its heroes, the ‘eminent historians’
Earlier this month, a few marginal media reported that archaeologist KK Mohammed had a startling revelation on the responsibility for the Ayodhya controversy and all its concomitant bloodshed.
Young people may not know what the affair, around 1990, was all about. Briefly, Hindus had wanted to build a proper temple architecture on one of their sacred sites, the Ram janmabhoomi (Rama’s birthplace). So far, the most natural thing in the world.
However, a mosque had been built in forcible replacement of the temple that had anciently adorned the site: The Babri Masjid. Not that this should have been a problem, because the structure was already in use as a temple, and the site was of no importance to the Muslims, who never go on pilgrimage there.
So, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress Government was manoeuvring towards a compromise, allotting the site definitively to the Hindus, all the while appeasing the Muslim leadership. This was not too principled, just pragmatic, but it had the merit of being bloodless.
Unfortunately, this non-violent formula was thwarted. An unexpected factor came in between. It stimulated and hardened Muslim resistance and especially, it made politicians hesitant to move forward on Ayodhya. As a consequence, street rowdies took over, killing hundreds. The Hindu-Muslim violence culminated in multiple Muslim terror attacks in Mumbai on March 12, 1993, which set the pattern for later terrorist attacks from New York and Paris to Mumbai again.
On the other hand, it threw the issue into the BJP’s lap, making it the principal opposition party in 1991 and ultimately bringing it to power.
So, who thwarted the Ayodhya solution, thus creating a new type of terrorism as well as setting the BJP on a course towards power? Though the contentious site had no special value for the Muslims at first, it had suddenly become the Mecca of another influential community: The secularists. They made it the touchstone of secularism’s resistance against “aggressive Hindu fundamentalism”.
As a weapon against Hinduism, and as a way to whip up Muslim emotion, they alleged that the Hindu claimants of the site had been using false history. In fact, history was only peripheral to the Hindu claim on the site: It is a Hindu pilgrimage site today, and that ought to suffice to leave it to the Hindus. Yet, secularism’s favoured “eminent historians” insisted on interfering and said that there had never been a temple at the site.
Then already, the existence of the temple was known from written testimonies (Muslim and European) and from BB Lal’s partial excavations at the site in 1973-1974. Until the 1980s, the forcible replacement of the temple by the mosque had been a matter of consensus, as when a 19th century judge ruled that a temple had indeed been destroyed, but that it had become too late to remedy this condition. The British rulers favoured the status quo, but agreed that there had been a temple, as did the local Muslims. It is allowed for the historians to question a consensus, provided they have new evidence, but here they failed to produce any.
Yet, in a statement of 1989, Jawaharlal Nehru University’s ‘eminent historians’ turned an unchallenged consensus into a mere ‘Hindutva claim’.
It is symptomatic for the power equation in India and in Indology that this is a repeating pattern. Thus, in the Aryan Homeland debate, the identification of the Vedic Saraswati river with the Ghaggar in Haryana is likewise being ridiculed by secularist academics and their foreign dupes as a “Hindutva concoction”, though it had first been proposed in 1855 by a French archaeologist and has been accepted ever since by most scholars.
After the historians’ interference, the Indian mainstream politicians did not dare to go against the judgement of these authorities. The international media and India-watchers were also taken in and shared their hatred of these ugly Hindu history falsifiers. Only court-ordered excavations of 2003 have fully vindicated the old consensus: Temple remains were found underneath the mosque.
Moreover, the eminences asked to witness in court had to confess their incompetence one after another (as documented by Meenakshi Jain in Rama and Ayodhya, 2013): One had never been to the site, the next one had never studied any archaeology, a third had only fallen in line with some hearsay, etc.
Abroad, this news has hardly been reported, and experts who know it make sure that no conclusions are drawn from it. After the false and disproven narrative of the ‘eminent historians’ has reigned supreme for two decades, no one has yet bothered to demythologise their undeserved authority.
For close observers, the news of the eminent historians’ destructive role was not surprising. This writer had spoken on it in passing in his paper “The three Ayodhya debates” (St Petersburg 2011, available online), and in an interview with India First (January 8): “The secular intelligentsia… could reasonably have taken the position that a temple was indeed demolished to make way for a mosque but that we should let bygones be bygones. Instead, they went out of their way to deny facts of history. Rajiv Gandhi thought he could settle this dispute with some Congressite horse-trading: Give the Hindus their toy in Ayodhya and the Muslims some other goodies, that will keep everyone happy. But this solution became unfeasible when many academics construed this contention as a holy war for a frontline symbol of secularism”.
Facile dismissals are sure to be tried against this writer. They will be harder when the allegation comes from an on-site archaeologist, moreover a Muslim.
The media had allotted an enormous weight to the Ayodhya affair: “Secularism in danger”, “India on the brink” and similar headlines were daily fare. When the Babri Masjid was demolished by impatient Hindu youngsters on December 6, 1992, The Times of India titled its editorial, “A requiem for norms”, no less. Given all the drama and moralistic bombast with which they used to surround this controversy, one would have expected their eagerness to report Mr KK Mohammed’s eyewitness account. But no, they were extremely sparing in their coverage, reluctant to face an unpleasant fact: The guilt of their heroes, the ‘eminent historians’. These people outsourced the dirty work to Hindu and Muslim street-fighters and to Islamic terrorists, but in fact it is they who have blood on their hands.
(The writer is a Belgian Indologist best known for his writings on controversies in Indian history)
http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/oped/ignoring-truth-thats-unsettling.html↧
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Stupid belief in innocence of American Oriental Sanskrit scholars like Sheldon Pollock. Awaken Bharata -- Rajiv Malhotra's s'ankhanaadam
‘American Orientalism’ As The New Macaulayism, And What We Need To Do About It
American Orientalism is a product of American history, where European settlers battled previous settlers – the American Indians – before finally decimating them, both through violence and internal emasculation by pretending to be their friends.
Edward Said made the idea of “Orientalism” famous – and a pejorative word in western academia. His critique about western scholars using only European lenses to view non-European cultures is today widely accepted as valid. However, there is only one kind of Orientalism that is still not being called that: the capture of Indian history and cultural studies by powerful American academics with little respect for the sacred traditions of India and Hinduism, even while pretending to be well-wishers of all things Hindu or Indian. Rajiv Malhotra is finally calling it what it is – American Orientalism – in his new book The Battle For Sanskrit. The book’s sub-title explains what the battle is about: Is Sanskrit Political Or Sacred; Oppressive Or Liberating; Dead Or Alive?
Malhotra’s is the most important critique of the new form of Orientalism that has taken root in American academia, now the European academia is no longer calling the shots on Indic studies. The reason why American Orientalism is dangerous for Indic culture is because of the sheer sophistication it brings to the idea of hollowing out Indic culture and studying Sanskrit by decapitating the head from the body. It is about studying a carcass, not a living tradition or idea.
American Orientalism is a product of American history, where European settlers battled previous settlers – the American Indians – before finally decimating them, both through violence and internal emasculation by pretending to be their friends. This is exactly the attitude American Orientalists bring to the study of Sanskrit, by pretending to be lovers of the language, and then trying to delink it from its sacred roots in Hindu tradition and thought.
Malhotra views American Orientalism as more dangerous than European Orientalism precisely because it is a frenemy – helpful to Indian scholars who have lost control of their own traditions and narratives, and yet fundamentally opposed to putting Sanskrit on the pedestal that learned pandits would normally do. We have now developed such awe for the sheer effort and resources American Universities have poured into Sanskrit studies that we are willing to treat them as sympathetic to our cause, and even give them millions of dollars to tell us about our own heritage. We end up giving them Padma Shris, while our own pandits languish without resources or recognition. We are too naïve to be able to wrest back control of our heritage from its real enemies.
The technique used by American Orientalists – of whom Malhotra names Sheldon Pollock as chief frenemy – is the good-cop-bad-cop routine. The existence of some American scholars with a genuine interest and concern for preserving our Sanskrit heritage tends to make us believe that they are fighting on our side; on the other hand, there are the Sheldon Pollocks who seek to separate the soul of Sanskrit from its body, by separating the sacred aspects of the language from its secular usage – the paramarthika from the vyavaharika.The idea is to embed a degree of self-hate in Hindus, so that they begin to view Sanskrit as the language of oppression, and only some aspects of the language – the kavya and secular literature – as worthy of respect. Pollock would like sacred Sanskrit as essentially oppressive – and many western-educated Indians have internalised this critique.
Let’s be clear, Malhotra is no Hindutva extremist trying to pretend that everything about Hinduism or Sanskrit is holy or beyond critique. Far from it. What he objects to is the western effort to become the final arbiter in Sanskrit studies by ignoring the insider’s (ie, the Hindu practitioner’s) views on this language, which embodies the soul of India and its many daughter languages. He would like Indians inside the Sanskrit tradition to understand where the Pollocks are coming from and how they can both accept the outsider’s views even while developing a robust defence of tradition minus its negative aspects. Malhotra is not at all opposed to internal reforms.
Unfortunately, given the fundamental fault-lines in Indian society (caste and religion), and also given the Leftist control of most academic and cultural institutions in independent India, there are many takers for American Orientalism among the Indian elite, even those who do not mind being called Hindus, whether at home on in America. There are many reasons why Hindus themselves seem unaware of the machinations of American Orientalists: as a people, we have developed an inferiority complex where we place a higher value on what the west thinks of us than what we know to be true ourselves; we have also lost track of our own traditions, where we feel embarrassed that we need to read our ownitihasa in English books written by foreigners to understand our past.
Then there is the need for support from western academics in order to find places in American academies for ourselves and our progeny; the debasement of Indian education systems through political intervention gives Indian academics the push effect to study abroad rather than in India; the collapse of the Soviet Union left the Indian Left stranded – and American Indologists have built alliances with them to enable them to continue belittling Hinduism, as has been done from the days of DD Kosambi, a Marxist historiographer; and, last, of course, there is the sheer amount of resources western universities have been able to put into Sanskrit research. This alone makes Indic studies vulnerable to huge American influence and political efforts to undermine our traditions.
The most depressing thought is this: over the last few years, India has produced its own billionaires who can fund social and cultural science research in India by developing genuine Indic scholars with a clear grounding in our own sacred traditions. But, as Malhotra points out, when a Narayana Murthy wants to create a Classical Library, he turns to the same Sheldon Pollock to get the job done. He wants a short-cut, a readymade solution. So, instead of taking the longer route of developing domestic scholarship, he takes the easy way out and asks Pollock to do the job. He strengthens American academy even further, and emasculates Indian scholars by giving them a vote of no-confidence.
This pattern has been seen elsewhere too. Whether it is Ratan Tata or Anand Mahindra or the Birla group, they choose to invest millions in funding academic chairs in their preferred Ivy League or European institutions. Indian money is being used to build academia in the places that seek to undermine us.
Of course, Malhotra may be overdoing his effort to paint Sheldon Pollock as villain, but when you have to make a strong point, you have to choose the right enemy to target. Pollock, being the grandmaster of Sanskrit studies, and who uses Christian liberation theology (the effort to subsume Marxist ideas within Christian doctrine) to deracinate Sanskrit of its sacred moorings, believes in what he calls “liberation philology”. He wants to achieve with Sanskrit the exact opposite of what Christianity tried to do with Marxism. He wants to make Sanskrit unholy, while liberation theology sought to sprinkle Marxist liberation theory with holy water.
This book will make Malhotra the biggest enemy of Christian evangelists, the same way Arun Shourie’s inquiry into the unholy methods of evangelical organisations did in his book,Harvesting Our Souls.
This is why the attacks on Malhotra have now intensified. A few months ago, Richard Fox Young, an associate professor of the history of religions at the Princeton Theological Seminary, accused Malhotra of plagiarism, alleging that Malhotra had used many ideas from the work of Andrew J Nicholson from his book Unifying Hinduism. The truth is Malhotra did attribute many quotes to Nicholson, but failed to do some in some parts. Hardly a capital crime, and more about oversight. But Young’s critique was picked up by all Left-wing publications in India, including Scroll.in. Malhotra’s defence was picked up by sites that supported the Indic view.
In fact, if evangelists want to criticise plagiarism, there is no better place for them to look than inwards, and they will find plenty of it. Every Indian cultural tradition – whether it is lighting diyas or painting Jesus sitting cross-legged like an Indian rishi or Christian priests and nuns wearing saffron, or evangelists creating a Jesus mudra in Bharata Natyam, or the Christianisation of yoga – they have indulged in every form of cultural plagiarism, if not cultural genocide.
It is important to understand why evangelical organisations would like to target Malhotra, even if the accusations are flimsy. As an Indian living in the west, he knows both how western academia works, and how gullible Indians tend to be when dealing with foreigners who indulge them with insincere flattery. Malhotra is using his knowledge of west and east to awaken Indians from stupidly believing in the innocence of American Orientalist Sanskrit scholars. In fact, Malhotra’s book, The Battle For Sanskrit, was prompted by his discovery that even the Sringeri Sharada Peetham, one of the original maths created by Adi Shankara, was planning to mortgage its heritage to American Orientalists by creating an Adi Shankara Chair in Columbia University, with all its implications. It was about to hand over control of its traditions and their interpretations to Sheldon Pollock.
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Languages evolve much faster than genes. Aha, Indian sprachbund existed ca. 3500 BCE.
Published: January 27, 2016 02:06 IST | Updated: January 27, 2016 07:37 IST Bengaluru, January 27, 2016
Caste system has left imprints on genes: study
When did caste become the dominant norm for ethnic communities of a region? 70 generations ago, or nearly 1,500 years ago.
The twisting strands of DNA tell tales, not just of the strengths and weaknesses that make us human, but of the consolidation of the caste system.
A study by researchers from the National Institute of BioMedical Genomics (NIBMG) in West Bengal has looked at the genes of various communities to answer questions that have often been suggested in history books: when did caste become the dominant norm for ethnic communities of the region.
For most upper-caste communities, endogamy (that is marrying within one’s caste) started nearly 70 generations ago, or around the time of the Hindu Gupta period around 1,500 years ago, says the study published in the latest issue of the journal PNAS (Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America).
“A lot of social transformation took place during the Gupta period. Notable among these was the enforcement of social strictures against marriage between castes, as enshrined in the Dharmasastra. This reveals that some social norms leave imprints on the DNA, which can be reconstructed by careful genetic studies,” says Partha P. Majumder, Director, NIBMG, who, along with Analabha Basu and Neeta Sarkar Roy, authored the study.
By looking at the block lengths of ancestral genes, the team could pinpoint the era when mixing of castes ended. In the case of West Bengal Brahmins, marriages with the northeastern communities continued until the arrival of the 8th century Pala dynasty which cut off these regions.
Genetic inputs show upper caste dominance
The study team could pinpoint the era when mixing of castes ended. For the Marathas, it was during Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas (nearly 1,100 years ago) when warriors (Kshatriyas) were drawn from the peasantry class and eventually, the mixing of the population with tribes and Dravidian communities halted.
Unsurprisingly, it was mixing between tribes of various ancestries that ended the last.
Mixing of population
However, the researchers have noted that “mixing” of genetic populations continued in an “asymmetric” trickle after this. Upper caste populations continued to give genetic inputs to lower caste and tribal populations — but not vice-versa.
This is “consistent with elite dominance and patriarchy” of the upper caste, notes the study.
“Male members of upper caste communities have had off-spring with other communities, but the reverse is not seen. This is possible by an elite group [sharing the similar genes] dominating non-elite groups,” says Partha P. Majumder, Director, NIBMG, who, along with Analabha Basu and Neeta Sarkar Roy, authored the study.
Researchers analysed “high quality” genotype data of 367 individuals drawn from 20 ethnic populations.
The samples ranged in caste, linguistic as well as geographic variations: from “upper caste” — Gujarati, Manipuri, West Bengal Brahmins and Marathas — to Dravidian communities — Pallan, Irula, among others — to Central and Eastern Indian tribes — Ho, Santhal, Birhor.
From Andaman and Nicobar islands, the Jarawa and Onge tribes were chosen for the study — and these tribes were found to have ancestries closer to the Pacific Islanders than those in mainland India.
Complex ancestries
Apart from the historical linkages shown, the study also shows the complex ancestries that now make up the Indian population.
While a previous study published in Nature in 2009 by Harvard geneticist David Reich and his team, showed that most Indians could trace their roots in Ancestral North Indians (ANI) and Ancestral South Indians (ASI) genes; the NIBMG team shows a significant presence of the Ancestral Tibeto-Burman (ATB) genes in communities in the North-East as well as Ancestral Austro-Asiatic (AAA) genes among the tribal populations of east and central India.
| Tuesday , January 26 , 2016 |
When the caste die was cast |
G.S. Mudur |
New Delhi, Jan. 25: A genetic study has traced the emergence of a strict caste system in India to about 1,575 years ago, indicating that the Gupta dynasty imposed social strictures on populations that had until then mixed and mated largely unfettered. The study, by scientists at the National Institute of Biomedical Genomics at Kalyani in Bengal, has also shown that five ancestral populations -- not two as inferred earlier --- spawned the tapestry of India's present-day population diversity. Earlier studies by Indian and US scientists had indicated that people across the country mated without concern for class, caste or ethnic barriers for over 2,000 years before the advent of the caste system. Those studies had also suggested that most present-day mainland Indians have descended from two ancient groups called the ancestral North Indians (ANI) and the ancestral South Indians (ASI). "We've now identified a sharp window of time that marks a consolidation of the caste system," Partha Majumder, the director of the Kalyani institute who led the new study, told The Telegraph. The findings were published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, a research journal. Majumder and his colleagues Analabha Basu and Neeta Sarkar Roy analysed the genetic makeup of 367 people from 20 populations chosen to represent the diversity of India's population. They picked Khatris from northern India, Brahmins from Bengal and Gujarat, Iyers and other Dravidian speakers from southern India, Marathas from Maharashtra and several tribes from central and southern India and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, among others. Their research aimed at reconstructing India's population history by studying subtle differences in genomic makeup that can reveal information about individuals' ancestry, their genetic distance from others, and signatures of endogamy --- marriage only within one's community --- in populations. Their study shows that most populations on mainland India owe their ancestry to four groups: the ANI, the ASI and two others -- an ancestral Tibeto-Burman (ATB) group, and an ancestral Austro-Asiatic (AAA) group. The Jarawas and the Onges share their ancestry with present-day Pacific islanders, implying a distinct ancestral population for these Andaman and Nicobar tribes. The genetic evidence also suggests that almost all upper-caste populations began to practise endogamy about 70 generations ago after a long period of unrestricted mixing. "The gene flow across these populations came to an abrupt end about 1,575 years ago, assuming an average of 22 years for each generation," Majumder said. "We went back to history books and found that this period coincides with the reign of the Gupta emperors." The scientists say their findings suggest that the Gupta rulers -- possibly Chandragupta II or Kumaragupta I -- used the state machinery of a developing political economy to enforce social and moral strictures leading to strict and widespread endogamy. "I don't have a dispute with this suggestion," said Shatrughna Sharan Singh, professor of ancient Indian history at Patna University. "An early version of the caste system may have emerged during the Vedic times, perhaps as far back as 1,200 BC, but it is possible that the caste system based on micro-division of labour consolidated itself during the reign of the Guptas." The scientists say that endogamy wasn't adopted quickly everywhere. "Low levels of gene flow continued to occur between certain populations. We can see signatures of such gene flow in present-day people," Basu said. The study, for instance, suggests that across eastern and northeastern India, Bengal's Brahmins continued to admix with Tibeto-Burman populations until the emergence of the Buddhist Pala dynasty in the eighth century. "This is an important (research) paper," said David Reich, professor of genetics at the Harvard Medical School, who had seven years ago led an independent effort to reconstruct India's population history that had pointed to two ancestral groups: ANI and ASI. "We had excluded the Austro-Asiatic and Tibeto-Burman speakers from our analysis as we wanted to understand the gradient of ancestry seen mainly in Indo-European and Dravidian speakers," Reich told this newspaper. "The history of Tibeto-Burman speakers and Austro-Asiatic speakers and the Andaman and Nicobar tribals is very important even though these groups comprise a small fraction of the present-day population." Majumder and his colleagues say their genetic study also suggests that the census counts of the Austro-Asiatic and Tibeto-Burman speakers in India are "gross underestimates" of the extent of the AAA and ATB genetic components in present-day populations. Many present-day Indians who speak Indo-European languages or even Dravidian languages may thus have genetic components they inherited from AAA or ATB groups. "Languages evolve much faster than genes," Majumder said. "The evolution of language has masked the genetic backgrounds of some populations." |
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1160126/jsp/frontpage/story_65929.jsp#.VqdvM9R97tQ
Genomic reconstruction of the history of extant populations of India reveals five distinct ancestral components and a complex structure
- Edited by Masatoshi Nei, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA, and approved December 17, 2015 (received for review July 5, 2015)
Significance
India, harboring more than one-sixth of the world population, has been underrepresented in genome-wide studies of variation. Our analysis reveals that there are four dominant ancestries in mainland populations of India, contrary to two ancestries inferred earlier. We also show that (i) there is a distinctive ancestry of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands populations that is likely ancestral also to Oceanic populations, and (ii) the extant mainland populations admixed widely irrespective of ancestry, which was rapidly replaced by endogamy, particularly among Indo-European–speaking upper castes, about 70 generations ago. This coincides with the historical period of formulation and adoption of some relevant sociocultural norms.
Abstract
India, occupying the center stage of Paleolithic and Neolithic migrations, has been underrepresented in genome-wide studies of variation. Systematic analysis of genome-wide data, using multiple robust statistical methods, on (i) 367 unrelated individuals drawn from 18 mainland and 2 island (Andaman and Nicobar Islands) populations selected to represent geographic, linguistic, and ethnic diversities, and (ii) individuals from populations represented in the Human Genome Diversity Panel (HGDP), reveal four major ancestries in mainland India. This contrasts with an earlier inference of two ancestries based on limited population sampling. A distinct ancestry of the populations of Andaman archipelago was identified and found to be coancestral to Oceanic populations. Analysis of ancestral haplotype blocks revealed that extant mainland populations (i) admixed widely irrespective of ancestry, although admixtures between populations was not always symmetric, and (ii) this practice was rapidly replaced by endogamy about 70 generations ago, among upper castes and Indo-European speakers predominantly. This estimated time coincides with the historical period of formulation and adoption of sociocultural norms restricting intermarriage in large social strata. A similar replacement observed among tribal populations was temporally less uniform.
Footnotes
- 1To whom correspondence may be addressed. Email: ppm1@nibmg.ac.in or ab1@nibmg.ac.in.
- Author contributions: A.B. and P.P.M. designed research; A.B. and N.S.-R. performed research; A.B. analyzed data; and A.B. and P.P.M. wrote the paper.
- The authors declare no conflict of interest.
- This article is a PNAS Direct Submission.
- This article contains supporting information online atwww.pnas.org/lookup/suppl/doi:10.1073/pnas.1513197113/-/DCSupplemental.
Freely available online through the PNAS open access option.
http://www.pnas.org/preview_site/misc/userlicense.xhtmlhttp://www.pnas.org/content/early/2016/01/20/1513197113.abstract
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caṣālḥ चषालः is a Rigveda citation of a ring atop yupa which signifies Soma Yaga -- metalwork, carburization?
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/ja7dl96
An expression प्रचषालम् pracaṣālam used in the Mahabharata is explained as a particular ornament on a yupa in the context of a related expression describing the yupa as: चषालं प्रचषालं च यस्य यूपे हिरण्मये Mb.7.61.6. The association of yupa with hiraṇmaya हिरण्मय indicates the possibility that some sort of metal processing was indicated by a Soma Yaga. The full context of the Rigveda references to a description of the Yupa and caṣālḥ चषालः in RV 1.162.5 and 6 justifies this inference reinforcing that Soma -- as a commodity -- was NOT a herbal but a mineral.
చషాలము [ caṣālamu ] chashālamu. [Skt.] n. A chalice, or cup used in sacrifice. A ring attached to the sacrificial post in a horse sacrifice.
hiraṇyavḥ हिरण्यवः 1 A divine treasure. -2 Golden ornament. hiraṇyakḥहिरण्यकः Eagerness for gold.hiraṇmaya हिरण्मय a. (-यी f.) Made of gold, golden; हिरण्मयी सीतायाः प्रतिकृतिः U.2; R.15.61. -यः The god Brahman. -यम् One of the nine divisions of the world.हिरण्यम् [हिरणमेव स्वार्थे यत्] 1 Gold; Ms.2.246. -2 Any vessel of gold; मन्त्रवत् प्राशनं चास्य हिरण्यमधुसर्पिषाम् Ms.2.29 (some take in the first sense). -3 Silver; (ददौ) हिरण्यस्य सुवर्णस्य मुक्तानां विद्रुमस्य च Rām.1.74.5; Mb. 13.57.34. -4 Any precious metal. -5 Wealth, property; अपदेश्यैश्च संन्यस्य हिरण्यं तस्य तत्त्वतः Ms.8.182. -6 Semen virile. -7 A cowrie. -8 particular measure. -9 A substance. -1 The thorn-apple (धत्तूर). -ण्या One of the seven tongues of fire. -Comp. -अक्षः N. of a celebrated demon, twin brother of Hiraṇyakaśipu; अंशे हिरण्याक्षरिपोः स जाते हिरण्यनाभे तनवे नयज्ञः R.18.25. [On the strength of a boon from Brahman, he became insolent and oppressive, seized upon the earth, and carried it with him into the depths of the ocean. Viṣṇu therefore became incarnate as a boar, killed the demon and lifted up the earth.] -कक्ष a. wearing a golden girdle. -कर्तृ m. goldsmith; यथा हिरण्यकर्ता वै रूप्यमग्नौ विशोधयेत् Mb.12.28.11. -कवच a. having golden armour (said of Śiva). -कशिपुः N. of a cele- brated king of demons. [He was a son of Kaśyapa and Diti, and by virtue of a boon from Brahman, he became so powerful that he usurped the sovereignty of Indra and oppressed the three worlds. He freely blasphemed the great god and subjected his son Pra- hrāda to untold cruelties for acknowledging Viṣṇu as the Supreme deity. But he was eventually torn to pieces by Viṣṇu in the form of Narasimha; see प्रह्लाद]. -कारः a goldsmith. -केशी a branch (शाखा) of Yajur- veda. -कोशःgold and silver (whether wrought or unwrought). -गर्भः 1 N. of Brahman (as born from a golden-egg). -2 N. of Viṣṇu. -3 the soul invested by the subtile body or सूक्ष्मशरीर q. v. -द a. giving or granting gold; भूमिदो भूमिमाप्नोति दीर्घमायुर्हिरण्यदः Ms.4.23. (-दः) the ocean. (-दा) the earth. -नाभः 1 the mountain Maināka. -2 N. of Viṣṇu. (-भम्) a building having three halls (towards east, west and south). -बाहुः 1 an epithet of Śiva. -2 the river Śoṇa. -बिन्दुः fire. -रेतस् m. 1 fire; द्विषामसह्यः सुतरां तरूणां हिरण्यरेता इव सानिलो$भूत् R.18.25. -2 the sun. -3 N. of Śiva. -4 the Chitraka or Arka plant. -वर्चस् a. shining with golden lustre. -वर्णा a river. -वाहः 1 the river Śoṇa. -2 N. of Śiva.
RV 1.162.5 The invoker of the gods, the minister of the rite, the offerer of the oblation, the kindler of the fire, the bruiser of the Soma, the director of the ceremony, the saage (superintendent of the whole); do you replenish the rivers by this well-ordered, well-conducted, sacrifice. [The invoker of the gods: designations applied to eight of the sixteen priests employed at a solemn rite: the two first are: hota_ and adhvaryu; avaya_j = pratiprastha_ta_, who brings and places the offering; agnimindha = agni_dh, the kindler of the fire; gra_vagra_bha = the praiser of the stones that bruise the Soma,or he who applies the stones to that purpose; s'am.sta_ = pras'a_sta_; suvipra = Brahma_ (brahmaiko ja_te ja_te vidya_m vadatibrahma_ sarvavidyah sarva veditumarhati: Nirukta 1.8); replenish the rivers: vaks.an.a_ apr.n.adhvam, nadi_h pu_rayata, fill the rivers; the consequence of sacrifice being rain and fertility; or, it may mean, offer rivers of butter, milk, curds, and the like].
RV1.162.06 Whether they be those who cut the (sacrificial) post, or those who bear the post, or those who fasten the rings on the top of the post, to which the horse (is bound); or those who prepare the vessels in which the food of the horse is dressed; let the exertions of them all fulfil our expectation. [The post: twenty-one posts, of different kinds of wood, each twenty-one cubits long, are to be set up, to which the different animals are to be fastened, amounting to three hundred and forty-nine, besides two hundred and sixty wild animals, making a total of six hundred and nine (Ka_tya_yana); the text seems to refer to a single post: cas.a_lam ye as'vayu_pa_ya taks.ati: cas.a_la = a wooden ring, or bracelet, on the top of the sacrificial post; or, it was perhaps a metal ring at the foot of the post].
This elucidation is presented in continuation of the following posts related to caṣālḥचषालः as a vajra and as annam (godhUma गोधूम 'wheat chaff' in processes of carburization and pyrolysis): http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/casala-on-yupa-indus-script-hieroglyph_6.html
चषालः caṣāla on Yupa, an Indus Script hieroglyph like a crucible to carburize ores into steel/hard alloys
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/vajapeya-soma-samstha-as-rendered-in.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/wheat-earth-smoke-of-casala-of-yupa.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/indus-script-hieroglyphs-yupa-bhui-to.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/mlecchita-vikalpa-indus-script.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/shapes-of-casala-and-vajra-thunderbolt.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/and-hurling-casala-thunderbolt-from.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/archaeological-evidence-for-vajrabaho.html
The key evidence is the octagonal yupa found in an agni-kunda in Binjor (near Anupgarh) on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/binjor-indus-script-seal-mulavarman.html
Binjor Indus Script Seal & Mulavarman yupa inscription, relate to yajna for बहुसुवर्णक, bahusuvarṇaka, 'to possess many gold pieces'
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/functions-of-19-yupas-from-ca-100-ce.html
Octagonal yupa brick found in the fire-altar, Binjor. Discovered together with an Indus Script seal which signified metalwork. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/binjor-fire-altar-with-octagonal-yasti.html
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
January 26, 2016
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The Left has no clothes. Dishonest Left historians should apologise to the nation -- Jagannathan on KK Muhammed's expose in Njan enna Bharatiyan
Isn’t It Time For Left Historians To Apologise To The Nation For Their Dishonesty?
25 Jan, 2016
The Left routinely accuses the BJP and the Sangh of fascism, but has nothing to say about its multi-decade admiration for two acknowledged mass murderers in history apart from Hitler: Stalin and Mao.
It is time for all of us to sit and exclaim: The Left has no clothes.
If Leftist historians have any shame, they should apologise to the nation for their past dishonesties, whether it is in writing history or in how they have defended the indefensible.
But that may be expecting too much from people who think dishonesty is fine in their pursuit of class warfare. It is written in their holy book, written by one K Marx.
It is time for all of us to sit and exclaim: The Left has no clothes
The autobiography of a former Regional Director of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), KK Muhammed, shreds the last figleaf of legitimacy from India’s “Eminent” Leftist historians, and even the broader Indian Left ecosystem, which includes most mainstream political parties and large sections of the old media in print and TV.
In his book titled Njan Enna Bharatiyan (I, an Indian), Muhammed clearly indicts Left historians for actually preventing a rapprochement between Hindus and Muslims over the building of a Ram temple in Ayodhya, by making the Muslim side adopt intransigent positions. Firstpost quotes him as saying this:
“The Babri issue would have been settled long ago if the Muslim intelligentsia had not fallen prey to the brain-washing by the Leftist historians. A set of historians, including Romila Thapar, Bipin Chandra and S Gopal argued that there was no mention of the dismantling of the temple before 19th century and Ayodhya is a Buddhist-Jain centre. They were supported by historians Irfan Habib, RS Sharma, DN Jha, Suraj Bhan and Akthar Ali.”
That weeks after the book’s publication the big media has still not found time to discuss this beyond quoting the usual suspects about Muhammed’s lack of understanding of historiography tells us how the eco-system can kill truths that are self-evident to any normal individual.
Suppressio veri, suggestio falsi is the norm, as Arun Shourie pointed out in his brilliant critique of Leftist historiography, in his book Eminent Historians.
Muhammed’s assertion that the Left historians actually scuttled efforts at a compromise is buttressed by the fact that even after the Allahabad High Court judgment of 2010, which tried to create one more opportunity for compromise between the two communities by apportioning two-thirds of the disputed area to Hindu groups and one-third to Muslims, the Left historians criticised the judgment as a sellout.Romila Thapar called it a “political judgment which could as well have been taken by the state years ago.” To criticise it as a “political judgment” is a bit rich, when the Left has always believed in the political nature of historiography and historical accounts.
As a non-Left historian Meenakshi Jain notes in her bookRama and Ayodhya, the Leftist critique of the Hindu demand for a temple in Ayodhya kept shifting arguments depending on how much of their lies got proven wrong at any point of time. She writes that “initially, they (the Left historians) asserted that the disputed structure (the Babri Masjid) was constructed on a spot that was neither a place of worship, nor the site of any previous Hindu religious structure, nor was there any evidence to associate it with the birthplace of Rama. However, as the ASI excavations (ordered by the court) progressed, ‘a marked change’ in their approach became evident. Some archaeologists appearing on behalf of the Sunni Wakf Board tried to ‘set up a new case’ that there appeared to be an Islamic structure below the DS (disputed structure.”
And when the excavations showed not one but several pillars of a Hindu temple at the Babri site, the argument again changed to bring in a new element: that Ayodhya was known as a place for Buddhist-Jain influence. This is a transparent effort to muddy the waters by trying to bring in a new element of conflict to make the previous conflict unresolvable.
There is only word for such sophistry: dishonesty. There is only politics, no historiography or historical rigour in the Left’s assertions on behalf of the Muslim side of the argument.
The only logical – and sensible – argument to make against the Babri verdict was a simple one: whatever be the Islamic history of the destruction of Hindu temples, breaking a mosque that now stood on a temple site is wrong because today’s Indian Muslims had no role to play in the destruction of the temple that stood on the Babri site.
But instead they went to absurd lengths to prove what was manifestly untrue.
We have been very indulgent with the Left and its efforts to play around with the truth because we implicitly believed two things about them: that they have their hearts in the right place, as they care for the less fortunate. And, more importantly, they had no stake in casteism or communalism, since their basic issue was class warfare.
But the reality is otherwise.
As the Sachar report showed, the condition of Muslims in West Bengal after more than a quarter-century of Leftist rule was among the worst in the country.
As for their position against casteism, they don’t even think caste discrimination exists, never mind their crocodile tears over the suicide of Rohith Vemula.
Vemula, a Dalit student of the University of Hyderabad, was originally a Students’ Federation of India activist who left this CPI(M)-sponsored organisation as it had no answer to caste discrimination (read why here).
Deepa Mohanan, a Dalit research scholar, has alleged caste discrimination in which she had to fight her battles alone, and the SFI was nowhere there to help.
But, most important, ask yourself where are the Muslims and Dalits in the CPI(M)’s leadership – we saw Basus, Bhattacharyas, Chatterjees, Namboodiripads, and Nairs over the years – but few members from truly disadvantaged sections.
So the Left’s alleged empathy for the disadvantaged is all theory, no practice.
As for the other assumption – that it has no stake in communalism – KK Muhammed’s assertion that they actively tried to scuttle a settlement between Hindus and Muslims shows that Left historians were working actively to promote communal trouble.
http://linkis.com/swarajyamag.com/idea/1hw1c↧
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Vedic, Indus Script traditions: अष्टाश्रि 'having eight corners' Satapatha Brahmana about yupa as 'course of action, support' in Soma Yaga agni kunda
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/jlhsckx
Indus Script hieroglyphs read rebus relate to yajna of Vedic tradition celebrated on hundreds of examples signified on punch-marked and early cast coins of ancient Bharatam. I suggest that the eight-spoked wheel and yupa signify the Vedic tradition of yupa skambha with अष्टाश्रि 'having eight corners' to signify Soma Yaga. Often, together with yupa in a railing, a tree is also signified on a railing on early coins from mints from all over Bharatam from Taxila to Karur. The tree as hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. This is also shown on Sohgaura copper plate inscription of pre-Mauryan times. (Note embedded with reference to JF Fleet's article in JRAS, 1907).
अष्टा* श्रि [p= 117,1] mfn. having eight corners SBr.(Monier-Williams) áśri f. ʻ sharp side, corner, angle, edge ʼ ŚBr. 2. -- aśra- in cmpds.1. Pa. Pk. aṁsi -- f., Pk. assi -- f.; P. assī f. ʻ sharp edge of anything ʼ; Or. ã̄siā ʻ having angles ʼ; Si. äs, ähä ʻ corner, angle ʼ; -- Pr. čū ʻ corner ʼ? 2. Pa. assa -- m. corner; Si. asa ʻ side ʼ, ahak ʻ aside ʼ; -- in apposition with descendants of pārśva -- : S. āsi -- pāsi ʻ on all sides ʼ, L. āsse -- pāsse, P. āsī˜ -- pāsī˜ (ā frompās -- ); -- N. Ku. B. ās -- pās, Or. āsa -- pāsa, H. ās -- pās, M. āśī˜ -- pāśī˜.
aṣṭāśri -- , cáturaśri -- . (CDIAL 918) अस्रिः asriḥअस्रिः 1 An angle; अष्टास्रयः सर्व एव श्लक्ष्णरूपसमन्विताः Rām.1.14.26.-2 Ten million; see अश्रि. āśri आश्रि 1 U. 1 (a.) To resort or betake oneself to; to have recourse to (a place, way, course of action &c.); विचरितमृगयूथान्याश्रयिष्ये वनानि V.5.17; निम्नगां आश्रयन्ते Rs.1.27; दक्षिणां मूर्तिमाश्रित्य K.128,132; न वयं कुमारमाश्रयामहे Mu.4; आशिश्राय च भूतलम् Bk.14.111 fell on the ground; 17.92; वृत्तिमाश्रित्य वैतसीम् R.4.35 resorting to or following; so धैर्यम्, शोकम्, बलम्, मित्रभावम्, संस्कृतमाश्रित्य &c.; आश्रित्य having recourse or reference; तामाश्रित्य M.4.1, कतमत्प्रकरणमाश्रित्य गीयताम् Ś.1. (b) To seek refuge with, dwell with or in, inhabit (as a place &c.); शरण्यमेनमाश्रयन्ते R.13.7; Pt.1.51; तथा गृहस्थमाश्रित्य वर्तन्ते सर्व आश्रमाः Ms.3.77; सर्वे गुणाः काञ्चन- माश्रयन्ते. -2 To go through, experience; एको रसः ... पृथक् पृथगिवाश्रयते विवर्तान् U.3.47. -3 To rest or depend upon. -4 To adhere or stick to, fall to the lot of, happen, occur; पापमेवाश्रयेदस्मान् Bg.1.36 we shall incur sin. -5 To choose, prefer. -6 To assist, help. āśrayḥ आश्रयः [आश्रि-अच्] 1 A resting-place, seat, sub- stratum; सौहृदादपृथगाश्रयामिमाम् U.1.45. so आश्रयासिद्ध q. v. below. -2 That on which anything depends or rests or with which it is closely connected. -3 Recipient, receptacle, a person or thing in which any quality is present or retained &c.; तमाश्रयं दुष्प्रसहस्य तेजसः R.3.58. -4 (a) A place of refuge, asylum; shelter; भर्ता वै ह्याश्रयः स्त्रीणाम् Vet.; तदहमाश्रयोन्मूलनेनैव त्वामकामां करोमि Mu.2. (b) A dwelling, house. -5 Having recourse or resort to, resort; oft. in comp. साभूद्रामाश्रया भूयः R.12.35; नानाश्रया प्रकृतिः &c. -6 Following, practising; यो$वमन्येत ते मूले हेतुशास्त्राश्रयाद् द्विजः Ms.2.11. -7 Choosing, taking, attaching oneself to. -8Dependence on; oft. in comp.; मम सर्वे विषयास्त्वदाश्रयाः R.8.69. -9 Patron, supporter; विनाश्रयं न तिष्ठन्ति पण्डिता वनिता लताः Udb. -1 A prop, support; वृक्षेषु विद्धमिषुभिर्जघनाश्रयेषु R.9.6. -11 Help, assistance, protection. -12 A quiver; बाणमाश्रयमुखात् समुद्धरन् R.11.26. -13 Authority, sanction, warrant. -14 Connection, relation, association. राघवाश्रयसत्कथाः Rām. (Apte)
Indian-standard coinage of Menander I with an eight-spoked wheel and a palm of victory on the reverse (British Museum). The 'palm' evokes the spike shown on Tukulti-Ninurta fire-altar frieze (which is a rebus) of his ancestor's worship of fire-god karaṇḍa, 'fire-god' (Remo spoken by Bonda people of Odisha).
We are fortunate indeed that the rebus memories are retained in spoken languages of Ancient Near East from ca.5th millennium BCE, dawn of bronze-age, as shown by examples of hieroglyhs and related glosses from Indian sprachbund.
Is this a hieroglyphic composition of prayer to the Tree of Life? It is a prayer to fire divinity karaṇḍa 'fire-god' in Remo language of Bonda peoplewho live in the isolated hill regions of the Malkangiri district of southwestern Odisha, India. It is also a catalogue of metalwork in the bronze-age.
Representation of a tablet and a stylus, symbols for the god Nabû? (Klaus Wagensonner, University of Oxford). Short inscription says that it is dedicated to the god Nuṣka.
The key is the safflower Meluhha hieroglyph. The worshippers hold pomegranates on their hands. Pomegranate is a Meluhha hieroglyph.
The enormous quantity of wrought lead found in Aṣṣur and Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta does evidence a large community of metalworkers, some might have been Meluhha speakers and Meluhha scribes !!
Read on... http://tinyurl.com/lo7j3su
Late 1st Century Coin, copper alloy. Obverse; elephant with standard, in square moat containing row of fish. Reverse: tree with railing; cross with 4 circles. Minted in Ujjain, India. Ruler: Satakarni. Source: British Museum
Pa. kandi (pl. -l) necklace, beads. Ga. (P.) kandi (pl. -l) bead, (pl.) necklace; (S.2 ) kandiṭ bead. (DEDR 1215) Rebus: Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id. Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. kandafire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. (DEDR 1214)
Kalibangan yupa is quadrangle shaped, with 4 angles. Binjor yupa is octagonal shaped, with 8 angles. Both shapes are consistent with the Vedic tradition of the shape of the yupas related to Vajapeya soma yajña.
Worship of linga, of fire by Gandharva, Shunga period (ca. 2nd cent. BCE), ACCN 3625, Mathura Museum. Worship signified by dwarfs, Gaṇa (hence Gaṇeśa = Gaṇa + īśa).
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2). This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda). मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usuallyमेढ q. v.) मेडका m A stake, esp. as bifurcated. मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. मेढा (p. 665) [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. मेढी (p. 665) [ mēḍhī ] f (Dim. of मेढ ) A small bifurcated stake: also a small stake, with or without furcation, used as a post to support a cross piece. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post.) A term for a person considered as the pillar, prop, or support (of a household, army, or other body), the staff or stay. मेढेजोशी (p. 665) [ mēḍhējōśī ] m A stake-जोशी ; a जोशी who keeps account of the तिथि &c., by driving stakes into the ground: also a class, or an individual of it, of fortune-tellers, diviners, presagers, seasonannouncers, almanack-makers &c. They are Shúdras and followers of the मेढेमत q. v. 2 Jocosely. The hereditary or settled (quasi fixed as a stake) जोशी of a village.मेंधला (p. 665) [ mēndhalā ] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा . It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi)This skambha, fiery pillar of light, seems to be of an infinite size with roots and end indeterminate, a concept represented in sculptural frieze of Darasuram, Airavatesvara temple. Both Brahma and Vishnu are signified as searching for the the beginning and end of the skambha as īśvará, now presented in an iconic form with multiple hands, hence multiple attributes.
Fig. 1 Clay sealing
http://coinindia.com/galleries-samudragupta.html
Fig. 4 Ujjain coin
Lakshmi standing on crocodile, head turned right, hoding long stemmed lotus in left hand and feeding fruit to a peacock with her right, Kumargupta I, gold dinar, Ca.414-455, The Skanda Collection, ACSAA
http://ignca.nic.in/asp/showbig.asp?projid=ac28
Note: What Fleet discusses on p. 518 ff. in his brilliant note may refer to चषालः caṣāla on Yupa as annam.
Indus Script hieroglyphs read rebus relate to yajna of Vedic tradition celebrated on hundreds of examples signified on punch-marked and early cast coins of ancient Bharatam. I suggest that the eight-spoked wheel and yupa signify the Vedic tradition of yupa skambha with अष्टाश्रि 'having eight corners' to signify Soma Yaga. Often, together with yupa in a railing, a tree is also signified on a railing on early coins from mints from all over Bharatam from Taxila to Karur. The tree as hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. This is also shown on Sohgaura copper plate inscription of pre-Mauryan times. (Note embedded with reference to JF Fleet's article in JRAS, 1907).
अष्टा* श्रि [p= 117,1] mfn. having eight corners SBr.(Monier-Williams) áśri f. ʻ sharp side, corner, angle, edge ʼ ŚBr. 2. -- aśra- in cmpds.1. Pa. Pk. aṁsi -- f., Pk. assi -- f.; P. assī f. ʻ sharp edge of anything ʼ; Or. ã̄siā ʻ having angles ʼ; Si. äs, ähä ʻ corner, angle ʼ; -- Pr. čū ʻ corner ʼ? 2. Pa. assa -- m. corner; Si. asa ʻ side ʼ, ahak ʻ aside ʼ; -- in apposition with descendants of pārśva -- : S. āsi -- pāsi ʻ on all sides ʼ, L. āsse -- pāsse, P. āsī˜ -- pāsī˜ (ā frompās -- ); -- N. Ku. B. ās -- pās, Or. āsa -- pāsa, H. ās -- pās, M. āśī˜ -- pāśī˜.
Indian-standard coinage of Menander I with an eight-spoked wheel and a palm of victory on the reverse (British Museum). The 'palm' evokes the spike shown on Tukulti-Ninurta fire-altar frieze (which is a rebus) of his ancestor's worship of fire-god karaṇḍa, 'fire-god' (Remo spoken by Bonda people of Odisha).
Vidisha, die-struck AE, wheel type Weight: 1.18 gm., Dimensions: 13 mm.Obv.: Eight-spoked wheel Rev.: Brahmi legend reading vedisaReference: Pieper collection
We are fortunate indeed that the rebus memories are retained in spoken languages of Ancient Near East from ca.5th millennium BCE, dawn of bronze-age, as shown by examples of hieroglyhs and related glosses from Indian sprachbund.
Photograph of excavation site. Shows three culd stands in situ in Room 6 of Ishtar temple of Tukulti-Ninurta I at Ashur. Courtesy: Vorderaslatisches Museum.
Andrae, 1935, 57-76, pls. 12, 30 1. Jakob-Rust, in Vorderaslatisches Museum 1992, 160, no. 103; Andrae, 1935, 16, figs. 2,3.
Stone pedestal of the god Nuska; Ashur, Temple of Ishtar; Middle Assyrian, reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, ca. 1243–1207 BCE Provenience: Aṣṣur. Alabaster; H. 23 5/8 in. (60 cm); W. 22 1/2 in. (57 cm); Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Vorderasiatische Museum
Is this a hieroglyphic composition of prayer to the Tree of Life? It is a prayer to fire divinity karaṇḍa 'fire-god' in Remo language of Bonda peoplewho live in the isolated hill regions of the Malkangiri district of southwestern Odisha, India. It is also a catalogue of metalwork in the bronze-age.
Representation of a tablet and a stylus, symbols for the god Nabû? (Klaus Wagensonner, University of Oxford). Short inscription says that it is dedicated to the god Nuṣka.
The key is the safflower Meluhha hieroglyph. The worshippers hold pomegranates on their hands. Pomegranate is a Meluhha hieroglyph.
करंडा [karaṇḍā] A clump, chump, or block of wood. 4 The stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block.
Allograph: करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed.
Rebus: karaḍa ‘hard alloy’ (Marathi)
The enormous quantity of wrought lead found in Aṣṣur and Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta does evidence a large community of metalworkers, some might have been Meluhha speakers and Meluhha scribes !!
Read on... http://tinyurl.com/lo7j3su
AAltar, offered by Tukulti-Ninurta I, 1243-1208 BC, in prayer before two deities carrying wooden standards, Assyria, Bronze AgeSource: http://www.dijitalimaj.com/alamyDetail.aspx?img=%7BA5C441A3-C178-489B-8989-887807B57344%7D view of the fire-altar pedestal of Tukulti-Ninurta I, Ishtar temple, Assur. Shows the king standing flanked by two standard-bearers; the standard has a spoked-wheel hieroglyph on the top of the staffs and also on the volutes of the altar frieze.The mediation with deities by king is adopted by Assurnasirpal II.
The two standards (staffs) are topped by a spoked wheel. āra 'spokes' Rebus: āra 'bronze'. This rebus reading is consistent with the prayer offered to the karaṇḍa 'hard alloy'.Silver Punchmarked Coinage of Vidarbha Region (450-325 BC), Paratwada Hoard Type, Variety not listed in Rajgor or Mitchiner, Karshapana Weight standard, Four Symbol Type, ABCC Pattern, Coin 1: Obv: elephant, taurine with dotted circle & twice radiant sun on left coin. Coin 2: Obv: elephant, turtle and twice geometrical symbol on right coin. Rev: traces of first symbol on both coins. 2 COINS.
GREEKS/ BAKTRIAN KINGDOM: Demetrios I, 205-171 BC, Copper Unit, 8.26g, Elephant head with raised trunk nr, bell around the neck. Rev: BASI?EOS - ?HMHT?IO? kerykeion; l monogram in the field below. Mitchiner 60, Type 108b.
INDO-GREEKS: Apollodotos I, Circa 160-150 BC. Copper Unit , 7.90g. Obv: Apollo with radiate head standing facing with bow and arrow. Rev: Tripod, 'maharajasa apaladatasa tratatarasa'. Mitchiner, Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage (1975), 118, Type 209.
BHANUMITRA: Circa. 1st-2nd century, Copper 7.69g. Obv: Lakshmi facing, flanked by eight-arched hill and stylized fire altar with serrated line below; Brahmi legend 'Rajno Bhanumitrasya' above. Reverse: Tree in railing. Very Fine, Extremely rare. Rs.15000-16000 This rare series is known only from a hoard discovered a few years ago that contained only coins of Bhanumitra. This specimen is one of the heaviest denominations found. No other ruler is known in this series. Yet nothing is known of Bhanumitra himself. Source: http://kohinoorauctions.com/auction_archive.aspx?auctioncode=4&pricerange=&keyword=&category=12&material=0&lotno= Kushanas, Kanishka I, Copper, 3.7 g, Urdhva Linga Shiva type, the king standing to left with offereing in the Fire Altar near his right leg and legend around on obv. Lord Shiva standing with a single head and holding a trident in his right hand, his left hand is hanging by the waist and Greeko legend in the right field reading OSHO. Almost Extremely Rare, Extremely Rare.The most outstanding part of the coin is the rev with the Lord Shiva standing and having an Urdhva Linga (erect phallus called Ithyphallic Shiva), the pose is quite distinct with his out of proportion Linga shown in a more realistic pose than the unrealistic pose of the same on his gold coins. The out of proportion of the Linga is purposely made to show the characteristic feature of Lord Shiva on such a small coin which could have easily been missed by its holder. It seems that this pose of Shiva is the earliest form which was developed later into a more subtle form of Shiva Linga. It is for the first time that such a copper coin of this type has appeared in any auction. A similar coin is recorded by Joe Cribb in the British Museum, London. An unusual coin with a very high implications on the religious history of India. Source: http://www.rajgors.com/lotdetailssold.aspx?LotID=1642&auid=6 |
Silver Drachma, Amoghabhuti Kuninda Kingdom, 2nd C. BCE. 2.07 g. Obv: Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended by Lakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script): "Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya." Rev. Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Kharoshti legend. AIC pg. 146, 1; MACW 4442; Senior pg. 233. https://www.pinterest.com/zakvega/coins/Yupa mēḍhā ‘stake’ Indus Script hieroglyph on sculptures, on coins of ancient Indian mints signifies smelting of mẽṛhẽt, meḍ'iron'
मेधा = धन Naigh. ii , 10. pl. products of intelligence , thoughts , opinions) RV mēdhḥ मेधः An offering, oblation. Thus,mēḍhā 'stake' is central to the process of yajna and creation of धन dhana, 'wealth'. (See depiction of dwarfs on Bhutesvar sculptural friezes to signify kharva, karba). Hieroglyph: खर्व (-र्ब) a. [खर्व्-अच्] 1 Mutilated, crippled, imperfect; Yv. Ts.2.5.1.7.-2 Dwarfish, low, short in stature. Rebus: karba 'iron' = kharva 'a treasure, nidhi of Kubera'.
The yupa hieroglyph on railed platform on scultptures and coins of ancient mints is a significant semantic indicator of smelting processes in metalwork. The skambha described in Atharvaveda (X.7) and in Rigveda ricas signyfying a vedic yajna process is mirrored as yupa in fire-altars of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. A variant orthographic form of octagonal vajra hints at the purpose signified by the Skambha as vajrasanghAta, 'an adamantine glue' in the transmutation processes converting dhAtu 'mineral ores' into 'metal, hard alloys'. This purpose is demonstrated on sculptural friezes of Mathura and Bhutesvar. वज्र--संघात [p= 914,1] m. N. of a kind of hard cement (Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita) mfn. having the hardness or compactness of adamant (said of भीम) MBh. i , 4775
Figures 1 to 10 are examples of the continuity of use of Indus Script hieroglyphs to signify metalwork by Bharatam Janam, 'metalcaster folk'.
Fig. 4 Ujjain coin hieroglyphs are deciphered. kanda 'fire-altar' for poLa 'magnetite ore' and mẽṛhẽt, meḍ'iron' सं-घट [p= 1130,1] mf(आ)n. heaped , piled up AgP.
The coin hieroglyphs signify iron ore smelting in a mint.
Dotted circle is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड ) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi) gaNDa 'four' (DEDR 1215) Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'. Thus, the Ujjain hieroglyph of four joined dotted circles signifies a fire-altar for mineral ore. poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite ore' sangaDa 'lathe, portabe furnace' Rebus: sanghAta 'adamantine glue', sangara 'proclamation'; mēḍhā m A stake, esp. as forked. Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
Kalibangan and Binjor archaeological sites have provided evidence of yupa in fire-altars, together with Indus Script inscriptions which are relatable to the significance of yupa in metalwork.
Kalibangan yupa is quadrangle shaped, with 4 angles. Binjor yupa is octagonal shaped, with 8 angles. Both shapes are consistent with the Vedic tradition of the shape of the yupas related to Vajapeya soma yajña.
In Kalibangan, the fire-altar revealed a Yaṣṭi which is a clearly identifiable as a yupa or skambha of Rigveda/Atharva Veda texts. The Yupa Skambha is an extraordinary metaphor used in many Vedic texts describing the sacred processes involved in a yajña. The sacred processes are a manifestation of the cosmic dance of Siva (symbolised by the Skambha as linga or stele in fire-altars like the one discovered in Kalibangan).Kalibangan. Fire-altar with stele 'linga' and terracotta cakes. Plate XXA. "Within one of the rooms of amost each house was found the curious 'fire-altar', sometimes also in successive levels, indicating their recurrent function." (p.31)
The stele found in Kalibangan fire-altar is comarable to the Yupa of historical periods from ca. 2nd century found in Rajasthan and Indonesia. These Yupa detail inscriptions of yajña-s and distribution of wealth, the way the terracotta cake found in Kalibangan fire-altar in Indus Script hieroglyphs signified the metal work or creation of wealth with a smelter.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/yastifound-in-fire-altars-of-sarasvati.html
Octagonal yupa brick found in the fire-altar, Binjor. Discovered together with an Indus Script seal which signified metalwork. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/binjor-fire-altar-with-octagonal-yasti.html
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/rigveda-soma-not-herb-not-drink-but.html A tree associated with smelter and linga from Bhuteshwar, Mathura Museum. Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava, AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). See:
Worship of linga, of fire by Gandharva, Shunga period (ca. 2nd cent. BCE), ACCN 3625, Mathura Museum. Worship signified by dwarfs, Gaṇa (hence Gaṇeśa = Gaṇa + īśa).
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2). This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda). मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usually
Malwa, clay sealing
Weight: 4.48 gm., Dimensions: 20x15 mm.
Railed yupa (sacrificial post) with side decorations and
Railed yupa (sacrificial post) with side decorations and
a Brahmi legend below reading khadasa
Reference: Pieper collection
Reference: Pieper collection
Thanks to Shailendra Bhandare for the correct reading. According to Bhandare the legend refers to the worship of Skanda; similar objects pertaining to the Skanda cult have been reported from regions of Malwa, Vidarbha and the Deccan.
http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran2.html
Fig. 2 Gupta Asvamedha coin
Fig. 2 Gupta Asvamedha coin
Ashvamedha (horse sacrifice) type | |
Samudragupta, gold dinar, c. 335-375 CE Weight: 7.46 gm, Diameter: 21 mm. Sacrificial horse standing left, yupa (sacrificial post) before, circular Brāhmī legend around and si (for siddham) below horse / Queen standing left, holding towel in left hand, flywhisk in right over her shoulder needle before, Brāhmī legend at right: Ashvamedhaparākrama | |
The Ashvamedha type of Samudragupta is arguably the most beautiful Gupta coin. | |
Samudragupta, gold dinar, c. 335-375 CE Weight: 7.37 gm, Diameter: 23 mm. Sacrificial horse standing left, yupa (sacrificial post) before, circular Brāhmī legend around and si (for siddham) below horse / Queen standing left, holding towel in left hand, flywhisk in right over her shoulder needle before, Brāhmī legend at right: Hayamedhaparākrama | |
A unique coin in which the reverse legend reads Hayamedhaparākrama instead of the usualAshvamedhaparākrama. Haya is another Sanskrit word that means "horse." |
Fig. 4 Ujjain coin
Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/6 karshapana, bull type
Weight: 1.37 gm., Diameter: 11x10 mm.
Obv.: Bull to right with Indradhvaja above; railed yupa (sacrifical post)
on right.
Rev.: Double-orbed Ujjain symbol.
Reference: Pieper 333
http://coinindia.com/galleries-ujjain3.html
Fig. 5 Kuninda coin
https://www.academia.edu/6146020/2014_JONS_218_-_A_COMPREHENSIVE_CATALOG_AND_CLASSIFICATION_OF_THE_SILVER_COINS_OF_THE_KUNINDA_DYNASTY_with_edits_02_21_2014Kuninda coin See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/simorg.html?view=magazine.Silver coin of the Kuninda Kingdom, c. 1st century BCE.
"Lakshmi standing on a makara (elephant headed fish) to the left, holding long stemmed lotus in left hand, her right hand extended to her side, Samudragupta, gold dinar, Ca.355-380, The Skanhe Collection, ACSAA."
Fig. 7 Lakshmi Kumaragupta gold dinar
Weight: 1.37 gm., Diameter: 11x10 mm.
Obv.: Bull to right with Indradhvaja above; railed yupa (sacrifical post)
on right.
Rev.: Double-orbed Ujjain symbol.
Reference: Pieper 333
Fig. 5 Kuninda coin
A hieroglyph under the deer reinforces the message from the Kuninda mint.
ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (Hindi) dhangar 'blacksmith'. miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
https://www.academia.edu/6146020/2014_JONS_218_-_A_COMPREHENSIVE_CATALOG_AND_CLASSIFICATION_OF_THE_SILVER_COINS_OF_THE_KUNINDA_DYNASTY_with_edits_02_21_2014Kuninda coin See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/simorg.html?view=magazine.
Silver coin of the Kuninda Kingdom, c. 1st century BCE.
Obv: Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended by Lakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script, from left to right): Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas").
Rev: Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Legend in Kharoshti script, from righ to left: Rana Kunidasa Amoghabhutisa Maharajasa, ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas"). NB: Note the svastika, tree and mountain glyphs; these are Indus script hieroglyphs on the coin, attesting to the survival of the writing system in metallurgical contexts -- in this case, in the context of a mint. Note on Kuninda.
IGNCA Newsletter, 2003 Vol. III (May - June)
Fig. 6 Lakshmi Samudragupta gold dinar
"Lakshmi standing on a makara (elephant headed fish) to the left, holding long stemmed lotus in left hand, her right hand extended to her side, Samudragupta, gold dinar, Ca.355-380, The Skanhe Collection, ACSAA."
Fig. 7 Lakshmi Kumaragupta gold dinar
Lakshmi standing on crocodile, head turned right, hoding long stemmed lotus in left hand and feeding fruit to a peacock with her right, Kumargupta I, gold dinar, Ca.414-455, The Skanda Collection, ACSAA
http://ignca.nic.in/asp/showbig.asp?projid=ac28
After Fig. 1: Symbols found in Kuninda silver coins (Source: https://www.academia.edu/6146020/2014_JONS_218_-_A_COMPREHENSIVE_CATALOG_AND_CLASSIFICATION_OF_THE_SILVER_COINS_OF_THE_KUNINDA_DYNASTY_with_edits_02_21_2014(Shivlee Kumar Gupta, Classification of the silver coins of the Kuninda dynasty with edits Feb. 21, 2014)
See: https://www.academia.edu/19857727/Ancient_coins_of_Eran_Vidisha_with_Indus_Script_hieroglyphs_of_metalwork Ancient coins of Eran, Vidisha with Indus Scrip hieroglyphs of metalwork.
Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika (hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.
Figure 9. Homage tablet Kankali Tila Tablet of Homage carved with a Svastika, Mathura, from the JainaKankali Tila at Mathura. About 1st century A.D. now preserved in Lucknow Museum.
uddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet." http://www.cristoraul.com/ENGLISH/readinghall/UniversalHistory/INDIA/Cambridge/I/CHAPTER_XXVI.html
Figure 10. Tree on platformTree shown on a tablet from Harappa.[Pl. 39, Savita Sharma, opcit. Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many tablets showing Sarasvati hieroglyphs].
Figure 11. Astamngalaka haara including Forked stake as one of 8 hieroglyphsaṣṭamangalaka hāra
aṣṭamangalaka hāra depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62] The hāra or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifsindicating weapons (cakra, paraśu,an:kuśa), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull. • (cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher,The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27).The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala,1977, Bhāratīya Kalā , Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as:sun,śukra, padmasara,an:kuśa, vaijayanti, pan:kaja,mīna-mithuna,śrīvatsa, paraśu,darpaṇa and kamala. "The axe (paraśu) and an:kuśa pendants are common at sites of north India and some oftheir finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur."(Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sanchi: A cultural Study , Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma,1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and S'un:ga Periods,Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125).
W. Theobald, 1890, Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, and on their relationship to the archaic symbolism of other races and distant lands, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), Part 1. History , Literature etc., Nos. III & IV, 1890, pp. 181 to 268, Plates VIII to XI
W. Theobald, 1901, A revision of the symbols on the ‘Karshapana’ Coinage, described in Vol. LIX, JASB, 1890, Part I, No. 3, and Descriptions of many additional symbols, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), No. 2, 1901 (Read December, 1899).
The 'symbols' which are a continuum from Indus script hieroglyphs all of which relate to metalwork are:
Meluhha glosses read rebus related to metalwork for these Indus script hieroglyphs are detailed in the book, Indus Script -- Meluhha metalwork hieroglyphs (2014).See the hieroglyph of a fishtail PLUS two molluscs tied together with a dhAman 'rope' which signifies dhamaga 'blacksmith'. The word is also related to the gloss dhamma 'dharma' propounded by Jaina Tirthankara who is adored, venerated on the āyāgapaṭṭa.
āyāgapaṭṭa, Mathura.
This is not an isolated, anecdotal evidence. The cultural continuum is also seen in the continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs during the historical periods on punch-marked coins.
Indus Script hieroglyphs on Kuninda coin: svastika, tree, mountain-range, portable furnace, markhor, woman, flowing water
Meluhha rebus readings:
sattva 'svastika glyhph' Rebus: jasta 'zinc' kuṭi ‘tree’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’; kuṭhāru 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe’ 'portable furnaceRebus: संघाट joinery; M. sãgaḍ ‘double-canoe’ Rebus: sangataras ‘stone-cutter, mason’
Dm. mraṅ m. ‘markhor’ Wkh. merg f. ‘ibex’ (CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ ‘ram’, miṇḍā́l ‘markhor’ (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Munda.Ho.) kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter' kāṇḍa 'water' Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ Thus, cast bronze metalware.
Hieroglyphs: mountain-range, leaflesss tree: ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (H.)(CDIAL 5476). Rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Maithili) ढांक [ ḍhāṅka ] n ढांकळ f C An old and decaying tree: also the stump or naked stalks and stem remaining (of a little plant).(Marathi) WPah.kṭg. ḍāṅg f. (obl. -- a) ʻ stick ʼ, ḍaṅgṛɔ m. ʻ stalk (of a plant) ʼ Rebus: ḍhangar blacksmith’ kolom ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘smithy, forge’ Vikalpa: khōṇḍa A tree of which the head and branches are broken off, a stock or stump: also the lower portion of the trunk—that below the branches. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe' (Bengali) Rebus 2: koḍ 'workshop' (Gujarati)
āyāgapaṭṭa, Kankali Tila.Tablet of Homage carved with a Svastika, Mathura, from the JainaKankali Tila at Mathura. About 1st century A.D. now preserved in Lucknow Museum.
One hieroglyph is seen on Kuninda coin and also on Jaina āyāgapaṭṭa of Kankali Tila. The hieroglyph is:
Two views: 1.As on the sculptural frieze. 2. Inverted. kanga 'brazier' on Jaina āyāgapaṭṭa of Kankali Tila.
This hieroglyph is a variant of the kanga 'brazier' shown as a hieroglyph-component of the hieroglyph-multiplex seen as 'standard device' combined lathe PLUS portable furnace or brazier:
sangada 'lathe', 'portable furnace' G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe’ ; sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼ(CDIAL 12859) Rebus 1: sangara 'proclamation' Rebus 2:sangataras. संगतराश lit. ‘to collect stones, stone-cutter, mason.’ संगतराश संज्ञा पुं० [फ़ा०] पत्थर काटने या गढ़नेवाला मजदूर । पत्थरकट । २. एक औजार जो पत्थर काटने के काम में आता है । (Dasa, Syamasundara. Hindi sabdasagara. Navina samskarana. 2nd ed. Kasi : Nagari Pracarini Sabha, 1965-1975.) पत्थर या लकडी पर नकाशी करनेवाला, संगतराश, ‘mason’.
Khandagiri caves are also adorned with brazier, śrivatsa, svastika hieroglyphs: (Note: śrivatsa hieroglyph-multiplex may be a variant of the deciphered in: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/ornamental-endless-knot-svastika-other.html
Indus Script seal showing agni kunda (with yupa in the centre) and s'yena 'eagle' with snakes and mountain ranges.Fire altar. Smith at work. In front of the hut, smithy. Tree on field. Swan or goose on field. kanda 'fire-altar' (Santali)Fire altar. Smith at work. In front of the hut, smithy. Tree on field. Swan or goose on field. kanda 'fire-altar' (Santali) Sanchi sculptural relief: What is the fire altar flanked by two roofed huts?
Hieroglyphs as metaphors dominate the cultural kaleidoscope of ancient Bharatam Janam as may be gleaned from these anecdotal examples of the significance attached to hieroglyph-multiplexes such as: agni kunda, yupa, tree on railing, elephant, mountain-range.
That thousands of punch-marked and cast coins of ancient Bharatam including sculptural friezes on Jaina Khandagiri caves or Sohgaura copper plate are indicators of the principal life-activities as the civilization enterd into the bronze age with extensive metalwork creating resources for technological advances in life-support systems producing metal vessels, pots and pans, tools, implements and weapons.
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/07/sohgaura-copper-plate-inscription-as.html Sohgaura copper plate inscription as a survival of Sarasvati hieroglyphs and writing system Sohgaura copper plate inscription. See: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25210446 The Inscription on the Sohgaura PlateJ. F. FleetThe Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland urnal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Jul., 1907), pp. 509-532
The Sohgaura copper plate refers to a pair of kos.t.ha_ga_ra (dva_ra kot.t.haka); the two storehouses described as tri-garbha (i.e. having three rooms) are illustrated on line 1. (Fleet, JRAS, 1907). The illustrations indicate that the three rooms are in three storeys, with supporting pillars clearly seen. The inscription refers to the junction of three highways named Manavati, in two villages called Dasilimita and Usagama. The storehouses were made at this junction for the goods of people using the highways, which are indicated in line 3 by mentioning the three places to and from which they led. One of the names give is reognized by Fleet as Chanchu. (Fleet, JRAS, 63, 1894 proceedings, 86, plate, IA 25. 262; cf. Sohgaura copper plate/B.M. Barua. The Indian Historical Quarterly, ed. Narendra Nath Law. Reprint. 41) Some glyphs on line 1: kut.hi = tree; rebus: kut.hi = smelting furnace; kos.t.ha_ga_ra = storehouse; s'u_la = spear; cu_l.a = kiln; kan.d.kanka = rim of jar; rebus: copper furnace; bat.a = quail; rebus: kiln.
The top line is a set of hieroglyphs (from left to right).
Tree = kut.i; rebus: kut.hi ‘smelter, furnace’Warehouse = kot. (kos.t.hagara)Spear = cu_la; rebus: cu_lha ‘furnace’Mountain-summit = ku_t.amu ; rebus : ku_t.a ‘workshop’Wide-mouthed pot on mountain-summit = bat.i; rebus: bat.hi ‘furnace’)Rim of jar = kan.d.; rebus: kand. ‘fire-altar’Tree = kut.i; rebus: kut.hi ‘smelter, furnace’Bird on branch: bat.a ‘quail’; rebus: bat.a ‘furnace’; d.a_l. ‘branch of tree’; rebus: d.ha_l.ako ‘large metal ingot’ [The glyptic composition refers to a kut.hi which can produce metal ingots]Warehouse = kot. (kos.t.hagara)
The brahmi epigraph on the lines following the top line refers to two kos.t.hagara set up for itinerant merchants (smiths?) at the junction of three roads.Some devices used on punch-marked coins also occur as the first line of the Sohgaura copper plate inscription. ( Fleet, J.F., The inscription on the Sohgaura Plate, JRAS, 1907, pp. 509-532; B.M. Barua, Sohgaura copper plate, Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, 41).
Sohgaura or Soghaura is a village on the right bank of River Rapti, about fourteen miles south-east from Gorakhpur. The plate measures 2 ½ X 1 7/8 inches. The copper plate was cast in a mould. The writing is NOT incised, but in bold, high relief. (JRAS 1907, p. 527). “In the first place, this archaeological find affords the oldest known and clear example of the use of a copper-plate as a material for writing, especially for inscribing a record in Brahmi characters…Secondly, the record has its uniqueness and importance for the standard of Brahmi characters which it presents, the standard which, in the opinion of Dr. Fleet, ‘refers it to at any rate an early date in the Maurya period, BC 320 to about 180’…
Non-religious nature of sign graphs on Sohgaura copper plate
“Lastly, with regard to its subject-matter, the inscription is found to be a public notification about the judicious use of certain things in two storehouses by persons carrying on traffic along the high roads leading to S’ra_vasti, or it may be, by persons carrying on traffic by all the three kinds of vehicles along the high roads, in times of urgent need…What we owe to Dr. Fleet’s study of the nature of the devices (used on the top line of the copper plate) is the recognition in all of them a significance other than that of religious symbols. To quote him in his words: ‘Two of them obviously represent the storehouses themselves, which are shown as shed with double roofs. The lower roof in each case is supported by four rows of posts; and these perhaps stand for four rows of posts, the front posts hiding, those behind them. In the other devices I recognize, not religious emblems, Buddhist or otherwise, -- (I mean, not religious emblems employed here as such), -- nor Mangalas, auspicious symbols, but the arms of the three towns mentioned in L3 of the record.’…” (BM Barua, 1929, The Sohgaura copper-plate inscription, ABORI, vol. 11, 1929, pp. 31-48).
The text of the inscription (which is considered by some to of pre-Mauryan days, i.e. circa 4th century BCE) refers to some famine relief measures and notifies the establishment of two public storehouses at a junction of three great highways of vehicular traffic to meet the needs of persons (apparently merchants and metal-workers) using these roads. The first line which is full of glyphs or devices should relate to the inscription and the facilities provided to the traders. Next to the symbol of the kos.t.haagaara is a s’u_la (spear). This is phonetically cuula ‘kiln’ for metals to be heated and copper/bronze/brass vessels and tools, worked on by metalsmiths. Similarly, the first glyph of a tree on a platform can be read as kuti ‘tree’; another word kuti in Santali means a ‘furnace’ for melting metals. The other devices are: three peaks mounted by a rimless pot, a rim of a jar, a tree branch with a bird perched on top. These can also be explained in the context of Sarasvati heiroglyphs and the context of metals/minerals-trade.
The second symbol from the left and the second symbol from the right may refer to a kos.t.haagaara. Ko.s.thaagaara is a pair of storehouses are referred to by this name in the Sohgaura plaque inscription, and illustrated on the same plaque (Fleet, The tradition about the corporeal relics of Buddha, JRAS, 1907, pp. 341-363: I find a mention of a place named Chanchu, which I take to be the same one, in the Sohgaura plate (JASB, 63, 1894. proceedings, 86, plate; IA, 25. 262). That record, as I understand it, is a public notification relating to three great highways of vehicular traffic…It notifies that at the junction, named Manavasi, of the three roads, in two villages named Dasilimata and Usagama, storehouses were made for the goods of people using the roads. It indicates the roads by mentioning in line 3, the three places to and from which they led; as regards the junction of them.). They are described as trigarbha, having three rooms; Fleet discusses this at length, but it is evident from the illustrations that these rooms are on three storeys, for the storehouses are represented as small three-storeyed pavilions; it is true that the roof of the top storey is "out of the picture," but its supporting pillars can be clearly eeen. For another use of garbha as designating chambers of a many-storeyed building, see Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Indian Architectural Terms, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 48, no. 3, SEPT 1928, pp.250-275. The devices on the top line of the Sohgaura copper plate can be read rebus as hieroglyphs, as in the case of Sarasvati hieroglyphs: 1. tree, kut.i (as smelting furnace); 2. tree twigs, kut.i (as smelting furnace); 3. cup, bat.i (as a furnace for melting iron ore); 4. bird, bat.a (as iron or metal); 4. two kos.t.ha_ga_ra (as storehouses), comparable to a sign graph with four posts used on Sarasvati epigraphs (so called Indus inscriptions); three mountains with a U graph on top summit. The presence of furnace facilities for working with metal tools in the two warehouses can be explained in the context of the types of conveyances, parts of which may require mending and to work/tinker on metallic articles and wares of itinerant merchants who need such publicly provided facilities in times of emergency as the s’a_sana in Brahmi writing notes.
kut.hi kut.a, kut.i, kut.ha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); kur.a_ tree; kar.ek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kut.ha, kut.a (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kut.ha_ra, kut.ha, kut.aka = a tree (Skt.lex.) kut., kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kut.a, kut.ha = a tree (Ka.lex.) gun.d.ra = a stump; khun.t.ut = a stump of a tree left in the ground (Santali.lex.) kut.amu = a tree (Te.lex.)
kut.i, ‘smelting furnace’ (Mundari.lex.).kut.hi, kut.i (Or.; Sad. kot.hi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of e_kut.i has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.) cf. kan.d.a = furnace, altar (Santali.lex.)
kut.i = a woman water-carrier (Te.lex.) kut.i = to drink; drinking, beverage (Ta.); drinking, water drunk after meals (Ma.); kud.t- to drink (To.); kud.i to drink; drinking (Ka.); kud.i to drink (Kod.); kud.i right, right hand (Te.); kut.i_ intoxicating liquor (Skt.)(DEDR 1654).
The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus'ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield's ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).
bat.i = a furnace for melting iron-ore (Santali.lex.) bhat.t.hi_ = [Skt. bhr.s.ti frying; fr. bhrasj to fry] a kiln, a furnace; an oven; a smith’s forge; a stove; the fireplace of a washer-man;a spirit still; a distillery; a brewery (G.lex.) bat.i = a metal cup or basin; bhat.i = a still, a boiler, a copper; dhubi bhat.i = a washerman’s boiler; jhuli bhat.i = a trench in the ground used as a fireplace when cooking has to be done for a large number of people (Santali.lex.)
bat.a = a quail, or snipe, coturuix coturnix cot; bon.d.e bat.a = a large quail; dak bat.a = the painted stripe, rostraluta benghalensis bengh; gun.d.ri bat.a = a small type, coloured like a gun.d.ri (quail); ku~k bat.a = a medium-sized type; khed.ra bat.a = the smallest of all; lan.d.ha bat.a = a small type (Santali.lex.) bat.ai, (Nag.); bat.er (Has.); [H. bat.ai or bat.er perdix olivacea; Sad. bat.ai] coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain-quail; two other kinds of quail are called respectigely: hur.in bat.ai and gerea bat.ai (Mundari.lex.) vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (G.lex.) vartika_ = quail (RV.); wuwrc partridge (Ash.); barti = quail, partridge (Kho.); vat.t.aka_ quail (Pali); vat.t.aya (Pkt.); bat.t.ai (N.)(CDIAL 11361). varta = *circular object; *turning round (Skt.); vat.u = twist (S.)(CDIAL 11346) bat.er = quail (Ku.B.); bat.ara, batara = the grey quail (Or.)(CDIAL 11350). bat.ai = to divide, share (Santali) [Note the glyphs of nine rectangles divided.] bat.a; rebus, bat.a ‘iron’ bat.a = a kind of iron (G.lex.) bhat.a = a furnace, a kiln; it.a bhat.a a brick kiln (Santali)
This note has presented two continuities from Sarasvati civilization: 1. use of punches to mark devices on punch-marked coins and 2. use of copper plate to convey message related to an economic transaction.
This continuity of tradition is linked by the metallurgical tradition of s’reni/artisan guilds working with metals, minerals and furnaces to create copper/bronze artifacts and terracotta or s’ankha bangles and ornaments of silver, copper or semi-precious stones such as agate, carnelian or lapis lazuli. The code of the writing system which was employed on Sarasvati hieroglyphs with 5 or 6 sign graphs constituting an inscription, is the same code which was employed on devices of punch-marked coins (produced in mints belonging to guilds) and on copper plate s’a_s’ana-s or historical periods of pre-mauryan times in India, like the evidence presented by Sohgaura copper plate. Since this plate contains a Brahmi inscription, this constitutes a Rosetta stone to explain the meanings of the sign graphs or glyphs employed on the top line of the plate in the context of the facilities provided in two warehouses to traveling caravan merchants or rive-faring merchants.
uddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet." http://www.cristoraul.com/ENGLISH/readinghall/UniversalHistory/INDIA/Cambridge/I/CHAPTER_XXVI.html
Figure 10. Tree on platform
Tree shown on a tablet from Harappa.
[Pl. 39, Savita Sharma, opcit. Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many tablets showing Sarasvati hieroglyphs].
Figure 11. Astamngalaka haara including Forked stake as one of 8 hieroglyphs
aṣṭamangalaka hāra
aṣṭamangalaka hāra depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62] The hāra or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifsindicating weapons (cakra, paraśu,an:kuśa), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull.
•
(cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher,The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27).The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala,1977, Bhāratīya Kalā , Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as:sun,śukra, padmasara,an:kuśa, vaijayanti, pan:kaja,mīna-mithuna,śrīvatsa, paraśu,
darpaṇa and kamala. "The axe (paraśu) and an:kuśa pendants are common at sites of north India and some oftheir finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur."(Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sanchi: A cultural Study , Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma,1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and S'un:ga Periods,Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125).
W. Theobald, 1890, Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, and on their relationship to the archaic symbolism of other races and distant lands, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), Part 1. History , Literature etc., Nos. III & IV, 1890, pp. 181 to 268, Plates VIII to XI
W. Theobald, 1901, A revision of the symbols on the ‘Karshapana’ Coinage, described in Vol. LIX, JASB, 1890, Part I, No. 3, and Descriptions of many additional symbols, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), No. 2, 1901 (Read December, 1899).
The 'symbols' which are a continuum from Indus script hieroglyphs all of which relate to metalwork are:
Meluhha glosses read rebus related to metalwork for these Indus script hieroglyphs are detailed in the book, Indus Script -- Meluhha metalwork hieroglyphs (2014).
See the hieroglyph of a fishtail PLUS two molluscs tied together with a dhAman 'rope' which signifies dhamaga 'blacksmith'. The word is also related to the gloss dhamma 'dharma' propounded by Jaina Tirthankara who is adored, venerated on the āyāgapaṭṭa.
āyāgapaṭṭa, Mathura.
This is not an isolated, anecdotal evidence. The cultural continuum is also seen in the continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs during the historical periods on punch-marked coins.
Indus Script hieroglyphs on Kuninda coin: svastika, tree, mountain-range, portable furnace, markhor, woman, flowing water
Meluhha rebus readings:
sattva 'svastika glyhph' Rebus: jasta 'zinc'
kuṭi ‘tree’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’; kuṭhāru 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'
G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe’ 'portable furnaceRebus: संघाट joinery; M. sãgaḍ ‘double-canoe’ Rebus: sangataras ‘stone-cutter, mason’
Dm. mraṅ m. ‘markhor’ Wkh. merg f. ‘ibex’ (CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ ‘ram’, miṇḍā́l ‘markhor’ (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Munda.Ho.)
kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter'
kāṇḍa 'water' Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ Thus, cast bronze metalware.
Hieroglyphs: mountain-range, leaflesss tree: ḍã̄g mountain-ridge (H.)(CDIAL 5476). Rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ (Maithili) ढांक [ ḍhāṅka ] n ढांकळ f C An old and decaying tree: also the stump or naked stalks and stem remaining (of a little plant).(Marathi) WPah.kṭg. ḍāṅg f. (obl. -- a) ʻ stick ʼ, ḍaṅgṛɔ m. ʻ stalk (of a plant) ʼ Rebus: ḍhangar blacksmith’ kolom ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘smithy, forge’ Vikalpa: khōṇḍa A tree of which the head and branches are broken off, a stock or stump: also the lower portion of the trunk—that below the branches. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe' (Bengali) Rebus 2: koḍ 'workshop' (Gujarati)
āyāgapaṭṭa, Kankali Tila.Tablet of Homage carved with a Svastika, Mathura, from the JainaKankali Tila at Mathura. About 1st century A.D. now preserved in Lucknow Museum.
One hieroglyph is seen on Kuninda coin and also on Jaina āyāgapaṭṭa of Kankali Tila. The hieroglyph is:
This hieroglyph is a variant of the kanga 'brazier' shown as a hieroglyph-component of the hieroglyph-multiplex seen as 'standard device' combined lathe PLUS portable furnace or brazier:
sangada 'lathe', 'portable furnace' G. sãghāṛɔ m. ʻlathe’ ; sã̄gāḍā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ lathe ʼ(CDIAL 12859) Rebus 1: sangara 'proclamation' Rebus 2:sangataras. संगतराश lit. ‘to collect stones, stone-cutter, mason.’ संगतराश संज्ञा पुं० [फ़ा०] पत्थर काटने या गढ़नेवाला मजदूर । पत्थरकट । २. एक औजार जो पत्थर काटने के काम में आता है । (Dasa, Syamasundara. Hindi sabdasagara. Navina samskarana. 2nd ed. Kasi : Nagari Pracarini Sabha, 1965-1975.) पत्थर या लकडी पर नकाशी करनेवाला, संगतराश, ‘mason’.
Khandagiri caves are also adorned with brazier, śrivatsa, svastika hieroglyphs: (Note: śrivatsa hieroglyph-multiplex may be a variant of the deciphered in: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/ornamental-endless-knot-svastika-other.html
Indus Script seal showing agni kunda (with yupa in the centre) and s'yena 'eagle' with snakes and mountain ranges.
Fire altar. Smith at work. In front of the hut, smithy. Tree on field. Swan or goose on field. kanda 'fire-altar' (Santali)
Fire altar. Smith at work. In front of the hut, smithy. Tree on field. Swan or goose on field. kanda 'fire-altar' (Santali) Sanchi sculptural relief: What is the fire altar flanked by two roofed huts?
Hieroglyphs as metaphors dominate the cultural kaleidoscope of ancient Bharatam Janam as may be gleaned from these anecdotal examples of the significance attached to hieroglyph-multiplexes such as: agni kunda, yupa, tree on railing, elephant, mountain-range.
That thousands of punch-marked and cast coins of ancient Bharatam including sculptural friezes on Jaina Khandagiri caves or Sohgaura copper plate are indicators of the principal life-activities as the civilization enterd into the bronze age with extensive metalwork creating resources for technological advances in life-support systems producing metal vessels, pots and pans, tools, implements and weapons.
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/07/sohgaura-copper-plate-inscription-as.html Sohgaura copper plate inscription as a survival of Sarasvati hieroglyphs and writing system
Sohgaura copper plate inscription. See: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25210446 The Inscription on the Sohgaura Plate
J. F. FleetThe Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland
urnal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Jul., 1907), pp. 509-532
The Sohgaura copper plate refers to a pair of kos.t.ha_ga_ra (dva_ra kot.t.haka); the two storehouses described as tri-garbha (i.e. having three rooms) are illustrated on line 1. (Fleet, JRAS, 1907). The illustrations indicate that the three rooms are in three storeys, with supporting pillars clearly seen. The inscription refers to the junction of three highways named Manavati, in two villages called Dasilimita and Usagama. The storehouses were made at this junction for the goods of people using the highways, which are indicated in line 3 by mentioning the three places to and from which they led. One of the names give is reognized by Fleet as Chanchu. (Fleet, JRAS, 63, 1894 proceedings, 86, plate, IA 25. 262; cf. Sohgaura copper plate/B.M. Barua. The Indian Historical Quarterly, ed. Narendra Nath Law. Reprint. 41) Some glyphs on line 1: kut.hi = tree; rebus: kut.hi = smelting furnace; kos.t.ha_ga_ra = storehouse; s'u_la = spear; cu_l.a = kiln; kan.d.kanka = rim of jar; rebus: copper furnace; bat.a = quail; rebus: kiln.
The top line is a set of hieroglyphs (from left to right).
Tree = kut.i; rebus: kut.hi ‘smelter, furnace’
Warehouse = kot. (kos.t.hagara)
Spear = cu_la; rebus: cu_lha ‘furnace’
Mountain-summit = ku_t.amu ; rebus : ku_t.a ‘workshop’
Wide-mouthed pot on mountain-summit = bat.i; rebus: bat.hi ‘furnace’)
Rim of jar = kan.d.; rebus: kand. ‘fire-altar’
Tree = kut.i; rebus: kut.hi ‘smelter, furnace’
Bird on branch: bat.a ‘quail’; rebus: bat.a ‘furnace’; d.a_l. ‘branch of tree’; rebus: d.ha_l.ako ‘large metal ingot’ [The glyptic composition refers to a kut.hi which can produce metal ingots]
Warehouse = kot. (kos.t.hagara)
The brahmi epigraph on the lines following the top line refers to two kos.t.hagara set up for itinerant merchants (smiths?) at the junction of three roads.
Some devices used on punch-marked coins also occur as the first line of the Sohgaura copper plate inscription. ( Fleet, J.F., The inscription on the Sohgaura Plate, JRAS, 1907, pp. 509-532; B.M. Barua, Sohgaura copper plate, Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, 41).
Sohgaura or Soghaura is a village on the right bank of River Rapti, about fourteen miles south-east from Gorakhpur. The plate measures 2 ½ X 1 7/8 inches. The copper plate was cast in a mould. The writing is NOT incised, but in bold, high relief. (JRAS 1907, p. 527). “In the first place, this archaeological find affords the oldest known and clear example of the use of a copper-plate as a material for writing, especially for inscribing a record in Brahmi characters…Secondly, the record has its uniqueness and importance for the standard of Brahmi characters which it presents, the standard which, in the opinion of Dr. Fleet, ‘refers it to at any rate an early date in the Maurya period, BC 320 to about 180’…
Non-religious nature of sign graphs on Sohgaura copper plate
“Lastly, with regard to its subject-matter, the inscription is found to be a public notification about the judicious use of certain things in two storehouses by persons carrying on traffic along the high roads leading to S’ra_vasti, or it may be, by persons carrying on traffic by all the three kinds of vehicles along the high roads, in times of urgent need…What we owe to Dr. Fleet’s study of the nature of the devices (used on the top line of the copper plate) is the recognition in all of them a significance other than that of religious symbols. To quote him in his words: ‘Two of them obviously represent the storehouses themselves, which are shown as shed with double roofs. The lower roof in each case is supported by four rows of posts; and these perhaps stand for four rows of posts, the front posts hiding, those behind them. In the other devices I recognize, not religious emblems, Buddhist or otherwise, -- (I mean, not religious emblems employed here as such), -- nor Mangalas, auspicious symbols, but the arms of the three towns mentioned in L3 of the record.’…” (BM Barua, 1929, The Sohgaura copper-plate inscription, ABORI, vol. 11, 1929, pp. 31-48).
The text of the inscription (which is considered by some to of pre-Mauryan days, i.e. circa 4th century BCE) refers to some famine relief measures and notifies the establishment of two public storehouses at a junction of three great highways of vehicular traffic to meet the needs of persons (apparently merchants and metal-workers) using these roads. The first line which is full of glyphs or devices should relate to the inscription and the facilities provided to the traders. Next to the symbol of the kos.t.haagaara is a s’u_la (spear). This is phonetically cuula ‘kiln’ for metals to be heated and copper/bronze/brass vessels and tools, worked on by metalsmiths. Similarly, the first glyph of a tree on a platform can be read as kuti ‘tree’; another word kuti in Santali means a ‘furnace’ for melting metals. The other devices are: three peaks mounted by a rimless pot, a rim of a jar, a tree branch with a bird perched on top. These can also be explained in the context of Sarasvati heiroglyphs and the context of metals/minerals-trade.
The second symbol from the left and the second symbol from the right may refer to a kos.t.haagaara. Ko.s.thaagaara is a pair of storehouses are referred to by this name in the Sohgaura plaque inscription, and illustrated on the same plaque (Fleet, The tradition about the corporeal relics of Buddha, JRAS, 1907, pp. 341-363: I find a mention of a place named Chanchu, which I take to be the same one, in the Sohgaura plate (JASB, 63, 1894. proceedings, 86, plate; IA, 25. 262). That record, as I understand it, is a public notification relating to three great highways of vehicular traffic…It notifies that at the junction, named Manavasi, of the three roads, in two villages named Dasilimata and Usagama, storehouses were made for the goods of people using the roads. It indicates the roads by mentioning in line 3, the three places to and from which they led; as regards the junction of them.). They are described as trigarbha, having three rooms; Fleet discusses this at length, but it is evident from the illustrations that these rooms are on three storeys, for the storehouses are represented as small three-storeyed pavilions; it is true that the roof of the top storey is "out of the picture," but its supporting pillars can be clearly eeen. For another use of garbha as designating chambers of a many-storeyed building, see Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Indian Architectural Terms, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 48, no. 3, SEPT 1928, pp.250-275.
The devices on the top line of the Sohgaura copper plate can be read rebus as hieroglyphs, as in the case of Sarasvati hieroglyphs: 1. tree, kut.i (as smelting furnace); 2. tree twigs, kut.i (as smelting furnace); 3. cup, bat.i (as a furnace for melting iron ore); 4. bird, bat.a (as iron or metal); 4. two kos.t.ha_ga_ra (as storehouses), comparable to a sign graph with four posts used on Sarasvati epigraphs (so called Indus inscriptions); three mountains with a U graph on top summit. The presence of furnace facilities for working with metal tools in the two warehouses can be explained in the context of the types of conveyances, parts of which may require mending and to work/tinker on metallic articles and wares of itinerant merchants who need such publicly provided facilities in times of emergency as the s’a_sana in Brahmi writing notes.
kut.hi kut.a, kut.i, kut.ha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); kur.a_ tree; kar.ek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kut.ha, kut.a (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kut.ha_ra, kut.ha, kut.aka = a tree (Skt.lex.) kut., kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kut.a, kut.ha = a tree (Ka.lex.) gun.d.ra = a stump; khun.t.ut = a stump of a tree left in the ground (Santali.lex.) kut.amu = a tree (Te.lex.)
kut.i, ‘smelting furnace’ (Mundari.lex.).kut.hi, kut.i (Or.; Sad. kot.hi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of e_kut.i has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.) cf. kan.d.a = furnace, altar (Santali.lex.)
kut.i = a woman water-carrier (Te.lex.) kut.i = to drink; drinking, beverage (Ta.); drinking, water drunk after meals (Ma.); kud.t- to drink (To.); kud.i to drink; drinking (Ka.); kud.i to drink (Kod.); kud.i right, right hand (Te.); kut.i_ intoxicating liquor (Skt.)(DEDR 1654).
The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus'ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield's ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).
bat.i = a furnace for melting iron-ore (Santali.lex.) bhat.t.hi_ = [Skt. bhr.s.ti frying; fr. bhrasj to fry] a kiln, a furnace; an oven; a smith’s forge; a stove; the fireplace of a washer-man;a spirit still; a distillery; a brewery (G.lex.)
bat.i = a metal cup or basin; bhat.i = a still, a boiler, a copper; dhubi bhat.i = a washerman’s boiler; jhuli bhat.i = a trench in the ground used as a fireplace when cooking has to be done for a large number of people (Santali.lex.)
bat.a = a quail, or snipe, coturuix coturnix cot; bon.d.e bat.a = a large quail; dak bat.a = the painted stripe, rostraluta benghalensis bengh; gun.d.ri bat.a = a small type, coloured like a gun.d.ri (quail); ku~k bat.a = a medium-sized type; khed.ra bat.a = the smallest of all; lan.d.ha bat.a = a small type (Santali.lex.) bat.ai, (Nag.); bat.er (Has.); [H. bat.ai or bat.er perdix olivacea; Sad. bat.ai] coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain-quail; two other kinds of quail are called respectigely: hur.in bat.ai and gerea bat.ai (Mundari.lex.) vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (G.lex.) vartika_ = quail (RV.); wuwrc partridge (Ash.); barti = quail, partridge (Kho.); vat.t.aka_ quail (Pali); vat.t.aya (Pkt.); bat.t.ai (N.)(CDIAL 11361). varta = *circular object; *turning round (Skt.); vat.u = twist (S.)(CDIAL 11346) bat.er = quail (Ku.B.); bat.ara, batara = the grey quail (Or.)(CDIAL 11350).
bat.ai = to divide, share (Santali) [Note the glyphs of nine rectangles divided.]
bat.a; rebus, bat.a ‘iron’ bat.a = a kind of iron (G.lex.) bhat.a = a furnace, a kiln; it.a bhat.a a brick kiln (Santali)
This note has presented two continuities from Sarasvati civilization: 1. use of punches to mark devices on punch-marked coins and 2. use of copper plate to convey message related to an economic transaction.
This continuity of tradition is linked by the metallurgical tradition of s’reni/artisan guilds working with metals, minerals and furnaces to create copper/bronze artifacts and terracotta or s’ankha bangles and ornaments of silver, copper or semi-precious stones such as agate, carnelian or lapis lazuli. The code of the writing system which was employed on Sarasvati hieroglyphs with 5 or 6 sign graphs constituting an inscription, is the same code which was employed on devices of punch-marked coins (produced in mints belonging to guilds) and on copper plate s’a_s’ana-s or historical periods of pre-mauryan times in India, like the evidence presented by Sohgaura copper plate. Since this plate contains a Brahmi inscription, this constitutes a Rosetta stone to explain the meanings of the sign graphs or glyphs employed on the top line of the plate in the context of the facilities provided in two warehouses to traveling caravan merchants or rive-faring merchants.
Note: What Fleet discusses on p. 518 ff. in his brilliant note may refer to चषालः caṣāla on Yupa as annam.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research CenterJanuary 27, 2016
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
Sarasvati Research Center
January 27, 2016
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Back from the enemy country -- Pervez Hoodbhoy, a teacher of Physics&Mathematics in Lahore&Islamabad
Here is an extraordinary op-ed by a scientist from Pakistan.
He cites an anecdote.
In a public meet Nayantara Sehgal talked too much about intolerance and about atrocities against Muslims by the Govt etc and then Governon R Narasimhan deviated from his speech and replied to her admonishing her, in a public meeting.But thats not the centre peice of his op ed. It is about what Pakistan can learn from Bharat, that is India.
A must read by every citizen of the Indian Ocean Solar Community.
S. Kalyanaraman
Back from the enemy country
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Suicide of Rohit Vemula aka Mallik Chakravarty. Let us recall Swami Dayananda's words, 'Conversion is violence'
We should remember the sage words of the late Swami Dayananda Saraswati who received the Padmavibhushan award posthumously on 26 Jan. 2016. The title of his speech was: Conversion is violence. Attempts at conversion are denials of a personality and an assault on cultural heritage which defines an individual and tears apart the individual's family and social relationships. The greatest relationship is that which a person has with the paramaatman. That should be left to the individual without any outside interference in the form of conversions. This is the message to be learnt from the episodes of suicide which take away pious aatman from out midst. May their noble lives short-lived lives help us introspect and reach out to a cause greater than ourselves, service to the nation, service to the downtrodden.
kalyanaraman
http://www.jaia-bharati.org/CONVERSION IS VIOLENCE
The Citizen's Committee for Dharma Rakshana Sammelan, Chennai, convened a Seminar on "Violence to Hindu Heritage" on Saturday, the I7th of July, I999, at Satguru Gnanananda Hall (Narada Gana Sabha), TTK Road, Chennai. Reproduced below is an excerpt of the Key Note Address delivered by Pujya Sri Swami Dayananda Saraswati.Mahadhyo NamahaFriends,I have been thinking on this topic for a long time. It is very clear to me, and perhaps to many of you, that there are two distinct religious traditions in the world. Some of them have a good following. Some others may not have.One tradition does not believe in conversion. A Jewish person is born of a Jewish mother. A Zoroastrian is born of Zoroastrian parents. A Hindu is born of Hindu parents. And so too are the followers of Shintoism, Taoism and many other tribal religious groups all over the world. They are born to be the followers of their religions. In other words, they do not want to convert anybody. In India, when the Parsis, Zoroastrians, came as refugees, being driven from Iran, they came to Bombay, they were received and allowed to settle down in India.. They were very faithful to their religion and they lived their religion. They did not cause any problem to others. Hindus accommodated them as even they accommodated the Christians, the Muslims and many other small tribal traditions. Our vision of God allows that. We generally accept various forms of worship. We accept many forms of prayers; one more really does not matter to us. In fact, some of our Hindu friends in their puja rooms have a picture of Jesus and they don't see anything wrong about it, nor do I feel anything wrong about it.I would call the Jewish, the Zoroastrian and the Hindu traditions as non-aggressive traditions. For me, aggression is not just a physical one. It need not be the Kargil type. There are varieties of aggression. You can emotionally be aggressive. In the United States, it is a crime to be aggressive towards the children. Simple abuse is looked upon as aggression. Verbally you can be aggressive. Physically you can be aggressive. Economically you can be very aggressive. And the worst aggression, which I consider more than physical aggression, is cultural aggression or religious aggression.Hurt is born of many sources. I am hurt if somebody encroaches upon my piece of land that is vacant, and the court supports that person and gives me the responsibility of finding a new house for him; it is an aggression. I, get hurt. That he encroached upon my property is itself a good source of hurt. It is enough to hurt. That the law protects the one who encroached makes me more hurt. That hurt cannot be easily healed, because it leaves you helpless and the helplessness is a source of great hurt. If somebody physically hurts you, of course, it is very well known that it is a hurt. It is treated as a crime and there is a penalty for it.If I am emotionally abused, then, that also is a great hurt. For example, people in authority can abuse you. The employer can abuse you emotionally. Husband can abuse wife. Wife also can abuse the husband. In-laws can abuse. For these, I can seek some redress somewhere.But the worst hurt, I would say, is the hurt of a religious person ? whether what the person believes has a basis or not. It is not my domain of enquiry to say whether it has a basis or not. Each one is free to follow his or her religion. Everybody would, have a certain belief system. Either the person is convinced or the person needs to be convinced. On the whole, he believes in the whole theology and follows that theology. He has the freedom to follow. that theology. That is human freedom.What is it that one is connected to as a religious person? He is connected not to any particular person here, who is the member of the contemporary society or his family. I am connected to my parents as their son. I cannot take myself as just a son; I am connected to other people too. I am son to my parents. I am also the father to my children and husband to my wife. I am uncle, cousin, neighbour, employer, employee and citizen. I have a number of hats to wear every day. As the religious T, I have different roles to play, day after day.A son is related to a person outside. A brother is related to a person outside. A citizen is related to a country, a state. As a religious person, who am I related to?Let us for the sake of convenience call that religious person a devotee. To whom is that devotee connected? Definitely, not to anyone here. I may be a religious son. I may be a religious father, religious brother, religious husband. In fact, if I am religious, the religious 'me' is going to pervade every role I play.Basically, first and last, I am a religious person, if I am one. That religious person is the basic person not related to anything empirical. He is related, of course, to a force beyond ? whatever that force may be. One may say that force is God, and He is in heaven. Another one may say, He is in Kailasa. Another may say, He is in Vaikuntha.Another may say, He is in Goloka Brindavan. And another may say, He is elsewhere, elsewhere and elsewhere. But the person related to that force is the one whom we call a devotee, and that person has an altar. That person is not an empirical person in the sense he is the father or son or daughter. He is the basic person.The hurt of a basic person is going to be a hurt, which is deep, and true. There is no healing power which can heal that hurt. That is the reason why any religious sentiment, if it is violated, in anyway, will produce a martyr. There is a martyr ready to be born in that basic person. And thus the religious sentiment seems to be the most sensitive.Whenever a religious sentiment is hurt, you will find that, in the Indian press, there is a complete black out, in terms of who did what. Even the names are not given. They will say one community fought with another community. I think it is correct because it prevents further escalation. We generally do guess work and say it must be this community or that community.This is so because, that sentiment is very deep and has to be respected ?whether it is a Muslim sentiment or a Christian sentiment or a Hindu sentiment or a Jewish sentiment. That sentiment has got to be respected. If that respect is not shown, then the State has to protect that sentiment. You tell me whether it is correct or not! The State has got the responsibility to protect the religious sentiment of all the people. That I consider is secularism.In America, the religious sentiment of every individual is protected. You can go to the court and get an answer, if there is something wrong done to you as a religious person. There is justice. They respect. In fact, if you register an institution as a "religious church", they take it as a religious church. You don't require to submit even an income?tax return. Until there is a public complaint, they respect it. They give you the freedom. Here, if an institution is said to be "Hindu Religious", there is no tax exemption for the donor. It is entirely a different thing altogether.A religious sentiment has got to be respected by every one, whether he believes in my religion or not. Just because I don't believe in your ideas, you can't stand on my toes! If you don't like my nose, it is your problem. I don't have any problem. If my ideas and my belief systems are not acceptable to you, I give you the freedom not to accept them. But you don't have any business to stand on my toes to hurt me in any manner. (Long cheers)In fact I will fight for your freedom to think differently. You must be free enough to differ from me. Bhagavan has given us the faculty of thinking, of discrimination. We are not shy of enquiries. Our whole method of enquiry is to invite poorvapaksha objections. We will create objections that cannot even be imagined by you and then answer them. We welcome them because we are not shy. We want to explore and find out what the truth is. But that is entirely a different thing. You have the freedom to differ from me; I have the freedom to differ from you. This is what I am telling you.This is the attitude of the non-aggressive traditions. On the other hand, the second category of religions, by their theologies, is committed to conversion.Conversion is not only sanctioned by their theologies but also is practised by their followers. And that is their theology. They have got a right to have their own belief systems. But they don't have a right to thrust them on you. They are free to believe that unless one is a Christian, one will not go to heaven. They have a system, a set of non-verifiable beliefs ? nitya?paroksa ? on which they base their theology. (Applause)Someone says, I have been sent by God to save you". I can also say the same thing. I will have ten people with me, because I can talk. If I don't talk and be a mouni baba, still there will be ten people. It is easy to get ten people anywhere, especially in India. I can say, "God sent me down to save all of you!"Once, I went to Kilpauk Mental Hospital. Just for a visit, of course. (Laughter) It is my own imagination. It is not true. The Kilpauk Hospital is one of the most ancient mental hospitals in this country. Next one is in Agra. We have got the number one status in many things and this is one!Early morning, all the crows had flown away. Nobody was there. I saw a man standing under a huge tree talking in loud voice, "Listen to me. I have come here, sent down by God, to save ail of you. You please ask for forgiveness of your sins. Those who want to be saved, please raise your hands". Then he said, Thank you, thank you, thank you". He thought that from the audience many people had raised their hands. But there was no audience. I was the only one standing behind him. Not even in front of him. I was naturally amused but I was not surprised, because I knew where I was. (Laughter)As I was enjoying this situation, well, I heard a voice from the heaven. It said, "This is God speaking. I did not send him down. (Laughter) Don't believe him". When I looked up, there was one more fellow ? sitting on the tree. (Loud laughter and applause)This is a none verifiable belief as you can see. In addition most of these religions, when they talk of heaven, are promoters of tourism, really speaking. (Laughter) I am interested in making my life here, right now. If there is something you have got to say to make my life different, I am ready to listen to you. If there are some pairs of ears ready to listen to some other thing, let them have the freedom.That there is a heaven is a none verifiable belief. That, following this person, I will go to heaven, is another non-verifiable belief. That I will survive death, is a non-verifiable belief. There is nothing wrong in believing. But we have to understand that it is a non-verifiable belief. And having gone to heaven I will enjoy heaven, minus cricket match, is another non-verifiable belief. The unfortunate thing is another fellow says: I am the latest and the last. Don't follow that fellow; follow me". (Laughter) That really confuses me. He ha~ really no argument to give that he is the fast. That I am the latest, is another non-verifiable belief and what is promised is again not verifiable.I say, let those non-verifiable beliefs be there. I want them to have those beliefs, even though I will not advocate them. I want them to have freedom. Let them enjoy the freedom to have their beliefs. But what is the basis for that person to come and convert me? If you are convinced of something, you can try to convince me and not convert me. Did you ever notice a physics professor knocking at your door, asking for your time, so that he can talk to you about the particles? Never! If you want to learn physics, you have to go to him.But here, every day, I am bothered. At the airport I am bothered, in the street corners I am bothered, at home, I am bothered. They want to save my soul!I say this is not merely an intrusion; this is an aggression. There are varieties of intrusions. If the sound is too much outside, with all the loud speakers, well, it is an intrusion into my privacy. One can complain; not in India, of course! Here also we have got laws. It is not that we do not have laws. But we have 'in-laws' at right places. You know! (Laughter)So nobody has any business to intrude into my privacy. You come .and tell me that I have got to save my soul. But I don't look upon myself as condemned for you to come and save. We, really, don't have a word in Sanskrit, equivalent for salvation. Because, 'salvation' means you have been condemned. Unless you are condemned, you need not be saved.But this man comes and tells me that I am damned. I have to believe that first. Then he appoints himself to save me. This is very interesting. This is how the union leaders work. You create a problem and then appoint yourself as a leader to solve it. (Laughter) You become inevitable thereafter.Instead of the word 'salvation', we have a word 'moksha'. Here, among the dignitaries there are may gurus. All of them have a common word and that common word is moksha. Is it not true? For every one of them it is moksha.Moksha is not a word which is equivalent to salvation. It is derived from the verbal root moksh = mokshane. It means freedom from bondage. All of them use the word moksha. Even Saankhyas use this word. Vaiseshikas, Naiyaayikas and all others use this word moksha. In fact, if moksha is not an end in view, it is not 0 school of thought to talk about. We all have a moksha. Even Chaarvaakas, the materialist, has his own concept of moksha. 'Body goes'; that is moksha for him. He says, bhasmeebhutasya dehasya punaraagamanam kutaha.So the word moksha does not mean salvation. It refers to freedom from bondage. On the other hand the aggressive religions have this belief system that you are condemned and you have to be saved.When I look into these theologies, what I see is very interesting. I need not say anything to prove that they are illogical. I have to only state what they say!I would like to illustrate this:You must have heard about the 'Godfather'. You know the Mafia don is called the Godfather. He makes an offer that you cannot refuse.He comes and tells you: "I am buying your house".You may say, "I am not selling".He says, "You are selling".This type of approach was existing in Madras for some time, I am told. I hope it does not come back again. (Loud laughter and applause)The fellow comes and tells: "I am buying your house!"And you reply, "This is my house and I am not selling".He says, "You are selling it and you are selling it at this price".He decides the price also and then tells you, I know exactly where your children are studying and when they are coming home also".He threatens you and buys the house.Thus, a Godfather is one who makes an offer that you cannot refuse.Now, what about God, the Father? He is worse, I tell you, because he says either you follow this person or I will condemn you eternally to hell. This is worse than the offer of the Mafia don! This too is an offer, which I cannot refuse. And it is worse.In the other case at least, I can do something. But here he is not even visible. He is sitting in a place even safer than Dubai! I cannot do anything to him. This is the non-verifiable belief on which their religion is based.He has the right to follow that religion. Let him follow his religion. All that I say is he does not have anything much to offer to me. If he thinks he has something to offer to me, let him have the freedom to think so. But he has no freedom to intrude into my privacy.He converts the Hindus by any means ? by marriage, by some enticement or by some preaching which creates a fear. He talks about the goodies available in heaven-if you go to heaven, you will enjoy this and that. You will have beatitude and be saved. Otherwise, you will go to hell. It will be too hot etc. So, more out of fear of hell, one may choose to go to heaven.He says and does all this to convert others to his religion. I say, this is wrong because if one Hindu or Jew or a Parsi is converted, and the other members of the family are not converted, they are all hurt. Even the converted one must be hurt underneath. He will be debating whether he was right in getting converted, It takes sometime for him to heal that. He is also hurt. All other members are definitely hurt. The community that comes to know of this conversion is hurt.Please tell me, what is violence? What do you call this act that hurts? I call it violence. It is not ordinary violence. It is violence to the deepest person, the core person, in the human being. The religious person is the deepest. And if that person is hurt, I say, it is violence, rank and simple.It is pure violence. And what does it do? It wipes out cultures.I would like to go to Greece and see the live culture of the people who lived there. Where is that culture now? I have to imagine how they might have lived. I only see the huge monuments that are left behind.And like this, many other cultures have been totally destroyed. The native cultures of South America, North America and Australia have all been destroyed. What about the Hawaiian culture? Gone! All the tribal cultures in Africa have been destroyed. How many cultures, for the past two thousand years, are methodically destroyed? The humanity is the sufferer and is poorer for it.We need all the cultures. And let the humanity enjoy the riches of the different cultures. It is a mosaic of cultures, Each one has got some beauty. With the destruction of religion comes the destruction of culture. When a new religion replaces the old, a culture is destroyed.After converting, they may try to preserve the art forms like Bharatanaatyam with the themes of the new religion. But without Nataraaja where is Bharatanaatyam, without devotion, where is nrityam?And therefore, the culture cannot be retained if the religion is destroyed. It is true with reference to all other cultures also. But definitely it is true with reference to our culture, because, you cannot separate culture from religion.Our religion and culture are intertwined. The religion has gone into the fabric of the culture. When I say 'Namaste' to you, it is culture. It is religion. When you are throwing rangoli, it is religion; it is culture. There is a vision behind all that. Every form of culture is connected to religion and the religion itself is rooted in the spiritual wisdom. This is because we have a spiritual tradition.And therefore there is no cultural form unconnected to religion. Destruction of culture is destruction of religion. Destruction of religion is destruction of culture. If this destruction is not violence, what is violence? I would like to know?I say CONVERSION IS VIOLENCE. (Thunderous applause) It is rank violence. It is the deepest violence.Not only that, in our dharma?shaastra, it is said that if somebody forcefully occupies another's piece of land, he is called an aatataayi. For an aatataayi, in our shaastra, there is capital punishment.Occupying another's land or another's house or flat, against the will of the owner is a grave paapa according to our dharma. Many times, when the owner asks, "Give me back my house", the tenant invariably replies, I am sorry. I cannot give you the house, because my children are going to the school in this area. Please find a similar house for me. Then I will move". When the owner finds such a house for him, the tenant says, It is too far away for the children to go to school. Please find something in the same neighbourhood". It means, I would like to be here". If you go to the court, twenty five years would be gone. But occupying another's land is not dharma as per our culture.Another's kshetra is another's kshetra. It has nothing to do with me. Kshetra-apahaari is an aatataayi. The one who does arson or poisons somebody is an aatataayi, and there is capital punishment for him. One who kidnaps another's wife is an aatataayi and there is capital punishment for him. All these actions deserve capital punishment. And if, simply for occupation of a land of another, there is capital punishment, think of what would be the punishment for the destruction of a culture.Suppose somebody is ashastrapaani, unarmed, and you kill him, it is not correct. Karna in the Mahaabhaarata uses this argument when he was completely unarmed. Talking to Arjuna, he said, I am an ashastrapaani; you should not hit me now. Krishna had to tell him that Karna was not unarmed, but he was duly disarmed. There is a lot of difference between the two. Krishna had to convince him.So here, a Hindu is an ashastrapaani. A Jewish person is an ashastrapaani. A Buddhist is an ashastrapaani. A Parsi is an ashastrapaani. That is, they are all non-aggressive. When you try to convert them, it is like hurting an ashastrapaani.You cannot ask me to change the genius of my culture, the genius of my religion. It is the tradition of my culture and religion that I do not convert. It is not a situation where, you convert and I convert. And the one who has a better organisation is going to convert more number of people. It is not a percentage game of the market.Here it is one sided. I cannot change the genius of my culture because I do not believe in conversion. I allow you to be a Christian. I allow you to be a Muslim. You be a Christian, you be a Muslim. You pray; it is fine for us. I let you be a Muslim or a Christian, even though I do not say, "All religions lead to the same goal". I don't commit that ubiquitous mistake. (Cheers)But I give you the freedom. You please follow your religion. Don't ask me to convert others to my religion like you, because I cannot convert. It is because I do not believe in it. My parents did not believe in it. My grand parents did not believe in it. My Rishis did not believe in it. And I don't believe in it. You cannot change a culture in order to be on par with the others. It is against the genius of our culture.It is not only our culture, which is like this; there are other cultures too. The number of the Parsis is dwindling. I loathe to see the destruction of the Parsi culture. They are harmless good people. But now they are the losers.Jewish people are also the losers; their numbers are also dwindling. They are fighting to preserve their culture and religion. They are not converting. There is no evangelism in Judaism. There is no proselytization. There were never any inquisition. They were the sufferers; they were the victims of aggression, and planned aggression for ages.And therefore, conversion is not merely violence against people; it is violence against people, who are committed to non-violence. (Prolonged cheers)I don't say Hindus do not fight. They can fight very well. You don't tell me, "You put your house in order". I will put my house in order, in my own time and in my own way.If two brothers are fighting over an empty piece of land that is there next door, and a third man occupies the land saying, "Because you two are fighting, I am occupying this piece of land", what is this logic? Some people advance this logic to me and say that we are all fighting and therefore they are in. We may be fighting amongst ourselves but we have to settle that among ourselves. That does not mean YOU can be violent. (Applause)Somebody says we must have ecumenical dialogue. I had attended some of these dialogues. And I stopped attending them. Because I don't see any use in it. On one such occasion, I said, I can have a dialogue with a Christian, if he is ready to change, if convinced, after the dialogue". Is he, if convinced, going to change his stand? Is he going to stop conversion? Don't ask me to have a dialogue with you when you are standing on my toes. You just move away. Then we can have a dialogue.The world religious conferences that are held are only meant to neutralise any protest against conversion. That is all. (Cheers) Because they don't want to stop conversion. So what is the use of saying, "We are all same. We are all going to the same God". It is something like saying, you know, your property is my property; my property is your property; your money is my money; my money is your money. Therefore, let my money be with me and let your money also be with me! (Laughter) So this is all wrong thinking.All forms of prayer are valid. That I can accept. They don't accept that. I can accept because of my understanding of the shaastra. The Lord will understand, definitely, if I pray in Tamil or, Latin or Greek. There is nothing Latin and Greek to the Lord. He will understand in whichever language the prayer is made. If I pray in Samskritam, definitely, he will understand because it is His language anyway. (Laughter) I am very Catholic, understand'. I don't have this kind of silly notions that it has got to be in one language and it has got to be in one form etc.But we have certain special forms of rituals ? Vedic rituals ? which cannot be compromised with. Because we do not know how they can be different. We have no other pramaana for it. We do not have a means of knowledge to prove that this can be different.They do not accept any of that. And they preach. It is not that they preach their own religion. They preach against other religions. And I consider that kind of preaching is violence. It breeds violence. I have a genius which does not permit me to convert. I cannot be asked to convert.Therefore, the violence against me is a one?sided violence. It is a rank one?sided violence. They have gotten away with it for two thousand years. I want them to know that this is violence. Let them prove conversion is non-violence.I am hurt and many others like me are hurt. Millions are hurt. There are so many other issues to be discussed with reference to conversion. But I have only one to discuss here. It is the violence that is allowed to be perpetrated against humanity, against cultures, against religions. That is the only issue here; there is no other issue. (Applause)Violence is the only issue. Humanity should not stand with hands down and allow violence to be continued against a person who is non-violent.There is another important fact in the Indian context, I tell you. I am a Swami committed to ahimsa. A sannyasi's vow is ahimsa, really. It is nothing but ahimsa ?sarva?bhootebhyo abhayam. l am taking this sanyasa and offer a complete assurance to all the beings and to all the devataas, that I am not a competitor to any of them and that I will not hurt any of them ? kayena vacha manasaa. That is sannyasa. I am aware of this. I am a sannyasi .Now I sit in Rishikesh. These two people come to me. One is a Padri and the other is a Moulvi. I invite both of them. They are religious people. I respect them. I give them seats. They try to argue with me about something. Generally, I do not argue with them. You can argue with people whom you can convince. I don't want to argue with people who only want to convince me.So I don't argue. I enjoy their company. I sit with them and talk to them. They pick up a quarrel with me. And then they begin to beat me. Please note that, this is just an imaginary tale. And there is a policeman standing there. They go on beating me black and blue. I implore to the policeman, "Please stop them. I am committed to ahimsa. I don't want to fight them back. You please do something". I appeal to him.He says, This is a matter between religious people. I am secular. (Prolonged cheers) I am supposed not to interfere". I appeal to him. Twice, thrice I request him. He does not respond to me positively. Then I think I have to protect myself. My shaastra will forgive me. Even though I am given to ahimsa, still I can protect myself.And therefore I thought I will take care of myself. I am not just a weakling. I have got enough strength. And therefore, I can take care of these two fellows plus one more. I began to defend myself. The best form of defence is offence. That is what every husband does. And therefore, you defend yourself. (Laughter)But the policeman stops me and says, They are minorities. They have to be protected and you should not fight against them". (Prolonged cheers)"Hey, policeman, you are supposed to protect me. You are the Government. You are the State. You are supposed to protect me. You cannot be like this".This is the situation that prevails in India.You have to change the whole blessed thing here. If the constitution has to be changed, let it be changed for good. (Prolonged cheers) My dharma is not violence. It does not allow conversion. And that dharma has to be protected. The State has to protect. If the protector does not protect, people should have a new protector to protect. That is all. (Prolonged cheers)Conversion is violence. And it breeds violence. Don't convert because, by this, you are converting the non-violent to be violent. (Applause) You are doing something wrong. This is drastically wrong. This error has to be realised. The sooner it is corrected, the better it is for all of us ? even for Christians and even for Muslims.I want the Islamic culture to be there. I want the Christian culture to be there. I want the Hindu culture and every other culture to be there. Every culture is to be protected. That is secularism.Thank you. (Prolonged cheers)
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