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Crime, corruption and chaos, Tamil Nadu's judicial badlands -- S. Ramanathan

November 8, 2015, 6:21 am
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Judicial Drama

Crime, corruption and chaos, Tamil Nadu’s 

judicial badlands: Part 1 - Lawyers vs Judges

Today, the three important pillars of the legal system – judges, lawyers and police - stand divided in mutual distrust and hatred, each pointing fingers at each other.
Ramanathan S.| Monday, November 2, 2015 - 16:42
On Wednesday, September 16, 2015, the Madras High Court resembled a military zone.
The high court campus has had a long-standing relationship with violence, which peaked during the legendary clashes between the police and lawyers in February 2009. But this Wednesday gave one more reason for members of the legal system to hang their heads in shame. The judges, fearing possible violence from lawyers practicing in their own courts, had to bring in police reinforcements to protect themselves.
One can’t blame the judges for being too careful. Anyone would want protection when 150 lawyers from Madurai arrive at the Madras HC campus in three buses, vowing to defend and support two of their fellow lawyers facing contempt charges. Expecting trouble, special CCTV cameras were installed, barricades were put up, additional security personnel were called in and more intelligence agencies were pressed into service. But nothing could stop lawyers assembled there from jeering at the judges, abusing them with the choicest of words, raising slogans against the police and judiciary. A small spark could have set the court on fire yet again. Justices S Tamilvanan and CT Selvam, who were hearing the case, moved in and out of the court in fear and under heavy security. Proceeding were held in-camera, and arrangements made for the hearing to be telecast live outside the court-hall in the campus. Times of India reported that it was 'anarchy'.
September 16 was not an isolated incident – it represents the saga of brutal violence, lawlessness, thuggery, ego-clashes, fear, intimidation, judicial inefficiency and corruption which has come to symbolize the business of dispensing justice in the state of Tamil Nadu. Today, the three important pillars of the legal system – judges, lawyers and police - stand divided in mutual distrust and hatred, each pointing fingers at the other.
The hearing on September 16 was the result of a long-drawn face-off between lawyers and judges under the aegis of the Madras High Court, operating in Chennai and Madurai. And, one might find it hard to believe, that this gladiatorial battle began with a court order enforcing helmets on two-wheeler drivers in the state.
From helmets to raising hell in court-halls
On June 8, 2015, Justice N Kirubakaran of the Madurai bench of the Madras High Court made it compulsory for two-wheeler riders to wear helmets in the state. In view of the fact that such orders have been passed before by the government and courts in the past, the court also ordered that licenses of those not wearing helmets be impounded.
Lawyers at the Madurai court campus however were not happy and decided to protest against the order.
 The rule was to be enforced from July 1. On July 2, nearly 100 lawyers took out a bike rally in Madurai in violation of the order. Not only were they riding without helmets within the court campus, but were also allegedly forcing other riders on the road to remove their helmets. The police department submitted a detailed report, with photographs, of the lawyers' behaviour.
When an FIR was filed against two lawyers for taking out the rally, things turned uglier. More protests were held later that month. Helmets were burned, rallies were conducted and the courts were boycotted, much to judges’ annoyance. A lady police officer was also alleged to have been assaulted in the Madurai campus by lawyers.
Following this, an irate Madras HC bench of Justices Tamilvanan and Selvam slapped contempt cases on Madurai Bar Association president A K Ramasamy and secretary A Dharmarajan, asking them to explain as to why action should not be initiated against them for disobeying the court. The hearing against these two lawyers was eventually scheduled for September 16.
This is where, lawyers say, that the judges were wrong. Senior advocate NGR Prasad says that the lawyers should have been called in for negotiations instead.  “You can’t expect the lawyers to have the same attitude as before. New set of people who have been in protest movements for recognition of their social rights before are coming into the legal profession here. And the protests are a manifestation of that,” he says.
As September 16, the date of the hearing approached, and faced with a high probability of conviction - which means they will lose their license to practice – lawyers now turned on the heat even more. On September 10, in an open dare to the judiciary, lawyers in Madurai released a list of five judges who they alleged were ‘corrupt’, and that included the names of the two judges, Tamilvanan and Selvam, who slapped contempt cases on them.
Just two days before the hearing, on September 14, the Madras HC was witness to another sudden protest by a bunch of lawyers – they were demanding that Tamil be made an official language at the Madras High Court.
According to the Registrar of the Madras HC, the agitating advocates ‘entered the court halls, without robes, and threatened the advocates’, ‘also used abusive language’ and indulged in ‘unruly behaviour’. Placards were held and slogans shouted demanding their right to use Tamil. One lawyer had even brought a kid to the protest. For the judges, including the Chief Justice of Madras High Court Sanjay Kishan Kaul, this was a dire warning as to what could happen on September 16.
By then, Justice Kaul had had enough, himself having borne the brunt of advocates’ unruliness in the past year.  In February, after he refused to accept suggestions from them on appointment of judges, a group of lawyers stormed into his court hall and asked him to ‘go back to Kashmir’, where he hails from. Later in April, while he was in Delhi having dinner with senior members of Indian judiciary, lawyers in Chennai laid siege to his official residence seeking immediate bail for two of their colleagues facing police action. The sheer audacity of the act shook the judiciary.
Prasad, however, says that the Chief Justice panicked and need not have reacted he way he did to the siege by lawyers.
So on September 14, after the protests for Tamil erupted, Chief Justice Kaul and Justice TS Sivagnanam ordered that the Central Industrial Security Force, or a similar paramilitary force, provide security to the court premises. Following this, heavy security arrangements were made for September 16, when the hearing was held.
The hearing on September 16 was a damp squib in itself, and the case will go on. But it only brought to the fore, the embarrassment which some lawyers have been bringing to the profession over the last few years.
- See more at: http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/crime-corruption-and-chaos-tamil-nadu%E2%80%99s-judicial-badlands-part-1-lawyers-vs-judges-35634#sthash.h8SgciQH.dpuf
Crime, corruption and chaos, Tamil Nadu’s judicial badlands: Part 2 - Criminal Lawyering
Lawyers have been accused of extortion, murder, land-grab and criminal intimidation.
Ramanathan S.| Monday, November 2, 2015 - 16:57
In his suo motu order seeking CISF protection for the Madras HC, Justice TS Sivagnanam quotes from a police report submitted to the court on how lawyers allegedly behave in the court campus. The report says that advocates have beaten up police personnel several times within the campus. Police allege that lawyers refuse to show their ID card or follow parking rules, continue to play cricket inside the court campus, pass lewd remarks against women police personnel, take liquor inside the campus and also conduct ‘katta panchayat’ or kangaroo courts within the campus.
However, all the above allegations are about their conduct within the court campus. The real shocker lies in what some lawyers are alleged to be indulging in outside.
Lamenting on the state of affairs, retired Judge K Chandru says, “The reported incidents involving lawyers in Tamil Nadu in the past few years will show that not only there were murders in the court campus, mayhem both inside and outside courts, outright extortion and thuggery involving members of the so-called noble profession, intimidation, blackmail and court boycotts at the drop of a hat.  These incidents are on the increase. In most of the places the Bar virtually holds the court to ransom.”
Justice Chandru also points out to the trend of 'katta panchayats' or kangaroo courts. “There has been increasing complaints of some lawyers conducting kangaroo courts inside the court premises and trying to settle matters by themselves.  Witnesses are threatened and complainants are forced to withdraw complaints.  Parties are attacked physically. A recent trend is that the lawyers themselves go to the place of litigation (house eviction, land eviction etc.) and try to execute orders of the court by themselves without the court's intervention,” he says.
‘Adengappa Sqauds’: A saga of extortion, murder and rowdyism
They are called ‘adengappa squads’. The best translation one can come up with for ‘adengappa’, while also maintaining the emotional integrity of the word, is ‘oh my god’. The name perhaps alludes to the disbelief their actions evoke.
These squads are lawyer-goons for hire, armed with a degree in law and inclination towards rowdyism. You have a court order in your favour and yet someone is squatting over your property? Call the adengappa squads. They will swoop in and get the property vacated, even if it requires the use of force. Is there a court order against you, and you don’t want the police or city corporation to take action? Call the adengappa squads. For protection money, they will prevent the long arms of the law from reaching you – even if that means intimidating police officers or government officials.
In July this year, the Madras HC passed orders sealing illegally constructed buildings at Georgetown in Chennai. When a city official came to enforce the order at a restaurant, he reportedly found several men squatting on the property the whole day. All of them were dressed in black and white, claimed to be lawyers and threatened the city official that he would be booked under SC/ST act if he dared to touch the building. The city official returned without even lodging a protest.
This is only the easiest way these squads evade justice, and there have been worse cases of crime.
On September 14, 2013, Chennai-based neurosurgeon SD Subbiah was hacked to death by two assailants in full public view, allegedly over a property dispute. The main suspects in the case were two brothers, Basil and Boris. Basil is a lawyer at the Madras High Court.
When a sub-inspector entered the Madras High Court to arrest Basil, he was allegedly assaulted by advocates at the HC. The SI was beaten up in the campus while another lawyer, B Williams, believed to be one of the participants in the crime, escaped. Williams surrendered 15 months later at the Saidapet magistrate court. It was alleged that Williams hired hit-men for Rs. 50 lakh to kill the neurosurgeon to help his junior Basil and another Nagercoil-based doctor who had a dispute with Subbiah.
TNM has in its possession a report submitted by the police department to the TN Bar Council listing out the criminal cases in the South Zone of Chennai city in which lawyers are accused of various crimes. From 2011 to 2015, there have been 47 major cases against 107 lawyers, just in one zone in Chennai city. And these are cases of land grab, extortion, intimidation, physical assault and murder.
In one case, a 77-year old woman complained that twenty unknown advocates trespassed into her house where she has been living for 50 years, built a small thatched hut in front of her house and threatened her, understandably asking her to vacate the property. In another case, 25 lawyers are alleged to have entered a house, damaged property, threatened the family that they would rape her daughter and set her on fire unless the property is handed-over to them.
The list is long. The News Minute has also reported earlier on the lawyer-criminals of the trial courts in Egmore in Chennai.
- See more at: http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/crime-corruption-and-chaos-tamil-nadu%E2%80%99s-judicial-badlands-part-2-criminal-lawyering-35637#sthash.f33saYZm.dpuf
Crime, corruption and chaos, Tamil Nadu’s judicial badlands: Part 3 - ‘Blame judges too'
Lawyers say that the quality of judges is worsening, and that there is corruption in all institutions including the judiciary.
Ramanathan S.| Monday, November 2, 2015 - 17:08
Lawyers say that their community alone cannot be blamed for the deteriorating situation of the legal system.
“Why do you think katta panchayat (kangaroo courts) are held? Because there are no judges. There should be 75 judges at MHC, only 37 are there, out of the 37 only 26 are here in Chennai and one of them is not well at all. The NJAC case at SC had stopped an entire lot of appointments, clients are not able to get release. Why do people go to katta panchayats, because for ten years issue is not being resolved,” says NGR Prasad, a senior advocate at the Madras HC.
Lawyers further say that the quality of judges in worsening, and point to the case of Justice CS Karnan.
Angry with the way judges were bring appointed at the Madras HC, Justice CS Karnan recently threatened to mount contempt charges against Chief Justice Kaul himself, perhaps unprecedented in the judicial history of India. He also warned that he would initiate proceedings against the CJ under the SC/ST atrocities act for ‘harassing’ him. Appearing at the Supreme court for the HC Registry, advocate KK Venugopal said that Justice Karnan’s order has brought disrepute to the institution.
In January 2014, the same CS Karnan had stormed into a court hall hearing a PIL and made allegations of fraud against some judges. The SC later came down heavily on Justice Karnan, terming his conduct “indecorous” and “uncharitable”.
“Yes some lawyers are not disciplined, you can say that about judges also. Look at the Karnan issue, he has threatened contempt proceedings against the CJ, what more indiscipline you want?” asks Prasad.
“The whole quality of legal process has gone down. Lawyers have also contributed to it but so have judges. We have to look at the larger issue here,” he adds.
Justice Chandru tends to agree to some extent. “Corruption in judiciary has always been there. When Justice Bharucha observed that 20% of the higher judiciary is corrupt no one challenged him.  In my opinion that percentage would have only gone up.  I will agree to the proposition that corruption in public life had also permeated into the legal profession also and that may be one reason for the increased criminality of the Bar members,” he says, but adds that judicial corruption cannot be the sole reason.
Are there any solutions?
Meanwhile, after the Supreme Court of India stepped into the ongoing clash between lawyers and judges at the Madras High Court, there was pressure on the Bar Council of India to take action against the erring lawyers in.
Chief Justice of india HL Dattu, while hearing the case about the situation in Madras HC in September, said “[The] Madras HC judges preside in courts with fear psychosis expecting mobs to come in and attack them at anytime. It was once a traditional court that we all looked up to. Never, before has it fallen to such low levels. All because of you lawyers.”
Show-cause notices have been issued to several lawyers by the BCI, following which it is said that lawyers are lying low.
What was once a tussle between lawyers and police officers, grew into a face-off between lawyers and judges and has now divided the lawyer community itself between the state and central bar councils.
There is little hope of any effective solutions soon.  “The problems themselves are yet to be identified in a broad context.  That requires a deeper study of the sociological problems of the profession,” says Justice Chandru. However, he says that legal education sector needs a major overhaul. It is high time, he says, that steps are taken to correct the situation and entrust the monitoring and laying down of standards on legal education to a specialized body and leave the mechanism of enrolment and disciplinary action against lawyers alone to the Bar Council of India.
- See more at: http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/crime-corruption-and-chaos-tamil-nadu%E2%80%99s-judicial-badlands-part-3-%E2%80%98blame-judges-too-35638#sthash.Cta7pX29.dpuf
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NaMo routed in Bihar, will he learn any lesson?

November 8, 2015, 5:35 pm
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I almost entirely agree with the Bihar assembly poll electoral analysis by Kanchan Gupta ji, excepting for the title of the note. 

The note is addressed to NaMo, NOT to BJP. NaMo, jeevema s'aradah s'atam, may you live a hundred autumns to take this nation of Bharatam to her destiny. You a child, an instrument for unfolding this destiny.


If there is one message from the Bihar result, it is this: kaalaadhan. People will be led back to the Jungle Raj because effective and resolute action was not taken to send kaalaadhanwale to Tihar.

Please re-read the 2015 Vijayadasami message of Mohanji Bhagwat.

The question should be addressed to NaMo who should introspect calmly, like a sthitaprajna which he is.


NaMo, prove me wrong, make Bihar election tally an aberration. Demonstrate to the world that you are a man of action and will ensure restitution of kaalaadhan.

Jandhan yojana is fine, but ensure that MUDRA money reaches tens of crores of young entrepreneurs and a million youth are employed with immediate effect to put in place the National Water Grid which will unite the nation and be an economic multipier effect of unprecedented magnitude. Ensure that the 9 crore acres of additional wetland generated by NWDA is distributed to 9 crore landless families.

Tell the nation firmly and with dedication, I have learnt the lessons the citizens of Bharat have taught me. I will stay humble, continue to the first servant of the nation, dedicated to the cause of dharma, of abhyudayam. I am sorry if I have slipped up, I will correct my mistakes. 

Tell the nation that Swarajyam won in May 2014 shall be sustained by resolute action. 

Announce National Water Grid Authority. 

Announce enforcement of Rule of Law againt kaalaadhanwale and institute prosecutorial teams with IMMEDIATE effect. 

Tell the world, that India's destiny will be realised in the constitution of Indian Ocean Community for abhyudayam of over 2 billion people along the Indian Ocean Rim.

Reinforce the resolve, dharmo rakshati rakshitah, dharma protects the protector and this dharma-dhamma inviolate will continue to define the nation's destiny.

All of us mere nimitta matram for loka sangraha, for the world welfare as Gitacharya has pronounced.

I agree with the analysis of Arun Shourie. NaMo, if you listen to any one person, it should be to Arun Shourie. No one is perfect, Arun Shourie may have his own faults, but his ardent nationalism is beyond question. He may have fallen during whatever Thapar interview. But, please, please listen to him carefully. He is a well-wisher of Bharatiya and may sound harsh or bitter, but please listen to him.

First, own up the mistakes. Tell the nation, that NaMo will seriously introspect and ensure course correction with immediate effect.

NaMo routed in Bihar, will he learn any lesson?

What lesson I learn from Kanchan ji, I will explain to help NaMo internalise his own evaluation and come to appropriate course corrections in governance.

Before acting on suggestions about what needs to be done, please browse through some bon mots (good words), some tweets given below. I am sure more pearls of wisdom will come from sincere political, social, cultural and economic analysts.

For e.g. Shrikant Talageri is angry that an opportunity was lost when Pres. Obama made an intemperate comment about India's minorities and NaMo who had an opportunity to refute did NOT.
 13 hours ago
Will pm reshuffle cabinet, drop dead woods, non performers & corrupt? Need a massive revisit to drawing board.
 13 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
Churchill won the 2nd world war and got defeated in 1945. NaMo won the 2014 LS poll and got defeated in Bihar Assembly poll.
 13 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
A cultural foundation forIndianOcean Community:Sahasralinga,Karnataka,Cambodia Kbal Spean …
 10 hours agoEgmore Nungambakkam, Tamil Nadu
'CHATUR VARNYAM MAYAA SRISHTAM'India is not a religion based society but jati&varna based society,who understands it better,wins
 12 hours agoNew Delhi, Delhi
Phase-wise results of Bihar (as of 6 pm, data source ECI)
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 17 hours ago
BJP &Modi paying price for under valuing software of politics i.e. intellectual firepower. Left monopolizes software,even tho lacks hardware
 17 hours ago
BJP actually increased its vote share by a whopping 12%, but when the opposition is united there's just no way to win.
 11 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
Jungle Raj, 2nd edition, 2015. Rs. 1.65 lakh crore to spend. Jolly good Raj. Bye, bye kaalaadhan restitution.
 11 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
RJD+Cong 107 seats, just short of 14 to rule. Jungle Raj!!
 11 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
When does a leader become a statesman? When his or her vision is remembered by generations. Learn from Gen. Eisenhower.
 12 hours ago
Itni Khushi :')
 12 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
Gen.Eisenhower evntoday remembered for massive highwaysinter linking of country-Do somethingVERYBIG--say interlinking rivers:!
 17 hours ago
Nitish ji, Congratulations, well done. Now, for bigger battles.
 12 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
Gen. Eisenhower won the war and as Pres interlinked USA with highways and employed million soldiers. NaMo,NationalWater Grid
 13 hours agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
Leadership of the nation should ensure that the Swarajyam won in May 2014 does NOT get dissipated.Bihar poll result aberration
why does the want to be loved at all costs whenever it comes to power? Will someone explain it to me?
As we saw in 2004, BJP cannot win by competing with others on sickularism and cultivating presstitutes.
 3 minutes ago
Why the govt is wrong in supporting prosecution of Swamy for hate speech via thenewsminute
 8 hours ago
Return of Jungle Raj: 70% of MGB winners in have criminal records. via
 5 hours agoHillingdon, London
Indian leaders tend to know everything about everything, but not acquiring professional think tank allows them to make school boy blunders!
 11 hours ago
Modi cannot win 2019 with twitter support, he needs to take Bjp deep into OBCs and dalits
 11 hours ago
NaMo should stop being nice to all , there was no need to attend wedding parties of Singhvi

  1.  10 hours ago
    NaMo doing excellent job on defense corruption and other areas, folks don't lose hope, it's not over yet
    27 retweets15 likes
     
     
     
  2.   Retweeted
     10 hours ago
    Bihar experiment cannot be sustained, this defeat will help if right lessons learned

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Tweeted before, Power mocks back when not used, NaMo use it now to destroy enemies
BJP allies Paswan-Manjhi - Kushwaha got only 2-1 -2 seats...Like Sholay : Kitana seat contest kiya?....kitna mila re?
  2.  6 hours ago
    .: The exit polls might predict a khichdi... but the voters are throwing up a clear mandate [across India].
    View summary
    9 retweets12 likes
     
     
     
  3.  6 hours ago
    Indian secularism is without sex, without consummating with Pakistan. It is incomplete without visiting Pakistan.
    Embedded image permalink
    123 retweets63 likes
     
     
     
  4.  6 hours ago
    Ever saw seculars inviting Bangladesh's liberal writers to India for book releases? Secularism is counter-patriotic.
    Embedded image permalink
    155 retweets64 likes
     
     
     
  5.  6 hours ago
    Ever saw seculars visiting Dhaka? Indian leaders rejoice with India's enemies, are seen as legitimate by Indians.
    Embedded image permalink
    239 retweets90 likes
     
     
     
  6.  6 hours ago
    Never forget: Indian leaders feel privileged to share dais with those who launched largest jihad against India 1999.
    Embedded image permalink
    310 retweets137 likes
     
     
     
  7.  7 hours ago
    A major issue on which BJP is not even speaking up is: women's quota in parliament. Why not at least talk loudly about it?
    79 retweets57 likes
     
     
     
  8.  7 hours ago
    BJP lacks presence on social media, unable to articulate its vision (except through Modi). Twitter accounts in Urdu or Tamil?
    69 retweets52 likes
     
     
     
  9.  7 hours ago
    If private firms can run airlines, why can't they run trains? BJP must undertake radical reforms in Indian Railways.
    View conversation
    79 retweets54 likes
     
     
     
  10.  8 hours ago
    Indian Railways is the face of any government in India. Much work is being done but reform fast and introduce private trains.
    View conversation
    88 retweets73 likes
     
     
     
  11.  8 hours ago
    BJP leaders must consider the Sensex in deciding government policies. Modi Govt needs a clear backing of Indian industry.
    View conversation
    67 retweets64 likes
     
     
     
  12.  8 hours ago
    Last two Budgets by Modi Govt. were good but cautious. If the third is not BOLD, BJP will certainly lose the 2019 elections.
    184 retweets133 likes
     
     
     
  13.  8 hours ago
    The BJP leadership must think of making the quota debate redundant. "Sabka Saath, Saka Vikaas" is distant. Add concrete ideas.
    View conversation
    69 retweets56 likes
     
     
     
  14.  8 hours ago
    BJP must tell Indians: We will give guaranteed scholarships to children of ALL BPL card holders of all castes and religions.
    226 retweets132 likes
     
     
     
  15.  8 hours ago
    BJP leaders must limit their interviews to Doordarshan and All India Radio. Understand: journalists are political activists.
    447 retweets243 likes
     
     
     
  16.  8 hours ago
    BJP must tell Muslims: We will give your daughters mathematics, science and economics from Grade 1, not quota and secularism.
    245 retweets157 likes
     
     
     
  17.  8 hours ago
    BJP must address 'minority' issues like insecurity. Ensure radical police reforms and zero tolerance for riots and lawbreakers.
    183 retweets123 likes
     
     
     
  18.  8 hours ago
    To be the party of the 21st century, BJP needs to loudly back gay rights. Indian youths are ready. Are you? Abolish
    64 retweets47 likes
     
     
     
  19.  8 hours ago
    BJP needs to get two dozen national spokesperson who should come from media and party. A spokesperson as a subject specialist.
    View conversation
    213 retweets143 likes
     
     
     
  20.  8 hours ago
    For BJP to show inclusiveness as core principle, it needs at least 50% women among top 100 leaders. Let it be a women's party.
    View conversation
    109 retweets78 likes
     
     
     
  21.  8 hours ago
    BJP needs to be run by a collegium of politicians where decision is arrived from below, after thorough discussion.
    126 retweets87 likes
     
     
     
  22.  8 hours ago
    After Modi took over in 2014, BJP emerged as a nationwide party. It is the only nationwide party in India. Be more inclusive.
    150 retweets111 likes
     
     
     
  23.  8 hours ago
    Too much love with the subject -- also some form of Stockholm Syndrome
    Picture worth 1000 words- a convicted criminal with a media mercenary who was saved by LOP follown Radia revelations

BJP routed in Bihar, will it learn any lesson?

Last Updated: Sunday, 8 November 2015 10:33 PM | By:Kanchan Gupta

BJP routed in Bihar, will it learn any lesson?

The BJP has suffered a crushing defeat in the Bihar Assembly election. There is no other way to describe Sunday’s verdict. The BJP’s electoral failure in Delhi was bad. In Bihar it is an unmitigated disaster.
The BJP could seek solace in the tired dictum that elections come and go but parties remain. Nor is any purpose served in rationalising the defeat in Bihar by arguing no party can win every election.
For good reason the BJP had heavily invested in winning this election. A victory for the BJP would have had a three-fold impact:                                                                                                                                                                                       
First, it would have strengthened Prime Minister Narendra Modi politically. Apart from fetching the party seats in the Rajya Sabha, where the NDA Government is hobbled by its lack of numbers, it would have helped reassert that the Prime Minister still remains toweringly popular. 
Second, it would have reaffirmed Amit Shah’s credentials as an astute election strategist and made him an unassailable party boss. His effort to enrol millions of primary members to make the BJP the world’s largest party would not have seemed as a meaningless exercise.
Third, it would have set the tone for coming Assembly elections, especially in Assam and, later, in Uttar Pradesh. 
A cadre high on the stupendous victory of 2014 and in subsequent Assembly elections, barring in Delhi, needs to be constantly charged. The party needs to be seen as unbeatable.Hence the Prime Minister led the battle of Bihar from the front, addressing as many as 30 rallies, aggressively campaigning against the incumbent Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and his Maha Gatbandhan. 
He directed much of his firepower at Lalu Prasad Yadav and his RJD.In the event, all that effort went to waste. The people of Bihar have reposed their faith in Nitish Kumar while giving Lalu Prasad Yadav 80 of the 100 sears RJD contested, more than the JDU’s 73 out of 100. 
The BJP may have got a higher vote share of 24.8 per cent, compared to the RJD’s 18.5 per cent and the RJD’s 16.7 per cent. It has also got more votes than previously. But these are at best footnotes of this election’s outcome.
At the end of the day, people have voted their caste, kith and community. They have rejected the development agenda proffered by Narendra Modi, electing to stay with the unimpressive track record of Nitish Kumar and resurrecting the spectre of the Jungle Raj of the Lalu Years.
They have glossed over corruption though much is made of it by all and sundry. Or else a convicted criminal held guilty of mammoth corruption and disqualified from contesting elections would not have been able to emerge as the power behind the throne.
Putting it bluntly, caste rules the roost in Bihar. Whoever can stitch up a critical mass of caste support and couple it with the State’s Muslim vote can romp home in a bipolar contest. In 2014 BJP succeeded despite the odds stacked against it on the caste front because JDU and RJD contested separately.
But that does not explain why the BJP’s allies — LJP, RLSP and HAM — stumbled and fell, failing to win the support of the Paswan, Koeri and Mahadalit voters, leave alone transfer them to BJP. Nor does it explain why the BJP witnessed the desertion of forward caste voters or urban areas rejecting the party.
So, what are the key takeaways from this poll? Here is a quick list.
A stridently negative campaign, including personal attacks, does not deliver votes when there is no particular angst against the incumbent Chief Minister. If ‘bad naseeb’ generated sympathy and support for Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi, ‘DNA’ not only did that for Nitish Kumar but also served to create an umbrella Bihari coalition. Nitish Kumar turned it further to his advantage with his “Bihari versus Bahari” slogan.
Second, Narendra Modi’s development narrative is losing traction. One-and-a-half years after storming to power with the slogan of “Achche Din”, Modi Sarkar is yet to show visible delivery. Poor expectation management has made impatient voters reluctant to wait any longer. Worse, the Government has no plausible explanation as to why it has failed so miserably in holding the food price line. Dal is an example. Citing CPI statistics does not cut ice with voters who are yet to experience deflation.
Third, equally inexplicable is why Modi Sarkar is still dragging its feet on kickstarting the investment cycle through big ticket public spending on visible infrastructure projects that can rapidly generate jobs and revive the core sector’s growth. Make in India is fine, but it’s tangential to voter interest unless jobs are on offer. It would be instructive to inquire as to why Jan Dhan Yojana, a flagship scheme, has not excited popular imagination.
Fourth, ‘Packages’ should be well thought through. Packaging existing or assured payouts as a ‘special package’ is self-defeating. And, making an exhibition and a spectacle of announcing the package, as Narendra Modi did, likely displeases voters at large, more so when they are repeatedly told, as they were by Nitish Kumar, that this is akin to an auctioneer putting the dignity of a State under the hammer. If ‘Gujarati asmita’ can help defeat the Congress in Gujarat, so can ‘Bihari gaurav’ help defeat the BJP in Bihar.
Fifth, Narendra Modi’s own popularity remains sky high but his famous ability to connect with the masses has begun to flag. Yes, there were massive crowds at his rallies. But on polling day those crowds voted for others. We can only assume Narendra Modi was unable to convince them to vote BJP. Why is it so? Is he facing a perception problem? Is the charge that he is more interested in his foreign travels and in collecting accolades abroad than in minding affairs at home beginning to stick? Is ‘Mann ki Baat’ more hyped than real in its impact? Is the messenger still loved but his message increasingly ignored?
As I said, this is a quick brief list. The BJP would do well to look into these and other issues that could possibly explain Sunday’s major setback for the party, more so for Narendra Modi and his governance agenda. Pretending there has been no setback is plain silly, though flatterers and chatterers may yet convince the BJP leadership that Bihar was not a debilitating, dispiriting rout, and that there’s nothing to worry.
And therein lies the reason why Modi Sarkar is now being seen, even by its ardent supporters, as dangerously close to running the risk of losing the plot. http://www.abplive.in/blog/bjp-routed-in-bihar-will-it-learn-any-lesson

Modi, Shah and Jaitley responsible for Bihar debacle: Shourie

By: PTI | Last Updated: Sunday, 8 November 2015 9:08 PM New Delhi: Former Union Minister Arun Shourie on Sunday said Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and Arun Jaitley should be held accountable for BJP’s loss in Bihar elections and predicted that the “silent non-cooperation movement” in the party against the leadership will now deepen.
He said a “Modi-centric” campaign “lacked credibility” because of the unkept promises of the past and blamed BJP’s
“divisive tactics” for the drubbing. Shourie, a minister in the Vajpayee government, who is no longer with the party, accused Shah and Jaitley of “fomenting” a coalition against Modi by forcing the other opposition parties, which commanding over 69 per cent of vote, to get into an alliance.

He said that the BJP came to power at the height of Modi’s popularity with merely 31 per cent votes.”It is Modi, the master strategist (Shah) and Jaitley,” he said when asked who should be held responsible for the defeat. “There is no fourth person in the party or the government.”
Asked what went wrong with the party’s Bihar campaign, he said, “everything”.Elaborating his comments, he said “a Modi-centric campaign, a divisive campaign and the campaign lacked credibility as promises of the past have not been kept”.
In this context, he referred to Modi’s claim during Lok Sabha poll campaign that everybody will get Rs 15 lakh with the amount of black money he would bring to India if he was voted to power.
And then their party president said it was a ‘jumla’, so people will obviously not take you seriously when you make new promises, he added.
Asked about the implications of the loss for the party and the government, he said, “The silent non-cooperation
movement against them (Modi, Shah, Jaitley) will deepen. In the government, bureaucracy will also not be forthcoming.” Once an avid supporter of Modi, Shourie has turned a sharp critic of his government and the party.
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Bihar poll result: relegitimisation of odious politics of Lalu Prasad Yadav. This tragedy has to be undone by NaMo. Restitute kaalaadhan.

November 8, 2015, 5:49 pm
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Kalyanaraman
  1.  6 minutes ago
    Or, how BJP's hubris and arrogance led to resurrection of Lalu Prasad Yadav and relegitimised his odious politics.


    A vote against hubris | The Indian Express
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How Modi surrendered Bihar. Take rest, NaMo, introspect. Listen to patriots and dharmaatma. Restitute kaalaadhan, stay resolute. Announce National Water Grid.

November 8, 2015, 6:18 pm
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How Modi surrendered Bihar
Updated: November 9, 2015 02:58 IST | Neelanjan Sircar, Bhanu Joshi, Ashish Ranjan


The BJP-led NDA could have won this election easily, by repeating Modi, vikas and naukri over and over again. A recap of how they lost the script entirely
The Grand Alliance (Mahagathbandhan) has received a massive mandate from the people of Bihar, absolutely crushing the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in the 2015 State Assembly elections. According to numbers on the Election Commission of India (ECI) website at 4.55 p.m. on November 8, the NDA was leading or winning in just 59 Assembly constituencies (ACs), whereas it had won 172 ACs in the 2014 national election. In a matter of 18 months, the NDA has lost nearly two-thirds of its seat share. Even accounting for shifting alliances, the NDA was in a position to win if it played its cards right. As the NDA tries to pick up the pieces, it must reflect on what went wrong and how it can do better in future elections. Narendra Modi no longer seems like the juggernaut we saw when he came to power in 2014.
Neelanjan Sircar

Bhanu Joshi
Ashish Ranjan
Truth be told, given its commanding lead in 2014, the NDA should have won this election easily. All it had to do was to repeat Modi, vikas, naukri (Modi, development, jobs) over and over again to win. But the NDA lost the script; too often it started talking about reservations,beef and Pakistan instead of vikas, shooting itself in the foot.
After a difficult first two phases in this five-phase election, the NDA sought to retool its campaign. We were in Buxar, where Narendra Modi unveiled the new campaign strategy just before the third-phase polls. Mr. Modi, in his usual thunderous tone, declared, “Nitish and Lalu are conspiring to take away five per cent of reservation of the OBCs, EBCs and Dalits and give it away to a particular community (that is, Muslims).” We looked at each other incredulously; only a bahari (outsider) would think this tactic would work. We knew then and there that the NDA was dead in Bihar. The NDA ran, quite simply, one of the worst State-level election campaigns in recent memory.
This election started with a large reservoir of “floating voters”, who were looking to be convinced during the campaign. Issues like beef do not convince floating voters; a person for whom beef was an important issue was already likely voting for the NDA. As we argued previously, Nitish Kumar and Narendra Modi represent competing models of vikas; Mr Kumar’s notion of vikas envisions an expansive state through benefits schemes, while Mr Modi’s notion promises private investment and job creation. We opined that the person who won the vikas debate would also win the floating voters and the election. But, too often the NDA got sidetracked and failed to engage in the debate. Internal divisions within the party made the BJP refrain from taking credit for recent progress in Bihar and publicising state BJP leader Sushil Modi, even though he was Finance Minister for much of Mr Kumar’s tenure as Chief Minister. In short, the NDA handed the vikas debate to Mr Kumar on a platter, and the Grand Alliance won the lion’s share of floating voters.
Initial Look at the Data
We now discuss the phase-wise data in this 5 phase election, as given by the ECI website at 4.55 p.m. on November 8. It is important to remember that these are not final counts, just a calculation of who is leading. However, they give an indication of the effectiveness (or lack thereof) of the NDA’s campaign strategy.
As had been widely reported, the NDA campaign faltered severely in the first two phases of the election, in which 81 constituencies went to the polls; this is borne out in the data. Of these 81 constituencies, the NDA won 65 constituencies in 2014 (36 of 49 phase 1 constituencies and 29 of 32 phase 2 constituencies) for an overall strike rate of 80 per cent. In this election, the NDA was leading or winning in just six phase 1 constituencies and nine phase 2 constituencies, for a paltry overall strike rate of 19 per cent in the first two phases.
There was almost a two-week gap between the phase 2 and phase 3 polling dates. In this period, the NDA completely retooled its campaign, but the data show that the NDA’s strike rate only rose slightly to 27 per cent in the final three phases. In the final three phases, 162 constituencies went to the polls, and in 2014, the NDA won 107 of these constituencies (37 of 50 phase 3 constituencies, 53 of 55 phase 4 constituencies, and 15 of 57 phase 5 constituencies) for an overall strike rate of 66 per cent. In this election, the NDA was leading or winning in just 13 constituencies in phase 3, 20 constituencies in phase 4, and 11 constituencies in phase 5.
Of particular interest is whether the NDA’s strategy to manufacture Hindu consolidation in Muslim-heavy areas (phases 4 and 5) yielded electoral benefits. It seems to have been an abject failure. In phase 5 constituencies, the tally dropped from the 2014 national election to this election, but the NDA was never seriously challenging for many seats in this region. In phase 4 constituencies, in what had been a stronghold for the NDA in 2014, the strategy seems to have severely backfired by leading to a huge erosion of votes.
Any way one slices the data, the NDA performed poorly across the board. Its attempts to retool its campaign strategy had only a small impact on the electorate. Worse yet, a last minute attempt to polarise the electorate along religious lines seems to have hurt their vote share even further.
A barren electoral patch
The BJP had hoped to do well in Bihar, so it could swing the Rajya Sabha in its favour to unclog the current the deadlock taking place at the Centre. The most immediate impact of this election is that the deadlock is likely to remain in place. But Bihar means much more to the BJP. In 2014, the BJP won 22 of its 282 seats (8 per cent) from Bihar, and this loss in Bihar may have a carry-on effect to assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, where it won 71 Lok Sabha seats in 2014. In short, the drubbing in Bihar significantly weakens the BJP’s position at the Centre. Many policies that it had hoped to push through are now likely to be blocked or compromised.
Adding to the misery, the BJP is unlikely to do well in the 2016 State assembly elections. In 2016, Assam, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal will have elections. Of these States, the BJP only has a chance to have a reasonable seat share in Assam (which will likely go to the polls in October 2016), although it has not fared well recently. This means that the BJP could go at least two years without winning a State election, and likely will go longer without winning. This will severely weaken the party as it heads into the all-important 2017 State assembly election in Uttar Pradesh.
The BJP needs to do some soul searching. It has now been routed in two straight State/Union territory elections, Delhi and Bihar. Delhi could be explained away by the charisma of Arvind Kejriwal, but the thrashing in Bihar can only be explained by incompetence in designing the campaign. Mr Modi’s mandate is predicated on fixing the economy and generating employment, not religious division. The “side actors” are spoiling it for the BJP; if they continue to behave in this manner, the party must rebuke them publicly. Ultimately, the BJP must decide if it is more interested in talking about beef and Pakistan, or if it wants to win elections.
(Neelanjan Sircar, Bhanu Joshi and Ashish Ranjan are all affiliated with the Centre for Policy Research in Delhi. Special thanks to the Trivedi Centre for Political Data, Ashoka University, for providing electoral data in real time.)
http://m.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/how-modi-surrendered-bihar/article7858669.ece
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Bihar mantras: a summary of political analytical wisdom

November 8, 2015, 7:36 pm
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 12 seconds agoSholinganallur, Tamil Nadu
Bihar mantras, Not enough 1. hindutva 2. secularism 2. Prof. election managers. Hail NitishK, Lalu. Debunk Modi, Shah, Jaitley

I feel sad. Not many are talking about National Water Grid, Indian Ocean Community, Restitution of kaalaadhan.

I am amazed by the diversity of opinion, didn't someone say diversity is the hallmark of Hindutva?

It is economics,stupid. Youth want jobs and the jobs are not there. So, NaMo, create jobs, announce National Water Grid as State initiative with panchayat involvement.

Kalyan
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Identity ca. 3500 BCE of Bhāratam Janam, 1.speech, language 2. religion, 3. lineage as revealed by Indus Script Cipher. Work as worship.

November 9, 2015, 12:43 am
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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/nhlapeb

What is the purpose of Indus Script Decipherment? 

The purpose is to conclusively establish the identity of the people who created a civilization and to pin-down indicators of the language they spoke. 

In the absence of a decipherment of the Indus Script, there have been merely speculations on cultural significance of archaeological artifacts to delineate the 'religion' of the ancient people. 

Indus Script Corpora are archaeological artifacts, as epigraphs, inscriptions documented by the ancient people of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization.

With the decipherment of Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogues, a reconstruction of the significance of the associated artifacts (and life-activities of the ancient peoples of the civilization) can be suggested, beyond laukika interpretations as lokottara deductions, inferences and logical arguments.

The metalwork catalogues evidence:

1. significant contributions made by artisans of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization to archaeometallurgy with particular reference to: a) creation of new alloys such as bharata (factitious alloys of copper, pewter, tin); b) creation of cire perdue metal castings using hard alloys and c) lapidary work by artisans engaged in gem-fixing tasks indicated by the frequently-used description in the script corpora of kundar turner (A.); kudar, kudari (B.); kundaru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve signified by the hieroglyph: one-horned young bull with a pannier and neck-rings.

2. incipient formation of janapada (peoples' republics) as artisan guilds with products manufactured in workshops taken into 'treasuries' by jāṅgaḍiyo  'military guard who accompanies treasure into the Treasury' (Gujarati) (Rebus rendereing of Indus Script hieroglyph: saṅgaḍa, 'lathe, portable furnace').

3. kāraṇī or kāraṇīka,  'the supercargo of a ship &c' is a frequently-used description in the metalwork catalogues of the script corpora suggesting extensive presence of guilds of seafaring merchants of the civilization.

Section I. Spoken language (vāk, 'parole') of the civilization: Proto-Prakritam (Meluhha)

The decipherment has demonstrated that the underlying language of Indus Script hieroglyphs is Proto-Prakritam (Meluhha/Mleccha), the spoken versions of the Indian sprachbund ca. 3500 BCE (the earliest date of the Harappa potsherd containing Indus Script hieroglyphs).

That the underlying language is Proto-Prakritam is confirmed in two levels: Object Level 1: words signifying the hieroglyphs such as trunk of elephant, tiger, rhinoceros, buffalo are part of Proto-Prakritam lexis (vocabulary set); Rebus Cipher Level 2: words signifying rebus rendering of metalwork words such as furnace, smelter, copper, iron, zinc, tin, hard alloy, bharat (alloy of copper, pewter, tin), dhokra, cire perdue metal casting are part of Proto-Prakritam lexis (vocabulary set).

The areas lived-in by the ancient artisans constituted an Indian sprachbund (speech area) which resulted in the formation and evolution of all languages of ancient India.

This Proto-Prakritam of ca. 3500 BCE is consistent with the following map outlining Indian sprachbund zone of Northern South Asia during 8th to 4th millennia BCE, principally along the Sindhu-Sarasvati-Ganga-Narmada river basins.


Indian sprachbund
[After Franklin C. Southworth, 2005    Linguistic archaeology of South Asia, London: Routledge-Curzon (for the Table of Contents and chapter summaries, download LASAcontents.pdf). MLECCHA and VEDIC are added as overlays, on the language categories maped by Southworth.]

Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia,  Cambridge University Press].

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/maritime-meluhha-tin-road-links-far.html

Austroasiatic languages map (in German) from H.-J. Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, 1958: map
Austroasiatic Languages:
Munda (Eastern India) and
Mon-Khmer (NE India, mainland SE Asia, Malaysia, Nicobars) [Site maintained by Patricia Donegan and David Stampe]
  • Lexicography:
    • Munda Lexical Archive, an ongoing copylefted archive of most of the lexical materials available from the non-Kherwarian Munda languages, assembled, analyzed, and arranged by Patricia J. Donegan & David Stampe. A detailed description with credits is forthcoming. For now see 00README. (A current snapshot of the whole is available for download as a zip archive: munda-archive.zip)
      • Sora (Saora, Savara), data of G. V. Ramamurti, Verrier Elwin, H. S. Biligiri, David Stampe, Stanley Starosta, Bijoy P. Mahapatra, Ranganayaki Mahapatra, Arlene R. K. Zide, Khageswar Mahapatra, Piers Vitebsky, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Gorum (Parengi), data of Arlene R. K. Zide et al.
      • Gutob (Gadaba), data of Norman H. Zide, Bimal Prasad Das, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Remo (Bonda), data of Verrier Elwin, Frank Fernandez, S. Bhattacharya, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Gta' (Didayi), data of Suhas Chatterji, P. N. Chakravarti, Norman H. Zide, Khageswar Mahapatra, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
      • Kharia, data of H. Floor, H. Geysens, H. S. Biligiri, Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, et al.
      • Juang, data of Verrier Elwin, Dan M. Matson, Bijoy P. Mahapatra, Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, et al.
      • Korku, data of Norman H. Zide, Beryl A. Girard, Patricia J. Donegan, et al.
    • Santali, a growing selection of Paul Otto Bodding's 5-volume A Santal Dictionary (Oslo, Norske Videnskaps-Akademi, 1929-1936), input by Makoto Minegishi and associates, ILCAA, Tokyo, but so far of limited value since it is accessible only by searching for an exactly spelled Santali headword! .
  • Etymology:
    • Munda:
      • Comparative Munda (mostly North), rough draft ed. Stampe, based on Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1959) and Ram Dayal Munda's Proto-Kherwarian Phonology, unpublished MA thesis, University of Chicago, 1968.
      • Working files of South Munda lexical data by gloss assembled from collections of David Stampe, Patricia Donegan, H.-J. Pinnow, Sudhibhushan Bhattacharya, and Norman and Arlene Zide for a seminar by Stampe on Austroasiatic languages.
    • Indian Substratum: South Asia Residual Vocabulary Assemblage (SARVA), a compilation of ancient Indian words lacking apparent Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, or Austroasiatic origins, in progress by Franklin Southworth and Michael Witzel, with David Stampe.
    • Dravidian: Thomas Burrow and Murray B. Emeneau's A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2nd ed. 1984. Accessible by search on headwords or strings, through the Digital Dictionaries of South Asia project, U. Chicago.
    • Indo-Aryan: Sir Ralph Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages, London: Oxford University Press, 1962-66, with 3 supplements 1969-85. Accessible by search on headwords or strings, through the Digital Dictionaries of South Asia project, U. Chicago.
    • Sino-Tibetan: James A. Matisoff's STEDT (Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus) Project, at Berkeley. The first fruit of the project, Matisoff'sHandbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and Philosophy of Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction (University of California Publications in Linguistics 135), 2003, can be downloaded from California's eScholarship Repository as a searchable pdf file. On the STEDT site is an index of reconstructions and a first set ofaddenda and corrigenda for HPTB. Electronic publication of STEDT is planned in 8 semantically arranged fascicles.
    • http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/


    https://kampotmuseum.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/austroasiatic-languages.jpg
    {{{mapalt}}}
    http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/8e/Austroasiatic-en.svg/300px-Austroasiatic-en.svg.png

    [Source: Vikrant Kumar, et. al., “Asian and Non-Asian Origins of Mon-Khmer- and Mundari-Speaking Austro-Asiatic Populations of India,” American Journal of Human Biology 18 (2006): 467.]




    Paul Sidwell and Roger Blench propose that the Austroasiatic phylum had dispersed via the Mekong River drainage basin.
    Indo-Aryan
    http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/dravling/hopper5.html

    Linguistic history of the Indian subcontinent


    The languages of the Indian Subcontinent are divided into various language families, of which the Indo-Aryan languages and the Dravidian languages are the most widely spoken. There are also many languages belonging to unrelated language families such asTibeto-Burman, spoken by smaller groups. Linguistic records begin with the appearance of the Brāhmī script from about the 3rd century BCE.

    Locus of the civilization area

    As many as 80% or 2000 out of 2600 archaeological sites of the Indus Civilization are on the banks of River Sarasvati forcing a renaming of the civilization as Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization. This discovery proved the reality of the Vedic River Sarasvati and continuum of settlements from ca. 8th millennium BCE in the doab.

    Source: http://www.harappa.com/har/ancient-indus-sites.html


    Section II. Cultural-religious indicators (sáṁskr̥ti, ʻput together, completedʼ Rigveda) of the civilization: īśāna ʻrulingʼ Rigveda; īśvará'master' (Atharvaveda); īsara 'lord' (Prakritam)

    Yes, the people seemed to have venerated śivalinga. A version of a skambha, ekamukha linga is associated with sculptural friezes of Bhutesvar of 2nd cent. BCE signifying smelters for metalwork.

    The association of a skambha, linga, is the earliest attestation of an aniconic signifier of some phenomena at work in converting mere earth and ashes into metal forms in a smelting process. This is the earliest evidence of the formation of a 'religious' explanation for the archaeo-metallurgical process as a manifestation of the cosmic process. This gets later signified as the cosmic dance by the orthographic representation of a tāṇḍava nṛtya of īśvará.


    Worship of linga by Gandharva, Shunga period (ca. 2nd cent. BCE), ACCN 3625, Mathura Museum. Worship signified by dwarfs, Gaṇa (hence Gaṇeśa =  Gaṇa +  īśa).

    This skambha, fiery pillar of light, seems to be of an infinite size with roots and end indeterminate, a concept represented in sculptural frieze of Darasuram, Airavatesvara temple. Both Brahma and Vishnu are signified as searching for the the beginning and end of the skambha as īśvará, now presented in an iconic form with multiple hands, hence multiple attributes.

    The language revealed by the Indus Script cipher enables a link of the architectural forms with the ancient texts of the ancient Hindu civilization which provide enormous documentation on the cultural-religious facets of the Brahman, the paramāman -- cosmic version -- manifestation? -- of the mundane processes of the smelter, smithy, forge and anvil in metalwork.

    The idea of the 'temple' is born. Hence, the same word which signified in Proto-Prakritam a smithy/forge is also used in the lexis to signify a temple, with, say, a linga. The word which signifies both smithy/forge and temple is: kole.l (Kota language).

    There are artifacts of the civilization from Daimabad which show hieroglyphs being drawn on toy wheeled-carts. The hieroglyphs signify rebus: rango 'buffalo' rebus: ranga 'pewter'; karibha 'elephant trunk' rebus: karba 'iron'; kANDa 'rhinoceros' rebus: kANDa 'implements'; poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite'; dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

    The idea of processions with utsava bera (images carried in processions) is an attested practice in the Hindu temple traditions.
    Image result for daimabad toy cartsImage result for daimabad toy cartsImage result for daimabad toy carts



    Damaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron 

    slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body, exposed at 

    lohsanwa mound, Period II, Malhar, Ganga river basin.


    Furnace at Arisman, Sialk, Ghabristan, Set into a clay platform, the furnace consists of a lower bowl for collecting the metal and an upper ceramic chimney for holding the charge and charcoal, and for regulating the conditions in the smelt. This furnace was re-used at least 30 times. Image courtesy of Barbara Helwing and the Arisman Photographi Archive. (After Fig. 7 in Thornton Christopher Peter, 2009, The emergence of complex metallurgy on the Iranian plateau: escaping the Levant, J. World. Prehist. (2009) 22: 301-327).
    Ghabristan-style crucibles found in one of the metallurgical workshops of Period II. Note how one of the crucibles (on the right) has been used (but not destroyed or discarded)  while the other remains unused. Image courtesy of Thomas Stollner and Gero Steffens of the Deutsches Bergbau-Museum. After Fig. 4 in CP Thornton (2009).

    Archaeological attestation ofśivalinga in the civilization

    In 1940, archaeologist M.S. Vats discovered three Shiva Lingas at Harappa, dating more than 5,000 years old. This rare archival photo shows that ancient Shiva Linga as it was being excavated from the Harappa site.Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats, MS, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta, p. 370) "In the adjoining Trench Ai, 5 ft. 6 in. below the surface, was found a stone lingam [Since then I have found two stone lingams of a larger size from Trenches III and IV in this mound. Both of them are smoothed all over]. It measures 11 in. high and 7 3/8 in. diameter at the base and is rough all over.’ (Vol. I, pp. 51-52)."
    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/04/sivalinga-in-dholavira-depicted-as.html Discussion on the association with smelting operations.

    Yes, the people seemed to have venerated turbinella pyrum, śankha, using the conch-shell as a trumpet to produce the sound 'om' or using it as a ladle to feed the young children or as libation ladles to venerate pratimā or utsava bera or to perform abhishekam to śivalinga.

    The orthographic features of Gaṇeśa adored and venerated in the Rigveda seem traceable in the artifacts of joined animals and joined animal parts, e.g. an elephant head with trunk decorated with a fan or an elephant head with trunk superimposed by the horn of a buffalo.
    "Slide 44. harappa.com Elephant figurine head with painted designs from Harappa. It is unknown whether elephants were domesticated in the Indus Civilization. However, one of the few elephant figurines from Harappa is a head with large stylized ears and red and white stripes painted across the face. This may mirror the custom of decorating domesticated elephants (red and white are common colors) for ceremonies or rituals that is still practiced in South Asia. Elephant bones have also been found at Harappa. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 5.4 x 4.8 x 4.6 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)". Harappa, Lot 800-01 Harappa Museum, H87-348. "Elephant head with stylized wide spread ears. Traces of red and white paint bands are visible on the face. Painting of elephants for ritual processions is a common practice in traditional India and the main colors are red and white. This figurine may represent a tame elephant or an elephant that is being marked for sacrifice. Hand formed and incised. Material: terra cotta." 

    Three-headed: elephant, buffalo, bottom jaw of a feline. NS 91.02.32.01.LXXXII. Dept. of Archaeology, Karachi. EBK 7712

    Hieroglyph: karabha 'trunk of elephant' (Pali) ibha 'elephant' (Samskritam) Rebus: karba 'iron' rango 'buffalo bull' Rebus: ranga 'pewter, solder' kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'


    Hieroglyphs and rebus readings: mũh 'face' Rebus: mũhe 'ingot' kola 'woman' kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Nahali (kol ‘woman’) and Santali (kul ‘tiger’; kol ‘kolhe, smelter’)

     

    Ligatured glyph on copper tablet. m571B (serpent-like tail, horns, body of ram, elephant trunk, hindlegs of tiger). Hieroglyph: miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep' Rebus: meD 'iron' poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite' paTam 'snake hood' Rebus: padm 'sharpness' karabha 'trunk of elephant' (Pali) Rebus: karba 'iron'



    Terracotta. Tiger, bovine, elephant, Nausharo NS 92.02.70.04 h. 6.76 cm; w. 4.42; l. 6.97 cm. Centre for Archaeological Research Indus Balochistan, Musée Guimet, Paris.


    The orthographic style of creating 'composite animals' is also evident from the following examples of artifacts:

    harappa.com "Slide 88. Three objects (harappa.com) Three terra cotta objects that combine human and animal features. These objects may have been used to tell stories in puppet shows or in ritual performances. On the left is a seated animal figurine with female head. The manner of sitting suggests that this may be a feline, and a hole in the base indicates that it would have been raised on a stick as a standard or puppet. The head is identical to those seen on female figurines with a fan shaped headdress and two cup shaped side pieces. The choker with pendant beads is also common on female figurines. Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 7.1 cm height, 4.8 cm length, 3.5 cm width Harappa, 2384 Harappa Museum, HM 2082 Vats 1940: 300, pl. LXXVII, 67 In the center is miniature mask of horned deity with human face and bared teeth of a tiger. A large mustache or divided upper lip frames the canines, and a flaring beard adds to the effect of rage. The eyes are defined as raised lumps that may have originally been painted. Short feline ears contrast with two short horns similar to a bull rather than the curving water buffalo horns. Two holes on either side allow the mask to be attached to a puppet or worn as an amulet. 
    Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.24 height, 4.86 width Harappa Harappa Museum, H93-2093 Meadow and Kenoyer, 1994 On the right is feline figurine with male human face. The ears, eyes and mouth are filled with black pigment and traces of black are visible on the flaring beard that is now broken. The accentuated almond shaped eyes and wide mouth are characteristic of the bearded horned deity figurines found at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (no. 122, 123). This figurine was found in a sump pit filled with discarded goblets, animal and female figurines and garbage. It dates to the final phase of the Harappan occupation, around 2000 B. C.
    Harappa, Lot 5063-1 Harappa Museum, H94-2311 Material: terra cotta Dimensions: 5.5 cm height, 12.4 cm length, 4.3 cm width 
    Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #72 


























                                                                                                                 











    masks/amulets and 


                                            Slide72. Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa. Whether or not the attachable water buffalo horns were used in magic or other rituals, unusual and composite animals and anthropomorphic/animal beings were clearly a part of Indus ideology. The ubiquitous "unicorn" (most commonly found on seals, but also represented in figurines), composite animals and animals with multiple heads, and composite anthropomorphic/animal figurines such as the seated quadruped figurines with female faces, headdresses and tails offer tantalizing glimpses into a rich ideology, one that may have been steeped in mythology, magic, and/or ritual transformation. 
    Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.5 x 7.1 x 4.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/multiplex-as-metaphor-ligatures-on.html

    An extension of the continuing tradition of hieroglyph-multiplexes in Indus Script Corpora find their expression in the orthographic signifier of  Gaṇeśa in the following sculptural representations of the historical periods of Indian sprachbund.
    Ganesha, late 7th–8th century. Central Vietnam. Lent by Museum of Cham Sculpture, Da Nang, Vietnam (5.1) | This four-armed form of the elephant-headed son of Shiva and Parvati is among the most sophisticated early Cham sculptures. #LostKingdoms
    A scupture of Gaṇeśa was found in Yogyakarta Islamic University dated to c. 9th century.

    Thus, above sections 

    -- Section I. Spoken language (vāk, 'parole') of the civilization: Proto-Prakritam (Meluhha) and Section II. Cultural-religious indicators (sáṁskr̥ti, ʻput together, completedʼ Rigveda) of the civilization:  īśāna ʻrulingʼ Rigveda; īśvará 'master' (Atharvaveda); īsara 'lord' (Prakritam) --

    demonstrate the significance of Indus Script Cipher in unraveling the cultural-language continuum of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization in Ancient Hindu traditions.

    It is possible to infer why Gaṇeśa is rendered iconographically with an elephant trunk ligatured to a human body. The tradition has evolved in Indian sprachbund which defines kole.l as a smithy/forge and kole.l as 'temple' with the invocation of Gaṇeśa before any human undertaking or endeavour, praying for the successful completion of the tasks of the worshipper in perfection, without any hindrances, impediments, obstructions or blemish. The mantra of the Rigveda RV 2.23.1 explains the tradition:  gaṇānāṃ tvā gaṇapatiṃ havāmahe is a celebration of the kaví ʻ wise ʼ RV., m. ʻ wise man, poet ʼ RV., °ika -- m. lex. Pa. Pk. kavi -- m., Pk. kaï -- m., Si. kivi ES 25 but ← Pa.(CDIAL 2964). 

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/utsava-bera-pola-and-winnowing-fan-kul.html

    It is this mantra of the Rigveda tradition which finds expression in some hieroglyph-multiplexes of Indus Script Corpora of metalwork. The hieroglyph-multiplexes include depictions such as an elephant trunk ligatured to the body of an antelope, the face of a human, scarfs on neck (dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'), forelegs of a hoofed bovine, hindlegs of a feline, horns of a zebu (bos indicus), tail as hood of a snake -- all signifying metalwork components.
    Example of hieroglyph-multiplex on Indus Script Corpora. (Note: the strands of rope signify Sindhi. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, Lahnda. dhāī˜ f. rebus: धावड dhavaḍa  'iron smelters'; kaṁḍa-- m. ʻ backbone ʼ(Prakritam) rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements'; karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNika 'supercargo'.)

    The lokottara analytical framework provides a basis for the narration of ancient history of Bhāratam Janam who were remarkable metalworkers who have handed down a tradition of signifying work as worship.

    That the creators of the Indus Script Corpora are Bhāratam Janam is evidenced by the finds of two terracotta toys at Nausharo. The toys show sindhur (red vermilion) on the mAng or hair-partings, a tradition to signify married status of a woman which is an abiding tradition of Bhāratam Janam.

    Nausharo: female figurines. Wearing sindhur at the parting of the hair. Hair painted black, ornaments golden and sindhur red. Period 1B, 2800 – 2600 BCE. 11.6 x 30.9 cm.[After Fig. 2.19, Kenoyer, 1998].

    This is the most emphatic evidence attesting that the writing system evidenced by Indus Script Corpora and the underlying Proto-Prakritam language of the inscriptions are the heritage of Bhāratam Janam. The same Bhāratam Janam continue to use the hieroglyph-multiplexes of Indus Script on punch-marked and cast coins all over Bhāratam, during the historical periods.

    Dhanyosmi.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    November 9, 2015



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    NaMo's UK visit, Nov. 2015

    November 9, 2015, 5:21 am
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     28 minutes ago
    Given the atmosphere of all anti-India forces combined with labr support--Shld Modi still visit Londonistan-It will be like Israel PM visit

     12 Nov 2013
    PTs remember that is the Shri 420 related donor. It is abroad. But there is also unrelated

     1 hour ago

    These Vermins in UK deliberately makes OM into Swastik symbol to create more hatred- Wht a shameful bunch:)) 

    Link:

    https://www.facebook.com/AwaazNetwork-1545512629028691/

    Excited about my visit to UK: Modi (8 Nov. 2015: Sunday Times, UK)
    Modi: keen to lure business to India
    Modi: keen to lure business to India (Rex Features


    I am looking forward to my visit to the United Kingdom with anticipation and excitement. Britain is a special partner, and ours is no ordinary relationship.
    A connected history, a rich experience of collaboration, shared values, the similarity of political systems and the common faith in pluralism constitute the unshakeable foundations of our relationship. Even more, the 1.5m British Indians, mirroring India’s diversity, constitute an indelible human bond between our two nations.
    Our relationship addresses the aspirations of our societies and the needs of our times in a significant measure. Britain outranks nearly every country in the world in its investment in India, and Indians invest more in Britain than in the rest of European Union combined. We are creating the human resources of the future, seeking solutions to food and health security, and addressing emerging challenges such as climate change...


    Modi UK visit: Indian Prime Minister 'not welcome' as Awaaz projects warning onto Parliament


     
    Updated 4 hr ago
    Modi Not Welcome on British Parliament
    British Indians are protesting against Narendra Modi's visit to the UK, due to begin on 12 November.

    British Indians projected the words "Modi not welcome" onto the Houses of Parliament building on Sunday evening (8 November) in a bold show of protest against the Indian Prime Minister's visit to the UK next week. Narendra Modi will be the first Indian Prime Minister to visit the UK in nearly a decade when he lands on 12 November.
    The Awaaz Network have been leading the protest movement against Modi's UK visit, mobilising people to join them in a protest march against the Prime Minister on the day he is scheduled to speak at British Parliament. The projection showed Modi wielding a sword in front of "an OM sign that is tragically being transferred to a swastika", said a spokesperson from Awaaz.
    "[Narendra Modi] wants to sell the idea of a 'Digital India', a 'clean India' and a developed and self-sufficient India," a spokesperson for the Awaaz Network said. "The reality is the unleashing of a violence authoritarian agenda that seeks to undermine India's democratic and secular fabric."
    As the anti-Modi projection lit up Parliament, Awaaz Network tweeted that the Prime Minister "has overseen the pre-planned killings of innocents in Gujarat". The group are referring to the 2002 Gujarat riots, where inter-communal violence killed more than 1,000 people, mostly Muslims.
    A number of different organisations have joined Awaaz Network to support the campaign against Modi, such as South Asia Solidarity Group, Sikh Federation UK, Southall Black Sisters, Dalit Solidarity Network UK, Indian Muslim Federation, Indian Workers Association, Muslim Parliament, and Voice of Dalit International. On Saturday (7 November) Nobel laureate Amartya Sen also urged the UK to question Modi during his visit.
    Modi, who was Chief Minister of the west Indian state at the time, was accused of initiating and condoning the violence. It resulted in Britain – along with the US and other European countries – implementing a 10-year diplomatic boycott on Modi, during which he was not allowed to enter the UK. However, in 2012 the Supreme Court of India cleared Modi of involvement in the riots and Britain subsequently lifted the ban on him.

    Controversy around Narendra Modi in the UK

    Modi's visit to the UK comes at a controversial time in the Prime Minister's leadership as many have begun questioning him about his silence over recent unrest in India. In October more than 40 Indian writers returned top national awards in protest over a "climate of intolerance" under Modi's rule in India. At the same time, more than 40 British MPs have signed an Early Day Motion calling on David Cameron to address human rights issues in India with Modi. Newly elected Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn is among those to sign the motion.
    Paul Monaghan of the Scottish National Party (SNP), who sponsored the motion, told IBTimes UK: "While I recognise and respect the right of the people of India to develop their culture and society as they see fit, I would equally, with the greatest of respect, ask political leaders in India to review the circumstances surrounding the hunger strikes and other protests currently being undertaken by individuals fighting for recognition of human rights in that country."


    India unrest

    There has been ongoing unrest in India over the last few months over new laws that are being emplaced to protect cows from slaughter. Modi's Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has pushed to pass laws banning beef in a number of states, causing uproar among other religious groups in India.
    Several cases of violence have come to light involving Hindu mobs targeting people they suspect could be harming cows. Modi has been widely criticised forremaining largely silent on the attacks.

    UK Welcomes Modi

    Despite many who are concerned about the state of affairs under Modi's rule in India, others in the UK are preparing to welcome the Prime Minister with open arms. The UK Welcomes Modi group are set to put on a spectacular cultural show at Wembley Stadium on 13 November, where the Prime Minister is expected to address a crowd of 60,000 British-Indians. Modi is also believed to be having lunch with the Queen at Buckingham Palace before his red-carpet welcome at Wembley.

    BIHAR HITS WORLD MEDIA, UK GROUPS STEP UP PROTEST ON PM MODI VISIT


    NEW DELHI: The Bihar elections were closely followed by the world media, with most newspapers linking the result to a referendum-of-sorts on the Indian Prime Minister and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. Meanwhile, the day the results were announced, “Modi Not Welcome To UK” was projected in larger-than-life dimensions on the walls of the UK Parliament, as a measure of protest against the Indian Prime Minister’s upcoming visit to the United Kingdom. 

    While Amit Shah and the BJP leadership attempt to distance Prime Minister Narendra Modi from the Bihar election results, the world media has put the blame squarely on the Indian PM’s shoulders. The New York Times called the defeat a “severe political setback” for Modi, whilst the Washington Post and the Guardian ran lengthy features on the PM’s waning appeal. 

    The Pakistani media ran headlines linking the election results to the Prime Minister, with the Express Tribune declaring “Waning popularity: Modi suffers defeat in crucial Bihar election” while Dawn News ran a story titled “Bihar steals Modi’s firecrackers.” 

    A majority of headlines on the Bihar election results referred to PM Modi and his performance in some way or the other. Here’s a selection: 

    The Wall Street Journal: 
    “Narendra Modi Concedes BJP Election Defeat in India’s Bihar State” Loss to rival Janata Dal (United) a major blow that could undermine prime minister’s economic agenda. 

    The Washington Post: 
    “State election in India delivers a significant blow to Modi’s popularity.” 

    The New York Times: 
    “Modi Concedes Party’s Defeat in Assembly Elections for Key State.” 

    The BBC: 
    “India PM Narendra Modi in Bihar election setback.” 

    The Guardian: 
    “Narendra Modi's party concedes defeat in Bihar election.” 

    Xinhua: 
    “Modi's party concedes defeat in Bihar State.” 

    Excerpts from the articles reveal the Modi-central narrative. The Guardian called the loss “the most significant domestic setback for Modi since he won a crushing victory in a general election in the emerging economic power last year, after a campaign promising rapid development, modernisation and opportunity combined with a defence of conservative cultural and social values.” “The failure to win Bihar for his Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) will hinder Modi’s push to pass crucial economic reforms because he needs to win such elections to gain full control of parliament. So far, the economic takeoff Modi promised during last year’s election has proved elusive. More broadly, Sunday’s defeat in Bihar, which has a population of 105 million, might indicate that though Modi, a Hindu nationalist who started his career with a rightwing religious and cultural revivalist organisation, still retains significant national popularity and momentum, his appeal to voters has begun to wane.” 

    The BBC called the defeat a “major setback” for the Indian Prime Minister. “The BJP's defeat in Bihar is the second consecutive setback for Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist party since it swept to power in Delhi last year.Earlier this year the BJP suffered a drubbing at the hands of an upstart anti-corruption party in Delhi. Now a "grand alliance" of powerful regional parties has handed out a defeat in what is one of India's most politically crucial states. Despite what his defenders say, Sunday's defeat is another blow to the charismatic Mr Modi, who is arguably the party's biggest vote-getter and who attended 26 campaign rallies in Bihar ahead of the vote. The results make it clear that Mr Modi's vote-catching abilities are on the wane and voters are already holding him to the promises he made to them last year,” an analysis of the results stated. 

    Meanwhile in the UK, the movement #ModiNotWelcome -- which is protesting the Indian PM’s upcoming visit to the UK -- gained momentum. As the results were announced, 'Modi Not Welcome to UK' was projected on the UK Parliament.

    Across the pond, the NYT quoted Shekhar Gupta as a summing up of the results, with the tag line “Mr. Modi is beatable.” The article went on to say: “The defeat also means that Mr. Modi will enter the winter session of Parliament without the political momentum he craved to force through major overhauls of taxation, labor rules and land use that he sees as critical to accelerating India’s growth and attracting more foreign investors. The loss also deprives the B.J.P. of a vital location from which to spread its political dominance into northeast India, including the large state of West Bengal. The battle for Bihar, fought through five rounds of voting over the past five weeks, played out against a raging national debate over whether Mr. Modi’s India is becoming increasingly intolerant of secularists, Muslims and political dissent in general. According to the police, four Muslims were attacked and killed by mobs of Hindus in the past six weeks because they were suspected of stealing, smuggling or slaughtering cows.”

    The Wall Street Journal called the BJP’s defeat “a political blow that could make it harder for his government to move ahead with its economic agenda.” “The loss threatens to dent confidence in Mr. Modi, whose promises of rapid development have made him India’s most popular national leader in decades. It also sets the stage for wrangling with an emboldened opposition that will likely further delay economic policy-making and hurt Mr. Modi’s efforts to take control of Parliament’s Upper House and clear roadblocks to his agenda,” WSJ said. “Also in doubt is how the BJP will proceed with its social and cultural agenda, which has drawn renewed attention because of the Bihar campaign and the reaction of party leaders to recent religiously motivated killings.”

    The Washington Post stated that the election results could be a “significant blow to Modi’s popularity.” “The result of the five-phase vote conducted over three weeks in the impoverished northern state of Bihar does not affect Modi’s business-friendly government nationally, but many here view it as a sign of voter disenchantment with his 17-month-old rule and a wake-up call for the prime minister,” an article stated. The WSJ equated the Bihar results with the Indian PM, saying, “The BJP’s election campaign relied almost entirely on Modi’s image, making little room for local leaders. Modi addressed 30 large public meetings in the state and renewed his pledge to bring development, a promise that propelled him to power last year.” “In recent months, though, Modi has come under widespread attack for not reining in members of his government and party who have made inflammatory statements after a Hindu mob killed a Muslim man over false rumors that he had consumed beef. To many Hindus, cows are sacred, and eating beef is taboo. Moody’s Analytics said in a recent report that Modi may lose his “domestic and global credibility” if he fails to curb the strident Hindu rhetoric of his party members and that the divisive political atmosphere may present a bigger challenge for his government and turn national attention away from economic policies,” the article said.
    http://www.thecitizen.in/NewsDetail.aspx?Id=5760&BIHAR%2FHITS%2FWORLD%2FMEDIA%2C%2FUK%2FGRO

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    Introspection Time for Narendra Modi & Hindu Society -- Ram Kumar Ohri, IPS (Retd)

    November 9, 2015, 8:45 am
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    Introspection Time for Narendra Modi & Hindu Society

    "Strategy without tactics is the slowest route to victory.
     Tactics without strategy is the noise before defeat."
     Sun Tzu , the renowned  Chinese strategist.

    Ram Kumar Ohri, IPS (Retd) Nov. 9, 2015
                                                  - - - - - - - -                   
             Barely   18 months  after the historic win in  the 2014  elections  today the Indian nation once again stands at the crossroads of history. The resounding victory of  the so-called secular group led by Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav in Bihar elections has set alarm bells ringing among nationalist Hindus. The leaders of the Mahagathbandhan have declared a war on the popularly elected nationalist leader, Narendra Modi.
             Today within India itself, the Hindu society faces multiple dangers from different quarters some of which are quite daunting and mindboggling.   Anyone who reads English newspapers, or watches television programmes, can notice the widespread use of drivel against Hindu ethos,     Surely there is something morbid and ugly in the  spectacle of educated Hindus deriding their own civilizational values. In this context, for the benefit of our younger generations, it may be worthwhile to recall the exhortations of Dr. Annie Besant, who was President of the Indian National Congress in 1917, calling upon Hindus to defend and guard their faith and motherland. In a soul-stirring call to the Hindu society she spoke thus :
              " If Hindus don't maintain Hinduism, who shall save it ? If India's own
     children don't cling to their faith, who shall guard it ? Indians alone
     can save India, and India and Hinduism are one." 

    But in today's decadent cultural milieu, dominated by self-serving political buccaneers, who bothers for Annie Besant ?  The new crop of  sham-secularists won't even know who she was and how enormous was her contribution to our freedom movement. Somehow the left-oriented  sermonising secularists are unable to fully  comprehend the intensity of Annie Besant's commitment to India and  the Hindu values.  
              It is time that Hindus reorganised themselves and threw out all  false rituals and obscurantism. The orthodox among them have not only to change their outlook but also get rid of  their passive attitude.  Yet  the Hindu tradition  of "universal humanism"  must be zealously protected.   At the same  time, the fraternity of Hindus and allied faiths, call them Omkar Parivar, if you will,  must  make a new resolve to ensure survival of their identity  at all costs.
              This is a time for strategic introspection by the political and spiritual leaders of Hindus and allied faiths.  One important step towards restructuring the Hindu society will be to summon a major conclave of  representatives of all sections of the Hindu community from the four corners of India, including all reform-minded religious leaders and preachers.  
              The Hindu society must make bold to abolish all caste distinctions in one go and once for all. A Mahayagna should be organised on the pattern of the one held several hundred years ago in the Aravalli hills, perhaps at  Mount Abu, when a similar crisis situation arose for the embattled Hindu civilization because of rapid decimation of Kshatriya warriors while battling the hordes of  invaders. At that critical juncture  by it was considered essential by common consensus to co-opt scores of non-Kshatriya clans and tribal communities into the Kshatriya fold by baptising them as "warriors" through the medium of a formal yagna or "havan". And by that single fiat they came to be known as "Agnikula" Rajputs. The result was electrifying and the crisis caused by the shortage of warriors was overcome by adding a new crop of youthful warriors to fight the onslaught on dharma and freedom.
               It may be recalled that Muslim atrocities reached its peak during the reign of Mughal ruler Aurangzeb who resorted to senseless killings of innocent masses and razed hundreds of temples. While the renowned Hindu warrior Shivaji rallied brave Marathas to join the battle against Aurangzeb's savagery in western India,  another saviour of the oppressed masses rose in north India. Born in Patna in 1666, he was the famous tenth Guru of Sikhs, the Warrior Saint, Guru Gobind Singh, who challenged the might of Mughal empire by taking up arms. Before doing so, however, he wrote a letter to the Mughal emperor, Aurangzeb, in which he warned  the tyrant   that when "all other means have proven ineffective, it is right then to take up the sword."  
              Those were difficult times for the disunited Hindu society,  divided by caste-based discrimination and trapped in meaningless rituals.  On the auspicious day of Baisakhi, the great Guru created "Khalsa" by baptising five meek Hindus handpicked from different castes and regions of India whom he imbued with rare zeal to fight the growing repression and  injustice. The five disciples handpicked by Guru Gobind Singh came from different castes, including the highest and the lowest, and belonged to different regions of Bharat Varsha. Among them were Daya Ram Kohli, a Kshatriya from Lahore in the north, Dharam Dass, a Jat from Delhi, Mohkam Chand, a low-caste washerman from Dwarka (Gujarat) in the west , Himmat Rai, a cook from Jagannath Puri (Orissa) in the east, and Sahib Chand, a barber from Bidar in the south. The significance of the transformation brought by Guru Gobind Singh was that in one go he removed all inequalities and abrogated all religious prerogatives of higher castes. By moulding them into "Khalsa" he  made all Hindus sit together, eat together and take up arms together to fight to save their dharma and motherland. He was indeed a very worthy son of his heroic father, Guru Tegh Bahadur, who had sacrificed his life to protect the Hindu faith and honour of Kashmiri Pandits when the latter were ordered to embrace Islam on pain of death.  Guru Gobind Singh was both a warrior and a learned scholar who led by personal example.  In one of the famous stanzas of his celebrated hymns he prayed thus to Lord Shiva:
              "De Shiva bar mohe aiyhe 
     Shubh karman te main kabhun na darun
     Na darun Ari se jab jaiye larun 
     Nishche kar apni jeet karun."    

    Translated into English the above mentioned mantra means:  "O Shiva, grant me this boon that may I never turn away from doing good deeds, that may I always join the battle against the enemy fearlessly, and by your grace may I always emerge as victor by sheer resolve to win." 
              The difficult times presently facing India demand that all segments of the Hindu society, including the scheduled castes, the scheduled tribes, backward classes and the higher castes should  be brought into the mainstream by abolishing all distinctions of caste and creed. Today in the echelons of political power there is hardly any voice of  the Hindu identity because our fractured society was totally fragmented after Mandal Commission delivered a virtual coup degrace. There are hardly any Hindus left because most  Hindus now tend to identify themselves as backwards, scheduled castes, Yadavas, Jats, Brahmins or  Kshatriyas,  Then there is another tendency among Hindus to define themselves in regional terms  like Marathas, Tamilians or Punjabis. In such a scenario there is  no chance of the voice of Hindu masses being heard in the corridors of power.  Time has come to carry out a radical reform to reinvent the Hindu faith by holding an all encompassing representative conclave of different sections of Hindu society. The need of the hour is to confer the status of twice-born, that is "dwijya", on all categories of Hindus by throwing out  all caste labels by organiosing  a Mahayagna. Only such a bold and dynamic step, remniscent of the one taken in the hoary past in the Aravalies at Mount Abu in Rajasthan, and later on successfully repeated in the seventeenth century by Guru Gobind Singh at Anandpur Sahib in Punjab, is the pressing need of the hour.  
              All community leaders and intellectuals of Hindus and allied faiths should be involved in this national endeavour to unite, galvanize and restructure the Hindu society. A national level conclave of Hindus  needs to be organised to take stock of the grave situation arising out of the ganging together of anti-national forces. Later on, similar conclaves and yagnas should be held in every State to create mass awareness.
    Learn From Our Past
              Decades ago in 1940s the whispers of a folklore could be heard in the dusty villages located around Kala Aamb in Haryana (close to the battleground of Panipat) about how the  Marathas  lost to the army of Ahmed Shah Abdali in the third battle of Panipat. According to the rural legend, on a dark night a few days before the day of the battle, when Abdali went around among his camping soldiers he saw a number of kitchen fires burning in the Maratha camp across the river. Out of sheer curiosity he asked one of his commanders that why were there  so many kitchen fires burning in the enemy camp. He was told that the Hindus were divided into a number of castes  due to which they did not cook and eat together. His instantaneous response was: "Insha Allaha, then I will surely defeat the  infidels". The rest is history.
              After independence at least the above cited folklore should  have awakened  the slumbering Hindu leaders. Alas, they did not wake up, nor tried to learn from their past mistakes ! 
              It will do good to the Hindu society if for the time being all controversial and peripheral issues are placed on the backburner. The focus should be on  unifying the Hindu society by winning back into the Hindu fold all those who deserted it by opening the doors for return to their ancient faith, i.e., "ghar wapasi".  In these troubled times we must adopt a rationalist approach, as was advocated by Swami Vivekananda and Veer Savarkar. Wisdom and sagacity should be the key watchwords in these times of  existential  crisis. 
    Need for Public Discourse 
    Without such a "samvad" or open public debate it will be difficult to awaken the self-styled secularists and their camp followers to the true dimensions of the multiple threats facing India. Otherwise they will continue to mislead the gullible Hindu masses by deliberately belting out their trade mark dope-laced lullabies from multiple bandstands.

    The proposed Hindu conclave must also consider various other options for evolving an effective national strategy, including the need for evolving a dynamic, energetic and vibrant leadership in every State.
     One important step to revitalise the Hindu society would be to assign a more dynamic and purposeful role to women whose participation in nation-building has to be substantially increased. It is not a difficult task because traditionally India has been the continent of Shakti and Hindus have worshipped Mother Goddess for thousands of years.  Therefore all gender discrimination should be ruthlessly put down. and weeded out. Let us not forget that for centuries Lakshmi, Durga and Saraswati have been our role models. Therefore vesting more power in Hindu women and ridding the Indian society of gender bias is an important goal which brooks no more delay.
              Lastly, time has come to boldly remind the Hindu masses by relaying the wake up call to every village, every hearth and every home that those who don't learn from  history will ultimately end up as bad history. That important lesson all Hindus and Sikhs must learn  from our troubled,  eerie  past.   
              Here and now the Hindus must wake up to the call of history, our history and civilization whose very continuance is in peril. To listen to it is to live; to remain deaf or diffident, will mean death.  Every son and daughter of our great ancient land has to make a choice -  and act before it is too late.  
    Real Model of Secularism
              Before concluding let us make a cursory comparison of our "perverse secularism" with the secular framework of the United Kingdom, a country often cited as role model for India's parliamentary democracy. In the U.K. uniform civil and criminal laws have been enacted for all religious groups and communities and these are equitably applied to all citizens, without making any exception. In the eyes of the law all citizens are equal irrespective of their gender, creed,  religious beliefs, and modes of worship. Equal respect for all faiths and equal treatment of people belonging to diverse religious groups is the quintessential hallmark of secularism. Unfortunately that high ideal, a vital component of the secular ideology, is totally missing in the Indian theory and practice of secularism.  The constitutional and legal position of secularism is more or less the same in almost all European democracies and America. Yet the British commitment to the secular ideal has not been diminished by the state declaring itself a "Christian" nation. The monarch ascending the throne, whether the queen or the king, invariably assumes the title of "Defender of Faith". Interestingly in the U.K. all important state functions like the coronation and inauguration of the Parliament session are accompanied by a Christian prayer, often led by the Archbishop of Canterbury himself. But that does not detract from the state's commitment to secularism.
             
    In sharp contrast, the system which India has evolved is a putrid and perverse variety of secularism. Hindus must understand that in India secularism has become a duplicitous dogma which supports the Muslims and the Christians, but despises and berates the Hindus.

                                   
                                           

       ******************

    It is a fact that the  adverse demographic trend has gathered a huge momentum after independence primarily because a large majority of Hindus and allied religious groups have readily adopted the small family norm. In the circumstances, the future of Hindus and allied faiths cannot be taken for granted in the face of adverse demography and growing threat of jihadi terrorism.

    It may be recalled that when the Muslim population crossed the thresh-hold of 40 percent in the erstwhile communist and secularitis-infected Yugoslavia, all hell broke loose. The Serb leadership was in the hands of Communists, all die-hard secularists, some even more committed than our own home-grown brand of sham secularists. Slobadan Milosevic was the Chairman of the Socialist Party of Serbia (read Communist Party). But when Kosovar Muslims aided by Albanian jihadis started ethnic cleansing of  the minority Serb population of Kosovo, Milosevic and his select team of communists turned aggressive nationalists. That happened entirely due to a call given by 200 Serb intellectuals, retired army officers and journalists to save the Serbs identity and their heritage which led to sudden revival of the instinct for self preservation and soon self-interest got better of the communist ideology nurtured for decades among the Serbs. In a jiffy the primordial urge for survival overtook the communist leadership and obliterated all traces of Serb secularism, including the much-touted socialist ideal. Ultimately the uncontrollable violent events took such an ugly turn that  Milosevic and his communist team-mates lost  head and resorted to large scale atrocities on Muslims by using the Serb militia as an oppressive tool. With the benefit of hindsight soon the Serbs realized that they have paid a heavy price for their decades long dalliance with secularism and communism. But in the meantime immense damage had been done to the Serb cause and Kosovo, the so-called Jerusalem of Serbia (we had better call it Haldighati of Serbs), was permanently lost to Muslims of Albania.  Hopefully the national leadership of India, including Marxists,  will learn some lessons from the fate of the Balkans and Lebanon, even at this belated stage.


    We should remember that if freedom is lost, or should  the country go through another partition and spell of bloodshed, as happened 68 years ago in the sub-continent and repeated  in the Balkans, that will  spell end of the road for India's prosperity as well as its future ambition to emerge as a global power. In any case, the entire burden of population planning need not be carried by the fraternity of Hindus and allied faiths. They have already contributed more than proportionate share. That message must go out boldly to all Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists, in no uncertain terms, especially in rural areas. Family planning may be practiced only by those Hindus and Sikhs who are pitiably poor and unable to earn two square meals a day. 



    In an interesting analysis of the developing threat to India, Prakash Singh, a retired Director General of Police, has referred to the viewpoint of a controversial intellectual who once said that there were only two possible solutions to the persistent problem of communal conflict in India. One solution was that all Muslims should become Hindus, while the second solution was that all Hindus should become Muslims. It was argued by the same intellectual (name withheld by Prakash Singh) that Muslims being what they are will never opt for Hindu faith and therefore the only alternative was for the Hindus to embrace Islam, if the communal question is to be resolved.  Prakash Singh concedes that the proposed solution will outrage the majority community, i.e., the Hindus but candidly posits the million dollar question: are we, the Indians, not already moving in that direction ?   The ethnic cleansing in Kashmir by driving out lakhs of Pandits, the persistent persecution of Hindus and Buddhists in Bangladesh, the massive infiltration from Bangladesh causing Hindus to become a minority in 6 districts of Assam  and the sharp growth of Muslim numbers in West Bengal and Bihar clearly point to  the turmoil likely to overwhelm India in the near future. Prakash Singh has referred to the resolve of an important Lashkar-e-Toiba leader who declared that his organisation would not rest till the Islamic flag flies on Red Fort. Was he day dreaming, asks Prakash Singh ?   
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    Dharma-Dhamma and media violence -- Vamsee Juluri

    November 9, 2015, 4:10 pm
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    Published: November 10, 2015 00:45 IST | Updated: November 10, 2015 01:04 IST  November 10, 2015

    Dharma-Dhamma in the Media Age

    The positive messages that many devout people derive from their religions are not reflected in the broader media culture

    In these tense times when debates on religion address little else but concerns about its abuse, the speakers at the Third Dharma-Dhamma Conference in Indore offered hope that from religion could still come a common sense of civilisation and identity for all human beings. For three days, spiritual and political figures from around the world gathered to exchange ideas about what it means to strive for the “harmony of religions and welfare of humankind.”

    In the presence of Buddhists, Baha’is, Muslims, Christians, Jews, Jains, Hindus and others, I was reminded in passing of what it felt like on festival days in Prashanthi Nilayam, in those days when India was less globalised and the mere presence of spiritual seekers from other nations and religions conveyed the message of the oneness of spirit. The stage at the conference brought together a diverse and passionate set of voices that determinedly rejected the simplistic “clash of civilisations” discourse about religion that has dominated politics and political discourse of late. Instead, an inspiring set of speakers exhorted the audience to consider the deep common core of spiritual wisdom that makes us human, rather than the superficial trappings of religious approaches that make us suspicious and intolerant of each other.
    The message of this conference, relevant as it is to the present moment, regrettably seems not to have made any headway into today’s torridmedia discourses. The most effective response to concerns, real and exaggerated, about religious intolerance, after all, is not the kind of distorted and distracting drama we have seen of late, but to turn our attention to religious leaders who are extolling and embodying the right sort of message about the meaning of religion. After all, when a nation sees only fear spread across its media landscape, without even an acknowledgment of the moments of hope that exist still among its citizens for religious and world harmony, it can warp whatever possibilities that exist for seeing religion as an influential, cultural source of tolerance and acceptance in the world.
    Dominant media myth

    As a student of media and culture, I am concerned that the positive messages that many devout people derive from their religions fail to find a reflection in the broader media culture. Given the relative absence of popular education in critical media interpretation from both secular and religious institutions, especially in India, those who believe in religion as a positive cultural resource often fail to counter the dominant media myths and distortions. One challenge today is that this media culture, globally and in India, has veered towards what scholars and religious figures are starting to call “religion-phobia”. Although numerous religious organisations and figures have invested in their own media outlets, the disconnect between mainstream media narratives about the self, culture and nature, and religious and spiritual teachings remains.
    The key question that those of us interested in religion as a form of culture, with great potential for human improvement, must explore now is whether spiritual pursuit, even of the well-meaning, interfaith variety, can succeed without a common intellectual front against media discourses in an age of global consumerism and violence as spectacle. I proposed at the conference, as a starting point, that religious and cultural leaders encourage discussion of three broad themes to broaden critical media awareness to include positive religious and spiritual sensibilities.
    First, we must critique media narratives about the self. Can we seriously expect children, or even adults, to cultivate spiritual insights about the self as something sacred and inviolably entwined with the other, when the entire media environment hammers home a message that the self is nothing more than the individual, desiring, acquisitive, competitive body?
    Second, we must critique media narratives about identity. In everyday life, especially in India, we are accustomed to religious, linguistic and cultural diversity on a uniquely remarkable scale. However, media and especially news discourses about identity tend to barely reflect that everyday sense of diversity and harmony, and play up a sterile, academic notion of religion as identity-based conflict instead.
    Narrative of violence

    Third, we must critique media narratives about the naturalness and inevitability of violence. Several speakers at the conference addressed the importance of non-violence in their own traditions and as an inter-religious ideal. But non-violence will become more than a mere homily only when it is taught accurately as a form of critique in our curricula, particularly in relation to narratives about violence that we confront in our bloodlust-driven media today. We must learn to identify and reject popular myths about “survival of the fittest”, and “might is right”, and distinguish the artificially bloated world of media violence from the natural world in which violence has a much smaller part than what we commonly believe it to be.
    Amidst the despair of our times about religious intolerance, we must also turn our attention to the efforts of people who have not given up on religion as a source of tolerance, peace and non-violence either. The secular solution for religious strife, after all, has had a much shorter history than the spiritually-rooted quest for co-existence that has protected humanity from itself for several millennia now.
    In this age of high violence in real-life and in our culture and our thoughts, perhaps we can turn once more to the hope that by conquering our own selves, we can still conquer the forces of untruth, violence, and divisiveness that plague our world, and to our hope that all that is good in nature will still prevail.
    (Vamsee Juluri is a professor of media studies at the University of San Francisco and the author of Rearming Hinduism)
    http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/dharmadhamma-in-the-media-age/article7862361.ece?homepage=true
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    Dance-step, meḍ in Indus Script orthography and Meluhha/Slavic language semantics of metalwork, meḍ 'iron,copper'

    November 9, 2015, 9:39 pm
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    There is a possibility that the karaṇa, (rebus karṇi 'supercargo') dance-step of Harappa limestone statue is a replication of the tāṇḍava nr̥tya of Nataraja śiva. It has been seen that śivalinga was worshipped by the people of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. Dance-step of a male dancer shown on a sculpture of Harappa. I suggest that this is an early representation of Mahes'vara as the cosmic dancer. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/11/identity-ca-3500-bce-of-bharatam-janam.html

    What is shown as a hypertext on a Bhirrana potsherd is also shown on a Mohenjo-daro bronze figurine of  a dancer's dance-step. The gloss is meD 'dance' (Remo); మెట్టు [meṭṭu] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు (Telugu)  Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.). It is notable that Bhirrana on the banks of River Sarasvati was an archaeological settlement with continuous settlement from ca. 7th millennium BCE.

    https://friendsofasi.wordpress.com/writings/the-8th-millennium-bc-in-the-lost-river-valley/

    Similar hieroglyph multiplexes on figurines and cylinder seal hieroglyphs of Ancient Near East also constitute metalwork catalogues of Meluhha smths.
    Foot with anklet; copper alloy. Mohenjo-daro (After Fig. 5.11 in Agrawal. D.P. 2000. Ancient Metal Technology & Archaeology of South Asia. Delhi: Aryan Books International.)
    Why is a 'dancing girl' glyph shown on a potsherd discovered at Bhirrana? Because, dance-step is a hieroglyph written as hypertext cipher. viśvakarma tradition which created this exquisite cire perdue bronze statue of Mohenjo-daro lives on in many of India even today. The bronzes of Nataraja śiva as a cosmic dancer attest to this tradition.
    The statue of Nataraja, the Cosmic Dancer, Dr. Aymar, DG of CERN, Switzerland.

    Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻ wristlets, bangles ʼ (Gujarati) Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'

    Dance step of Gaṇeśa shown on a sculptural friezed of Candi Sukuh:
    Dansende Ganesha & geboorte van de walvis
    Forge scene stele.  Forging of a keris or kris (the iconic Javanese dagger) and other weapons. The blade of the keris represents the khaNDa. Fire is a purifier, so the blade being forged is also symbolic of the purification process central theme of the consecration of gangga sudhi specified in the inscription on the 1.82 m. tall, 5 ft. dia.  lingga hieroglyph, the deity of Candi Sukuh. 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html

    Torso of a male dancing figure from Harappa: -Grey limestone, ht 4 inches -National Museum, New Delhi -Prototype of Shiva Nataraja ‘The king (raja) of dancers (nata): Torso of a male dancing figure from Harappa: -Grey limestone, ht 4 inches -National Museum, New Delhi 
    http://hinduismdecoded.blogspot.in/search/label/SHIVA
    Plate 1 Early Pallava stone sculpture of Nataraja, c, seventh century, Siyamangalam (photograph credits: French Institute of Pondicherry and Ecole Franc¸aise d’Extreˆme Orient, Pondicherry).


    Dancing Dwarapalas emulate karanas of the cosmic dancer, Nataraja Siva. The Dwarapalas are: Sankhanidhi and Padmanidhi


    Airavatisvara Mahadeva temple. Darasuram. A Vimana panel said to represent Periya Puranam of Sekkizhar. Siva as pillar of fire, flames.

    Dancers are depicted as hieroglyphs on a tablet m0493 as shown below.


    m0493Bt Pict-93: Three dancing figures in a row.
    Text 2843 

    Glyph: Three dancers. Kolmo ‘three’; meD ‘to dance’
    Rebus: kolami ‘furnace, smithy’; meD ‘iron’

    Sign 44 (this glyph could be compared with the orthography of three dancers in a row; the glyph is a ligature showing a 'dance step' and a rimless pot). Glyphs: meD 'dance' (Remo); rebus: meD 'iron'; bat.a 'pot'; bat.hi 'furnace'.
    Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) 
    Santali glosses.

    Origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:
    Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
    Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
    Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
      ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
    Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
    Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
    KW <i>mENhEd</i>
    @(V168,M080)
    — Slavic glosses for 'copper'
    Мед [Med]Bulgarian
    Bakar Bosnian
    Медзь [medz']Belarusian
    Měď Czech
    Bakar Croatian
    KòperKashubian
    Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
    Miedź Polish
    Медь [Med']Russian
    Meď Slovak
    BakerSlovenian
    Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
    Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
    Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  
    One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’.
    Hieroglyph of a worshipper kneeling: Konḍa (BB) meḍa, meṇḍa id. Pe. menḍa 
    id. Manḍ. menḍe id. Kui menḍa id. Kuwi (F.) menda, (S. Su. P.) menḍa, (Isr.) meṇḍa id.Ta. maṇṭi kneeling, kneeling on one knee as an archer. Ma.maṇṭuka to be seated on the heels. Ka. maṇḍi what is bent, the knee. Tu. maṇḍi knee. Te. maṇḍĭ̄ kneeling on one knee. Pa.maḍtel knee; maḍi kuḍtel kneeling position. Go. (L.) meṇḍā, (G. Mu. Ma.)  Cf. 4645 Ta.maṭaṅku (maṇi-forms). / ? Cf. Skt. maṇḍūkī- (DEDR 4677)

    So, why a dancing girl? Because, depiction of a dance pose is a hieroglyph to represent what was contained in the pot. The glyph encodes the mleccha word for 'iron': med.

    Glyph: meD 'to dance' (F.)[reduplicated from me-]; me id. (M.) in Remo (Munda)(Source: D. Stampe's Munda etyma) meṭṭu to tread, trample, crush under foot, tread or place the foot upon (Te.); meṭṭu step (Ga.); mettunga steps (Ga.). maḍye to trample, tread (Malt.)(DEDR 5057)     మెట్టు (p. 1027) [ meṭṭu ] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు, నడుచు, త్రొక్కు. "మెల్ల మెల్లన మెట్టుచుదొలగి అల్లనల్లనతలుపులండకు జేరి." BD iv. 1523. To tread on, to trample on. To kick, to thrust with the foot.మెట్టిక meṭṭika. n. A step , మెట్టు, సోపానము (Telugu)
    Rebus: meD 'iron' (Mundari. Remo.)


    Tepe Yahya. Seal impressions of two sides of a seal. Six-legged lizard and opposing footprints shown on opposing sides of a double-sided steatite stamp seal perforated along the lateral axis. Lamberg- Karlovsky 1971: fig. 2C Shahr-i-Soktha Stamp seal shaped like a foot.

    Glyph: aṭi foot, footprint (Tamil) Rebus: aḍe, aḍa, aḍi the piece of wood on which the five artisans put the article which they happen to operate upon, a support (Kannada)

    Glyph: araṇe 'lizard' (Tulu) eraṇi f. ʻ anvil ʼ (Gujarati); aheraṇ, ahiraṇ, airaṇ, airṇī, haraṇ f. (Marathi) அரணை Ta. araṇai typical lizard, Lacertidae; smooth streaked lizard, Lacerta interpunctula. Ma. araṇa green house lizard, L. interpunctula. Ka. araṇe, rāṇe, rāṇi greenish kind of lizard which is said to poison by licking, L. interpunctula. Tu. araṇe id. (DEDR 204).

    Glyph: bhaṭa ‘six’ (G.) rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali) baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati)  [Note: six legs shown on the lizard glyph]

    The rebus readings are: aḍi 'anvil' airaṇ 'anvil' (for use in) baṭa 'iron working' or kiln/furnace-work.
    bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj] Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v. S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656). kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu) కొలిమి [ kolimi ] kolimi. [Tel.] n. A pit. A fire pit or furnace. ముద్దకొలిమి a smelting forge. నీళ్లకొలిమి a reservoir. కొలిమిత్తిత్తి a pair of bellows.(Telugu) పట్టడ [ paṭṭaḍa ] paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు.(Telugu) Glyph: S. baṭhu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼM. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ(CDIAL 9656). Glyph: bhaṭa ‘six’ (G.) rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali); bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ(Marathi)(CDIAL 9656). baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits) baṭa = furnace (Santali) bhrāṣṭra = furnace (Skt.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace' (Sindhi)

    h-155. Crab with six legs
     Seal M-1104 Six legs ligatured to a pincer.
    Six women, curl in hair, six scorpions
    Samarra, Iraq, circa 5000 bce 

    Women with flowing hair and scorpions, Samarra, Iraq. After Ernst Herzfeld, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra V: Die vorgeschichtischenTopfereien, Univ. of Texas Press, pl. 30. Courtesy Dietrich Reimer. This image is discussed in Denise Schmandt-Besserat, When writing met art, p.19. “The design features six humans in he center of the bowl and six scorpions around the inner rim. The six identical anthropomorphic figures, shown frontally, are generally interpreted as females because of their wide hips, large thighs, and long, flowing hair…Six identical scorpions, one following after the other in a single line, circle menacingly around the women.”

    मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m. ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻbraid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ (CDIAL 10312). मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick, horn &c.) and attrib. such a stick, horn, bullock.मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. Rebus: mē̃ḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.) meṛha M. meṛhi F.’twisted, crumpled, as a horn’; meṛha deren ‘a crumpled horn’ (Santali)
    bicha, bichā ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Mu.) sambr.o bica = gold ore (Mundarica) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.)

    bhaṭa ‘six ’; rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. 
    kola ‘woman’; rebus: kol ‘iron’. kola ‘blacksmith’ (Ka.); kollë ‘blacksmith’ (Koḍ)

    Ta. aṭi foot, footprint, base, bottom, source, origin; Ma. aṭi sole of foot, footstep, measure of foot, Ko. aṛy foot (measure);To. oṛy foot. Ka. aḍi foot, measure of foot, step, pace,Te. aḍugu foot, footstep, footprint, step, pace, measure of a foot,aḍi-gaṟṟa sandal, wooden shoe. Ga. (S.2) aḍugu footstep (< Te.). Go. (G.) aḍi beneath; (Mu.)(DEDR 72) 

    Shahdad seal (Grave 78) dula‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’ (Santali) meḍ 'step' rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper'
    Indus Meluhha Writing inscription on a Chanhu-daro Snarling iron, 2529H, ASI, Central Antiquities Collection. 74.1/48
    Snarling irons from the first quarter of the 20th century, after Otto 1922: 45 fig. 41-2. Used like special anvils for the raising of metal vessels.


    The Chanhu-daro snarling alloy (ingot) has an inscription using Indus (Meluhha) writing with five glyphs and a dot glyph.  Chanhujodaro39A1 Chanhudaro39A2

    The dog glyph is a notch upon the edge of the bronze snarling tool read rebus as: खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’.

    There are 3 U glyphs: kolmo 'three' (Munda) Rebus: kolimi 'forge, smithy' (Telugu). baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched' (Sindhi) Rebus: bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ(Awadhi). The three U glyphs together read: kolimi bhāṭhā 'forge, smithy (with) smelter/furnace'.

    The pair of glyphs preceding the 3 U glyphs are comparable to the pair of feet shown on some seals (discussed further in this note).

    aṭai அடை 'anvil' (Tamil) combined with the U glyph which is baṭhu yields the compound lexeme:  பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai(Tamil); cognate paṭṭaḍi smithy, forge (Kannada) பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai , n. prob. படு¹- + அடை¹-. 1. [T. paṭṭika, K. paṭṭaḍe.] Anvil; அடைகல். (பிங்.) சீரிடங்காணி னெறிதற்குப் பட்ட டை (குறள், 821). 2. [K. paṭṭaḍi.] Smithy, forge; கொல்லன் களரி.கொல்லன்பட்டடை kollaṉ-paṭṭaṭai , n. < கொல்லன் +. Anvil; அடைகல். (C. G.)அடைகுறடு aṭai-kuṟaṭu , n. < அடை¹- +. 1. Anvil; கம்மியர் பட்டடை. (பிங்.) 2. Tongs; பற்றுக்குறடு. (W.)அடைகல்¹ aṭai-kal , n. < அடை¹-. 1. Anvil; பட்டடை. சுட்ட வல்லிரும் படைகலைச் சுடுகலா தன் போல் (கம்பரா. பாச. 33). 2. Stone base; ஆதாரச் சிலை. ஆமையாய் மேருத் தாங்கி (சி. சி. பர. பாஞ்சரா. மறு. 11). நறுதடி naṟu-taṭi , n. prob. நறுக்கு- + தடி. Goldsmith's anvil attached to a block; அடைகல். (J.) நறுதடிக்குற்றி naṟutaṭi-k-kuṟṟi , n. < நறு தடி +. Anvil-block of goldsmith; அடைகற் கட்டை. (W.) 

    <katarni>  {N} ``^scissors''.  @1325.  #14881.(Munda etyma)

    adhikaraṇīˊ f. ʻ *anvil ʼ, adhikaraṇa -- n. ʻ receptacle, support ʼ TUp. [√kr̥1] Pa. adhikaraṇī -- f. ʻ smith's anvil ʼ; Pk. ahigaraṇī -- f. ʻ a piece of apparatus for a smith ʼ; K. yīran, dat. yṳ̄rüñ f. ʻ anvil ʼ, S. aharaṇi, araṇi f., L. (Jukes) ariṇ f., awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon;ruṇ, P. aihran, airaṇ, ā̆hraṇ f., WPah. bhal. arhini; roh. erṇe ʻ smithy ʼ, N. āran; H. aheran, ā̆hran m. ʻ anvil ʼ; -- H. Smith BSL 101, 115. S.kcch. eṇ f. ʻ anvil ʼ; WPah.kṭg. n/arəṇ, n/arṇi f. ʻ furnace, smithy ʼ; āˊrəṇ m. prob. ← P. Him.I 4; jaun. āraṇ, airaṇ; G. eraṇi f. ʻ anvil ʼ, M. aheraṇ, ahiraṇ, airaṇ, airṇī, haraṇ f. (CDIAL 252). अहेरण [ ahēraṇa ] f (Commonly ऐरण) An anvil. Ex. हिरा ठेविता अहेरणीं ॥ वांचे मारिता जो घनीं ॥ऐरण [ airaṇa ] f or णी f ( H) An anvil (whether of blacksmith or of goldsmith).(Marathi)yīran यीरन्, an anvil (Kashmiri) hanana (f. °nī -- ) ʻ killing ʼ Hariv., n. ʻ act of killing or striking ʼ Nir. [√han1]Pa. hanana -- n. ʻ killing ʼ, Pk. haṇaṇa -- n.; Paš. hananī ʻ epic or lyrical killing -- song ʼ Rep1 82; A. hanan ʻ act of killing ʼ; Mth. hannā ʻ round block of iron pierced with a hole and placed on the perforated anvil (when iron is being pierced with holes) ʼ BPL 409; OG. haṇaṇahāra m. ʻ one who kills ʼ.(CDIAL 13964). பணை paṇai , n. prob. பணை-. 1. Anvil; உலைக்களத்துப் பட்டடை. (குறள், 828, மணக். பக். 28.) 2. Tusk of an elephant; யானைத் தந்தம். மகரிகையு மிருபணைகளும் . . . ஒளிவிட . . . முடுகினகரிகளே (பாரத. பதினாறாம். 20). 

    The inscription on the 'snarling iron' of Chanhudaro can thus be read as: kolimi paṭṭaḍi 'anvil for smithy/forge'. The inscription accurately describes in Meluhha (Mleccha) language the function served by the anvil for raising vessels in a smithy/forge.

    Reference to aṭai, aḍi  அடை 'anvil' yields the clue to the rebus readings of 'feet, footprint' glyphs which occur on seals, discussed further in this note.
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/meluhha-writing-writing-about-bronze.html

    http://www.scribd.com/doc/157792471/Yule-Paul-A-Harappan-Snarling-Iron-from-Chanhu-daro-Antiquity-62-1988-pp-116-118

    Hieroglyphs displaying the rebus readings provided in the Meluhha homonyms are seen in the following examples of Indus Script inscriptions. (The signifying semantics are provided in parenthesis for each example).
    A symbolism of a woman spreading her legs apart, which recurs on an SSVC inscribed object. Cylinder-seal impression from Ur showing a squatting female. L. Legrain, 1936, Ur excavations, Vol. 3, Archaic Seal Impressions. [scorpions, pudendum mulibre] Brief memoranda: metal stone ore smelter. bicha ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Santali) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ kuṭi ‘pudendum muliebre’. kuṭhi ‘smelter’. Thus, cast stone ore in a smelter.

    kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, ‘they were feeding the furnace with ore’. (Santali) This use of bica in the context of feeding a smelter clearly defines bica as ‘stone ore, mineral’, in general.

    kuṭhi  ‘vagina’; rebus: kuṭhi  ‘smelting furnace bichā 'scorpion' (Assamese). Rebus: bica 'stone ore' as in meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) dul 'pair, likeness' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' (Santali) Thus the hieroglyphs connote a smelter for smelting and casting metal stone ore.
    This glyphic composition depicts a smelting furnace for stone ore as distinguished from a smelting furnace for sand ore. meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.)

    byucu बिचु; । वृश्चिकः m. (sg. dat. bicis बिचिस्), a scorpion (Kashmiri), WPah.bhal. biċċū m., cur. biccū, bhiḍ. biċċoṭū n. ʻ young scorpionʼ (CDIAL 12081). Rebus: bica, bica-diri (Sad. bicā; Or. bicī) stone ore; meṛeḍ bica, stones containing iron; tambabica, copper-ore stones; samṛobica, stones containing gold (Mundari.lex.) 

    dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast (metal)' (Santali). Hence the scorpion pair are shown on either side of the female of the Ur seal impression reported by Legrain. Pair of tigers: kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' (Tamil) The pair of tigers connote dul 'cast (metal)', as on the glyphs of a pair of scorpions.

    kut.hi, kut.i (Or.; Sad. kot.hi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of e_kut.i has been given to the fire which, in shellac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.) 
    kut.hi = pubes. kola ‘foetus’ [Glyph of a foetus emerging from pudendum muliebre on a Harappa tablet.]kut.hi = the pubes (lower down than pan.d.e) (Santali.lex.) kut.hi = the womb, the female sexual organ; sorrege kut.hi menaktaea, tale tale gidrakoa lit. her womb is near, she gets children continually (H.kot.hi_, the womb) (Santali.Bodding)

    Mohenjo-daro. Sealing.  Surrounded by fishes, lizard and snakes, a horned person sits in 'yoga' on a throne with hoofed legs. One side of a triangular terracotta amulet (Md 013); surface find at Mohenjo-daro in 1936, Dept. of Eastern Art, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. [seated person penance, crocodile?] Brief memoranda: kamaḍha ‘penance’ Rebus: kammaṭa ‘mint, coiner’; kaṇḍo ‘stool, seat’ Rebus: kāṇḍa  ‘metalware’ kaṇḍa  ‘fire-altar’.

    Hieroglyphs (allographs): 
    kamaḍha 'penance' (Prakrit) 
    kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali)
    kamaṭha crab (Skt.)
    kamaṛkom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaṛā (Has.), kamaṛkom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.)  kamat.ha = fig leaf, religiosa (Sanskrit) kamaḍha = ficus religiosa (Sanskrit)
    kamāṭhiyo = archer; kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) kāmaṭhiyo a bowman; an archer (Sanskrit) 
    Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)  kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Telugu); kampaṭṭam = mint (Tamil)

    Hieroglyph: kuṭhi pubes (lower down than paṇḍe) (Santali), pudendum muliebre (Munda, Santali) Cognates: koṭṭha (m. nt.) [Sk. koṣṭha abdomen, any cavity for holding food, cp. kuṣṭa groin, and also Gr.ku/tos cavity, ku/sdos 
    pudendum muliebre, ku/stis bladder = E. cyst, chest; Lat. cunnus pudendum. kuṭhi = the womb, the female sexual organ; sorrege kuṭhi menaktaea, tale tale gidrakoa lit. her womb is near, she gets children continually (H. koṭhī, the womb) (Santali.Bodding) kōṣṭha = anyone of the large viscera (MBh.); koṭṭha = stomach (Pali.Pkt.); kuṭṭha (Pkt.); koṭhī heart, breast (L.); koṭṭhā, koṭhābelly (P.); koṭho (G.); koṭhā (M.)(CDIAL 3545). kottha pertaining to the belly (Pkt.); kothā corpulent (Or.)(CDIAL 3510). koṭho [Skt. koṣṭha inner part] the stomach, the belly (Gujarat)  kūti = pudendum muliebre (Ta.); posteriors, membrum muliebre (Ma.); ku.0y anus, region of buttocks in general (To.); kūdi = anus, posteriors, membrum muliebre (Tu.)(DEDR 188). kūṭu = hip (Tu.); kuṭa = thigh (Pe.); kuṭe id. (Mand.); kūṭi hip (Kui)(DEDR 1885). gūde prolapsus of the anus (Ka.Tu.); gūda, gudda id. (Te.)(DEDR 1891).

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/4000-year-old-erotica-hieroglyphs-of.html

    Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

    Rebus: kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuṭhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuṭhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuṭhi = a factory; lil kuṭhi = an indigo factory (koṭhi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuṭhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuṭhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuṭhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koṭhī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuṭha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuṭhī factory (A.); koṭhābrick-built house (B.); kuṭhī bank, granary (B.); koṭho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koṭhīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koṭhī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) koḍ = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 



    The squatting woman on the Ur cylinder seal impression may be showing dishevelled hair providing for rebus reading: <rabca?>(D)  {ADJ} ``with ^dishevelled ^hair''.  Rebus: రాచ (adj.) Pertaining to a stone. bicha, bichā ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Mu.) sambr.o bica = gold ore (Mundarica)  Thus, the reading of the Ur cylinder seal impression may depict: meṛed-bica ‘iron stone-ore’ kuṭhi‘smelter, furnace’.



    Rahman-dheri seal. Obverse: Two scorpions. Two holes. One T glyph. One frog in the middle. Reverse: two rams.
    1.mūxā  ‘frog’. Rebus: mũh ‘(copper) ingot’ (Santali) Allograph: mũhe ‘face’ (Santali)
    2.bicha ‘scorpion’ (Assamese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Mu.)
    3.tagaru ‘ram’ (Tulu) Rebus: tagarm ‘tin’ (Kota). damgar ‘merchant’ (Akk.)
    4.T-glyph may denote a fire altar like the two fire-altars shown on Warrka vase below two animals: antelope and tiger. kand ‘fire-altar’ (Santali)
    5.Two holes may denote ingots. dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast’ (Santali)
    kola ‘woman’ Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’
    kuṛī f. ʻ girl’ Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ 
    Brass-worker catalog of implements and repertoire:There are five hieroglyphs on the cylinder seal (Figure 270): ‘dishevelled hair’, ‘pudendum muliebre’, ‘lizard’, ‘scorpion’, ‘woman’. The accent is on the sting of the scorpion: koṭṭu (koṭṭi-) to sting (as a scorpion, wasp) (Tamil) Rebus: Pk. koṭṭaga -- m. ʻ carpenter ʼ, koṭṭila -- , °illa -- m. ʻ mallet ʼ. (DEDR 3236). koṭṭu-k-kaṉṉār  brass-workers. the woman is shown with disheveled hair. A lizard is also shown in the field together with a scorpion (bica). <raca>(D)  {ADJ} ``^dishevelled'' (Munda) rasāṇẽ n. ʻglowing embersʼ (Marathi). rabca ‘dishevelled’ Rebus: రాచ rāca (adj.) Pertaining to a stone (ore) (bica).



    On kudurru, boundary stones, the metaphorical, metonymy display of hieroglyphs including scorpion or ligatured scorpion-bird-man with bow and arrow may be explained in a number of ways. I suggest that the scorpion hieroglyph is central to the metalwork traditions. In kole.l 'smithy' these hieroglyphs become divine in kole.l 'temple'. The use of the same gloss to signify both smithy and temple should lead to a hypothesis that the early Bronze Age metalwork was a sacred activity by artisans struck with awe and wonder at the transmutation of mere earth or sand or stones into metal artifacts either as castings cire perdue or as weapons, tools by a kuThAru 'armourer' Hieroglyph: kuThAru 'monkey'.
    The stone ore of dhatugarbha, dagoba, becomes sacred and a sacred symbol venerated as witness to dharma-dhamma, cosmic phenomena.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    November 10, 2015
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    Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization and interactions in Ancient Near East, Eurasia, and Ancient Far East – New light on Itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam from ca. 8th millennium BCE

    November 11, 2015, 6:47 am
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    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/owazvzk (49 ppt slides)

    Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization and interactions in Ancient Near East, Eurasia, and Ancient Far East – New light on Itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam from ca. 8th millennium BCE -- Archaeometallurgy, Himalayan river systems -- Dynamic Himalayas -- Tin route from Ancient Far East to Ancient Near East through Meluhha -- Ib, Dharvad iron ore belts of India and Indus Script as metalwork catalogues -- Those were the first dharma-s -- Cultural significance of abiding worship of siva linga
    ...
    The decipherment presented in an overview in this set of ppt slides unambiguously Identifies the pitr-s or ancestors of present-day Indian civilization; Outlines metalwork lexis together with a homonym lexis of animals, objects such as lathes, portable braziers used as hieroglyphs; the lexis partly defines the parole (speech) of the people who created the civilization; Presents a framework for tracing the dharma-dhamma traditions and cultural traditions tracing back from the textual evidences and archaeo-metallurgical artifacts practices such as worship of Sivalinga, of Nataraja as Cosmic dancer, veneration of s’ankha conches which produce the praNava anahatanaada of OM, celebration of marriage customs such as wearing sindhur (vermilion) on the maang (hair-parting) by married women, wearing of s’ankha bangles during marriage; and Posits a poser for further archaeo-metallurgical investigations to delineate the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi, Vietnam to Haifa, Israel (to trace back the roots of the creation of Hinduised States of Ancient Far East documented by George Coedes). The decipherment of the Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork highlights the contributions made by Bharatam Janam, lit. ‘metalcaster folk’ celebrated in the Rigveda to cire perdue metal casting methods and creation of new alloys such as pewter, brass, tin-bronzes, bharat (factitious alloy of copper, pewter, tin). This alloy seems to have given the name Bhāratam Janam to the people who demonstrate exquisite world-renowned steel swords one of which was presented to Alexander by Purushottama on the banks of Vitasta (Jhelum) and non-rusting iron pillar of Vidisha now in Delhi.
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    Advisory Committee for the Multidisciplinary Study of the River Sarasvati (ACMS) notified, November 6, 2015

    November 11, 2015, 10:59 pm
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    Why the Western media will never like Narendra Modi -- Minhaz Merchant (17 March 2015)

    November 12, 2015, 2:27 am
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    Writer

    Minhaz MerchantMINHAZ MERCHANT @minhazmerchant
    Biographer of Rajiv Gandhi and Aditya Birla. Ex-TOI & India Today. Media group chairman and editor. Author: The New Clash of Civilizations
    17-03-2015
    Why the Western media will never like Narendra Modi

    American and European media are far too insular to give India more than cursory coverage, some of it of uneven quality.
    Since the Narendra Modi government took office last May, Western media criticism of India has grown sharper. Prime Minister Modi was never a favourite of India's mainstream media either. He still isn't.
    The relationship between Modi and the media has long been vitiated by old biases. Social media has enabled the prime minister to largely bypass the Indian and foreign media. This though has made the relationship with traditional media even more fraught. Journalists have large egos. Being ignored does not endear to them a prime minister seen as remote and aloof.
    Foreign journalists meanwhile are puzzled. Most are middle-level careerists who head their newspapers' South Asian bureaus. An Indian posting is a stepping stone to a top editorial job back home or in a larger bureau in Europe, China or the United States.
    For these mid-career journalists, India is a challenge. Most know they'll be transferred out of New Delhi in a few years even as they are finding their feet in the country. For example, Simon Denyer, the Washington Post's former New Delhi bureau chief with who I appeared in 2012 on a Times Now debate on the then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's famed silences, was sent off to Beijing before he had a chance to do extended reportage out of India. Besides, as we agreed in that particular debate, foreign journalists cater to an audience that knows little about India and is easily swayed by undercooked foreign reportage.  
    Should Indians though bother about how foreign media projects India? Not unduly. American and European media are far too insular to give India more than cursory coverage, some of it of uneven quality. However, when bias morphs into deception, it's time to set the record straight. Let's take specific examples.
    In a recent story in Quartz (the Indian arm of a popular, edgy American website), the headline said breathlessly: "Indian millionaires are fleeing the country".
    The article begins thus: "India's millionaires do not want to live in India. In the last ten years, some 27 per cent of India's 160,600 high net worth individuals (HNWIs) have left the country, according to a report by property consultant Knight Frank. A high net worth individual is a person having investable wealth of more than $1 million (Rs 6.28 crore).That's second only to China, where 76,200 HNWIs packed up and moved out between 2003 and 2013. India's 'wealthy migrants' tend to favour the UK, the US and Australia."
    And then out comes the truth in the rest of the article: "India's wealthy are moving to other countries to make even more money. "HNWIs are not exactly leaving India, but these are the people who are leaving the country for employment opportunities. These days salary levels are pushing a lot of individuals in the HNWI bucket," Kartik Jhaveri, director of Transcend Consulting, a wealth management service, told Quartz. Much of this exodus, Jhaveri explained, is temporary, with investments (particularly in real estate) remaining parked in India as these millionaires head out for new jobs or business expansion."
    Indian millionaires "fleeing" India? When the headline and the opening paragraphs misrepresent  so brazenly the main thrust of the article that follows, it's not just the sub-editor who should be fired. The responsibility travels all the way up to the top.
    Turn now to The New York Times, older than Quartz and with gravitas bordering on the pretentious. In an error-speckled piece by its "editorial board" titled "Narendra Modi's Rise in India", the newspaper wrote: "Modi's economic record in Gujarat is not entirely admirable, either. Muslims in Gujarat, for instance, were much more likely to be poor than Muslims in India as a whole."
    When the error was pointed out on social media and elsewhere (Muslims in Gujarat are actually among the least poor in India), the Times was forced to recant: "An earlier version of this editorial relied on a 2012 Indian government report on poverty rates, which included the rate for Muslims in Gujarat in 2009 and 2010. Newer data shows that poverty among that group has declined substantially in the last two years."
    Factual errors can be put down to journalistic incompetence. But misstatements? Bias? Any newspaper that values its editorial integrity and professional reputation would not have published a piece overflowing with invective as The Economist did shortly after the prime minister's speech at Madison Square Garden in New York last September.
    The piece, titled "I give you Narendra Modi", began with droll prose: 'YEAH, go that way,' yells a frazzled cop guarding a security cordon outside Penn Station. Which pain-in-the-ass sports star or musician is snarling traffic around Madison Square Garden, an arena normally graced by Wrestle Mania, the Knicks and the Rolling Stones? Actually, today's performer is a politician: Narendra Modi, India's prime minister."
    The magazine was forced to issue this "apology" a few days later:
    "Editor's note: The second sentence of this blog post was changed on September 29 to make clear that The Economist does not consider Mr Modi to be a 'pain in the ass'; that epithet is merely how we imagined an uninformed New Yorker might feel about someone who causes a traffic jam."
    The Economist prides itself on its journalism. Neither its original piece nor its mocking apology justify that pride.
    Francois Gautier, the French editor-in-chief of La Revue de I'Inde, puts all of this in historical perspective: "The British set upon establishing an intermediary race of Indians whom they could entrust with their work at middle-level echelons and who could one day be convenient instruments to rule by proxy, or semi-proxy. The tool to shape these British clones was education. In the words of Macaulay: 'We must at present do our best to form a class, who may be interpreters between us and the millions we govern; a class of persons, Indians in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals and in intellect.' The unfortunate element of course is that Western journalists now quote Indian intellectuals: 'See we are not saying anything, Indians themselves are saying it.'"
    How should the Modi government respond to such bias? It shouldn't. The government must instead communicate its policies daily through a structured media briefing. Each key ministry must have a designated spokesperson (like the excellent Syed Akbaruddin of the ministry of external affairs) who briefs the media by rotation. The only thing worse than misinformation is no information.
    Dissent is the soul of democracy. Openness, like sunlight, is a disinfectant. In the absence of a structured daily information protocol by the government, which accommodates both dissent and openness, genuine achievement risks being ignored while errors of judgment are magnified by Indian and foreign media who deeply resent that they no longer have access to the top.
    http://www.dailyo.in/politics/western-media-narendra-modi-india-new-york-times-economist/story/1/2598.html
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    Words are bridges -- Khaled Ahmed

    November 12, 2015, 4:00 am
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    Words are bridges

    Image result for khaled ahmedWritten by Khaled Ahmed | Published:November 12, 2015 12:00 am
    Take the example of the word for ‘ask’. In Persian, the verb is ‘porsidan’; in Hindi, it is ‘prashan’, which comes from the Sanskrit root ‘prch’. This is where our Urdu word ‘poochch’ comes from. (Illustration: Pradeep Yadav)Audrey Truschke, Mellon postdoctoral fellow at the department of religious studies at Stanford University, talking recently to an Indian daily, said, “Sanskrit flourished in the royal Mughal court primarily under three emperors: Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan. However, we should not make the error of attributing Aurangzeb’s lack of interest in Sanskrit to his alleged bigotry.”
    Aurangzeb’s name is being removed from public places in India these days, but Truschke thinks he is “a severely misunderstood historical figure who has suffered perhaps more than any of the other Mughal rulers from present-day biases”. The decline of Sanskrit towards the final part of Mughal rule happened because it was then yielding primacy to Hindi.
    In Pakistan, Aurangzeb is lionised by the ideology of the state, which understandably denigrates an eclectic Akbar. But among the people, there is a cleavage on Aurangzeb, whether you like it or not. The secularists and, in the more abusive appellation, the “liberals” don’t like Aurangzeb, who has become the yardstick of where a Pakistani intellectual stands.
    I have a number of favourites in Indian history. My ideal was the polymath, philologist Maulvi Muhammad Husain Azad (1830-1910), whose work, Sukhandan-e-Fars, remains my favourite book. He loved Sanskrit for a reason.
    Sukhandan-e-Fars traces the common roots of Sanskrit and Persian, which was the language of the elite and the establishment in India before the British came and encouraged the more popularly spoken Hindustani. Azad was born in Delhi but became a wanderer after being suspected of siding with the wrong party during the 1857 uprising against the East India Company. Not many have studied the book closely because, for some strange reason, South Asians are not interested in how words travelled between civilisations.
    Azad thought Persian and Sanskrit were sister languages and gives lists of words that prove this. He knew a little about the rise of European philology but his book misses all the other Indo-European languages linked to Sanskrit. Of course, Urdu and Hindi would be nothing without the “constructed” excellence of Sanskrit.
    My contact with Azad took place in Government College, Lahore, where I studied for six years. He had taught Persian and Arabic there and ran a society of scholars promoting “useful” (mufidah) knowledge among people still tethered to “religious knowledge” of the seminary. He wrote in a wonderfully forthright Urdu style and penned the first Urdu alphabet primer for children. He knew his Sanskrit and could lecture on it for
    hours. His curiosity about Iran and Central Asia was great. This compelled him to join an inquiry commission sent out there, which made him a British spy in the eyes of his compatriots who could not understand his obsession with languages.
    The lists are in Urdu and Devanagari scripts. He recognised that both didn’t have the “f” sound till Arabic, which doesn’t have the “p” sound, replaced it with “f”. Today, the Arabs pronounce Pakistan
    as “Bakistan” out of politeness — otherwise it would have been “Fakistan”, just as Pars had to become “Fars”. Persian brought the “f” sound to India, as if to prepare all of us for English.
    Now, a look at Azad’s lists. Take the example of the word for “ask”. In Persian, the verb is porsidan; in Hindi, it is prashan, which comes from the Sanskrit root prch. This is where our Urdu word poochch comes from. In Russian, the word becomes “pros”
    in vopros. Pashto has tapos. The root prch or prk is present in the Latin word precare as it appears in “precarious” (that which requires prayer). The English word “pray” comes from this root and is thus related to the Urdu-Hindi word poochch.
    The English word “sorrow” comes from the Germanic sorge after its “g” went silent. In Persian, it becomes sog; in Sanskrit, shok gives us our Hindi name Ashok (without sorrow). In Azad’s lists, almost all parts of the body are the same in Persian and Sanskrit. If it is bazu in Persian, it is bahu in Sanskrit, and can be been in the French word bras.
    Everyone knows about the universality of “cow”, gau in Persian and Sanskrit. But the word “horse” is rather hidden in Persian. In Sanskrit, it is ashva; in Persian, it is asp, which is quite close. In Urdu, “rider” is sawar, which is a Persian word but, according to Azad, if you look up Dari Persian (Afghanistan), the word occurs as aswar. The word has two parts, “asw” (horse) and “aroh”, meaning “mounting” in Sanskrit, which also uses it to express the sense of rising and growing. People who came from the mountains (roh) and settled in India were called rohila. The desert in south Punjab in Pakistan is called Rohi, where plants grow at great speed after even light rain.
    Of course, Pakistan’s great music band is called Arohi, the ascending note of a classical raga. Arun means “red” because of the colour on the eastern horizon of the rising sun (aroh), where Arunachal (eastern) is located.
    In Pakistan, we take names like Gujranwala as our own. We subconsciously link the wala in it to Arabic wali, which means owner. But wala is linked to the Sanskrit word for “enclosure” or “wall”, since in history, cities were defined by their condition of being walled. When we pronounce ala instead of wala, we think it is Arabic, but that, too, comes from Sanskrit. Ala, meaning home, as in the Hindi shivala and Himalaya. Him becomes zim (frozen) in Persian (zimistan) and Russian.
    Many Gujarati Hindu friends of mine are named Shah (king), which comes from the Sanskrit kshatria (warrior). The Persian shah comes from a similar sounding root. The Greeks made it Xerxes. This gave us the “check” in “checkmate”, which means the king is dead.
    The writer is consulting editor, ‘Newsweek Pakistan’.
    http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/words-are-bridges/
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    PM Narendra Modi addresses the British Parliament in London, UK.Brilliant vision of Solar Alliance, Indian Ocean Region, account of 1/6th of humanity, Bharat.

    November 12, 2015, 8:14 am
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     8 hours ago
    PM lists the measures to address long pending regulatory and taxation concerns
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    PM Modi addresses City of London at Guildhall
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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fLYTzdNnUSE
    PM Modi's statement to the media with PM of United Kingdom David Cameron at Joint Press Briefing
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    PM Modi's ceremonial welcome in London, United Kingdom

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dpTOVvuDM7k

     9 minutes ago

    My statement to the media at the press briefing with PM .  .

    Familiarity of history, extraordinary people-to-people ties, our shared values makes India-UK relationship special: PM Modi


    ModiinUK     #London #United Kingdom #David Cameron #Media#Speeches #Defence #Make In India #Technology #Energy #Innovation#Climate Change #InternationalNovember 12, 2015         


    प्रधान मंत्री श्री कैमरोन,
    मीडिया के सभी साथियो, 
    प्रधान मंत्री कैमरोन, आपने संबंधों के प्रति जो भावना और दृष्टि दिखाई है उसके लिए मैं आपका आभार प्रकट करता हूं। आपने भारत ब्रिटेन के संबंधों को सशक्त करने में बड़ा योगदान दिया है।

    मैं आपके गर्मजोशी से भरे स्वागत और भारत UK के संबंधों को सशक्त बनाने के आपके योगदान के लिए भी आपका धन्यवाद करता हूं।

    आपके निमंत्रण के लिए, आपके गर्मजोशी से किए आदर सत्कार के लिए जिस प्रकार से आपने मेरे लिए समय दिया है उसके लिए भी मैं आभारी हूं।

    UK की यात्रा पर आने पर मुझे बहुत प्रसन्नता है। यह संबंध भारत के लिए महत्वपूर्ण हैं। ऐतिहासिक तौर पर हम एक-दूसरे के भलीभांति परिचित हैं। हमारे लोगों के बीच संबंध अतुलनीय हैं। हमारे मूल्य एक समान हैं। और इससे हमारे संबंधों को विशेष स्वरूप मिला है। हर क्षेत्र में हमारी साझेदारी vibrant है। और हमारे संबंधों में निरंतर विस्तार हो रहा है – जैसे trade और investment, Defence और security, शिक्षा और विज्ञान, clean energy और स्वास्थ्य, technology और innovation, कला और संस्कृति।
    Familiarity of history, extraordinary people-to-people ties, our shared values makes India-UK relationship special: PM Modi ModiinUK, London, United Kingdom, David Cameron, Media, Speeches, Defence, Make In India, Technology, Energy, Innovation, Climate Change, International
    अंतररष्ट्रीय स्तर पर हमारे साझे हित हैं, जो हम दोनों देशों के लिए महत्वपूर्ण हैं।

    आज हमने निर्णय लिया है कि हम अपने Political Dialogue को और घनिष्ठ बनाएगें और नियमित रूप से Bilateral Summit करेंगे। हमारे साझे मूल्यों के आधार पर विश्व के अन्य क्षेत्रों में भी विकास के लिए साझेदारी को शुरू करेंगे। और साथ ही साथ हर क्षेत्र में अपने द्विपक्षीय सहयोग को गहरा बनाएंगे।

    आज हमने Civil Nuclear Agreement पर हस्ताक्षर किए हैं। यह हमारे आपसी विश्वास का प्रतीक है। और हमने Climate change का सामना करने के लिए हमारे दृढ़ संकल्प का परिचय भी दिया है। भारत के Global Center for Clean Energy Partnerships में सहयोग पर समझौता हुआ है। इससे वैश्विक Nuclear Industry में safety और security और मजबूत होगी।

    UK के साथ रक्षा और सुरक्षा सहयोग को हम बहुत मूल्यवान मानते हैं, जिसमें defence trade और नियमित joint exercises भी शामिल हैं। यह साझेदारी निरंतर बढ़ेटी रहेगी।

    मुझे बहुत प्रसन्नता है कि फरवरी 2016 में भारत में होने वाली Internal Fleet Review में UK भी शामिल होगा। भारत Defence के आधुनिकीकरण पर बल दे रहा है। और इसके लिए हम Defence manufacturing में 'Make in India'के मिशन को प्राथमिकता दे रहे हैं। मेरा विश्वास है कि UK इसमें एक महत्वपूर्ण साझेदार होगा।

    Economic partnership हमारे संबंधों एक अहम और मजबूत स्तंभ है। मेरा विश्वास है कि यह संबंध आने वाले समय बड़ी तेजी से आगे बढेंगे क्योंकि मैं भारत में आपार संभावनाएं हैं और ब्रिटेन में आर्थिक क्षमता और सामर्थय है। UK भारत में तीसरा बड़ा निवेशक है। भारत UK में जितना निवेश करता है वो बाकि EU देशों में निवेश से अधिक है। भारत में UK के निवेश के प्रस्ताव के लिए हमने भारत में एक fast track mechanism की व्यवस्था बनाने का निर्णय लिया है। हम India UK CEO form के पुनर्गठन का स्वागत करते हैं।

    London के financial market का हम funds raise करने के लिए और अधिक प्रयोग करेंगे। मेरे लिए प्रसन्नता का विषय है कि हम भारतीय रेल के लिए लंदन में रेलवे rupee bond जारी करने जा रहे हैं। यह एक तरह से स्वाभाविक कि भारतीय रेल की यात्रा यहीं से शुरू हुई थी।

    अगले दो दिनों में हमारे business sector के साथ होने वाली engagements का मैं उत्सुकता के साथ इंतजार कर रहा हूं। और हम business sector से कई महत्वपूर्ण announcements की अपेक्षा करते हैं।

    मुझे प्रसन्नता है कि हमारी सरकार और प्राइवेट सेक्टर दोनों के बीच हमारा clean energy और climate सहयोग में प्रगति हुई है। यह क्षेत्र महत्वपूर्ण भी है और इसमें आपार संभावनाएं भी हैं। भारत ने Climate change पर जो एक व्यापक महत्वाकांक्षी राष्ट्रीय योजना बनाई है उससे हमारे द्वीपक्षीय सहयोग से लाभ पहुंचेगा। हम आशा करते हैं कि पैरिस में होने वाले सम्मेलन में UN convention on climate change के framework के अंतर्गत ठोस परिणाम निकलेंगे और विश्व एक sustainable और low कार्बन भविष्य के लिए एक निर्णायक रास्ता तय होगा।

    आज हमने कई और क्षेत्रों में ठोस परिणाम निकले हैं जिसका भारत की राष्ट्रीय प्राथमिकता से संबंध है। इनमें स्मार्ट सिटीज़, स्वास्थ्य, river cleaning, skill और शिक्षा शामिल है। हम इस बात पर सहमत हैं कि सभी क्षेत्रों में हमारी साझेदारी के लिए technology, research और innovation में मजबूत नीव प्रदान करेंगे।

    हम दोनों देश अपनी इस साझेदारी से जनता के लिए नए अवसर पैदा करेंगे और उनकी समद्धि बढ़ाएंगे। साथ ही साथ साझे हितों को प्राप्त कर पाएंगे और अपनी चुनौतियों का ठीक से सामना कर सकेंगे। जैसे एशिया में शांति और स्थिरता, विशेष करके दक्षिण और पश्चिम एशिया में; समुद्रीक सुरक्षा, साइबर सुरक्षा तथा आतंकवाद और अतिवाद।

    इन सभी विषय पर मैं और प्रधान मंत्री Cameron आज और कल चैकरस में अपनी बात जारी रखेंगे।

    अंत में, UN security council में भारत की स्थायी सदस्यता और अंतराष्ट्रीय export control regimes में भारत की सदस्यता के लिए ब्रिटेन के महत्वपूर्ण समर्थन के लिए प्रधान मंत्री Cameron जी का आभर व्यक्त करना चाहता हूं।

    आज पार्लियामेंट में संबोधन करने का सम्मान मिला है। उसके बाद मैं India UK Business Summit को संबोधित करूंगा। इन दोनों अवसरों पर भारत और भारत – ब्रिटेन संबंधों पर और विस्तार से अपने विचार प्रकट करूंगा।

    हमारे strategic partnership के लिए आज हमने एक Bold और महत्वाकांक्षी विजन रेखांकित किया है। और जो निर्णय हमने आज लिए हैं यह इस विजन को पाने के हमारे दृढ़विश्वास और प्रतिबद्धता को दर्शाता है। आज के परिणामों से यह स्पष्ट होता है कि हमारे संबंध नई और ऊंचाइयों पर आज ही पहुंच चुके हैं।

    Thank You.
     38 seconds ago
    Some glimpses from the Guard of Honour and Official Welcome.
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     46 seconds ago
    Productive & extensive discussions with PM on India-UK ties & global issues.
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    Live: PM Modi addresses British parliament, first Indian PM to do sohttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CRusBmwKl90 Started on Nov 12, 2015
    Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses the British parliament in London, United Kingdom

     1 minute ago
    Interacted with the Punjabi community in London. We exchanged thoughts on various issues.
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    Columnist Hasan Suroor caught in a sting operation by an anti paedophile group Unknown Tv (18:53)

    November 12, 2015, 9:03 am
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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Er7aRfWFbg0&app=desktop

    Columnist Hasan Suroor caught in a sting operation by an anti paedophile group Unknown Tv

    (Video) Hindu-hating journo Hasan Suroor caught redhanded in Pedophilia Sex Sting in UK
    Satyameva Jayate 
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    Published on Nov 11, 2015 Watch the video of this shameless 65-year old "Progressive" Muslim grandpa arrested for soliciting sex publicly with a 14-year old girl (young enough to be his granddaughter): 


    He will be locked up in jail for the rest of his miserable life. 

    Hasan Suroor is a notorious Modi-baiting columnist for "The Hindu" Outlook "The Indian Express", Firstpost.com, Business Standard and Guardian (UK).
    Hasan Suroor is in the august company of fellow "tolerant" pedophiles and "secular" NGO/Media rapists like:

    Noted columnist Hasan Suroor caught in paedophilia sting in UK: Report


    November 11, 2015  

    Columnist Hasan Suroor, a British journalist of Indian origin, has been arrested following a video sting operation by anti-paedophile group Unknown TV.
    A spokesman for British Transport Police toldHuffington Post India that Suroor travelled from Sloane Avenue, Kensington and Chelsea to meet the minor, after grooming the child online for sex on November 9.
    While Suroor did not have sex with the minor, the anti-paedophile group has alleged that they have proof that the prominent Indian journalist was planning to have sex with the child.
    Suroor, is a well-known columnist and commentator, who has written for The Hindu,The Guardian, and The Indian Express among other publications.
    Unknown TV later wrote on Facebook: "A millionaire by the name of Hassan suroor, professional journalist for the Guardian newspaper and also own his own newspaper and his own television network in India; he is 65 years of age from Chelsea meeting a 14-year-old child for sex at Deptford Bridge DLR wrong he met #UnknownTV."
    Huffington Post reported that while Suroor said he would not have had sex with her, the vigilante group confronted him with evidence that he had conversations indicating clear plans for a sexual encounter.
    The group then handed over Hasan to the police. A member of the group told Huffington Post that "Hasan has been charged and remanded till trial."
    Unknown TV is known for its controversial sting operations. Its members pose as minors on social networking platforms and entrap adults who indulge in sexual conversations or express willingness to meet them for sexual encounters. The group members then tape the conversation with them to post it online in a 'name and shame' strategy.
    AGENCIES


    Indian Origin Columnist Hasan Suroor gets arrested in UK for meeting 14 year old for sex

    In a sting operation performed by Unknown Tv group, which does sting videos to hunt down paedophiles, the Indian origin columnist Hasan Suroor is caught trying to meet a 14 year old girl for sex.
    The Unknown Tv posted the video in their Facebook timeline with the following description.

    A millionaire by the name of Hassan Suroor professional journalist for the Guardian newspaper and also own his own newspaper and his own television network in india he is 65 years of age from Chelsea meeting a 14 year year old child for sex at Deptford Bridge DLR wrong he met #UnknownTV.

    Hasan Suroor is a noted columnist who writes for The Hindu, Firstpost, Business Standard and other reputed News Media. He regularly writes anti-Modi articles and is well known in the Adarsh Liberal circuit of India.
    The report in Huffpost India stated that,
    Hasan Suroor has been arrested under sections 14 and 15 of the Sexual Offences Act of 2003. We have not independently confirmed this with the Metropolitan police.
    “He has been charged and remanded till trial,” said Charlie Gaines, a member of the anti-paedophile group Unknown TV, which posted the video of the sting and his arrest online yesterday.
    In the video, posted online yesterday, 65-year-old Suroor is seen as admitting to have travelled from Chelsea to Deptford Bridge DLR to meet a 14-year-old girl. While Suroor says he would not have had sex with her, the vigilante group confronts him with evidence that he had conversations indicating clear plans for a sexual encounter.
    When caught, he is seen pleading that he is an innocent and an old man and started to limp his foot. The list of Adarsh liberals getting arrested in connection with sexual offences is increasing. Earlier it was Tarun Tejpal, R K Pachauri and now Hasan Suroor. It is an irony, that he has written several articles about Idea of India in danger because Modi is at helm, but it is incidents like this in the foreign land brings bad reputation to the country.
    Here is his [most recent] Idea of India tweet,
    After Delhi & Bihar Modi should seriously rethink his "idea" of India.
    — hasan suroor (@hasansuroor) November 8, 2015

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    Yezidi fighter. Jeevema s'aradah s'atam. She wears bindi on her forehead in the millennial Hindu tradition.

    November 12, 2015, 5:46 pm
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      Our lives are threatened all the time we live amid monsters
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    Yezdis

     7 hours ago
    Islamic State getting decimated in Sinjar.


    bodies of terrorists in the city Sinjar Mount Sinjar

     6 hours ago
    Islamic State killed, raped, kidnapped Yazidi women & girls. Now it's payback time. A woman fighter collars IS thug.


    Yazidi fighter arrest this ISIS in Sinjar
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    Yazidi girls get bindi placed on their foreheads, they are the fighters of Dharma-Dhamma. Jeevema s'aradah s'atam. Je suis Yazidi Hindu

    November 12, 2015, 6:17 pm
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     9 hours ago
    Since fall 2014., Kurdish forces have only taken territory from , never ceding it.
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     Oct 15
    Viva la . Peshmerga - The father and daughter
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    1.  Oct 26
      YPJ-Shengal has changed its name to YJÊ (Êzidxan Women's Units).
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    Comments by Cmdr. Qamishlo of , taking lead in Campaign conducted to eliminate threat in
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    and women ready to fight . Maybe women would take few male slaves? /
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    Yazidi temple, Lalish. Strategic town of Sinjar.Jeevema s'aradah s'atam, Yazidi. Je suis Yazidi. (Video Yazidi worship 52:16)

    November 12, 2015, 6:51 pm
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    13th cent. temple arch entrance.
    Worship of peacock angel.
    Peacock vaahana of Devi Sarasvati in Hindu tradition.
    Sacred temple of Yazidi. Lalish. Near Mosul. Northern Iraq.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f6fZKXMPmxQ 

    The Yazidi and Yazidism Religion (Following the Peacock)- Documentary HD

    Sinjar - a strategic town





    Media captionWatch as the BBC explains the significance of Mount Sinjar

    • Situated in northern Iraq at the foot of Mount Sinjar, about 30 miles (50km) from the Syrian border
    • Highway 47, one of IS's most active supply lines, runs through the town
    • Area mainly inhabited by Kurdish-speaking Yazidis with Arab and Assyrian minorities
    • Islamic State militants attacked in August 2014
    • Some 50,000 Yazidis fled the town and became trapped on Mount Sinjar without food or water
    • Since then, Kurdish forces have won back areas of the town but IS resistance has led to a stalemate
    http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-34795506

    Published: November 12, 2015 23:39 IST | Updated: November 12, 2015 23:41 IST  November 12, 2015

    Wrestling back Sinjar from the Islamic State

    Smoke rises from the site of U.S.-led air strikes in the town of Sinjar on Thursday.
    Reuters
    Smoke rises from the site of U.S.-led air strikes in the town of Sinjar on Thursday.
    Kurdish forces, backed by U.S. air strikes, launched an offensive on Thursday to retake the strategic town of Sinjar from Islamic State militants, who overran it more than a year ago
    What is Operation Free Sinjar?
    The major objective of the offensive is to cordon off the Iraqi town, take control of Islamic State supply routes and establish a buffer zone to protect the town from artillery
    How much progress has been made?
    The Kurdish forces have successfully blocked Highway 47, the IS's key supply line; captured the villages of Gabara to the west of Sinjar; and Gretishore and Fadhellya on the eastern border
    Why is the town of importance?
    Sinjar sits astride Highway 47 which links the cities of Mosul and Raqqa - Islamic State's bastions in Iraq and Syria. It is also located at the foot of Sinjar Mountain about 50 km from the Syrian border
    How did it fall in IS hands?
    The IS captured the town in August 2014 and attacked the Yazidis, whom they consider them worshippers. The group then systematically slaughtered, enslaved and raped thousands of Yazidis
    What happened in its aftermath?
    The crisis prompted the U.S. to launch its first airstrikes against the IS on August 8 to prevent a genocide of Yazidis. It marked the beginning of a coalition effort to battle the militant group in Iraq and Syria
    Who is heading the operations?
    The offensive is being overseen by Kurdistan regional president Massoud Barzani. About 7,500 Kurdish special forces, peshmerga and Yazidi fighters have closed in on the town from three fronts
    How many IS fighters in Sinjar?
    The number of militants has increased to 600 after reinforcements arrived in the run-up to the offensive, which was delayed by weather and friction between Kurdish and Yazidi forces
    Is victory in sight?
    The Kurds are hoping for a swift victory. But the militants are adept at planting booby-traps and other bombs, often causing heavy casualties.

    Printable version | Nov 13, 2015 10:48:39 AM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/wrestling-back-sinjar-from-the-islamic-state/article7870053.ece

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    Continuum of archaeo-metallurgical and Indus Script hieroglyph traditions in regions beyond Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins

    November 14, 2015, 1:00 am
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    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/phsapnp

    Ancient migrations of Bhāratam Janam west-wards, east-wards, southwards

    Since Indus Script Corpora are a veritable catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, archaeo-metallurgical traditions were signified by Indus Script hieroglyphs on many artifacts attested archaeologically from many contact areas of the Civilization.

    Impact of plate tectonics and rise of dynamic Himalayas and consequent changes in drainage systems of Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins, led to migrations of artisans of the civilization weswards to a number of regions of Ancient Near East, eastwards to Ganga River Basin and southwards along the coastline of Indian Ocean to Kerala and southern regions of Bharat such as Daimabad, on Godavari River Basin, Swamimalai on the Kaveri River Basin.

    That the region of Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins was subject to frequent earthquakes caused by plate tectonics of the Indian plate moving northwards jutting into European plate at the pace of 6 cms. per year (lifting up the Himalayan ranges by 1 cm per year), is also attested in the Mahabharata epic which documents the enormity of the earthquakes and records the engulfing of Dwaraka by seawaves and submergence of Dwaraka. 

    The migration of River Yamuna carrying the waters of Glacial Sarasvati from Paonta Saheb to join the Ganga creating Triveni Sangamam and themigration of River Sutlej by a 90-degree turn at Ropar, to join the Sindhu river, cut off the glacial perennial waters to Vedic River Sarasvati. Thus, the Sarasvati River become a monsoon-based river with stretches of breaks in the navigable channel and the creation of saras, 'lakes' in the regions of Haryana and Rajasthan. The snapping of the navigability of the River Sarasvati impacted the seafaring merchants of Meluhha who had crossed the Persian Gulf beyond Dholavira-Surkotada in Rann of Kutch to conduct maritime trade. The snapping of trade connections led to migrations of people eastwards and southwards as evidenced by the settlements of Rakhigarhi (near Delhi) and Daimabad on Pravara River, a tributary of River Godavari. That the migrations occurred southwards is attested in Purananuru, a Sangam text in Tamil. 


    For migrations of Bhāratam Janam westwards indicated by the presence of cylinder seals with Indus Script hieroglyhs in Ancient Near Edast sites Shahdad, Sumer, Turkmenistan, tello (Ancient Girsu), Bogazkoy, Mitanni, Old Syria, see: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/indus-script-hieroglyph-twisted-rope-on.html Indus Script hieroglyph 'twisted rope' on 14 Ancient Near East seals/artifacts deciphered, linked to Dhā̆rvā̆ḍ iron-ore town Karnataka, India This note documents the presence of Indus Script hieroglyph of 'twisted rope' which signified rebus dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters'.dhāv 'red ore' (ferrite) ti-dhāu 'three strands'ti-dhāv 'three ferrite ores: magnetite, hematite, laterite'. The hieroglyph occurs in the Ancient Near East artifacts linking with iron smelters working with iron ore mines in the region surrounding Dharwar, Karnataka and Ib, Orissa.

    Recurrent earthquakes caused by plate tectonics are also indicated in ancient texts. For example, after Krishna’s atman departs the mortal body---

    विवृद्ध मूशिकारथ्या विभिन्नमणिकास्तथा केशानखाश्च सुप्तानामद्यन्ते मूशिकैर्निशी (MBh., Mausala, 2.5)
    चीचीकूचीति वाशन्ति सारिका वृष्णिवेश्मसु नोपशाम्यति शब्दश्च स दिवारात्रमेव हि (MBh., Mausala, 2.6)
    अन्वकुर्वन्नुलूकानाम् सारसा विरुतं तथा अजाः शिवानाम् विरुतमन्वकुर्वत भारत (MBh., Mausala, 2.7)
    Streets swarmed with rats and mice, earthen pots showed cracks or were broken from no apparent cause, sarika_s chirped ceaselessly day and night, sa_ras hooted like owls, goats cried like jackals, pigeons departed from their homes, and asses brayed aloud in disconsonant and awful voices (Ganguly, 1998).
    निर्याते तु जने तस्मिन् सागरो मकरालयः द्वारकां रत्नसंपूर्णं जलेन प्लावयत् तदा (MBh., Mausala, 7.41)
    तदद्भुतमभिप्रेक्ष्य द्वारकावासिनो जनाः तूर्णात् तूर्णतरम् जग्मुरहो दैवकितिब्रुवन् (MBh., Mausala, 7.43)

    The sea, the abode of monsters, engulfed the gem-filled Dwraka with waves soon after the people departed the place. Seeing this astounding incident, the citizens of Dwaraka ran away, exclaiming, ‘O, our fate’. (Ganguly, 1998).

    Reference to Dwaraka as Thuvarai in an ancient Sangam text


    Ayasipur is a Vedic expression. अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c अयस्मय (अयोमय) a. (-यी f.) Ved. Made of iron or of any metal. -यी N. of one of the three habita- tions of Asuras. pur पुर् f. (Nom. sing. पूः; instr. du. पूर्भ्याम्) 1 A town, fortified town; thus ayasipur refers to a fortification made of stone or metal. (पूरण्यभिव्यक्तमुखप्रसादा R.16.23)

    துவரை² tuvarai, n. See துவாரகை. உவரா வீகைத் துவரை யாண்டு (புறநா. 201). துவாரகை tuvārakai, n. < dvārakā. The capital of Kṛṣṇa on the western side of Gujarat, supposed to have been submerged by the sea, one of catta-puri, q. v.; சத்தபுரியுளொன் றாயதும் கடலாற்கொள்ளப்பட்ட தென்று கருதப்படுவதும் கண்ணபிரான் அரசுபுரிந்ததுமான நகரம்.

    This Vedic expression ayasipur is consistent with the description of Dwaraka in Purananuru as a fortification with walls made of copper (metal).

    இவர் யார் என்குவை ஆயின் இவரே
    ஊருடன் இரவலர்க்கு அருளித் தேருடன்
    முல்லைக்கு ஈத்த செல்லா நல்லிசை
    படுமணி யானைப் பறம்பின் கோமான்
    நெடுமாப் பாரி மகளிர் யானே
    தந்தை தோழன் இவர் என் மகளிர்
    அந்தணன் புலவன் கொண்டு வந்தனனே
    நீயே வட பால் முனிவன் தடவினுள் தோன்றிச்
    செம்பு புனைந்து இயற்றிய சேண் நெடும் புரிசை
    உவரா ஈகைத் துவரை யாண்டு
    நாற்பத்து ஒன்பது வழி முறை வந்த
    வேளிருள் வேள விறல் போர் அண்ணல்
    தார் அணி யானைச் சேட்டு இருங்கோவே
    ஆண் கடன் உடைமையின் பாண் கடன் ஆற்றிய
    ஒலியற் கண்ணிப் புலிகடிமாஅல்
    யான் தர இவரைக் கொண்மதி வான் கவித்து
    இரும் கடல் உடுத்த இவ் வையகத்து அரும் திறல்
    பொன்படு மால் வரைக் கிழவ வென் வேல்
    உடலுநர் உட்கும் தானைக்
    கெடல்அரும் குரைய நாடு கிழவோயே !

    If you ask who they are, they are his daughters,
    he who granted cities to those who came in need
    and earned great fame for gifting
    a chariot to the jasmine vine to climb,
    he who owned elephants with jingling bells,
    the lord of Parampu, the great king Pāri.
    They are my daughters now.
    As for me, I am their father’s friend, a Brahmin,
    a poet who has brought them here.

    You are the best Vēlir of the Vēlir clan,
    with a heritage of forty nine generations of Vēlirs
    who gave without limits,
    who ruled Thuvarai with its long walls that
    seemed to be made of copper, the city that
    appeared in the sacrificial pit of a northern sage (Yaja).
    King who is victorious in battles!

    Great king with garlanded elephants!
    Pulikatimāl with a bright garland
    who knows what a man’s responsibility is,
    and what you can do for bards!
    I am offering them. Please accept them.
    Lord of the sky high mountain that yields gold!
    You whose strength cannot be equaled on the earth
    that is covered by an arched sky and surrounded
    by the ocean, you whose army puts fear into
    enemies with victorious spears!
    O ruler of a land that can never be ruined!

    Irunkovel is supposed to be 49th generation of a king from (Thuvarai) Dwaraka. It can mean two things. Assuming about 30 years per generation, 1500 years earlier Dwaraka which had walls made of copper. Dating the early phase of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization to ca. 3500 BCE, and the submergence of Dwaraka to ca. 1900 BCE (a date indicative of the drying up of Vedic River Sarasvati due to migrations of Sutlej and Yamuna rivers which were tributaries bringing in glacier waters), which necessitated the movements of Sarasvati's children down the coastline to Kerala, this text places Sangam literature text of Purananuru to ca. 400 BCE.

    Migration from Tuvarai (Dwaraka) is attested in a 12th century inscription (Pudukottai State inscriptions, No. 120) cited by Avvai S. Turaicaami in Puranaanuru, II (SISSW Publishing Soc., Madras, 1951). 
    •துவரை மாநகர் நின்ருபொந்த தொன்மை பார்த்துக்கிள்ளிவேந்தன் நிகரில் தென் கவரி நாடு தன்னில் நிகழ்வித்த நிதிவாளர் 

    Archaeo-metallurgical and seafaring traditions of the Civilization are attested in regions of southern Bharat 

    The archaeo-metallurgical and seafaring traditions of the Civilization are attested in Southern Bharat as exemplified by the following:

    1. Aranmuḷa high-tin bronze mirror āṟanmuḷakkaṇṇāṭi 

    and Uthrittathy vaḷḷaṃ kaḷi, ള്ളംകളി boat race in memory of seafaring merchants of Meluhha

    2. Swamimalai cire perdue utsava bera of pancaloha (five alloy metals)

    3. अष्ट-मङ्गलम् hieroglyphs signifying metalwork worn as sacred insignia 

    4. Svastika, Indus Script hieroglyph multiplex hypertext signifying 'zinc, spelter, pewter alloy' 

    5. Ox-hide ingot, tree hieroglyphs on Sanchi/Bharhut sculptural friezes signifying metal ingots and smelters (kuThi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter') 


    Section 1: āṟanmuḷakkaṇṇāṭi, 'mirror'  

    ആറന്മുളക്കണ്ണാടി 


    A bronze mirror is among the astamangalas अष्ट-मङ्गलम् [अष्ट- गुणितं मङ्गलं शा. क. त.] a collection of eight auspicious things; according to some they are:-- मृगराजो वृषो नागः कलशो व्यञ्जनं तथा । वैजयन्ती तथा भेरी दीप इत्यष्टमङ्गलम् ॥ according to others लोके$स्मिन्मङ्गलान्यष्टौ ब्राह्मणो गौर्हुताशनः । हिरण्यं सर्पि- रादित्य आपो राजा तथाष्टमः ॥ 

    Aranmuḷa metalwork by artisans are exemplified in high tin-bronze mirrors produced by Vishwakarma വിശ്വകർമ്മജർ Using the cire perdue or lost-wax casting technique, a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization tradition continues in a village of Kerala, Aranmula, by Visvakarma sthapatis who make high-tin bronze mirrors which are patented as Geographical Indicators and called āṟanmuḷakkaṇṇāṭi.


    “Mirrors had both aesthetic value and magico-religious significance in parts of Asia, as in China and India. Bronze mirrors with figurines on handles are known from ancient Egypt. Flat, circular tanged mirrors were found from Harappan contexts northwest of the Indian subcontinent at Quetta and Harappa in Pakistan (ca. 2000 BCE) and Dholavira in Gujarat, India. These would probably have been made of bronze of low tin content (i.e. < 10% tin)...A unique mirror-making tradition survives at the village of Aranmula, Kerala, southern India. Here, a cast high-tin bronze mirror of 33% tin with highly specular or reflective properties is made which is comparable to, if not better than, modern mercury glass-coated mirrors. The presence of the brittle silvery-white delta phase of bronze is optimized while avoiding the use of lead, which could have dulled the mirror effect... Two unleaded bronze samples of 22% and 26% tin were reported from the Indus Valley site of Mohenjodaro (ca. 2500 BCE), although they might be accidentally alloyed. Although flat bronze mirrors are found from Indus sites such as Quetta, these do not sem to have been analysed and are much more likely to have been of copper or low-tin bronze. However, from the Bhir mound in Taxila, Pakistan, a binary high-tin bronze mirror of 25% tin was uncovered. Thus it is probable that the Aranmula mirror-making process evolved out of longstanding metallurgical traditions prevalent in the Indian subcontinent for the use of bronzes of high-tin content."

    http://www.currentscience.ac.in/Downloads/article_id_093_01_0035_0040_0.pdf

    https://www.scribd.com/doc/289580889/Skilled-mirror-craft-of-intermetallic-delta-high-tin-bronze-Cu31Sn8-32-6-tin-from-Aranmula-Kerala-Sharada-Srinivasan-and-Ian-Glover-Current-S
    "In China,bronze mirrors were manufactured from around 2000 BC, some of the earliest bronze and copper examples being produced by the Qijia culture. Mirrors made of other metal mixtures (alloys) such as copper and tin speculum metal may have also been produced in China and India." 
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mirror
    The largest known Aranmula mirror is at the British Museum with a height of 18 inches, and is said to be worth a few lakhs, as this size mirrors are no longer made now a daysHigh tin-bronze Aranmula mirror, British Museum, 18 inches
    British Museum. Bronze mirror. ca. 300 BCE.
    https://www.studyblue.com/notes/note/n/arth-2300-study-guide-2014-15-smith/deck/14134529

    Chettle Park hoard;
    British Museum, London, UK
    Description:
    Dimensions: 23.5 x 21cm

    “This mirror is decorated with an exquisite geometric La Tène design. The decoration is the most beautifully executed example known to date (60 mirrors of this period are known from Britain). The Chettle mirror complements other mirrors in the British Museum's collections, particularly Desborough and Holcombe but is of greater artistic note. The museum is embarking on the first systematic full-scale study of Iron Age mirrors in Britain for over a century. The mirror forms part of a larger rare burial hoard and the museum hopes to display the hoard together with a focus on the mirror and its uniqueness and skill of decoration.”
    – Source: http://www.artfund.org/artwork/10427/mirror-from-the-chettle-park-hoard, 8/27/09

    Background:
    Iron Age
    1st century BC — mid 1st century AD

    “Found by a metal detectorist in Chettle Park, Dorset as part of an assemblage of bronze and glass objects by metal detectorists in August 2003.”



    Acquisition Details:
    Grant Paid: £18,000 (Total: £18,000)
    ArtFunded in: 2009
    Vendor: Department for Culture, Media and Sport 

    Great Chesterford mirror, Cambridge Museum, Cambridge, UK
    Great Chesterford Mirror 
    Great Chesterford mirror
    Description:
    Broken.
    Height: 23.5 cm

    "This Celtic bronze mirror, much like the Old Warden Mirror from Bedfordshire, contains a design based on three-sided voids, rather than lobe patterns. Six matted shapes are located around the perimeter of the mirror. These shapes appear in different form, yet all are connected by the interwoven basket-hatching."

    Background:
    1st century BC — mid 1st century AD
    Found circa 1959 in a female burial at Chesterford, Essex, UK. 
    -Source: http://www.unc.edu/celtic/catalogue/mirrors/ #The Great Chesterford Mirror, 8/17/09

    Aranmula Kannadi
    "
    Sunday, May 17, 2009

    Majestic mirrors -- Sadananda Menon



    The ancient art of making metal mirrors is still practiced, without modifications, by a few artisan families in Aranmula village of Kerala. The making of the mirror, a unique gift of India to the world, involves a long process that needs a lot of patience, writes Sadanand Menon
    LIKE Darjeeling tea or Benarsi sari, the Aranmula bronze mirror is a unique gift of India to the world. The exquisite metal bronze mirror is produced only in Aranmula, a village in Kerala. The mystery of its production is a family gift handed over through generations. The ancient art of making metal mirrors is still practiced, without modifications, by a few artisan families in Aranmula...
    Some undisclosed metals (as known to the seven artisan`A0families of Aranmula) are alloyed with copper and tin to cast the mirror in typical clay moulds. The method is the age-old lost-wax process in traditional style after melting the metals in a furnace fitted with a manual blower… Studies by Sharda Srinivasan, a researcher in Archaeometallurgy in the National Institute of Advanced Studies at the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, and her colleague, discovered the secret of the alloy that Aranmula mirrors were made of — a binary copper-tin alloy with 32-34 per cent tin…. She also noted that the skill of alloying was developed to such perfection by the Aranmula artisans that it matched the pure delta phase of bronze, offering the best possible uniformly-polished surface, and is long lasting.
    "
    http://www.tribuneindia.com/2009/20090517/spectrum/main2.htm

    Ancient history is all around us. The celebration of Bali Yatra on Karthik Purnima day in Bharatam coastline is a remembrance of the ancesors, seafaring people among Bharatam Janam who created the Hinduised States of the Far East (pace George Coedes' work in French with the title).

    Another remarkable evidence comes from Aranmula where two ancient traditions are celebrated annually: 1. the high tin-bronze mirror in remembrance of the archaeometallurgical traditions of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization; and 2. annual boat race in remembrance of the seafaring merchants who had interactions across Persian Gulf upto Haifa, Israel in the Fertile Crescent where a shipwreck revealed three pure tin ingots with Indus Script inscriptions.2. Aranmula snake boat race palliyodam is held annually, on ‘’Uthrittathi’’ day, the birthday of Sri Krishna, Ashtamarohini day.

    images of Aranmula Kannadi making process  http://aranmulakannadi.org/tag/aranmula-mirror/
    Clay mould

    • Aranmula is a little village in the district of Pathanamthitta, which is well known for its ancient temple dedicated to Lord Sree Krishna as Parthasarathy,the colorful snake boat Regatta and the Aranmula Kannadi.
    • The British Museum in London has a 45 centimeter tall Aranmula metal mirror in its collection
    "Bronze mirrors preceded the glass mirrors of today. This type of mirror has been found by archaeologists among elite assemblages from various cultures, from Etruscan Italy to China...In the Indus valley civilization, manufacture of bronze mirrors goes back to the time between 2800 and 2500 BCE.(Richard Corson: Fashions in Makeup: From Ancient to Modern Times, 1972)." Sourced from World Heritage Encyclopedia. http://self.gutenberg.org/Article.aspx?Title=bronze_mirrors

    "Polished bronze or copper mirrors were made by the Egyptians from 2900 BCE onwards." (Z. Y. Saad: The Excavations at Helwan. Art and Civilization in the First and Second Egyptian Dynasties, University of Oklahoma Press, Oklahoma 1969, p.54)

    "A Story from Corea called ‘The Magic Mirror’ tells us that a young peasant went from his village to the capital in order to sell his products and to buy some commodities. Passing a shop-window he was struck by having seen somebody in the window who could not have been anybody else but his twin-brother. He was amazed at this because his brother was living in another town. He stood still and gazed, and now he was sure that it was his twin-brother, because when he smiled at him he smiled back. ‘I must have this magic’, he thought. So he entered the shop and asked whether he could buy this strange thing in which was to be seen his counterpart. The shopkeeper wrapped it up and remarked laughingly: ‘Be careful not to crack it, so that your brother will not get lost’. The peasant took it home, but before he could unpack it to show his family he was called away on urgent business." B. Schweig, 1941, Mirrors, in: Antiquity / Volume 15 / Issue 59 / September 1941, pp 257-268

    Published: May 5, 2013 17:03 IST | Updated: May 6, 2013 19:30 IST  Kochi, May 5, 2013

    A reflection of tradition

    CRYSTAL CLEAR: An Aranmula mirror. Photo: H. Vibhu
    The Hindu
    CRYSTAL CLEAR: An Aranmula mirror. Photo: H. Vibhu


    A sale of traditional Aranmula mirrors is on at the Kairali outlet

    A sparkling Aranmula mirror is clearly the show-stopper among giant wooden handicrafts at the Kairali showroom on M.G. Road. A few more in various sizes have been stacked at the entrance as part of an exclusive sale of the mirrors on at the store.

    The sale is part of Kairali’s efforts to promote the work of the artisans who have been engaged in making the famed mirrors, says Aravindakshan N.D., store manager. “Only a few artisans remain who know the art of making the mirrors and it is important to preserve the tradition,” he says. “It is a pity that not many people in Kerala know about the speciality of the mirror,” Aravindakshan adds. Kairali conducts an annual sale of the mirrors to create awareness on the age-old tradition of the Aranmula Kannadi.

    Though it received national attention after finding a place on the Geographical Indications (GIs) registry of India, the legend of the Aranmula mirror has survived, peppered with colourful anecdotes and folklore. “It is very close to the culture of Kerala. It is one of the ‘ashtamangalyams’ and considered auspicious if one possesses it,” Aravindakshan says.

    Unlike ordinary mirrors, which reflect from the silver nitrate coating, the aranmula mirror reflects from the surface, thereby eliminating distortions. It is an alloy of metals, the combination of which is known only to the families that make it in Aranmula.

    The craft is handed down generations by these artisans, who are believed to have migrated from Tamil Nadu during the construction of the Aranmula temple. 

    “They guard their precious secret and is passed on only to their future generations,” Aravindakshan says.

    Most of the mirrors on display at Kairali have ornate bell-metal frames. They come in fancy velvet boxes, too. The smallest mirror on sale starts at Rs. 1,650 and the largest has been priced at Rs. 25,000. A ten per cent discount will be offered. For companies or individuals who want larger mirrors, or particular designs, they can place orders at Kairali, who would then place the order with the artisans.

    http://www.thehindu.com/features/friday-review/history-and-culture/a-reflection-of-tradition/article4683532.ece?css=print

    Published: July 13, 2012 00:00 IST | Updated: July 13, 2012 04:50 IST  KOLLAM, July 13, 2012

    Aranmula mirrors for sale

    • Staff Reporter

    Mirrors priced between Rs.1,200 and Rs.37,500

    Magic mirror:Aranmula mirrors on display at the Kairali showroom in Kollam.— Photo: C. Suresh Kumar
    Magic mirror:Aranmula mirrors on display at the Kairali showroom in Kollam.— Photo: C. Suresh Kumar

    A 21-day exhibition and sale of Aranmula mirrors began at the Kairali showroom of the Handicrafts Development Corporation of Kerala Limited at Chinnakada here on Wednesday. The show was inaugurated by Mayor Prasanna Earnest.

    Showroom manager S. Chandrakumar said that Aranmula mirrors with prices from Rs.1,200 to Rs.37,500 were for sale at the exhibition. The mirrors come in the shape of conchs, sun, peacocks, and swans.

    These mirrors, which are not made of glass, do not crack if they fall. They are metal mirrors, created from an alloy of copper and tin, with an interesting history. They are also considered one among the eight auspicious items or “ashtamangalyam” that make up a Kerala bride’s trousseau. The manufacture of this mirror is still a closely guarded secret shared by only a few artisans.
    They are produced in Aranmula and even the British Museum in London has a 45-cm tall Aranmula mirror in its collection. The origin of this mirror is linked to the Aranmula Parthasarahty Temple.

    There are Aranmula mirrors which cost $1,00,000. Many believe that owning an Aranmula mirror will bring luck. Mr. Chandrakumar said that the show had already started drawing crowds. Sale of these mirrors at the exhibition held at the same showroom last year touched Rs.6 lakh, he said. The show ends on July 31.

    http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-kerala/article3634151.ece?css=print
    Aranmula Vadakke kottaram diaryAranmula Kottaram on the banks of River Pampa. The palace is an architectural form Nalukettu which is made based on Thachu Sastra, or the Science of Carpentry and Traditional Vasthu.  Here the 'Thiru Abharanam', ornaments of Lord Ayyappa at Sabarimala, were originally kept and constitutes a stop-over of the annual procession from Pandalam. It is a Vasthu Vidya Gurukulam, teaching Sthapatya Vidya, the documented traditional knowledge of the Vis'vakarmas transmitted from generation to generation of the architect or sthapati guilds. The nilavara, ara, etc. in this building are unique and was originally meant for weapons storage and grains."The Kampam festival in the Malayalam month of Dhanu where children and youth go to each house and collect the arecanut palm leaf thanungu perukku, later burning it tied to a palm tree. This is in remembrance of Khandava Dahanam as believed." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aranmula 


    Ma. vaḷḷam canoe, boat of one trunk, large bamboo basket (holding 200-400 paṟa of rice), a small measure;vallam large basket to hold grain, grass, charcoal. Ko. vaḷm (obl. vaḷt-) a grain measure (= 3 oḷk); valm (obl. valt-) round grain-storage basket. To.poḷm (obl. poḷt-) a bamboo vessel. Ka. baḷḷa a measure of capacity, the fourth part of a koḷaga or 4 mānas. Tu. baḷḷa a seer, measure of capacity equal to about one seer or eighty tolas. Te. baḷḷa a certain measure of capacity;Ta. vaḷḷam a dish for use in eating or drinking, hour-glass, a measure of grain (= 4 marakkāl), a measure of capacity (= 2 or 4 paṭi), boat made of trunk of a tree, canoe; vallam ola basket. (DEDR 5315)


    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1YyfDyoGbPQ  


    Vallappattu (By ARANMULA VALLAMKALI)     Published on Jul 25, 2012 (13:56) 




    Kuchela vrythom Vanchipattu 'Boat song':


    Singers – Paranja-thangane thanney-
    Oarsmen - Thei thei -thakathei thei thoy-
    Singers – Paranja-thangane thanney-
    Oarsmen – Thitha tha thi- thei thei,
    Singers – Paranja-thangane thanney – paathirava-yallo Pathni
    Oarsmen – Paranja-thangane thanney – paathirava-yallo Pathni
    All together – Ohh thei thei - thei thei - thei thakathoy,
    Thii thitho - thiyo thikitho Thim.
    Singers - Kuranj-onnurangatte njan
    Oarsmen - Thei thei -thakathei thei thoy-
    Singers - Kuranj-onnurangatte njan
    Oarsmen – Thitha tha thi- thei thei,
    Singers - Kuranj-onnurangatte njan ulak -irezhum

    Vallam Kali originated in Assyria, on a New Year's Day in 300 BCE. Vallam Kalli events were conducted by several ancient Indian states. It is a harvest festival of Onam in Autumn (s'aradah). Hence the benediction, a unique Bharatiya idiom: jeevema s'aradah s'atam, may you live a hundred autumns.

    Vallam-kali

    വെള്ളംകുളങ്ങര ചുണ്ടൻ വള്ളം

    The famous Uthrittathy vaḷḷaṃ kaḷi, ള്ളംകളി,  literally "boat game"


    Aranmula boat race, palliyodam 'snake boats or chundan vallam (war or 'beaked boat)'. Palliyodams belong to different ‘’karas’’ (rustic parts) on the banks of river Pampa. Each one will usually have 4 helmsmen, rowers and singers. It is decorated with golden lace. There will be a flag and two or three ornamental umbrellas. These boats are about 100 to 138 ft in length, with the rear portion towering to a height of about 20 ft. and a long tapering front portion. Hulls are built of planks precisely 83 feet in length and six inches wide. The boats are a good example of ancient Vishwakarma'prowess in naval architecture. Oarsmen use12-foot-long (3.7 m) main rudder-oar (Adanayampu). "Sitting two to a row along the length of the boat, there will be 64 oarsmen, representing 64 art forms (or on occasion 128 oarsmen). They row in rhythm of the vanchipattu (boatman's song). There will be around 25 singers in a row at the middle between the oarsmen. In the middle of the second half of the boat is a platform for eight people to stand from where the cantor will lead the song. They represent the Ashtadikpalakas (the Devas or Gods who guard the eight directions)." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chundan_Vallam

    Villagers in karas worship that boat like a deity. 

    Snake Boat Chundan Vallam


    ‘’Uthrittathi’’ day is the anniversary of the installation of the idol consecrated in the south, byPandavas. So on that day, there will be a Snake boat regatta in front of the Aranmula temple.

    Sadhya DSW.jpg(Malayalam: സദ്യ, Sanskrit: सग्धिः, Sagdhiḥ: "Valla Sadya 'banquet' is a celebration in the temple at Aranmula, Kerala, India. During the festival the village conducts a snake boat race in the Pampa River, and there is a feast at the temple. The Valla Sadhya is conducted on Ashtamirohini day, the birthday of Sri Krishna. During Valla Sadhya, Lord Krishna, the main deity worshipped in the temple, will come to take the offerings from people."

    Aranmula Pardhasaradhi TempleLegend has it that eight families of experts in temple arts and crafts were brought by the royal chief to Aranmula Parthasarathy Temple from Tirunelveli district to work centuries ago on the mirrors.  The temple with the mulavar of Sri Krishna is one of 108 Divyadesam. The temple was originally built at Sabarimala near Nilackal and later shifted to Aranmula.

    Geographical Indications Registry

    State wise registration details of GI applications (From April 2004-March 2005) lists as Aplication No. 3 ‘Aranmula Kannadi’ handicraft of Kerala (http://ipindia.nic.in/girindia/). The Registration has been done in Intellectual Property Office, Guindy, Chennai. "Geographical Indications of Goods are defined as that aspect of industrial property which refer to the geographical indication referring to a country or to a place situated therein as being the country or place of origin of that product. Typically, such a name conveys an assurance of quality and distinctiveness which is essentially attributable to the fact of its origin in that defined geographical locality, region or country.  Under Articles 1 (2) and 10 of the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, geographical indications are covered as an element of IPRs. They are also covered under Articles 22 to 24 of the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS)  Agreement, which was part of the Agreements concluding the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations.
    India, as a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO), enacted the Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration & Protection)Act, 1999 has come into force with effect from 15th September 2003."
    Some claim that Aranmula Kannadi is made of  silver, bronze, copper and tin alloy. Is this comparable to 'speculum metal'?

    "Speculum metal is a mixture of around two-thirds copper and one-third tin making a white brittle alloy that can be polished to make a highly reflective surface. It is used primarily to make different kinds of mirrors including early reflecting telescope optical mirrors. Speculum metal can also be used as the metallic coating on glass mirrors (as opposed to silver or aluminium) giving a reflectivity of 68% at 6000 angstroms when evaporated onto the surface...Speculum metal mixtures usually contain two parts copper to one part tin along with a small amount of arsenic, although there are other mixtures containing silver, brass, lead, or zinc. The knowledge of making very hard white high luster metal out of bronze-type high-tin alloys may date back more than 2000 years in China ((Joseph Needham, 1974, Gwer-djen Lu, Science and civilization in China, Volume 5, Cambridge Univ. Press, page 236). although it could also be an invention of western civilizations (The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 64, p. 71)." 


    The speculum metal mirror from William Herschel's 1.2-meter (49.5-inch) diameter "40-foot telescope", at the Science Museum in London
     https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Speculum_metal

    "Mud from the local paddy field is used to make the mould. The technique used is cire perdue or lost wax method of casting. The bell metal mirror is coated with a metallic powder mixed with special oil. The metal surface is rubbed with a hessian cloth."

    http://sparanmulakannadi.com/aranmulamirror.html

    Aranmula Mirror Making Uploaded on Jan 4, 2010
    A brief description on the making of Aranmula Mirror / Kannadi, unique metal mirror which is made in the village of Aranmula, Kerala, India. Aranmula Kannadi is famous round the globe. Its unique architecture and finishing made this mirror widely accepted.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Y-kWGe01jE

    Making of Aranmula mirror: Ithalukal 17th November 2014 

    Published on Nov 17, 2014
    Making of Aranmula mirror: Ithalukal 17th November 2014. ആറന്മുള കണ്ണാടി നിര്‍മ്മിക്കുന്നത് ഇങ്ങനെ

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qQd_53IFK7Q

    Aranmula Kannadi Video Created by Biospace Technologies www.relaxstudy.com Published on Jul 26, 2013
    Gopakumar, Vis'vakarma says that this is a 2,500 year old tradition.


    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uPWPFJ0xldQ

    Darpana Sundari, 'mirror beauties' on sculptures
    Parvati as Lalita carrying a bronze mirror, with her sons Ganesa and Skanda, Orissa. 11th cent. Now in British Museum. 1872.0701.54

    Section 2. Swamimalai cire perdue utsava bera of pancaloha (five alloy metals)


    Another Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization tradition, cire perdue casting of sculpted bronze images such as the dancing girl or deepalakshmi bronze statues, 
    continues among dhokra kamar of northern Bharat and by Visvakarma sthapatis in Swamimalai, Tamil Nadu who make pancaloha (five metal-alloy) utsava bera used in temple processions and festivities.
    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/tvastr-as-visvakarma-karu-smith-cire_17.html 

    Tvaṣṭṛ as Viśvákarma, kāru 'smith', cire perdue metalcaster. Continuing traditions of utsava bera in Bharatam


    Section 3. अष्ट-मङ्गलम् hieroglyphs signifying metalwork worn as sacred insignia 


    ஐம்படை ai-m-paṭai n. < ஐந்து +. 1. The five weapons of Viṣṇu. See பஞ்சாயுதம். (சூடா.) 2. See ஐம்படைத்தாலி. ஐம்படை சதங்கை சாத்தி (பெரியபு. தடுத்தாட். 4).ஐம்படைத்தாலி ai-m-paṭai-tāli, n. < ஐம்படை +. A gold pendant worn by children in a necklace bearing in relief the five weapons of Viṣṇu, as an amulet; கழுத்திலே பிள் ளைகளணியும் பஞ்சாயுதவுருவமைந்த அணி. ஐம்படைத் தாலி . . . குறுநடைப் புதல்வர்க்கு. (மணி. 7, 56).
    ஐம்படைப்பருவம் ai-m-paṭai-p-paru- vam, n. < id. +. Stage of childhood appropriate for wearing the aimpaṭai-t-tāli; ஐம் படைத்தாலியை யணிதற்குரிய குழந்தைப்பருவம். ஐம் படைப்பருவத்து வெம்படை தாக்கி (S.I.I. ii, 310).

    A note on the evolutionj of Srivatsa hieroglyph from Begram ivories is at  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/deciphering-indus-script-


    Necklaces with a number of pendants

    aṣṭamangalaka hāra

    aṣṭamangalaka hāra  depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62] The hāra  or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifsindicating weapons (cakra,  paraśu,an:kuśa), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull. 
    •
    (cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher,The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27).The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala,1977, Bhāratīya Kalā , Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as:sun,śukra,  padmasara,an:kuśa, vaijayanti, pan:kaja,mīna-mithuna,śrīvatsa, paraśu,
    darpaṇa and kamala. "The axe (paraśu) and an:kuśa pendants are common at sites of north India and some oftheir finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur."(Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sanchi: A cultural Study , Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma,1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and S'un:ga Periods,Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125). 

    After Pl. 30 C in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)

    In his 1890 monograph, Theobald lists 312 'symbols' deployed on punch-marked coins. He revises the list to 342 symbols in his 1901 monograph. It should be noted that many of the symbols recorded on punch-marked coins also survive on later coinages, in particular of Ujjain and Eran and on many cast coins of janapadas. DR Bhandarkar’s view is that the early punch-marked coinage in Hindustan is datable to 10th century BCE though the numismatists claim that the earliest coinage is that of Lydia of 7th century BCE.

    “The coins to which these notes refer, though presenting neither king’s names, dates of inscription of any sort, are nevertheless very interesting not only from their being the earliest money coined in India, and of a purely indigenous character, but from their being stamped with a number of symbols, some of which we can, with the utmost confidence, declare to have originated in distant lands and in the remotest antiquity…The coins to which I shall confine my remarks are those to which the term ‘punch-marked’ properly applies. The ‘punch’ used to produce these coins differed from the ordinary dies which subsequently came into use, in that they covered only a portion of the surface of the coin or ‘blank’, and impressed only one, of the many symbols usually seen on their pieces…One thing which is specially striking about most of the symb ols representing animals is, the fidelity and spirit with which certain portions of it may be of an animal, or certain attitudes are represented…Man, Woman, the Elephant, Bull, Dog, Rhinoceros, Goat, Hare, Peacock, Turtle, Snake, Fish, Frog, are all recognizable at a glance…First, there is the historical record of Quintus Curtius, who describes the Raja of Taxila (the modern Shahdheri, 20miles north-west from Rawal Pindi) as offering Alexander 80 talents of coined silver (‘signati argenti’). Now what other, except these punch-marked coins could these pieces of coined silver have been? Again, the name by which these coins are spoken of in the Buddhist sutras, about 200 BCE was ‘purana’, which simply signies ‘old’, whence the General argunes that the word ‘old as applied to the indigenous ‘karsha’, was used to distinguish it from the new and more recent issues of the Greeks. Then again a mere comparison of the two classes of coins almost itself suffices to refute the idea of the Indian coins being derived from the Greek. The Greek coins present us with a portrait of the king, with his name and titles in two languages together with a great number and variety of monograms indicating, in many instances where they have been deciphered by the ingenuity and perseverance of General Cunningham and others, the names of the mint cities where the coins were struck, and it is our ignorance of the geographical names of the period that probably has prevented the whole of them receiving their proper attribution; but with the indigenous coins it is far otherwise, as they display neither king’s head, neame, titles or mongrams of any description…It is true that General Cunningham considers that many of these symbols, though not monograms in a strict sense, are nevertheless marks which indicate the mints where the coins were struck or the tribes among whom they were current, and this contention in no wise invalidates the supposition contended for by me either that the majority of them possess an esoteric meaning or have originated in other lands at a period anterior to their adoption for the purpose they fulfil on the coins in Hindustan.” (W. Theobald, 1890, Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, and on their relationship to the archaic symbolism of other races and distant lands, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), Part 1. History , Literature etc., Nos. III & IV, 1890, pp. 181 to 184)



    W. Theobald, 1890, Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, and on their relationship to the archaic symbolism of other races and distant lands, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), Part 1. History , Literature etc., Nos. III & IV, 1890, pp. 181 to 268, Plates VIII to XI

    W. Theobald, 1901, A revision of the symbols on the ‘Karshapana’ Coinage, described in Vol. LIX, JASB, 1890, Part I, No. 3, and Descriptions of many additional symbols, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), No. 2, 1901 (Read December, 1899).

    Plates VIII to XI of Theobald, 1890 listing symbols on punch-marked coins...


    The 'symbols' which are a continuum from Indus script hieroglyphs all of which relate to metalwork are:




















    Meluhha glosses read rebus related to metalwork for these Indus script hieroglyphs are detailed in the book, Indus Script -- Meluhha metalwork hieroglyphs (2014).

    The date 1800 BCE is significant in the context of the Ganga River valley of Indian civilization. In the sites of Dadupur, Lahuradewa, Malhar, Raja Nal-ka-tila, iron smelting activities have been attested with the remains of a smelter discovered, dated to ca. 1800 BCE. (Rakesh Tewari, 2003,The origins of iron-working in India: new evidence from the Central Ganga Plain and the Eastern Vindhyas  

    http://antiquity.ac.uk/ProjGall/tewari/tewari.pdf 

    Tewari, R., RK Srivastava & KK Singh, 2002, Excavation at Lahuradewa, Dist. Sant Kabir Nagar, Uttar Pradesh, Puratattva 32: 54-62).
    table
    Dates for early iron use from Indian sites (After Table 1. Rakesh Sinha opcit.)
    Technologies used in Mehergarh (5500 - 3500 BCE) included stone and copper drills, updraft kilns, large pit kilns and copper melting crucibles.

    Nageshwar: Fire altar (After Fig. 3 in Nagaraja Rao, MS, 1986).
    http://asi.nic.in/nmma_reviews/Indian%20Archaeology%201983-84%20A%20Review.pdf
    Large updraft kiln of the Harappan period (ca. 2400 BCE) found during excavations on Mound E Harappa, 1989 (After Fig. 8.8, Kenoyer, 2000). See: Discussion on stone structures in Dholavira:  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-metallurgical-roots-and-spread.html

    Lothal: bead-making kilnLothal. Bead-making kiln. Rao,S.R. 1979. Lothal--A Harappan Port Town 1955-62, Vol. I. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.; Rao, S.R. 1985. Lothal--A Harapan Port Town 1955-62. Vol. II. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.
    Harappa. Bead makers' kiln where the heat was distributed equally to all the holes. The 8-shaped stone structure indicates that this is a bead-maker's kiln. The 8-shaped stone structures with an altar or stone stool in the middle can thus be explained functionally as an anvil used by the bead makers to drill holes through beads and to forge material including metal artifacts.
    Vitrified kiln walls were discovered in Harappa.
    Harappa. Kiln (furnace) 1999, Mound F, Trench 43: Period 5 kiln, plan and section views.
    excavationDamaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body, exposed at lohsanwa mound, Period II, Malhar, Dist. Chandauli. (After Rakesh Sinha opcit.)
    The Sindhu-Sarasvati river valley Indian civilization life-activities of metalwork thus continues into the Ganga river valley. The extension of the civilization into the third river valley of Brahmaputra (another perennial Himalayan river system) is as yet an open question subject to archaeological confirmation. The mapping of bronze age sites along the eastern and northeastern parts of India and extending into the Burma, Malay Peninsula and eastwards upto Vietnam (coterminus with the Austro-Asiatic language speaking communities along the Himalayan rivers of Irrawaddy, Salween and Mekong) point to the possibility that the transition of chalco-lithic cultures into the Bronze-iron age (or Metal Alloys age) was a continuum traceable from Mehergarh to Hanoi (Vietnam). 
    This continuum of metalwork as a principal life-activity (and trade) may also explain the remarkable discovery of the Bronze Age site of Ban Chiang in Thailand (dated to early 2nd millennium BCE). It should be noted that the site of Ban Chiang is proximate to the largest reserves of Tin (cassiterite) ore in the world which stretched along a massive mineral resource belt in Malay Peninsula into the Northeast India (Brahmaputra river valley). The chronological sequencing of metalworking with tin is an archaeometallurgical challenge which archaeologists and metallurgicals have to unravel in a multi-disciplinary endeavour.
    The exploration metalwork in the in Northeastern India, in Brahmaputra river valley can relate to the remarkable fire-altar discovered in Uttarakashi:
    Syena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi Distt. Fire-altar shaped like a falcon.
    Excavated site (1996): Purola Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30° 52’54” N Long. 77° 05’33” E "The ancient site at Purola is located on the left bank of river Kamal. The excavation yielded the remains of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) from the earliest level along with other associated materials include terracotta figurines, beads, potter-stamp, the dental and femur portions of domesticated horse (Equas Cabalus Linn). The most important finding from the site is a brick alter identified as Syenachiti by the excavator. The structure is in the shape of a flying eagle Garuda, head facing east with outstretched wings. In the center of the structure is the chiti is a square chamber yielded remains of pottery assignable to circa first century B.C. to second century AD. In addition copper coin of Kuninda and other material i.e. ash, bone pieces etc and a thin gold leaf impressed with a human figure tentatively identified as Agni have also been recovered from the central chamber.Note: Many ancient metallic coins (called Kuninda copper coins) were discovered at Purola. cf. Devendra Handa, 2007, Tribal coins of ancient India, ISBN: 8173053170, Aryan Books International."
    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/syena-orthography.html

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/03/x.html?q=a+temple+at+sanchi

    Glosses linked to zinc, pewter


    तुत्थ tuttha [p= 450,2] n. (m. L. ) blue vitriol (used as an eye-ointment) Sus3r.; fire;n. a rock Un2. k. (Monier-Williams) upadhātuḥ उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवः स्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम् । तुत्थं कांस्यं च रातिश्च सुन्दूरं च शिलाजतु ॥ (Apte. Samskritam) Ta. turu rust, verdigris, flaw; turucu, turuci blue vitriol, spot, dirt, blemish, stain, defect, rust; turicu fault, crime, sorrow, affliction, perversity, blue vitriol; tukku, tuppu rust. Ma. turiśu blue vitriol; turumpu, turuvu rust. Ka. tukku rust of iron; tutta, tuttu, tutte blue vitriol. Tu. tukků rust; mair(ů)suttu, (Eng.-Tu. Dict.) mairůtuttu blue vitriol. Te. t(r)uppu rust; (SAN) trukku id., verdigris. / Cf. Skt.tuttha- blue vitriol; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5855 (DEDR 3343). tutthá n. (m. lex.), tutthaka -- n. ʻ blue vitriol (used as an eye ointment) ʼ Suśr., tūtaka -- lex. 2. *thōttha -- 4. 3. *tūtta -- . 4. *tōtta -- 2. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 381; cf. dhūrta -- 2 n. ʻ iron filings ʼ lex.]1. N. tutho ʻ blue vitriol or sulphate of copper ʼ, B. tuth.2. K. thŏth, dat. °thas m., P. thothā m.3. S. tūtio m., A. tutiyā, B. tũte, Or. tutiā, H. tūtā, tūtiyā m., M. tutiyā m.4. M. totā m.(CDIAL 5855) तुतिया [ tutiyā ] m ( H) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper.तुत्या [ tutyā ] m An implement of the goldsmith.तोता [ tōtā ] m ( H) (Properly तुतिया) Blue vitriol.(Marathi) <taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>, Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper',H.<tutIya>.  %31451.  #31231. Ju<taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>,Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper', (Munda etyma) S توتیا totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Tutty, protoxyd of zinc. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. توتیاوي totīʿāwī. نیل توتیا nīl totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper. سبز توتیا sabz totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Green vitriol, or sulphate of iron.(Pashto) thŏth 1 थ्वथ् । कण्टकः, अन्तरायः, निरोध, शिरोवेष्टनवस्त्रम् m. (sg. dat. thŏthas थ्वथस्), blue vitriol, sulphate of copper (cf. nīla-tho, p. 634a, l. 26)(Kashmiri) sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) సత్తుతపెల a vessel made of pewter ज&above;स्ति&below; । त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम्  jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. jastuvu जस्तुवु&below; । त्रपूद्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü जस्त&above;वू&below;), made of zinc or pewter. zasath ज़स््थ् or zasuth ज़सुथ् । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. zastas ज़स्तस्), zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast).(Kashmiri) س jas, s.m. (6th) Pewter. Sing. and Pl. See also HI جست jast, s.m. (6th) Pewter. Sing. and Pl. . (P) jastaʿh, Pewter, Pl. يْ ey.(Pashto) खर्परसूत्र (p. 199) [ kharparasūtra ] n S A factitious metal, a sort of pewter. खापरसूत (p. 205) [ khāparasūta ] n (खर्परसूत्र S) A factitious metal, a sort of pewter.जस्त (p. 311) [ jasta ] n ( H) A coarse kind of pewter, Spelter or Tutanag.जस्तफूल or जस्ताचें फूल (p. 311) [ jastaphūla or jastācē mphūla ] n Pewter puffed out like a sponge by exposure to heat.जस्ती (p. 311) [ jastī ] a (जस्त) Relating to जस्त or pewter. भटूर or भटोर (p. 598) [ bhaṭūra or bhaṭōra ] n A factitious metal (of copper, lead, and pewter &c.)भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. 2 Green carbonate of lime. सुरई (p. 861) [ surī ] f (सुरा S through or H) A goblet for cooling water. It is commonly of pewter and is long-necked.(Marathi) H جست जस्त jast, s.m. Zine, spelter; tutenag; prince's metal; pewter:—rūp-jast, s.m. Pewter:—kālā jast, s.m. A sort of blende, or sulphuret of zinc.  H جستي जस्ती jastī [jast, q.v.+ई(इन्)+कः], adj. Of, or made of, zinc, or pewter; pewter. H رانگ 
    रांग rāng [S. रङ्गं], s.f. = H رانگا रांगा rāṅgā [S. रङ्ग+कं], s.m. Pewter; tin:—rāṅg-bharā, s.m. A maker of pewter toys, a toyman (=rang-bhariyā):—rāṅg honā, v.n. To be melted or liquefied; (fig.) to fall or deteriorate in value.A رصاص raṣāṣ (v.n. fr. رصّ 'to stick or join together'), s.m. Lead; pewter; tin.A رصاص raṣṣāṣ (v.n. fr. رصّ; see raṣāṣ), s.m. A seller of lead; a worker in lead and pewter, a tinman.H روپ रूप rūp [Prk. रुप्पं; S. रूप्यं], s.m. Silver (=rūpā); base silver:—rūp-jast, s.m. Mixed metal, a metal composed of quicksilver, tin, and lead (of which ḥuqqa bottoms, &c. are made); pewter:—rūp-ras, s.m. Killed or calcined silver.(Urdu) কংস, কংশ (p. 0192) [ kaṃsa, kaṃśa ] n bell metal—an alloy of copper and tin, pewter; a vessel of bell metal. রূপ (p. 0916) [ rūpa ]  ̃দস্তা n. pewter, white metal; German silver. (Bengali) rūḥi tutiyā, Mercury; a sort of pewter; wine;--rūḥi ḥayātī, The vital spirit A قردیر qazdīr, Tin, 
    pewter.G قسطیر qist̤īr, Tin, pewter.شیر kafshīr, Solder; borax; lead, tin, pewter;--kafshīr kardan, To solder;--kafshīr giriftan (paẕīruftan), To be sol- dered, closed up, united; to heal.(Persian)
    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-deciphered-squirrel.html Annex: Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective Authors: J. Kharakwal, L. Gurjar










    dhatu garbha 'inner sanctum sanctorum'; dagoba (Pali)Dhātu ghara "house for a relic," a dagoba SnA 194. - cetiya a shrine over a relic DhA iii.29 (Pali)Cetiya (nt.) [cp. from ci, to heap up, cp. citi, cināti] 1. a tumulus, sepulchral monument, cairn, M i.20; Dh 188; J i.237; vi.173; SnA 194 (dhātu -- gharaŋ katvā cetiyaŋ patiṭṭhāpesuŋ); KhA 221; DhA iii.29 (dhātu˚); iv. 64; VvA 142; Sdhp 428, 430. Pre -- Buddhistic cetiyas mentioned by name are Aggāḷava˚ Vin ii.172; S i.185; Sn p. 59; DhAiii.170; Ānanda˚ D ii.123, 126; Udena˚ D ii.102, 118; iii.9; DhA iii.246; Gotama (ka)˚ ibid.; Cāpāla˚ D ii.102, 118; S v.250; Ma -- kuṭabandhana˚ D ii.160; Bahuputta˚ D ii.102, 118; iii.10; S ii.220; A iv.16; Sattambaka˚ D ii.102, 118; Sārandada D ii.118, 175; A iii.167; Supatiṭṭha˚ Vin i.35.- angaṇa the open space round a Cetiya Miln 366; Vism 144, 188, 392; DA i.191, 197; VvA 254. -- vandanā Cetiya worship Vism 299.(Pali)




    Hieroglyph: bushy tree: Ta. ceṭi shrub, bush; (-pp-, -tt-) to grow bushy, shoot out (as sprays, foliage). Ma. ceṭi shrub, small tree. Ko. giṛv plant; gevḍ thick bushy tree; gevḍ va·lm bushy tail (of peacock, wild dog). To. kïḍf shrub. Ka. giḍa, giḍu, ceṭṭu plant as of chili, brinjal, pulse, shrub, small tree, tree in general; siḍumbu, siḍumbe a (thorny) tree, bush, thicket. Koḍ.giḍa plant. Tu. giḍa shrub. Te. ceṭṭu tree, plant, bush, creeper. Kol. (Kin.) seṭṭ, ceṭṭ bush, small tree. Nk. śeṭṭ tree. Nk. (Ch.) seṭ(ṭ), saṭṭ tree. Go. (Ko.) kaṭṭa, (Mu.) gaṭṭa shrub, small tree (Voc. 475). Malt. kiṛu a young plant. (DEDR 1941)


    portion of vedika, including end pillar, portion of carved in relief with narrative and devotional scenes



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: portion of vedika, including end pillar, portion of carved in relief with narrative and devotional scenes


    Locator Info. of Photo: 2nd section from the left


    Photo Orientation: overviewDynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: sandstone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 300.00 cm


    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004661






    Zoom: Scan 4690. A semi roundel. Holds a twig on his hand.









    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: "exterior" portion of vedika


    Locator Info. of Photo: 2nd section from the left


    Photo Orientation: overview



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: brown sandstone


    Architecture: structural



    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004690





    Zoom: veneration of stupa. Scan 4660. Three lions on a pillar, tree. Two persons, tree. Parasols flanked by safflowers.


    portion of vedika carved in relief with devotional scenes and auspicious figures



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: portion of vedika carved in relief with devotional scenes and auspicious figures


    Photo Orientation: end view





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga




    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE





    Material: purple sandstone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 300.00 cm


    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004660






    Zoom Scan 4659 Veneration of tree. Face within temple arch. Flanked by hieroglyphs of two ox-hide ingots




    Zoom Scan 4659 Veneration of tree. Flanked by elephants. Multi-hooded snake and faces on the field.


    portion of vedika carved in relief with narrative and devotional scenes



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: portion of vedika carved in relief with narrative and devotional scenes


    Locator Info. of Photo: 2nd section from the left


    Photo Orientation: back side





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga




    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE





    Material: purple sandstone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 300.00 cm


    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004659


    Close view of East Gateway of the Stupa at Bharhut: PRINT MISSING


    Photograph of some sculpture pieces excavated from the stupa at Bharhut taken by Joseph David Beglar in 1874. It shows a close view of the east gateway with the first three pillars of the rail and coping. The date that a stupa was first erected at this site is not known, however, by the time the gateways were added in the early part of the first century BC, Bharhut had been established as a Buddhist place of worship for centuries. At this stage, the stupa complex consisted of a hemispherical dome, encircled by an inner and an outer railing or vedika which was added in the latter part of the second century BC. This was made up of rectangular stone posts (stambha) joined together by three sets of cross-bars (suchi) mortised into the pillars on either side and capped by a huge coping (ushnisha). The railing had openings in each of the four cardinal directions and therefore consisted of 4 quadrants of 16 pillars each. The pillars of the railing were ornamented by a medallion in the middle and by half medallions at the top and the bottom, elaborately carved with sculptures mainly representing scenes from the life of Buddha and lotuses. About half a century after the addition of the railing, its openings were adorned with the addition of gateways like the one pictured.





    Shalabhanjika




    Bharhut, c. 100 BC 


    Indian Museum, Calcutta




    Grasping the tree in this time-honored pose is a shalabhanjika, one of several from Bharhut. The yakshi who grasps, kicks, or twines herself around a tree is a symbol of fruitfulness, like the dryads of ancient Greek mythology, and a similar pose is often used in scenes of Maya giving birth to the Buddha, who emerges from her side.





    Greek Warrior




    Bharhut, c. 100 BC 


    Indian Museum, Calcutta




    The Greeks were evidently known at this date to people in the middle of India; here, a Greek warrior has been coopted into the role of dvarapala. The evidence includes his hairstyle, tunic, and boots. In his right hand he holds a grape plant (closeup), emblematic of his origin. The sheath of his broadsword (closeup) is decorated with a nandipada. The warrior stands with his feet turned out, like First Position in classical ballet (compare: sideways-pointing feet in SE Asia).









    Zoom: 52996 Standard carried by horse-rider. In Indian tradition, kinnara is a celestial musician. Possibly, the s'ankha shown as a mollusc on the standard is a semantic reinforcement of the s'ankha as a trumpet.





    Procession on Horseback




    Bharhut, c. 100 BC 


    Indian Museum, Calcutta




    Continuing the procession seen on the previous page, a princely figure on horseback is holding a royal standard that is topped (closeup) by the figure of a kinnara. The riders on this are very large relative to their mounts, probably to highlight their importance.



    Figure on horseback



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut vedika


    Alternate Name: Railing from the stupa at Bharhut


    Subject of Photo: Figure on horseback


    Locator Info. of Photo: Vedika pillar, overview



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: red sandstone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 300.00 cm


    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Scan Number: 0052996




    vedika pillar with a male figure seated with a standard on a horse


    Scan Number: 0004771 Standard carried by a person on horseback. Sankha?






    Zoom: Standard carried by a person on horseback



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: vedika pillar with a male figure seated with a standard on a horse


    Locator Info. of Photo: 13th section from the left, back side


    Photo Orientation: view of upper portion



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: brown sandstone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 300.00 cm


    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004771







    roundel from a vedika pillar with relief of puja of a tree shrine



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Alternate Name:


    Subject of Photo: roundel from a vedika pillar with relief of puja of a tree shrine


    Photo Orientation: detail



    Related Archive items: 





    Iconography: devotional scene


    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: brown sandstone


    Architecture: structural



    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004715



    section of a vedika pillar with relief of male and female figures sanding upon nagas



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Alternate Name:


    Subject of Photo: section of a vedika pillar with relief of male and female figures sanding upon nagas


    Photo Orientation: detail



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: brown sandstone


    Architecture: structural



    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004714






    Zoom. Scan 4705. Square coins of the mint are shown between two elephant riders on the right. Hieroglyphs: ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'. dATu 'cross' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore'. A profile of mints if presented on this relief. Hieroglyph: muh 'face' Rebus: muhe 'ingot'. Hieroglyph: kUTa 'parasol' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'.


    relief panel on pillar on  



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: relief panel on pillar on "interior" of vedika


    Locator Info. of Photo: interior of vedika, 1st pillar from the left


    Photo Orientation: detail of 2nd scene from top



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: brown sandstone


    Architecture: structural



    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004705






    Zoom: Scan 4706. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'twig' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Hieroglyph: muh 'face' Rebus: muhe 'ingot'.




    relief panel on pillar on  


    Scan Number: 0004706


    relief panel on pillar on  



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: relief panel on pillar on "interior" section of vedika carved in relief with narrative scenes


    Locator Info. of Photo: interior side of vedika, 2nd pillar from the left


    Photo Orientation: detail of scene third from top



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: brown sandstone


    Architecture: structural



    Current Location: Indian Museum, Calcutta, West Bengal, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1970


    Scan Number: 0004708







    Zoom:


    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: carved railing pillar with roundel


    Photo Orientation: overview of pillar, side 2 (opposite side 1)



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. second to first centuries BCE, 200 BCE - 1 BCE



    Material: stone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 72.00 in


    Current Location: National Museum, New Delhi, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0000124




    Zoom:


    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: carved railing pillar with roundel


    Photo Orientation: view of pillar, side 2 (opposite side 1)



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. second to first centuries BCE, 200 BCE - 1 BCE



    Material: stone


    Architecture: structural


    Dimensions: H - ca. 72.00 in


    Current Location: National Museum, New Delhi, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0000125


    roundel, with the Timingala jataka scene



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: roundel, with the Timingala jataka scene


    Photo Orientation: front, overview



    Iconography: Timingala Jataka


    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. second century BCE, 200 BCE - 101 BCE



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 20.00 in


    Current Location: Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001737



    roundel depicting Timingala jataka




    Site Name: Madhya Pradesh


    Monument: Bharhut railing


    Subject of Photo: roundel depicting Timingala jataka



    Iconography: Timingala Jataka


    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: , 200 BCE - 100 CE



    Material: stone


    Architecture: structural



    Current Location: Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Scan Number: 0011596


    lintel carved with a lotus motif



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: lintel carved with a lotus motif (Alternative reading: Dotted circles motif)


    Photo Orientation: front, overview



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 18.00 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001406


    pillar carved in relief



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: pillar carved in relief


    Photo Orientation: front, overview



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 48.00 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001411


    lintel fragment with elephant carved in relief



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: lintel fragment with elephant carved in relief


    Photo Orientation: front, overview



    Iconography: elephant


    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 20.00 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001414


    pillar fragment, with a gana and lotus motif



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Alternate Name:


    Subject of Photo: pillar fragment, with a gana and lotus motif


    Photo Orientation: front, overview



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 36.00 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001420


    pillar fragment with figures carved in relief



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: pillar fragment with figures carved in relief


    Photo Orientation: front, overview



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 30.00 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001422




    roundel with male face in a lotus



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa vedika


    Alternate Name:


    Subject of Photo: roundel with male face in a lotus


    Photo Orientation: front side of roundel, overview



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. 100-80 BCE, 100 BCE - 80 BCE



    Material: purple sandstone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 24.00 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0001421











    Zoom: An archer, an elephant, a tree, a gandharva Scan Number: 0000126






    Zoom:


    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: Bharhut stupa


    Subject of Photo: carved railing pillar with roundel


    Photo Orientation: overview of pillar, side 1 (arbitrary)



    Related Archive items: 





    Dynasty/Period: Sunga


    Date: ca. second to first centuries BCE, 200 BCE - 1 BCE



    Material: stone


    Dimensions: H - ca. 84.00 in


    Current Location: National Museum, New Delhi, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Photo Year: 1969


    Scan Number: 0000127

























     




    Abb.: Der Mahbodhi-Baum Koṇāgamana's, Bharhut, 150/100 v. Chr. (Mahabodhi tree of Koṇāgamana)


    http://www.payer.de/mahavamsa/chronik15.htm




    Relief from the Stupa of Bharhut, Buddhist monument, Madhya Pradesh, India. Indian Civilisation, 2nd century BC. Calcutta, Indian Museum (Archaeological And Art Museum).


    Bharhut stupa, vedika, detail of lower portion


    Country: India


    Alternate Name: Bharhut stupa, vedika, detail of lower portion


    Alternate Name: roundel, triratna



    Dynasty/Period: Sunga



    Material: sandstone


    Dimensions: H - 44.50 in


    Current Location: Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India



    Photo Year: 1984


    Scan Number: 0011535




    roundel architectural fragment with carved relief of figures and animals



    Site Name: Bharhut


    Monument: roundel


    Subject of Photo: roundel architectural fragment with carved relief of figures and animals


    Locator Info. of Photo: front


    Photo Orientation: overview



    Date: ca. second century BCE, 185 BCE - 72 BCE



    Material: stone




    Current Location: National Museum, New Delhi, India



    Copyright Holder: Huntington, John C. and Susan L.


    Scan Number: 0021391









    Bharhut hieroglyphs. Alexander Cunningham, London, 1879 




    Cakra torana. Sanchi.  In early art there was no depiction of the Buddha, Jaina Tirthankaras or Hindu divinities. Thoughts on dharma and life-activities were conveyed through picture-words


    Click the image to open in full size.


    .




































    Section 4. Svastika, Indus Script hieroglyph multiplex hypertext signifying 'zinc, spelter, pewter alloy' 



    Thomas Wilson curator of US National Museum had in 1894 presented a remarkable Annual Report on Swastika symbol and its migrations. This work is advanced further with the Indus Script decipherment of the Meluhha glosses: sattva 'glyph' Rebus:sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) In the context of archaeometallurgical indicators, the svastika hieroglyph multiplex seems to have connoted an alloying process of zinc with other minerals to create pewter or brasses of various kinds. Svastika hypertexts appear in remarkable contexts of Indus Script Corpora which help prove the early significance of this hieroglyph related to metalcasters and turners' work involving creation of new alloys during the Bronze Age. 

    Focus of this note is on one hieroglyph: svastika evidenced on Indus Script Corpora and deriving the semantics of the hieroglyph and rebus-metonymy rendering in Indus Script cipher.

    Svastika hieroglyph multiplex is a remarkable hypertext of Indus Script Corpora, which signify catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.

    Svastika signifies zinc metal, spelter. This validates Thomas Wilson's indication --after a wide-ranging survey of migrations of the hieroglyph across Eurasia and across continents -- that svastika symbol connoted a commodity, apart from its being a hieroglyph, a sacred symbol in many cultures.

    "Spelter, while sometimes used merely as a synonym for zinc, is often used to identify a zinc alloy. In this sense it might be an alloy of equal parts copper and zinc, i.e. a brass, used for hard soldering and brazing, or as an alloy, containing lead, that is used instead of bronze." 
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spelter


    Hieroglyph: sattva 'svastika' glyph Rebus: sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) సత్తుతపెల a vessel made of pewter ज&above;स्ति&below; । त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम्  jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. 

    मेढा  [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. 3 A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)


    dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’




    The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is: ṭhaṭṭha brass (i.e. alloy of copper + zinc). Glosses for zinc are: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter).





    *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).






    h182A, h182B




    The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text.




    dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. The 'drummer' hieroglyph thus announces a cast metal. The technical specifications of the cast metal are further described by other hieroglyphs on side B and on the text of inscription (the text is repeated on both sides of Harappa tablet 182).






    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’. Kanac ‘corner’ Rebus: kancu ‘bronze’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka ‘Rim of jar’ (Santali); karṇaka  rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus:karṇaka ‘scribe’ (Telugu); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc -- satthiya 'svastika' glyph.








    A Gold Rhyton with two tigers;  svastika incised on thigh of tiger; found in historical site of Gilanhttp://www.fouman.com/Y/Image/History/Gilan_Gold_Rhyton_Lion.jpg


    sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter). *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).







    The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text.




    dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. The 'drummer' hieroglyph thus announces a cast metal. The technical specifications of the cast metal are further described by other hieroglyphs on side B and on the text of inscription (the text is repeated on both sides of Harappa tablet 182).




    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’. Kanac ‘corner’ Rebus: kancu ‘bronze’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka ‘Rim of jar’ (Santali); karṇaka  rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus:karṇaka ‘scribe’ (Telugu); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc -- satthiya 'svastika' glyph.




    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/ancient-near-east-meluhha-metalwork.html









    The distinction between pictorial motifs and signs gets blurred in many compositions presented in the script inscriptions.


    Thus, a svastika  appears together with an elephant or a tiger The 'svastika' is a  pictorial and also a sign--Sign 148




    Mohejodaro, tablet in bas relief (M-478)


    m0478B tablet erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying uprooted trees].




    Aḍaru twig; aḍiri small and thin branch of a tree; aḍari small branches (Ka.); aḍaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali) ḍhaṁkhara — m.n. ʻbranch without leaves or fruitʼ (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524)


    •era, er-a = eraka = ?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)


    •era_ = claws of an animal that can do no harm (G.)


    •era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali)




    •Rebus: er-r-a = red; eraka = copper (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.)  agasa_le, agasa_li, agasa_lava_d.u = a goldsmith (Te.lex.)


     Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali)




    erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); 






    ^  Inverted V, m478 (lid above rim of narrow-necked jar)


    The rimmed jar next to the tiger with turned head has a lid. Lid ‘ad.aren’; rebus: aduru ‘native metal’




    karnika 'rim of jar' Rebus: karni 'supercargo' (Marathi) Thus, together, the jar with lid composite hieroglyhph denotes 'native metal supercargo'.




    kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) 


    eraka, hero = a messenger; a spy (G.lex.) kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.); rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith, ‘alloy of five metals, panchaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) heraka = spy (Skt.); er to look at or for (Pkt.); er uk- to play 'peeping tom' (Ko.) Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Ka.) kōṭu  branch of tree, Rebus: खोट [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. 




    karn.aka = handle of a vessel; ka_n.a_, kanna_ = rim, edge; 


    kan.t.u = rim of a vessel; kan.t.ud.iyo = a small earthen vessel


    kan.d.a kanka = rim of a water-pot; kan:kha, kankha = rim of a vessel




    svastika pewter (Kannada); jasta = zinc (Hindi) yasada (Jaina Pkt.)


    karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' Rebus: karba 'iron' (Tulu)


    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smith'


    heraka 'spy' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper'


    meDha 'ram' Rebus: meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho)


    bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati)


    saman 'make an offering (Santali) samanon 'gold' (Santali)


    minDAl 'markhor' (Torwali) meDho 'ram' (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: me~Rhet, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)


    heraka 'spy' (Samskritam) Rebus:eraka 'molten metal, copper'


    maNDa 'branch, twig' (Telugu) Rebus: maNDA 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani)\karibha, jata kola Rebus: karba, ib, jasta, 'iron, zinc, metal (alloy of five metals)


    maNDi 'kneeling position' Rebus: mADa 'shrine; mandil 'temple' (Santali)






    Fig. 183. (After T. Wilson opcit)
    HUT URN IN THE VATICAN MUSEUM.
    “Burning altar” mark associated with
    Swastikas. Etruria (Bronze Age). "They belonged to the Bronze Age, and antedated the Etruscan civilization. This was demonstrated by the finds at Corneto-Tarquinii. Tombs to the number of about 300, containing them, were found, mostly in 1880-81, at a lower level than, and were superseded by, the Etruscan tombs. They contained the weapons, tools, and ornaments peculiar to the Bronze Age—swords, hatchets, pins, fibulæ, bronze and pottery vases, etc., the characteristics of which were different from Etruscan objects of similar purpose, so they could be satisfactorily identified and segregated. The hut urns were receptacles for the ashes of the cremated dead, which, undisturbed, are to be seen in the museum. The vases forming part of this grave furniture bore the Swastika mark; three have two Swastikas, one three, one four, and another no less than eight." (T. Wilson opcit p.857)
    Fig. 175. (After T Wilson opcit)

    DETAIL OF ARCHAIC


    BŒOTIAN VASE.

    Serpents, crosses, and
    Swastikas (normal, right,
    left, and meander).
    Goodyear, “Grammar of
    the Lotus,” pl. 60, fig. 9
    Fig. 174. (After T Wilson opcit)
    ARCHAIC GREEK VASE WITH FIVE SWASTIKAS OF FOUR DIFFERENT FORMS.
    Athens. Birch, “History of Ancient Pottery,” quoted by Waring in
    “Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,” pl. 41, fig. 15; Dennis, “The
    Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,” i, p. 91. "The Swastika comes from India as an ornament in form of a cone (conique) of metal, gold, silver, or bronze gilt, worn on the ears (see G. Perrot: “Histoire de l’Art,” iii, p. 562 et fig. 384), and nose-rings (see S. Reinach: “Chronique d’Orient,” 3e série, t. iv, 1886). I was the first to make known the nose-ring worn by the goddess Aphrodite-Astarte, even at Cyprus. In the Indies the women still wear these ornaments in their nostrils and ears. The fellahin of Egypt also wear similar jewelry; but as Egyptian art gives us no example of the usage of these ornaments in antiquity, it is only from the Indies that the Phenicians could have borrowed them. The nose-ring is unknown in the antiquity of all countries which surrounded the island of Cyprus." (p.851, T Wildon opcit)

    "The Swastika has been discovered in Greece and in the islands of the Archipelago on objects of bronze and gold, but the principal vehicle was pottery; and of these the greatest number were the painted vases. It is remarkable that the vases on which the Swastika appears in the largest proportion should be the oldest, those belonging to the Archaic period. Those already shown as having been found at Naukratis, in Egypt, are assigned by Mr. Flinders Petrie to the sixth and fifth centuries B. C., and their presence is accounted for by migrations from Greece." (p.839 T Wilson opcit)

    "Whatever else the sign Swastika may have stood for, and however many meanings it may have had, it was always ornamental. It may have been used with any or all the above significations, but it was always ornamental as well. The Swastika sign had great extension and spread itself practically over the world, largely, if not entirely, in prehistoric times, though its use in some countries has continued into modern times." (T. Wilson, p.772)



    Fig. 166. (After T Wilson opcit)
    CYPRIAN VASE WITH SWASTIKAS AND FIGURES OF BIRDS.
    Perrot and Chipiez, “History of Art in Phenicia and Cyprus,” II, p. 300, fig. 237;
    Goodyear, “Grammar of the Lotus,” pl. 48, figs. 6, 12; Cesnola, “Cyprus, its
    Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,” Appendix by Murray, p. 412, pl. 44, fig. 34.
    Fig. 158. (After T Wilson opcit)

    CYPRIAN VASE WITH LOTUS AND


    SWASTIKAS AND FIGURE OF BIRD.

    Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City.
    Goodyear, “Grammar of the Lotus,” pl. 60, fig. 15.

    Fig. 178.(After T Wilson opcit)

    CYPRIAN VASE WITH FIGURES OF


    BIRDS AND SWASTIKA IN PANEL.

    Musée St. Germain. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull.
    Soc. d’Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 674, fig. 6.

    http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img214.jpg (After Fig. 201, T. Wilson, p.864)Spearhed with svastika (croix swasticale) and triskelion. Brandenburg. Germany. Waring, 'Ceramic art in remote age,' p. 44. fig. 21 and 'Viking age' I, fig. 336

    http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img215.jpg
    Fig. 202 (T. Wilson opcit).

    BRONZE PIN WITH SWASTIKA, POINTILLÉ,


    FROM MOUND IN BAVARIA.

    Chantre, Matériaux pour l’Histoire Primitive
    et Naturelle de l’Homme, 1854, pp. 14, 120.
    http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img228.jpg After Fig. 220 (T. Wilson opcit.) Stone altar with svastika on pedestal. France museum of Toulouse De Mortillet. 'Musee Prehistorique', fig. 1267


    http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img239.jpg     After Figs. 231 to 234 (T. Wilson, opcit.). Ancient Hindu coins with svastika, normal and ogee. Waring, 'Ceramic art in remote ages,' pl. 41, figs. 20-24
    .
    http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img240.jpg After Fig. 235 (T. Wilson opcit). Ancient coin with svastika. Gaza. Palestine. Waring 'Ceramic art in remote ages,' pl. 42, fig.6


    Fig. 32. (After T Wilson opcit)
    FOOTPRINT OF BUDDHA WITH SWASTIKA, FROM AMARAVATI TOPE.
    From a figure by Fergusson and Schliemann.
    Plate 5. Buffalo with Swastika on Forehead. (After T. Wilson opcit)
    Presented to Emperor of Sung Dynasty.
    From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National
    Museum by Mr. Yang Yü, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C. "In the Chinese language the sign of the Swastika is pronounced wan, and stands for “many,” “a great number,” “ten thousand,” “infinity,” and by a synecdoche is construed to mean “long life, a multitude of blessings, great happiness,” etc.; as is said in French, “mille pardons,” “mille remercîments,” a thousand thanks, etc." (T. Wilson opcit, p.800)

    The possible migrations of the Swastika, and its appearance in widely separated countries and among differently cultured peoples, afford the principal interest in this subject to archæologists and anthropologists...The Swastika was certainly prehistoric in its origin. It was in extensive use during the existence of the third, fourth, and fifth cities of the site of ancient Troy, of the hill of Hissarlik; so also in the Bronze Age, apparently during its entire existence, throughout western Europe from the Mediterranean Sea to the Arctic Ocean...Professor Sayce is of the opinion that the Swastika was a Hittite symbol and passed by communication to the Aryans or some of their important branches before their final dispersion took place, but he agrees that it was unknown in Assyria, Babylonia, Phenicia, or among the Egyptians...Whether the Swastika was in use among the Chaldeans, Hittites, or the Aryans before or during their dispersion, or whether it was used by the Brahmins before the Buddhists came to India is, after all, but a matter of detail of its migrations; for it may be fairly contended that the Swastika was in use, more or less common among the people of the Bronze Age anterior to either the Chaldeans, Hittites, or the Aryans...Looking over the entire prehistoric world, we find the Swastika used on small and comparatively insignificant objects, those in common use, such as vases, pots, jugs, implements, tools, household goods and utensils, objects of the toilet, ornaments, etc., and infrequently on statues, altars, and the like. In Armenia it was found on bronze pins and buttons; in the Trojan cities on spindle-whorls; in Greece on pottery, on gold and bronze ornaments, and fibulæ. In the Bronze Age in western Europe, including Etruria, it is found on the common objects of life, such as pottery, the bronze fibulæ, ceintures, spindle-whorls, etc. (pp. 950, 951)

    Source: Wilson, Thomas, 1894, The Swastika, the earliest known symbol and its migration. Annual Report, US National Museum, pages 757-1011. Washington, DC. Govt. Printing Office. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/40812-h.htm


    Thomas Wilson, Curator, Prehistoric Anthropology, US National Museum. His work on the Svastika (spelt swastika) presented in Annual Report 1894 (pp. 763 to 1011) is available at 
    http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/40812-h.htm (Photo from an obituary written by OT Mason, 1902. After Fig. 10 in: 
    http://www.sil.si.edu/smithsoniancontributions/Anthropology/pdf_hi/SCtA-0048.pdf

    Thomas Wilson notes in the Preface: "The principal object of this paper has been to gather and put in a compact form such information as is obtainable concerning the Swastika, leaving to others the task of adjustment of these facts and their[Pg 764] arrangement into an harmonious theory. The only conclusion sought to be deduced from the facts stated is as to the possible migration in prehistoric times of the Swastika and similar objects. No conclusion is attempted as to the time or place of origin, or the primitive meaning of the Swastika, because these are considered to be lost in antiquity. The straight line, the circle, the cross, the triangle, are simple forms, easily made, and might have been invented and re-invented in every age of primitive man and in every quarter of the globe, each time being an independent invention, meaning much or little, meaning different things among different peoples or at different times among the same people; or they may have had no settled or definite meaning. But the Swastika was probably the first to be made with a definite intention and a continuous or consecutive meaning, the knowledge of which passed from person to person, from tribe to tribe, from people to people, and from nation to nation, until, with possibly changed meanings, it has finally circled the globe." (ibid., p. 764)

    In the historical periods, starting from ca. 3rd cent. BCE, some hieroglyphs of Indus Script get venerated as sacred symbols. This cultural phenomenon is explained by the occurrence -- in Jaina Ananta gumpha of Khandagiri caves -- of svastika hieroglyph together with 'lathe/furnace standard device' and 'mollusc' component in hieroglyph-multiplex variously designated by art historians as s'rivatsa/nandipada /triratna. 

    Why did Indus script hieroglyphs -- e.g., svastika, portable furnace, pair of fish, fish tied to a pair of molluscs, safflower, pair of fish, fish tail -- get venerated as sacred symbols, displayed on homage tablets, say, on the Jaina AyagapaTTa अयागपट्ट of Kankali Tila, Mathura, ca. 1st or 3rd century BCE?

    The context is clear and unambiguous from a pair of glosses of Indian sprachbund attested in Kota language: kole.l 'smithy' kole.l 'temple'. Indus script hieroglyphs which signified products and resources of a smithy (e.g., minerals, metals, alloys, smelters, furnaces, supercargo) also signified the cosmic phenomenon held in awe by the Bharatam Janam, metlcaster folk that mere dhatu 'minerals or earth stones or sand' could upon smelting yield metal implements, and weapons. The operations in a smithy/forge became a representation of a cosmic dance. Hence, kole.l signified both a smithy and a temple.
     Srivatsa with kanka, 'eyes' (Kui). 
    Begram ivories. Plate 389 Reference: Hackin, 1954, fig.195, no catalog N°. According to an inscription on the southern gate of Sanchi stupa,
    it has been carved by ivory carvers of Vidisha.Southern Gateway panel information:West pillar Front East Face has an inscription. Vedisakehi dantakarehi rupa-kammam katam - On the border of this panel – Epigraphia Indica vol II – written in Brahmi, language is Pali –  the carving of this sculpture is done by the ivory carvers of Vedisa (Vidisha). http://puratattva.in/2012/03/21/sanchi-buddham-dhammam-sangahm-5-1484 
    Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string. Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi (F.) kannū (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. (DEDR 1159).



    śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura] Pl. 27, Svastika symbol: distribution in cultural periods] The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE).  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa  glyph,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph.

    (After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)


    Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika
    (hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.





    clip_image003
    clip_image004[3]Tree shown on a tablet from Harappa.
    [Pl. 39, Savita Sharma, opcit. Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many tablets showing Sarasvati hieroglyphs].

    Kushana period, 1st century C.E.From Mathura Red Sandstone 89x92cm
    books.google.com/books?id=evtIAQAAIAAJ&q=In+the+image...

    Ayagapatta, Kankali Tila, Mathura.








    Vishnu Sandstone Relief From Meerut India Indian Civilization 10th Century Dharma chakra. Srivatsa. Gada.

    Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' (Pali) Hieroglyphs: dām 'garland, rope':
    Hieroglyphs: hangi 'mollusc' + dām 'rope, garland' dã̄u m. ʻtyingʼ; puci 'tail' Rebus: puja 'worship'

    Rebus: ariya sanghika dhamma puja 'veneration of arya sangha dharma'

    Hieroglyph: Four hieroglyphs are depicted. Fish-tails pair are tied together. The rebus readings are as above: ayira (ariya) dhamma puja 'veneration of arya dharma'.


    ayira 'fish' Rebus:ayira, ariya, 'person of noble character'. युगल yugala 'twin' Rebus: जुळणें (p. 323) [ juḷaṇēṃ ] v c & i (युगल S through जुंवळ) To put together in harmonious connection or orderly disposition (Marathi). Thus an arya with orderly disposition.

    sathiya 'svastika glyph' Rebus: Sacca (adj.) [cp. Sk. satya] real, true D i.182; M ii.169; iii.207; Dh 408; nt. saccaŋ truly, verily, certainly Miln 120; saccaŋ kira is it really true? D i.113; Vin i.45, 60; J (Pali)

    सांगाडा [ sāṅgāḍā ] m The skeleton, box, or frame (of a building, boat, the body &c.), the hull, shell, compages. 2 Applied, as Hulk is, to any animal or thing huge and unwieldy.
    सांगाडी [ sāṅgāḍī ] f The machine within which a turner confines and steadies the piece he has to turn. Rebus: सांगाती [ sāṅgātī ] a (Better संगती) A companion, associate, fellow.Buddha-pada (feet of Buddha), carved on a rectangular slab. The margin of the slab was carved with scroll ofacanthus and rosettes.  The foot-print shows important symbols like triratna, svastika, srivatsa,ankusa and elliptical objects, meticulously carved in low-relief. From Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, being assignable on paleographical grounds to circa 1st century B.C --2nd century CE,

    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura
     The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum. 

    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura
    An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura. "Photograph taken by Edmund William Smith in 1880s-90s of a Jain homage tablet. The tablet was set up by the wife of Bhadranadi, and it was found in December 1890 near the centre of the mound of the Jain stupa at Kankali Tila. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum." http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/photocoll/a/largeimage58907.html
    View of the Jaina stupa excavated at Kankali Tila, Mathura.
    Manoharpura. Svastika. Top of āyāgapaṭa. Red Sandstone. Lucknow State Museum. (Scan no.0053009, 0053011, 0053012 ) See: https://www.academia.edu/11522244/A_temple_at_Sanchi_for_Dhamma_by_a_k%C4%81ra%E1%B9%87ik%C4%81_sanghin_guild_of_scribes_in_Indus_writing_cipher_continuum


    Ayagapata (After Huntington)

    Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

    Pali etyma point to the use of 卐 with semant. 'auspicious mark'; on the Sanchi stupa; the cognate gloss is: sotthika, sotthiya 'blessed'. 

    Or. ṭaü ʻ zinc, pewter ʼ(CDIAL 5992). jasta 'zinc' (Hindi) sathya, satva 'zinc' (Kannada) The hieroglyph used on Indus writing consists of two forms: 卐卍. Considering the phonetic variant of Hindi gloss, it has been suggested for decipherment of Meluhha hieroglyphs in archaeometallurgical context that the early forms for both the hieroglyph and the rebus reading was: satya.

    The semant. expansion relating the hieroglyph to 'welfare' may be related to the resulting alloy of brass achieved by alloying zinc with copper. The brass alloy shines like gold and was a metal of significant value, as significant as the tin (cassiterite) mineral, another alloying metal which was tin-bronze in great demand during the Bronze Age in view of the scarcity of naturally occurring copper+arsenic or arsenical bronze.

    I suggest that the Meluhha gloss was a phonetic variant recorded in Pali etyma: sotthiya. This gloss was represented on Sanchi stupa inscription and also on Jaina ayagapata offerings by worshippers of ariya, ayira dhamma, by the same hieroglyph (either clockwise-twisting or anti-clockwise twisting rotatory symbol of svastika). Linguists may like to pursue this line further to suggest the semant. evolution of the hieroglyph over time, from the days of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization to the narratives of Sanchi stupa or Ayagapata of Kankali Tila.

    स्वस्ति [ svasti ] ind S A particle of benediction. Ex. राजा तुला स्वस्ति असो O king! may it be well with thee!; रामाय स्वस्ति रावणाय स्वस्ति! 2 An auspicious particle. 3 A term of sanction or approbation (so be it, amen &c.) 4 Used as s n Welfare, weal, happiness.स्वस्तिक [ svastika ] n m S A mystical figure the inscription of which upon any person or thing is considered to be lucky. It is, amongst the जैन, the emblem of the seventh deified teacher of the present era. It consists of 卍. 2 A temple of a particular form with a portico in front. 3 Any auspicious or lucky object.(Marathi)

    svasti f. ʻ good fortune ʼ RV. [su -- 2, √as1]Pa. suvatthi -- , sotthi -- f. ʻ well -- being ʼ, NiDoc. śvasti; Pk. satthi -- , sotthi -- f. ʻ blessing, welfare ʼ; Si. seta ʻ good fortune ʼ < *soti (H. Smith EGS 185 < sustha -- ). svastika ʻ *auspicious ʼ, m. ʻ auspicious mark ʼ R. [svastí -- ]Pa. sotthika -- , °iya -- ʻ auspicious ʼ; Pk. satthia -- , sot° m. ʻ auspicious mark ʼ; H. sathiyā, sati° m. ʻ mystical mark of good luck ʼ; G. sāthiyɔ m. ʻ auspicious mark painted on the front of a house ʼ.(CDIAL 13915, 13916)

     Nibbānasotthi (welfare). saccena suvatthi hotu nibbānaŋ Sn 235.Sotthi (f.) [Sk. svasti=su+asti] well -- being, safety, bless ing A iii.38=iv.266 ("brings future happiness"); J i.335; s. hotu hail! D i.96; sotthiŋ in safety, safely Dh 219 (=anupaddavena DhA iii.293); Pv iv.64(=nirupaddava PvA 262); Sn 269; sotthinā safely, prosperously D i.72, 96; ii.346; M i.135; J ii.87; iii.201. suvatthi the same J iv.32. See sotthika & sovatthika. -- kamma a blessing J i.343. -- kāra an utterer of blessings, a herald J vi.43. -- gata safe wandering, prosperous journey Mhvs 8, 10; sotthigamana the same J i.272. -- bhāva well -- being, prosperity, safety J i.209; iii.44; DhA ii.58; PvA 250. -- vācaka utterer of blessings, a herald Miln 359. -- sālā a hospital Mhvs 10, 101.Sotthika (& ˚iya) (adj.) [fr. sotthi] happy, auspicious, blessed, safe VvA 95; DhA ii.227 (˚iya; in phrase dīgha˚ one who is happy for long [?]).Sotthivant (adj.) [sotthi+vant] lucky, happy, safe Vv 8452.Sovatthika (adj.) [either fr. sotthi with diaeresis, or fr. su+atthi+ka=Sk. svastika] safe M i.117; Vv 187 (=sotthika VvA 95); J vi.339 (in the shape of a svastika?); Pv iv.33 (=sotthi -- bhāva -- vāha PvA 250). -- âlankāra a kind of auspicious mark J vi.488. (Pali)

    ...

    [quote]Cunningham, later the first director of the Archaeological Survey of India, makes the claim in: The Bhilsa Topes (1854). Cunningham, surveyed the great stupa complex at Sanchi in 1851, where he famously found caskets of relics labelled 'Sāriputta' and 'Mahā Mogallāna'. [1] The Bhilsa Topes records the features, contents, artwork and inscriptions found in and around these stupas. All of the inscriptions he records are in Brāhmī script. What he says, in a note on p.18, is: "The swasti of Sanskrit is the suti of Pali; the mystic cross, or swastika is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the combination of the two syllables, su + ti = suti." There are two problems with this. While there is a word suti in Pali it is equivalent to Sanskrit śruti'hearing'. The Pali equivalent ofsvasti is sotthi; and svastika is either sotthiya or sotthika. Cunningham is simply mistaken about this. The two letters su + ti in Brāhmī script are not much like thesvastika. This can easily been seen in the accompanying image on the right, where I have written the word in the Brāhmī script. I've included the Sanskrit and Pali words for comparison. Cunningham's imagination has run away with him. Below are two examples of donation inscriptions from the south gate of the Sanchi stupa complex taken from Cunningham's book (plate XLX, p.449). 

    "Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

    1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].
    2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

    http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/deciphering-indus-script-meluhha.html

    Views of Koenraad Elst and Carl Sagan on Svastika symbol

    "Koenraad Elst points out that swastika had been a fairly prevalent symbol of the pre-Christian Europe and remained pretty much in vogue even until the 20th century. British troops preparing to help Finland in the war of winter 1939-40 against Soviet aggression painted swastikas, then a common Finnish symbol, on their airplanes. It was also a symbol of Austrian and German völkisch subculture where it was associated with the celebration of the summer solstice. In 1919, the dentist Friedrich Krohn adopted it as the symbol of the DAP because it was understood as the symbol of the Nordic culture. Hitler adopted a variant of the DAP symbol and added the three color scheme of the Second Reich to rival the Communist hammer and sickle as a psychological weapon of propaganda (Elst, Koenraad: The Saffron Swastika, Volume 1, pp. 31-32)...Besides pre-Christian and Christian Europe, the swastika has been depicted across many ancient cultures over several millennia. Carl Sagan infers that it was inspired by the sightings of comets by the ancients. In India, it was marked on doorsteps as it was believed to bring good fortune. It was prevalent worldwide by the second millennium as Heinrich Schliemann, the discoverer of Troy, found. It was depicted in Buddhist caverns in Afghanistan. Jaina, who emphasize on avoidance of harm, have considered it a sign of benediction. The indigenous peoples of North America depicted it in their pottery, blankets, and beadwork. It was widely used in Hellenic Europe and Brazil. One also finds depictions of the swastika, turning both ways, from the seals of the Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) dating back to 2,500 BCE, as well as on coins in the 6th century BCE Greece (Sagan, Carl and Druyan, Ann: Comet, pp. 181-186)" loc.cit.: http://indiafacts.co.in/the-swastika-is-not-a-symbol-of-hatred/


    Svastika is a hieroglyph used in Indus Script corpora.
    It denoted jasta, 'zinc'
    Mirror:
    https://www.academia.edu/8362658/Meluhha_hieroglyph_5_svastika_read_rebus_tuttha_sulphate_of_zinc

    A hieroglyph which is repeatedly deployed in Indus writing is svastika. What is the ancient reading and meaning?

    I suggest that it reads sattva. Its rebus rendering and meaning is zastas 'spelter or sphalerite or sulphate of zinc.'

    Zinc occurs in sphalerite, or sulphate of zinc in five colours.

    The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is: ṭhaṭṭha ʻbrassʼ(i.e. alloy of copper + zinc).

    Glosses for zinc are: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ज़स््थ् or zasuth ज़सुथ् । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. zastas ज़स्तस्), zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). 
    jastuvu; । त्रपूद्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri).

    Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus:  zinc (for) brass (or pewter).See five svastika on Mohenjodaro prism tablet (m488)
    The text inscription on the tablet reads: cast bronze supercargo. It is notable that sphalerite can also be of high iron varieties and hence, the use of ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' together with svastika on a Mohenjodaro tablet.

    Hence, the gloss to denote sulphate of zinc: తుత్తము [ tuttamu ] or తుత్తరము tuttamu. [Tel.] n. Vitriol. పాకతుత్తము white vitriol, sulphate of zinc. మైలతుత్తము sulphate of copper, blue-stone. తుత్తినాగము [ tuttināgamu ] tutti-nāgamu. [Chinese.] n. Pewter. Zinc. లోహవిశేషము.துத்தம்² tuttam, n. < tuttha. 1. A prepared arsenic, vitriol, sulphate of zinc or copper; வைப்புப்பாஷாணவகை. (சூடா.) 2. Tutty, blue or white vitriol used as collyrium; கண் மருந்தாக உதவும் துரிசு. (தைலவ. தைல. 69.)
    சத்து³ cattu, n. prob. šilā-jatu. 1. A variety of gypsum; கர்ப்பூரசிலாசத்து. (சங். அக.) 2. Sulphate of zinc; துத்தம். (பைஷஜ. 86.)

    Hieroglyphs, allographs:

    தட்டல் taṭṭal Five, a slang term; ஐந்து என்பதன் குழூஉக்குறி. (J.)

    தட்டு¹-தல் taṭṭu-To obstruct, hinder, ward off; தடுத்தல். தகையினாற் காறட்டி வீழ்க்கும் (கலித். 97, 17) Tu. taḍè hindrance, obstacle Ma. taṭa resistance, warding off (as with a shield), what impedes, resists, stays, or stops, a prop Ka. taḍa impeding, check, impediment, obstacle, delay(DEDR 3031)

    Ta. taṭṭi screen as of cuscuss grass, rattan, etc., tatty; taṭṭu screen folded or plain;taṭukku screen, mat, seat. Ma. taṭṭi screen, tatty, mat used as a door; taṭukku little mat for sitting on, as of school children. Ka. taṭṭi frame of bamboos, etc., a tatti, matting, bamboo mat; taḍaku, taḍike frame of bamboos, straw, leaves, etc., used as a door, blind, screen, etc., tatty; daḍḍi tatty, screen, curtain, what screens or encloses, cage; flat roof of a house. Tu. taṭṭi screen or blind made of split bamboos, cadjan, palm-leaves, etc.; daḍèscreen, blind; taḍamè a kind of stile or narrow entrance to a garden. Kor. (O.) taḍambe a gate. Te. taḍaka hurdle or tatty, screen made of bamboos, etc.; daḍi screen of mats, leaves or the like, fence. Kol. (SR.) taḍkā plaited bamboos, thatch; (Kin.) taṛka mat; (W.) daṭam door Pali taṭṭikā- palmleaf matting; Pkt. (DNM) ṭaṭṭī- fence; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5990 (DEDR 3036)1. Pa. taṭṭikā -- f. ʻ mat ʼ, taṭṭaka -- m. ʻ flat bowl ʼ; Pk. taṭṭī -- f. ʻ hedge ʼ, ṭaṭṭī -- , °ṭiā -- f. ʻ screen, curtain ʼ; K. ṭāṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ sackcloth ʼ; S. ṭaṭī f. ʻ Hindu bier ʼ; L. traṭṭī f. ʻ screen ʼ; P. taraṭṭī, ṭaṭṭī f. ʻ bamboo matting, screen ʼ(CDIAL 5990)

    *ṭhaṭṭh ʻ strike ʼ. [Onom.?]N. ṭhaṭāunu ʻ to strike, beat ʼ, ṭhaṭāi ʻ striking ʼ, ṭhaṭāk -- ṭhuṭuk ʻ noise of beating ʼ; H.ṭhaṭhānā ʻ to beat ʼ, ṭhaṭhāī f. ʻ noise of beating ʼ.(CDIAL 5490)

    Ta. taṭam road, way, path, route, gate, footstep. 
    Ir. (Bhattacharya 1958; Z.) daḍḍa road.  Ko. daṛv path, way.(DEDR 3014)

    Rebus readings:

    தட்டான்¹ taṭṭāṉ, n. < தட்டு-. [M. taṭṭān.] Gold or silver smith, one of 18 kuṭimakkaḷ, q. v.; பொற்கொல்லன். (திவா.) Te. taṭravã̄ḍu goldsmith or silversmith. Cf. Turner,CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes.

    *ṭhaṭṭha ʻ brass ʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass? -- N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 2. *ṭhaṭṭhakara -- 1. Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H. ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493)

    Tatta1 [pp. of tapati] heated, hot, glowing; of metals: in a melted state (cp. uttatta) Aii.122≈(tattena talena osiñcante, as punishment); Dh 308 (ayoguḷa); J ii.352 (id.); iv.306 (tattatapo "of red -- hot heat," i. e. in severe self -- torture); Miln 26, 45 (adv. red -- hot); PvA 221 (tatta -- lohasecanaŋ the pouring over of glowing copper, one of the punishments in Niraya).(Pali)


    தட்டுமுட்டு taṭṭu-muṭṭu, n. Redupl. of தட்டு² [T. M. Tu. taṭṭumuṭṭu.] 1. Furniture, goods and chattels, articles of various kinds; வீட்டுச்சாமான்கள். தட்டுமுட்டு விற்று மாற்றாது (பணவிடு. 225). 2. Apparatus, tools, instruments, utensils; கருவி கள். 3. Luggage, baggage; மூட்டைகள். (W.)Ta. taṭṭumuṭṭu furniture, goods and chattels, utensils, luggage. Ma. taṭṭumuṭṭu kitchen utensils, household stuff. Tu. taṭṭimuṭṭu id.(DEDR 3041)

    அஞ்சுவர்ணத்தோன் añcu-varṇattōṉ, n. < id. +. Zinc; 
    துத்தநாகம். (R.) அஞ்சுவண்ணம் añcu-vaṇṇam, n. < அஞ்சு +. A trade guild; ஒருசார் வணிகர் குழு. (T. A. S. ii, 69.) அஞ்சுபஞ்சலத்தார் añcu-pañcalattār

    , n. < அஞ்சு + பஞ்சாளத்தார். Pañca-kammāḷar, the five artisan classes; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (I. M. P. Cg. 371.)


    Sphalerite or zinc sulfide
    Its color is usually yellow, brown, or gray to gray-black, and it may be shiny or dull. Itsluster is adamantine, resinous to submetallic for high iron varieties. It has a yellow or light brown streak, a Mohs hardness of 3.5–4, and a specific gravity of 3.9–4.1. Some specimens have a red iridescence within the gray-black crystals; these are called "ruby sphalerite." The pale yellow and red varieties have very little iron and are translucent. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sphalerite 

    Indus writing mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher)--1
    - Adoration of pattaṇī ʻferrymanʼ, paṭṭaṟai‘guild’, kole.l‘smithy, temple’

    Meluhha hieroglyphs on Indus script catalogs document metalwork. A gloss for smithy, kole.l, also means a temple.

    http://youtu.be/jFUyzMGWbkc

    Indus writing mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher)—2
    -- Semantics & orthography of svastikahieroglyph

    Zinc was alloyed with other mineral ores to create hard alloys. Svastika hieroglyph also denoted zinc in Meluhha: sattva which also meant the alloy 'pewter'. Archaeological evidence shows condensation retorts to produce zinc metal. A demonstration of Bronze Age competence in smelting and creating alloys.

    http://youtu.be/jRjpJsZvNo8




    Begram ivory. Hackin 1939, p.77, fig.124 Ivory?The plaque depicts an elephant and a winged lion facing each other.. The scene is bordered on both sides by a wavy leaf or branch. The lion stands on the right side facing left, its front paw held up and touching the elephant's forehead.
    Bronze tripod. Begram 26, Kabul Museum. From Hackin, MDAFA XI, 1954, fig. 340. Legs of the tripod are tiger paws. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelters'.  Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi) 

    ibha m. ʻ elephant ʼ Mn. Pa. ibha -- m., Pk. ibha -- , iha -- , Si. iba Geiger EGS 22: rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 1587) Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali)

    2135 Kur. xolā tail. Malt. qoli id. 

    kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv.
    Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kol ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe ʼ.(CDIAL 3532) 

    Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. 
    Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith(Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.)kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)

    Fortification wall of Begram. From Ghirshman, Begram, 1946. Fortification compares with the fortification in hundreds of Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization sites, e.g. Dholavira, Surkotada, Khirsara

    (After Fig. 6 in Sanjyot Mehendale)

    Map of South Asia in the Magadhan and Achaemenid periods. From J. Schwartzber, A historical atlas of south Asia, 1978

    త్వష్ట [ tvaṣṭa ] tvashṭa. [Skt.] n. A carpenter, వడ్లవాడు. The maker of the universe. విశ్వకర్త. One of the 12 Adityas, ద్వాదశాదిత్యులలో నొకడు.వడ్రంగి, వడ్లంగి, వడ్లవాడు [ vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu ] or వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగము, వడ్లపని, వడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము vaḍrangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తి. వడ్రంగిపని. వడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట vaḍrangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటము. వడ్లకంకణము vaḍla-kankaṇamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదము. వడ్లత or వడ్లది vaḍlata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste. వర్ధకి [ vardhaki ] vardhaki. [Skt.] n. A carpenter. వడ్లవాడు.

    Ta. taṭṭu (taṭṭi-) to knock, tap, pat, strike against, dash against, strike, beat, hammer, thresh; n. knocking, patting, breaking, striking against, collision; taṭṭam clapping of the hands; taṭṭal knocking, striking, clapping, tapping, beating time; taṭṭāṉ gold or silver smith; fem. taṭṭātti. Ma. taṭṭu a blow, knock; taṭṭuka to tap, dash, hit, strike against, knock; taṭṭān goldsmith; 
    fem. taṭṭātti; taṭṭāran washerman; taṭṭikka to cause to hit; taṭṭippu beating. 
    Ko. taṭ- (tac-) to pat, strike, kill, (curse) affects, sharpen, disregard (words); taṭ a·ṛ- (a·c) to stagger from fatigue. To. toṭ a slap; toṭ- (toṭy-) to strike (with hammer), pat, (sin) strikes; toṛ- (toṭ-) to bump foot; toṭxn, toṭxïn goldsmith; fem. toṭty, toṭxity; toṭk ïn- (ïḏ-) to be tired, exhausted. Ka. taṭṭu to tap, touch, come close, pat, strike, beat, clap, slap, knock, clap on a thing (as cowdung on a wall), drive, beat off or back, remove; n. slap or pat, blow, blow or knock of disease, danger, death, fatigue, exhaustion. Koḍ. taṭṭ- (taṭṭi-) to touch, pat, ward off, strike off, (curse) effects; taṭṭë goldsmith; fem. taṭṭati (Shanmugam). Tu. taṭṭāvuni to cause to hit, strike. Te. taṭṭu to strike, beat, knock, pat, clap, slap; n. stripe, welt; taṭravã̄ḍu goldsmith or silversmith.Kur. taṛnā (taṛcas) to flog, lash, whip. Malt. taṛce to slap. Cf. 3156 Ka. tāṭu. / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes. (DEDR 3039)


    Ek Mukhi Siva Linga, Kushana period (Government Museum, Lucknow). The Siva Linga is one of the most profound symbols of humankind. It is the "mark" of the unmanifest eternal manifesting itself in innumerable forms of the world. Simultaneously, it embodies the vital forces of nature in the manifest world.
    http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2420/stories/20071019505206400.htm


    "Yolamira, silver drachm, early type.....c. 125-150 AD......Diademed bust right, dotted border /Swastika right, Brahmi legend ..... Yolamirasa Bagarevaputasa Pāratarāja ......(Of Yolamira, son of Bagareva, Pārata King).....The names Yolamira and Bagareva betray the Iranian origin of this dynasty. The suffix Mira refers to the Iranian deity Mithra. Yolamira means "Warrior Mithra." Bagareva means "rich God." "The Pāratarājas are identified as such by their coins: two series of coins, one mostly in copper bearing legends in Kharoshthi and the other mostly in silver bearing legends in Brahmi. Among coins known so far, there has been no overlap between the two series, which appear to be quite separate from one another, despite commonalities of content. The notable feature of both series is that almost all of the coins bear the name ‘Pāratarāja’ as part of the legend, and they nearly always bear a swastika on the reverse (the exceptions being some very small fractions that seem to eliminate the swastika and/or the long legend, including the words ‘Pāratarāja’, for lack of space). The coins are very rare and, when found, are discovered almost exclusively in the Pakistani province of Baluchistan, reportedly mostly in the area of Loralai..."......NEW LIGHT ON THE PĀRATARĀJAS by PANKAJ TANDON.......http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf http://balkhandshambhala.blogspot.in/

    FIG. 20. ANCIENT INDIAN COIN. (Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)

    Fig. 20. Ancient Indian Coin.


    The Migration of Symbols, by Goblet d'Alviella, [1894

    (Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)

    Many coins and seals of ancient India carry the Swastika symbol.



      Satavahana coin, Copper, die-struck symbol of lion standing to right and a bigSwastika above on obverse, tree on reverse with a counter mark. As these coins are un-inscribed their issues cannot be ascertained with certainty. They ae actually regarded as the earliest coins of India.




    Yolamira, silver drachm, early type c. 125-150 CE.  Legend around Swastika is inBrahmi lipi (script).  



     Kuninda, an ancient central Himalayan kingdom, c. 1st century BCE, silver coin. Rev: Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbols triratna, surrounded by a Swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Legend in Kharosthi script.

      Corinthia, Circa 550-500 BC. Stater (Silver). Pegasos, with curved wing, flying to left; below, koppa. Reverse. Incuse in the form of a Swastika to left. (Source: Wikipedia)
    http://flagstamps.blogspot.in/2013/08/the-ancient-symbol-of-swastika-its-uses_5258.html
    Bharhut 


    "According to Bon tradition, the founder of the orthodox Bon doctrine was Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche of Tagzig...... some writers identify the region with Balkh/Bactria. The name Shenrab has an Iranian sound to it.....One of the most powerful and resonant words in pre-Buddhist Tibet was yungdrung (g.yung drung). It was a the key terms for the old royal religion, the mythological backdrop to the kingly lineage of the Tibetan Empire. For example, the inscription of the tomb of Trisong Detsen has the line: “In accord with the eternal (yungdrung) customs (tsuglag), the Emperor and Divine Son Trisong Detsen was made the ruler of men.” I discussed how to translate that term tsuglag in an earlier post. Here, as you no doubt noticed, I have translated yungdrung here as “eternal”. Eternity seems to be the general meaning of yungdrung in the early religion. In addition, the word was associated with the ancient Indo-European swastika design, which in Tibet was the graphic symbol of the eternal...what did the early Buddhist writers and translators do with this term? Many of them just attached it to the word “dharma” (i.e. Buddhism), no doubt in an attempt to transfer its prestige from the earlier religion to Buddhism. Thus we see “the eternal dharma” (g.yung drung chos) in many Dunhuang manuscripts.".....http://earlytibet.com/2008/04/30/buddhism-and-bon-iii-what-is-yungdrung/

    "the Pāradas of the Mahabharata, the Puranas and other Indian sources........
    "...coins of Yolamira is in itself a breakthrough, as this is one king for whom we have independent evidence. Konow reports on some pottery fragments from Tor Dherai in the Loralai district that carry an inscription relating to one Shahi Yolamira. Konow says the name Yolamira is not known to us. These coins, found in the same area, provide further evidence of the existence of this king, and can place him in some historical context.....Once again, the validity of this reading is buttressed by examining the meaning of the name. In Bactrian, the name Yola-mira means ‘warrior Mithra’....http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf
    "...Of the Shahi Yola Mira, the master of the vihara, this water hall (is) the religious gift, in his own Yola-Mira-shahi-Vihara, to the order of the four quarters, in the acceptance of the Sarvastivadin teachers. And from this right donation may there be in future a share for (his) mother and father, in future a share for all beings and long life for the master of the law’ .......Sten Konow, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II pt. I, pp. 173
    "....As permanent monasteries became established, the name "Vihara" was kept. Some Viharas became extremely important institutions, some of them evolving into major Buddhist Universities with thousands of students, such as Nalanda."
    "fixing the reign of this dynasty in the interior of Baluchistan during the second and perhaps the third centuries AD fills an important gap in the history of the region. Very little has hitherto been known of the politics of this area from the time of Alexander’s departure to the arrival of Islamic invaders in the early eighth century. Some historians have tended to assume that the Kushans must have held sway over this region, but that hypothesis does not appear to be correct, as the Pāratarājas appear to have been ruling precisely at the time when the Kushan empire was at its zenith...".......http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf
    "Given Konow’s suggestion that Kanishka began the use of the term Shahi, a suggested date for the Pāratarājas would be around the middle of the second century, give or take a quarter century or so."........http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf

    "The swastika mark is not encountered on Kushan coins, but it is an element on Kushanshah coins.."..http://www.academia.edu/2078818/The_Mint_Cities_of_the_Kushan_Empire
    "The Kabul Shahi also called Shahiya dynasties ruled one of the Middle kingdoms of India which included portions of the Kabulistan and the old province of Gandhara (now in northern Pakistan), from the decline of the Kushan Empire in the 3rd century to the early 9th century. The kingdom was known as Kabul Shahi (Kabul-shāhān or Ratbél-shāhān in Persian کابلشاهان یا رتبیل شاهان) between 565 and 879 when they had Kapisa and Kabul as their capitals, and later as Hindu Shahi.....The Shahis of Kabul/Gandhara are generally divided into the two eras of the "Buddhist Shahis" and the "Hindu Shahis", with the change-over thought to have occurred sometime around 870 AD with the Arab conquest....."....Sehrai, Fidaullah (1979). Hund: The Forgotten City of Gandhara,


    "The mountainous region of Central Asia comprising the eastern parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan and northwest India has always known war. Even now, the area, high in the Hindu Kush mountains, proves difficult to hold......In the sixth century C.E., the place was known as Gondhara, and nominally controlled by the Huns—a people famed for being great horsemen and even greater warriors. Some 200 years later, Gondhara was ruled by a succession of kings called the Hindu Shahi.....It was the Hindu Shahi kings who first minted these silver coins—a simple and elegant representation of the diversity of the region. On one side is the Hun soldier on horseback; on the reverse, the bull that is so sacred to the Hindus."....http://www2.educationalcoin.com/2012/12/21/bull-horse/
    Charles Frederick Oldham The Sun and the Serpent: A Contribution to the History of Serpent-worship, 1905..Serpent worship; The Shahis of Afghanistan


    "King standing facing, head turned to right, Brāhmi legend at left: Koziya....Koziya issued several differnt types of copper drachms, some of very fine style, such as this one. So Koziya must have risen to the throne as a teenager and probably had quite a long reign, given the wide variety of types he issued."....http://coinindia.com/galleries-parata-rajas.html

    Section 5. Ox-hide ingot, tree hieroglyphs on Sanchi/Bharhut sculptural friezes signifying metal ingots and smelters (kuThi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter') 



    Depiction of torana, or gateway, of stupa, a fragment of a Jaina stupa railing, Kankali Tila, near Mathura (Government Museum, Lucknow). In ancient times, the symbols and motifs of the art of all faiths in India were the same. This depiction is identical to the toranas of Buddhist stupas of early times. Photo: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2420/stories/20071019505206400.htm

    On this sculpture, the garland is offered at the Torana, just below the first of three Architraves. The third, top Architrave is adorned by a set of molluscs+spathe of alm flanked by srivata hieoglyphs atop dharma-chakka 'wheel of dhamma, dharma'. 

    Association with metalwork is seen in the following frieze from Kankali Tila:

    Sculpted beam, stupa railing, Kankali, Mathura region, 2nd century B.C. The pulsating vine of the abundance of the natural order is carried by human figures as it courses through the world, bringing with it the wealth of nature.


    The stupa railing bottom register shows fire-altar next to a smelter hut followed by a tree adorned with safflower: karaDa 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy'. Next to the fire-altar is a basket: dhokra 'basket' Rebus: dhokra 'cire perdue metal caster'. Next to the fire-altar is a plate of fruit offerings. The top register shows pericarp of lotus: kárṇikā Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻpericarp of lotus'' Rebus: kanka,  kāraṇikā  'scribe'.
    Woman's Shringhar, Kushana period, scene on a pillar railing (Government Museum, Mathura). The grace and delicacy of the human form is sensitively expressed in this scene, which meets the worshipper's eye as he goes around the stupa. The centre-piece of the doorway of the stupa is the hieroglyph 'ingot': mukha lo Rebus: muh loh 'ingot copper'. This divinity is venerated by the worshippers wearing large anklets (perhaps of metal).

    Bharhut sculptural relief. The center-piece is the slab with hieroglyphs (sacred writing) held on the platform which holds a pair of 'srivatsa' hieroglyph compositions. The artist is conveying the key interpretative message that the composition contains inscribed, engraved, written symbols (hieroglyphs). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using Meluhha glosses to explain the veneration of ayira-ariya dhamma. A related life-activity reading: ayira 'fish' rebus: aya'metal alloy'; karada 'saffower' rebus: karada 'hard alloy of metal'. This is work done in kole.l 'smithy' rebus: kole.l 'temple'.

    The central hieroglyphs flanked by two 'srivatsa' hieroglyphs are a pair of spathes:
    Hieroglyph: दळ (p. 406)[ daḷa ] दल (p. 404) [ dala ] n (S) A leaf. 2 A petal of a flower. dula 'pair'
    Rebus: metalcast: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa ] Cast, mould, form (as of metal vessels, trinkets &c.) dul 'cast metal'. The three 'x' on this frame are also hieroglyphs: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the sculptural composition is a narrative of work in a Meluhha smithy.

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    November 14, 2015

    Skilled mirror craft of intermetallic delta high-tin bronze (Cu31Sn8, 32.6% tin) from Aranmula, Kerala (Sha...

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