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Second bronze female figurine from Mohenjo-daro. Request for identifying the object held by her right hand.

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An exquisite bronze figurine from Mohenjo-daro has not received as much attention from art critics and archaeologists as the bronze statue of dancing girl. This figurine holds some object on her right hand. This figurine is now held in Karachi Museum. Request information which may help identify the object held by this slender lady with a hair-knot, wearing wristlets, bangles and anklets. Thanks.

 What is the female figurine with wristlets, bracelets, anklets and hair-knot carrying in her right hand?

Bronze statue of a woman holding something in her hand, Mohenjodaro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, pl. LXXIII, 9-11

Second bronze statue of a girl c.2500 BC, now displayed at Karachi Museum, Pakistan. Original publicationErnest Mackay, Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro, 1927-31, New Delhi (1937-38).  Ernest Mackay discovered this during his final full season of 1930-31 at DK-G area in a house, Mohenje-daro. "Bronze female figure, Mohenjodaro"masterfile.com. Masterfile. Retrieved 15 November 2014https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dancing_Girl_(Mohenjo-daro)#cite_note-7

See: http://www.masterfile.com/image/en/841-02824318/Bronze-female-figure-Mohenjodaro-Karachi-Museum-Pakistan-Asia

The first statue of 'dancing girl' is displayed in National Museum, New Delhi. http://nationalmuseumindia.gov.in/prodCollections.asp?pid=44&id=1&lk=dp1

Hypothesis: The second bronze female figurine is also that of a dancing girl. The arguments are:


I have not been able to access a clear photograph of the second 'dancing-girl' bronze statue. She also has her bent left arm with the wrist on her waist as if in a dancing pose. A flipped pose compared with the first dancing girl pose. In the second statue, she holds some object on her right hand. I think it may also be a diya as if she is a dĭ̄palakshmi offering an ārati to Skambha Pillar of Light :)-- to complete the phrase khāra-bai 'blacksmith furnace' based on rebus rendering of the hieroglyphs: karā 'wristlets, bracelets' PLUS bātĭ̄ ʻ wick ʼ(Old Awadhi), vaṭṭi -- , °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ(Pali), vaṭṭĭ̄ -- , °ṭiā -- , vatti -- f.  'wick of lamp' (Prakritam) varti id. (Samskritam) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/second-bronze-female-figurine-from.html I have requested for info. Hope someone responds.

ārātrika n. ʻ the ceremony of waving a lamp in front of an image at night ʼ AVPariś., ʻ the lamp so waved ʼ Śaṁkara [*ārātri -- ]Pk. ārattiya -- n.; K. āra f. ʻ a special kind of address to a god ʼ; S. āratī f. ʻ the ārātrika ceremony ʼ, P. ārtī, Ku. ārti; N. ārati ʻ the song sung at this ceremony ʼ; A. B. ārati ʻ the ceremony ʼ, Or. āratīāḷati; Bi. ārtī ʻ a lamp with four or five wicks used in a temple ʼ; Aw. ārati ʻ the ceremony ʼ, H. ārtī f., ārtā m. ʻ marriage ceremony in which a lamp is waved ʼ; G. M. ārtī f. ʻ the ceremony ʼ, M. ārat f.(CDIAL 1315)*ārātri or *ārātra -- (1) ʻ evening ʼ, (2) ʻ from after night, i.e. morning ʼ. [rāˊtri -- ].(1) K. arāth, dat. arātas m. ʻ nightfall, evening ʼ. -(2) Bshk. árat ʻ morning ʼ (or poss. ʻ one night ʼ NTS xviii 125), Tor. (Barth) "ẓhāt"ʻ morning ʼ.
​(CDIAL 1314)​

Sindh government wants 'Dancing Girl' statue back from India

Sunday, 2 February 2014 - 4:24pm IST | Agency: PTI

At a time when a controversial festival organised by PPP leader Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has drawn the attention of people to Sindh's ancient culture, Pakistani authorities are planning to ask India to return the famous 'Dancing Girl' statue from Mohenjodaro. "We are writing to the federal government to help us repatriate our exiled heroine back to us from India," an unnamed member of the cabinet of southern Sindh province was quoted as saying by Dawn daily today.
The 10.8-cm bronze statue, made in 2500 BC, is on display at the National Museum in New Delhi. Along with the Priest King, it is considered one of the two most famous artefacts from Mohenjodaro, one of the oldest planned cities. The demand comes at a time when Bilawal has organised the Sindh Festival at Mohenjodaro amid fears among archaeologists that the event would damage the ruins.
Unnamed officials were quoted by Dawn as saying that the Dancing Girl and Priest King were transported by British archaeologist Sir Mortimer Wheeler to Delhi in 1946 for an exhibition. After the Partition in 1947, Pakistan sought the return of both relics.
A Pakistani official visited Delhi and succeeded in bringing back the King Priest and the Fasting Buddha. There is a popular legend that Indian authorities refused to hand over both relics and asked Pakistani authorities to choose between the Priest King and the Dancing Girl, the report said. "The Pakistanis chose the King Priest made up of soapstone. Perhaps they were hesitant to get hold of a naked teenager to avoid a possible backlash from religious quarters," one official said.
The Priest King — a bearded man wearing an ajrak-like cloth with hair neatly combed back — is currently on display at the National Museum of Pakistan in Karachi.

Experts said they had asked previous governments to bring back the Dancing Girl but no one took interest. The tiny bronze statue of a young woman is suggestive of two breakthrough - that Indus artists knew metal blending and casting and that the well developed Indus society had innovated dance and other performing arts, India's National Museum says in its description of the Dancing Girl.

Qasim Ali Qasim, director of Sindh's archaeology department, said Islamabad's efforts in 2009 brought back 13 artefacts of the Gandhara civilisation from several countries.
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-sindh-government-wants-dancing-girl-statue-back-from-india-1958932


Harappan male ornament styles. After Fig.6.7 in Kenoyer, JM, 1991, Ornament styles of the Indus valley tradition: evidence from recent excavations at Harappa, Pakistan in: Paleorient, vol. 17/2 -1991, p.93 Source: Marshall, 1931: Pl. CXVIII
http://a.harappa.com/sites/g/files/g65461/f/Kenoyer1992_Ornament%20Styles%20of%20the%20Indus%20Valley%20Tradition%20Ev.pdf

Clearly, the wearing a fillet on the shoulder and wearing a dress with trefoil hieroglyphs made the figure of some significance to the community.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
September 28, 2015 kalyan97@gmail.com

The spoilt child of Congi is missing. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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Congress insulting Narendra Modi’s tears for his mother is pathetic: BJP

Modi, modi tears, bjp, congressPrime Minister Narendra Modi gets emotional while addressring at Facebook headquarters in California on Sunday. (PTI Photo)
In a stinging attack at Congress for questioning Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s devotion to his mother, BJP today said Sonia Gandhi was “ruining” Congress in her “devotion to her inept son” that has made Rahul Gandhi the “spoilt child” of the Indian politics.
Describing as “appalling and pathetic” opposition party’s dig at Modi over his turning emotional while mentioning his mother, BJP accused it of becoming voice of “untruth, malice and utter frustration” and wondered if it had become “trapped in an inept leadership”.
“It was perhaps both significant and revealing that Congress chose to get personal in an extremely appalling and pathetic manner by commenting on the moving moment when the Prime Minister recalled what his mother had done. He is devoted to his mother. He touched her feet after election victory.
“This is quite in contrast to Congress where a mother has ruined the party and is trying to ruin the nation by her utter devotion to her completely inept son. It is this doting behaviour that has made Rahul Gandhi the spoilt child of the Indian politics,” BJP spokesperson M J Akbar told reporters.
He alleged that Congress was unable to bear the sight of Modi raising the prestige and prosperity of the country.

With the opposition party questioning the outcome of Modi’s tour, Akbar quoted the CEOs of top US firms like AppleMicrosoft and Google among others in which they had lavished praise on his leadership.
“The frustration of Congress is also evident in the huge positive response Modi has generated from the giants of intellect and innovation, from the leaders of the future who can see another leader of the future in their midst,” he said.
Referring to Modi breaking down while recalling events about his mother, Congress spokesperson Anand Sharma had said, “True to his characteristic style, the prime minister once again engaged in theatrics, emotion and drama, making boastful claims”.
Sharma questioned as to why Modi did not keep her at his official residence to look after her.
BJP also continued to target the Congress vice president over his trip to the US even as Rahul tweeted photograph of himself at a conference in Aspen.
“Instead of hiding underground somewhere in the US and posting highly nebulous picture of some alleged conference, it might have been a better idea for him to come out and explain what he was doing except of course if he is enjoying some undeserved vacation,” Akbar said.
Taking a dig, another BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra said his party had forced Congress to “turn” a vacation of Rahul into a photo-op of him attending a conference.
Noting that Modi’s mother continued to live in her humble house, the BJP spokesman asked Congress to have “some shame”.
Taking a swipe at Congress for taking credit for most of the projects pushed by the Modi government, Akbar mockingly said the only thing it had not taken credit for is creating Garden of Eden. “Otherwise, they have done everything.”
He said the theme of Modi’s foreign policy is national security and prosperity and that his powerful position on terrorism in his speech during the US visit made it clear that there could not be any ambiguity and confusion over its interpretation.
On Congress’ criticism of the US’ “ambivalence” on India’s bid for permanent membership of the UN Security Council, he said it showed its “astonishing lack of any kind of grasp” on foreign policy and explains why the party had made such a complete mess of India’s external affairs when in power.
In an apparent reference to RJD chief Lalu Prasad’s reported comments that the Bihar election was a battle between forward and backward castes, the BJP spokesperson said such comments were “scary” as he believed in making people fight each other.

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/congress-insulting-narendra-modis-tear-for-his-mother-is-pathetic-bjp/99/print/

Fillets with Indus script hieroglyphs of dotted circles, lathe, brazier signify पोतृ purifier priest of kole.l 'smithy, temple'

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Indus Script Corpora are sangara'proclamations'. This is signified by sangada 'hieroglyph-multiplex of lathe and brazier.' The proclamation is also recorded on a gold fillet of Mohenjodaro which most likely was worn on the forehead of a leader of the guild, community of metalworkers. This decipherment is consistent with the trefoil and dotted circle fillet which adorn the statue of a Potr, purifier in kole.l'smithy, temple'. The dotted circles also adorn the 'standard device' of lathe and brazier hieroglyph-multiplex. This decipherment is also a determinative of Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.

Dotted circles are used on head-bands or fillets to signify priests of Mohenjo-daro. 

Standard device is a hieroglyph-multiplex composed of lathe, brazier and dotted circles signified on gold fillets of the civilization to signify sãgaḍ rebus: sangara 'proclamation'. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/set-theory-venn-diagram-set.html

What do the headbands or fillets on artefacts, say, of statues of eminent persons, signify? paṭṭa is a badge of distinction. The wearer of the badge is recognized as a guide. It is an appellation of dignity, of high office in a community. Hence, the priests, purifiers,  Potr̥, पोतृ, are identified by the paṭṭa 'badge' or fillet. Potr̥, पोतृ, are signified by trefoils: kolom'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy,forge' PLUS Dotted circle khaṇḍa ‘A piece, bit, fragment, portion’; kandi ‘bead’ Rebus: khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; kanda 'fire-altar'. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ (Bengali) Rebus: पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv. Rebus: போற்றி pōṟṟi, < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).போத்தி pōtti, n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2.Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன்.
Image result for sangada furnacesangada 'lathe' PLUS 'portable furnace' PLUS dotted circles are hieroglyph-multiplexes shown on gold fillets.Gold fillet. Punctuated design on both ends. Mohenjodaro. http://www.imagesofasia.com/html/mohenjodaro/gold-fillet.html

Straight and curved gold fillet. Mohenjodaro (Kenoyer)
Male Head Harappa
Male head (back and side) Mohenjodaro http://www.harappa.com/indus/40.html
Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided or wavy combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the head and a plain fillet or headband with two hanging ribbons falling down the back (40). 

The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the pronounced lower jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are framed by long eyebrows. The wide mouth is very similar to that on the "Priest-King" sculpture. Stylized ears are made of a double curve with a central knob.

Material: sandstone
Dimensions: 13.5 cm height
Mohenjo-daro, DK-B 1057
Mohenjo-daro Museum, MM 431
Dales 1985: pl. IIb; Ardeleanu-Jansen 1984: 139-157

 Focus on the center-piece: brazier PLUS eye PLUS eyelid PLUS horns of markhor: Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye.  Rebus: kanga ' large portable brazier, fire-place' (Kashmiri).Rebus: large furnace, fireplace: kang कंग् । आवसथ्यो &1;ग्निः m. the fire-receptacle or fire-place, kept burning in former times in the courtyard of a Kāshmīrī house for the benefit of guests, etc., and distinct from the three religious domestic fires of a Hindū; (at the present day) a fire-place or brazier lit in the open air on mountain sides, etc., for the sake of warmth or for keeping off wild beasts. nāra-kang, a fire-receptacle; hence, met. a shower of sparks (falling on a person) (Rām. 182). kan:gar `portable furnace' (Kashmiri)  

Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye.  Rebus: kanga ' large portable brazier
पात [ pāta ],पातें [ pātēṃ ] n (पातं) An eyelid.(Marathi)
पात [ pāta ],पातें [ pātēṃ ] n A blade (of a weapon or a tool). (Marathi)

mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; rebus: mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Mu.) 

baṭa = quail (Santali) Rebus: baṭa = furnace, kiln (Santali) bhrāṣṭra = furnace (Skt.) baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati) 

rāngo   ‘water buffalo bull’ (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559) Rebus:  rango  ‘pewter’.  ranga, rang   pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).

पाती [ pātī ] f A share of some joint concern. Ex. ह्या सावकारींत चौघांची पाती आहे. 2 A slip of solder or of leaf-metal; a slip or bar (of iron &c.) 3 The cross piece or bar of a फरा over which the strickle moves. 4 A short slip of bamboo, over which is wound the जानवें &c. 5 A pinnate or long-shaped leaf (as of the sugarcane, cocoanut-palm, onion-plant, certain grasses &c.)(Marathi)

पांती [ pāntī ] f (Or पाती) A share of some joint concern.पातीदार or पांतीदार [ pātīdāra or pāntīdāra ] c An associate in some joint or common concern, a partner.(Marathi)

पट्टापट्टी (p. 484) [ paṭṭāpaṭṭī ] f (पट्टा by redup.) Drawing of stripes or lines, as with ashes, over the body.पट्टी (p. 484) [ paṭṭī ] f (S) A strip, slip, shred; a narrow and long piece (of cloth, metal, wood &c.) 2 A slip (of ground or land.) 3 A clamp. 4 A roll or list of a general collection, as by Government from a village; of a general contribution for a charitable or other purpose; of an assessment, amercement, or exaction in general. Note. The idea of Roll or list being dropped, पट्टी comes to signify simply Cess or tax (the subject-matter of the roll); and, with the designating noun prefixed, forms compounds quite numberless. The examples subjoined therefore, and the few instances occurring in marginal order, are as specimens only; but they will be accepted as ample:--खारी- पट्टी Cess to defray the expenses of a jaunt or an excursion of the Raja or other grandee; पालखी- पट्टी Exaction, for a service, of the pálkhís of the people; गोसावीपट्टी Cess to meet the wants of a swarm of Gosávís arrived at a village;खुशालपट्टी Cess to defray the expenses of some festal occasion (as the birth of a son &c.); लग्नपट्टी Cess to pay a marriage; केरपट्टी Cess to pay the sweepers entertained for a village, or for an occasion; कोंबडी- पट्टी Exaction of fowls or a fowl; black mail; घर- पट्टी, झाडपट्टी, म्हैसपट्टी Tax upon houses, trees, buffaloes &c. &c. 5 The paper containing the list of a general assessment or collection or contribution. 6 A fold, plait, ply, ruffle (as of a turban &c.) 7 A roll (of the betel-leaf &c.) 8 A division of a village; a part, a quarter, a region. 9 The front-portion of a side of the hair of women as combed smoothly towards the two sides and divided by a line in the middle. 10 The flowered or ornamental edge (of a garment or cloth), the border. 11 A string of flowers. See under तुरा. 12 A line or row (of the doctors and literati) in a सभा, as assembled to chant the Veda &c.: also a row of Bráhmans at a meal. 13 With पट्टी, in a humorously figurative application of the fourth sense, very numerous compounds occur, all bearing the general import of Vehement vituperation or scolding. See खडसपट्टी, खरडपट्टी, झाडपट्टी, भोसडपट्टी, फोदलपट्टी, धूळपट्टी, उधळपट्टी, भादरपट्टी, झवरपट्टी, घसरपट्टीपट्टी काढणेंg. of o. To take the conceit out of. पट्टी चालली or लागली The general impost or the general contribution is under collection, is proceeding. पट्टी फाडणें orतासणें To draw up a list of names, attaching to each the sum to be demanded. पट्ट्या देणें To pack off or turn out.
पट्टीचा वैदिक (p. 484) [ paṭṭīcā vaidika ] m A वैदिक or doctor of the Vedas worthy to sit in the पट्टी (assembly or line of the learned). Hence a term for a skilful disputant, or a scholar, savant, or erudite person gen.
पट्टींतला (p. 484) [ paṭṭīntalā ] a Competent to sit in the पट्टी or row of Bráhmans to read the Vedas. Hence Competent, capable, proficient, smart gen.;--used of कारकून -कारभारी -गाणार -वाजंत्री -कथेकरी -सोदा- शिंदळ -लबाड &c.पट्टीपासोडी (p. 484) [ paṭṭīpāsōḍī ] f (पट्टी & पासोडी as an alliterative reduplication or term of amplification.) A general assessment, amercement, or collection of other kind.

पट [ paṭa ] m f (पट्ट S) A chequered board or cloth (to play at chess, songṭyá &c.) 2 A roll, list, catalogue (as of names): a roll, record, chronicle: a writing registering particulars or exhibiting the rule and practice; a table or a schedule: also, as संक्रांतिपट, ग्रहणपट, लग्नपट, मुहूर्त्तपट, a paper detailing (with astrological reference) the points and items connected with the sun's passage through the signs; with eclipses, auspicious periods and conjunctions &c.: also a string of pictures pasted one to another. 3 S Cloth. 4 n A fold (of a door or window-shutter). 5 A confederate or banded body. 


पट्टा [ paṭṭā ] m ( H) A kind of sword. It is long, two-edged, and has a hilt protecting the whole fore arm. Applied also to a wooden sword for practice and sports. 2 A stripe, streak, line. 3 A slip or long piece of ground. 4 A strip (as of lace or cloth, of border or edging). 5 A cincture (of silver or gold) for the waist: also a zone, girdle, or belt more generally. 6 A deed of lease or tenure. पट्टा ओढणें-घालणें-पाडणें (To draw a stripe.) To draw the razor rudely along the head (in head-tonsure). Hence, generally, (कामाचा पट्टा ओढणें &c.) To perform rudely or roughly: also (i.e. to draw the lines indicative of commencement) to make a rude or rough beginning. पट्ट्याचा हात फिरविणें To brandish the पट्टा.

நெற்றிப்பட்டம் neṟṟi-p-paṭṭamn. < id. +. Thin plate of metal worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; நுதலி லணியும் பட்டம். (W.) 

பட்டம்² paṭṭamn. < paṭṭa. 1. Plate of gold worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; சிறப்புக்கு அறிகுறியாக நெற்றி யிலணியும் பொற்றகடு. பட்டமுங் குழையு மின்ன (சீவக. 472). 2. An ornament worn on the forehead by women; மாதர் நுதலணி. பட்டங் கட்டிப்பொற்றோடு பெய்து (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 6). 3. Title, appellation of dignity, title of office; பட்டப்பெயர். பட்டமும் பசும்பொற் பூணும் பரந்து (சீவக. 112). 4. Regency; reign; ஆட்சி. 5. Fasteners, metal clasp; சட்டங்களை இணைக்க உதவும் தகடு. ஆணிகளும் பட்டங்களுமாகிய பரிய இரும்பாலேகட்டி (நெடுநல். 80, உரை). High position; உயர் பதவி. (பிங்.) 

பட்டை² paṭṭai
n. < paṭṭa. [T. K. paṭṭe, M. paṭṭam.] 1. Plate, slab, tablet; தகடு. 2. Flatness; தட்டையான தன்மை. 3. Lace-border; சரிகைப்பட்டை. 4. Painted stripe, as on a temple wall; பட்டைக்கோடு. 5. Dapple, piebald colour;

தட்டார்பாட்டம் taṭṭār-pāṭṭam

n. < தட் டான்¹ +. Profession tax on goldsmiths; தட்டார் இறுக்கும் அரசிறைவகை. (S. I. I. ii, 117.)

3878 Ta. paṭṭai flatness; paṭṭam flat or level surface of anything, flat piece (as of bamboo). Ko. paṭ flatness (of piece of iron, of head); paṭm (obl.paṭt-) ground for house. To. poṭ site of dairy or house. ? Koḍ. paṭṭi space before house, spreading space; maṇa-paṭṭi sandbank. Nk. paṛ place. Pa.paḍ place, site. Pe. paṭ kapṛa top of the head. Manḍ. paṭ kapṛa id. Malt. paṭa numeral classifier of flat objects.


3865 Ta. paṭṭaṭai, paṭṭaṟai anvil, smithy, forge. Ka. paṭṭaḍe, paṭṭaḍi anvil, workshop. Te. paṭṭika, paṭṭeḍa anvil; paṭṭaḍa workshop

3866 Ta. paṭṭaṭai neck-ornament (< Te.). Tu. paṭṭaḍi a kind of necklace. Te. paṭṭeḍa a sort of ornament worn by women round the neck.


Image result for gold fillet mohenjodaro

http://www.harappa.com/indus/43.html Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro (41, 42, 43). Fillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress.

Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object.

Material: white, low fired steatite
Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
National Museum, Karachi, 50.852
Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII
Ardeleanu-Jansen's reconstruction of the Priest-king 


(After Ardeleanu-Jansen, A., 'The sculptural art of the Harappan culture' in M Jansen et al, ed., Forgotten cities on the Indus: early cvilization in Pakistan from the 8th to the 2nd millennium BCE, Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1991.)
Dholavira. Stone statue. 

http://tinyurl.com/qetwb4l

Mohenjo-daro Female
Seated male figure with head missing (45, 46). On the back of the figure, the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair and a braided lock of hair or ribbon hanging along the right side of the back. 

A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body. 

Material: limestone
Dimensions: 28 cm height, 22 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, L 950 
Islamabad Museum
Marshall 1931:358-9, pl. C, 1-3 http://www.harappa.com/indus/46.html
Harappan male ornament styles. After Fig.6.7 in Kenoyer, JM, 1991, Ornament styles of the Indus valley tradition: evidence from recent excavations at Harappa, Pakistan in: Paleorient, vol. 17/2 -1991, p.93 Source: Marshall, 1931: Pl. CXVIII
http://a.harappa.com/sites/g/files/g65461/f/Kenoyer1992_Ornament%20Styles%20of%20the%20Indus%20Valley%20Tradition%20Ev.pdf

Clearly, the wearing a fillet on the shoulder and wearing a dress with trefoil hieroglyphs made the figure of some significance to the community.

"Inlaid bead. No. 53 (L445). (See also Pl. CLII,17) Steatite. An exceptionally fine bead. The interiors of the trefoils were probably filled in with either paste or colour. The former is the more probable, for in the base of each foil there is a small pitting that may been used for keying a coloured paste. The depth of the cutting is 0.05 inch. Level, 3 feet below surface. late Period. Found in Chamber 27, Block 4, L Area. The most interesting of these beads are those with the trefoil pattern, which also occurs on the robe worn by the statue pictured in Pl. XCVIII. The trefoils on both the beads and statue are irregular in shape and in this respect differ from the pattern as we ordinarily know it. (For another example of this ornamentation, see the bull illustrated in Jastrow, Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria, pl. liii, and the Sumerian bull from Warka shown in Evans, Palace of Minos, vol. ii, pt. 1, p.261, fig. 156. Sir Arthus Evans has justly compared the trefoil markings on this latter bull with the quatrefoil markings of Minoan 'rytons', and also with the star-crosses on Hathor's cow. Ibid., vol. i, p.513. Again, the same trefoil motif is perhaps represented on a painted sherd from Tchechme-Ali in the environs of Teheran. Mem. Del. en Perse, t.XX, p. 118, fig. 6)."(John Marshall, opcit., p.517)


Trefoil Decorated bead. Pl. CXLVI, 53 (Marshall, opcit.)


Hieroglyph-multiplex of dotted circles as 'beads': kandi 'bead' Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' khaNDa 'metal implements'

Trefoil Hieroglyph-multiplex as three dotted circles: kolom 'three' Rebus: kole.l kanda 'temple fire-altar'

(After Fig. 18.10 Parpola, 2015, p. 232) (a) Neo-Sumerian steatite bowl from Ur (U.239), bearing symbols of the sun, the moon (crucible), stars and trefoils (b) Fragmentary steatite statuette from Mohenjo-daro. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989-205, fig. 19 and 196, fig. 1


A finely polished pedestal. Dark red stone. Trefoils. (DK 4480, cf. Mackay 1938: I, 412 and II, pl. 107.35). National Museum, Karachi.

Hieroglyph: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy'; kolle 
'blacksmith'; kole.l 'smithy, temple' (Kota) 
Trefoils painted on steatite beads, Harappa (After Vats, Pl. CXXXIII, Fig.2)
Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period, dating after 1900 BC. Credit Harappa.com
Hieroglyph markhor, ram: mēṇḍha2 m. ʻ ram ʼ, °aka -- , mēṇḍa -- 4, miṇḍha -- 2, °aka -- , mēṭha -- 2, mēṇḍhra -- , mēḍhra -- 2, °aka -- m. lex. 2. *mēṇṭha- (mēṭha -- m. lex.). 3. *mējjha -- . [r -- forms (which are not attested in NIA.) are due to further sanskritization of a loan -- word prob. of Austro -- as. origin (EWA ii 682 with lit.) and perh. related to the group s.v. bhēḍra -- ]1. Pa. meṇḍa -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, °aka -- ʻ made of a ram's horn (e.g. a bow) ʼ; Pk. meḍḍha -- , meṁḍha -- (°ḍhī -- f.), °ṁḍa -- , miṁḍha -- (°dhiā -- f.), °aga -- m. ʻ ram ʼ, Dm. Gaw. miṇ Kal.rumb. amŕn/aŕə ʻ sheep ʼ (a -- ?); Bshk. mināˊl ʻ ram ʼ; Tor. miṇḍ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍāˊl ʻ markhor ʼ; Chil. mindh*ll ʻ ram ʼ AO xviii 244 (dh!), Sv. yēṛo -- miṇ; Phal. miṇḍmiṇ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍṓl m. ʻ yearling lamb, gimmer ʼ; P. mẽḍhā m.,°ḍhī f., ludh. mīḍḍhāmī˜ḍhā m.; N. meṛhomeṛo ʻ ram for sacrifice ʼ; A. mersāg ʻ ram ʼ ( -- sāg < *chāgya -- ?), B. meṛā m., °ṛi f., Or. meṇḍhā°ḍā m., °ḍhi f., H. meṛhmeṛhāmẽḍhā m., G. mẽḍhɔ, M.mẽḍhā m., Si. mäḍayā.2. Pk. meṁṭhī -- f. ʻ sheep ʼ; H. meṭhā m. ʻ ram ʼ.3. H. mejhukā m. ʻ ram ʼ.A. also mer (phonet. mer) ʻ ram ʼ (CDIAL 10310). Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.)
Trefoil inlay decorated on a bull calf. Uruk (W.16017) ca. 3000 BCE. kõdā 'young bull calf' Rebus: kõdā 'turner-joiner' (forge),

damkom = a bull calf (Santali) Rebus: damha = a fireplace; dumhe = to heap, to collect together (Santali)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/rearming-bharatam-janam-with-literary.html

Trefoil on the robe of the stone statue. (Pl. XCVIII. Marshall opcit.)


"Fillets (Pl. CLI, A, 4-8). A set of three very curious gold fillets was found with the jewellery from the HR site that has already been described. No. 6, the largest (HR 4212a(q) is a band of very thin gold averaging 0.4 inch in width, with a small hole at each rounded end and another at the bottom of the V-shaped piece in the middle. If these fillets were worn as they are photographed, it is possible that a cord was threaded through the hole in the middle of the fillet to support a heavy nose or forehead ornament. In modern Sind, especially heavy nose ornaments are often supported by a thread tied to the hair. These three fillets are somewhat out of shape, for each had been rolled into a ball, presumably for re-melting. Yet despite their age and ill treatment, the told still retains a certain amount of spring. The pottery head in Pl. XCIV,1, shows I imagine, how these fillets were worn. At the top of Pl. CI.I(A,1) a broken gold band (HR 4212a(x) is shown, which had also been rolled up. This band measures 6.2 inches long by 0.75 inch wide and has two holes at each end and also a row of small holes along the upper edge. The row of small holes perhaps served to secure the fillet to a head-dress, or, if worn the other way round, beads or sequins may have been fastened along it. This ornament was stiffened by a very ingenous device, the metal being twice box-pleated lengthways, not far from either edge. On either side of the gold bangles, Nos. 2 and 3, are coiled up fillets (HR 4212a(t andu) of another form, respectively measuring 16 inches long by 0.52 inch wide and 15.1 inches long by 0.35 inch wide. Both these fillets taper slightly towards the rounded ends, each of which is perforated with a hole. A very interesting fillet of the same kind from the VS Area (VS 3091) was found in a niche in the south-eastern corner of House XIV Block 2 VS Area at a depth of 3 ft.6 in. below the surface. It measures 16.5 inches long by 0.55 inch wide in the middle, and tapers to 0.4 inch wide at the carefully rounded ends. These ends bear a very rough design made by embossing the metal with a blunt point, and in each there is a small hole which has been pulled slightly out of shape by tension. The metal is 0.05 inch thick, and is bright-yellow gold which still retains a good deal of its original spring. The design on the two ends of this fillet is illustrated in Pl. CXVIII, 14, and resembles the cult object that is always represented in front of the unicorn animals present on most of the seals. (Pointed out to me by Mr. Hargreaves). This last fillet is very similar in shape to a silver fillet found in a grave at Kish and dated to the pre-Sargonic period, which was also ornamented as well as stiffened by embossing with a point.(Mackay, Report on the Excavation of the 'A' Cemetery at Kish, p. 52, pl. iv, No. 14. For an example from Ur but decorated by a different process, see Antiquaries Journ., vol. viii, pl. ix,3.)"(Marshall, John, 1931, Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization, pp.527-528)

Plate IV. 24 (Mackay, 1925, opcit.)

"Fillets. A piece of jewellery which was unique in this cemetery is a silver fillet worn by the occupant of grave 21. It is a long, narrow band, still with a certain amount of spring about it; it measures 170 mm in length, 11.5 mm in width, and 1 mm in thickness. It was adhering to the skull, lying horizontally across the forehead. Either for ornamentation or to stiffen it, both sides of the band were pricked all the way along about 5 mm from the edge. This was done with a pointed instrument, but without actually perforating the fillet. Both ends of the ornament are rounded, and there is nothing to show how it was fastened to the head. It was probably secured in the hair on either side of the face (Plate IV, No. 24).(Compare this fillet with a similar ornament worn in the hair on the alabaster head of a Sumerian woman of early date (Dr. Sarzec and Heuzey, Decourvertes en Chaldee, Plate VI, Fig. 3)."
Alabaster head of a Sumerian woman Height 4 in. 10.2 cm.circa 2700-2500 B.C.E
following URL: http://tinyurl.com/pcyce9w
Ur. Head band. A woman's head in diorite found in Nin-Gal temple at Ur, ca. 2150 B.C.; note the engraved modulations of the hair, elaborate bun at the back of the head and the fillet around the forehead.

12520 śuddhá ʻ clean, bright, white ʼ RV., ʻ pure, true ʼ Mn. [Anal. replacement of *śūḍha -- 1. -- √śudh]Pa. suddha -- ʻ pure, clean, simple ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ a minor offence ʼ; NiDoc. śudha ʻ cleared off (of debts ʼ); Pk. suddha -- ʻ bright, clear, pure, unmixed ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) šut ʻ luck ʼ; K. họ̆du ʻ plain, dry ʼ; S. sūdho ʻ honest ʼ (← H. or G.?); L.awāṇ. suddhuṇ ʻ to be clear ʼ (or < śúndhati);12626 śṓddhum ʻ to purify ʼ, śōddhavya -- MW. [√śudh]
S. sodhaṇu ʻ to examine ʼ; P. sodhṇā ʻ to scrutinize, correct ʼ; Ku. sod(h)ṇo ʻ to find out, seek, look for ʼ; N. sodhnu ʻ to ask, ask about ʼ, A. xodhiba; B. sodhāsudhā ʻ to pay off ʼ, sudhāna ʻ to ask ʼ; Or. sodhibā ʻ to purify, scrutinize, correct ʼ, sudhāibā ʻ to cause to repay ʼ; H. sodhnā ʻ to cleanse, ask ʼ; OMarw. sodhaï ʻ finds out ʼ; OG. sodhivaüṁ ʻ to clean ʼ, G. sodhvũ ʻ to purify, search ʼ, M. sodhṇẽ; Ko. soddūka ʻ to find, search for ʼ.
Addenda: śṓddhum: WPah.kṭg. śódhṇõ ʻ to cleanse, examine, clean out ʼ; Md. hōdanī ʻ searches for ʼ ← G.
சோதனம் cōtaṉam
n. < šōdhana. 1. Examining, investigating; சோதிக்கை. (யாழ். அக.) 2. Assaying metals; உலோகங்களின் தரத் தைச் சோதிக்கை. (W.) 3. Refining metals; உலோ கங்களைப் புடமிட்டுச் சுத்திசெய்கை. (W.) sādhú ʻ straight, right ʼ RV., ʻ good, virtuous ʼ ŚBr., m. ʻ good man ʼ ŚBr., ʻ holy man ʼ Kālid., ʻ moneylender ʼ lex. 2. sādhú adv. ʻ well done! ʼ ŚBr. [√sādh]1. Pa. sādhu -- ʻ virtuous ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sadhu -- , gir. kāl. sādhu -- , Dhp. sadhu -- ; Pk. sāhu -- ʻ good ʼ, m. ʻ good man, ascetic ʼ; K. sôvu ʻ rich ʼ,sohu m. ʻ moneylender ʼ; S. sāū ʻ honest, rich ʼ; L.awāṇ. sāū ʻ gentleman ʼ; P. sāū ʻ free, tractable, not slavish ʼ, m. ʻ gentleman ʼ; Ku. (h)ūsau ʻbanker, shopkeeper ʼ, N. (h)u; B. sāh ʻ merchant ʼ, Or. (h)u; Bi. sāh, (SWShahabad) sāw ʻ moneylender ʼ, Bhoj. sāhu, Aw. lakh. sāh; H. (h)ūʻ honest, tractable, innocent ʼ, sāhsāhū m. ʻ merchant, banker, gentleman ʼ; OMarw. sāha m. ʻ banker ʼ, G. (h), (h)u m., M. sāvsāū m.2. Pa. sādhu adv. ʻ all right, please, yes ʼ, sāhu ʻ well!, good! ʼ; Si. ovovu ʻ yes ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 205.*sādhukara -- , sādhutara -- .*sādhukara -- ʻ doing good ʼ see next.Addenda: sādhú -- : A. sāu (phonet. x -- ) ʻ merchant ʼ AFD 96.sādhnṓti: NIA. < sādháyati x sāddhum inf., -- or prob. ← Sk. sādháyati; -- delete sadhnōti JaimBr. (rejected reading).(CDIAL 13337)

sarāph सराफ् । निष्कपण्याजीवी m. (sg. dat. sarāphas सराफस्), a money-changer; a banker, a 'shroff' (Gr.M., W. 118, Rām. 166, K.Pr. 188); met. the weight, scales, etc., of an honest shopkeeper.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
September 29, 2015

Prabhu says Indian Railways will exceed Rs 8.5 lakh cr five-yr capex target. Kudos to Hon'ble Suresh Prabhu, NaMo's team

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Prabhu says Indian Railways will exceed Rs 8.5 lakh cr five-yr capex target

Said he discussed the possibility of a $30-bn fund with World Bank to finance key railway projects
Prabhu says Indian Railways will exceed Rs 8.5 lakh cr five-yr capex target
Days after a report that the Prime Minister’s Office had expressed concern over a slow pace of spending by the railways, minister Suresh Prabhu said they’d “far exceed” the capital expenditure target of Rs 8.5 lakh crore set for the five years till 2019, including this financial year's budget target of a little over Rs 1 lakh crore.

“We will easily surpass the target. The budget did not talk about the Dedicated Freight Corridor project, the funding for which, Rs 82,000 crore, was recently approved by the cabinet. We have already issued contracts worth Rs 15,000 crore in the six months of the current financial year. The rest will come soon,” he told reporters.

Additional spending would, he said, materialise from two other initiatives by the ministry. One is “using the money from customers like Coal India and Steel Authority of India for rail evacuation projects, for which memorandums of understanding are being signed with state governments and port connectivity projects.”

Prabhu also said he had, in a meeting last week with World Bank chief Mulyani Indrawati, discussed the possibility of creating a $30 billion fund to finance key rail projects. “We will make an announcement at the right time,” he said, refusing to share details but disclosing the Bank would act as anchor investor for creation of the proposed fund.

The minister said additional funding of $15-20 bn would soon materialise from implementation of the government’s plan to award contracts for redevelopment of 400 stations on the Swiss Challenge method, a model of project development under public-private partnership which was recently approved by the cabinet.

He also announced a plan to seek Rs 1.5 lakh crore from Life Insurance Corporation for investments in railway projects with a high rate of return has been approved by the board of the state-owned insurer. “Also, 17 states have given their approval for investments through creation of joint ventures for new line capacity creation projects. Putting all this together, we will exceed the Rs 8.5 lakh crore plan,” he said.

Prabhu also said at least Rs 70,000 crore will come “within the next few months” from award of two contracts — for setting up diesel and electric locomotive factories in Bihar, and supply of 15 electric multiple unit train sets or 315 railcars for improving the speed of Rajdhani and Shatabdi trains. Bids for the loco factories were opened by the ministry earlier this month; it is yet to announce the winners.
http://www.business-standard.com/article/printer-friendly-version?article_id=115092801213_1

What Modi is asking for is what Nehru lost. A seat for India on UNSC -- Ashali Varma

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A seat for India on UN Security Council: What Modi is asking for is what Nehru lost

September 26, 2015, 6:45 PM IST  in No Free Lunch | IndiaWorld | TOI
In US, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is trying his best to get countries on India’s side to help it get a seat in the UN Security Council. However, we had been offered the same by US in the 1950s and if Nehru had pushed it through, India would have had the clout that China has now.
In 1955, with the Cold War at its peak, it is believed that America offered Nehru the possibility of India getting a seat in the UN Security Council. The UN Security Council began with four members: USA, Russia, France and Great Britain. These countries were the allied forces that had won World War II. India too had a rightful place in the council, since it was providing treasure and more than two million men in the war front. Certainly, more than China had done.
But India was not an independent country when the UN was started, so the offer of membership came soon after it became independent. The US did not want Mao’s Communist China as a member and initially thought of giving it to Formosa (Taiwan) where Chaing Kai Shek and his National Army had moved after being defeated by Mao in the mainland.
Russia was keen on another communist country coming on board as a member and it is believed that it would have vetoed India’s membership and would have wanted China.
President Eisenhower was dead against China and thought it prudent that India could fit into the permanent Asian seat in the UNSC, and the offer was made.
Nehru is said to have told parliament that a firm offer was not made. Perhaps he did not want to alienate Russia but since he believed in non-alignment this should not really have been an issue.
In 2004, Shashi Tharoor released a book ‘Nehru-The Invention of India’. In a subsequent interview in The Hindu on January 10, 2004 it reported: Jawaharlal Nehru declined a United States offer to India to take the permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council around 1953 and suggested that it be given to China, according to the United Nations Under-Secretary General, Shashi Tharoor.
In his latest book, “Nehru – The Invention of India,” Mr. Tharoor writes that Indian diplomats who have seen files swear that Nehru declined the offer about the same time as he turned down “with scorn” John Foster Dulles’ support for an Indian Monroe Doctrine. Nehru had suggested that the seat, till then held by Taiwan, be offered to Beijing instead. He wrote that “the seat was held with scant credibility by Taiwan.”
Thus, came about the entry of China into the UN Security Council, which we are still feeling the consequences of.
In March 11, 2015 Anton Harder in a report entitled “Not at the Cost of China,” for the Wilson Center gave new evidence that as early as August 1950 the US wanted to assist India in assuming a permanent seat at the UN Security Council.
Harder writes: “Nehru’s rejection of the US offer underlined the consistency of his conviction that the PRC’s (China) legitimate interests must be acknowledged in order to reduce international tensions. Integrating the PRC into the international community by conceding its right to the Chinese seat at the Security Council was in fact a central pillar of Nehru’s foreign policy.”
Nehru was soft on China as is revealed by his later Hindi -Chini- Bhai- Bhai diplomacy while China only had its own best interests at heart.
Nehru wrote, “Informally, suggestions have been made by the United States that China should be taken into the United Nations but not in the Security Council and that India should take her place in the Security Council. We cannot of course accept this as it means falling out with China and it would be very unfair for a great country like China not to be in the Security Council. We have, therefore, made it clear to those who suggested this that we cannot agree to this suggestion. We have even gone a little further and said that India is not anxious to enter the Security Council at this stage, even though as a great country she ought to be there. The first step to be taken is for China to take her rightful place…”
Harder also quotes from letters of Nehru and his sister Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit: “Further correspondence of Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, Nehru’s sister, and holder of various major diplomatic positions in the late 1940s and early 1950s, illuminates the subject.
In late August 1950, Pandit wrote to her brother from Washington, DC, where she was then posted as India’s Ambassador to the United States: One matter that is being cooked up in the State Department should be known to you. This is the unseating of China as a Permanent Member in the Security Council and of India being put in her place. I have just seen Reuter’s report of your answer to the same question. Last week I had interviews with [John Foster] Dulles and [Philip] Jessup, reports of which I have sent to Bajpai. Both brought up this question and Dulles seemed particularly anxious that a move in this direction should be started. Last night I heard from Marquis Childs, an influential columnist of Washington, that Dulles has asked him on behalf of the State Department to build up public opinion along these lines. I told him our attitude and advised him to go slow in the matter as it would not be received with any warmth in India.
Nehru’s response within the week was unequivocal: In your letter you mention that the State Department is trying to unseat China as a Permanent Member of the Security Council and to put India in her place. So far as we are concerned, we are not going to countenance it. That would be bad from every point of view. It would be a clear affront to China and it would mean some kind of a break between us and China. I suppose the state department would not like that, but we have no intention of following that course. We shall go on pressing for China’s admission in the UN and the Security Council. I suppose that a crisis will come during the next sessions of the General Assembly of the UN on this issue. The people’s government of China is sending a full delegation there. If they fail to get in there will be trouble which might even result in the USSR and some other countries finally quitting the UN. That may please the State Department, but it would mean the end of the UN as we have known it. That would also mean a further drift towards war.
India because of many factors, is certainly entitled to a permanent seat in the security council. But we are not going in at the cost of China.”
Harder goes on to write: “That Nehru so adamantly made clear that India did not want to replace China in the UN Security Council, and furthermore, that the issue of China’s representation in the UN must take priority over any possible consideration of India gaining a permanent seat in that body underlines the centrality of China to Nehru’s foreign policy.
“If there was an identifiable core to Nehru’s foreign policy it was that China, whether it was communist or not, was going to be central to the post-war international world. This was a fact that could not be ignored whether one welcomed it or not because it was an aspect of the general resurgence of Asia that Nehru welcomed and hoped to spur forward. Any attempt to confine China, simply because of its allegiance to any particular political ideology, was misguided and bound to incite resistance and lead to international instability.”
Thus today, India finds itself in an unenviable position of having many of its suggestions vetoed by China whose relationship with Pakistan is the cause of much tension in our neighbourhood. Can Prime Minister Modi, change this equation? According to experts it has become extremely difficult but he has managed to get India in the limelight, even as the Congress party in India feel his trips abroad achieve nothing.
Perhaps it is time the Congress Party introspect on what its past leadership got us into and value the determined effort PM Modi is making to get India its rightful place in the new world order.

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/no-free-lunch/a-seat-for-india-on-un-security-council-what-modi-is-asking-for-is-what-nehru-lost/

Spinner (kātī) lady rebus khātī 'wheelwright' Susa rosetta stone for Indus Script decipherment. Cipher and significance of numeral 'six' in Meluhha speech

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/og4dz4q

A fragment called 'spinner' is a relief of bitumen mastic from Susa. This relief has remarkable Indus Script hieroglyphs and has been called a Rosetta Stone of Indus Script cipher. One characteristic feature of the hieroglyph-multiplex is the use of a numerical semantic determinative. Six round objects are shown on a fish. In this pictorial, fish is a hieroglyph. Numeral six is a hieroglyph. Together, the Indus Script cipher is: aya'fish' Rebus: ayas'metal'goṭ 'round' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy' PLUS  bhaṭa'six' Rebus:  bhaṭa'furnace.' Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex proclaims the message: aya khoṭ bhaṭa 'metal (alloy) furnace'. Similar examples of the significance of 'six' numeral as a cipher from Ancient Near East are presented to signify phrases such as: meḍ bhaṭa'iron furnace'.  करडा karaḍā bhaṭa'hard alloy furnace'.

Numeral bhaṭa 'six' is an Indus Script cipher, rebus bhaṭa‘furnace’; baṭa 'iron'.

Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal shows a kneeling person with six curls of hair.Cylinder seal of Ibni-sharrum, a scribe of Shar-kali-sharri (left) and impression (right), ca. 2183–2159 B.C.; Akkadian, reign of Shar-kali-sharri.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/ancient-near-east-bronze-age-heralded.html
 Four standard-bearers with six curls of hair. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/ancient-near-east-jasper-cylinder-seal.html 

Hieroglyph: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi)  Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Thus, the four Akkadian standard bearers are meḍ bhaṭa iron-furnace metal- workers producing alloy implements, moltencast metalcastings, crucible ingots. The hooded snake reinforces the semantic determinative: kulA 'hooded serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron'.

The proclamation (sangara) is that four types of furnaces are announced: for aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal'; lokhANDa 'overflowing pot' Rebus: lokhANDa 'metal implements'; arka 'sun' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'; koThAri 'crucible' ebus: Or. koṭhārī ʻ treasurer ʼ; Bhoj. koṭhārī ʻ storekeeper ʼ, H. kuṭhiyārī m. kōṣṭhāgārika -- : G. koṭhārī m. ʻ storekeeper ʼ.(CDIAL 3551)kulA 'hood of serpent' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'. Rebus representation is indicated by a determinative: a conical jar containing ingots. Thus, the reference to the 'crucible' may be a message related to ingots of alloys produced from the crucible, the way the traditions evolved to produce crucible steel.
Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm) cylinder Seal with four hieroglyphs and four kneeling persons (with six curls on their hair) holding flagposts, c. 2220-2159 B.C.E., Akkadian (Metropolitan Museum of Art) Cylinder Seal (with modern impression). The four hieroglyphs are: from l. to r. 1. crucible PLUS storage pot of ingots, 2. sun, 3. narrow-necked pot with overflowing water, 4. fish A hooded snake is on the edge of the composition. (The dark red color of jasper reinforces the semantics: eruvai 'dark red, copper' Hieroglyph: eruvai 'reed'; see four reedposts held).

कारंडा [ kāraṇḍā ]करंडा [ karaṇḍā ]  m A chump or block. the stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. A clump, chump, or block of wood. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block. करोळा [ karōḷā ] m The half-burnt grass of a Potter's kiln: also a single stalk of it. Kalanda [cp. Sk. karaṇḍa piece of wood?] heap, stack (like a heap of wood? cp. kalingara) Miln 292 (sīsa˚) (Pali) करण्ड [L=44277] n. a piece of wood , block Bhpr.

Rebus: करडा [ karaḍā ]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 


Detail of the seal.(Framework, ficus religiosa,  scarfed person, twig, horn)

baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'
bhaṭa = six Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron; bhaTa furnace' (Gujarati) 
kara 'wristlets, bangle' (Gujarati) Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' kuTi 'twig' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral (ore)' (Santali)

Hieroglyph: bhaṭa 'six' (Gujarati) Rebus: baṭi, bhaṭi ‘furnace’ (H.) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭa = kiln (Santali). bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) baṭhi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kuṭhi) (Santali) bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; iṭa bhaṭa = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhaṭa a potter’s kiln; cun bhaṭa = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhaṭaea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭa = kiln (Santali); bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron (Pkt.)  baṭhu large cooking fire’ baṭhī f. ‘distilling furnace’; L. bhaṭṭh m. ‘grain—parcher's oven’, bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits)’.  (CDIAL 9656)

Santali glosses
Hair curls of the person holding the fan behind the spinner lady
Hieroglyph: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi)  Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)

Early Dynastic II/III seal in the 'Fara' style (after Mallowan, 1961: 75, no.34).                               

Dark grey steatite bowl carved in relief. Zebu or brahmani bull is shown with its hump back; a male figure with long hair and wearing a kilt grasps two sinuous objects, representing running water, which flows in a continuous stream. Around the bowl, another similar male figure stands between two lionesses with their head turned back towards him; he grasps a serpent in each hand. A further scene (not shown) represents a prostrate bull which is being attacked by a vulture and a lion. 

On this cylinder seal, the 'hero' is shown with six circles, curls (?) on his hair. Length: 4.120 cm. Diameter: 3.650 cm. Early dynastic period ca. 2700 BCE.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/sit-shamshi-bronze-glyphics-compared.html
m0308 Mohenjodaro seal. Person grappling with two flanking tigers standing and rearing on their hindlegs. Comparable to the Mesopotamian cylinder seal (BM 89538), this Indus seal depicts a person with six hair-knots. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻhelmsman, sailor’. ( काणkāṇa ‘one-eyed’, āra ‘six’, ‘rings of hair’ symbolic forms). kannār 'coppersmiths'; kan 'copper'. arye 'lion' Rebus: āra 'brass'.
Fig.85; Susa, tablet: seal impression, Louvre Sb 11221 Six kids. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/pie-and-vedic-studies-multi-layered.html
Hieroglyph: करंडा [ karaṇḍā ] m (करंड S) A casket (of metal, wood, ivory). 2 A covered basket of bamboo. (Marathi)
Hieroglyph: करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं) A kid. Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi ) करडा [ karaḍā ] m The arrangement of bars or embossed lines (plain or fretted with little knobs) raised upon a तार of gold by pressing and driving it upon the अवटी or grooved stamp. Such तारis used for the ornament बुगडी, for the hilt of a पट्टा or other sword &c. Applied also to any similar barform or line-form arrangement (pectination) whether embossed or indented; as the edging of a rupee &c.खरड (p. 197) [ kharaḍa ] f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch. 
Fig. 104; Failaka; no. 89 impression; bulls; antelopes; person; chequered square; trough? [A trough in front of an animal is a typical motif on Indus inscriptions.]

"Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne, MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been wholly confirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by vague shapes, with legs under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268].

Dilmun (Failaka) seals [Poul Kjaerum, The Dilmun Seals as evidence of long distance relations in the early second millennium BC, pp. 269-277.]

Fig.96a; Dilmun seal from Barbar; six heads  of antelope radiating from a circle; similar to animal protomes in Filaka, Anatolia and Indus.   
An Early Dynastic II votive plaque from the Inanna temple at Nippur VIII (after Pritchard, 1969: 356, no. 646). "It has something very Harappan about it also in the lower part depicting two ‘unicorn’ bulls around a tree. The six dots around the head of the Harappan hero, clearly visible in one seal (Mohenjodaro, DK 11794; cf. Mackay, 1937: II, pl. 84:75) may be compared to the six locks of hair characteristic of the Mesopotamian hero from Jemdet Nasr to Akkadian times (cf. Calmeyer, 1957-71: 373). From the Early Dynastic period onwards the scene usually comprises a man fighting with one or two bulls, and a bull-man fighting with one or two lions....North-west India of the third millennium BC can be considered as an integral, if marginal, part of the West Asian cultural area." (Parpola, A., New correspondences between Harappan and Near Eastern glyptic art, in: Bridget Allchin (ed.), South Asian Archaeology, 1981, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1984).



One-Eyed Hero with Lions Flanked by Enclosures Iran (?) (ca. 3100 B.C.E) 50 x 40 mm Seal No. 4"Seal 4 presents as its central figure a cyclopic hero holding lions. The rest of the scene includes animals, pots, and other types of containers, as well as a human figure and two lion-headed eagles, all apparently meant to be within an inclosure indicated by two stockade-like frames. A related theme is found in a fragment of a vase from Khafajah.... The nude bearded hero seen in 4 remained a stock figure of the Mesopotamian repertory, aapearing for the most part in contst scenes. The cyclopic version of this figure in 4 is paralleled in only one other instance, an Early Dynastic seal impression from Fara (ancient Shuruppak). A plaque from Khafajah of some thousand years later shows a cyclopic demon whose head has the form of a sun. Because of the wide gap in time, however, there is no assurance that the hero in 4 is to be associated in any manner with this figure."--Porada, CANES, p. 3Center: nude one-eyed hero holding two reversed lions, two more lions forming pyramid above him -- Left: section of inclosure containing sheep, latter between two pots, with lion-headed eagle perched on head of sheep; basket, pouch(?), fish, and bird in upper field -- Right: sheep-headed demon grasping pole of second section of inclosure; within latter, human figure(?) with upturned curls holding in outstretched hands indefinable curved object marked by vertical incisions; lion-headed eagle above horns of sheep-demon; crib(?) in upper field. 

Cylinder unperforated; in both top and bottom shallow central cavity and outer circle of small depressions."Seal 4 presents as its central figure a cyclopic hero holding lions. The rest of the scene includes animals, pots, and other types of containers, as well as a human figure and two lion-headed eagles, all apparently meant to be within an inclosure indicated by two stockade-like frames. A related theme is found in a fragment of a vase from Khafajah.... The nude bearded hero seen in 4 remained a stock figure of the Mesopotamian repertory, aapearing for the most part in contst scenes. The cyclopic version of this figure in 4 is paralleled in only one other instance, an Early Dynastic seal impression from Fara (ancient Shuruppak). A plaque from Khafajah of some thousand years later shows a cyclopic demon whose head has the form of a sun. Because of the wide gap in time, however, there is no assurance that the hero in 4 is to be associated in any manner with this figure."--Porada, CANES, p. 3 http://www.themorgan.org/collections/collections.asp?id=789

Deśī is a lexis entry by which Hemacandra understands words and their meanings. For a documentation on Deśī, see: Sharma, Sheo Murti, 1980, Ācārya Hemacandra racita Deśī nāma mālā kā bhāshā vaijñānika adhyayanaJayapura, Devanagara PrakasanaThe work is a Prakritam lexis and dictionary of Hemachandra, a disciple of Devacandra. He lived between 1088-1172. 

The work is deśa-bhāṣā lexicon by the Jaina polymath Hemacandra-sūrī. It is देशीशब्दसंग्रह a lexis which takes us closer to Meluhha speech -- at least for some parts of the lexis. (Indian sprachbund).  http://dli.serc.iisc.ernet.in/handle/2015/352282

It is a challenge to delineate the phonetic forms of the lexis ca. 3500 BCE when the evidence of first writing system emerges. (See potsherd of Harappa dated to ca. 3300 BCE with Indus script hieroglyph). 
Image result for h097 seal harappaPotsherd. Harappa. With hieroglyph of Indus script.

One of the 'Rosetta stones' identified to validate Indus Script decipherment is the spinner lady on a bitumen mastic of neo-elamite period. See:
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/07/rosetta-stones-for-deciphered-indus.html
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/05/spinner-bas-relief-of-susa-8th-c-bce.html "Hieroglyphs of a spinner bas-relief fragment from Susa dated to 8th cent. BCE (now in Louvre Museum) are identified. The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using lexemes of Indian sprachbund given the archeological evidence of Meluhha settlers in Susa."


H. 9 cm. W. 13 cm. Bituminous stone, a matte, black sedimentary rock. With her arms full of bracelets, the spinner holding a spindle is seated on a stool with tiger-paw legs. Elegantly coiffed, her hair is pulled back in a bun and held in place with a headscarf crossed around her head. Behind the spinner is an attendant holding a square wickerwork(?) fan. In front is a table with tiger-paw legs, a fish with six bun ingots. Susa. Neo-elamite period. 8th to 6th century BCE. The bas-relief was first cited in J, de Morgan's Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, 1900, vol. i. plate xi Ernest Leroux. Paris. Current location: Louvre Museum Sb2834 Near Eastern antiquities, Richelieu, ground floor, room 11.
Reviewing eight volumes of Délégation en Perse, Memories publiès sous la direction de M. J. de Morgan, délégué-général (quarto, Leroux, editeur, Paris) and noting that a ninth volume was in print (1905), Ernst Babelon offers the following comments on the ‘bas-relief of the spinner’ of the Elamite Period (3400 - 550 BCE): “Again Chaldæan in origin, although of far later date, is a small diorite fragment of bas-relief called the bas-relief of the Spinner. It represents a woman sitting on a stool, her legs crossed and feet behind in the tailor's attitude. She is holding her spindle with both hands; in front of her is a fish lying on a table, and behind her a slave is waving the fly-flap.The round chubby faces of the figures recall the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad, which represent the eunuchs of the Ninevite palace.” (Ernst Babelon, 1906, Archaeological discoveries at Susa, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica.) http://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/Archaeology/susa.htm


Porada refers to the bas-relief as from the neo-Elamite period and notes, from the details of dress and jewelry, of hair style and furniture found on the relief: “One would like to conclude from this that the Elamites were principally metal-workers who favoured more than other techniques that of modeling in wax in preparation for casting.” (Edith Porada, with the collaboration of RH Dyson and contributions by C K Wilkinson, The art of elamites http://www.iranchamber.com/art/articles/art_of_elamites.php )


Elamites used bitumen, a naturally occurring mineral pitch, or asphalt, for vessels, sculpture, glue, caulking, and waterproofing. Characteristic artifacts of Susa of 2nd millennium are of bitumen compound (containing ground-up calcite and quartz grains). Bitumen is naturally available around Susa and in Khuzistan. (Connan, I. and Deschesne, O. 1996. Le Bitume d Suse: Collection du Musee du Louvre. Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 228-337.) While discounting the possibility of Chaldæan origin, it is possible that the bas-relief was made at Susa by bronze-age settlers in Susa using the locally available bitumen.

The fish on a stool in front of the spinner with head-wrap can be read rebus for key hieroglyphs:

Hieroglyph: small ball: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722]K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔm. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Rebus:  L. khoṭ f. ʻ alloyʼ,°ṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼG. khoṭũ ʻ alloyedʼ; M. khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ(CDIAL 3931)

khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ. khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)
kāti ‘spinner’ rebus: ‘wheelwright.’ 
vēṭha’head-wrap’. Rebus: veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’.
sāi kol ayas kāṇḍa baṭa ‘friend+tiger+fish+stool+six’ rebus: association (of) iron-workers’ metal stone ore kiln. 


The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim).


1. Six bun ingots. bhaṭa ‘six’ (Gujarati). Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati.Santali) 
2. ayo ‘fish’ (Munda). Rebus: ayas ‘metal’ (Sanskrit) aya ‘metal’ (Gujarati)
3. kātī ‘spinner’ (G.) kātī ‘woman who spins thread’ (Hindi). Rebus: khātī ‘wheelwright’ (Hindi). kāṭi = fireplace in the form of a long ditch (Ta.Skt.Vedic) kāṭya = being in a hole (VS. XVI.37); kāṭ a hole, depth (RV. i. 106.6) khāḍ a ditch, a trench; khāḍ o khaiyo several pits and ditches (G.) khaṇḍrun: ‘pit (furnace)’ (Santali) kaḍaio ‘turner’ (Gujarati) 
4. kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) 
5. Tiger’s paws. kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.). Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) Glyph: ‘hoof’: Kumaon. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ, °ṭī ʻgoat's legʼ; Nepalese. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ(CDIAL 3894). S. khuṛī f. ʻheelʼ; WPah. paṅ. khūṛ ʻfootʼ. (CDIAL 3906). Rebus: khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali) 
6. Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali) kāṇḍa ’stone ore’.
7. meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) 
8. ‘scarf’ glyph: dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (Wpah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali)
9. Glyph 'friend': Assamese. xaï ʻfriendʼ, xaiyā ʻpartner in a gameʼ; Sinhala. saha ʻfriendʼ (< nom. sákhā or < sahāya -- ?). sákhi (nom. sg. sákhā) m. ʻfriendʼ RigVeda. 2. sakhī -- f. ʻwoman's confidanteʼ (Sanskrit), ʻa mistressʼ VarBrS. 1. Pali. sakhā nom. sg. m. ʻfriendʼ, Prakrit. sahi -- m.; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < svāmín -- ); 2. Pali. sakhī -- , sakhikā -- f. ʻwoman's female friendʼ, Prakrit. sahī -- , °hiā -- f., Bengali. sai, Oriya. sahi, saï, Hindi. poet. saïyo f., Gujarati. saï f., Marathi. say, saī f. -- Ext. -- ḍ -- : OldMarwari. sahalaṛī f. ʻwoman's female friend’; -- -- r -- : Gujarati. sahiyar, saiyar f.; -- -- ll -- (cf. sakhila -- ): Sindhi. Lahnda. Punjabi. sahelī f. woman's female friendʼ, N. saheli, B. saylā, OAw. sahelī f.; H. sahelī f. ʻ id., maidservant, concubineʼ; OldMarwari. sahalī, sahelī ʻwoman's female friendʼ, OldGujarati. sahīlī f., Marathi. sahelī f. (CDIAL 13074). Apabhramśa. sāhi 'master'-- m.; Gypsy. pal. saúi ʻ owner, master ʼ, Sindhi. sã̄ī˜ m., Lahnda. sã̄i, mult. (as term of address) sāi; Punjabi. sāī˜, sāīyã̄ m. ʻmaster, husbandʼ; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < sákhi -- ); Bengali. sã̄i ʻmasterʼ, (used by boys in play) cã̄i; Oriya. sāĩ ʻlord, king, deityʼ; Maithili. (ETirhut) saĩẽ ʻhusband (among lower classes)ʼ, (SBhagalpur) sã̄ĩ ʻhusband (as addressed by wife)ʼ; Bhojpuri. sāī˜ ʻGodʼ; OldAwadhi. sāīṁ m. ʻlord, master , lakh. sāī ʻsaintʼ; Hindi. sã̄ī m. ʻmaster, husband, God, religious mendicantʼ; Gujarti. sã̄ī m. ʻfaqirʼ, sã̄ ʻterm of respectful addressʼ; Marathi. sāī ʻtitle of respect, term of addressʼ; Sinhala. sāmi -- yā, hä° ʻhusbandʼ, himi -- yā ʻmaster, owner, husbandʼ (Perh. in Marathi. -- s affix to names of relationship (see śrī -- Add.). WPahari.poet. saĩ m. (obl. saĩ) ʻ friend, lover, paramour '. (CDIAL 13930). Rebus: 'association': Oriya. sāhi, sāi ʻ part of town inhabited by people of one caste or tribe '; sākhiya (metr.), sākhyá -- n. ʻ association, party ʼ RigVeda., ʻfriendshipʼ Mahāv. [sákhi] Pa. sakhya -- n. ʻ friendship ʼ (< sākhyá -- ? -- acc. sg. n. sakkhi and sakkhī -- f. from doublet sakhyaṁ ~ *sākhiya: cf. type sāmagrī -- ~ sāmagrya -- ) (CDIAL 13323). 10. Glyph: 'head-wrap': veṭha [fr. viṣṭ, veṣṭ] wrap, in sīsa˚ head-- wrap, turban M i.244; S iv.56. (Pali) Prakrit. veṭṭhaṇa -- n. ʻwrappingʼ, °aga -- n. ʻturbanʼ (CDIAL 12131). vēṣṭá m. ʻband, nooseʼ ʻenclosureʼ (Sanskrit), °aka- m. ʻfenceʼ, n. ʻturbanʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ] Marathi. veṭh, vẽṭh, veṭ, vẽṭ m.f. ʻroll, turn of a ropeʼ; Sinhala. veṭya ʻenclosureʼ; -- Pali. sīsa -- vēṭha -- m. ʻhead -- wrapʼ,vēṭhaka -- ʻsurroundingʼ; Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; Sindhi. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ(CDIAL 12130). Rebus: 'territorial unit': veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’ (Ka.IE8-4) (Pali) Assamese. Beran ʻact of surroundingʼ; Oriya. beṛhaṇa, °ṇi ʻgirth, circumference, fencing, small cloth worn by womanʼ. (CDIAL 12131). Pushto: باره bāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) ‘A fortification, defence, rampart, a ditch, palisade, an entrenchment, a breastwork’. Pl. يْ ey. (Pushto). Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; S. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ; Lahnda. veṛh, vehṛ m. ʻfencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockadeʼ, veṛhā,vehṛā m. ʻcourtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many housesʼ; Punjabi. veṛhā, be° m. ʻenclosure, courtyardʼ; Kumaon. beṛo ʻcircle or band (of people)ʼ WesternPahari.kṭg. beṛɔ m. palaceʼ, Assamese. also berā ʻ fence, enclosure ʼ (CDIAL 12130). Hindi. beṛhnā ʻ to enclose, surround ʼ; Marathi. veḍhṇẽ ʻto twist, surroundʼ; (CDIAL 12132). kharoṣṭī 'blacksmith lip, carving' and harosheth 'smithy' kharoṣṭī the name of a script in ancient India from ca. 5th century BCE is a term cognate with harosheth hagoyim of the Old Bible. kharoṣṭī (khar + oṣṭa ‘blacksmith + lip’ or khar + uṣṭa – ‘blacksmith’ + ʻsettledʼ) is a syllabic writing system of the region where Indian hieroglyphs were used as evidenced by Indus Script corpora. The word –goy- in hagoyim is cognate with goy ‘gotra, clan’ (Prakrit). (Details in S. Kalyanaraman, 2012, Indian Hieroglyphs). gōtrá n. ʻ cowpen, enclosure ʼ RigVeda., ʻ family, clan ʼ1. Pali. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Prakrit. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.(CDIAL 4279). http://tinyurl.com/79nm28f Etymology of harosheth is variously elucidated, while it is linked to 'chariot-making in a smithy of nations'. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harosheth_Haggoyim. Harosheth Hebrew: חרושת הגויים‎; is pronounced khar-o-sheth? Most likely, (haroshet) a noun meaning a carving. Hence, kharoṣṭī came to represent a 'carving, engraving' art, i.e. a writing system. Harosheth-hagoyim See: Haroshet [Carving]; a forest; agriculture; workmanship; harsha [Artifice: deviser: secret work]; workmanship; a wood http://tinyurl.com/d7be2qh Cognate with haroshet: karṣá m. ʻ dragging ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ agriculture ʼ Āp.(CDIAL 2905). karṣaṇa n. ʻ tugging, ploughing, hurting ʼ Manu (Sanskrit), ʻ cultivated land ʼ MBh. [kárṣati, √kr̥ṣ] Prakrit. karisaṇa -- n. ʻ pulling, ploughing ʼ; Gujarati. karsaṇ n. ʻ cultivation, ploughing ʼ; OldGujarati. karasaṇī m. ʻ cultivator ʼ, Gujarati. karasṇī m. -- See *kr̥ṣaṇa -- .(CDIAL 2907). 


kulya n. ʻ receptacle for burnt bones of a corpse ʼ MBh., ʻ winnowing basket ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav.: see kulāˊya -- ]Pa. kulla -- m. ʻ raft of basket work, winnowing basket ʼ, °aka -- m. ʻ crate ʼ; Pk. kullaḍa -- n. ʻ packet ʼ; A. kulā ʻ winnowing fan, hood of a snake ʼ; B. kul°lā ʻ winnowing basket or fan ʼ; Or.kulā ʻ winnowing fan ʼ, °lāi ʻ small do. ʼ; Si. kulla, st. kulu -- ʻ winnowing basket or fan ʼ.(CDIAL 3350) Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelters'

bĕniyã̄ ʻ fan for jeweller's fire ʼ (Bihari): VĪJ or VYAJ ʻ fan ʼ. [J. Bloch BSOS v 741 ← Drav., Tam. vīcu ʻ to fan ʼ, &c. DED 4479; but cf. √vic ʻ blow, winnow ʼ (see *vicyatē1) and √vij ʻ sudden motion ʼ (see *vijyatē) and Dhātup. √vij = √vic ʻ separate ʼ. Perh. vīj -- from IA. vic -- , vij -- , vyaj -- X Drav. vīc -- (J. C. W.)]vījana -- , vījyatē, vyajana -- .Addenda: *vīcya -- : WPah.kiũth. bice postp. ʻ in, between ʼ, kṭg. biċe ʻ in the middle ʼ, J. bīcābīcī. vījana n. ʻ fanning ʼ Kāv., ʻ fan ʼ Bhpr. 2. vyajana -- n. ʻ fan ʼ Mn. [√vīj]1. Pa. vījana -- n., °nī -- f. ʻ fan ʼ, Pk. vījaṇa -- , vīaṇa -- n., °ṇī -- f., viaṇa -- n., B. biuni, Mth. bian°ni, Si. vidini -- ya; -- Pk. viṁjaṇa -- n. ʻ fan ʼ, S. viñiṇo m., °ṇī f., G. vī˜jṇɔ m.; M. vj˜j̈haṇ -- vārā m. ʻ air stirred by a fan ʼ, vĩj̈hṇāvij̈hṇā m. ʻ fan ʼ. -- NIA. forms with -- j -- perh. rather derivatives of MIA. verb with vijj -- < vījyatē: B. bijani ʻ fan ʼ, H. bījnā m., G. vijṇɔvijhṇɔ m., M.vij̈ṇā m., vij̈hṇā m.2. Bi. bĕniyã̄ ʻ fan for jeweller's fire ʼ; OAw. H. benā m. ʻ fan ʼ.vījyatē ʻ is fanned ʼ MBh. [√vīj]Pa. vījiyati ʻ is fanned ʼ, Pk. vijjijjaï; G. vĩjvũvĩjhvũ ʻ to fan (a fire), whirl round in the air ʼ (nasalization and aspiration unexpl.); -- K. vizun, pp. vyuzu ʻ to winnow, sift ʼ (or, esp. in mng. ʻ sift ʼ, < *vijyatē).(CDIAL 12043, 12044) Ta. vīcu (vīci-) to throw, fling (as a weapon), cast (as a net), flap (as wings), swing (as the arm), fan, wave, flourish (as a sword), strike, beat, flog, open out, spread, lengthen, stretch, spill, strew, scatter, lay aside, throw off, abandon, drop, blow (as the wind), be spread, diffused (as fragrance, rays, etc.); vīccu throw, cast (as of a net), beat, flap (as of wings), blow, stroke, swinging, oscillation, length, quickness, rapidity; vīccam smell, effluvium; viciṟu (viciṟi-) to fan, wave to and fro, brandish, fling, hurl, cast (as a net), whirl round, pour forth, sprinkle, eject, discharge, remove, swing (as the arms in walking); viciṟi fan; vicukk-eṉal onom. expr. of quick movement; vicai (-pp-, -tt-) to hasten, cause to move swiftly, swing, leap, hop, burst, split, be forceful; n.haste, speed, impetus, elasticity, spring, force, contrivance as a trap, lever. Ma. vīcuka to fan, cast (nets); vīcci fan; vīccu throwing a net, a backstroke; vīyuka to fan, brandish, swing, wield, the wind to blow; vb.n. vīyal; vīyikka to cause to fan, etc.; vīśuka to fan, blow, throw (a net), emit (as scent or rays); vīśikka to get oneself fanned; vīśēṟi, (Tiyya) vīśāla, vīyāla fan; viśa spring-trap, snare for birds, lever; viśari fan; viśaṟu storm of rain; viśaṟuka to fan, flutter with wings. Ko. vi·c- (vi·c-) to exercise violence, throw violently, make a sweeping blow, grind with grinding stones, (wind) blows; vi·c violent blow; vec force, power, speed; ? vicm (obl. vict-) thunderbolt; ? ve·k- (ve·yk-) to winnow with a side-to-side motion to remove stones. To. pi·s- (pi·sy-) to swing (arm), grind (grain), cast responsibility of (person) on, forsake; pi·s a swing of the grinding stone. Ka. bīsu, bisu to swing, turn round, whirl, wave, brandish, fan, throw as a net, blow as the wind, mill, grind, cast (i.e. put bamboo rafters on a sloping roof); n. swinging, etc.; bīsisu to cause to turn round, mill, etc.; bīsaṇige, bīsaṇike fan; bĭ̄sāḍu to swing and let go from the hand, fling, throw away; bisāḍuvike throwing away; bisuṭu, bisuḍu, bisur, bisur̤ to throw, cast or fling away madly, furiously, carelessly, heedlessly, hurl, leave abruptly; bese a swinge, stroke with a whip, etc., a blow, bow for dressing cotton; (Hav.) bīsāle fan (as the one made of areca spathe). Koḍ. bi·j- (bi·ji-), (Mercara dialect) bi·d- (bi·di-) to wave (tr.); (wind) blows, (tree, cloth) waves; grind with grinding stones. Tu. bījuni to swing, blow as the wind; bījāṭa waving, swinging, fanning, brandishing; bījāḍuni, bījāvuni to brandish, fan, wave, swing out, fling; bīpuni to cast a net, throw, sling as a stone, throw up earth, wave the hand, wash and clean rice, blow as wind; bīpu casting, throwing, blowing of wind; bīsuni to fan, grind, wave, swing, cast, blow, wave; bīsa quickly, rapidly, fast, straightly; bīsaṇigè, bīsanigè fan. Kor. (T.) bī- to grind. Te. vīcu to blow as the wind; wave (tr.), (K. also) fling, throw with a sweep, fan; vī-tencu to blow as the wind; vīcōpu chowrie; vīvana fan, whisk; vīvali wind; visana-kaṟṟa fan; visaru, visuru to throw, fling, cast, hurl, wave, swing, shake, flourish, brandish, whisk, turn as a mill, grind as in a mill, blow as the wind, spread as scent; n. waving, throwing, blowing, spreading; vesa quickness; vesa(n), (K.)  quickly; ? bisa a spring, a catch; bisabisa 
quickness; bisi tension, elasticity.Go. (Tr.) winjānā, (Ch.) vinj- to pull with a jerk (Voc.3240); (W. Ph.) vīskānā to drag, pull (Voc. 3273). Konḍa visir (-t-) to throw off or away, fling; (BB) vīvani a fan. Kui vīnja (vīnji-) to blow, fan; pl. action vīska (vīski-); vīka (vīki-) to blow a wind instrument; vīva (vīt-) to shoot, throw, cast, fling, pelt; n. act of shooting, throwing; pl. action vīpka (vīpki-); viska swift, quick. ? Kur. bīxrnā to make the gesture of commencing a certain action, being at the same time within convenient distance for performing it, take one's aim for. ? Malt. béṉg̣re to lift the arm preparatory to a blow. / Cf. Skt. vīj-, vyaj- to fan; vījana-, vyajana- fanning, a fan; Turner, CDIAL, no. 12043; Mayrhofer, s.v. vyajanam.(DEDR 5450)

 vyáñjana n. ʻ decoration ʼ RV., ʻ sign ʼ ĀpŚr. 2. viyáñjana -- (metr.). [√añj]1. Pk. vaṁjaṇa -- n. ʻ mark ʼ.2. Pa. vyañjana -- n. ʻ mark ʼ, Pk. viaṁjaṇa -- n.; Si. viyadun ʻ distinctive mark ʼ.(CDIAL 12160)

Metath. viciri - civiri: Ta. civiṟi a fanKa. sīguri, (K.2sīguḍi a kind of chowrie. Te. sīviri a chowrie. Kui jiperi a fan.(DEDR 2580)

spinner, susa, ancient susa, woman spinnning,

The Spinner, Louvre Museum / department of Near East antiquities. 

A fragment of a relief 'The spinner' made of Bitumen mastic of Neo-Elamite period (8th cent. BCE - middle of 6th cent. BCE) was found in Susa. This fragment displayed a well-coiffured woman being fanned by an attendant while the woman wearing bangles on both arms -- seated on a stool with feline legs -- held what may be a spinning device before a table with feline legs with a bowl containing a whole fish with six blobs assembled on top of the fish.

Hieroglyphs: curls on hair, fan, feline-legged stools, six round objects, fish, arms with bangles, headband, hair-knot, spindle, circles on scarf.

Hieroroglyph: aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron'; kolhe 'smelter' kole.l 'smithy, temple'; kolimi 'smithy, forge' Hieroglyph: bhaṭa 'six' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 


2861 karttr̥2 m. ʻ spinner ʼ MBh. [√kr̥t2]H. kātī f. ʻ woman who spins thread ʼ; -- Or. kãtiā ʻ spinner ʼ with  from verb kã̄tibā (CDIAL 2861) See: khātrī m. ʻ member of a caste of Hindu weavers ʼ.(Gujarati)(CDIAL 3647) kātī 'spinner' Rebus: khātī m. ʻ member of a caste of wheelwrights ʼ(Hindi) kṣattŕ̊ m. ʻ carver, distributor ʼ RV., ʻ attendant, door- keeper ʼ AV., ʻ charioteer ʼ VS., ʻ son of a female slave ʼ lex. [√kṣad]Pa. khattar -- m. ʻ attendant, charioteer ʼ (CDIAL 3647)

Note on the spinner in the Louvre

Technical description
Bas-relief fragment, called "The Spinner"
Bitumen
J. de Morgan excavations
Sb 2834
Near Eastern Antiquities
Sully wing
Ground floor
Iran in the Iron Age (14th–mid-6th century BC) and during the Neo-Elamite dynasties
Room 11

Display case 6 b: Susiana in the Neo-Elamite period (8th century–middle 6th century BC). Goldwork, sculpture, and glyptics


This votive or commemorative relief shows a woman squatting on a stool holding a spindle. Behind her, a servant cools her with a fan; before her stands a pedestal table laden with food. Another figure formerly stood facing her. This figure of a spinner is one of the rare images of a woman in her personal domestic environment in the ancient Orient.

The image of women in the ancient Orient

Women appear in many ancient Oriental texts, always in the background of a predominant male figure. With the exception of goddesses, they feature more rarely in images pertaining to fertility. In this domestic scene, the woman is seated in an informal manner, with one leg folded under her. With her arms full of bracelets, she turns the spindle: the flower-shaped tip is visible above her left hand, and the thread accumulates below the conical spinning whorl serving as a pulley. No skein is visible, perhaps because the scene may not represent the act of spinning so much as the spinner's satisfied presentation of her work to an important figure who is just visible on the other side of the table. She is dressed in a sleeveless tunic; her decorated veil, which does not cover her head - probably because she is an intimate setting - reveals her long hair, pulled back in a bun and held in place with a headscarf crossed around her head. Her face is calm but smiling, her body plump and stocky.

A royal interior

Behind the spinner stands a figure, as large as the seated figure, either because it is a child, or rather because the artist is indicating a social hierarchy. The standing figure has large round curls, wears a short-sleeved tunic and jewelry on his or her wrists, and is shown fanning the spinner with a square fan on a long handle, whose parallel grooves suggest wickework. The spinner's stool is covered with a fabric whose fringed edges hide the upper part of the seat; an ornament protruding at the back, probably an animal's head, remains visible. The feet, joined together by a triple brace, are sculpted in the shape of thick lion claws. This decoration is also visible on the table, a low pedestal table with a thick top resting on molded capitals. This highly ornate style of furniture resembles that depicted on certain Assyrian stone reliefs, at Khorsabad (Louvre), and on the "Banquet under the Arbor" relief from Nineveh (British Museum), featuring a similar scene. Excavations at Ugarit, Nimrud and Arslan Tash (Louvre) produced similar ornamentations in ivory. In the ancient Orient, only gods and sovereigns received such furnishings, a privilege reflected in the inventories of royal trousseaux and lists of booty drawn up by Assyrian scribes. Ordinary people ate and slept on the floor. This scene therefore probably takes place in the divine world or in the palace at Susa, at the court of a Neo-Elamite sovereign, perhaps the figure on the right now completely lost.

A Susian material

The material used to sculpt this relief is highly characteristic of Susa: a bituminous stone, a matte, black sedimentary rock. Deposits of bitumen, a thick hydrocarbon, are relatively numerous in Mesopotamia and in western Iran, an area of abundant oil resources, but the bituminous stone deposit in the Susa region seems to have been unique and the Susians were the only ones to use it from the 4th millennium. The fine grain of the stone permitted a high level of precision in the details. If heated slightly, the stone could be coated with gold or silver leaf or receive incrustatations of various materials, for the making of luxury objects typical of Susa.

Bibliography

Amiet Pierre, Elam, Auvers-sur-Oise, Archée, 1966, p. 413.
Amiet Pierre, Suse : 6000 ans d'histoire, Éditions de la Réunion des Musées nationaux, coll. "monographies des Musées de France", 1988, p. 112, fig. 69.
The Royal City of Susa. Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, catalogue de l'exposition, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1992, pp. 200-201, cat. n 141.
Connan Jacques , Deschesne Odile, Le bitume à Suse : collection du Musée du Louvre, Éditions de la Réunion des Musées nationaux, Elf Aquitaine Production, 1996, p. 227, fig. 34 ; pp. 339-340, cat. n 431. 
Herrmann Georgina (éd.), Furniture in Ancient Orient, Mainz, Philipp von Zabern.
Roaf Mickhaël, Atlas de la Mésopotamie et du Proche Orient antique, Brepols, 1991, p. 130.

http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/spinner



Resources to delineate Meluhha (Mleccha) language of ca. 4th millennium BCE

 

Delineating Meluhha (Mleccha) language of ca. 4th millennium BCE, a date which produced evidence of the earliest writing on a Harappa potsherd is a philological challenge.  Attempts can be made to respond to this challenge using a variety of textual resources available, apart from using the Indus Writing corpora as a frame of reference to validate the Meluhha (Mleccha) words. This note discusses some resources provided by studies related to ancient Indian languages which contributed to the Indian sprachbund.

 

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-evidence-for-mleccha.htmlAncient Near East evidence for meluhha language and bronze-age metalware

 

Ancient arts related to communicating ideas

Vātsyāyana’s Kāmasūtra refers to a cipher called mlecchita vikalpa (alternative representation in writing of mleccha (Meluhha) language) as one of the 64 arts to be learnt by youth. Vātsyāyana also uses the phrase deśabhāṣā jñānam referring to the learning of vernacular languages and dialects. deśabhāṣā is also variously referred to as deśī or deśya. He also uses the phrase akṣara muṣṭikā kathanam as another of the 64 arts. This is a reference to karaṇa or karaṇīmentioned in Bharata’s Nāṭyaśāstra as gesticulation or articulation in dance using positions of finger-knuckles and wrists to convey messages or bhāvá‘thought or disposition’. akṣara muṣṭikā is explained by Monier-Williams (p. 3) as: ‘the art of communicating syllables or ideas by the fingers (one of the 64 kalās, Vātsyāyana)’.
करण the occupation of this class is writing , accounts (Monier-Williams, p. 254) n. (in law) an instrument , document , bond Mn. viii , 51 ; 52 ; 154. m. writer , scribe. n. the special business of any tribe or caste
करणी f. a particular position of the fingers (Monier-Williams, p. 254) n. pronunciation , articulation , APrāt.करण n. the act of making , doing , producing , effecting  S3Br. MBh. &c (very often ifc. e.g. मुष्टि-क्° , विरूप-क्°) Pori ‘the joints of a bamboo, a cane, or the fingers’ (Maltese)(DEDR 4541). Pkt. pora- joint (CDIAL 8406).
Meluhha is cognate mleccha. Mleccha were island-dwellers (attested in Mahabharata and other ancientIndian sprachbund texts). Their speech did not conform to the rules of grammar (mlecchāḥ  bhūma iti adhyeyam vyākaraṇam) and had dialectical variants or unrefined sounds in words (mlecchitavai na apabhāṣitavai) (Patanjali: Mahābhāṣya). 
One resource for reconstruction of mleccha is a work which dealt with Prākit forms. The work is Simharaja, 1909, Prākṛit i Rupavatara -- A Prākṛit  grammar based on the Valmikisutra, Vol. I, Ed. by E. Hultzsch, Albermarle St., Royal Asiatic Society. Full text at:  http://ia700202.us.archive.org/23/items/Prākṛit arupavata00simhuoft/Prākṛit arupavata00simhuoft.pdf
Prākitarūpāvatāra literally means ‘the descent of Prākit forms’. Pischel noted: “…the Prākitarūpāvatāra is not unimportant for the knowledge of the declension and conjugation, chiefly because Simharāja frequently quotes more forms than Hēmachandra and Trivikrama. No doubt many of these forms are theoretically inferred; but they are formed strictly according to the rules and are not without interest.” (Pischel, 1900, Grammatik der Prākit-Sprachen, Strassburg, p.43). Pischel also had written a book titled, Hēmachandra's Prākit grammar, Halle, 1877.  The full text of the Vālmīkisūtra, with gaṇas, dēśīyas, and iṣṭis, has been printed in Telugu characters at Mysore in 1886 as an appendix to the ṣaḍbhāṣachandrikā.
A format to determine the structure of Prākit is to identify words which are identical with Sanskrit words or can be derived from Sanskrit. In this process, dēśīyas or dēśyas, ‘provincialisms’ are excluded. One part of the work of Simharja is samjñāvibhāga ‘technical terms’. Another is pari bhāṣāvibhāga ‘explanatory rules’. Dialects are identified in a part called  śaurasēnyādivibhāga; the dialects include: śaurasēni, māgadhī, paiśācī, chūḷikā paiśācī, apabhramśa.
Additional rules are identified beyond those employed by Pāṇini:
sus, nominative; as, accusative; ṭās, instrumental; nēs, dative; nam, genitive; nip, locative.
Other resources available for delineation of mleccha are: The Prākṛita-prakāśa; or the Prākṛit  grammar of Vararuchi. With the commentary Manorama of Bhamaha. The first complete ed. of the original text... With notes, an English translation and index of Prākṛit words; to which is prefixed a short introd. to Prākṛit grammar (Ed. Cowell, Edward Byles,1868, London, Trubner)
On these lines, and using the methods used for delineating Ardhamāgadhi language, by Prākṛita grammarians, and in a process of extrapolation of such possible morphemic changes into the past, an attempt may be made to hypothesize morphemic or phonetic variants of mleccha words as they might have been, in various periods from ca. 4th millennium BCE. There are also grammars of languages such as Marathi (William Carey), Braj bhāṣā grammar (James Robert), Sindhi, Hindi, Tamil (Tolkāppiyam) and Gujarati which can be used as supplementary references, together with the classic Hemacandra's Dēsīnāmamālā, Prākṛit  Grammar of Hemachandra edited by P. L. Vaidya (BORI, Pune), Vararuchi's works and Richard Pischel's  Comparative Grammar of Prākṛit  Languages.(Repr. Motilal Banarsidass, 1957). Colin P. Masica's Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge University Press, 1993,"... has provided a fundamental, comparative introduction that will interest not only general and theoretical linguists but also students of one or more languages (Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Punjabi, Gujurati, Marathi, Sinhalese, etc.) who want to acquaint themselves with the broader linguistic context. Generally synchronic in approach, concentrating on the phonology, morphology and syntax of the modern representatives of the group, the volume also covers their historical development, writing systems, and aspects of sociolinguistics."Thomas Oberlies' Pali grammar (Walter de Gruyter, 2001) presents a full description of Pali, the language used in the Theravada Buddhist canon, which is still alive in Ceylon and South-East Asia. The development of its phonological and morphological systems is traced in detail from Old Indic (including mleccha?). Comprehensive references to comparable features and phenomena from other Middle Indic languages mean that this grammar can also be used to study the literature of Jainism. Madhukar Anant Mehendale's Historical Grammar of Inscriptional Prākṛit s is a useful aid to delineate changes in morphemes over time. A good introduction is: Alfred C. Woolner's  Introduction to Prākṛit , 1928 (Motilal Banarsidass). "Introduction to Prākṛit  provides the reader with a guide for the more attentive and scholarly study of Prākṛit  occurring in Sanskrit plays, poetry and prose--both literary and inscriptional. It presents a general view of the subject with special stress on Sauraseni and Maharastri Prākṛit  system. The book is divided into two parts. Part I consists of I-XI Chapters which deal with the three periods of Indo-Aryan speech, the three stages of the Middle Period, the literary and spoken Prākṛit s, their classification and characteristics, their system of Single and Compound Consonants, Vowels, Sandhi, Declension, Conjugation and their history of literature. Part II consists of a number of extracts from Sanskrit and Prākṛit  literature which illustrate different types of Prākṛit --Sauraseni, Maharastri, Magadhi, Ardhamagadhi, Avanti, Apabhramsa, etc., most of which are translated into English. The book contains valuable information on the Phonetics and Grammar of the Dramatic Prākṛit s--Sauraseni and Maharastri. It is documented with an Index as well as a Students'. " 
It may be noted that Hemacandra is a resource which has provided the sememe ibbo 'merchant' which reads rebus with ibha 'elephant' hieroglyph.

Sir George A. Grierson's article on The Prākṛit  Vibhasas cites: "Pischel, in §§3, 4, and 5 of his Prākṛit  Grammar, refers very briefly to the Vibhāṣās of the Prākṛit  grammarians. In § 3 he quotes Mārkaṇḍēya's (Intr., 4) division of the Prākṛit s into Bhāṣā, Vibhāṣā, Apabhraṁśa, and Paiśāca, his division of the Vibhāṣās into Śākārī, Cāṇḍālī, Śābarī, Ābhīrikā, and Ṭākkī (not Śākkī, as written by Pischel), and his rejection of Auḍhrī (Pischel, Oḍrī) and Drāviḍī. In § 4 he says, “Rāmatarkavāgīśa observes that the vibhāṣāḥcannot be called Apabhraṁśa, if they are used in dramatic works and the like.” He repeats the latter statement in § 5, and this is all that he says on the subject. Nowhere does he say what the term vibhāṣā means. The present paper is an attempt to supply this deficiency." See also: http://www.indianetzone.com/39/Prākṛit _language.htm

"...Ganga, on the lower reaches of which were the kingdoms of Anga, Variga, and Kalinga, regarded in the Mahabharata as Mleccha. Now the non- Aryan people that today live closest to the territory formerly occupied by these ancient kingdoms are Tibeto-Burmans of the Baric branch.  One of the languages of that branch is called Mech, a term given to them by their Hindu neighbors. The Mech live partly in Bengal and partly in Assam. B(runo) Lieblich remarked the resemblance between Mleccha and Mech and that Skr. Mleccha normally became Prākṛit  Meccha or Mecha and that the last form is actually found in Sauraseni. 1 Sten Konow thought Mech probably a corruption of Mleccha.* I do not believe that the people of the ancient kingdoms of Anga, Vanga, and Kalinga were precisely of the same stock as the modern Mech, but rather that they and the modern Mech spoke languages of the Baric division of Sino-Tibetan. " (Robert Shafer, 1954, Ethnography of Ancient India, Otto Harras Sowitz, Wiesbaden).http://archive.org/stream/ethnographyofanc033514mbp/ethnographyofanc033514mbp_djvu.txt
The following note is based on: Source: MK Dhavalikar, 1997, Meluhha, the land of copper, South Asian Studies, 13:1, 275-279 (embedded document appended):
Citing a cuneiform tablet inscription of Sargon of Akkad (2370-2316 BCE), Dhavalikar notes that the boats of Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha were moored at the quay in his capital (Leemans, WF, 1960, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period as revealed by texts from Southern Mesopotamia, EJ Brill, Leiden, p. 11). The goods imported include agate, carnelian, shell, ivory, varieties of wood and copper. Dhavalikar cites a reference to the people or ‘sons’ of Meluhha who had undergone a process of acculturation into Mesopotamian society of Ur III times cf. Parpola, S., A. Parpola and RH Brunswwig, Jr., 1977, The Meluhha Village: evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia, JESHO, 20 , p.152. Oppenheim describes Meluhha as the land of seafarers. (Oppenheim, AL, 1954, The seafaring merchants of Ur, JAOS, 74: 6-17). Dhavalikar notes the name given to a rāga of classical Indian (Hindustani) music – maluha kedār – which may indicate maluha as a geographical connotation as in the name of another rāga called Gujarī Todi. Noting a pronunciation variant for meluhha, melukkha, the form is noted as closer to Prākṛit  milakkhu (Jaina Sūtras, SBE XLV, p. 414, n.) cognate Pali malikkho or malikkhako (Childer’s Pali Dictionary). Prākṛit  milakkhu or Pali malikkho are cognate with the Sanskrit word mleccha (References cited include Mahabharata, Patanjali). Jayaswal (Jayaswal, KP, 1914, On the origin of Mlechcha, ZDMG, 68: pp. 719-720) takes the Sanskrit representation to be cognate with Semitic melekh (Hebrew) meaning ‘king’.

Śathapatha Brāhmaṇa [3.2.1(24)], a Vedic text (ca. 8th century BCE) uses the word mleccha as a noun referring to Asuras who ill-pronounce or speak an imprecise language: tatraitāmapi vācamūduḥ | upajijñāsyāṃ sa mlecastasmānna brāhmaṇo mlecedasuryāhaiṣā vā natevaiṣa dviṣatāṃ sapatnānāmādatte vācaṃ te 'syāttavacasaḥ parābhavanti ya evametadveda. This is a remarkable reference to mleccha (meluhha) as a language in the ancient Indian tradition. Pali texts Digha Nikāya and Vinaya, also denotes milakkha as a language (milakkha bhāsā). Comparable to the reference in Manu, a Jaina text (Pannavana, 1.37) also described two groups of speakers (people?): ārya and milakkhu. Pāṇini also observes the imprecise nature of mleccha language by using the terms: avyaktayam vāci (X, 1663) and mleccha avyakte śabde (1.205). This is echoed in Patanjali’s reference to apaśabda.
Dhavalikar notes: “Sengupta (1971) has made out a strong case for identifying mlecchas with the Phoenicians. He proposes to derive the word mleccha from Moloch or Molech and relates it to Melek or Melqart which was the god of the Phoenicians. But the Phoenicians flourished in the latter half of the second and the first half of the first millennium when the Harappan civilization was a thing of the past.” (: MK Dhavalikar, 1997, Meluhha, the land of copper, South Asian Studies, 13:1, p. 276).

Worterbuch (St. Petersburg Dictionary), Hemacandra’s Abhidāna Cintāmaṇi (IV.105), lexicons of Monier Williams and Apte give ‘copper’ as one of the meanings of the lexeme mleccha.

Gudea (ca. 2200 BCE) under the Lagash dynasty brought usu wood and gold dust and carnelian from Meluhha. Ibbi-Sin (2029-2006 BCE) under the third dynasty of Ur “imported from Meluhha copper, wood used for making chairs and dagger sheaths, mesu wood, and the multi-coloured birds of ivory.”

Dhavalikar argues for the identification of Gujarat with Meluhha (interpreted as a region and as copper ore of Gujarat) and makes a reference to Viṣṇu Purāṇa (IV,24) which refers to Gujarat as mleccha country.

Nicholas Kazanas has demonstrated that Avestan (OldIranian) is much later than Vedic. "'Vedic and Avestan' by N. Kazanas In this essay the author examines independent linguistic evidence, often provided by iranianists like R. Beekes, and arrives at the conclusion that the Avesta, even its older parts (the gaθas), is much later than the Rigveda. Also, of course, that Vedic is more archaic than Avestan and that it was not the Indoaryans who moved away from the common Indo-Iranian habitat into the Region of the Seven Rivers, but the Iranians broke off and eventually settled and spread in ancientv Iran." http://www.omilosmeleton.gr/pdf/en/indology/Vedic_and_Avestan.pdf 

The oldest Prākṛit  lexicon is the work of a Jaina scholar, Paiyalacchi nāmamālā of Dhanapāla (972 A. D.)

Mahapurana of PushpadantaA critical study: By Dr Smt. Ratna Nagesha Shriyan. L. D. Bharatiya Samskriti Vidyamandira, Ahmadabad–9 . Price: Rs. 30.

A thesis approved for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy by the Bombay University, this is a critical study of the Desya and rare material contained in the three Apabhramsa works of Pushpadanta, a major Apabhramsa poet of the Ninth Century CE D. 
The first part mainly deals with the nature and character of Desya element and the role of Desya element in Prākṛit  and Apabhramsa in general and Pushpadanta’s works in particular. The authoress pointed out that the term Deśī has been used in the earlier Sanskrit and Prākṛit  literature mainly in three different senses, viz., (1) a local spoken dialect (2) a type of Prākṛit , (3) and as equivalent to Apabhramsa. The interpretations of the word Deśī as given by Hemachandra and modern scholars are also given in detail. The authoress comes to the conclusion that most of the modern scholars agree that “Desya or Deśī is a very loose label applied by early grammarians and lexicographers to a section of Middle Indo-Aryan lexical material of a heterogeneous character.

In part II, the more important one, the learned Doctor has collected 1430 words and divided them into seven categories– (1) items only derivable from Samskrit (2) Tadbhavas with specialized or changed meaning (3) items partly derivable from Samskrit (4) items that have correspondents only in late Samskrit (5) onometopoetic words (6) foreign loans and (7) pure Deśī words. Critical and comparative notes on their meanings and interpretations, with corroborating passages from original texts are also given here and they evidence the high scholarly labours of the authoress. We cannot, but respect the words of Dr H. C. Bhayani of the Gujarat University in whose opinion the present study paves “the way for investigating the bases and authenticity of Hemachandra’s Deśīnāmamālā and provides highly valuable material for middle and Modern Indo-Aryan lexicography.”
“Words which are not derived from Sanskrit in his grammar, which though derived from Sanskrit, are not found in that sense in the Sanskrit lexicons, which have changed their meaning in Prākṛit , the change not being due to the secondary or metaphorical use of words, and which are used in standard Prākṛit  from times immemorial, are considered as deśī by Hemacandra (I,3,4). Thus, he teaches in his grammar (IV,2) that pajjar is one of the substitutes of the root kath in Prākṛit . In II,136 he says that trasta assumes the forms hittha and taTTha in Prākṛit . The words pajjara, hittha and taTTha are not, therefore, des’yas and are excluded from the work. The Verbal substitutes have been, as a matter of fact, considered as deśī words by Hemacandra’s predecessors (1.11,13,20). Again the word amayaNiggamo signifies the moon in Prākṛit , and it is evidently a bhava of amrutanirgama which by some such analysis as amrutaanirgamo yasya can denote the moon But the Sanskrit word is not found in that sense in any of the lexicons and hence amayaNiggamo is reckoned as a deśya and taught in this work. The word yayillo is a regular derivative of baliivarda according to rules of Prākṛit  grammar, and as the latter word can by the force of lakshaNa mean a ‘fool’, the word vayillo in this sense is not considered a deśī word and, therefore, is not included in this work. Every provincial expression is not considered a deśī word, but only those which have found entrance into the known Prākṛit  literature. Otherwise, the number of deśī words will be innumerable and it will be impossible to teach them all. As Hemacandra himself says (I,4): vacaspaterapi matirna prabhavati divyayugasahasreNa. This definition of a deśī word does not appear to have been followed by the predecessors of Hemacandra; and therein consists, he says, the superiority of his work over that of others. He quotes in a number of places words which have been taught as deśī words by his predecessors and shows that they are derived from Sanskrit words. Thus in I.37 Hemacandra says that the words acchoDaNam, alinjaramk, amilaayam and acchabhallo are considered as deśī words by some authors, but he does not do so as they are evidently derived from Sanskrit words. Again in II.89, he says that the word gamgarii is taught a a deśī word by some authors but Hemacandra says this is not a deśī word as it is derived from Sanskrit gargarii. But here our author shows some latitude and says that it may be considered a deśī word. Many such instances may be quoted and in most cases Hemacandra gives the Sanskrit equivalents to such words.” (Paravastu Venkata  Ramanujaswami, in: Introduction, The Deśīnāmamālā of Hemachandra ed. By R. Pischel, 1938, 2nd edn., Dept. of Public Instruction, Bombay, pp.3-4).
TABLE : DICTIONARIES
PRĀKṛIT  :
10 C.E : Deshi Nama Mala (Hemachandra)
11 C.E  ayyalacchi Nama Mala (Maha Kavi Dhanapala)
12 C.E :Abhidana Rajendra (Vijayendra Suri)
SANSKRIT
4 C.E : Amarakosha (Amarasimha) Dhanvantari Nighantu (Dhanvantari)
6 C.E : Anekartha Samucchaya (Shashaavata)
10 C.E : Abhidana Ratna Mala (Hemachandra ),Srikanda Shesha Vishvakosha (Srikanda Shesha),HaravaLi (Purushottama Deva) ,Abhidana Ratnamala (Halayudha)
11 C.E :Vyjayanti (Yadava Prakasha), Nama Mala (Dhananjaya) , Anekartha Nama Mala (Amara Keerti) , Shabdha Pradipa (Sureshvara)
12 C.E :Namarthaarnava Sankshepa , Shabda Kalpa Druma (Keshava Svamin ), Vishva Prakasha (Maheshvara) , Namartha Ratnamala (Abhaya Pala) , Abidana Cintamani +Anekartha Sangraha (Hemachandra) , Anekartha Kosha (Mankha) , Akyata Candrika (Malla Bhatta) , Raja Nighantu (Narahari)
14 C.E : Nanartha Ratna Mala (Irugappa Dandanatha) , Madana Vinoda Nighantu (Madana Pala)
15 C.E : Shabda Chandrike ( Vamana Bhatta) , Shabda Ratnakara(Bana)
16 C.E :Sundara Prakashabdarnava (Padma Sundara)
17 C.E :Kalpa Druma (Keshava Daivajna), Nama Sangraha Mala(Appaiah Dikshita)
TAMIL :
10 C.E – Sendan Divakaram (Divakaram) , Pingalantai (Pingalar)
12 C.E : Chudamani Nighantu (Mangala Puttiran)
16 C.E : Chudamani Nighantu ( Mandala Purutan) ,Akaradi Nighantu (Chidambara Revana)
17 C.E : Uriccol Nighantu (Gangeyan) , Kayataram (Kayatarar) ,Bharati Deepam (Anonymus) , Ashiriya Nighantu (Anonymus)
18 C.E : Pothigai Nighantu (Swaminatha Kavirayar), Pal Porul Chudamani (Eshwara Bharati) , Arumpporul Vilakka Nighantu (Anonymus)
KANNADA
10 C.E : Ranna Kanda (Ranna)
11 C.E : Abhidana Vastu Kosha (Nagavarma-2) ,Abhidana Ratna Mala+Amarakosha Bhashya (Halayudha)
12 C.E :Nachirajiya (Naciraja)
13 C.E : Akaradi Vaidya Nighantu+Indra Dipike+Madanari (Amrutanandi)
14 C.E: Karnataka Shbda Sara (Anonymus) , Karnataka Nighantu (Anonymus), Abhinavabhidana (Abhinava Mangaraja)
15 C.E : Chaturasya Nighantu(Bommarasa) , Dhanvantariya Nighantu (Anonymus)
16 C.E : Kabbigara Kaipidi (Linga Mantri) , Shabda Ratnakara (Anonumus) , Nanartha Kanda (Chenna Kavi) , Nanartha Ratnakara+Ekakshara Nighantu (Devottama) , Karnataka Shabda Manjari (Totadarya) , Bharata Nighantu (Anonymus) , Amarakosha Dipike (Vitthala)
17 C.E : Karnataka Sanjivini +Kavi Kanthahara (Shrungara Kavi) , Karnataka Nighantu (Surya kavi)
TELUGU :
14-18 C.E : Venkateshandhramu (Ganavarapu Venkatakavi) , Akaradi Deshiyandhra Nighantu ( Anonymus), Andhra Prayoga Ratnakaram (Anonymus) , Sarva Lakshana Shiromani (Anonymus) ,Padya Rupa Amara Kosham ( Venkata Rayudu), Andhra Nama Sangraham (Lakshmana Kavi) , Andhra Nama Vishesham (Sura Kavi) Samba Nighantuvu (Kasturi Ranga) , Andhra Bhasharnavam ( Venkata Narayanudu) , Akshara Malika Nighantu (Parvatishvara Shastry) , Andhra Pada Nidanam (Tumu Ramadasa) , Sarnadhra Sara sangraham (Amrutapuram Sanyasi),Nanartha Nighantu (Jayarama Rayulu)
TABLE 2 : GRAMMERS
PRĀKṛIT :
5-7 C.E : Prakruta Prakasha (Vararuchi) , Prakruta Lakshana (Chanda) , Prakruta Kamadhenu (Anonymus)
12 C.E : Prakrutanushasana (Purushottama) , Siddha Hema Shabdanushasana (Hemachandra)
14 C.E : Prkruta Shabdanushasdana (Trivikrama) , Shdbhasha Chandrika (Lakshmidhara)
17 C.E : Prakruta Sarvasva (Markandeya)
SANSKRIT
4-2 B.C.E : Ashtadhyayi (Panini) , Mahabhashya-Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (Patanjali)
2 C.E : Katantra Vyakarana (Shrvavarman)
6 C.E : Mahabhashya Dipika-Commentary on Mahabhashya (Bhatruhari ), Kashika Vrutti- Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (Vamana)
7 C.E : Ashtadhyayi-Commentary (Jayaditya)
8 C.E : Kashika Vivarana Pancika –Commentary on Kashika Vrutti (Jinendra Buddivada)
9 C.E : Pada Manjari – Commentary on Kashika Vrutti (Haradatta)
11 C.E : Pradipa ( Kaiyata) , Bhasha Vrutti -Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (Purushottama Deva)
13 C.E ; Rupavatara (Dharma Keerti)
14 C.E : Mitakshara- Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (AnnaM Bhatta) , Rupamala (Vimala Sarsvati)
15 C.E : Prakriya Kaumudi (Ramachandra Shesha)
16 C.E : Shabda kaustubha (Bhattoji Dikshita) , Prakriya Sarvasva (Nayarana Bhatta)
17 C.E : Pradipodyota (Nagesha Bhatta)
TAMIL :
-3 to 10 C.E : Tolkappiam (Tolkappiyanar)
11 C.E : Viracholiyam (Buddha Mitra)
12 C.E : Neminatham (Gunaveera pandita) , Tolkappiam- Poruladigaram Commentary (Perashiyar)
13 C.E : Nannul (Bhavanadi) , Tolkappiam- Solladigaram Commentary (Senavaraiyar)
14 C.E : Tolkappiam-Commentary (Naccinarkkiniyar)
16 C.E : Tolkappiam- Solladigaram Commentary (Teyvacilaiyar , Kalladanar)
17 C.E : Tolkappiam- Solladigaram Commentary (Anonymus)
KANNADA
11 C.E : Kavyavalokana (Nagavarma)
13 C.E : Shabdamani Darpana ( Keshiraja) , Shabdanushasanam (Akalanka Deva)
17 C.E : Shabdamani Darpana-Commentary (Nitturu Nanjayya)
17 C.E : Shabdamani Darpana-Commentary (Anonymus)
TELUGU :
13 C.E : Andhra Bhasha Bhushanam (Mulaghatika Ketana)
14 C.E : Kavyalankara Chidamani (Vinnakota Peddana)
Part-6:
TABLE 3 : POETICS/PROSODY/RHETORIC
SANSKRIT :
5 C.E : Bruhatsamhita (Varahamihira)
6 C.E : Kavyalankara (Bamaha) , Kavyadarsha (Dandin)
9 C.E : Kavyalankara Sara Sangraha (Uddata) , Kavyalankara Sutravrutti (Vamana) , Kavyalankara (Rudrata), Dhvanyaloka (Anandavarhana)
10 C.E : Cahmdraloka (Jayadeva)
11 C.E : Chandonushasana (Jayakirti), Kavyamimamse (Rajashekhara) , Abhidaavrutti Maatruke (Mukula Bhatta) , Kavyakautuka (Bhatta Tauta) , Hrudaya Drapana (Bhatta Nayaka)
12 C.E :Vrutta Ratnakara (Kedara Bhatta) ,Kavya Praklasha (mummata)
15 C.E : Chando Manjari (ganga Raja)
TAMIL :
-3 to 10 C.E : Tolkappiam (Tolkappiyanar)
10 C.E : Yappurungulam + Yappurungulakkarikai (Amruta Saagara)
11 C.E : Chulamani (Gunasagarar) , Purapporul Vembamalai (Iyanaar Idanaar), Dandiyalankaram(Annonymus)
12 C.E : Ilakkana Vilakkam (Jivanana Munivar)
13 C.E : Veyyappadial (Gunaveera Panditar)
17 C.E : Chidambaram Seyyuttakkovai (Kumara Kruparar)
18 C.E : Ilakkana Vilakkam (Vaidyanathan Alvar)
KANNADA
9 C.E : Kaviraja Marga (Sri Vijaya)
10 C.E : Chandobudhi (Nagavarma-1)
11 C.E : Kavyavalokana (Nagavarma-2)
12 C.E : Udayadityalankaram (Udayaditya) , Shrungara Ratnakara (Kavi Kama)
15-16 C.E : Madhavalankara (Madhava), Kavi jihva Bandhana (Eshwara Kavi) , Kavya Sara (Abhinava Vadi Vidyananda) , Rasa Ratnakara+Apratima Veera Charite (Tirumalarya)
17 C.E : Navarasalankara (Timma) , Kuvalayananda( Jayendra)
TELUGU :
13 C.E : Kavi Vagbhadanamu (Tikkana)
14 C.E : Pratapa Rudriya (Vaidyanatha) , Kavi Janaashrayamu (Rachanna ) , Kavyalankara Chudamani ( Vinnakota Peddana) , Shrungara Dipika (Srinatha)
Part-7 :
TABLE 4 : ENCYCLOPEDIAS
SANSKRIT :
5 C.E : Bruhatsamhita (Varahamihira)
12 C.E : Abhilashitartha Chintamani ( Bhulokamalla)
TAMIL :
10 C.E : Sendan Divakaram (Divakaram) , Pingalantai (Pingalar)
12 C.E : Chudamani Nigantu (Mangala Puttiran)
KANNADA :
10-11 C.E : Lokopakara (Chavundaraya)
15 C.E : Viveka Chintamani (Nijaguna Shivayogi) , Siribhuvalaya (Kumudendu), Shivatatva Chintamani (Lakkana Dandesha)
16 C.E :Sakala Vaidya Samhita Sararnva ( Veeraraja)
TELUGU :
20 C.E :Andhra Vignana Sarvasvam ( K.V.L. Pantulu)
Part-8:
TABLE 5 : MEDICINE/VETERINARY SCIENCE/EROTICS
SANSKRIT :
-2 TO 0 C.E : Sushruta Samhite (Sushruta) , Gajayurveda (Palakapya) , Ashvashastra (Shalihotra), Vaidyaka Sarvasva ashva Chikitse(Nakula)
0 TO 2 C.E : Charaka Samhita (Charaka) , Kumara Tantra (Ravana) , Prayoga Ratnakara (Garga), Bruhaspatimata (Bruhaspati), Kamasutra (Vatsayana)
4 C.E :Ashtanga Hrudaya + Ashtanga Sangraha (Vagbhata) , Ashvayurveda Saara Sindhu (MallaDeva) ,
5-7 C.E :Matanga Leela , Shalihotra , Ashva Vaidyaka
7 to 10 C.E : Madhava Nidanam +Rugna Nischaya (Madhavakara) , Charaka samhite-Commentary (Jayadatta Suri) , Rati Rahasya (kokkoka)
11 to 13 C.E : Nibandha sangraha (Dallana) , Shabda Pradipa (Sureshvara) , Raja Nighantu+Dhanvantari Nighantu (Narahari) , Sarottama Nighantu (Anonymus) , Bhanumati (Chakradatta) , Jayamangala (Yashodhara) , Nagara sarvasva (Padmashri)
14 to 15 C.E : Madana Vinoda Nighantu (Madanapala), Sarangadhara Samhite (Sarangadhara) , RatiManjari (JayaDeva)
16 to 17 C.E : Anna Pana Vidhi (Susena) , Pathyapathya Nighantu + Bhojana Kutuhala ( Raghunatha) , Anangaranga (Kalyana Malla) , Kandarpa Chudamani (Veerabhadra Deva)
TAMIL :
13 to 18 C.E : Vaidya Shataka Nadi + Chikitsa Sara Sangraha ( Teraiyar) , Amudakalai Jnanam+Muppu+Muppuvaippu+Muppuchunnam+Charakku+GuruseyNeer+PacchaiVettu chuttiram (Agastya) , Kadai Kandam +Valalai ChuttiraM +Nadukandam (Konganavar) , Karagappa +Muppu Chuttiram +Dravakam (Nandikeshvara) , Karpam +Valai Chuttiram (Bogara)
KANNADA :
11-12 C.E : Karnata Kalyana Karaka (Jagaddala Somanatha) , Balagraha Chikitse (Devendra Muni) , Govaodya (Kirti Varma) , Madana Tilaka (Chandra Raja) , Anubhava Mukura (Janna)
14 C.E : Khagendra Mani Darpana (Mangaraja) , Ashvashastra (Abhinava Chandra)
15 C.E : Vaidyanruta (Sridhara Deva) , Vaidya Sangatya (Salva) , Ashva Vaidya (Bacarasa), Janavashya (Kallarasa)
16 C.E : Vaidya Sara Sangraha (Channaraja) , Hastayurveda-Commentary (Veerabhadraraja ) , Ashva Vaidya (Bacarasa), Janavashya (Kallarasa)
17 C.E : Vaidya Sara Sangraha (Nanjanatha Bhupala) , Vaidya Samhita Sararnava (Veeraraja ) , Shalihotra Samhita (Ramachandra), Hayasara Samuccaya (Padmana Pandita), Vaidyakanda (Brahma), Strivaidya (Timmaraja)
TELUGU :
15 C.E : Haya Lakshana Sara (manumanchi Bhatta)
TABLE 9 : ASTRONOMY/MATHEMATICS/ASTROLOGY
SANSKRIT :
3-2 B. C.E : Surya Prajnapti , Stananga Sutra , Anuyogadvara Sutra , Shatkhandagama
2-0 B. C.E : Vedanga Jyotishya (Lagada) , Bhadrabahu samhita +Surya Prajnapti-Commentary (Bhadrabahu) , Tiloyapanatti (Yatishvaracharya), Tatvarthayagama shastra (Umasvamin)
5-6 C.E : Arya Bhatiya (Arya Bhata) , Pancvha siddantika + Bruhajjataka+Laghu Jataka + Bruhatsamhita (Varahamihira) , Dashagitika Sara (Anonymus) , Aryastashata (Anonymus)
6-7 C.E : Brahma sputa Siddhanta+Kanadakadhyaya(Brahma Gupta) , Maha Bhaskariyam + Karana Kutuhala (Bhaskara-1) , Rajamruganka (Bhoja)
8 C.E : Shishayabhuvruddhi (Lallacharya) , Ganita Sara sangaraha (Mahaveeracharya) , Horasatpanchashika(Pruthuyana)
11-12 C.E : Siddhanta Shekhara (Sripati) , Siddhanta Shiromani (Bhaskara-2)
14 C.E : Yantraraja (Mahendra Suri)
15 C.E : Tantra sangraha (Neelakantha somayaji)
16 C.E : Sputa Nirnaya (Achyuta)
TAMIL :
16-18 C.E : Ganakkadigaram , Ganita Nul , Asthana Golakam , Ganita Venba , Ganita Divakaram, Ponnilakkam
KANNADA :
11 C.E : Jataka Tilaka (Sridharacharya) ,
12 C.E : Vyavahara Ganita+Kshetra Ganita+Chitra Hasuge +Jaina Ganita Sutra Tikodaaharana +Lilavati (Rajaditya)
15 C.E : Kannada Lilavati (Bala Vaidyada Cheluva)
17 C.E : Ksetra Ganita (Timmarasa) , Behara Ganita (Bhaskara)
TELUGU :
11 C.E : Ganita sara Sangrahamu (Pavaluri Mallana)

The direction of 'borrowings' from one language to another is a secondary component of the philological excursus; there is no universal linguistic rule to firmly aver such a direction of borrowing. Certainly, more work is called for in delineating the structure and forms of meluhha (mleccha) language beyond a mere list of metalware glosses.


Backwards, comrades ! - The Economist on Corbyn in a Vladimir Lenin pose. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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It is tempting to compare Arvind Kenriwal's rise in Delhi with Jeremy Corbyn in taking democratic politics into an abyss. 

Early reports linked AK to CIA/Ford Foundation and now efforts are afoot to find finances for AAP. 

JC mimicks Vladimir and is about to take the British Labour Party into the failed commie models but with a muddled ideology.

The moral of the AK and JC story is that aam janataa of the ex-British Empire island and of the capital city of Delhi have been taken for a jolly ride and look like people coming out of a trance, with little clues about abhyudayam of the failed empire and the youngest nation on the globe.

There is a lesson for NaMo, in this story with a moral. 

NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan. Keep people engaged building a National Water Grid in the next 3 years so that NaMo can become a milestone in Bharatiya Itihaas while the Rule of Law takes post-colonial looters on a walk to Tihar Jail. Note that the post-colonial looters have engaged in a loot in just 67 years since 1947, which is more sinister than the colonial loot. 

NaMo has certainly got to take charge in making this walk forwards to Tihar happen. After all, he is the Prime Enforcer of the Law of the nation.

S. Kalyanaraman
The Econ Backwards Comrades

Britain’s Labour Party

Backwards, comrades!

Jeremy Corbyn is leading Britain’s left into a political timewarp. Some old ideological battles must be re-fought


BEFORE he had finished belting out his first celebratory rendition of “The Red Flag”, a hymn to class struggle, some of Jeremy Corbyn’s colleagues in Labour’s shadow cabinet had already handed in their resignations. A 66-year-old socialist, Mr Corbyn has spent 32 years as one of the hardest of hardline left-wingers in the House of Commons and a serial rebel on the Labour backbenches. On September 12th he flattened three moderate rivals (see article) to become leader of Britain’s main opposition party. Labour MPs are stunned—and perhaps none more so than Mr Corbyn himself.
Two views are emerging of Labour’s new leader. The more sympathetic is that, whatever you think of his ideology, Mr Corbyn will at least enrich Britain by injecting fresh ideas into a stale debate. Voters who previously felt uninspired by the say-anything, spin-everything candidates who dominate modern politics have been energised by Mr Corbyn’s willingness to speak his mind and condemn the sterile compromises of the centre left. The other is that Mr Corbyn does not matter because he is unelectable and he cannot last. His significance will be to usher in a second successive Conservative government in the election of 2020—and perhaps a third in 2025.
Both these views are complacent and wrong. Mr Corbyn’s election is bad for the Labour Party and bad for Britain, too.
Cowards flinch and traitors sneer
Start with the ideas. In recent decades the left has had the better of the social arguments—on gay rights, say, or the role of women and the status of the church—but the right has won most of the economic ones. Just as the Tory party has become more socially liberal, so, under Neil Kinnock and then Tony Blair, Labour dropped its old commitment to public ownership and accepted that markets had a role in providing public services. Mr Blair’s government put monetary policy in the hands of an independent Bank of England and embraced the free movement of people and goods within Europe.
The argument today has moved on—to the growing inequality that is a side-effect of new technology and globalisation; to the nature of employment, pensions and benefits in an Uberising labour market of self-employed workers (see article); and to the need for efficient government and welfare systems. Fresh thinking on all this would be welcome—indeed it should be natural territory for the progressive left. But Mr Corbyn is stuck in the past. His “new politics” has nothing to offer but the exhausted, hollow formulas which his predecessors abandoned for the very good reason that they failed.
Only in the timewarp of Mr Corbyn’s hard-left fraternity could a programme of renationalisation and enhanced trade-union activism be the solution to inequality. If just spending more money were the secret of world-class public services, Britain, which cut almost 1m public-sector jobs in the previous parliament, would have been a cauldron of discontent. In fact voters’ satisfaction with public services rose. If you could create macroeconomic stability by bringing the Bank of England back under the government’s thumb, then Britain would not have spent the post-war decades lurching from politically engineered booms to post-election busts.
Time and again, Mr Corbyn spots a genuine problem only to respond with a flawed policy. He is right that Britain sorely lacks housing. But rent controls would only exacerbate the shortage. The previous Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government should indeed have been less austere. It could have boosted demand by spending more on infrastructure. But Mr Corbyn’s notion of “people’s QE”—getting the Bank of England to print money to pay for projects—threatens to become an incontinent fiscal stimulus by the backdoor (rather than serve as an unorthodox form of monetary policy when interest rates are at zero). There is no denying that young people have been harmed by Tory policies that favour the old. But scrapping university-tuition fees would be regressive and counterproductive. For proof, consider that in England more poor students go to university than when higher education was free, whereas in Scotland, whose devolved government has abolished tuition fees, universities are facing a funding crisis and attract no more poor students than they did.

To see where Mr Corbyn’s heart lies, you have only to look at the company he has kept. He admires the late Hugo Chávez for his legacy in Venezuela. No matter that chavismo has wrecked the economy and hollowed out democracy. He indulges Vladimir Putin’s authoritarian kleptocracy in Russia and blames NATO for provoking its invasion of Ukraine. He entertains Hamas, which has repeatedly used violence against Israel and admires Syriza, the radical left party that has governed Greece with almost unmatched incompetence. Yet he is stridently anti-American, anti-Israel and anti-NATO and quietly anti-European Union (apparently, it’s a free-market conspiracy—see article). He even scolded China’s Communist Party for its free-market excesses.
To argue that Mr Corbyn’s ideas will improve the quality of political discourse in Britain just because they are different is about as wise as Mr Corbyn’s refusal this week to sing the national anthem at a service to commemorate the Battle of Britain. Policies this flawed will crowd out debate, not enrich it.
The Corbyn of history
Perhaps that doesn’t matter. Mr Corbyn had no expectation of winning the leadership, and for a man who has never had to compromise, the drudgery of party management, media appearances and relentless scrutiny must be a hardship. Even if he is not pushed, he may not choose to stay for long.
Yet the leader of the opposition is one Tory meltdown away from power. Even if Mr Corbyn fails ever to become prime minister, as is likely, he will still leave his mark on the Labour Party. The populism and discontent that brought him the leadership will not just subside. The loathing of Westminster that he represents and the fantasies that he spins will make the task for the next centrist Labour leader all the harder. There is nothing to celebrate about Mr Corbyn’s elevation. For Britain, it is a grave misfortune.

Rebuilding Ram Mandir in Ayodhya is a national goal. To begin in 2016

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ACQUIRE DISPUTED SITE FOR RAM TEMPLE: VHP

Thursday, 01 October 2015 | Pioneer News Service | New Delhi


Reiterating the construction of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad on Wednesday urged the Centre to acquire the disputed site and suggested that the Government could offer another site to Muslims to build a mosque across the river Saryu.
In a joint Press conference with BJP leader Subramanian Swamy, VHP patron Ashok Singhal said they would organise a two-day national seminar in Delhi on January 9 and 10 for debating legal solution and to spread awareness on the building of Ram Temple.
“The Government for a public interest purpose can issue a notice to the Babri Masjid Muthwali (hereditary supervisor) for acquisition of the land and building of Babri Masjid and offer (to Muslims) another site to build a mosque, perhaps across the Saryu,” they said in a statement.
Answering to a volley of questions on the BJP-led Government’s stand on the VHP’s demand, Singhal said, “Nobody is objecting to the building of Ram Mandir.”
Swamy said the BJP’s manifesto for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections had promised the temple’s construction and the Modi Government should take steps in this regard.
They, however, said they would wait for the Supreme Court’s decision on the sensitive issue before deciding on further course of action. “There is no obstacle in the construction of the Ram temple.... The Government should take an initiative. BJP’s manifesto has also spoken about it,” Swamy said.
Swamy, president of Virat Hindustan Sangam, also shared an affidavit submitted by the then Government before the apex court in 1994 in which it had stated that if existence of a temple was established, its action will be in “support of the wishes of Hindu community”. Swamy and VHP general secretary Champat Rai claimed that excavation reports have stated that a temple existed there.
Swamy said he had already written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the issue and made several suggestions for the construction of temple. “I have not received a reply. I will take it up again after Bihar  polls. I have also asked our president Amit Shah to convene a special session of National Council to debate on this issue,” he said.

http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/acquire-disputed-site-for-ram-temple-vhp.html

Joint statement of Sh Ashok Singhal ji patron VHP & President VHS for Ram Temple, in press conference today September 30, 2015 New Delhi
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Press Conference. Ashok Singhal, Patron VHP, Subramanian Swamy President VHS

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‘Oh, Doctor!’ Wendy Doniger On The Couch (A Tantric-Psychoanalysis) -- Rajiv Malhotra interviews Stuart Sovatsky on the Wendy Doniger syndrome

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‘Oh, Doctor!’ Wendy Doniger On The Couch (A Tantric-Psychoanalysis)
wendy



30 Sep, 2015


Rajiv Malhotra interviews Stuart Sovatsky an American scholar and practitioner of Psychology and Hindu traditions on the Wendy Doniger syndrome.
Note: Stuart Sovatsky is an American scholar and practitioner of Psychology and Hindu traditions for the past 40 years. We have known each other for 15 years and worked on many projects together. In fact, he supported my critiques of Wendy Doniger since the early days of that debate and hence he is cited in the book Invading the Sacred as well as my early blogs on the subject. Recently, I interviewed him on the scholarship of Doniger. As a professionally trained Freudian Psychoanalyst among other disciplines, he brings expertise to this debate which it has lacked.
Rajiv: You are a brahmacari-tantrika for a few decades. What is your favorite tantric shloka?
 Stuart: My guru Swami Kripalvanand awakened the rare path of khecari mudra of tantra in me in 1975 that uplifted my sadhana ever since. Here are my favorite shlokas from Jnaneshvar-gita on khecari and the inner union and Thirumular’s Thirumandiram on the necessity of naturally-occurringkhecari for any real erotic tantra with a partner:
 A coil of lightning, a flame of fire folded (224)
She [kundalini] cleans the skin down to the skeleton (233)
Old age gets reversed (260)
She…dissolves the five [bodily] elements (291)
…[then] the yogi is known as Khecar [tumescent tongued]
Numbered couplets related to kundalini,
Dnyaneshwari (Jnaneshvari)1, Chapter 6 (1210/2002)

Only Those Who Have Naturally-arising Khecari
Can Resort to Pariyanga [tantric “sex”]
Thirumandiram of Siddhar
Rajiv: Do you see a way in which this tantra perspective from centuries ago can help resolve the turmoil surrounding Wendy Doniger’s usage of psychoanalysis to interpret texts?
Stuart: Yes, the central topic of my own forty years of sadhana, clinical and scholarly research is the absolute misfit of using psychoanalytic-sexology to shed any useful light on tantra-vidya. The fact is that tantra-vidya is so saturated in devotional bhaktiand stages of body-psyche maturity like khecari andkundalini. These are far beyond Freud’s so-very-limited, “final stage” of maturity which he quite pointedly named, “the genital personality.”
Rajiv: So, what I call an “invasion of the sacred” is consistent with what you regard as distortions caused by scholars such as Doniger when they try to psychoanalyze these ancient texts used in sadhana.
Stuart: Yes, India’s culture is so rich in the Krishna-lila imagery of endless charming flirtations and mystical dalliance inclusive of a spiritual-eros state of conscioiusness far beyond the fathoming capabilities of modern man. Sringara Rasa of myriad enjoyments is already present in the collective Hindu-Indian imagination: then what need at all does dharma-vidya have for a psychoanalytic “invigoration” of its traditions? In my opinion: almost none.
Rajiv: Do you have some examples of how psychoanalytic distortions make more problems than they solve?
Stuart: Freudian ideas would make a travesty of khecarimudra, a word which I very, very carefully translate as “lingual-pineal puberty of the Soul identity,” that transforms the entire endocrine chemistry. This transformation results in ecstatic, reverential feelings and electrifying “tumescences” that infuse the inner and outer life. These experiences go way beyond Freud’s reductive psychology of “desire” and its “genital primacy ego.” Nearly a century ago, Freud called yoga “a killing of the instincts.” Later, he pathologized all spiritual experiences by calling these “oceanic feelings” a fearful “regression to the womb.” So the core problem is a clash between Freud and yoga, because Freud sees the yogic higher states as serious mental disorders.
Rajiv: Have there been any significant consequences to this pathologization of meditative states by these psychoanalysts?
Stuart: Unfortunately, yes. I worked with psychologist and psychiatrist colleagues for twenty years to change the American Psychiatric Association diagnostic code book, the DSM-IV. My effort was to differentiate those who seek the “oceanic feeling” via meditation or bhaktilongings for union, from those persons with psychiatric disorders. From Freud on, these psychiatrists had lumped meditative states with the severe “Depersonalization – Dissociation Disorders.” Doniger’s decades of Sanskrit scholarship shows that she does not understand how psychoanalysis has a long history of distorting Indian dharma, not shedding light on it.
Rajiv: You are broadening the scope of the Doniger havoc beyond the ivory tower and public drama into the ripple effects on people’s lives.
Stuart: Yes, this is real stuff! This distorting of tantric texts by these psychoanalyzing scholars gives more legitimacy to the errors perpetuated by psychiatry in this area; it harms ordinary people hoping to uplift their lives. The West has Adam and Eve with their “enmity between man and woman” as a core background myth to contend with.
Moreover, Freud’s odd choice of the Oedipus Myth of child-parent sex and hatred, has ruled my profession for a good fifty years. Radhe Krishna on the other hand, is a beautiful idealization of romantic love. I begin many of my marriage therapy sessions by showing couples headed towards divorce, the sandalwood carving of Radhe Krishna lovingly gazing at one another that I have had in my office since 1987. It turns their heads completely around! And this includes Hindu and mixed-marriages in the US.
Rajiv: What about Indian marriages today? Doniger stirred a hornet’s nest with her psychoanalyzing of Indian culture.
Stuart: Your question reminds me of a couples’ workshop I led after one of our conferences in India, which focused on improving communication skills in almost all marriages, Indian and others. But, instead of using the Freudian-shaped psychodynamic “let it rip” idea of marriage counseling that too often breaks couples up, I shared tantric dristhi of opportune moments of gazing at one another (during a moment of admiration, sorrow or gratitude) or nyasa sacred touch to deepen the love between these long-married spouses.
But, once again, the core values of lifelong marriage and family life and any aspirations for a “sacred sexuality” need not and should not get supplanted with Freudian genital-centric preoccupations. A best-selling pop-sexuality author wrote Life is Too Short for Tantric Sex in which he assumes thattantra has no place in today’s fast paced world because it requires maturity. This same erotic-impatience creates the too-hip cultural mood that leads to many unnecessary divorces and broken homes of the so-called, “liberated” modern world. Indian marriages can and indeed should instead turn to the lifelong-developing paths of tantra. (See this 1982 studyfor more on “psychotherapy in India” )
Rajiv: So, contemporary Indian therapists, rather than blindly aping Western therapy models, can draw from tantragrihastha and bhaktiteachings.
Stuart: Exactly. Indian therapists should continue to add dharmaperspectives where garbha “womb-as-holy-Creatrix” and bindu-seminal-milk are considered as being more precious than gold. They should invoke aShiva-Shakti dynamic appreciation of gender-interactivities that imbue the cosmos with primordial bliss and endless creativity. The Freudian pedestaling of the “purely bio-regulatory” genital orgasm in its theory of “Final Erotic Truth” seems rather limited, not to say, Eurocentric, and perhaps comical, and should be discarded by the Indian therapist. When the pineal and hypothalamus begin to secrete their ecstatic rasas, then one knows for sure what I mean here.
Rajiv: So, even the eroticism of so-called “modern sex” falls short oftantra? And what about the yogi’s path?
Stuart: Yes, when we add in the inner marriage, the saintly-ecstatic manifestations of brahmacarya of the yogis and the Buddha’s bliss (that is completely distorted when translated with the baggage-laden term, “celibacy,”), there can be only one conclusion: Psychoanalysis is obviously helpful to its true-believers, but is incapable of non-reductively dealing withtantra-vidya. In this regard, Invading the Sacred should be required reading for all scholars of tantric texts. My own book, Advanced Spiritual Intimacyis a 300-page discussion and protection of this holy of holies to uplift lives, families and marriages beyond the psychoanalytic “liberation,” worldwide.
Rajiv: We aren’t alone in critiquing the limitations of psychoanalysis. Who else did you find that has published such warnings?
Stuart: As early as 1955, Herbert Marcuse warned in Eros and Civilizationof the de-spiritualizing effects of this exclusively “bio-sensate” psychoanalytic theory and called for a “re-spiritualization of the instincts.” Jung, of course, was excommunicated from the Freudian fold for asserting that the life energy (prana) should be seen as spiritual in nature. And earlier still in 1932, Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World envisioned a futuristic and coldly mechanistic “sex-centric” world that has become only too real, such that even its more liberal proponents now speak out that aspects of “modern sex” may have gone too far.” [1]
 In his 1980 The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1, Michel Foucault wrote that an entirely new category which he termed, ars eroticas (profound pleasures of the body and soul) was needed to even approach an accurate understanding of the erotic wisdom of India (as well as that of Greco-Roman, Chinese, Japanese and Arabic cultures).
Rajiv: Jung and Huxley were, of course very much basing their ideas on what they learned from Hinduism. Foucault is legendary in today’s academia. What did he say about protecting ars erotica wisdom from this “psychoanalytic gaze?”
Stuart: Foucault was adamant that the world’s ars eroticas be kept completely free from psychoanalytically-derived sexology which he saw, not as giving the world “final erotic truths” but instead as entangled from its very beginning in an ideological battle to “liberate” Europeans from the Judeo-Christian moralistic indictments of a “primordial fallenness” and an “originally-sinful flesh”. These are the cornerstones on which Western minds and bodies have been molded for millennia and the singular cause for their fear.
Rajiv: In other words, this Freudian project is violent when applied to non-Westerners who do not suffer from the Adam-Eve original sin complex to begin with. What about the psychoanalytically-trained, early anthropologists who studied the non-Western “other?”
Stuart: The early anthropologists (Mead, Benedict, Malinowski) who gazed upon “other” cultures through the psychoanalytic lens, as if from superior heights, came to similar conclusions: this lens is not a “clear, illuminating magnifying glass,” but a funhouse mirror of Oedipal distortion and “hyper-repressive desublimation” (Marcuse’s term) more likely to distort than to reveal its “object” of study.
Rajiv: Sudhir Kakar, who delivered the keynote address at the World Spirituality Congress of which you and I were co-conveners in Delhi in 2008, made an interesting comment defending Wendy Doniger. He said, “Psychoanalysis could very well have been Indian, and Freud a tantrikguru”[2]
What do you make of that?
Stuart: A freeing-up of people from their anxieties and facilitating their longings for love and pleasure is a wonderful thing. Had Freud actually been a highly devotional and mature tantric guru, learned in the ars eroticaof India instead of only devising his “scientia sexualis” altogether entangled with Judeo-Christian teachings on “sin” and “fallenness,” Doniger could have used this ars erotica lens in her Indological studies.
With this very different and respectful lens, she could have helped to reveal these tantric depths, for the good of all. Indeed, in this fantasied, ars erotica “tantric Freud,” The Hindus: An Alternative History would now itself have an “alternate history.” Such a (hypothetical) book would be appreciated by all concerned.
Rajiv: Should Indian Psychology seek to free up certain sectors of the Indian populace—as Doniger and Kakar also point to?
Stuart: Here I strongly warn against imitating the Western “sexual liberation.” But I enthusiastically encourage a reinvigoration of India’s indigenous ars erotica energies, its love of the lifelong intact marriage and family lineages and, not the least, its reverential eroticism such as Thirumular notes in my opening quote to this article. Jnaneshvar echoes this further:
Attaining this [tantric khecari] state is a miracle (296)
Shakti and Shiva become one
and in their union, everything…gets dissolved (306)
Further, there is nothing more to experience beyond [this]
Hence, let me stop speaking of it
For it is useless to talk (318)
Dnyaneshwari (Jnaneshvari) Chapter 6 (1210/2002)
Selected readings and references in next page.
http://swarajyamag.com/culture/oh-doctor-wendy-doniger-on-the-couch-a-tantric-psychoanalysis/

Copper anthropomorph Indus Script hypertexts deciphered. mē̃ḍh 'ram' Rebus: Медь [Med'] (Russian, Slavic) 'copper' Rebus: मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant'

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/p8hvgfp

Hieroglyphs signify proclamations in Indus Script Corpora. Artifacts in the round also occur with hieroglyphs to signify proclamations of metalwork competence of the artisans and seafaring merchants of Meluhha. One remarkable artifact of the civilization is a copper anthropomorph with characteristic components of hieroglyph-multiplex as hypertext. This hypertext is deciphered in Indus Script cipher as copper merchant's helper. The hieroglyph for a proclamation is sangada'joined animal parts' Rebus: sangara'proclamation'. This decipherment explains why such unique hieroglyph-multiplexes are created and presented as Indus Script Corpora catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.

Orthographic style of creating anthropomorph (sangaḍa 'joined animal parts') is a characteristic feature of Indus Script cipher. Examples are: copper anthropomorphs found all over North India, terracotta figurines of felines or bulls/bovines as anthropomorphs, i.e. attribution of a human form to animal motifs. Hieroglyph-multiplex sangaḍa Rebus: sangara is a proclamation, an orthographic representation in Indus Script Cipher, a metalwork catalogue.

Consistent with the Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, the hieroglyph-multiplexes on the anthropomorphs may be deciphered as part of a metalwork lexis in Meluhha.

 Медь [Med'] (Russian, Slavic) 'copper' gloss is cognate with mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Munda) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) . The early semantics of the Meluhha word meḍ is likely to be 'copper metal'. Rebus: मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant'. Seafaring merchants of Meluhha ! 

The anthropomorphs are a proclamation (Rebus: sangara-- hieroglyph: sangaḍa 'joined animals or animal parts'), ancient professional calling cards on ancient forms of tablets of metalwork competence.

Copper anthropomorphs found in significant numbers are of two types: Type 1: (Without any further texts or inscription) A body of a standing person (with head shaped like a sivalinga) with arms signified by the curved horns of a ram. Type 2. The same form as Type 1 but with an added hieroglyph: fish.

Indus Script Cipher explains hieroglyphs as hypertexts on the copper anthropomorphs

mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; Rebus: mē̃ḍ'iron' (Mu.) meḍ iron (Ho.)  Rebus:मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant' (Prakritam. Desinamamala. Hemacandra) medh a sacrifice (Samskritam) 

me 'body' Rebus: mē̃ḍ  'iron'
meNha'ram' Rebus: mē̃ḍ  'iron'
aya'fish' Rebus: aya'iron'ayas'metal'
The body of a standing person with the legs drawn apart may also signify a warrior. baTa 'warrior' Rebus: baTa'furnace'.

Thus, the copper anthropomorphs signify metalwork, iron furnaces. The word meD is explained as 'iron' in Munda and Ho. The same word is explained in Slavic languages as 'copper'. Such transferance of signifying metals by th same gloss also occurs for the word loh which is semantically explained as copper or iron or metal, in general.

Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic).
Corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry.
Used in most of the Slavic and Altaic languages.

— Slavic
Мед [Med] Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz'] Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
Kòper Kashubian
Бакар [Bakar] Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med'] Russian
Meď Slovak
Baker Slovenian
Бакар [Bakar] Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian
http://www.vanderkrogt.net/elements/element.php?sym=Cu
The Sheorajpur anthropomorph (348 on Plate A) has a 'fish' hieroglyph incised on the chest
Title / Object:anthropomorphic sheorajpurFund context:Saipai, Dist. KanpurTime of admission:1981Pool:SAI South Asian ArchaeologyImage ID:213 101Copyright:Dr Paul Yule, HeidelbergPhoto credit:Yule, Metalwork of the Bronze in India, Pl 23 348 (dwg)

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-copper-alloy-anthropomorphic.html
One anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’
A remarkable legacy of the civilization occurs in the use of ‘fish‘ sign on a copper anthropomorph found in a copper hoard. This is an apparent link of the ‘fish’ broadly with the profession of ‘metal-work’. The ‘fish’ sign is apparently related to the copper object which seems to depict a ‘fighting ram’ symbolized by its in-curving horns. The ‘fish’ sign may relate to a copper furnace. The underlying imagery defined by the style of the copper casting is the pair of curving horns of a fighting ram ligatured into the outspread legs (of a warrior).
Hieroglyhph: eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper'.In 2003, Paul Yule wrote a remarkable article on metallic anthropomorphic figures derived from Magan/Makkan, i.e. from an Umm an-Nar period context in al-Aqir/Bahla' in the south-western piedmont of the western Hajjar chain. "These artefacts are compared with those from northern Indian in terms of their origin and/or dating. They are particularly interesting owing to a secure provenance in middle Oman...The anthropomorphic artefacts dealt with...are all the more interesting as documents of an ever-growing body of information on prehistoric international contact/influence bridging the void between south-eastern Arabia and South Asia...Gerd Weisgerber recounts that in winter of 1983/4...al-Aqir near Bahla' in the al-Zahirah Wilaya delivered prehistoric planoconvex 'bun' ingots and other metallic artefacts from the same find complex..." 
In the following plate, Figs. 1 to 5 are anthropomorphs, with 'winged' attributes. The metal finds from the al-Aqir wall include ingots, figures, an axe blade, a hoe, and a cleaver (see fig. 1, 1-8), all in copper alloy. 
Fig. 1: Prehistoric metallic artefacts from the Sultanate of Oman: 1-8  al-Aqir/Bahla'; 9 Ra's al-Jins 2, building vii, room 2, period 3 (DA 11961) "The cleaver no. 8 is unparalleled in the prehistory of the entire Near East. Its form resembles an iron coco-nut knife from a reportedly subrecent context in Gudevella (near Kharligarh, Dist. Balangir, Orissa) which the author examined some years ago in India...The dating of the figures, which command our immediate attention, depends on two strands of thought. First, the Umm an-Nar Period/Culture dating mentioned above, en-compasses a time-space from 2500 to 1800 BC. In any case, the presence of “bun“ ingots among the finds by nomeans contradicts a dating for the anthropomorphic figures toward the end of the second millennium BC. Since these are a product of a simple form of copper production, they existed with the beginning of smelting in Oman. The earliest dated examples predate this, i.e. the Umm an-NarPeriod. Thereafter, copper continues to be produced intothe medieval period. Anthropomorphic figures from the Ganges-Yamuna Doab which resemble significantly theal-Aqir artefacts (fig. 2,10-15) form a second line of evidence for the dating. To date, some 21 anthropomorphsfrom northern India have been published." (p. 539; cf. Yule, 1985, 128: Yule et al. 1989 (1992) 274: Yule et al 2002. More are known to exist, particularly from a large hoard deriving from Madarpur.)


Fig. 2: Anthropomorphic figures from the Indian Subcontinent. 10 type I, Saipai, Dist. Etawah, U.P.; 11 type I, Lothal, Dist. Ahmedabad,Guj.; 12 type I variant, Madarpur, Dist. Moradabad, U.P.; 13 type II, Sheorajpur, Dist. Kanpur, U.P.; 14 miscellaneous type, Fathgarh,
Fig. 2: Anthropomorphic figures from the Indian Subcontinent. 10 type I, Saipai, Dist. Etawah, U.P.; 11 type I, Lothal, Dist. Ahmedabad,Guj.; 12 type I variant, Madarpur, Dist. Moradabad, U.P.; 13 type II, Sheorajpur, Dist. Kanpur, U.P.; 14 miscellaneous type, Fathgarh,Dist. Farrukhabad, U.P.; 15 miscellaneous type, Dist. Manbhum, Bihar.
The anthropomorph from Lothal/Gujarat (fig. 2,11), from a layer which its excavator dates to the 19 th century BCE. Lothal, phase 4 of period A, type 1. Some anthropomorphs were found stratified together with Ochre-Coloured Pottery, dated to ca. 2nd millennium BCE. Anthropomorph of Ra's al-Jins (Fig. 1,9) clearly reinforces the fact that South Asians travelled to and stayed at the site of Ra's al-Jins. "The excavators date the context from which the Ra’s al-Jins copper artefact derived to their period III, i.e. 2300-2200 BCE (Cleuziou & Tosi 1997, 57), which falls within thesame time as at least some of the copper ingots which are represented at al-Aqir, and for example also in contextfrom al-Maysar site M01...the Franco-Italian teamhas emphasized the presence of a settled Harappan-Peri-od population and lively trade with South Asia at Ra's al-Jins in coastal Arabia. (Cleuziou, S. & Tosi, M., 1997, Evidence for the use of aromatics in the early Bronze Age of Oman, in: A. Avanzini, ed., Profumi d'Arabia, Rome 57-81)."
"In the late third-early second millennium, given the presence of a textually documented 'Meluhha village' in Lagash (southern Mesopotamia), one cannot be too surprised that such colonies existed 'east of Eden' in south-eastern Arabia juxtaposed with South Asia. In any case, here we encounter yet again evidence for contact between the two regions -- a contact of greater intimacy and importance than for the other areas of the Gulf."(Paul Yule, 2003, Beyond the pale of near Eastern Archaeology: Anthropomorphic figures from al-Aqir near Bahla' In: Stöllner, T. (Hrsg.): Mensch und Bergbau Studies in Honour of Gerd Weisgerber on Occasion of his 65th Birthday. Bochum 2003, pp. 537-542).
See: Weisgerber, G., 1988, Oman: A bronze-producing centre during the 1st half of the 1st millennium BCE, in: J. Curtis, ed., Bronze-working centres of western Asia, c. 1000-539 BCE, London, 285-295.
With curved horns, the ’anthropomorph’ is a ligature of a mountain goat or markhor (makara) and a fish incised between the horns. Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards.  At Sheorajpur, three anthropomorphs in metal were found. (Sheorajpur, Dt. Kanpur. Three anthropomorphic figures of copper. AI, 7, 1951, pp. 20, 29).
One anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’
A remarkable legacy of the civilization occurs in the use of ‘fish‘ sign on a copper anthropomorph found in a copper hoard. This is an apparent link of the ‘fish’ broadly with the profession of ‘metal-work’. The ‘fish’ sign is apparently related to the copper object which seems to depict a ‘fighting ram’ symbolized by its in-curving horns. The ‘fish’ sign may relate to a copper furnace. The underlying imagery defined by the style of the copper casting is the pair of curving horns of a fighting ram ligatured into the outspread legs (of a warrior).
An elaboration of the copper anthropomorph occurs on a Haryana artifact.

An animal-headed anthropomorph http://www.business-standard.com/article/specials/naman-ahuja-is-mastering-the-art-of-reaching-out-114092501180_1.html
The hieroglyphs are: 1. crocodile; 2. one-horned young bull; 3. anthropomorph (with ram's curved horns, body and legs resembling a person)

Indus Script cipher readings of hieroglyph-multiplexes on this artifact are:

1. meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) 
2. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron' baTa 'warrior' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'
3. khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf' Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)
4. kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) Rebus: kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-copper-alloy-anthropomorphic.html


Saipal, Dist. Etawah, UP. Anthropomorph, type I. 24.1x27.04x0.76 cm., 1270 gm., both sides show a chevron patterning, left arm broken off (Pl. 22, 337). Purana Qila Coll. Delhi (74.12/4) -- Lal, BB, 1972, 285 fig. 2d pl. 43d



From Lothal was reported a fragmentary Type 1 anthropomorph (13.0 pres. X 12.8 pres. X c. 0.08 cm, Cu 97.27%, Pb 2.51% (Rao), surface ptterning runs lengthwise, lower portion slightly thicker than the edge of the head, 'arms' and 'legs' broken off (Pl. 1, 22)-- ASI Ahmedabad (10918 -- Rao, SR, 1958, 13 pl. 21A)

The extraordinary presence of a Lothal anthropomorph of the type found on the banks of River Ganga in Sheorajpur (Uttar Pradesh) makes it apposite to discuss the anthropomorph as a Meluhha hieroglyph, since Lothal is reportedly a mature site of the civilization which has produced nearly 7000 inscriptions (what may be called Meluhha epigraphs, almost all of which are relatable to the bronze age metalwork of India).

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-snarling-iron-of.html

http://www.clevelandart.org/art/2004.31  Anthropomorphic Figure, c. 1500 - 1300 BC
India, Bronze Age. copper, Overall - h:23.50 w:36.50 d:0.50 cm (h:9 1/4 w:14 5/16 d:3/16 inches). Norman O. Stone and Ella A. Stone Memorial Fund 2004.31

Copper hoards from the Gangetic valley, India. Of the type not found in Bactria.
knives
Antennae-hilted swords of copper.

http://archaeologyonline.net/artifacts/19th-century-paradigms-5

Image result for anthropomorphic indusAnthropomorphic figure

India
Indus civilization (ca. 3300-1300 B.C.)
ca. 1500 B.C.
Sculpture in bronze
H 19 cm x W 30,50 http://www.axel-vervoordt.com/en/art-antiques/ancient-oriental/pre-columbian/#!/anthropomorphic-figure
Image result for anthropomorphic indusImage result for anthropomorphic indusImage result for anthropomorphic indusImage result for anthropomorphic indus
Anthropomorphic figures formed from copper. Northern India, Doab region, circa 1500-1200 BCE
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #72
"Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa. Whether or not the masks/amulets and attachable water buffalo horns were used in magic or other rituals, unusual and composite animals and anthropomorphic/animal beings were clearly a part of Indus ideology. The ubiquitous "unicorn" (most commonly found on seals, but also represented in figurines), composite animals and animals with multiple heads, and composite anthropomorphic/animal figurines such as the seated quadruped figurines with female faces, headdresses and tails offer tantalizing glimpses into a rich ideology, one that may have been steeped in mythology, magic, and/or ritual transformation. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.5 x 7.1 x 4.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)" Source: http://www.harappa.com/figurines/72.html

Aligrama, Swat
1600 - 500 BC
The Gandhara (or Swat) grave culture emerged ca. 1600 BC, and flourished in Gandhara, Pakistan from 1500 BC to 500 BC. Simply made terracotta figurines were buried with the pottery, and other items are decorated with simple dot designs. Horse remains were found in at least one burial.

Anthropomorphic burial urn.
The Gandhara grave people have been conjecturally associated by certain Indian archeologists with early Indo-Aryan speakers, and the Indo-Aryan migration into South Asia, which cross-bred with indigenous elements of the remnants of the Indus Valley Civilization (Cemetery H). There is no evidence that they spoke an Indo-Aryan language.
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #1
Anthropomorph bull. Man's face on a terracotta bull. http://www.harappa.com/figurines/1.html  A group of terracotta figurines from Harappa "After many decades of research, the Indus Civilization is still something of an enigma -- an ancient civilization with a writing system that still awaits convincing decipherment, monumental architecture whose function still eludes us, no monumental art, a puzzling decline, and little evidence of the identity of its direct descendants. In a civilization extending over an area so vast, we expect to find monumental art and/or architectural symbols of power displaying the names of the powerful. Instead, we find an emphasis on small, elegant art and sophisticated craft technology. In this so-called "faceless civilization," three-dimensional representations of living beings in the Harappan world are confined to a few stone and bronze statues and some small objects crafted in faience, stone, and other materials - with one important exception. Ranging in size from slightly larger than a human thumb to almost 30 cm. (one foot) in height, the anthropomorphic and animal terracotta figurines from Harappa and other Indus Civilization sites offer a rich reflection of some of the Harappan ideas about representing life in the Bronze Age. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)."
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #49

http://www.harappa.com/figurines/49.html Feline figurine with "coffee bean" eyes from Harappa. "It has been suggested that some feline figurines have anthropomorphic facial features. While features such as "coffee bean" eyes are unusual, the facial features of many animal figurines are stylized. Such features as beards are not necessarily anthropomorphic features, but may represent either tigers’ ruffs or lions’ manes. Variations in facial features may represent differences in wild felines rather than anthropomorphization. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.1 x 12.2 x 6.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)"

Abhik Ghosh, PhD
Department of Anthropology, Panjab University
Keywords
chotanagpur, ethno-archaeology, india, iron, prehistory, rock art
Citation
A Ghosh. Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 4: Ethnoarchaeology, Rock Art, Iron And The Asuras. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2008 Volume 3 Number 1.
Abstract
This paper discusses for interrelated aspects of prehistoric and proto-historic cultures from the Chotanagpur region of India. It begins by looking at the ethno-archaeological data from the region. Then, it goes on to discuss the various kinds of rock art sites in the entire region. Third, it looks at the iron sites in the region. Finally, it looks at the phenomenon often described as Asura sites or Asura cultures in the region. All these elements would be studied to glean important facts regarding the prehistoric sites in the region and to attempt to find ways to understand their cultures. It is hoped that this paper would generate many studies that expand the scope of this paper to incorporate more data and many more ideas for a further and better understanding of these early cultures.


Introduction

In this continuing saga of human expansion in the Chotanagpur region, it is necessary to note the fact that there are many communities in the region which have lifestyles and cultures from which we may learn about the earlier pre-historic and proto-historic communities of the region. Archaeologists practicing this arena of knowledge are called ethno-archaeologists. Through the works of a number of ethno-archaeologists, the first section of the paper will attempt to delineate the variety of cultural models that will attempt to make sense of the Chotanagpur prehistoric material from the past[123].
The conclusions from this material will then lead us into the study of the symbols and findings of the huge number of rock art material from the region. This will add on to our knowledge of the way early cultures thought about their environments and their lives. It would add on the knowledge of ethno-zoology/palaeo-zoology to the earlier data of the region. Some of the data is available in the adjoining states of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal, rather than solely in the heartland of the Bihar/Jharkhand region.
The complexity and variety of iron-using and iron-making as well as iron-extracting communities in India is amazingly diverse. In fact, there are so many kinds of cultures that are involved in these processes that it would be entirely wrong to say that there has ever been a true Iron Age community in India, and definitely not in the Chotanagpur region. These facts are illustrated through the sites found showing iron usage.
Leading through this morass of data of the Chotanagpur region, finally, I shall describe the complexity of information available regarding the Asuras of the region. The Asuras have been studied ethno-archaeologically, they have been part of the iron-using and iron-making part of Chotanagpur culture and, it is possible, they have been instrumental in forming some of the first states in the region. The data available on the Asuras will thus be discussed in detail throwing light on the various issues that emerge.
It is hoped that this paper will thus help us in formulating a better idea of the cultures that lived during the prehistoric and proto-historic period in Chotanagpur.

The Data From Ethno-Archaeology

It must be stated here that often archaeologists have mistaken assumptions regarding what constitutes a tribe. This is aided and abetted by the fact that even today anthropologists have also defined tribes differently. Further, the term ‘tribe’ may be used as an econo-political type in an evolutionary hierarchy of societies[4], or it may be used as a socio-cultural type, whether or not evolutionarily connected to an earlier era. For details of the real problems that it generates, it would be useful to look at the concept as a really occurring cluster of types some of which may or may not be present[5].
The snake cults in the region have been discussed many times by others. There seem to be a snake in the rock carvings found in the excavation of Sarjamhatu medium irrigation scheme near Chaibasa. Further, Rajgir has many items which show snake being a venerated item dated to the third century BC. This continues into the Manasa cult in Bengal. Such Naga figures also exist in Vaisali and Kumrahar in Bihar between 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD. A Naga-Panchami festival is still held in July-August in Bihar[6].
R. P. Sharma[7], in this context, argues out a gradual differentiation of peasantry from an earlier tribal ancestry in the Indian context. However, due to a mixing up of the term ‘tribe’ with other categories which may or may not be associated with it, his claims fall flat. Further, he has also not noted, that perhaps what we have begun to call tribes may not have come into existence until after the state came into existence in the region and a group of people was forced to create an identity of its own, in opposition to state forces and definitely because of it[8]. Even if it happened in a limited number of cases, it is still a valid enough possibility for it not to be ignored.
Bhattacharya[9] comments on the terracotta snake found from Chirand and links it up with the cultural aspects of the Bauris of Bankura district in West Bengal. Their worship of the cult of Manasa is symbolically associated with their linkage to the king, and hence to power, prestige and economic advantages.
Such studies have also been conducted very fruitfully in great detail on the Kanjars of Uttar Pradesh by Malti Nagar and V.N. Misra[10] and on the Van Vagris of Rajasthan by V.N. Misra[11].
As far as the metallurgy of the region is concerned, many authors have tried to link up the metallurgy of local indigenous communities with the meals found from archaeological sites. Ray, et al.[12] and Ray[13] have found that the Sithrias caste practise a brass working in an indigenous style which is remarkably similar to the brass artifacts found at Kuanr.
In this regard, the structure of the indigenous iron-making communities as studied by Sarkar[14] is of great importance. He divides the art of the blacksmith into two sections – the removal of iron from the ore or smelting, and the fashioning of iron into other products or forging. He sees, often, that the two are supported by two different groups of people. Sometimes, the two are looked upon differently by local populations, one being kept lower than the other in the hierarchy. The Agaria are a tribal community that have inhabited the Central Indian region and their name comes from the word aag or fire. The Agaria were less numerous in the Ranchi plateau but had become incorporated with the Asurs of the region. Lohars are a group of communities who work on iron and they may have either a tribal or non-tribal origin. They were often secluded and were of a low caste designation. He was required widely and most villages had at least one Lohar. In the Santal Parganas, they trace their origin either from Birbhum, Manbhum or Burdwan, as well as from Magahi.
It seems that in these areas, general use of iron had not started in the early historical period. Thus, though mining and extraction of the metal was important to the states of the period, its use seems to have remained unmentioned. In fact, the word Munda (as a tribe of this region is called) also means a ball of iron. Tribal groups were mostly relegated to iron extraction and often the ores were found in the forested and hilly regions which were claimed to be traditionally their habitats. The iron of Bengal was famed for its malleability. In Birbhum, the iron smelters included Santals, Bonyahs and Kols. Such activity was part-time and seasonal and was combined with agriculture. ‘Iron earth’ was obtained either from the surface or by digging small shafts under the ground. The extraction was normally in the open, but the smelting houses were like blacksmith’s workshops and run by Kol-lohars, who were a non-agricultural group. They were in contact with iron merchants and received advances from them. There were also others who sold it to others and carried to iron markets called aurangs[15].
In Bihar and Jharkhand, such iron-smelting was an ancient craft in the Rajmahal Hills, Palamu-Ranchi and Dhalbhum-Singhbhum regions. Many tribals participated. In the Rajmahals it was the Kols, who were migrants with hunting as a subsidiary occupation or even some agriculture. Then, there were the Agaria/Asurs of Ranchi and Chotanagpur, the Cheros and Bhoktas of Palamau, Hos and Kharias of Dhalbhum, Korahs and Nyahs of Bhagalpur district, often on their way to becoming settled agriculturists. They handed over iron to the Lohars for cash. In the Rajmahal hills and Santal parganas there were larger forges and indications of organized, large-scale and long-term smelting of iron also, leading to functional specialization and blacksmith colonies. In Orissa, Patuas and Juangs created iron of the best quality. In Bonai it was done by the Kols, probably from Singhbhum. It was a subsidiary craft practiced by Sambalpur villagers along with agriculture. In Darjeeling, iron was manufactured but not smelted by the Kamins. In Khasia hills it was done by the Garos, Khasis and Nagas, though this region had features different from that of the Chotanagpur[15].
Thus, over time, the blacksmith became part of the caste hierarchy and often rose in it through the process of Sanskritization while the iron-smelters remained lower in the hierarchy. While the Lohars and Lohras were allowed to become smiths in the villages of Oraons, the Agarias were not even allowed to use Oraon wells. Myths exist in the whole region, which separate the Gonds, the Santals, Bhumij, Ho or Lohars from the iron-smelting tribes and they involve the invoking of gods (like the Sun) to destroy the Asurs/Agarias. Thus, while these tribes worship the sun the Asur-Agarias do not. The Kherwars, Cheros and Bhoktas similarly removed the Bhurs and Marhs to Singhrauli or Kaimur where they were smelting iron. One group of Kols, under the influence of the Oraons, started worshipping the sun, doing agriculture and left iron-smelting. Another group ran from there, hid in the Bonai hills and started iron-smelting. Women in tribal communities like the Agaria or Kol were allowed to work in the smelting process while the Lohars did not allow women in their work. Such practices recreated this social division between them. As Lohars from outside kept adjusting to the communities they stayed with, they also became more and more confused in the adoption of these new cultural mores[15].
Tripathi and Mishra[16] also studied the iron-making communities in detail and found out that the Mahuli Agarias produced white iron which was used for preparing weapons. A high grade iron was also produced by the Parsa group of Agarias as well as the Kamis of Darjeeling.
Shahida Ansari[1718] has explained certain specific features of hunter-gatherers of the past using the cultural practices of the Musahars, or rat-eaters, of Uttar Pradesh. It was claimed by the author that some of the small animals carried in rock paintings include rats for eating. It is, of course, a fact that a great deal can be learnt from such studies, especially relating to demography, resource use, cultural practices, decision-making as well as housing structures and material culture. Their settlement patterns have also been used as a method to study the settlement patterns of archaeological sites in the Uttar Pradesh region, in order to understand them better.
Ansari[18] studied the Kols, Musahars and Tharus of U.P. to get a better idea of the way clay storage bins are used in the Neolithic period. Mahisdal (1380±105 BC and 1085±110 BC for Period I Chalcolithic) and Pandu Rajar Dhibi (1012±120 BC for Period II Chalcolithic), among others, were analyzed in this category. From Mahisdal in the 2nd millennium BC layer Rice (Oryza sativa L.) were found while the same was found in the first half of the 2ndmillennium BC layer at Pandu Rajar Dhibi.
Mohanta, et al.[19] have discovered 17 iron-smelting sites of prehistoric origin in the Mayurbhanj district. They argue against a diffusion of iron-smelting technology into the area and claim that it was produced indigenously. Iron is dated here to about the second half of the first millennium B.C. but it could have been earlier. Whether it was the prime mover in the clearing of forests and initiating agriculture is still not clear.
Further, Ray[13] also comments that the megalithic structure creation is a cultural habit of the present day Bhumij tribe, who erect such big stones over the charred bones of their ancestors. Such practices may have continued from the Neolithic.
Ray and Chakraborty[20] studied the Santals in the West Bengal region and saw the major use of pottery was by these tribals, yet they did not know how to make pottery. This function was performed by Hindu potters. As a result, such Hindu potters aided in a way the Santal habit of mixing hunting-gathering with an agricultural way of life.

The Rock Art Of The Region

In 1915 Percy Brown with C.J. Balding and C.W. Anderson found the rock paintings at Singanpur[21]. These were made with red ochre and the iron oxide was found in the rocks of the cave. Suspecting that the present floor was not the original one, it was excavated to a depth of 18 inches to 2.5 feet, yielding some pieces of rock crystal, coloured quartz, a small lump of red ochre and agate flakes. The weapons depicted include clubs, bows and axes. According to N.K. Chowdhury, these were drawn on felspathic sandstones, probably of the Dharwar period. The removal of felspars due to weathering has led to the friability.
The rock paintings found from Hazaribagh in Bihar became popular due to the efforts of Bulu Imam, who had contacted INTACH in order to publicise and protect these paintings through printed book/s[22] and web sites. The sites are found at Isko, Thathangi, Raham and Satpahar (1-9) in Hazaribagh district; Ranigadar, Naadiha, Fioluhar (Kauwakola), Sarkanda (Kakolata Fall Area) in district Nawada; Baltharva, Sankarpur in district Gaya and Mukwa, Pateshar, Jhapla, Hathidah, Dugha in district Kaimur.
They are often made of white or black paints. Neumayer[23] tries to give these paintings the context that is present in the Vindhyan rock paintings, comparing styles and patterns to show similarities and differences. He reaches the conclusion that one could not achieve any decision relating to dates from this site though it is possible that were linked to the Mesolithic settlements in the Vindhyan region. Further, the Oraons and other tribes in the region use similar styles of paintings even today in their depiction of various scenes on their bridal huts which they had been calling Khowar. Hence, due to this nomenclature, the tribal Khowar art has been transformed from the ancient past to the present day has been the claim of Bulu Imam and others. The proof of such a claim is still awaited though some tools have been picked up from the floor of the cave (Singh; 1996-97: personal communication). The linkage of the tools on the floor with the period of the paintings is still not clear.
Prasad[24] calls it the Vratya tradition. Here, again, it is claimed that skins may have been used for painting where caves were not available, and after the Palaeolithic it may have been a lost art which was again ‘reawakened’ many years later. It is claimed here that flint burins of various types and sizes were employed. The pigments used were red haematite or other oxides of iron and lime. Most of this was available in the nearby area. The painting was done by fingers or with a spatula, a crude brush like a frayed end of a twig or a pad of fur. A liquid binder must have been used for the paint whose identity has yet to be established. Prasad claims that a pastoral economy has mainly male deities. The paintings depict an organized catching of animals for domestication. A man carries a baby animal over his shoulder while a tall ‘superman’ stands with a prominent phallus observing. A dancing woman has been drawn using the form of a petroglyph using sharp stones. Other animals, including a dinosaur-type of animal are also seen. In Kaimur community dancing is seen as among the present-day tribals of the region. Other symbols seem to be magical or religious.
The rock engravings in the rock-shelters of Orissa (part of which are within the Chotanagpur plateau region) have been referred to by Neumayer with respect to the context of the Mesolithic in the region. They include Vikramkhol and Ulap in Sambalpur district (the former reported by K.P. Jayaswal[25] in 1933), Gudahandi and Yogimath (Nuwapara district), Manikmoda and Ushakothi (Sundargarh district) and Pakhna Pathar (Mayurbhanj district). Since then twenty-one more rock art sites have been added. Most of these are in district Sundargarh. It forms the connecting link between the Central Indian Chhattisgarh region and the Eastern Indian Chotanagpur region. The rock-art of this region resembles the rock-art sites in Central India[26].
The rock system is sedimentary, fossiliferous, purple ferruginous sandstone, silt-stone, shells and grits. The rocks found here are soft, medium-grained sandstone and red shale of the Cuddapah group and thus weathers easily. There are extensive plateaus and dense vegetation with several seasonal and perennial nallahs and streams. At the peaks or edges of such regions the rocks have been hollowed out naturally giving rise to rock shelters. Artifacts, including microliths, are also found lying beside or are embedded in and around these shelters. At Vikramkhol, Jayaswal in 1933 had claimed that the inscriptions resembled a pictographic script from right to left intermediary between the script of Brahmi and that of Mohenjodaro. The paintings include the use of red and yellow ochre. He claimed, thus, that Brahmi was Indian and the Phoenician and European scripts were developments from it. This was supported by N.P. Chakrabarti in 1936, Charles Fabri[27] in 1936 and G.C. Mohapatra[28] in 1982. However, Gordon[29] in 1960 disagreed with this view, claiming that there was no script to be seen among these inscriptions. This was also agreed as not being a script by Pradhan[26].
The microliths found include blades, backed points, lunates, trapeze, triangles, tined arrow-heads, burins, fluted cores, flakes and chips, lumps of ground haematites, hand-made mat-impressed pottery and wheel made pottery (Lekhamoda VI), ringstones, hammer-stones and celts extending from the Mesolithic period to the Neolithic-chalcolithic period. In all the cases engravings have been found with the paintings. The engravings were filled with dark red ochre or rubbed with moist haematite lumps. In their stylistic nature and their symbolism, they differ from the Central Indian rock paintings (though faint resemblances exist) and may have had a ritual purpose as among the wall paintings of the Saora and Santal, engravings among the Juangs, Kondhs or Gonds of tribal Orissa. Thus, an ethno-archaeological method of analysis might be more suitable in this context[26].
Erwin Neumayer[30] also reported more sites from Sambalpur and Sundargarh districts of Orissa – Osakothi or Ushakothi, Phuldungri, Brahmanigupha, Chhenga Pahar, Bridge Rock, Lakhamara, Sargikhol, Chhichiriakhol, Ulapgarh and Titliabahal. Again, he could not discern any similarities between these images and those in Central India.

The Problem Of The ‘Asura’ Sites

Over a hundred sites were described by S.C. Roy over the years (see an outline in Roy[31]). They were described as Asur sites due to local mythology, Asur garhs or forts and Asur sasans or burial grounds. In fact, the great slabs of stones on some of these Asur graves had been removed by the Mundas for the graves of their ancestors. Roy saw them as having the following basic features (after Chakrabarti[32]):
They were always on elevated areas conveniently located on the banks of a water course and eminently suited for defence.
They had foundations of brick buildings, large tanks, cinerary urns, copper ornaments and stone beads, copper celts and traces of iron-smelting. The antiquity of the stone temple ruins and stone sculptures found associated with some reputed Asura sites was unlikely to be applicable to them.
The period covers a wide chronological horizon, though Roy’s assertion that they cover the Stone, Copper and early Iron Age are wrong. They are mostly within the early historic period.
Further, S.C. Roy divided two kinds of urns found in the graves as belonging to Group A or Group B. Group A in Khuntitoli included large earthenware urns not found by him earlier in Ranchi and Singhbhum excavations. Group A and Group B in this village were separated by a water channel. Group B urns were of the usual ghara shape that he normally found in such graves in the district. In both cases, the contents of the urns do not indicate any differences. He also indicates that since the area had seen prolonged use, perhaps one group (group A) was more advanced and had a more improved pattern of urn than group B which might have been an earlier form. The slabs were supported like a seat with four stones on four corners ‘like a house’ and the size of the slab was no indication of the amount of grave goods included. Each slab was placed East-West on its long axis.
The grave goods included bronze and copper chains, bracelets, anklets, finger rings, toe rings, beads, bronze ankle bells, ear ornaments, dishes, bells, unstamped copper coins, iron arrowheads, rings, jugs (some spouted) with patterns on them and bones, which had been kept here after burning. Below the level of the graveyard some Neolithic stone celts were also found. Here, after the rains, Roy picked up stone crystal beads, arrowheads, axe-heads, stone cores and flakes from 7/8-15 feet below the brick foundations of Asur buildings. Shiva-lingas with the encircling yonis were also present. Roy believed the Asurs to be the worshippers of these. At Khuntitoli, a tiny metal figure of a man driving a plough drawn by two bullocks was ploughed up near an Asur site.
Further small stools were found in regions like Palamau district, and such stools are still worshipped and kept under trees, people believing them to have been there for many centuries. Further, Roy also comments on the fact that even if Asurs invented the smelting of iron, there were too few iron artifacts. Thus, he sees a four or three stage culture represented by the Asur graves – first a Neolithic stage, over that a Copper Age and overlapping that an Iron Age. Under this there may be some palaeolithic tools. Above this there may be Kushan coins. The Asurs of yore seem to have great forts, were skilled potters and workers in copper, bronze and iron. The currency involved coins of shells and small, round, thick pieces of copper.
A strong belief in the after-life was also inferred from the grave goods. The bodies were burnt, then broken with a heavy stick and put into the cinerary urns. Some of the bones show injury marks, one on a skull, if it be ante-mortem which is likely, resulted in the death of the individual. The stature was between 4 feet 10 inches to 5 feet with good musculature. Such an injury that resulted in death was inferred from a skull in Khuntitoli, Singhbhum district[33]. The skull capacity was smaller and there were prominent cheek bones, with small jaws, face and slight prognathism[34]. Caldwell[35] also analyzed the proportion of various metals in the artifacts found.
Murray’s report in 1940 indicates his studies of Ruamgarh in 1926 of such a site from Singhbhum district. There are problems of lumping all the cultural materials into one horizon and then labeling it as being from 3rd-4thcenturies AD. The two crania found were not part of the site itself but were found some way beside it due to the exposure of their burial and two stones resting near them indicate a burial area. One was a male of between 22-26 years, the other, also a male, between 17-21 years. They could possibly be linked to Mundas in the region[33].
The skulls and skeletal material found from Bulandibagh and Kumrahar near Patna are dated to about 2115 ± 250 BP (Kumrahar). The Kumrahar adult female skull was more recent and different to the Bulandibagh young adult male[36].
Though the issue may be argued, there is no true megalithic formation present. The so-called ‘megalithic’ sites found in the district could be interpreted in a different way. The majority of the tribals of the region, especially the Mundas and the Oraons, worship not only the forests, land, river, and mountains but also the stones around them. Spirits are given a place in the hearth by digging in a wooden block or a piece of stone. There is ancestor worship and many of the spirits are those of ancestors. Hence, the usage of large stone pieces to mark graves or to extend the usage to give a khunt or permanent place for a spirit cannot be extrapolated into an entire, regulated practice and cultural features that is a hallmark of megalithic cultures in South India.
Secondly, there are problems with the dating of this practice since large stones or pulkhi are still placed on top of the place where the remains of the dead are interred to this date in many tribal villages, especially among the Mundas.
Thus, the ‘Asura’ sites are characterized by remains of brick buildings, traces of iron-smelting, copper implements and ornaments, gold coins, stone implements, beads, silted up tanks, cinerary urns, iron implements, potsherds, stone implements and sculptures. The pottery is of coarse fabric, thick in section, terracotta red in colour and mostly wheelmade. It includes jars, bowls and vases[32]. The radio carbon dates suggested that these finds belonged to the late centuries B.C. and the early centuries A.D. Copper objects found sometimes overlap with these Asura sites[37].
Two uncalibrated radiocarbon dates for some of these sites are TF-369 – 1970+90 BP (20 BC) and TF-70 – 1850+100 BP (100 AD)[32].
Was there an Asura kingdom at the time? We cannot know this for certain. There are indications that some of these sites were located on elevated areas which were highly defensible. It is entirely possible that what is taken to be Asura finds may be the finds of two or more cultures living in close association or trading, with one of them participating in early chiefdoms or states. That the ‘Asura’ community was practicing trade with others is evident from the gold coins found in some of the sites.
In Darbhanga district, Bihar, there is a fort called Asurgarh, about 40 miles from Darbhanga and Madhubani. Supposedly, it had been settled by Asur Shah, a Muslim chieftain, some of whose punch marked coins were also found. Locals claim the area to be old, if not Buddhistic in period, but a Muslim chieftain would put it not older than 15th century. The name given to the chieftain is also not complimentary[38].
What we know of present Asuras is very little. The 1981 Census shows them to be less than 8,000 in number. They remember that their sole earning used to be from smelting iron ore with the help of charcoal. Few families maintain this practice now, and NGOs like Vikas Bharati in Bishunpur are trying to train them and others to teach and re-learn these dying skills[3940].
Banerji-Sastri[41] tried to trace them through historical sources and found the earliest reference to be around 2nd century BC. Earlier to this, they may have belonged to the land of the Assyrians. It is claimed that the Ashurabsorbed the cultures of ancient Egypt and Babylon and passed them on to India. They are known in history as Ashur about the 1200s (BC) after which they disappear to re-emerge in the 10th century BC. The author claims they came to India through sea routes rather than land ones.
They then became incorporated into Indian society, traveling into many of its parts. They became the Brahmans who sat beside the various kings in India and were well-versed in astronomy and medicine. They also collaborated and fought with a variety of different groups. They may have become the kings of Magadh (now the Patna and Gaya districts of Bihar) and have left traces in Rajgir and various other Central Indian sites along with the mythology of the sacrifice conducted by Raja Janmejaya due to which all the snakes of the Chotanagpur region died, a mythology still enacted by many tribals of the region[42].
Further, they were seafarers and traveled all over India often through waterways. They became gradually absorbed into Indian society of that time, though some returned back to Assyria and others went on to the Pacific. Small groups of them often lost at wars and hid in the jungles of Chotanagpur, Nagpur, the North East, going to the places which carried their names, for they brought to India their own serpent symbols of the Naga and that of Garuda[43].
Initially, it may be supposed that the defined Asuras of Sanskritic mythology of those who were “of unintelligible speech”, “devoid of rites”, “following strange ordinances”, “without devotion”, “not sacrificing”, “indifferent to the gods” and “lawless” were the tribals of the Chotanagpur and other regions. However, this may not be entirely true, since Munda mythology refers to the Asuras as being killed by their gods, the variety of Asura sites and their graveyards. Roy[44] claims that the present-day Asurs took up the name of this ancient group and its iron-smelting.
These Asurs are divided into three kinds: there are the Soika Asurs, also called Agarias or Agaria Asurs (the iron-smelters), the Birjias who have also taken up plaiting bamboo baskets, etc. with iron-smelting and the Jait Asurs who live in villages, smelt iron and manufacture ploughshares and other rude iron implements, some families also taking up agriculture and being Hinduised neither marry nor interdine with other sections. Incidentally, iron-smelting Agarias are also found in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh states also[44].
The Birjias as well as the Soika Asurs have nomadic or migratory groups (uthlu) as well as settled groups (thania). The settled Birjias are further divided into the Dudh Birjias who do not eat beef and the Rarh Birjias who do. A further division among the Birjias are those who anoint their brides and bridegrooms only with oil (Telia Birjias) and those who use vermilion as well as oil (Sinduraha Birjias). The Asurs seem to have similar practices with the Mundas and the Birjias seem to have clan as well as individual totems. They now practise only cremation of the dead and there is no urn-burial. However, such burial is seen among the Hos and Mundas. In a particular ritual called sanrsi-kulasi, iron implements are used to sacrifice fowl to ancient Asur spirits in order that they continue giving them a plentiful supply of iron-ore. Though the two tribes look similar, the title Asur seems to have been given to them because they practice iron-smelting. The earlier Asurs were not from the same racial stock as the Mundas[44].
Roy[44] further avers that they were an earlier advanced group of people who lost to the Indo-Aryans and escaped to the jungles. They were rapidly absorbed into the Indian groups through intermarriage and the Bengalis contain a large proportion of this mixture also. They are also found in Southern and Central India. He refers to them as the Nag branch of the Asurs and finds similarities with Asur sites and the ruins of the Indus Valley civilization. He also feels that this group may have had more than one division and may have been as widespread as the Indus Valley sites.
In the mythology of the Mundas, there is an account of the existence of the Asuras, who were iron-smelters, long before the advent of Mundas. The Asuras would not allow the Mundas to stay. Hence, the Munda gods tried to intercede on behalf of the Mundas. When the Asuras still refused to allow Mundas into their territory, the Asuras were punished by the gods. The men went into their iron-smelting furnaces believing that they would find gold. Doors were shut on them and they burnt to death. The women became part of the Munda tribe.
The dates match this version of mytho-history, for the first Munda King, Phanimukut Rai, was crowned in 93 A.D. according to the Vansavali or genealogy kept by his 63rd descendant, the present Maharaja of Chotanagpur.
The coming of the Oraons into the region is also clouded in mystery. Some accounts claim that the Oraons were present at the coronation of Phanimukut Rai. Others claim that they lost their kingdom when the Turkish Muslims attacked and won Rohtasgarh in 1198 A.D. Still others vehemently declare that they were beaten by Sher Shah Suri who treacherously defeated them and won Rohtasgarh from them in 1538 A.D., leaving them to flee to Chotanagpur[45].
It is also a matter of confusion that Oraons are a Dravidian language speaking group[46] while the Asuras and the Mundas are an Austro-Asiatic language speaking group[46].
Apart from the Oraons, the Sauriya Paharia, the Mal Pahariya and the Gond speak the Dravidian language. Hence, by this token it was believed that since all the other communities spoke either Indo-Aryan or Austro-Asiatic languages they must have migrated from the Southern parts of India. According to S.C. Roy, the route could not be ascertained but he suspected that a small portion of this group settled in the Rajmahal hills and came to be called the Maler tribe. S.C. Roy thus influenced his student to conduct a study on the Maler. The study of S.S. Sarkar on the Maler of Rajmahal Hills disproved this hypothesis.
However, it is clear that the Oraons came after the Mundas had already established themselves in the region. This can be seen from their mythological accounts. The Oraons of Ranchi district frequently claim that they had to give up their language as well as their gods when they settled on Munda land which may be seen even now. Then, many Oraons villages still have their old Munda names. Finally, the original, communal land-ownership of the Mundas (known as the khuntkatti) gave way to the present bhuinhari land tenure of the Oraons which is a breakdown of the khuntkatti tenure. This land tenure also was broken down into a tenure system for the later settlers and who were required as service providers (whether castes or tribes) for the dominant caste or tribe of the village. This became the raiyati tenure.
Having delineated these problems, I again return to the issue of state formation or of the rise of chiefdoms. The case of the Asuras makes it clear that there was trade with others outside this area. Whether such Asuras can be linked to the Asuras of the Mahabharata period is a matter of conjecture[40]. However, if the black or gray clayey layer is taken to be the site of a neolithic-chalcolithic industry, then other evidences would have to be taken into account.
Iron is known from many regions in the area. At Barudih in Singhbhum district, an iron sickle with a profusion of Neolithic celts and coarse black-and-red pottery has been dated to 1055/210 BC (calibrated to 140-830 BC). Further, in the Neolithic-Chalcolithic phase, a total of 80 sites are recorded from Bengal alone. Of these, the iron-bearing layers of Bahiri, Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Mangalkot yield dates around 1000 BC for their first iron-bearing levels[47].
It is necessary for a large population to go in for an intensification of their agriculture as arable land decreases. However, early states need not have intensification of agriculture as a necessary hallmark[48]. They may have a root crop agriculture tradition which would require the small-sized celts and ring-stones found in the region[4950].
It is not yet clear when or how sedentary agricultural practices came into the region. The Oraons claim that they first started practicing agriculture but there is no evidence to prove this. What is clear is that the early inhabitants of Ranchi district did not solely practice sedentary agriculture. All of them had alternative modes of livelihood.

Conclusions

Considering the fact that the Hathnora calvarium was dated to about 760,000 BP, it seems important to find out the spread and dispersion of prehistoric cultures in India during the entire period. The Chotanagpur region may be taken to be one geographic zone and thus it has been taken as a unit, even though it spans many states. One of the states that it spans is Madhya Pradesh, which includes the Hathnora region.
This tenuous link has been taken to include the fact that populations from these regions must have passed through the region or even settled there. The diversity and specificity of the tools found in the region need to be explained, if not through direct stratigraphic and other hard evidences, then through the lens of a variety of theoretical approaches.
The data from ethno-archaeology teaches us that there is a very tenuous link between the current classification of communities as ‘tribes’ or as ‘peasants’ since there is a deep interlinkage between these two hypothetically created definitions. Also, many communities also traditionally participated in metal-working and so their ‘simple’ or ‘primitive’ nature is thrown into doubt. Different communities seem to have formed niches or economic-categories in between modern communities. This model that is seen in the current context may also have been followed earlier. As a result, it seems clear that earlier communities need not have followed one culture but would have been composites of populations having many cultures, often interspersed and sharing traits and ideas.
Thus, the iron using and iron making cultures of the past could not have been a unified Iron Age but was a product of this past multi-cultural heritage where many cultures collected, smelted and worked iron to help out and earn from the iron using communities that emerged.
The rock art-creating cultures are another offshoot of this complexity that is emerging in this zone. There seems to be a large variety in these as well and spatially this is to be expected since they are located in regions fairly separated. However, the rock art that is seen here seems to have lent itself readily to being transmitted culturally to present generations of tribals in the Jharkhand region who use such motifs as decorations on the mud walls of their huts even today. Also, there seems to be a traditional sequence from one stage to the next and associated skeletal finds that substantiate this.
The Asura sites are much more varied and interesting than they had appeared at first. It seems that most states, grave goods and use of iron and other metals has often made early archaeologists call them Asura sites, which has been linked with some mythological material or researches into local folklore. However, the Asura sites seem to be developing into the same pattern of variety within the structure that we see in the ethno-archaeological, iron using and iron making and rock art contexts. Thus, they are also formed from a variety of cultures and communities and their apparent similarity should not blind us to this basic reality. In the next stage of analysis we shall see how the entire structure of the prehistory of the Chotanagpur region may be seen from this perspective.

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28. Mohapatra, G.C. 1982. Notes on the Vikramkhol and Ushakothi rock-shelters in Orissa, Man and Environment 6: 97-100.
29. Gordon, D.H. 1960. The prehistoric background of Indian culture, 2nd ed. Bombay.
30. Neumayer, Erwin. 1988-89. Rock pictures in Orissa, Puratattva 22: 13-24.
31. Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1920. Distribution and nature of Asur sites in Chota nagpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 393-406.
32. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1993. Archaeology of Eastern India, Chotanagpur
plateau and West Bengal. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
33. Kennedy, Kenneth A.R. 1972. Anatomical description of two crania from Ruamgarh: An ancient site in Dhalbhum, Bihar, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 7: 129-141.
34. Roy Chowdhury, Amal Kumar. 1920. Appendix I: Note on Asur bones, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 407-408.
35. Caldwell, K.S. 1920. Appendix II: The result of analyses of certain ornaments found in Asur sites, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 409-423 (with Appendices III and IV).
36. Ray, Gautamsankar. 1972. A note on the human remains from Pataliputra, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 7: 143-147.
37. Patil, D.R. 1963. The antiquarian remains in Bihar. Patna: Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute.
38. Krishnan, H.R. 1939. Asurgarh – An unexplored ruin, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 25: 52-57.
39. Singh, R.P. 1993. Asur (in Hindi). Ranchi: Bihar Tribal Research Institute.
40. Ruben, Walter. 1940. The “Asur” tribe of Chota-nagpur: “Blacksmiths and devils in India,” Man In India 20(4): 290-294.
41. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(a). The Asuras in Indo-Iranian literature, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 110-139.
42. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(b). Asura expansion in India, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 243-285.
43. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(c). Asura expansion by sea, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 334-360.
44. Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1926. The Asurs – Ancient and modern, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 147-152.
45. Ghosh, Abhik. 2002. History and culture of the Oraon tribe. Delhi: Mohit Publications.
46. Grierson, G.A. (Ed.). 1906. Linguistic survey of India vol. IV. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing.
47. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. and Nayanjot Lahiri. 1993-1994. The Iron Age in India: The beginning and consequences, Puratattva No.24: 12-33.
48. Netting, Robert McC. 1990. Population, permanent agriculture, and politics: Unpacking the evolutionary port-manteau, Steadman Upham (ed.) The Evolution of Political Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 21- 61.
49. Bhattacharya, D.K. 1993. Is prehistory dead in India?, Journal of the Asiatic Society 35(3): 52-73. (Read in 1992 under Panchanan Mitra Lecture Series).
50. Bhattacharya, D.K. 1996. Towards a regional archaeology in India, K. M. Shrimali (ed.) Indian Archaeology since Independence. Delhi: Association for the Study of History and Archaeology, pp. 85-94.


Map of the Chota Nagpur ecoregionMap of the Chota Nagpur ecoregion


Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region, India, Part 1: Making Sense Of The Stratigraphy

A Ghosh
Keywords
archaeology, bihar, chotanagpur, india, jharkhand, stratigraphy
Citation
A Ghosh. Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region, India, Part 1: Making Sense Of The Stratigraphy. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2007 Volume 1 Number 2.
Abstract
This paper, the first of a series, attempts to review the literature available on the various sites in the entire Chotanagpur region. The reason for this is the fact that even though this region is spread out over the states of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal, it has its own specific kind of topology and topography. Very few archaeologists, geologists and anthropologists have dealt with this entire range though all those who have worked here have made comments on this issue. Hence, in this paper, I shall look at attempts to unify the stratigraphic data of the region in order to find commonalities in this region. With such an overview one may then be able to check out and find the reasons for the pattern of archaeological records of this region and have an idea of the early prehistory of this region.


Introduction

The Chotanagpur region includes the Indian states of Bihar and Jharkhand. Parts of it extend out into the states of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal also. For the purposes of this paper, the earlier borders of the Chotanagpur region would be used as a marker for the study since it simplifies the discussion of this area. It lies between 22° and 25° 30' N latitudes and between 83° 47' and 87° 50' E longitudes covering an area of about 86,239 sq. km. The average height of this region is about 2,000 feet (see maps 1, 2 and 3). Further, its geographical region, though may again be subdivided into other zones, seem to have similar overall characteristics. As a result of this extension, many sites of the surrounding areas have also been discussed to look for continuity and spatial distributions.
A second disclaimer, if you will. It is not possible to include in a brief research article the entire encyclopaedic panoply of sites. I have thus selected and chosen in order to gain an idea of the region as well as to reach certain conclusions. A preliminary outline of sites in the region and communities studied for the purpose has been given in the appendices.
Figure 1
Figure 2
Figure 3

Stratigraphy

The Chotanagpur region is mostly composed of Archaean granite and gneiss rocks with patches of Dharwar series. Tertiary deposits are found in patches. Quaternary deposits cover a wide area.

It has been seen by some authors that Acheulian occurrences are well-known in India, ranging from more than 350 to c. 150 kyr. “Although both Early and Late stages of the Acheulian have been identified…stratigraphic profiles showing the sequential development are absent, and the role of other factors, such as raw material variability for stone tool manufacture, has not been thoroughly examined.”… “Given the location and characteristics of hominid settlements in the Hunsgi-Baichbal Valley, and an inferred palaeo-monsoonal and semi-arid landscape on the subcontinent, a model of dry season aggregation and wet season dispersal has been hypothesized…Analysis of artefact assemblages has shown that the formation of Acheulian localities was influenced by a variety of geomorphological processes, but that certain technological and spatial distributions were the product of hominid behaviours…” (Korisettar and Petraglia; 1998: 8-9).
“Most Acheulian occurrences in India have been placed using relative age estimates in the later phases of the Acheulian, most presumably dating to the second half of the Middle Pleistocene and to the Late Pleistocene. A set of uranium series dates places Acheulian sites comfortably to above 350 kyr to c. 150 kyr” (Singhvi, Wagner and Korisettar; 1998: 71).
While the inhospitable terrain deters many, it is a surprise that this mineral rich zone has seen too few detailed geological surveys in the past few years. Due to the mining areas, Singhbhum, Dalbhum and surrounding areas have been surveyed recently but not other areas (see, for instance, Sarkar; 1982, Bose, Mazumder and Sarkar; 1997, Mazumder and Sarkar; 2004 and Mazumder; 2005 for some recent surveys). Urgent work is needed to be carried out in all these areas in order to confirm the stratigraphies seen here. Of course, the nature of funding is often dependent on the minerals thought to be found in the region.
A brief overview of the archaeological context of the region might help us to understand the pattern and nature of human colonization in this area from the earliest days. I begin with a brief summary of the layers found, as described by one author. Then, I shall show some of the variations found. It is impossible to explain here the total extent and range of the variations found. Finally, some authors have tried to link these variations into an overview. One of these shall be discussed here.
Figure 4
The bedrock is of archaean age, and has granite, gneiss and micaceous schists (A).
Over this lies a layer of compact pebbly secondary laterite (B). This layer is not represented everywhere. It is a product of the weathering of the laterite at higher levels and being deposited at a lower level. The bed has pebble-sized fragments of laterite, often consolidated into hard conglomerate, considered to have been formed at the beginning of Pleistocene, when the climate became wet.
On this lies a thin bed of mottled clay, formed as a result of decomposition of Archaean rock (C). In Singhbhum and Dhenkanal, a few choppers and hand axes were found at the junction of this bed and the overlying bed of gravel conglomerate. Hence, prehistoric cultures started after this period of mottled clay.
A layer of cemented gravel is laid with unconformity over this layer of mottled clay from 1m to 5m (D). On the banks of the main rivers, it may be lying directly on the bedrock. The bed may have pebbles of local origin. After deposition, calcareous and ferruginous cement causes their conglomeration. Along the riverbank this part is in complete submersion and is thus eroded in high floods. Lower Palaeolithic tools, distinct in colour from their surrounding matrix from this bed, then become heavily rolled. Those tools dug out are not rolled. Thus, perhaps, early man has evolved co-evally with these gravels. The Toba ash deposit found a few kms. southwest of Khamar has been dated to 0.3 myrs B.P. for the lower Palaeolithic culture from this bed.
The gravel conglomerate is overlaid by a bed of brown silt of about 1m 20cm thick. It is mixed with sand, grit and calcareous concretions. Secondary carbonates show that it was formed in a dry period and yields lower Palaeoliths (E).
On top of this is a layer of upper loose gravel bed, of about 1.5m to 2m thick, with the gravels smaller in size, angular in nature compared to those in the lower gravel beds (F). They are mixed with silt, sand, grit and lime concretions and again yield lower Palaeoliths.
Over this is a silt bed which is yellowish brown in colour and about 2m thick. It is finer in texture than the lower silt. It is rich in lime and sticky when wet (G). It is supposed to have been derived from the local ferruginous rocks and deposited during a dry period. Flake tools rich in Levalloisean technique are found from this zone.
Further, on top are thin discontinuous layers of small gravels found in a complete section. These are angular and about 1 cm in diameter. They are mixed with lime concretions, perhaps formed at the shorter oscillations between wet and dry phases at the end of the Pleistocene period, the Late Pleistocene being dated to about 19,000 years B.P. (H). It contains the last phase of the Palaeolithic, rich in flake-blade and blade tools.
The final layer is a deposit of silt which is reddish brown in colour and is considered to be recent in origin (I). It yields Mesolithic tools from its lower parts, Neolithic from its middle part and chalcolithic culture from the surface (based on Ray; 2004).
Mohapatra in 1962 suggested a climatic background of the quaternary on the basis of stratigraphy, with three climatic cycles of alternating wet and dry conditions. The formation and deposition of lateritic gravel forms the starting point at the beginning of Pleistocene, going on to the alternating beds of gravel and silt marking alternating wet and dry climates. Some regional variability is present in the entire region (in Ray; 2004).
The account given by Ghosh in 1965-66 claims a slightly different stratigraphy. The red lateritic secondary gravel is missing and a yellow and brown sticky clay take its place. In these layers are found Late Stone Age tools. On top of this is a layer of red soil topped with recent alluvium (Chakrabarti; 1993: 52).
Figure 5
Roughly, however, the boulders in a lateritic matrix yield lower palaeolithic tools. The lateritic secondary gravel yields upper and middle palaeolithic industry and may be tentatively dated to about 20,000 B.P. The yellow soil layer, sometimes inter mixed with gravel, may be expected to yield mesolithic tools of the Early Holocene period.
At Bhimbandh, in the Kharagpur hills, the river sections of the Man were found to be as follows (Singh; 1959):
(a)Bed Rock
(b)Yellow and sometimes Red soil. Cementations are present at some places. This layer was formed in a period of less humidity. One tool was found in between the two layers, redeposited in the rainy season.
(c)Boulder deposit. This layer was formed in a period of intense humidity.
(d)Red soils. This is the second phase of less humidity. This contains Middle Palaeoliths and non-geometric microliths.
(e)Gray soils with ashy character mixed with gravels. This was laid in a dry period. Its grayness was due to the vegetation which dried and burnt in the summer. It is associated with some tools and potteries of later period.
Figure 6
At the Khiching region of Mayurbhanj district in Orissa, the following stratigraphy was observed by Chakrabarti in 1990:
(a)Surface soil with coarse red sand.
(b)The upper layer grades to reddish brown silty clay.
(c)Pebbly gravel, well-sorted, poorly cemented, iron oxide coating on sand grains and pebbles.
(d)Pebbly-cobbly gravel, moderately sorted, cemented by hydrated oxides of iron, implementiferous.
(e)Clay beds found under laterite layers of varying thickness, not fully exposed.
Near Burla, in Sambalpur District, Orissa, a two level stratigraphy was proposed by H.C. Sharma (1994):
(a) a calcareous fissured clay (grey in colour) containing only pebble tools (chopper and chopping tools).
(b) A lateritic boulder/pebble conglomerate containing handaxes, cleavers, choppers and a few chopping tools.
On the other hand, Chattopadhyay and Saha (2004) propose a similar context for all surface finds in the West Bengal region as follows and may be dated to the late Upper to Middle Pleistocene:
(a)Bed rock, mainly Archaean,
(b)Depositions of secondary or detrital laterite, and
(c)Alluvium.
Figure 7
Basak (1997) had sited a succession of layers in the following manner at Dhuliapur, at the Quaternary fill on the banks of the river Tarafeni:
(a)Thick reddish brown silt at the top, a terrace. On the surface one finds iron slag. Within 30 cm are found ash lenses, burnt soil and bone fragments.
(b)Microlith yielding colluvial gravel.
(c)Calcrete nodules and tubules (rhizoconcretions) in a grayish brown silty loam. Calcrete nodules are lag concentrates. Fragmentary and slightly abraded animal fossils are associated with this, on top of the calcrete. This was dated by Fluorine/Phosphate ratio for 10 bone samples and found to be 3-5 thus being close to Terminal Pleistocene. Fossils from Dhuliapur include black buck (Antilope cervicapra), spotted deer (Axis axis) and Bos namadicus. Such specimens have been found also from several river basins in parts of Bankura, Burdwan and Purulia districts of West Bengal. Thus, the microlithic context was correlated with the semi-arid grassland situation in the Terminal Pleistocene (18,000 – 10,000 B.P.). Thus, the authors confirm a Late Pleistocene aridity existing in the region.
(d) A thick brownish yellow clayey loam, mottled and oxidized by the development of desiccation cracks.
(e)Moderately consolidated gravel consisting of rounded to sub-rounded cobbles, pebbles of vein quarz, quartzite, sandstone and some metamorphosed basic rocks. It is moderately sorted clast supported gravel, cemented by calcareous material.
(f) Upper Lalgarh Formation. A few Lower Palaeolithic artifacts were recovered from here.
However, Chattopadhyay and Saha (2004) claim that in the Chotanagpur region the stratigraphy is varied and the context dictates the one to be used. They give the geological succession of the region as:
  • Archaean
  • Newer Dolerite
  • Vindhyans
  • Gondwana
  • Rajmahal Trap
  • Late Tertiary Gravels
  • Laterite, and
  • Alluvium.
A composite stratigraphy of Birbhum was seen from the following (Chakrabarti; 2002-2003: 24):
  1. A thin veneer of humus
  2. Yellowish brown to reddish brown silt and fine grained sand with grits of quartz and chert (slope wash material)
  3. Yellowish red silt and medium grained sand with iron oxide granules and grits of rock fragments constituting mainly of vein quartz and chert (slope wash material), Holocene
  4. Old surface built by alluvial and fluviatile fan Pleistocene sediments
  5. Unconformity
  6. Laterite bed comprising of nodules, quartz pebbles, fossil-woods in a clayey matrix
  7. Plio-Pleistocene boundary
  8. Unconformity
  9. Yellowish felspathic mottled clayey bed
  10. Conglomerate bed with pebbles of different rock types, fossil-woods, agate in a clayey matrix
  11. Yellowish-greyish mottled horizontally bedded sand and mud
  12. Unconformity
  13. Jurassic volcanic rocks of the Rajmahal Traps
  14. Subsurface basement ridge of Gondwana rocks
  15. Basement granitoid Precambrian rocks, at places intruded by dolerite dykes.
In 1982 Asok Kumar Datta tried to create a unified stratigraphy of the West Bengal region as follows (p. 85):
Figure 8
In spite of all these attempts, it must be acknowledged that there are problems with the fixing of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary itself, even after all the evidences have been taken into account (Ganjoo; 1990).
Having put all of these issues into context, it may be seen that the Chotanagpur region has many inherent complexities with regard to stratigraphy and the context of many of the sites found. A majority of these sites are surface finds, showing that early human populations may have existed here perhaps well into the historical period. Our present knowledge in these areas definitely needs to be upgraded. So far, the geologists working here have been attracted by the monetary worth of the minerals that are to be extracted from this mineral-rich zone. Their aims and objectives for checking out the stratigraphy were different and guided by a certain kind of political economy. Now, perhaps, a large number of them need to check out the areas mentioned above to clarify the range and location of the strata that may house the artifacts of early human beings. It is only then that we may begin to have an objective chronology of the region's rich archaeological heritage.

References

r-0. Basak, Bishnupriya. 1997. Microlithic Sites in the Tarafeni Valley, Midnapur District, West Bengal: A Discussion in Man and Environment, vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 11-28.
r-1. Bose, Pradip K., Rajat Mazumder and Subir Sarkar. 1997. Tidal Sandwaves and Related Storm Deposits in the Transgressive Protoproterozoic Chaibasa Formation, India in Precambrian Research, vol. 84, pp. 63-81.
r-2. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1993. Archaeology of Eastern India, Chotanagpur
Plateau and West Bengal. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
r-3. Chakrabarti, Subrata. 1990. The Stone Age Prehistory of Khiching, Orissa in Man and Environment, vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 13-21.
r-4. Chakrabarti, Subrata. 2002-2003. Archaeology of Birbhum: The Past Informs the Present in Puratattva, No. 33, pp. 23-33.
r-5. Chattopadhyay, R.K. and Sharmila Saha. 2004. Palaeolithic Jharkhand in Vinay Kumar Srivastava and Manoj Kumar Singh (eds.) Issues and Themes in Anthropology. Felicitation volume in honour of Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya. Delhi: Palaka Prakashan, pp. 183-221.
r-6. Datta, Asok Kumar. 1982. The Palaeohistory of Man and His Culture. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan.
r-7. Ganjoo, R.K. 1990. The Plio-Pleistocene Boundary in India: A Reappraisal in Man and Environment, vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 29-34.
r-8. Ghosh, A.K. 1966. Implementiferous Laterite in Eastern India in D. Sen and A.K. Ghosh (eds.) Robert Bruce Foote Memorial Volume. Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyaya, pp. 149-162.
r-9. Korisettar, Ravi and Michael D. Petraglia. 1998. The Archaeology of the Lower Palaeolithic: Background and Overview in Michael D. Petraglia and Ravi Korisettar (eds.) Early Human Behaviour in Global Context: The Rise and Diversity of the Lower Palaeolithic Record. London: Routledge, pp. 1-22.
r-10. Mazumder, Rajat and Subir Sarkar. 2004. Sedimentation History of the Palaeoproterozoic Dhanjori Formation, Singhbhum, Eastern India in Precambrian Research, vol. 130, pp. 267-287.
r-11. Mazumder, Rajat. 2005. Proterozoic Sedimentation and Volcanism in the Singhbhum Crustal Province, Indian and Their Implications in Sedimentary Geology, in press.
r-12. Ray, Ranjana. 2004. Man and Culture in Eastern India: An Anthropological Study on Quality of Life Through Time. Sectional President's Address, 91st Session 2003-2004, Anthropological and Behavioural Sciences, Chandigarh. Kolkata: The Indian Science Congress Association.
r-13. Sarkar, A.N. 1982. Structural and Petrological Evolution of the Precambrian Rocks in Western Singhbhum, Bihar. Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, vol. 113, pp. 1-97. Calcutta: Director General, Geological Survey of India.
r-14. Sharma, H.C. 1994. Palaeolithic Finds Around Burla, District Sambalpur, Orissa in Man and Environment, vol. 19, Nos. 1-2, pp. 285-290.
r-15. Singh, R.C. Prasad. 1959. Paleoliths From Bhimbandh in Journal of the Bihar Research Society, vol. 45, Pt. 1-4, pp. 297-299.
r-16. Singhvi, Ashok K., Gunther A. Wagner and Ravi Korisettar. 1998. Techniques for the Chronometry of the Palaeolithic: Evidence for Global Colonization in Michael D. Petraglia and Ravi Korisettar (eds.) Early Human Behaviour in Global Context: The Rise and Diversity of the Lower Palaeolithic Record. London: Routledge, pp. 23-83.

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Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 2: Proposed Stages, Palaeolithic And The Mesolithic

A Ghosh
Keywords
chotanagpur, india, mesolithic, palaeolithic, prehistory
Citation
A Ghosh. Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 2: Proposed Stages, Palaeolithic And The Mesolithic. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2007 Volume 2 Number 1.
Abstract
The archaeology of the Chotanagpur region, a plateau with an average height of 2000 feet above sea level in central and eastern India, has remained very complex and confusing. It is time now to rethink the entirety of research practices in the region and to put together the theories that model the existence of human beings in the region. Initially, an attempt has been made to put together the various theoretical approaches in the region, especially the industries and stages that have been proposed by various authors. Next, the recent sites found in the region purporting to be from the palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods have been highlighted. Finally, a set of conclusions that may explain some of the phenomena seen through the imperfect data of material culture are presented here. This, it is hoped, would lead to a better explanation of the prehistoric sites found in the Chotanagpur region. Finally, it might prove to be a means of further understanding the way prehistoric cultures have been manifesting themselves during the Neolithic period.


Introduction

Having looked at the stratigraphy and the context of the sites found in the Chotanagpur region (for details see Ghosh; 2008), it becomes apparent that the geological features of the region that is now known as Jharkhand state and earlier called Bihar would not be sufficient to analyze the human habitation in this region. These state divisions are more recent and the geological conditions that gave rise to a similar Chotanagpur plateau were much more ancient. As a result, it would be necessary to also look at the sites in the adjoining regions of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal (see maps 11, 12 and 14) states in India which have a similar topography. The character of many of the tools found in this region seem to show that this extension of the study area is justified.
The topography and stratigraphy of the region has been detailed in a previous paper (Ghosh; 2008) and it shows that unraveling the context of any site is unlikely to be an easy prospect in any part of the Jharkhand area except the Singhbhum region where, due to extensive mining activities, a number of surveys had been conducted in the region by scholars from around the world over the years. Having said that, a site by site study can often help to bring out emergent qualities of such complex systems of explanation. Through those scholars who have attempted overviews of stratigraphies and of the sites, we can perhaps gain a glimpse of what it was like to have lived as a human on these hilly regions.
At initial analysis, it seems that there are few sites in this region that may attest to the existence of humans. This has been, perhaps, because few of these sites have been in the primary context. Sites in many other areas, often in the primary context, have been presented widely in the media and in research papers. The sites here have not been so well known except to a select band of scholars. The sites have been described on a regular basis over almost the past two centuries. They have amounted to over a thousand well researched sites in the region. Some later scholars have reviewed the early sites to see if they can yield further data. As a result, this rich yield needs to be contextualized and put together.
This humble analysis given here, then, in no way is to be seen as one polemical of those stalwarts who have pointed out through the morass of problems some of the emergent characteristics. It is hoped to build upon these early studies. Also, anthropology is holistic and a social anthropological approach may give rise to a different viewpoint than one that an archaeologist may have. A collation of the recent data is thus felt to be necessary, if only to point out the way to future researches.
Thus, in the initial stages, the various industries and stages of human palaeolithic industry postulated by various authors has been taken into account. Then, an account of the palaeolithic and Mesolithic industries have also been summarized with special focus on more recent sites. Based on these certain conclusions have been attempted. Whether these conclusions are warranted or not, it is hoped, further researches would be helpful in pointing out. Whatever be the outcome, it is expected that the reader takes notice that the terms palaeolithic and Mesolithic are taken with caution, in the ironic sense that is advocated by Rorty, in order that we may use it, yet be ready to discard it should better terms be more suitable to the context found here.
Figure 1
Figure 1: Prehistoric Sites In The Birbhum District Of West Bengal
Figure 2
Figure 2: The Tarafeni Region Showing Prehistoric Sites In Midnapur District Of West Bengal, India
Figure 3
Figure 3: Prehistoric Sites In Bankura District Of West Bengal
Table 1: Prehistoric Archaeological Sites In Some Parts Of The Chotanagpur Region
1.BIHAR AND JHARKHAND (22° 00' and 28° 30' N lat. and 83° 47' and 87° 50' E long.)1.1 RANCHI/LOHARDAGA/GUMLA DISTRICTS (22° 22' and 22° 43' N and 84° 00' and 85° 54' E) HISTORY S.C. Roy 1965-66 1968-69 V. Jayaswal (1978) V. Jayaswal (1978) S.R. Roy (1975-76) S.R. Roy (1975-76) Bhakuadih Bhalua Dungri (3) (73 E/15) Bighatoli Birta Budhudih Buradih Chainpur Chainpur North (73 A/4) Charma (10) (73 E/5) Chipri (19) (73 A/7, 23° 24'N; 84° 22'E) Chokahatu (73 E/16, 23° 10'N; 85° 48'E) Damari Daruharu Diankel Dubalabera Ghagra (17) (73 A/11, 25° 35'N; 84° 35'E) Guram Hardag (7) (73 E/7) Harra Pahar 1 (73 A/4) Harra Pahar 2 (73 A/4) Islampur Jamatoli Jamtoli (73 A/4) Jilin Buru Pahar (4) (73 E/7) Jojadih (6) (73 E/12, 23° 05'N; 85° 35'E) Jumar Kamre (13) (73 E/7, 23° 25'N; 85° 15'E) Kandra Kanke Road foothills Keraghagh Khijritoli Kochedaga Kondko (2) (73 E/11) Kuchagharia Kurumgarh Lohardaga Malgaunsa Malgo 1 (73 A/7) Malgo 2 (73 A/7) Malgo 3 (73 A/7) Maranghada Maranghatu McCluskieganj (15) (73 A/14, 73 E/12, 73 E/6) Murgu (14) (73 E/3, 23 25'N; 85° 10'E) Nawadih Nawagaon Nichitpur Paras River Project (11) (73 A/12, 23° 10'N; 84° 45'E) Parasdhika (1) (73 E/7 or E/11) Pipratoli Pitar/Pithartoli (18) (73 A/11, 25° 15'N; 84° 30'E) Potpoto Purnapani Rajadera Roshanpur (12) (73 A/16) Salam 1 (73 A/7) Salam 2 (73 A/7) Sapahi Saradkel (8) (73 E/8, 23° 05'N; 85° 20'E) Tape (16) (73 E/7, 73 E/10) Torpa Udhuru COPPER HOARD SITES Bahea (probably historical, but a stone celt also found) Bandua Bartola Bassia P.S. Dargama (also Asur site) Harra Chowrah Darh Kamdara Khunti subdivision Namkum Ranchi district, ancient graves, traditionally Asur ASURA SITES (2-5th Century A.D.?) Akta Anigara (73 E/8) Arangi Arsande Bahea (73 E/11) Balagarh Bamni (73 E/5) Barhe Barkuli Bartua Baru Barudi Belwadag (73 E/8) Bichna (73 E/4) Birta Bisakhatanga Borea (Bharompahar) Bundu (73 A/12) Burudih Buruma Chakla Chalho Chandapara Chandrapur Chandwali Chichigara Chiraundi Chirna Churda Dargama (73 E/8) Da'som Deogain Dhurua Digi Digri (73 E/8) Diuri Dorma Dulmi Dulua (73 E/4) Erkia (73 E/12) Etre Fuljhar River Gajgaon (73 F/5) Garae Garai Gargaon (73 E/8) Garhatoli Gora Hansa (73 F/5) Hardi Hitutola (73 E/8) Hurua Indpiri Ite Ithey Ithey, near Ranchi Jamri Jiki Kamia (73 E/8) Kamta Kanthartoli Kathartoli Katkuari Kelo Kendua Kerke Khijri Khuntitola Kunjila (73 E/8) Khuntitoli Koinjara Kongsea Korambe Kospur Kujram Kuli Ajan Kumkuma Lampadi Lapungdi Lohardaga (73 A/11) Lowadi Lupungdi (73 E/8) Malatu Manmani Marngaontoli of Bamni Mosmano Murud Namkum (73 E/7) Oskea (73 E/5) Otong-Ora Pandu (73 E/4) Patta Hesel Piridi Pithoria Pokla (73 E/8) Raitondang Renroa Ridari (73 E/8) Rolagutu Rungrutoli (Patpur) Saheda Sanrigaon Sargaon-Kaimlo border Saridkel Sidu Silagai Simbuya Sogra Soparam Sundari Tanjara-Gara Tati Tirla Toner (73 E/5) Tringutu Bortola 1.2 PALAMAU DISTRICT (23° 20' and 24° 39' N and 83° 20' and 84° 58' E) Akhra (11) (73 A/1, 23° 54'N; 84° 11'E) Amanat Bridge (2) (72° D/4, 24 05'N; 84° 07'E) Bajna (6) (63 P/16) Bakhari Betla Birbandha (5) (63 P/16, 24° 06'N; 84° 50'E) Chandarpur (8) (72 D/8, 24° 02'N; 84° 26'E) Chhoti Bholi (13) (72 D/4, 24° 12'N; 84° 12'E) Chianki Dhekulia Durgabati Bridge (3) (72 D/4, 24° 09'N; 84° 03'E) Jhabar (9) (72 D/4, 24° 0'N; 84° 12'E) Jinjoa Bridge (12) (72 D/4, 24° 09'N; 84° 11'E) Jorkot (10) (73 A/1, 23° 59'N; 84° 07'E) Maila Bridge (7) (72 D/4, 24° 03'N; 84° 09'E) Nawagarh Hill (14) (72 D/8, 24° 15'N; 84° 24'E) Palamau Patthar Chatti Pratappur Ranchi Road (15) (73 A/10, 23° 42'N; 84° 37'E) Ranka Kalan (4) (64 M/13, 23° 59'N; 83° 47'E) Shahpur (1) (72 D/4, 24° 02'N; 84° 02'E) COPPER SITES Hami Mahuadanr Saguna 1.3 HAZARIBAGH AND GIRIDIH DISTRICTS (23° 25' and 24° 48' N. and 84° 29' and 86° 38' E)HISTORY Hughes (1865) A.K. Ghosh K.P. Jaiswal Institute of Patna Baragunda (12) (72L/4, 24° 10'N; 86° 14'E) Barkagaon (6) (73E/1, 23° 51'N; 85° 15'E) Barwe Bonga (9) (72H/8, 23° 05'N; 85° 24'E) Gola (1) (73E/10, 23° 30'N; 85° 45'E) Hesagarha (4) (73E/5, 23° 46'N; 85° 30'E) Karso (7) (72H/7, 24° 17'N; 85° 25'E) Kusumdih (2) (73E/10, 23° 32'N; 85° 44'E) Mandu (5) (73E/5, 23° 47'N; 85° 29'E) Neropahar (11) (72H/11, 24° 29'N; 85° 40'E) Pachamba (13) (72L/8, 24° 13'N; 86° 16'E) Paradih (10) (72D/16, 24° 10'N; 84° 51'E) Paresnath Hillslope (14) (73I/1, 23° 58'N; 86° 10'E) Pundra (8) (73D/16, 24° 03'N; 84° 58'E) Rajrappa Ramgarh Lele Bandha 'nullah' COPPER SITES Baragunda Giridih (unspecified sites) Karharbari (72L/8) TIN SITES Nurungo (24° 10'N; 86° 05'E) ROCK ART SITES Dudhpani Isko Raham Satpahar (1-9) Thathangi 1.4 SINGHBHUM DISTRICT (21° 58' to 23° 36' N. and 85° E to 86° 54' E)HISTORY Capt. Beeching (1868) V. Ball (1880) C.W. Anderson (1915; River Sanjai and its tributaries) P. Mitra E.F.O. Murray (1941) S.C. Sinha (June 1950 to August 1951) D. Sen and others A.K. Ghosh (1970) S.R. Roy (1976-78) Bamni (39) (73 J/1, 22° 58'N; 86° 10'E) Bangaon Barapahar (2) (73 J/6, 22° 38'N; 86° 22'E) Barudih (36) (73 F/13) (Late Neolithic site with C 14 absolute date at 3000B.P.) Beniasole (11) (73 J/6) Bhalukhocha Bichhati-Dungri (13) (73 J/6) Chaibasa Chakradharpur-1 (29) (73 F/10) Chakradharpur-2 (30) (73 F/10, 22° 40'N; 85 40'E) Chakradharpur-3 (31) (73 F/10, 22° 39'N; 85 40'E) Chakuria (7) (73 J/6) Charakmara (16) (73 J/11, 22° 27'N; 86° 41'E) Dhalbhumgarh Dora (44) (73 F/13) Dugni (43)(73 F/13, 22° 45'N; 85° 59'E) Dungdungi (40) (73 F/13) Ful-Dungri (15) (73 J/6, 22° 35'N; 86° 30'E) Galudih Garra Nadi Dam (4) (73 J/6) Ghatsila Ghuntia (27) (73 F/14) Hat Gamharia-1 (21) (73 F/14) Hat Gamharia-2 (22) (73 F/11) Hat Gamharia-3 (23) (73 F/11) Hat Gamharia-4 (24) (73 F/11, 22° 17'N; 85° 45'E) Hat Gamharia-5 (41) (73 F/12) Hesadih (33) (73 F/5, 22° 47'N; 85° 21'E) Jamshedpur Jojodih (35) (73 F/9, 22° 47'N; 85° 45'E) Kalikapur (19) (73 J/6, 22° 36'N; 86° 17'E) Kamalpur (20) (73 J/6, 22° 36'N; 86° 15'E) Kandra (37) (73 J/1) Karalajuri (28) (73 F/14, 22° 35'N; 85° 46'E) Kendposi Kharkai Bridge (42) (73 F/13, 22° 35'N; 85° 52'E) Kharsati Bridge Kitadi-Dungri (14) (73 J/6, 22° 36'N; 86° 26'E) Languish Lapso-Kyanite (34) (22° 47'N; 85° 44'E) Maheshpur (18) (73 J/11, 22° 18'N; 86° 41'E) Maubhandar Musabani-Maubhandar crossing (10) (73 J/6) Patbera (17) (73 J/11, 22° 27'N; 86° 43'E) Pathardih Puaputul Purnapani (38) (73 J/1, 22° 59'N; 86° 10'E) Rajdoha (6) (73 J/6, 22° 42'N; 86° 16'E) Rakha Copper Project (3) (73 J/6, 22° 38'N; 86° 22'E) Rakha mines Ruam-Digri (1) (73 J/6, 22° 38'N; 86° 22'E) Sansantand Sasaghati (25) (73 F/8, 22° 12'N; 85° 23'E) Serenga (8) (73 J/6) Sonua Swaspur (5) (73 J/6) Tatibe (26) (73 F/8, 22° 10'N; 85° 21'E) Tebo (32) (73 F/5, 22° 46'N; 85° 27'E) Terga (9) (73 J/6) Uldah (12) (73 J/6, 22° 40'N; 86° 25'E) Ulighutu ASUR SITES Barjo Chakradharpur Dudukendi Dudur Indpiri Kamdela Khuntitoli Korankel Lotapahar Ruamgarh Srijang SITES WITH CELTS Barudih (Burnt rice dated to 2nd Millenium BC) Bongara-Bhangat Borda Chaibasa Chandil Dora Dugni (73 F/13, 22° 44'N; 85° 55'E) Ghatsila Jamda Jojo Nimdih Ramchandra Pahar/ Chandra Buru Roro valley Sanjai bridge near Chakradharpur Sini Talsa-Turamdih Ukri HISTORICAL SITESBenusagar Chandil Deultanr Dulmi Ichhagarh COPPER HOARDS Andhari Borodanga/Bardugna Kera

Industries And Stages

Due to the wet, monsoonal climate in this zone, it is becoming apparent that perhaps no major fossils of early man are to be found from this region. The Indian monsoons divide into two branches when they hit the tip of the peninsula and these two branches circle around to enter the country. Chotanagpur, due to its unique location and mountainous terrain, receives rainfall from both these branches. This results in a substantial cooling down of the region. Earlier, the forests and heavy rains ensured such a cool climate that the British shifted their capital to this region from Calcutta, or substantial sections of it. At present, the cutting down of the forests has degraded the ecosystem to such an extent that fans and coolers are now required for part of the year (unlike earlier). Certainly no major fossil-rich zones are yet apparent which fall within the range of human habitations in the region.
According to Jayaswal, who analyzed a number of sites in the Chotanagpur region in 1981 there were basically three industries:
Industry I: This was associated with the boulders conglomerated in a lateritic matrix and was taken to be a part of the Lower Palaeolithic tool tradition of the Indian subcontinent. It consisted of chopping tools, handaxes, scrapers, flakes, prepared cores, levallois cores, cleavers, etc.
Industry II: This was associated with the deposition of lateritic soil and gravel; probably Upper Palaeolithic in content. It contained side-scrapers, end-scrapers, knives, tranchets, backed blades, flakes, blade cores, prepared cores, levallois cores, mousterian cores, irregular cores, etc.
Industry III: This was found in the surface humus above the red soil and consisted of a microlithic industry of side-scrapers, retouched blades, backed blades, lunates, burins, knives, end-scrapers, etc. There were also many fluted cores among the waste products (Chakrabarti; 1993: 52).
Ray (2004: 10) follows a different set of industries following Ghosh (1970), as follows:
Stage-I: Pebble-core element comparable to lower Palaeolithic stage marked by Acheulian tradition and began around 0.3 myr ago in the lower gravel conglomerate, continued through the lower silt bed upto the upper gravel bed. The tools collected include choppers, handaxes, cleavers, scrapers and large unretouched flakes, with most being large, heavy, jagged profile and having large and deep flake scars. Patches of cortex show the material used were pebble-based, made on quartz or quartzite, the latter being dominant. Finished tools and debitage are abundant. Tools evolve and show internal differentiation as the layers go up. From the lower gravel bed to the lower silt bed there is a change in tool refinement and there is a diversification of subtypes. In the upper silt bed, choppers become rare and disappear. Here, many tools are made on Levalloisean flakes, although Acheulian still dominates. This divides this stage into the Lower (lower gravel bed), Middle (lower silt) and Upper stages (upper silt).
Stage-II: Flake-element may be the middle Palaeolithic stage except that the true Mousterian element is lacking. Besides some evidence of the Mousterian of Acheulian tradition, the Levalloisean tradition dominated this stage. Earlier tool types continue but with lesser frequency, except for scrapers. Scrapers were used for making tools and had many functional subtypes, with retouchings becoming more developed and the appearance of denticulates. Handaxes may be found but with lesser proportion while cleavers and choppers are absent. Knives, points, awls, discoidal cores (both as debitage and as tools), unretouched flakes with marks of use are some of the evidences found. All of it comes from the upper silt bed. The material used was fine-grained cherty quartzite with less impurities.
Stage-III: Flake-blade element is hardly comparable to the European upper Palaeolithic since no such blade and burin industry is found in the region. Rather, in place of true blades morphologically similar blades made by prepared core technique are found called flake-blades. Blades made by the punching technique are present but they are not dominant in their frequency of occurrence. All of it comes from the upper part of the upper silt bed. There is not much variation (apart from the flake-blades) with the so-called Indian middle Palaeolithic stage. Levallois technique becomes more refined. The raw material was cryptocrystalline rock.
Vidula Jayaswal has divided the palaeoliths found in Ranchi district into two categories:
Industry I: An assemblage of 30 Lower palaeoliths collected from nine sites.
Industry II: An assemblage of 100 Lower palaeoliths collected from nine sites.
B.K. Saran carried out explorations in the Khunti region finding an industry which he called transitional between the Middle and Late Stone Ages (Chakrabarti; 1993).

Palaeolithic Period

The tools from Bhimbandh (also see above, Singh; 1959, Singh; 1960) seem to be equivalent to those found in many other surrounding areas of U.P., Mayurbhanj and the Singrauli basin. They include Acheulian hand-axes, Levalloisean hand-axes, both Acheulian and Levalloisean scrapers and end scrapers of the Middle Stone Age. The site was originally found by Bose, Gupta and Bose (1960).
In 1988, Ratha and Bhattacharya reported a site called Kuchinda from Sambalpur district, Orissa. Out of 394 items picked and analysed, 192 were finished types. Most are on quartzite but three are on milky crystalline quartz. There is an emphasis on pebbles as the raw material. Handaxes outnumber cleavers and have been formed both unifacially and bifacially, picks (alternate border flaking to give a sharp pointed end), backed knife, side scrapers and end scraper. They seem to be about 60-70 thousand years old. They match with a Middle Acheulian industry.
In 1990, S. Chakrabarti reported nine sites from the Khiching area. The author readily admits that a quantitative analysis of the tools found would not be suitable since all the sites are in a disturbed context. However, he does claim that the sites range from the Lower-Middle-Upper Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic.
In 1994, H.C. Sharma reported three sites in the region of Burla of Sambalpur district of Orissa. At Barapahar were found choppers, chopping tools, proto-handaxes, handaxes, cleavers, scrapers, points, borers, blade flakes, burins, flakes, chunks and chips. They were made of quartzite, quartz or milky quartz and jasper. The technique was stone hammer or cylinder hammer with retouchings along the border, except with some choppers. Bulbs of percussion are prominent. At Daridungri, he found Lower and Middle Palaeolithic artifacts like chopping tools, proto-handaxes, handaxes, cleavers, discoids, scrapers, borers, points, burins, flakes, blade cores and chunks/nodules. This was seen to be a factory site. At Hirakud, he found choppers, chopping tools, cleavers, scrapers, points, borers, blades, flakes and chunks, all in fresh condition. Based on the stratigraphy, Sharma divides his tools into Lower Palaeolithic, Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic types. In the first category, he finds 79 tools. He sees this to be divided into a chopper-chopping Soanian tradition and a handaxe-cleaver industry with tendencies to the Madrasian tradition. The proto-handaxes form a link between these two traditions. In the Middle Palaeolithic, he finds 89 artefacts. In the Upper Palaeolithic he finds a blade core at Daridungri and a blade flake at Hirakud. Based on this he claims there to be a meeting point between the pebble-based chopper-chopping tool industry with the Acheulian industry, both of which were running simultaneously.
In the Kharagpur hills, tools seem to be discovered from 1944-45 and onwards till the excavation of Paisra (Pant and Jayaswal; 1978). Recently, Bhattacharya and Singh have discovered a series of such sites from the region. Sohdihwa, one of these, is close to the local River Man. The basal rock is about 60-80 cm from the surface. Seasonal rainwater washes away the topsoil. The tools were found lying exposed on the rock surface. The site is in a very disturbed context but spreads for two km. Extremely hard and highly calcareous morrum deposits occur as mounds which have a high concentration of quartz nodules and microlithic debitage. It was commented that the microlithic assemblage might well have come into being immediately after or in continuation with the late Palaeolithic stage, a possibility never entertained before. Some fragments of ring stones and rubbing stones are also seen. It may be seen that late Palaeolithic types on fine-grained quartzite could be seen upto as late as 4,000 to 3,000 B.C. By this time incipient farming would also have started (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1997).
260 Late Palaeolithic tools (prepared on a grey or yellowish fine-grained quartzite), with 524 microliths (on milky as well as crystalline quartz) and 3 fragments of Neolithic types were found and 1 rubbing stone. Both, though disturbed in context, could not have been separated very far in time. About 20% cores are present and of these 80% are blade cores. Flakes and blades include pseudo-levalloisean point, notched flake, levalloise flakes besides finished tool types on them. The highest frequency of types include retouched blades and then a variety of burins. Sohdihwa was thus found to be a factory site. Microlithic types from the site included burins, lunates, retouched blades, thumb nail scrapers, corbiac burins and points made on flakes. Thus the site could be said by the authors to be a late Palaeolithic industry emerging into a full-fledged microlithic technology. It compares well as an Epi-Palaeolithic site. Burins might have been used to cure tortoises, open fresh water shells and as drill-heads on bones and wood. It is also claimed by the authors that the microlithic users and the late Palaeolithic tool-makers formed two different groups of people. Perhaps they had expertise in two different economic activities. As a result, a wider ecological base could have been exploited. This confusion relating to ‘types' or ‘stages' led Sankalia in 1974 to create a Neo-Chalcolithic stage and Chakrabarti in 1993 a Ferro-Chalcolithic stage. A.K. Ghosh and R. Ray call it the Upper Palaeolithic industry a “blade and bladelet” industry (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1997).
A radiocarbon date cited for the microlithic layer above the Acheulian one reads about 7420±110 B.P. (5470±110BC). The authors in 1999 discovered Pathalgarwa with 844 specimens from the site representing a late Lower Palaeolithic culture. The area has a variety of raw material and it seems that it was not only a factory site but may also have been a site from which raw material may have been transported to other areas. The tools are extremely fresh and give the appearance of having been made recently. Levalloise technique was very frequent, with unretouched blades as wastes, and this may thus be a flake and blade tradition. The blades are broad and sturdy. The handaxes and cleavers are thin and lenticular in shape and represent a late Acheulian type, but the Vaal technique has often been used to get a thick butt end and compares well with a Micoquian handaxe. Some handaxes are small in size, seeming to be made of exhausted cores. Apart from this there are side scrapers, tortoise cores, notches, denticulates, one being made into a Tayac point, hand points are also found and burins with some made in the Bec alternate method. There is a denticulate made on the lateral border of a blade, end scrapers and retouched blades. Thus the site is Upper Palaeolithic in character (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1997-98).
In 1998, another site called Jurpaniya was recorded from the Kharagpur Valley. Analyzing this site, the authors claim the need for identifying a separate late Palaeolithic or Epi-Palaeolithic stage within the Upper Palaeolithic. An alluvial layer, probably from the Pleistocene pluviations, has a tool-bearing layer which was very extensive around a hot spring 15/20 cm – 30 cm in thickness and extending to about two square kilometers. 344 tools were collected from the site (292 flakes and 52 cores). They mostly prepared on fine-grained quartzite though a small minority is prepared on milky quartz. The tool types include retouched blades, burins, points on flakes, end scrapers, notches, borers, pen knives, gravettian points and side scrapers on levalloise flakes. The cores, flakes and blades are smaller than an Upper Palaeolithic industry but are larger than a Mesolithic industry. Such an industry may be seen also at Baghor dated at 26,000 B.C. with the Epi-Palaeolithic at 12,000 to 10,000 B.C. It marked the first entry of forest dwellers into open grasslands. R-selected or short-maturing species were hunted with fishing and collecting. In course of time it could transform into a pure Mesolithic (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1998).
In 2000-2001, Bhattacharya and Singh again reported another site from the same region called Adhwariya. This is again a surface site spread over a square km but if the top soil were to be removed it might extend further. It seems that since there is little debris made by human beings staying here, they must have come here to camp to collect wood and raw materials. The region forms the habitat of Kora and Santhal tribes. Neo-tectonic movements have ensured that only Quaternary period sediments are found here. The formation here may be dated provisionally to be from Middle to Upper Pleistocene extending up to Early Holocene. 1160 specimens from this site include cores, flakes, blades, elongated pebble with chisel edge, chopping tools, chopper, side scrapers, end scrapers, retouched blades, handaxes (often with advanced cylinder hammer flakings) and cleaver. According to the authors, the area shows a higher stage of working as compared to other sites in the Orissa or West Bengal range. Hence, the group could be an earlier migration from Santhal Parganas in Bihar and Bankura and Purulia in West Bengal. These are areas where Acheulian tools with a pebble base are known. This area may form a distinct eco-zone as compared with the rolling, undulating, lateritic plains of Chotanagpur plateau with occasional groves of bamboo and sal forests. It also seems as if, after the Palaeolithic period, there has been a population depletion up to the Holocene. Further, the authors clearly put in words the lack of “evidence of a three fold Palaeolithic succession demonstrable in this region.” (Bhattacharya and Singh; 2000-2001: 21).
In 2001, Manoj Kumar Singh reported yet another site from the Kharagpur hills region of Jamui district called Rakatrohaniya Tad. A total of 1614 specimens were collected. There seemed to be a preference for using large pebbles for making tools, and a tendency to finish large and massive tools. Further, the tools are all in a weathered condition indicating their antiquity. It has a large number of blades, flake cores, side choppers or backed knives with the original pebble cortex forming the back, nucleated or exhausted cores, discoid cores, Levalloisean cores, retouched cores, and just about all the finished types seem to be available along with the usual diminutive handaxes.
In 2004, M.K. Singh again reported another site, Satbehariya, from the Kharagpur hills, on the slope of Manithan hill in the vicinity of the sites of Paisra and Bhimbandh. The artifacts were again found on the surface of thin laterite pellets. While the site is spread over 2 square kilometers, the 4-5 metre deposited layer of soil as such yielded no tools. The tools become lesser towards the slopes. All the tools look fresh and thus, this seems to be on a primary floor. There are a large number of finished types. There seem to have been tectonic movements in the Early Quaternary period as a result of which there are only Quaternary sediments from the Middle Pleistocene or younger in the valley areas adjoining the Kharagpur hill tract. The oldest continental Quaternary sediments cover the region and are known as ‘older alluvium' or ‘Jamui formation'. There is a ferruginous residual soil above the bedrock below the Jamui formation indicates a tropical climate at the beginning of the Quaternary period. This was replaced by the relatively cold and dry climate during the aggradations of the basal boulder sands of the Jamui formation. The Jamui formation may be provisionally considered to be of Middle to Upper Pleistocene, extending up to Holocene in age. 300 specimens were picked from the site including 108 cores and 192 flakes. Only 10 levalloisean flakes are recorded. Tool types include handaxes (finely executed but with remarkably little retouching at the borders), blades, cleavers (as with handaxes, the shape is thin and laminar), side scrapers, convergent side scrapers, backed knives, carinated end scrapers formed from exhausted blade cores and a notched borer with side scraper retouching on its entire length. Hence, here lower Palaeolithic tools occur till very late in the Pleistocene era. There appears to be no threefold Palaeolithic succession in this zone. It may have been caused by a late appearance of human beings into the region.
It seems that in Hazaribagh district, the stone tools (127 from 11 sites) from surface collections show an emphasis on stone hammer technique rather than a typical block-on-block technique, probably due to the fact that the latter is more useful for working massive and spherical pebbles. The latter methods seems to be more prevalent in the central part of India. The handaxes found by the authors in this region fall between 8-15 cm by 4.5-9 cm and are called Amygdaloid by the authors. There are secondary retouchings and the use of cylinder hammer techniques. A paucity of flake cleavers exists. The borers are mostly on Levalloise flakes and some have Bec-alternate retouchings. Of these sites it seems that Kusumdih had sustained human populations staying over a long period, while the other areas only had temporary inhabitation. A further 21 specimens from 4 sites represent the Middle Palaeolithic assemblage from the region. They are prepared on fine-grained siliceous rock or quartzite or chert. Most finished types are on Levalloise flakes and include, side scrapers, handaxes, borers, and a thumb-nail scraper. The handaxe is 6 cm long. Upper Palaeolithic assemblages number 39 with 15 pieces being debitage. They include side scrapers on Levalloise flakes, retouched blade point, borer and backed knife. Blades are prepared on fine-grained quartzite, quartz and chert (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
In Singhbhum, the Lower palaeoliths (316 from 42 sites) are often on quartzite, both fine- and coarse-grained. Most specimens are patinated. A type of Abbevillian handaxe was found at Ulighutu and Kendposi. The biface component was seen to be Upper Acheulian in content. Also scrapers, blades and knives were found, mostly adapted from the river pebble raw material. Middle Palaeoliths number 63 specimens from 16 sites. The characteristic is again the diminutive but extensively worked handaxes and cleavers of the region, side scrapers, mostly with bifacial flaking, end scrapers and points. Upper Palaeoliths from this region include 10 pieces including burins, points, retouched blades and a side scraper. The authors claim it does not match Upper Palaeolithic types from anywhere in India (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
A solitary Lower Palaeolithic assemblage site with 2 side scrapers was found by the authors in Palamau district. Middle Palaolithic 7 specimens from two sites, with Acheulian handaxe made with cylinder hammer technique, retouched flake and Levalloise flake were found. Further, 18 points, tiny handaxes and cleavers with shallow flake scars are also found (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
In Ranchi district 12 specimens were found from one site made of fine-grained quartzite or milky quartz and are Late Acheulian in character, with handaxes, chopper-chopping tool, cleavers, side scrapers and discoid cores. Vidula Jayaswal called the collection from Chainpur and Bishunpur areas as Industry I. Jayaswal had also found 100 Middle Palaeoliths from the region in 9 sites which she termed as Industry II including side scraper, end scraper, knife, tranchet and backed blade. 56 Upper Palaeolithic tools were found including blades, backed blades, points and side scrapers (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
In Santhal Parganas, 6 tools are recorded by the authors from 4 localities from the non-Damin area, three being handaxes and three side scrapers. Their working is Late Acheulian in character in the Lower Palaeolithic period. No Middle Palaeolithic artefact was found but the tools found of Upper Palaeolithic types from the Damin region showed a stylistic preference for using retouched tools, artifacts, retouched cores and flakes and side scrapers from predominantly multiple platform cores as also retouched blades and bladelets, carinated end scrapers, micro gravettes, burins, with signs of hafting as points and barbs on projectiles mark this period. Palaeolithic usage with microlithic usage may have occurred at the same time (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
It seems from the authors' data that the region cannot be definitely proved have a sustained Palaeolithic occurrence of humans beyond the upper Pleistocene. In conclusion Chattopadhyay and Saha (2004: 212-213) conclude that:
  1. The major movement of Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers seem to have centred around Singhbhum where it has the maximum spread.
  2. Palaeolithic activities in Singhbhum may be as early as its adjoining part of Hazaribagh, if not, even slightly earlier.
  3. It is a distinct possibility that Mayurbhanj region of Orissa played an important role for the initial spread of Palaeolithic activities in Singhbhum.
  4. The distribution of artifacts of Singhbhum and Hazaribagh is not restricted to the hilly region but extended to the undulated detrital lateritic tract. We may further assume that this movement of Palaeolithic population gradually extended further towards east of Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia districts of West Bengal.
  5. Therefore, in course of time, the entire Chotanagpur plateau including its fringe areas of West Bengal and highlands of Orissa formed a bigger zone of activities for Palaeolithic peoples.
  6. Middle Palaeolithic was an indigenous development and represented a continuation of an earlier culture. Hence, change of raw material seems nominal. Further, the region as a whole is characterized by the continuing use of handaxe and at least a few cleavers albeit in diminutive form. It is not surprising therefore that these do not compare with the typical Mousteroid types recorded from the Maharashtra-Karnataka region.
  7. The Upper Palaeolithic, likewise, is very poorly represented. Further, more often than not these occur overlapping in regions of microlithic occurrences. Yet, it would be illogical to deny the existence of an Upper Palaeolithic stage in the present area of study especially in view of the presence of retouched long blade recorded from Singhbhum. Incidentally, the Damin area of Santhal Parganas have yielded an excellent assemblage of broad and elongated blades types, retouched cores and flakes, besides different types of Upper Palaeolithic assemblages. The raw material used here, mostly chert, is however quite different from the materials of other parts of our study area.
  8. A feature that is strikingly apparent in the occupational history of Damin area – the past vis-à-vis the ethnographic present – is long-term continuity. The micro environmental zones of the Damin regions are as varied as the upland forest, strips of river basin, woodland, shrub and thorny areas besides game which attracts the users of the Damin industry are certainly the source areas for the ethnographic present. The persistent character of the subsistence economy of the Damin population geared by hunting, foraging and fishing has gradually become a major force of seasonal daily wage labour labour for the neighbouring region. The assemblages are devoid of organic remains which are the principal sources to trace the adaptive pattern of the micro-environment. The reconstruction of the relationship between the upper Palaeolithic industry (context) may not be possible for the pre-historic period but settlement records and the present day situation offer scope to explain the dynamics of the hunter-gatherer culture. The states of Damin industry including its ethno-archaeological context also highlighted in the works of Chakrabarti where he rightly suggests by endorsing M.L.K. Murthy's opinion “typical of industries in woodland ecosystem…they may represent a regional facies of the Upper Palaeolithic.”
However, it seems that this region also has sites which are microlithic in their content. This might seem to be contrary with the statements made above unless their horizons or industries are separable entities.

Mesolithic Stage

Though the Indian Mesolithic is known as the microlithic stage, Ray (2004) refers to it as a blade-bladelet element because both are the major tool blanks found. This comes from the lower part of the uppermost silt bed. A majority of total tools found belong to this section. The material used includes agate, chert, jasper, milky quartz, etc. Tools include scrapers, points, awls, burins, borers and lunates with flakes, blades, bladelets, discoidal and fluted cores as debitage and tool blanks. The tools range from 1cm to 6cm. Mohanty's study of Keonjhar in 1993 shows them to be in association with heavy-duty tools, like cores, scrapers, choppers, thick knives and picks made on altered basalt.
A.C. Carlyle seems to have coined the term Mesolithic from the soil of India as an intermediate stage between the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic. While Pleistocene ends in 10,000 years B.P., Mesolithic in Europe starts around 9,500 years B.P., ending around 6,000 to 5,000 years B.P. In India it has been included in the late Stone Age, the microlithic Age or the Mesolithic Age. The Mesolithic in India, characterized by microlithic industry, has neither a fixed genesis or continuity and is not fixed by absolute dating methods. The 900 tools collected from 8 sites in West Bengal by the authors included scrapers, knives, lunates, triangles, trapezes, burins, points, borers and denticulates. The types are similar but local ecologies and activities may be the cause for change in the proportion of the types found. A differentiated Neolithic-Mesolithic boundary with any site having these items clearly separable has yet to be found for any region in the locality (Ray and Chakraborty; 2004).
The idea of a catch-all phrase of the Mesolithic as an in-between stage of degeneration from the Palaeolithic to the Neolithic has to give way to newer concepts where larger groups may have operated together and complex hunter-gatherer strategies may have existed. The main problem of this stage has been the preservation of items that prove this (Price; 1991).
In 1966-67, Bhupendra Pal Singh reported a microlithic site from Karamchat in Shahabad District, Bihar. This is in the Gupteshwar Dham region. The raw material was fine-grained silicious element including glassy quartz, flint, jasper, agate, chalcedony, chert, etc. There were 84 finished implements including blades, points, scrapers on blade, a lunate and scrapers on core. There were 56 by-products including 45 cores and 11 flakes indicating a factory site. The site represented few geometric forms.
In 1980-81, Bhattacharya, Chakrabarti and Chakrabarti reported a preliminary microlithic collection from four sites around Santiniketan in Birbhum district of West Bengal. 12 pieces were collected from Shyambati, 63 from Taltorer Danga, 57 from Deer Park and 34 from Paruldanga. At Paruldanga, it seems that an antiquity of 12,000 years BP or greater is estimated (Chakrabarti; 2002-2003: 26). At the Deer Park a typical typological evolution may be seen from backed flakes to backed blades. Fossil wood pieces are also found here. The first two sites are basaltic in the use of raw material. The raw material in the latter two sites is cherty material and fossil wood. Lacking a true Mesolithic tool kit collection, the authors conclude that the sites might represent a habitation coeval with the chalcolithic of the region.
In 1980-81, Chakrabarti, Bhattacharya and Chattopadhyay reported a series of sites from Bankura. In some sites there was an association of celts with microliths, and also at Dihar there were found microliths made on glass. There is an association of Neolithic celts with microlithic debitage, a few pieces of iron implements and medieval pottery at Shulgi and Namokechanda. The Dwarakeswar, Gandheswari, Kumari-Kansavati and Silavati valleys contain lower palaeoliths. Further, the microliths occur with Black-and-Red Ware at Kumardanga and Tulsipur. It is presumed by the authors that in the period of temple construction in 11 th century Bankura, there were still some pockets of microlith users. This may be true of Purulia as well.
In 1991 Datta reported five sites from the Midnapur district, around the Tarafeni river. The five sites yielded 1,779 artefacts of different tool types. At Kattara I, Upper Palaeolithic types were found including blades, scrapers, points, borers, lunates, etc. Blade and blade tools form the major component. At Kattara II, there were Upper Palaeolithic blades, points, scrapers, etc. At Laljal, there were Mesolithic tools including blades, points, lunates, scrapers, burins, borers, etc. At Srinathpur, the Mesolithic tools included blades, points, lunates, burins, etc. At Asri, points, lunates, scrapers and burins comprise the Mesolithic period collection. At Kattara I and II, blades and blade-based tools comprised about 80% of the tools found. There seems to have been less uniformity in sizes in this period. In the three Mesolithic sites there is a uniformity in the distribution of length and breadth in the tool types. From the green quartzite of the Upper Palaeolithic period, a cherty quartz becomes the dominant raw material of the Mesolithic people. The three Mesolithic sites are close and also show similarities in their assemblages.
Basak (1997) analyzed 49 sites in the Tarafeni valley of Midnapur district, West Bengal. Many of the raw materials used for making the tools are absent at these sites. A uniquely detailed analysis is the hallmark of this analysis. The author has been most thorough in his analysis. 541 cores were present but only 22 raw material blocks. Only 417 cortical flakes were present out of 1699. Primary decortification flakes (with 100% cortex cover) and those with more than 50% cortex cover (secondary decortification flakes) are only 14 (0.8%). The rest all have less than 50% cortex cover. It was assumed that partially decorticated cores of raw material were transported here for tool-making. Perhaps they were normally transported with them as part of a tool kit. Due to a shortage of raw material cores were extensively used. They were manufactured, used and discarded at the time and place of their use. A blade scar/blade ratio as well as a core/flake ratio has also been given for each site. The flakes discarded from the blade manufacturing process often show use marks without any further retouching. Blades, once hafted, are rarely discarded like other flakes at the place of their use and this shows a characteristic clustering of blades at sites of manufacture. Further, blades get worn due to transportation. Such loose blades may be discarded at the time of use. The rich and extensive use of the valley could be due to the availability of water in a semi-arid period.
Tarafeni dating by palaeomagnetic method in Russia to the gravel layer yielding Lower Palaeolithic tools has come to about 70,000 years BP. At Susunia it came to at least 40,000 years BP by C-14 method at the limits of its sensitivity (Datta; 1982).
Singh (1999) discovered three new sites in the region near Simdega of Gumla district. It is possible that it falls within the dates 7000 BC to 1000 BC for such tool types in the area. As compared with temperate areas, the microlith users survived for a considerable period. As a result, it must have been running in parallel with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic or even Iron Age. The three areas found were within a 100 km of both Madhya Pradesh (Raigarh and Sarguja districts) as well as Orissa (Sundergarh district).
At Islampur, there are fine gravel of chert lying over a km area. Calcareous concretions are found all over the area. This could be due to the use of shells in the region. As these are discarded by the microlithic users, they decompose into these calcareous depositions. Broken shells in large number are also seen here. Yellowish chert, black chloride and quartz were quarried from local outcrops as the raw material. 1563 tools were picked from these regions, consisting of flakes, fluted blades, fluted cores (sometimes with double platforms), blades detached by punching technique, three broken blades showing clear evidence of surface flaking done in the manner of European Solutrean leafs (classed as leaf point fragments), retouched blades, backed blades, burins (most prepared on fragments of fluted cores by delivering a truncation on the terminal end and then removing the burin facet along the length), burinated cores (fragments of blades and cores with one or two burin blows), macrolunates, many thick flakes and bladish flakes backed to emphasize a pointed end, end scrapers, slender microlithic lunates and notches. It seems to the author to be older than any of the other microlithic industries noted so far, representing a transition of late Palaeolithic into microlithic (Singh; 1999).
At Purnapani 1466 tools were collected from the third terrace of the river Chhinda. A majority is waste material. The others include micro Gravette point, carinated end scraper, burinated fluted core, lunates, triangles, end scrapers, borers, penknife, retouched blades and burins. This shows a continuity with Islampur and may be younger in age to the Islampur site (Singh; 1999).
Keraghagh is a site with 2515 tools found on the second terrace of the river Chhinda. Of this, waste materials amount to 87.5% like flakes, blades (unretouched blades, flakes, crest guiding blades and core rejuvenation) and cores. Blades are removed both by punching and fluting. Its younger date is indicated by scalene triangles, points, truncated blades, high frequency of lunates, obliquely blunted blades, macro lunates. These three sites match the radiocarbon dates for Paisra (7420±110B.P.) (Pant and Jaiswal; 1991). The gradual adaptation of the population here took a long duration, up to the third millennium B.C. Wheel made, well-fired glazed potsherds of gritty clay were also found in association and the author could collect 9 celts from the local farmers ploughing the fields. Thus classifying the various stages as consisting of certain actual periods could be a mistaken version for the region (Singh; 1999).
The Deulga Hills of Sambalpur region yield rock art in its cave shelters. More than a hundred rock shelters have been found here. Fifteen of these yielded signs of prehistoric habitation. The walls of these shelters include a wide array of petroglyphs while microliths, heavy-duty pebble tools, crudely made potsherds are found on the floors of most of the shelter. A number of conical or cylindrical cupules, often in alignment are found on the rocky floors. The rock art is in the form of petroglyphs, mostly engraved, or abraded/scratched, or rubbed on the front wall. Various naturalistic as well as schematic representations of a variety of animal forms are found, especially fish and birds (Walimbe, Behera and Mushrif; 2001).
In 2001, Walimbe, Behera and Mushrif dug a trial pit and found three broad layers of habitation.
Layer I: Reddish-coloured, loose, silty-sand, mixed with exfoliated sandstone fragments. This contained lithic assemblages, both microlithic and non-microlithic, a few crudely made and shapeless potsherds, freshwater mollusk shells of bivalve variety and a few fragments of animal bones.
Layer II: Reddish-brown, loose, silty-sand, mixed with occasional sandstone fragments and calcretes. Lithic assemblages here included microlithic and non-microlithic ones, the upper part of a bone point, mollusk shells of bivalve and gastropod types, a few animal bone pieces and human skeletal remains. The skeletal remains seemed to be of one individual and were disturbed. Only on one small-sized cranial fragment is some charring evident. The rest of the bones show no such sign. There is minimal weathering but parts of bones are also missing. Though the sex of the specimen could not be definitely ascertained it had died between 25-30 years of age, was short of stature (144.37”±4.05 cm (if male) and 138.61” ± 4.45 cm (if female)) and genetically gracile in build. Hence, the people in this period subsisted on limited hunting of small to medium-sized animals and aquatic as well as plant food resources. The human beings suffered relatively heavy mechanical stress as compared to a pastoral economy.
Layer III: Brownish-grey, loose, silty-sand mixed with a few sandstone fragments and calcium carbonate nodules. Lithic artifacts, mollusk shells, some pieces of animal bones and several pieces of foliated mica were also found.

Conclusions And Preliminary Ideas

Though it seems to be apparent to some of the authors that Singhbhum (now divided into East and West Singhbhum districts) was the centre of activity of hunter-gatherers during the palaeolithic period, with subsequent spread to Hazaribagh (in Jharkhand), Midnapur (presently divided into Purba and Paschim Medinipur districts), Bankura and Purulia districts of West Bengal, as well as to the Mayurbhanj district of Orissa, this has been belied by successive finds in almost all the districts of Jharkhand (for an example see Table 1). Hence, though probable paths of human habitation may be speculated about, it has been impossible to state clearly that Singhbhum district might be the centre of human habitation during this period. In fact, such a notion might be mistaken.
The use of food resources of the humans living in this region at the time included plant food resources, limited hunting of small animals, bears and some other animals as well as that kind of food which was available near water resources like fish and mollusk. These are still part of the diet of current day tribes of the region as are mushrooms and honey. Some of the tribes also eat field rats, which may have been useful, especially since storage of grains and other foods was begun.
Though food eating varies from tribe to tribe, many of the current tribes of the Chotanagpur region bring their hunted animals, indigenous medicines, and food to the market for sale and exchange with other communities. Such a practice of exchange of food may have existed in the past also. As a result, though local food practices continued, there was a lot of borrowing and sharing among the communities in the region, regarding ideas, food and many other things. It is thus no wonder that today a clear distinction is no longer apparent between the use of religious symbols, food and other items of material culture among the tribes of the region.
Over the years, as the numbers of large animals declined and animal husbandry increased, there has been a shift to the hunting of small animals rather than larger ones. This has been seen in the shift of the tool kit from heavy duty tools to the use of microliths in this region. However, in other areas, other strategies have also been used. This has been the use of decreasing sizes of heavy duty tools like miniature handaxes and cleavers in this entire region. As a result of this unusual toolkit, a variety of possibilities open up. Often, the use of miniature ring stones remains unexplained. One possibility has been that these may have been used as sinkers for fishing nets made of bamboo, grasses, ropes and other materials. I am indebted to Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya for proposing many of these ideas that open up these possibilities.
One of the most remarkable ideas floated by Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya is that of a root-crop horticultural exploitation of natural sources. Such root crops, though not very systematically grown, are present in the ‘food lore' of the tribal communities of the region. Such root-crop cultivation coupled with the kind of tools available show us a remarkable spread of activities as possibilities.
One would require, at this stage, to modify one's ideas of what a culture consists of. One would have to consider it as a concept that does not mean a fixed and unwavering set of activities that continue over time in a set of people, thus defining them as a community of its practitioners. One would require to think of culture as a set of practices and possibilities, a tool-kit if you will, of things that may be done in order to carry out survival activities. Such a culture would create, recreate and reformulate itself on a daily basis, yet maintaining a strong ‘storage' and transmission characteristics of its practices over generations.
Using this concept of culture, then, one sees the prehistoric hunter-gatherers and other populations to mean those groups of people who use different mixes of these economic activities in order to acquire food. Some would be more inclined towards hunting, while others less. Some would be more inclined to stay on near lakes where they could use mollusks and fishes (as at Deulga hills). Still others would have continued with preliminary domestication of plants and animals. Such communities would have no imperative to change over long periods of time and may have had settled habitations that continued well into the Chalcolithic period.
This is why there has been a new term suggested for such communities which has been suggested as the Epi-Palaeolithic. It would seem to be much more than just a transitional community between two academically defined archaeological stages. It would seem to be a way of life, a strategy of survival, of many of the communities that used multiple economies as strategies for making better use of available resources. It would mean a broader base of environmental knowledge than found in most societies today.
This brings us to the concept of the time period of these habitations. To all intents and purposes dates of 70,000 BP show that early habitations in the region were already existing during this period with some of them continuing well into the proto-historic or historic period itself. Thus habitations in the region could well include, even allowing for in- and out-migration, many of the present tribal communities of the region as well as some of the integrated agricultural ones.

References

r-0. Basak, Bishnupriya. 1997. Microlithic sites in the Tarafeni Valley, Midnapur District, West Bengal: A discussion, Man and Environment 22(2): 11-28.
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http://ispub.com/IJBA/2/1/9185

 Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 3: The Neolithic Problem And The Chalcolithic

Abhik Ghosh
Department of Anthropology, Panjab University
Chandigarh
Citation: A. Ghosh: Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 3: The Neolithic Problem And The Chalcolithic. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2009 Volume 2 Number 2. DOI: 10.5580/223e
Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, India, Chotanagpur, Prehistory
Abstract

The archaeology of the Chotanagpur region, as explained earlier, has been steadily giving new surprises over the years. It is time now to rethink the whole issue thoroughly in the context of influences from the entire region as well as indigenous growth and development of traditions and ways of life. First, an attempt has been made to cobble together the very patchy Neolithic record of the region and then the conclusions have been transferred to the Chalcolithic period in the region as well. This work will attempt to take into account the major sites of this period in the region. This data is analyzed through the lens of certain theoretical perspectives that may explain them. This would lead to a better understanding of the continuity of the prehistoric sites found in the Chotanagpur region. Finally, it might prove to be a means of further understanding the way prehistoric cultures have been manifesting themselves during the early historic period.


Introduction


The Chotanagpur region is a plateau area which now covers the Indian states of Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. It has an average elevation of about 2000 feet above sea level. The soil and other stratigraphic conditions have been discussed earlier (see Ghosh; 2008(a)).


The problem of this zone was always that the Neolithic celts found in this area were few and far between. There did not seem to be any continuity with either the confusing Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods with its fairly large numbers of groups (see Ghosh; 2008(b)) or with the scattered starting of state systems in the latter period. Hence, though there were celts found, there was no area which had a large number of celts. Also, there was no evidence that there had been trade or the association of celts with a large cultural assemblage which could be the precursor of a state system or even that of a local chieftain.


Two possibilities could have emerged from this. Firstly, it could be that there was only a very scattered Neolithic in the region. The few celts found could also have been obtained as part of trade goods. Secondly, it was also possible that the Neolithic began in fertile areas which became hubs of agricultural activity later. As a result, signs of previous occupations were wiped out, leaving the scattered evidences found today. A look at the totality of the evidence throws out a third possibility. This possibility is inherent when one looks closely at the data of the large populations that existed in the previous periods. It seems that it might have been possible for such early groups to adopt a multiple economic system where systematic agriculture may only have been a fraction of the economy and other aspects of horticulture and other modes may have occupied a significant proportion. Perhaps this is what Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya meant when he jokingly talked of the great Neolithic scam in undivided Bihar.

Since such communities were following multiple economies earlier, it would come as no surprise then to see them add on other abilities and economies in the Chalcolithic period. Hence, eventually, one will have to do away with terms like Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Iron Age as far as communities in this region are concerned.


The Neolithic Problem In Chotanagpur


Neolithic tools are mostly found in the top layer of the soil. It is possible that these implements have gradually worked their way to the top over the years. Such neolithic implements include polished or unpolished celts, small arrowheads of leaf-shaped or chisel-edged patterns, cores, flakes, stone beads, chisels, adzes, axeheads, etc.


The collections of Bodding in 1901 and 1904 were transported to Oslo by 1934 and were analyzed by F.R. Allchin in 1962 (1979) who divided the entire collection into two – a Neolithic assemblage (2149) and a Late Stone Age assemblage (38) of a total of 2620 pieces.


Mitra (1931) notes that a celt that he observed from S.C. Roy's collection from an Asura grave in village Gora in the Khunti subdivision of Ranchi district in 1930 was called Ther-diri or ‘Thunder stone' by the Kolarian people of the region. It would be dated about 15,000 to 25,000 years old. The Kolarian people believe these to have rained down on the earth from the skies by gods or semi-divine personages like Rama or Lakhshmana. These celts have a divine afflatus and kept beside a parturient woman, it aids in easy and speedy deliveries.


Mitra (1931) also notes that such celts are also called ‘Thunder stones' among the Mongoloid tribes of Assam. The Naga tribes in the Naga hills of Assam call them ‘thunderbolts', as mentioned by Prof. Henry Balfour in an article in Folklore in June 1929. Some call it luck-bringing, while the Lhota Nagas do not touch them. The Ao Nagas believe them to bring thunderstorms and cause houses to be struck by lightning. Balfour, in an article on the issue in Folklore of March 1930, describes such a case accurately, and the Ao Nagas believed it had been caused by a celt with a reddish streak running through it. The celt was sent to the Pitt-Rivers museum of Anthropology by J.H. Hutton and in the November gale of 1928 a large portion of the museum roof was blown off. In another Naga case, mentioned by J.H. Hutton, it was seen that there was some belief in its powers to reduce the intoxicating powers of alcohol and for cooling the tongue by licking it. There is belief in other medicinal powers associated with celts also, as mentioned by S.C. Roy, especially relating to headache, difficult urination, rheumatic or other pain in any part of the body, affections of the lungs, etc. Water with which the stone has been rubbed on another stone is an essential part of the remedy, being applied to the affected part. Perforated rock-crystal beads called rati-jara (‘night fever') are dug out from the fields or found in ancient cinerary urns are valued as a cure for certain fevers, especially those which occur in the night.


One of the few Neolithic sites in the region has been found from Chirand which has been excavated (Narain; 1970, Vishnu Mittre; 1972). It is in Saran district of Bihar, about 8 kms. East from the district headquarters Chhapra. The flood plains of the Ganges were used for grain cultivation by the broadcast method and microlithic blades hafted onto clay or wooden sickles were used to cut the grain (Prasad; 1980). Carbonised wheat, rice, barley, lentils and legumes (mung, masur and peas) have been found at the Neolithic level. Rarity of storage jars seem to indicate that food was rarely stored and hence marginal. Hunting was seen to be the major occupation and source of food. Bones of Bos indicus (domesticated humped cattle), Bubalus bubalis (domesticated buffalo), Ovis aries (domesticated sheep), Capra hircus (domesticated goat), Sus domesticus (domesticated pig), Canis familiaris (dog), Rhinoceros unicornis (Indian one-horned rhinoceros), Elephas maximus (Indian elephant), Cervus duvauceli (swamp deer), Axis axis (chital) and Sus scrofa (wild boar) were found, often with cut marks suggesting their use as food. Fish bone has also been found in huge quantities, as well as turtle, snail, tortoise and mollusk. Roasting or multiple ovens has indicated roasting of animals. There fish bones inside the cooking vessels which bear soot marks. There are no plates or dishes but bowls, handis (pots) and spouted vessels occur in large number indicating the liking for liquid food. A terracotta serpent was also found at this site. The site is dated to between 4,000 – 3,000 B.C. or more accurately to 1375 ±#177; 100 BC (Prasad; 1980, Bhattacharya; 1989).


Thapar (1973-74) pointed out that there appeared to be two kinds of Neolithic sites. One kind showed varying levels of Neolithic economy without any preparatory processes. On the other hand, another group of sites indicate a largely hunting and gathering economy which elaborated at some stage of cultural evolution by the use of ground stone implements, and occasionally attesting the presence of domestic animals. He claims that the problem is the obsession to look for sites with a continuous sequence of events by many archaeologists. Some way has to be found where the two meet.


In the neighboring areas of the Kaimur hills of district Rohtas, Bihar, a variety of such sites of early farming communities has been studied by Birendra Pratap Singh in 1988-89. These Neolithic settlements were overlaid by deposits of Chalcolithic and NBPW culture. Those in the plains regions near the rivers seem to be more successful and the foothills were being used for faunal and lithic resources. These foothills were not very far from sites like Senuwar.


Surface explorations in the Chotanagpur region have often unearthed Neolithic celts and other tools. They have been found from Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Santhal Pargana districts, and in other areas. Most have been surface finds. Some have been dug up by farmers while ploughing fields. One such celt made on green-coloured jasper in a highly polished and symmetrical state was displayed by Bulu Imam who had found more such celts in the region (Imam; 1996: personal communication).


Sathe and Badam (1996) have commented about the animal remains found from Senuwar in Rohtas District, Bihar. The Period IA is Neolithic (3rd millennium BC), Period IB is Neolithic-Chalcolithic (1700±#177;120 BC, 1600±#177;120 BC, 1500±#177;110 BC and 1400±#177;110 BC), Period II is Chalcolithic and Period III is NBP and Kushana. Less domestic buffalo than cattle, and after that sheep and goats are seen. Domestic buffalo and cattle were killed between 6 to 18 months while sheep/goats between 8 months to 1 year. Pigs were killed between 1-2 years of age. One upper incisor of an equid was found at Chalcolithic level. Nilgai, blackbuck, four-horned antelope, barking deer, chital or spotted deer, sambar/barasingha (Cervus sp.) show occasional hunting. Along with this there are three genera of mollusks, abundant in Neolithic-Chalcolithic period. Half of the meat eaten seems to have been cattle or buffalo. However, in spite of the rivers Kudra and Son being nearby, there were no fish remains.


Kumar and Pant (1996-97) divide the era into three stages:


Stage I: (ca. 2300 BC – 1950 BC)


It is represented by the Senuwar sub-period IA and the entire Neolithic complex of Mahagara-Koldihwa. It is based on the economy of the cultivation of only one cereal (rice) and the domestication of various animals, partly supplemented by gathering, fishing and hunting. It is compared with the tribal economy of Chotanagpur of the present day among the Santal, Munda, Oraon and Ho. A study of faunal remains of Senuwar by Badam, shows scattered animal bones (domestic/hunted or butchered), considered the property of the community with the flesh being distributed. This may have been true also for the communal ownership of domesticated animals. Cattle and sheep were domesticated at Mahagara and Senuwar. Senuwar also domesticated buffaloes and pigs. Mahagara domesticated goats and horses also. Pigs are kept by the Santals, Mundas and Oraons. A cattle pen was located at the centre of Mahagara. Eighteen huts were found but none had cattle sheds. Whether rice was cultivated in the same pattern is unknown. Contributing only marginally, rice was supplemented by the collection of wild rice, grasses (job's tear and fox's tail), wild fruits (ber, etc.), hunting of big games, particularly big ungulates, and exploitation of aquatic fauna (turtle and fish). Such egalitarian societies had no socio-economic hierarchy. Thus, pastoralism with hunting-gathering economy and rice cultivation were all present. Rice, barley, field pea, lentils and some millets were identified. There was also dwarf wheat, grass pea, kodon and vetch. It contains Red Ware, Burnished Red Ware and Burnished Grey Ware. Some Burnished Grey Ware contains post firing ochre painting on the rim. Bowls show the same identification marks as the Vindhyan Koldihwa and Mahagara Neolithic.


Stage II: (ca. 1950 BC – 1650 BC)


It is marked by the cultivation of some new cereals and pulses, like barley (Hordeum vulgare), dwarf-wheat (Triticum spaeorococcum), jowar-millet (Sorghum bicolor), finger-millet/Ragi (Eleusine coracana), lentil (Lens culinaris), field pea (Pisum arvense) and Khasari (Lathyrus sativus). It was reached by Senuwar middle level to the end of Sub Period A. Similar agricultural carbonized grains were found from Chirand and Taradih. A two crop system exists but no further changes occur in mode of habitation, pottery, stone objects, bone objects and other cultural patterns. Wheat, barley and pulses found here are similar to the Indus Valley Civilization. It is claimed here that after the decline of the Harappan cities around 2000 BC, the people moved eastwards and hence this diffusion occurred. The Belan valley seems to have missed this change, and it affected the Kaimur foot-hills of Bihar. As people settled they moved to places east and north like Taradih, Chirand, Chechar-Kutubpur and Maner. Domestication of animals and hunting and gathering continued, though agriculture became more dominant.


Stage III: (ca. 1650 BC – 1300 BC)


Copper was introduced but the economy remained Neolithic. This was seen at Senuwar Sub Period B of the Neolithic. Though no copper was found in the other places it was also seen at Chirand, Chechar-Kutubpur, Taradih and Maner. A two crop system of agriculture exists, with domestication of animals, gathering of forest produce, big game hunting, and increased fishing. New species of wheat, millet and pulses are seen here. Seeds of bhang, dhatur have been found as well as a piece of iron wood (found in north Bengal and Assam). Bigger antler implements are now used for cultivation. Though lifestyles remain the same at Senuwar after the introduction of copper, marginal increase in number and types of all things occur including beads and there is some refinement and modifications. It may also show a larger number of people and a higher standard of living. New craft activities may also have begun due to copper. The copper was from Rakha mines and the single lead rod could be from Phaga area of Bhagalpur in Bihar. Most microliths are made on bladelets.


According to Ray (2004), this stage is very widespread and the major tool types are axes, adzes, chisels, wedges, knives, choppers and heavy-duty scrapers made on altered basalt. Chipping, pecking and grinding is the method of making these tools. Microlithic tools on cherts are associated with Neoliths. There is also pot-making, with pots being crude, thick, handmade, grit tempered and ill fired, orange and reddish buff in colour. Pottery types from different areas of eastern India seem to be similar. Barudih, Chirand and Pandu Rajar Dhibi are three excavated sites dating to the Neolithic. Burnt rice at Barudih was dated to about 1,000 B.C. Other dates obtained for similar beds are in the Bangladesh formation dated to 7000-6000 years B.P. Domestication of plants and animals occur, with village communities and craft specialization, like pottery and textile.


Bhattacharya (2004) makes certain relevant comments about the Neolithic in Jharkhand from 2000-1000 BC. A Neolithic is where the human population has become sedentary, has ceramics, ground and polished axes and domesticated cereals and livestock. However, he claims that in the middle Ganga valley adjoining the Chotanagpur region, there might have been a multi-‘species' farming community growing but having interactions with metal-producing and stone-material exchanging communities in the Chotanagpur region. The Chotanagpur region, being hilly, had to recourse to multiple economies for survival while those near the river valley plains did not need to do so. As a result, over all these types of tools and metals a repeated celt-making activity remains in the region. Further, due to trade and the area being rich in resources, it did not need to shift from older economies to new ones since there was no pressure or stress upon it to do so. As populations grew, they faced stress and sections would join a local agricultural community as a slightly different ethnic group with an ability to do artisanal or other activity. Such hunting groups number 215 in the Ganga valley. Many were sucked in as labour in about 1800 to 600 BC.


The earliest use of wheat and barley in India seem to be 2500-1800 BC in the Eastern Indian region. For rice, it 1500-1800 BC in the Eastern region while it goes up to 2300 BC in the Western region. For Jowar (Sorghum) millets it is found in Central India at about 4-5th century BC to 3-6th century AD. In the Ganga plains, rice was seen at Koldihwa at 5440 ±#177; 240 BC. In Bihar, rice has been found in early historic, Iron age and the Neolithic periods (earliest to about 1300 BC). In West Bengal, it has been found up to about 1250 BC in the Chalcolithic period. In Madhya Pradesh, though, all of the major agriculturally used species are found up to 2000 BC in the Chalcolithic period. In Orissa, rice has been found in about 1500 BC in the Neolithic period (Vishnu-Mittre; 1989).


It would be useful, in this context to review the ethno-archaeological studies from the region that have led to a contribution to our understanding of the region.


The Chalcolithic


While acknowledging that some parts of India did have the requisite metals, a large number of methods for metal-working as well as the raw materials seem to have come from other areas outside the present borders of India, according to Lamberg-Karlovsky (1967). The Bihar-Orissa type of celts are the flat, shouldered types are also found in Uttar Pradesh. The Bihar-Orissa types of harpoons, anthropomorphic figurines, antennae-hilted swords and spearheads seem to have evolved from Bihar-Orissa types found from copper hoards. Tin was worked in India in ancient times from Hazaribagh district, copper from Singhbhum district and copper ore associated with nickel from Singhbhum district. Campbell, in his analysis of 27 axes from Manbhum in 1916 claimed that they were produced in closed molds and then beaten to the required thickness while still hot.


Surprisingly, V. Ball in 1869 attributes the older copper workings in Singhbhum to be done by Seraks or Jaina lay worshippers. This seems to be partly true for many areas in India. If so, then they may be dated to at least 10-13th centuries AD. A pot of money of the Puri-Kushana period were found in association near the Rakha mines. The coins were not trimmed and it could be that a mint was set up near the copper mine itself. These could thus be dated to about 6-7th centuries AD. It seems as if the copper-iron age was coeval with the Neolithic and in this region, in some way, the two were connected. It is thus probable that the copper-iron-gold mining in the region could be around 1st-2nd millennium BC (Chakrabarti; 1993).


Beads of carnelian, agate, onyx, crystal and glass are also found in association with mining localities of eastern Singhbhum. They seem to be dated to a general early historic date. Some also have palaeoliths and neoliths in association. Further, the skill of these workers has been of a very high order and they have been extremely efficient at removing copper, so much so that they resemble present standards of copper mining and smelting (Chakrabarti; 1993).


Copper celts have been found in the past (Campbell; 1916) in the low hills from Paresnath to Pokhuria in the north of Dhanbad Subdivision to the Barakar river in the North, especially from Bisuadih and in a bundle dug up about a foot below the surface in Kolber. They were also found by Cobden-Ramsay (1916) from Bhagra Pir in Mayurbhanj, where they were again about a foot below the surface on the bank exposed by the river, a total of nine or ten pieces in all. Many other celts, ornaments and other finds have been reported by Roy (1916(a), 1916(b)).


There seems to have been a preponderance of tin alloys in the Ranchi region though lead and zinc mixtures are also found. However, all of the known copper and other metal-using sites had been using scrap metal or old metal as part of their raw material. As a result, it may not be ultimately possible to trace these metals to their original sources with such ease as has been believed earlier. A variety of alloys and mixtures have been repeatedly used in various regions in India (Lahiri; 1994-1995).


According to S.P. Gupta, the Copper Hoards found in the region began from Bihar about 2,000 BC and flourished in the Jamuna-Gangetic valley between 1800-1300 BC. He shows that there is a link between the copper items found in the Bengal-Bihar zone and the U.P. zone and they should be taken up together (Gupta; 1965).


Pandu Rajar Dhibi in Burdwan District, West Bengal is a Chalcolithic site excavated in 1962-64 under the leadership of late P.C. Dasgupta. It is the largest Black-and-Red Ware settlement in West Bengal. A variety of painted pots, copper bangles, beads of semi-precious stones, microliths along with a large number of bone and antler artifacts have been found from this site. The bones belong to four periods: Period I (1600-1400 BC), Period II (1200-900 BC), Period III (899-600 BC) and Period IV (599-300 BC). Recent bone fragments found include points, pins, arrowheads, surma sticks, blow-pipes, lunates, points, awls, beads and knives. Antler was not used as raw material in Bhaluksonda, Susunia and Dihar in Burdwan district and at Debpahar in Midnapur district but was found at Mahisdal in Birbhum district, Tamluk in Midnapur district and Mangalkot in Burdwan district (Banerjee; 2000).


At Mahisdal, Period I (1500/1600 BC) included various kinds of painted (black and white) as well as plain Black-and-Red Ware pottery, some Black-painted Red Ware, Red Ware bearing incised fillets, plain Red Ware, Black Ware sometimes with incised and pinhole decorations, microliths, terracotta objects, a flat copper celt, bone objects, beads of semi-precious stones and steatite, charred rice and a complete absence of iron. Iron appears only in Period II (about 800 BC) (Chakrabarti; 1993).


At Bahiri, the mound Chandra Hazar Danga in Birbhum district, had a Black-and-Red Ware pottery as the predominant type. It was excavated by Chakrabarti in 1981. Period I dates were 1120 – 795 BC, Period II at 810 – 410 BC and Period III at 660 ±#177; 180 BC. Iron-smelting was carried out in large amounts in the Period I and II (Chakrabarti; 1993).


One of the seven dates is Chalcolithic for Hatikra in Birbhum district (about 1000 BC). The other six dates are between 325 and 990 AD (Chakrabarti; 1993).


In this stage both metal and stone elements for the making of tools are found. The metals include copper, brass, bronze and iron. There are also chipped and ground celts, flake tools and metal ornaments. Orissan sites include Pallahara, Kuanr and Kanjipani, Dhalbhumgarh, Maubhandar and Rakha mines in Jharkhand and Porihati and Dhobakacha in West Bengal. Excavated by Ray (1993) and Ray, Kundu and Bhattacharya (2000), it shows all tools made on metamorphosed basalt, with heavy-duty tools being chipped celts, wedges, saddle querns, sickles and thick knives. Flakes, blades and cores are found as blanks as well as utilized pieces, and long blades are found with sharp lateral margins and marks of use. Levalloisean, punching and pressure-flaking techniques dominated. Wastes outnumbered tools, the site being a factory site and showed inhabitation. Potsherds (red and buff coloured but not very fine in texture), burnt clay and brass ornaments were also present, with crucibles (thick, heavy and with embedded metal slag), earthern pellets for slings, and rings and bangles made on brass. The ornaments analysed showed that the alloy was prepared by simultaneous reduction of chalcopyrite and lead zinc sulphide ore over a charcoal fire, perhaps a method used earlier in the Chalcolithic period. Ray claims that the evolving of the state in the region is due to the monopoly of mining in the region and the development of metallurgy.


S. Pradhan (2000) reported three sites from the Karandi valley in Orissa. From a trial excavation in these sites Chalcolithic material was found. At Badibahal, slow wheel-turned Buff and Red Ware were found which were ill-fired and fragmentary. Layer 2 had potsherds of both handmade and wheel-made type, both grit tempered and ill-fired and also fragmentary. In Layer 1, in association, a stone celt was found. At Bhejidihi, pottery, iron objects like chisels, nails and spearheads, stone objects like celts, microlithic chert bladelets, beads of quartz, carnelian, agate and jasper, terracotta objects like spindle whorls, toy cart wheels, hop scotches, copper ingot and bangles were found. Two periods were recognized here. Period I was Chalcolithic with bone, stone tools, copper and painted pottery. Period II was Early Iron Age represented by iron objects with Red Ware, Black Polished ware and Black-and-Red Ware. At Kurmigudi, pottery was found with fluted cores, bladelets, bone points, terracotta crucibles, hop scotch, a chopping tool, a broken piece of ring stone and a piece of antler. The author claims that Bhejidihi conforms to that of Golabai (painted pottery represented by post-firing painting in dark ochre) and Kambeswaripalli (painted pottery represented by creamy white painting on Black-and-Red Ware). At Bhejidihi, there is also black painting on Red Ware, similar to that of Period II at Pandu Rajar Dhibi. At Pandu Rajar Dhibi the Black-and-Red Ware is painted while at Bhejidihi it is unpainted.


The copper hoards seem to have a problematic relating to the difficulty of its assemblages and their dating or their attribution to any particular cultural group (Yule; 2001).


Many sites in West Bengal have also shown graduated metal working over long periods like Banesvar Danga, Bangarh, Bahiri, Bharatpur, Chandraketugarh, Dihor, Hatikra, Kankrajhor, Kotasur, Laljal, Mahisdal, Mangalkot, Pakhanna, Pandu Rajar Dhibi, Sulgi, Tamluk and Tulsipur. Chattopadhyay claims that the copper hoard objects were not always of the Chalcolithic period but there is a possibility of it having continued to a later period. The Eastern copper hoards differ typologically and technologically from the Western copper hoards. After maturity, it is possible that copper hoards from this period migrated to the Gangetic Doab. Brass articles were also exported to Thailand (Chattopadhyay; 2004).


Conclusions


An interlinking is thus seen with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic and the later and earlier periods in the region though they cannot be readily observed in every region from the stratigraphic data. Many of the sites were found near river areas though it is quite likely that these sites also existed in interior areas also and whose signs were erased through later settlements.


There is also evidence that these goods were transferred to other areas like Thailand and also to other areas within India. Further, the nature and behavior of the people who were storing copper in hoards is not clear nor is there any clear idea of which period they might have belonged to. As a result, it is quite possible that they might have been a behavioral characteristic of different cultural groups in the same region over a period of time.


The evidence seen here is also showing clearly that the use of certain tools or metals or other economic practices was not restricted to any one cultural group but was spread out over many different culture-bearing populations. Perhaps the laws of pragmatism prevailed.


What of regional variations? It seems that the areas which were adjoining the plains areas contributed most to the early farming settlements in the plains areas (see Maps). They became like a sort of satellite to such developing areas. The sheer magnitude and variety of the sites show that a great population grew and developed in this region over this period (see Appendices I and II). Thus interior sites developed on their own though they all had trade relations with other communities while those near the borders of the plateau region interacted most with the growing, powerful states coming up through agriculture in the plains. There was a lot of trade and interaction among these communities at this point, even to the extent of borrowing major technologies relating to agriculture. Also horticultural and other produce may have been the specialty of these ‘fringe' communities which the initial agriculturists lacked and found to be delicacies.


One way of looking at large scale cultural borrowings of this kind would be see them as happening in larger cultural clusters creating a mega-culture. Such mega-cultures could borrow or use large-scale cultural commonalities for perhaps specific areas of social life like economy, agriculture, trade, pottery, weaponry, metallurgy, etc. These might be related to the Alfred Schutz's stock-knowledge-at-hand for a whole area or region. Though the idea of a stock-knowledge-at hand was wrought by Alfred Schutz as referring to one cultural group, in this case the idea needs to be modified to include sections of cultures or groups of culture-bearers who combine ideas according to pragmatic reasons in order to follow a set group of practices that are relevant to the entire group. Such mega-cultures may approximate or bridge the concept used by many archaeologists as ‘traditions,’ since they are wary of using the term culture for such large-scale activities that may possibly involve multiple culture-bearing groups. I shall develop on these ideas in the next part of this exposition, where I shall show how different cultures in the region actually had similar activities.


Thus, there is a direct continuity between the cultures and traditions that existed in the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic to those that existed later. Unraveling the complexity of later migrations of other populations that came in and of the alliances formed between these communities should be the basis of any future archaeology of the region. This work is thus preliminary in setting the outlines of such a research paradigm.


References


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Ray, Ranjana. 2004. Man and culture in Eastern India: An anthropological study on quality of life through time, Sectional President's Address, 91st Session 2003-2004, Anthropological and Behavioural Sciences, Chandigarh. Kolkata: The Indian Science Congress Association.
Ray, Ranjana, Asok K. Kundu and Nandini Bhattacharya. 2000. Chalcolithic cultural remnants from a site near Kanjipani, Orissa, Kishor K. Basa and Pradeep Mohanty (eds.) Archaeology of Orissa, pp. 36-367.
Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1916(a). Relics of the Copper Age found in Chota Nagpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 2: 481-484.
Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1916(b). A find of ancient bronze articles in the Ranchi District, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 2: 485-487.
Sathe, Vijay and G.L. Badam. 1996. Animal remains from the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods at Senuwar, District Rohtas, Bihar, Man and Environment 21(2): 43-48.
Singh, Birendra Pratap. 1988-89. Early farming communities of Kaimur foot-hills. Puratattva Number 19: 5-18.
Thapar, B.K. 1973-74. Problems of the Neolithic cultures in India: A retrospect, Puratattva Number 7: 61-65.
Vishnu Mittre. 1972. Neolithic plant economy at Chirand, The Palaeobotanist 1: 18-22.
Vishnu Mittre. 1989. Forty years of Archaeobotanical research in South Asia, Man and Environment 14(1): 1-16.
Yule, Paul. 2001. Addenda to the Copper Hoards of the Indian subcontinent: Preliminaries for an interpretation http://crossasia-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/510/1/yule_man_envir_2001.pdf in: Man in Environment 26.2, 2001, 117-120. This note supplements the author's book-length "The copper hoards of the Indian subcontinent: Preliminaries for an interpretation" with appendices by Andreas Hauptmann and Michael J. Hughes, published in the Jahrbuch des RomischGermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 36, 1989 (1992).



http://ispub.com/IJBA/2/2/11792

Prehistory of Jharkhand and Singhbhum, some literature


August 3, 2015 at 2:19 pm

Prehistory of Jharkhand and Singhbhum, some literature

The earliest remains of mankind on the Chotanagpur plateau have received little attention to date, although the first finds date from 1864. In 1868 Beeching described this discovery of stone implements in the Chaibasa and Chakradharpur area.
  • [Captain Beeching], ‘Notes on some stone implements in the district of Singhboom by Captain Beeching’, communicated by V. Ball, Esq., PASB January to December 1868, July 1868, p. 177;
  • Sarat Chandra RoyThe Mundas and Their Country, Calcutta, 1912, reprint London: Asia Publishing House, 1970, p. 10.
In 1874 Ball got ‘a remarkably fine stone adze’ from the Superintendent of Police in Chaibasa. About his finds, see:
  • Valentine Ball, Jungle Life in India, or the Journeys and Journals of an Indian Geologist, London, 1880, also reprinted 1985 as Tribal and Peasant Life In Nineteenth Century India, New Delhi: Usha, pp. 136; 140; 472-5; 675-83.
For further finds in Singhbhum, see:
  • Dharani Sen and Uma Chaturvedi, ‘Further Finds of Stone Axes in Singhbhum’, MII, Vol. 35, 1955, pp. 305-15.
    D. Sen, G. S. Ray, and A. K. Ghosh, ‘Palaeoliths from Manbhum and Singhbhum’, MII, Vol. 42, 1962, pp. 10-18.
For overview of the Jharkhand (Chotanagpur) area the remarkable series by Abhik Ghosh:
And, among other things, on the discovery of rock art in Chotanagpur:
Joseph Van Troy connected some finds with the Mundas on the plateau:
  • Joseph Van Troy, ‘The Pre-Historic Context of the Coming of the Mundas to the Ranchi Plateau: A review’, Sevartham, Indian Culture in a Christian Context, Vol. 15, 1990, pp. 27-41.
    Joseph Van Troy, ‘Prehistory and Early History of Chotanagpur’, in Sanjay Bosu Mullick (ed.)Cultural Chota Nagpur, Unity in Diversity, published for William Carey Study and Research Centre, New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1991, pp. 23-41.
An exhaustive inventory of bronze age metalwork in India did not draw definite chronological conclusions for the Chotanagpur plateau.
  • Paul YuleMetalwork of the Bronze Age in India, Series: Prähistorische Bronzefunde Abteilung XX – Band 8, München: C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1985.

http://www.wakkaman.com/index.php/forums/reply/365/

www.indologica.com/volumes/.../vol23-24_art08_CHAKRABARTI.pdf Dilip K Chakrabarti, Ancient settlements of the Ganga plain: West Bengal and Bihar  https://www.scribd.com/doc/283221745/Ancient-settlements-of-the-Ganga-plain-West-Bengal-and-Bihar-Dilip-K-Chakrabarti

Susa pot with Indus Script hieroglyphs is a 'rosetta stone' for Indus Script Corpora of metalwork proclamations

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One of the 'Rosetta' stones for validating Indus Script Cipher is a clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), Old Elamite period, ca. 2500-2400 BCE (H. 20 1/4 in. or 51 cm.) now in Musee du Louvre, Paris which displayed a fish hieroglyph on the rim. The pot which also had a lid, contained metal tools, and weapons. Hieroglyph: aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda). That Susa had used turbinella pyrum columella to create cylinder seals has been noted by JM Kenoyer and 
TR Gensheimer. This shows that there was trade interaction between Meluhha and Susa since turbinella pyrum is a signature tune of the Sarasvati_Sindhu civilization, with turbinella pyrum habitat restricted to the coastline of the Indian Ocean. It should, therefore, be seen as a reinforcement that Meluhha settlements existed in Susa. Meluhha artisans created the Indus Script artifacts of a painted pot and cylinder seal with Indus Script hieroglyphs.

It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it validates the expression used by Panini: ayaskANDa अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1] m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.). The early semantics of this expression is likely to be 'metal implements' compared with the Santali expression to signify iron implements: meď 'copper' (Slovak), me~r.he~t khanDa (Santali).

Santali glosses.

It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it provides archaemetallurgical and also epigraphic evidence of metal implements by holding them as contents of the storage pot, describes them with a hieroglyph of Indus Script as a painting on the pot itself.

Consistent with this decipherment of Susa pot Indus Script hieroglyphs, a cylinder seal found at Susa is also deciphered as metalwork catalogue.
The Susa cylinder seal with Indus Script hieroglyphs has been deciphered:

Guild of artisans working with alloy implements


barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.(Marathi)

S. pāṭri f. ʻ large earth or wooden dish ʼ, pāṭroṛo m. ʻ wooden trough ʼ; pāˊtra n. ʻ drinking vessel, dish ʼ RV., °aka -- n., pātrīˊ- ʻ vessel ʼ Gr̥ŚrS. [√1]Pa. patta -- n. ʻ bowl ʼ, °aka -- n. ʻ little bowl ʼ, pātĭ̄ -- f.; Pk. patta -- n., °tī -- f., amg. pāda -- , pāya -- n., pāī -- f. ʻ vessel ʼ; Sh. păti̯ f. ʻ large long dish ʼ (← Ind.?); K. pāthar, dat. °tras m. ʻ vessel, dish ʼ, pôturu m. ʻ pan of a pair of scales ʼ (gahana -- pāth, dat. pöċü f. ʻ jewels and dishes as part of dowry ʼ ← Ind.); L. pātrī f. ʻ earthen kneading dish ʼ, parāt f. ʻ large open vessel in which bread is kneaded ʼ, awāṇ. pātrī ʻ plate ʼ; P. pātar m. ʻ vessel ʼ, parāt f., parātṛā m. ʻ large wooden kneading vessel ʼ, ḍog. pāttar m. ʻ brass or wooden do. ʼ; Ku.gng. pāi ʻ wooden pot ʼ; B. pātil ʻ earthern cooking pot ʼ, °li ʻ small do. ʼ Or. pātiḷa°tuḷi ʻ earthen pot ʼ, (Sambhalpur) sil -- pā ʻ stone mortar and pestle ʼ; Bi. patĭ̄lā ʻ earthen cooking vessel ʼ, patlā ʻ milking vessel ʼ, pailā ʻ small wooden dish for scraps ʼ; H. patīlā m. ʻ copper pot ʼ, patukī f. ʻ small pan ʼ; G. pātrũ n. ʻ wooden bowl ʼ,pātelũ n. ʻ brass cooking pot ʼ, parāt f. ʻ circular dish ʼ (→ M. parāt f. ʻ circular edged metal dish ʼ); Si. paya ʻ vessel ʼ, päya (< pātrīˊ -- ). pāˊtra -- : S.kcch. pātar f. ʻ round shallow wooden vessel for kneading flour ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) pərāt f. (obl. -- i) ʻ large plate for kneading dough ʼ ← P.; Md. tilafat ʻ scales ʼ (+ tila <tulāˊ -- ).(CDIAL 8055)

pattar 'trough'; rebus pattar, vartaka 'merchant, goldsmith' (Tamil) பத்தர்² pattar , n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.

 Readings r. to l.

mainda 'clod breaker' Rebus: meD 'iron' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'

piparā 'ant' (Assamese) Rebus: pippala 'knife' (Prakritam)

kuṭi 'curve' PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) PLUS dul 'cast metal'. 

kaṭṭala 'door-frame' (Malayalam) Rebus: katthīl 'bronze' PLUS khāṇḍā 'notch' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'. Thus, together, 'bronze implements'.

śanku ‘twelve-fingers’ measure’ (Samskritam) Rebus: śanku 'arrowhead'


kuṭi ‘water carrier’ (Te.) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) PLUS khāṇḍā 'notch' Rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'. Thus, together, 'implements (out of) furnace'.

Fish is a frequently signified hieroglyph in Indus Script Corpora.

This indication of the occurrence, together, of two or more 'fish' hieroglyphs with modifiers is an assurance that the modifiers ar semantic indicators of how aya 'metal' is worked on by the artisans.

āĩsa ʻfish' (Oriya): āmiṣá n. ʻ flesh ʼ, āˊmiṣ -- n. ʻ raw flesh, dead body ʼ RV.Pa. āmisa -- n. ʻ raw meat, bait ʼ; Pk. āmisa -- n. ʻ flesh ʼ; B. ã̄is ʻ scales of fish ʼ; Or. āĩsa ʻ flesh, fish, fish scales ʼ; M. ã̄vas n. ʻ flesh of a kill left by a tiger to be eaten on the following day ʼ; Si. äma ʻ bait ʼ; -- der. A. ã̄hiyā ʻ having the smell of raw flesh or fish ʼ, B. ã̄ste (Chatterji ODBL 491(CDIAL 1256)

Munda: So. ayo `fish'. Go. ayu `fish'. Go <ayu> (Z), <ayu?u> (Z),, <ayu?> (A) {N} ``^fish''. Kh. kaDOG `fish'. Sa. Hako `fish'. Mu. hai (H) ~ haku(N) ~ haikO(M) `fish'. Ho haku `fish'. Bj. hai `fish'. Bh.haku `fish'. KW haiku ~ hakO |Analyzed hai-kO, ha-kO (RDM). Ku. Kaku`fish'.@(V064,M106) Mu. ha-i, haku `fish' (HJP). @(V341) ayu>(Z), <ayu?u> (Z)  <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish''. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish''. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn''. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn''. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+GOl-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish''. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.
Indian mackerel Ta. ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalisayilai a kind of fish. Ma.ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) 

aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. adru broken grain (DEDR 134).  Ma. aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n.  Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilava, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196) áyas n. ʻ metal, iron ʼ RV.Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya -- n. ʻ iron ʼ, Pk. aya -- n., Si. ya.ayaścūrṇa -- , ayaskāṇḍa -- , *ayaskūṭa -- .Addenda: áyas -- : Md. da ʻ iron ʼ, dafat ʻ piece of iron ʼ.ayaskāṇḍa m.n. ʻ a quantity of iron, excellent iron ʼ Pāṇ. gaṇ. [áyas -- , kāˊṇḍa -- ]Si. yakaḍa ʻ iron ʼ.(CDIAL 590, 591)
The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa. Old Elamite period, ca. 2500 - 2400 BCE. Clay. H 201/4 in. (51 cm) Paris. http://www.louvre.fr/oeuvre-notices/vase-la-cachette
Indus Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; 
aya'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya'iron' (Gujarati) ayas'metal' (Rigveda) 
baTa 'quail' Rebus: baTa'furnace'.
kāṇḍa 'water' Rebus: kāṇḍa'implements'.
Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baTa ayas  kāṇḍa'metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.
A quail'; painted on the top register of the jar.
 
 Fish painted on the rim and top segment of the storage pot.

  • Jarre et couvercle
  • Terre cuite peinte
    H. : 51 cm. ; D. : 26 cm.
  • Sb 2723, Sb 2723 bis
  • Aile Richelieu
    Rez-de-chaussée
    Iran, Suse au IIIe millénaire avant J.-C.
    Salle 8
    Vitrine 2 : Le Vase à la Cachette. Suse IVA (vers 2450 avant J.-C.). Fouilles Jacques de Morgan, 1907, tell de l'Acropole.

Notes by Nancie Herbin (Translated) on the treasure of copper and bronze objects: 
This jar covered with a bowl contained, and a second pottery, buried treasure by its owner on the tell of the Acropolis of Susa. The set includes objects of various shapes and materials typical of an era when Susa, dominated by its Mesopotamian neighbors, kept numerous exchanges with areas ranging from the Gulf to the Indus.
A treasure hidden in a jar
This is a jar closed with a ducted bowl. The treasure called "vase in hiding" was initially grouped in two containers with lids. The second ceramic vessel was covered with a copper lid. It no longer exists leaving only one. Both pottery contained a variety of small objects form a treasure six seals, which range from proto-Elamite period (3100-2750 BC.) To the oldest, the most recent being dated to 2450 BC. AD (First Dynasty of Ur). Therefore it is possible to date these objects, this treasure. Everything included 29 vessels including 11 banded alabaster, mirror, tools and weapons made of copper and bronze, 5 pellets crucibles copper, 4 rings with three gold and a silver, a small figurine of a frog lapis lazuli, gold beads 9, 13 small stones and glazed shard. Metal objects, including tools used may have weight or exchange currency. For some reason we do not know, this treasure has been hidden by its owner but may not get it back. According to Pierre Amiet, it may have been a vassal tribute to the local prince.
A wide variety of shapes and materials
The large number and variety of copper objects testify to the importance of this metal in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. J-C. The shapes are inspired by the craftsmanship of the neighboring regions such as Luristan and Mesopotamia. The presence of four bronze objects indicates that this alloy began to be controlled by the artisans of the region. However, the small number of objects in precious metals and stones contrast with the richness of the materials used in the Sumerians. Copper came from Oman while lapis lazuli was mined Afghan mountains. The alabaster vases imported objects are either Sistan or Lut desert, the Susian artisans using a coarser material. Such vases were found in large numbers in the city of Ur and show a taste for the exotic which is found until the beginning of the second millennium.
A new cultural momentum
At that time, the Susa region is successively under the aegis of the Mesopotamian kingdoms of Sumer and Akkad. Suse likely begins to emerge from the isolation in which she was to enter a new cultural phase. Although still on the fringes of commercial circuits, a network of exchanges, particularly with regard to materials, is set up with neighboring regions such as Southeast Iran and the Gulf countries, or slightly more distant as the Indus valley.
Bibliography
AMIET × P., Age of inter-Iranian Trade, Paris: Meeting of National Museums, 1986, p.125-126; Fig. 96, 1-9, (Notes and documents of the Museums of France).

AMIET P. Susa 6000 years of history, Paris: Meeting of National Museums, 1988, p.64-65; Fig. 26.

A. BENOIT, The Civilizations of the former Prochre East Paris: Ecole du Louvre, 2003, p.252-253; Fig. 109 (Manuals Ecole du Louvre, Art and Archaeology).
Sb 2723 (After Harper, Prudence Oliver, Joan Aruz, Francoise Tallon, 1992, The Royal city of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, Metropolitan Musem of Art,  New York.)http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/07/rosetta-stones-for-deciphered-indus.html

Sargon (2334-2279 BCE) founded the Akkad dynasty which saw inter-regional trade routes, from Dilmun and Magan to Susa and Ebla. Later Naram-Sin (c. 2254-2218 BCE) conquered the cities of Mari and Ebla. Agade of Sargon boasted of gold, tin and lapis lazuli brought from distant lands. A description (Kramer, Samuel Noah, 1958: History Begins at Sumer (London: Thames & Hudson,  289-290) reads:

When Enlil had given Sargon, king of Agade,
Sovereignty over the high lands and over the low lands
...
under the loving guidance of its divine patron Inanna.
Its houses filled with gold, silver, copper, tin, lapis lazuli;
...
The Martu (Amorites) came there, that nomadic people from the west,
'who know not wheat' but who bring oxen and choice sheep;
The folk from Meluhha came, 'the peole of the black lands',
Bearing their exotic products;
The Elamites came and the Sabareans, peoples from the East and the North,
With their bundles like 'beasts of burden'...

In this narrative, Meluhha folk from the black lands were those who required a translator. (Se Shu-ilishu cylinder seal of an Akkadian translator).

King Manistusu commemorates the import of diorite for royal statuary and other stone. Arrival in Sumer ports of boats from Meluhha are said to bring in ivory, copper, precious stones and timber (Leemans, WF, 1960, Foreign trade in the Old Babylonian period as revealed by texts from Southern Mesopotama (Leiden): 27-30). A tamkarum from Umma and his three sons were engaged in the trade of wool, cereals, fruit, sesame oil and copper (Foster, B., 1993, International trade at sargonic Susa, AoF 20 : 62-63). It is possible that this colony of merchants in Susa were seafaring merchants from Meluhha.

"In the third millennium Sumerian texts list copper among the raw materials reaching Uruk from Aratta and all three of the regions Magan, Meluhha and Dilmun are associated with copper, but the latter only as an emporium. Gudea refers obliquely to receiving copper from Dilmun: 'He (Gudea) conferred with the divine Ninzaga (= Enzak of Dilmun), who transported copper like grain deliveries to the temple builder Gudea...' (Cylinder A: XV, 11-18, Englund 1983, 88, n.6). Magan was certainly a land producing the metal, since it is occasionally referred to as the 'mountain of copper'. It may also have been the source of finished bronze objects." (Moorey, Peter Roger Stuart, 1999, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and industries: the archaeological evidence, Eisenbrauns, p.245).

Tin for Mesopotamia from southeast Asia or Central Asia?

Daniel T. Potts discounts the possibility that Meluhha was the source of tin. 

"Tin. The sources of Mesopotamia's tin...have been sought from Southeast Asia to Cornwall. With regard to the former possibility, it has always proved difficult to establish any sort of an archaeological link between Burma, Thailand or any other part of mainland Southeast Asia and the Indian sub-continent, supposing that this was the location of Meluhha from which Gudea (Cyl B XIV.13) claims to have imported tin. As the Indian subcontinent has no tin itself, Meluhha's tin must have been acquired elsewhere and then trans-shipped to Mesopotamia, just as Dilmun's copper was acquired in Magan during the early second millennium BCE. With a view to examining the evidence for a connection between the tin-rich regions of Southeast Asia and the Indus Valley, it is interesting to note that some years ago the claim was made that etched carnelian beads, a particularly diagnostic type fossil of the Harappan civilization, had been found at the early tin-bronze producing site of Ban Chiang in Thailans. This made the likelihood that Meluhhan tin was southeast Asian in origin less far-fetched than previously thought. In fact, however, scholars who have actually seen the Ban Chiang beads have confirmed that they are not Harappan at all, but date rather to the last centuries BCE or first centiries CE when different types of etched carnelian beads, clearly distinct from those of the earlier Harappan period, were manufactured. For the time being, therefore, we should not consider southeast Asia a likely tin source based on this now discredited piece of evidence...Since lapiz lazuli, which certainly originated in Afghanistan (Badakshan), is said by Gudea to have been acquired from Meluhha, it is quite probable that the tin which he received from that country originated in Central Asia as well."(Potts, Daniel T., 1997, Mesopotamian civilization: the material foundations, A&C Black, pp.266-269)

With the recognition of Indus Script hieroglyphs on cire perdue cast Dong Son Bronze drums, the possibility that Meluhha merchants functioned as the intermediaries for the tin from the Tin Belt of Mekong delta should be re-evaluated to validate Gudea's reference to Meluhha in the context of carnelian and tin imports.

Gudea Cylinder B, column 14.13 [Jacobsen , T.,1987, The Harps that once...Sumerian poetry in translation: New Haven (Yale University Press): 437]:

Beside copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli,
refined silver and pure Meluhhan carnelian,he set up a huge copper pail...

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/tin-road-from-meluhha-to-ancient-near.htmlhttp://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/tin-road-from-meluhha-to-ancient-near.html

Reference in some Sumerian texts to acquisition of lapis lazuli and gold from Meluhha suggest that the sea route through the Persian Gulf was used by Meluhha merchants.
Seal of Shu-ilishu showing a Meluhha merchant. The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. http://a.harappa.com/content/shu-ilishus-cylinder-seal

There are two Indus Script hieroglyphs which signify possible trade transactions on this seal: 1. the goat carried by the Meluhha merchant; and 2. the liquid-container carried by the lady accompanying the merchant.

1. Hieroglyph: mlekh'goat' (Brahui) Rebus: milakkhu'copper' (Pali) 
2. Hieroglyph: ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku'tin'. 

If these rebus renderings are valid, the seal may be evidence of trade in copper and tin being negotiated by the Meluhha merchant with the Akkadian merchant. Shu-ilishu lived in Mesopotamia during the Late Akkadian period (ca. 2020 BCE.

Fish glyph on a Susa pot has been decoded as Indus script. See http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2011/11/decoding-fish-and-ligatured-fish-glyphs.html That the pot came from Meluhha has been further substantiated by analysing Susa-Indus interaction areas. 

In particular, there is a bronze sculpture excavated in Susa, called Sit Shamshi. "Sunrise (ceremony)" This large piece of bronze shows a religious ceremony. In the center are two men in ritual nudity surrounded by religious furnishings - vases for libations, perhaps bread for offerings, steles - in a stylized urban landscape: a multi-tiered tower, a temple on a terrace, a sacred wood. In the Middle-Elamite period (15th-12th century BC), Elamite craftsmen acquired new metallurgical techniques for the execution of large monuments, statues and reliefs. http://tinyurl.com/coobwur

I suggest that this religious ceremony in front of a ziggurat is a sandhyavandanam (morning prayer to the sun) by the metallurgist artisan from Meluhha. The prayer is a veneration of the ancestors whose remains are interned in the ziggurat/stupa. Further researches have to be done on the continuance of similar traditions in the metal smelting areas on Ganga valley, sites such as Lohardiwa, Malhar, and Raja-nal-ki-tila (where Rakesh Tiwari has found evidence of iron smelting in ca. 18th century BCE).


A seal made in Susa with Indus writing
Sceau-cylindre : buffle très étiré et inscription harapéenne (It ain't a buffalo, but a bull)
Stéatite cuite
H. 2.3 cm; Diam. 1.6 cm
Fouilles J. de Morgan
Sb 2425
Near Eastern Antiquities
Richelieu wing
Ground floor
Iran and Susa during the 3rd millennium BC
Room 8
Vitrine 4 : Importations exotiques à Suse, 2600 - 1700 avant J.-C. Suse IVB (2340 - 2100 avant J.-C.).
9801Susa
Susa, Iran; steatite cylinder seal.Cylinder seal carved with an elongated buffalo and a Harappa inscription circa 2600-1700 BCE; Susa, Iran; Fired steatite; H. 2.3 cm; Diam. 1.6 cm; Jacques de Morgan excavations, Susa; Sb 2425; Near Eastern Antiquities; Richelieu wing; Ground floor; Iran and Susa during the 3rd millennium BC; Room 8.
Marshall comments on a Susa cylinder seal: “…the occurrence of the same form of manger on a cylinder-seal of bone found at Susa leaves no doubt, I think, that this seal either came from India in the first instance, or, as is suggested by its very rough workmanship, was engraved for an Indian visitor to Susa by an Elamite workman…One of these five (Mesopotamian seals with Indus script) is a bone roll cylinder found at Susa, apparently in the same strata as that of the tablets in Proto-Elamitic script of the second period of painted ware. Scheil, in Delegation en Perse, vol. xvii, assigns this group of tablets and painted pottery to the period of Sargon of Agade, twenty-eighth century BCE, and some of the tablets to a period as late as the twenty-fourth century. The cylinder was first published by Scheil in Delegation en Perse ii, 129, where no precise field data by the excavator are given. The test is there given as it appears on the seal, and consequently the text is reversed. Louis Delaporte in his Catalogue des Cylindres Orientaux…du Musee du Louvre, vol. I, pl. xxv, No. 15, published this seal from an impression, which gives the proper representation of the inscription. Now, it will be noted that the style of the design is distinctly pre-Sargonic: witness the animal file and the distribution of the text around the circumference of the seal, and not parallel to its axis as on the seals of the Agade and later periods…It is certain that the design known as the animal file motif is extremely early in Sumerian and Elamitic glyptic; in fact is among the oldest known glyptic designs. But the two-horned bull standing over a manger was a design unknown in Sumerian glyptic, except on the small round press seal found by De Sarzec at Telloh and published by Heuzey, Decouvertes en Chaldee, pl. xxx, fig. 3a, and by Delaporte, Cat. I, pl. ii, t.24. The Indus seals frequently represent this same bull or bison with head bent towards a manger…Two archaeological aspects of the Susa seal are disturbing. The cylinder roll seal has not yet been found in the Indus Valley, nor does the Sumero-Elamitic animal file motif occur on any of the 530 press seals of the Indus region. It seems evident, therefore, that some trader or traveler from that country lived at Susa in the pre-Sargonic period and made a roll seal in accordance with the custom of the seal-makers of the period, inscribing it with his own native script, and working the Indian bull into a file design after the manner of the Sumero-Elamitic glyptic. The Susa seal clearly indicated a period ad quem below which this Indian culture cannot be placed, that is, about 2800 BCE. On a roll cylinder it is frequently impossible to determine where the inscription begins and ends, unless the language is known, and that is the case with the Susa seal. However, I have been able to determine a good many important features of these inscriptions and I believe that this text should be copied as follows: 

The last sign is No. 194 of my list,  variant of No. 193, which is a post-fixed determinative, denoting the name of a profession, that is ‘carrier, mason, builder’, ad invariably stands at the end. (The script runs from right to left.)”[Catalogue des cylinders orient, Musee du Louvre, vol. I, pl. xxv, fig. 15. See also J. de Morgan, Prehistoric Man, p. 261, fig. 171; Mem. Del. En Perse, t.ii, p. 129.loc.cit.,John Marshall, 1931, Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, Delh, AES, Repr., 2004, p.385; pp. 424-425 Note: Five cylinder seals hav since been found at Mohenjo-daro and Kalibangan.]The seal's chalky white appearance is due to the fired steatite it is made of. Craftsmen in the Indus Valley made most of their seals from this material, although square shapes were usually favored. The animal carving is similar to those found in Harappa works. The animal is a bull with no hump on its shoulders, or possibly a short-horned gaur. Its head is lowered and the body unusually elongated. As was often the case, the animal is depicted eating from a woven wicker manger."



Arrowhead, smelter furnace, native metla, black metal: இறும்பி iṟumpi, n. < எறும்பு. [K. iṟumpu, M. iṟumbu.] Ant; எறும்பு. (யாழ். அக.) இரும்பு irumpu, n. < இரு-மை. cf. செம்பு for செம்மை. [T. inumu, M. irumbu.] 1. Iron, literally, the black metal; கரும்பொன். (தேவா. 209, 3.) 2. Instrument, weapon: ஆயுதம். இரும்பு மேல் விடாது நிற்பார் (சீவக. 782). śanku ‘twelve-fingers’ measure’ (Skt.); Rebus: ‘arrowhead’ (Skt.) kuṭi ‘water carrier’ (Te.) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) aḍar ‘harrow’; அடர்¹-. 1. To press down; அமுக்குதல். திருவிரலா லடர்த் தான் வல்லரக்கனையும் (தேவா. 509, 8) Rebus: aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka.) dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); rebus: dul ‘casting’ (Santali). 

Signs 12 to 15. Indus script: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/kuṭila, 'tin metal'). 

Identifying Meluhha gloss for parenthesis hieroglyph or (  ) split ellipse:  
குடிலம்¹ kuṭilam, n. < kuṭila. 1. Bend curve, flexure; வளைவு. (திவா.) (Tamil) In this reading, the Sign 12 signifies a specific smelter for tin metal: kuṭi 'woman water-carrier'  rebus: rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter' furnace for iron/ kuṭila, 'tin (bronze)metal; kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Samskritam) 

 kuTi 'curve' Rebus: kuTila 'bronze' (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin).

खांडा (p. 202) [ khāṇḍā ]  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).(Marathi)

11171 *lōhōpaskara ʻ iron tools ʼ. [lōhá -- , upaskara -- 1]
N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍn. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ).(CDIAL 11171)


kṣattŕ̊ m. ʻ carver, distributor ʼ RV., ʻ attendant, door- keeper ʼ AV., ʻ charioteer ʼ VS., ʻ son of a female slave ʼ lex. [√kṣadPa. khattar -- m. ʻ attendant, charioteer ʼ; S. khaṭrī m. ʻ washerman, dyer ʼ; H. khātī m. ʻ member of a caste of wheelwrights ʼ; G. khātrī m. ʻ do. of Hindu weavers ʼ.(CDIAL 3647)

kāṣṭhá n. ʻ piece of wood ʼ ŚBr., °ikā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ Pañcat.Pa. Pk. kaṭṭha -- n. ʻ wood ʼ, NiDoc. kaṭh́a; Gy. pal. kŭšt ʻ firewood ʼ, eur. kašt m. ʻ piece of wood, timber ʼ; Kt. kåṭ ʻ branch ʼ; Paš. kaṣṭa -- lauṛa ʻ wooden contrivance used in threshing ʼ, Sh. gil. kāṭ m. ʻ wood ʼ, (→ Ḍ kōṭ m.), koh. kāṭhṷ, gur. kāṭṷ, (Lor.) kāṭo ʻ rafter ʼ; K. kāṭh m. ʻ wood ʼ, kôṭhu m. ʻ impalement stake ʼ, köṭhü f. ʻ small stick ʼ (köṭhi f. ʻ wooden saddle ʼ ← L. &c.); S.kāṭhu m. ʻ large beam ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ wood ʼ; L. P. kāṭh m. ʻ wood ʼ, kāṭṭhī f. ʻ saddle ʼ, P. kāṭhṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ old wooden saddle ʼ; Ku. N. kāṭh ʻ wood ʼ; A. B. kāṭh ʻ wood ʼ, °ṭhī ʻ thin bamboo measuring rod ʼ; B. kāṭhā ʻ measure of length ʼ; Or. kāṭha ʻ wood ʼ, °ṭhi ʻ splinter ʼ, kāṭhā ʻ measure of land of 320 square cubits ʼ; Mth. Bhoj. Aw. lakh. H. kāṭh m. ʻ wood ʼ, H. kāṭhī f. ʻ wood, sheath, saddle ʼ; G. kāṭh n. ʻ wood ʼ, °ṭhī f. ʻ stick, measure of 5 cubits ʼ; M. kāṭhī ʻ pole, horse's penis, measure of 5 cubits ʼ; Si. kaṭa ʻ dry stick, fuel ʼ; -- WPah. bhal. kāhṛuo n. ʻ firewood ʼ,kāhɔṛi f. ʻ piece of wood serving as axle in a flour -- mill ʼ < MIA. *kāṭha -- ~ *kāṭṭha -- .
kāṣṭhin -- ; *pratikāṣṭha -- ; *kāṣṭhakuṭaka -- , *kāṣṭhakūṭa -- , *kāṣṭhaghaṭa -- , *kāṣṭhaghara -- , *kāṣṭhadhāna -- , *kāṣṭhapādukā -- , kāṣṭhabhārika -- , kāṣṭhamaya -- , *kāṣṭhavaṁśa -- , *kāṣṭhavāṭa -- , *kāṣṭhahāra -- ; *karṇakāṣṭhaka -- , *kartyakāṣṭha -- , *karpāsak°, *karmak°, kōṇak°, *garbhagharak°, *garbhāgārak°, *catuṣk°, *candanak°, carmakāṣṭhikā -- , *jambukāṣṭha -- , *tilakāṣṭhikā -- , *tubarak°, *dīpak°, *dharakāṣṭha -- , dhūmak°, *navak°, *pādak°, *purāṇak°, *bharak°, *mukhak°, *yugak°, *rahalak°, *lavak°, *lōkak°, *vālukāk°, *śaṇak°, *śambak°, *skandhak°.Addenda: kāṣṭhá -- [T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 58 < IE. *kolstho -- with ā < o in -- s -- extension of *kelā -- ʻ to hew ʼ]S.kcch. kāṭhī f. ʻ wood ʼ; WPah.kṭg. káṭṭhi f. ʻ saddle ʼ; Garh. kāṭh ʻ wood ʼ, A. kāṭhi ʻ verandah ʼ AFD 206. *kāṣṭhaghaṭa ʻ wooden framework ʼ. [kāṣṭhaghaṭita- ʻ made of wood ʼ MW.: kāṣṭhá -- , *ghaṭa -- 3]S. kaṭahaṛo m. ʻ railing ʼ; P. kaṭahiṛā m. ʻ carved framework over a door ʼ; H. kaṭhṛā m. ʻ wooden cage ʼ; G. kaṭheṛɔ m. ʻ wooden railing ʼ; M. kaṭhḍā m. ʻ wooden railing or framework ʼ; -- N.kaṭero ʻ shed ʼ, A. kāṭharā wooden cage for animals' *kāṣṭhaghaṭa ʻ wooden framework ʼ. [kāṣṭhaghaṭita- ʻ made of wood ʼ MW.: kāṣṭhá -- , *ghaṭa -- 3]S. kaṭahaṛo m. ʻ railing ʼ; P. kaṭahiṛā m. ʻ carved framework over a door ʼ; H. kaṭhṛā m. ʻ wooden cage ʼ; G. kaṭheṛɔ m. ʻ wooden railing ʼ; M. kaṭhḍā m. ʻ wooden railing or framework ʼ; -- N.kaṭero ʻ shed ʼ, A. kāṭharā wooden cage for animals' *kāṣṭhakuṭaka ʻ wooden frame ʼ. [kāṣṭhá -- , kuṭī -- ]S. kāṭhoṛo m. ʻ wooden frame of a saddle, bottle frame ʼ, °ṛī f. ʻ wooden furniture ʼ; G. kaṭhɔṛɔ m. ʻ after part of a ship ʼ(CDIAL 3120, 3121m 3123, 3124)


Ma. kaṭṭila, kaṭṭala, kaṭṭiḷa door frame. ? Ko. kaṭo·ḷ wall of temple compound. Koḍ. kaṭṭoḷe door frame. Ta. kaṭṭil cot, bedstead, couch, sofa; throne. Ma. kaṭṭil bedstead, cot. Ko. kaṭḷ cot. Koḍ. kaṭṭï id. Te. kaṭli litter, dooly. Go. (Tr. Mu.) kaṭṭul (obl. kaṭṭud-, pl. kaṭṭuhk) bed, cot; (numerous dialects) kaṭṭul, kaṭul id. (Voc. 477). Konḍa (Sova dial.) kaṭel(i) cot. Pe. kaṭel id. Manḍ. kaṭel id. Kui (K.) gaṭeli id. Kuwi (Su.) kaṭeli, (P.) gaṭeli, (S.) kateli, (F.) kuteli (i.e. kaṭeli;pl. kutelka, i.e. kaṭelka) id. / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 3781, kháṭvā- cot; no. 3785, khaṭṭi- bier (lex.); also kaṭāha- cot (lex.). From IA: Pa. kaṭeya cot (< Halbi); Kui kaṭe id.; Kur. khaṭībedstead, bed; Malt. kaṭe, káṭi id.(DEDR 1145, 1146)

 kháṭvā f. ʻ bedstead ʼ Kauś., °vākā -- f. Pāṇ., °vikā -- Kāś., khaṭṭā -- f., °ṭaka -- m. Apte. [Cf. khaṭṭi -- , khaḍū -- 1khāṭa -- m., °ṭā°ṭĭ̄ -- , °ṭikā -- f. ʻ bier ʼ lex. and Pa.khaṭōpikā<-> f. ʻ bed ʼ]Pk. khaṭṭā -- f., Ḍ. khaṭ, Paś. kuṛ. chil. xōṭ, dar. a (lauṛ. kaṭ ← Psht. ← IA. IIFL iii 3, 101), Shum. xāṭ, Woṭ Gaw. khaṭ, Sh. khăṭ m., K. ḍoḍ. khaṭ, S. khaṭa f., L. P. khaṭṭ f., WPah. bhad. khaṭ, Ku. N. A. B. khāṭ, Or. khaṭa, Bi. Mth. khāṭ, Bhoj. khāṭī, Aw. lakh. khaṭiyā, H. G. M. Ko. khāṭ f.; -- Pk. khaṭṭuliyā -- f. ʻ little bed ʼ, S. khaṭolo m. ʻ plain bedstead ʼ; P. khaṭolī f. ʻ small bed -- bug ʼ; N. khaṭauli ʻ wooden litter ʼ, A. khaṭalā; B. khāṭuli ʻ bier ʼ; Bi. khaṭolī ʻ cot, litter ʼ, Mth. khaṭulī ʻ cot ʼ, khoṭlī ʻ litter ʼ; H. khaṭolā ʻ cot ʼ; G. khāḷlɔ ʻ bedstead ʼ.khaṭvāṅga -- .Addenda: kháṭvā -- : Garh. khāṭ ʻ cot ʼ, A. khāṭ (CDIAL 3781)
(a) Ta. pāppātti butterfly. Ma. pāppātti id. Koḍ. pa·pïli id., moth. Go. pāpe (A. Y. Ch. Ph. S.) butterfly, (Ma.) grasshopper; (Tr.) pāpē butterfly; (W.) phāpe id., grasshopper; (Ph.)phāphe locust (Voc. 2189). Kur. paplā butterfly. Cf. 4084 Pe. pāmi.(b) Ma. pāṟṟa moth. Ka. (Bark.) hānte id. 
Tu. pāntè butterfly; (B-K.) pāte, pānte id., moth.(c) Nk. (Ch.) pipuli butterfly. Pa. pilpili id. 
Go. (SR.) piprī, (Mu.) pīplī id. (Voc. 2231). Kui pipili moth. / Cf. Halbi pilpili butterfly.

(d) Kuwi (Su. S. Isr.) pubuli, (F.) pūbūli butterfly.(DEDR 4083)

pipīlá m. ʻ ant ʼ RV., °laka -- m. ʻ large black ant ʼ ChUp., pipīˊlikā -- f. ʻ small red ant ʼ AV., pīlaka -- m. ʻ ant ʼ lex. 2. *piphīla -- . 3. *pippīla -- . 4. *pipphīla -- . 5. *pippīḍa -- . 6. *pilīla -- . [Variety of MIA. and NIA. forms for ʻ ant ʼ may be due partly to its (unknown) nonAryan origin (EWA ii 285), partly to contamination with kīṭá -- and kŕ̊mi -- , but mainly to some sort of taboo for a noxious insect. Although there appear to be six main types, not all NIA. forms can be grouped exactly under them]1. Pa. pipīlikā -- , pipillikā -- f. ʻ ant ʼ, Pk. pipīliā -- f., °lia<-> m., pivīliā -- f., Wg. pīmilīˊkpilīˊk, Gaw. pilo, Tor. pel f.; -- dissim. of p -- p (Wackernagel AiGr i Nachträge 158) or X kīṭá -- : Pa.kipillaka -- m., °likā -- f., Aś. kq. aṁbā -- kipilikā nom. pl., top. -- kapīlika, rdh. -- kapilika ʻ a kind of ant ʼ, S. kiulī f., kĩulī f. (X kŕ̊mi -- ?); L. kavīlī f. ʻ small red ant ʼ; N. kamilo, (< *kãwilorather than < karmín -- ).2. Kal.urt. phīwilík ʻ ant ʼ; L. pehlā m. ʻ large black ant ʼ, °lī f. ʻ small red ant ʼ (< *pahĭ̄l -- ), awāṇ. pḕlā°lī; WPah.śeu. priùli ʻ ant ʼ, l.rudh. priv̀lli (X *priśu -- ?), khaś. h.rudh. biùli.3. Or. pipīḷi ʻ ant ʼ; -- P. piplīhī f. (cf. Pk. forms with -- p -- in 1 ab.).4. Dm. phipilīˊphempilī ʻ ant ʼ.5. OB. piṁpaḍā ʻ ant ʼ, MB. pĩpīṛā, B. pĩp(i)ṛāpipiṛā, Or. pimpuṛi, Mth. pipṛī; H. pipṛā m. ʻ large black ant ʼ, °ṛī f. ʻ small red ant ʼ; -- Pk. pippaḍā -- f. ʻ a kind of ant ʼ (cf. *pippa -- 2); A. piparā ʻ ant ʼ (paruwā ʻ ant ʼ < *pawarā < *papaḍa -- ?).6. Kal.rumb. pilīˊly*lk ʻ ant ʼ, Kho. pilíli, Bshk. pilíl, Phal. pilīˊlu m.; -- Sh. phĭlīli̯ f.Addenda: pipīlá -- . 1. WPah.kṭg. phímpəṛi f. ʻ butterfly ʼ, J. fimfṛi f.; -- kṭg. kimblikhímbli f. ʻ ant ʼ with dissimilation of ph -- p to kh -- b as bh -- ph to g -- ph in †*bāhuṣphara -- .5. *pippīḍa -- : A. also pipãrā (AFD 211), OA. pimparā ʻ ant ʼ.(CDIAL 8201)
pippalaka m. ʻ pin ʼ Car.Pa. pippalaka -- n. (?) ʻ scissors (?) ʼ; Pk. pippala-<-> ʻ knife ʼ; H. pīplā m. ʻ striking part of a sword (about a span from point), end or point of sword, metallic tip of sheath ʼ; M. pĩpiḷā m. ʻ instrument for cutting plaintain leaves (sometimes fastened to a stick) ʼ.(CDIAL 8206)

मैंद (p. 667) [ mainda ] m (A rude harrow or clodbreaker; or a machine to draw over a sown field, a drag.

śaṅkú1 m. ʻ peg, spike ʼ RV., ʻ stake, post ʼ MBh., ʻ stick, arrow ʼ Hariv.
Pa. saṅku -- , °uka -- m. ʻ stake, spike, javelin ʼ, Pk. saṁku -- m.; Dm. šaṅ ʻ branch, twig ʼ, šã̄kolīˊ ʻ small do. ʼ, Gaw. šāṅkolīˊ; Kal.rumb. šoṅ (st. šoṅg -- ), urt. šaṅ ʻ branch ʼ; Kho. šoṅg ʻ a kind of shrub with white twigs (?) ʼ; Phal. šōṅ ʻ branch ʼ; P. saṅglā m. ʻ a plank bridge in the hills ʼ; A. xãkāli ʻ a kind of fishing spear ʼ; Si. aku -- va ʻ stake ʼ. -- X śāˊkhā -- : Gaw. šã̄khášã̄ká ʻ branch ʼ, Sv. šã̄khe; OG. sāṁkha m. ʻ beam ʼ. -- Connexion of the following is doubtful: S. sã̄ga f. ʻ one fork of a forked stick ʼ, sã̄gi f. ʻ spear ʼ; L. sāṅg, pl. °gã f. ʻ spear ʼ, sãgolā m. ʻ spear carried by a watchman ʼ; P. sã̄g f. ʻ prong, fork, point ʼ, sāṅgī f. ʻ pitchfork ʼ; H. sã̄g f. ʻ spear, instrument for digging wells ʼ, sã̄gī f. ʻ small spear ʼ; G. M. sã̄g f. ʻ iron spear ʼ.(CDIAL 12260)


Herbin Nancie's note on the Louvre Museum websie:

This cylinder seal, carved with a Harappan inscription, originated in the Indus Valley. It is made of fired steatite, a material widely used by craftsmen in Harappa. The animal - a bull with no hump on its shoulders - is also widely attested in the region. The seal was found in Susa, reflecting the extent of commercial links between Mesopotamia, Iran, and the Indus.

A seal made in Meluhha

The language of the inscription on this cylinder seal found in Susa reveals that it was made in Harappa in the Indus Valley. In Antiquity, the valley was known as Meluhha. The seal's chalky white appearance is due to the fired steatite it is made of. Craftsmen in the Indus Valley made most of their seals from this material, although square shapes were usually favored. The animal carving is similar to those found in Harappan works. The animal is a bull with no hump on its shoulders, or possibly a short-horned gaur. Its head is lowered and the body unusually elongated. As was often the case, the animal is depicted eating from a woven wicker manger.

Trading links between the Indus, Iran, and Mesopotamia

This piece can be compared to another circular seal carved with a Harappan inscription, also found in Susa. The two seals reveal the existence of trading links between this region and the Indus valley. Other Harappan objects have likewise been found in Mesopotamia, whose sphere of influence reached as far as Susa.

The manufacture and use of the seals

Cylinder seals were used mainly to protect sealed vessels and even doors to storage spaces against tampering. The surface of the seal was carved. Because the seals were so small, the artists had to carve tiny scenes on a material that allowed for fine detail. The seal was then rolled over clay to produce a reverse print of the carving. Some cylinder seals also had handles.

Bibliography

Amiet Pierre, L'Âge des échanges inter-iraniens : 3500-1700 av. J.-C., Paris, Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1986, coll. "Notes et documents des musées de France", p. 143 et p. 280, fig. 93.
Borne interactive du département des Antiquités orientales.
Les cités oubliées de l'Indus : archéologie du Pakistan, 
cat. exp. Paris, Musée national des arts asiatiques, Guimet, 
16 novembre 1988-30 janvier 1989, sous la dir. de Jean-François Jarrige, Paris, Association française d'action artistique, 1988, pp. 194-195, fig. A5.


http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/cylinder-seal-carved-elongated-buffalo-and-harappan-inscription


Gensheimer, TR, 1984, The role of shell in Mesopotamia: evidence for trfade exxchange with Oman and the Indus Valley, in: Paleorient, Vol. 10, Numero 1, pp. 65-73 
http://www.persee.fr/doc/paleo_0153-9345_1984_num_10_1_4350

http://www.archive.org/download/mmoires01franuoft/mmoires01franuoft.pdf  Jacques de Morgan, Fouilles à Suse en 1897-1898 et 1898-1899, Mission archéologique en Iran, Mémoires I, 1990

http://www.archive.org/download/mmoires07franuoft/mmoires07franuoft.pdf Jacques de Morgan, Fouilles à Suse en 1899-1902, Mission archéologique en Iran, Mémoires VII, 1905


TR Gensheimer reports:"Turbinella pyrum, has a much more massive columella and medium to large shells can easily produce a cylinder that is 30 mm in diameter and upto 50 mm in length. A preliminary study of the large cylinder seals from the graves at Ur suggess that they could only have been made from T. pyrum. Other isolated examples of such large shell cylinder seals are reported from Tepe Gawra and Susa and together they indicate that Mesopotamian workshops were obtaining T.pyrum columella or rough cylinders through trade contacts with the Indus Valley. Prior to this availability, large shell cylinders were apparently made by joining sections of shell together as is seen in cylinder seal #U-9907 from the Royal Cemetery." http://www.persee.fr/doc/paleo_0153-9345_1984_num_10_1_4350

Kenoyer, JM 1985, Shell working industries of the Indus civilisation: An archaeological and ethnographic perspective, PhD thesis, UC Berkeley, 363; Woolley L, 1934, Excavations at Ur 1931-34. Antiquities Journal 14.4, Pl. 99a

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
October 1, 2015

Narendra Koti. NaMo, stay firm, enforce rule of law, send looters to Tihar. Restitute kaalaadhan by nationalizing wealth held in tax havens.

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Stop reading this mocking report about the failure to declare kaalaadhan by the deadline of September 30, 2015. The Telegraph Report mocks at your promises made before May 2014 when you achieved the Swarajyam making Bharatam almost Congress-mukt Bharatam. 

Seize the moment. You have been true to धर्म dharma and have given a fair chance to the looters to return the monies into Indian treasury. Maybe, the kaalaadhan wale will understand only the enforcement of the Rule of Law

Now is the time to enforce the Rule of Law and send looters to Tihar. It is your duty, NaMo, a service to the nation. The looted monies held abroad in tax havens is the poor peopes' hard earned wealth. 

The post-colonial loot since 1947 is of gigantic proportions and pales the pre-colonial loot into insignificance. This loot should be restituted without any further delay.

The ongoing impoverishment of Bharatam should STOP NOW. Swacch Bharat should be r1ealized through Swacch means for generating अर्थ artha for the राष्ट्रम् Rashtram, resulting in अभ्युदयम् abhyudayam of the people. This is राष्ट्रधर्म Rashtradharma.

Declare kaalaadhan held in foreign tax havens national wealth and issue an ordinance asking for the monies to be brought into the Indian financial system. This is by a Nationalisation Ordinance the way Indira Gandhi nationalised private banks.

This was the route suggested by the Senior SC Advocate Fali Nariman when he was Rajya Sabha Member.

Follow this advice of a jurist and restitute kaalaadhan. Switzerland for instance has a law to restitute the illicit wealth of Politically Exposed Persons. The Swiss Federation's Federal Act on the Restitution of Assets illicitly obtained by Politically Exposed Persons Restitution of Illicit Assets Act (RIAA) effective 1st Feb. 2011 is at https://www.admin.ch/opc/en/classified-compilation/20100418/201102010000/196.1.pdf 

This Swiss law provides for restitution on demand from a Sovereign Government. This demand should be made through a National Ordinance to be followed by a ra1tification through a Money Bill. Such an enactment of the will of the people will be respected by all nations including tax havens.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre


Friday , October 2 , 2015 |

NARENDRA KOTI

BLACK MONEY COMEDY
Read before you go to the bank & demand Rs 15 lakh

I am the chief 'villain' in Rajiv Malhotra's Indra's Net -- A Rambachan. Living in a pool of mud, yet staying above it -- Rajiv Malhotra

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BOOK REJOINDER
Anantanand Rambachan is a professor of Religion, Philosophy and Asian Studies at Saint Olaf College, Minnesota, US

The Hindu Terror

Is Rajiv Malhotra the sole spokesman of Hindu thought? An argument against the culture of fear

Indra’s Net: Defending Hinduism’s Philosophical Unity | Rajiv Malhotra | HarperCollins India | Pages 376 | Rs 300.

Rajiv Malhotra at a Hinduism summit in New Jersey, United States, 2012
Rajiv Malhotra at a Hinduism summit in New Jersey, United States, 2012
I am the chief ‘villain’ in Rajiv Malhotra’s Indra’s Net: Defending Hinduism’s Philosophical Unity (HarperCollins India, 2014, 376pages, Rs 300). To Malhotra, I am ‘the leading scholar’ who is ‘destroying’ the Hindu tradition from within by promoting what he calls ‘the cancer’ of Neo- Hinduism. Moreover, Malhotra credits me for sparking the research that produced Indra’s Net. Against this backdrop, it has been interesting to observe the controversy raging around Malhotra’s work arising from charges of plagiarism. Richard Young, a professor at Princeton Theological Seminary in New Jersey, has collected evidence of copyright violations by providing many examples of passages from Indra’s Net that are lifted improperly from the works of other scholars. Readers can see a compilation of Young’s work online to form their own judgments.
While everyone, both within and outside the academic community, has the freedom to write, all published material ought to meet minimal standards of accuracy and good faith in the treatment of the work of scholars. Reckless assertions and unsubstantiated conclusions should not be made. The traditional method of guaranteeing such quality is through peer review. Admittedly, this process is not without its own faults and even biases, and fairness cannot always be assumed. When done well, however, it benefits the scholar as well as readers. The responsibility for accuracy becomes even more important when it comes to the work of writers like Malhotra, who are neither academics nor regard themselves as being accountable to the judgment of a broader academic community.
I refute Malhotra’s central thesis that I am an advocate of Neo-Hinduism. His thesis is not substantiated by any scholarly analysis. He attributes arguments to me that I have never made in any publication. In many cases, I actually argue the complete opposite.
Malhotra and his supporters have issued numerous calls for me to debate him publicly over Indra’s Net. In the Hindu tradition, debate is a sincere mode of dialogue that requires profound moral and intellectual commitments. Intellectually, scholars are required to be truthful (‘satyam vada’) and this includes truthfully representing your opponent’s viewpoint. I do not recognise myself in Malhotra’s representation of my work, which would make any effort to ‘defend’ conclusions that I have never made and do not support an exercise in futility.
The Hindu tradition requires us to debate vigorously (‘saha viryam’), but without defamation, denigration and hate (‘ma vidvisavahai’). Unfortunately, on top of consistently misrepresenting my published works, Malhotra insists on stifling constructive dialogue by littering his writings and statements with ad hominem attacks and polemic. He refers to me as a ‘pet’, brands me the Vatican’s ‘Hindu asset’ and denies me the right of self-definition by calling me a ‘Vatican appointed Hindu’. For instance, Malhotra issued a tweet on 6 April 2014 with such language:
‘@nisha_a: Romila T, Rambachan & other Neo-Hinduism wallahs obediently copy western scholarship. Over rated pets described in Indra’s Net.’
Moreover, in a recent article, Malhotra incorrectly claims that my PhD supervisor was a ‘church minister’. Readers can form their own judgments about Malhotra’s intention in peddling such lies.
From his writings, it appears that one of his problems with my work stems from my steadfast commitment to inter-religious understanding and my frequent participation in dialogue with people of all religions. In these dialogues, I always strive to be a vigorous Hindu voice that is faithful to the fundamental commitments of my tradition. Those who attend these events and choose to respectfully engage in dialogue know this very well.
My contributions are freely available for public scrutiny. Also, I shall never apologise for my work that promotes inter-religious understanding— work that I believe to be vital for mutual respect and peace in a diverse world.
Readers can also make their own judgments about Malhotra’s motivation for these ad hominem attacks, but this is the context in which I am invited to debate. It is a hostile environment that is the very antithesis of mutual respect, human dignity and the values of dialogical exchange (‘samvada’) in the Hindu tradition.
Earlier this year, Malhotra spearheaded a campaign, unprecedented in the history of the Hindu tradition in North America, to prevent me from speaking at a Hindu-Catholic Dialogue at the Durga Temple in Virginia (23 May 2015). Malhotra described those who invited me as ‘ignorant Hindu leaders’. His supporters were encouraged to flood my inbox with letters expressing their opposition to the ‘Trojan horse’ in the Hindu community. Strategies were formulated for protests and the organisers were bombarded with requests to disinvite me. I was warned ominously by one of his supporters ‘not to come to the Durga Temple in Virginia’. Below is an example of the type of emails I received before this event:
You want to do something to stop the leading spreader of that cancer of Neo Hinduism that is eating our dharma from within? This is your chance. You are one of thousands of Hindus on this discussion group. Let’s give Rambachan a message he will never forget.’
Tensions, ignited and fanned by Malhotra, reached such a boiling point that law-enforcement protection for my safety was required, a first in my 40 years of public speaking at Hindu temples. The Durga Temple, to their great credit, did not waver in the face of considerable intimidation and I refused to pull out.
Putting aside the aggressive effort to deny my freedom to speak at an event to which I was unanimously invited by the Hindu organisers, Malhotra wants to define the criteria for Hindu orthodoxy. He wants to establish himself as the authoritative enforcer of his criteria. Indra’s Net was presented as the repository of the ‘true’ and ‘authentic’ Hindu tradition. Since I failed to meet his criteria, he called me the enemy of my tradition and issued an edict that I must be silenced. He became my judge and jury. His followers rushed in to loudly broadcast and administer his judgment.
History is littered with the tragic consequences of religious authoritarianism and with individuals who claim the right to judge and condemn others. What does ‘being different’, to use Malhotra’s language, mean if it does not prevent us from ex-communicating, branding as heretics and excoriating those who differ from us? Hindus need to be vigilant. While always welcoming debate and dialogue, we must challenge efforts to silence and intimidate those with whom we disagree. This is not the way of dharma and we do not protect it by trampling upon its obligations.
Malhotra and his followers have succeeded in creating an atmosphere of fear (‘bhayam’) in which scholar-practitioners of the Hindu tradition are afraid of challenging him. I refuse to be silenced by fear or be forced to whisper my dissent in the corners of meeting halls. I will not cede to Malhotra the authority to be the arbiter of Hindu orthodoxy. My tradition requires me, as a seeker of knowledge and a teacher, to be without fear (‘abhayam’). I will continue to respectfully share and learn from fellow Hindus of all nationalities and ethnicities. And I will continue to respectfully challenge and be challenged by my peers. No single person has spoken for or can speak for a tradition as vast as the Hindu tradition, and Hindus must vigorously contest anyone’s attempt to dictatorially do so. The value we place on diversity is a strength, not a weakness.
Comments:
  • Prof.Rambachan's arguments against RM stem from the basic misconception that only academic "scholars" can write 'scholarly' dissertations on religions. RM has tremendous scholarship, amply proven by his dissertations enclosed within the pages of his several books.
    Neo-Hinduism is an ugly development in recent times, propounded and clandestinely promoted by the Christian church in the US and the Vatican, which no amount of denial by Rambachan can wish away.
    Rambachan should not shy away from debate with RM or anybody, who wants to contest his neo-Hinduism concepts and if RM and/or his supporters are inviting rambachan for a debate or even a series of debates, why should he run away from it on the specious plea or spurious ground that RM is a non-academic and therefore can't be engaged in any scholarly debate? A debate can, in fact, unravel several ideas, accusations and theories about each other's sources of funding, the promoters behind them etc.
    And, finally, let me say this loudly: There is absolutely no meaning in engaging in the so called inter-religious or inter-faith debates, if one of the parties in the debate is solidly standing on the foundational belief and faith that it alone is true, its God alone is the true God and its God is the ONLY GOD and all other Gods of all other faiths are false,?
    B.V.SHENOY.
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        I want to ask one very simple direct question to this gentleman. Is he prepared to in no uncertain language denounce the hateful attempts by the Evangelists to convert Hindus all over India by using their superior money power and using most hateful methodology in their endeavour, which includes using filthiest languages coupled with concocted stories to describe various sacred Hindu dities to show them in very low light?
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            Dear Rambachan Saheb - Basically you try desperately to pass of as a Hindu scholar because of your Hindu name. Let us grant you that. So can you say the following clearly?
            1.) Are you a Neo Hindu or a Hindu? Please elaborate.
            2.) Would accept the that modern Hinduism was and is a continuum and not a fractured set of distortions as set out by various westerners?
            3.) Would you write a critique of these westerners who have distorted perhaps deliberately this thesis? Or do you value your career? I know this is loaded, but so is your theory which denigrates my Dharma.
            Keeping aside the invective: Would you have the intestinal fortitude to fight these westerners who have indulged in this slander? Believe me it will be a game changer for you too.
            4.) Finally "chief villain" (your term, not mine): Why do you not debate this with Rajiv Malhotra Saheb who can nuance this with you? Is it because of the fake smugness that you know it all or the genuine fear that you will loose?
            So Rambachan, please I exhort you to answer these questions along with these questions that you have posed after the Durga temple fiasco:
            Rambachan: Q1 Respect for the religious other should be not 
            conditional upon the transformation of the other into our religious 
            likeness.
            Rambachan: Q2 Mutual respect does not preclude conversations about troubling issues.
            Please do answer these questions so that we know where you stand.
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                In this article the author is getting too personal by only focusing on what Mr. Malhotra said about "him". It would be great to hear what Dr. Rambachan has to say on Mr. Malhotra's critique of his writings particularly addressing the issue of Swami Vivekanda and Adi Shankara (the Shruti v/s Anubhava debate). That way laypersons like me will get to witness a scholarly debate between to well studied individuals and in the process learn a lot. Academic issues which are the main focus of Mr. Malhotra have not even been mentioned in this article by Dr. Rambachan.
                  • Avatar
                    Look Mr. Rambachan, why this obfuscation? Why don't you just answer the question?
                    - Do you think that Hinduism has been a continuously evolving, self-critiquing tradition from ancient times, with many sub-traditions learning, borrowing from and enriching each other? Or is it a recent political construct.. made by the likes of Vivekananda to counter the West? perhaps some other option.
                    And it should be possible to state succinctly what your views are.. no need for another book or essay on this topic. Otherwise we will interpret all of that as obfuscation.
                    And please.. we care more about the tradition than what you and Rajiv Malhotra have to say about each other.
                      • Avatar
                        The heading of this blog gives the intentions of this writer away. He is a rabid Hindu hater. The whole world knows Hindus are the most tolerant & accommodating people on earth. Imperialists who ruled India knew this truth. So what did they do? They demonized Hinduism. And who bought this propaganda wholesale? Of course the Imperialist west and it's cronies like Rambachan & Sanjeev Sabhlok !
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                          Oh! Please Mr. Rambachan. Don't delude yourself into thinking that you are somehow the centre of Rajiv's attention. Rajiv is against the academic system and you are just a cog of.
                          May be.. just may be your heart might be in the right place, but brain is deluded by being in the system for too long... I don't know... I don't know you personally.
                          BTW, you even now aren't denying or have denied the allegations made by Rajiv about your PoV about Vivekananda, Neo-Vedanta, Hindutva, Yoga et al. Instead of attacking Rajiv personally, you should IMHO focus on clarifying your perspective on these burning issues and let your readers and students and more importantly your 'superiors' decide which team you are in.
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                              "I do not recognise myself in Malhotra’s representation of my work, which would make any effort to ‘defend’ conclusions that I have never made and do not support an exercise in futility."
                              This is called running away from debate using bullshit as argument!
                              "Moreover, in a recent article, Malhotra incorrectly claims that my PhD supervisor was a ‘church minister’."
                              So, if that is incorrect why do you not inform your readers who your supervisor is?
                              "My contributions are freely available for public scrutiny. Also, I shall never apologise for my work that promotes inter-religious understanding— work that I believe to be vital for mutual respect and peace in a diverse world."
                              I am sure your 'contributions' will be studied in far greater depth now. And you shamelessly borrow a phrase 'mutual respect' that Rajiv Malhotra has coined especially with regard to inter-faith encounters without attributing it to him. Who is the plagiarizer?
                              "Tensions, ignited and fanned by Malhotra, reached such a boiling point that law-enforcement protection for my safety was required, a first in my 40 years of public speaking at Hindu temples. The Durga Temple, to their great credit, did not waver in the face of considerable intimidation and I refused to pull out."
                              Usage of words designed to sensationalize and create a feeling of sympathy. Thereafter followed by typically sanctimonious words of being brave in the face of extreme hostility. Playing the victim card to perfection. Bravo!
                              "No single person has spoken for or can speak for a tradition as vast as the Hindu tradition.."
                              So also, no cabal of vested interests has the authority to speak for a tradition as vast as Hinduism and pass theses in its name.
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                                  Let us hear Rambachan's position on Vivekananda. Let him leave it to others to decide which camp he really belongs to.
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                                    Dear Rambachan:
                                    1) Why are you aligned with evangelists like Richard Fox Young? Does it pain you as a Hindu (if you are truly one) that you find comfort in his foxy activities? Would it have been better had you made your points without seeking alliance with that notorious man? Or is it more important for you to impress the churchmen?
                                    2) Why do you raise side issues like quoting what some unknown twitterati wrote - which is the way twitter is, You ought to be indifferent and not so touchy like a schoolboy.
                                    3) Your seem too touchy and over sensitive. Not like someone claiming to be Vedanta expert. Try to think higher, not cheap shots. Grow up.
                                    4) You have always milked Swami Dayananda Saraswati's name sucking every drop for your personal image boost. But you do not have a real practice of his teachings. You are a mere parroting and cutting and pasting what he taught.
                                    5) Why do you work for a christian university?
                                      • Avatar
                                        Yes by citing a troll (just check his twitter feed) like RFY, he's further diminishing his credibility with Hindus.. while providing fuel to the charge that he's just protecting his professorship and position in the inter-religious study world.

                                    Free Hindu temples from Govt. control, repeal Endowment Act -- Subramanian Swamy

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                                    Implementing the Endowment Act Only for Hindu Temples is Double Standards: Subramanian Swamy

                                    Published: 10th October 2015 03:06 PM
                                    Last Updated: 10th October 2015 03:06 PM
                                    VISAKHAPATNAM: Hitting it out at the consecutive governments in the states and the Centre, BJP senior leader and Virat Hindustan Sangam president Subramanian Swamy on Saturday accused them of resorting to double standards and implementing the Endowment Act only for Hindu temples but not for other religious places of worship. He dared them to either repeal the Endowment Act for temples or implement it for all religions.
                                    Delivering the keynote address at a symposium on 'Repeal of Endowment Act' organised by Global Hindu Heritage Foundation (GHHF) at YVS Murthy auditorium of Andhra University here Saturday, Subramanian Swamy gave a clarion call to free the temples from the clutches of the government.
                                    He felt that under the guise of Endowment Act, the governments have been selectively controlling the temples and exploiting the temple properties besides turning them into a source of revenue.
                                    "The Endowment Act itself is in violation of the Article 26 of the Indian Constitution (which allows freedom to manage religious affairs). Why is it being implemented only for Hindus but not for other religions?" he questioned.
                                    However, Swamy emphasised the need to find a way for the temple administration. "Every temple in this country can be freed from the government control but we need to find an administration system run by people," he added. He termed the new century as the century of Hindu Renaissance. On the occasion, he shared his experiences in different cases in the Supreme Court over the Endowment Act, judgement in favour of the Dikshitars to control over the Chindambaram temple in Tamil Nadu and also stopping the gold plating of Tirumala  temple.
                                    http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/andhra_pradesh/Implementing-the-Endowment-Act-Only-for-Hindu-Temples-is-Double-Standards-Subramanian-Swamy/2015/10/10/article3072784.ece

                                    Fig leaf and Bamboo Mamata party, rigged polls -- Tamaghna Banerjee and Meghdeep Bhattacharyya

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                                    Sunday , October 11 , 2015 |

                                    TMC 37 OTHERS 4

                                    - Four fig leaves help the winner hide the 14-0 sweep in Salt Lake 
                                    Fig leaf noun  A flimsy or minimal cover for behaviour that might be considered shameful
                                    Calcutta, Oct. 10: The Bidhannagar election result has ensured that Salt Lake, the leafy township where communist royalty such as Jyoti Basu went home to roost, will not have a single Left councillor for the next five years.
                                    The Trinamul scorecard in the 41-ward Bidhannagar reads 37-4.
                                    The four fig leaves - Opposition victories in four wards that were held up as evidence of "free and fair" polls - hide the 14-0 sweep in the corporation's Salt Lake segment.
                                    In Asansol, Trinamul won 74 of the 106 wards, crushing the BJP that had won the Lok Sabha elections. In Bally, Trinamul took the entire lot of 16 seats.
                                    Trinamul bagged all the 14 wards in Salt Lake that was invaded on polling day by an army of impostors who committed vote fraud and assaulted several residents and journalists. All the four Opposition victories came from the Rajarhat-Gopalpur belt.
                                    Although conceived by the Congress's Bidhan Chandra Roy, Salt Lake grew and prospered to become what it is today during the Left Front rule and many of its leaders had made the township their home.
                                    Perhaps that is why chief minister Mamata Banerjee had reportedly insisted on a 14-0 sweep in the township during a pre-election meeting with senior leaders from the area. "Salt Lake ey shob chai (I want everything in Salt Lake)," she was quoted as telling her lieutenants.
                                    The real target achieved, the Bidhannagar tally of 37-4 has not displeased Trinamul.
                                    Trinamul insiders described the 37-4 result as "perfect". "Some of us, quite frankly, heaved a collective sigh of relief. Given the attention our mischief in Salt Lake has drawn over the past week, 41-0 would have hurt us further. The final 37-4 will help us salvage our reputation somewhat," said a senior MLA from south Calcutta.
                                    "But there still will be talk on the very unlikely 14-0 achieved in Salt Lake," he added.
                                    Once hooliganism transformed what was merely a corporation election into the biggest embarrassment for the Mamata government in recent times, Trinamul was hoping the result would not be entirely one-sided.
                                    "With these results, we have established that we are the people's preferred party and the allegations of electoral malpractice are baseless," said party secretary-general Partha Chatterjee after the results. "People have democratically rejected the politics of disruption, violence and bandhs. They have voted for development."
                                    The claim may carry a ring of exaggeration but sources in the Opposition conceded that the overall outcome would not have been much different had the poll panel and the administration played by the rules to ensure free and fair polls.
                                    "Organisationally, we have become very weak in Salt Lake. After recent defections, we have become weak in Rajarhat-Gopalpur, too. The results could have been a bit different perhaps, had there been no violence, but the board would have been formed by Trinamul anyway," said a CPM state secretariat member. "But we will keep highlighting the violence till the 2016 Assembly polls," he added.
                                    An analysis of the results suggests the Trinamul sweep in Salt Lake is not without blemishes.
                                    Take, for instance, the curious case of Anindya Chatterjee, who won with a margin of 852 votes in Ward 41 - from where most complaints of what the election commission called "vitiation of the poll process" had emerged.
                                    Although repolls were ordered in three of the ward's 13 booths, the threesome formed a third of the total nine booths sent to repoll in Bidhannagar.
                                    The votes Chatterjee got on October 3 (the original polling day) in some booths and on October 9 (the repolling day) in the three booths show remarkable variance.
                                    In booths where repolls were held, Chatterjee got less than 20 per cent votes. But in adjacent booths, where there was no repoll, he had bagged votes ranging from 50-80 per cent.
                                    Independent candidate Anupam Dutta, a former Trinamul councillor who was aggrieved after he was denied a ticket, said the repoll figures of Ward 41 revealed how the residents of Salt Lake actually voted.
                                    But Anindya Chatterjee attributed it to a "malicious campaign" by the media. "A lot of people baselessly alleged rigging. There was none on the actual poll day. In fact, the repolls were rigged by Anupam. Otherwise, my margin would have been much higher. The media has maligned me, turning a lot of people against me even during polling hours," Chatterjee said.
                                    Margins also tell a tale. The biggest margin was in Ward 4 - Trinamul's Shahnawaz Dumpy Mondal defeated CPM's Sheikh Mainuddin by 8,107 votes. In civic elections, such high margins are unusual.
                                    Leader of the Opposition Surjya Kanta Mishra said the numbers in several wards spoke for themselves, the polls were "massively rigged" and the "tainted victory" was a "moral defeat" for the ruling party.

                                    http://www.telegraphindia.com/1151011/jsp/frontpage/story_47393.jsp#.VhmtmFSqqko

                                    Joint probe into transfer of over Rs. 6k cr kaalaadhan to Hongkong Bank. NaMo, nationalise kaalaadhan.

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                                    Published: October 11, 2015 02:58 IST | Updated: October 11, 2015 02:58 IST  

                                    Joint probe into transfer of over Rs. 6,000 crore through Bank of Baroda

                                    It is alleged that the ‘black money’ was transferred out to Hong Kong

                                    The Enforcement Directorate, the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Serious Fraud Investigation Office have launched a joint probe into allegations that Rs.6,172 crore in black money was transferred out to Hong Kong through newly opened current accounts at a Bank of Baroda branch in Delhi last year.

                                    While the ED has registered a money laundering case, a day after the Congress raised the issue, the CBI on Saturday conducted searches at the bank’s Ashok Vihar branch. The CBI has registered a case against 59 current account holders and unknown bank officials.

                                    The matter came to light last month during the bank’s internal audit which revealed that in one year, the foreign exchange business had shot up from Rs.45 crore in 2013-14 to Rs.21,529 crore in 2014-15. Further, there were 8,667 foreign exchange transactions between August 2014 and August 2015.

                                    The audit detected 59 such bank accounts opened in the name of various companies and used to route “unaccounted money” to the same set of Hong Kong-based firms, on the pretext of advance remittances for import of items like cashew, rice and pulses. The amount was deposited in cash, at times through multiple entries a day.

                                    On Friday, Congress spokesperson R.P.N. Singh had demanded independent investigations into the alleged transfer of black money through banking channel.

                                    Alleging the role of top bank and government officials in the scam, the Congress said the transactions in question began two months after the Narendra Modi-led NDA government came to power at the Centre.

                                    “Before the Prime Minister lays the blame on the door of the Congress, it is worth mentioning that this happened post July 2014, after the NDA government came to power in Delhi,” he said.

                                    Records fudged
                                    The bank authorities reported the irregularities to the Finance Ministry soon after the irregularities were detected. An internal inquiry revealed that records were fudged to evade detection. Entries were made showing dollar-rupee exchange rate as Rs.0.0001 instead of the then prevailing rate of Rs.60 per dollar. Besides, all remittances were kept below $1,00,000.

                                    The audit report accused the bank officials of not applying due diligence while allowing advance payment of huge amounts of remittances to exporters.
                                    http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/joint-probe-into-transfer-of-over-rs-6000-crore-through-bank-of-baroda/article7748164.ece?homepage=true&css=print

                                    `Rajan's book is a revelation on Brahmi script' -- MT Saju

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                                    imggalleryimggallery

                                    Oct 11 2015 : The Times of India (Chennai)

                                    `Rajan's book is a revelation on Brahmi script'
                                    Chennai:
                                    
                                    
                                    There is no dispute among scholars that he Brahmi script originated during the Early Histor c period, but they differ about the dating of the script.Noted archaeologist K Rajan has recently proved dating of the Brahmi script o sixth century BC, after studying the potsherds he excavated in seven seasons spanning two decades in Kodumanal, an Early His oric site in Tamil Nadu.
                                    “Scholars have various opinions about Brahmi's origin.
                                    “Some argue that the script must have originated during 200-300 BC. There is no proper evidence to support this.
                                    “But Rajan has dated he origin of the script to around 6th century BC after applying two dating methods. The book is a turning point in the archaeology of South Asia. It will definite y lead to a lot of discussion and a fresh look at history ,“ said Rakesh Tewari, direc or general of ASI.
                                    He received a copy of Rajan's book, “Early Writ ng System: A journey from Graffiti to Brahmi“ from noted scholar Iravatham Mahadevan, who released it at a function here on Saturday.
                                    Brahmi remained elusive mainly because scholars couldn't come up with a proper dating of the script, said Tewari.
                                    “Rajan's work on the evolution of Brahmi and its connection with graffiti is remarkable. Archaeologists generally come up with facts, but only a few make great discoveries. It needs years of patience. Rajan did a great discovery , which could reopen the history of south Asia, particularly India,“ he said, adding that the ASI would conduct more excavations in Tamil Nadu in the light of the new findings.

                                    Kodumanal lies on the north bank of the river Noyyal, a tributary of Cauvery , in Erode district of TN.

                                    http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Article.aspx?eid=31807&articlexml=Rajans-book-is-a-revelation-on-Brahmi-script-11102015006026

                                    Graffiti to Brahmi: The writing on the pot

                                    October 10, 2015, 5:30 PM IST  in Tracking Indian Communities | DravidianRoots & Wings |TOI
                                    For K Rajan, each excavation he conducted in Kodumanal, an early historic site in Erode district of Tamil Nadu, led to new findings. His forthcoming monograph on graffiti and Brahmi inscriptions on pottery from Kodumanal, “Early Writing System: A journey from Graffiti to Brahmi”, to be released on October 10, brings in details about the ancient writing system of Tamil country. It provides insightful data based on the materials recovered from the site.
                                    Scholars believe that the perceptible writing system in India emerged about five millennia ago during the Early Harappan period and it continued to be used over a long period in a significant chunk of the Indus Valley. However, the decipherment of Indus script still eludes scholars despite their wholehearted attempts. The disappearance of the script after the fall of the civilization has complicated the issue. Some believe that the script and the language have not disappeared overnight and they must have transformed into different forms. As a result, an attempt to establish a link by connecting Chalcolithic/Iron Age graffiti symbols with Indus script has been made by some scholars.
                                    The appearance of Brahmi script during the Early Historic period without any apparent link to the earlier scripts has further complicated the issue, according to Y Subbarayalu, author and scholar. “Irrespective of several claims, the origin and development of Brahmi script could not be traced in a satisfactory manner, largely due to the lack of well-documented primary sources. Rajan’s book attempts to document a primary source namely inscribed potsherds that were unearthed in seven seasons of excavations conducted at Kodumanal,” he said.
                                    The book provides considerable data on the existence of two kinds of writing systems that existed during Early Historic times. “This pottery has both graffiti and Tamil-Brahmi writings, which occur mostly separately and in a few instances in a mixed form. The author has studied each of them in detail devoting separate chapters. His careful analysis and categorization will be helpful in making a comparative study of the signs and in finding out their morphological structure, if any,” said Subbarayalu.
                                    “We collected data on the nature of settlement, gemstone industry here, method of iron and steel production, weaving and shell industry, types of graves and their architectural features. We have put the earliest limit to the period of the site at 6th century BC,” said Rajan, author of the book, who is professor at the department of history, Pondicherry University.
                                    Rajan said both the habitation and the graves area yielded graffiti. “Some signs are compound signs consisting of more than one symbol. A few of these occur repeatedly from different localities and levels. The more common graffiti marks are sun, swastika, star, ladder, “nandi-pada”, fish, bow and arrow, wheel, cart, signs like the Asokan-Brahmi ‘ma’, etc.”
                                    Though the exact connotation of these symbols, individually or in compound form, cannot be easily guessed, a close observation of these symbols, their places of occurrence, frequency and position clearly would demonstrate that they were used to convey some information. “There can be little doubt now that these graffiti are not mere aimless scratches rather they were one kind of writing system. Sequential placements of more than one basic or compound signs in a row seem to indicate a kind of communicative system. The spread of graffiti from northwest India down to peninsular India and Sri Lanka in different cultural contexts, both in rural and urban centres and survival of the symbols over a millennium would support that,” said Rajan.
                                    At least 551 potsherds bearing Brahmi letters were recovered from the 185cm cultural deposit. “The language of the inscribed potsherds recovered at Kodumanal is Tamil and hence it has been labelled as Tamil-Brahmi. But there are many Tamilized Prakrit names throughout the deposit,” he said.

                                    'Prisoner JP' in Chandigarh, 40 years ago -- MG Devasahayam celebrates a legacy

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                                    The TribunePosted at: Oct 11 2015 1:20AMMG Devasahayam

                                    ‘Prisoner JP’ in Chandigarh, 40 years ago

                                    District Magistrate of Chandigarh in 1975 recalls the days Jayaprakash Narayan spent under his watch after being arrested during Emergency — from July 1 when he was brought to the city till November 12, when he was released. Four days later, he was taken to Bombay for medical treatment.‘Prisoner JP’ in Chandigarh, 40 years agoThe writer (right) with Jayaprakash Narayan at the latter’s residence in Patna in 1977.Today is the 113th birth anniversary of Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), a fiery freedom fighter who inflamed the ‘Quit India Movement’ (1942) with his daring escape from the high-security Hazaribagh jail and post Independence had become the conscience of the nation. When the Emergency was proclaimed on the night of June 25-26, 1975, he was arrested under MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act) by the District Magistrate, Delhi. On the night of July 1, he was brought to Chandigarh, where I was the District Magistrate, for safe custody and medical care.    The writer (right) with Jayaprakash Narayan at the latter’s residence in Patna in 1977.
                                    When I received ‘prisoner JP’ at the Chandigarh Air Force base along with Senior Superintendent of Police ML Bhanot and Air Commodore Bhasin, my impression of the old man was that though in normal health, he was perplexed and disjointed and did not know what was happening. 
                                    One central thread that stretched through the period of JP’s confinement in Chandigarh was the confused and erratic attitude of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in dealing with him as ‘prisoner’. JP and his wife Prabhavati Devi being close family friends of Jawaharlal and Kamala Nehru, he was a father-figure for Indira and it was very difficult for her to think of him as a prisoner. In our conversations later, JP fondly talked of Indira as “the child who used to play on my laps”. 
                                    This predicament trickled down to all echelons of government both in the Centre and Chandigarh. Though the city had a sub-jail with reasonable facilities, we were under strict instructions from the PMO to have JP housed in the PGI under the care of a battery of ‘super-specialists’ for no apparent reasons. So we had to hurriedly do up a guesthouse on the PGI campus with all security trappings and notify it as a temporary sub-jail under the Criminal Procedure Code. JP was driven straight from the airport and lodged there. When later he was shifted to an unoccupied special ward, we had to notify that also as a sub-jail. 
                                    Despite this predicament, the harsh and draconian rules and instructions from the Union Home Ministry regarding interviews with detainees and writing letters were applicable to JP. If these had been complied with, he would have been in solitary confinement, unable to meet anybody because JP had no nuclear family — wife, son or daughter — to call his own. So I resorted to circumventing the rules by using ‘discretionary powers’ to give humane treatment to JP by allowing regular interviews with his close friends and relatives. 
                                    Prior to JP’s daring escape from Hazaribagh jail, AP Sinha, his co-prisoner, had exhorted him thus: “…you have got the passion that can make people’s spirits soar... you are a great leader”. I found this to be true. And having understood the intensity of JP’s commitment to democracy and freedom, I partook in all matters concerning him and the State, shared his intimate thoughts and feelings, discussed political events and happenings, played ‘Devil’s Advocate’, participated in brainstorming sessions, took charge of his mental and psychological well-being, and succeeded in reviving his faith in himself and his people which he was on the verge of losing. 
                                    Certain unforgettable and unfathomable things that happened during JP’s detention are etched deep in my heart. One was the ‘death-drill’ of a person in normal health. It was initiated from Delhi within days of JP’s arrival in Chandigarh. To be known as ‘Operation Medicine’, it was a top-secret document of which only three copies were kept. 
                                    Imminent amendment of the Representation of People’s Act granting immunity to PM’s election and several constitutional amendments became the proverbial ‘last straw on the camel’s back’ and something inside JP snapped. Having lost all hopes ‘for the revival of democracy’, on August 10, JP wrote to the Prime Minister conveying his decision ‘to go on fast until death’ unless the Emergency was revoked immediately. Considering the grave and disastrous implications this could bring forth, I pleaded with JP and succeeded in dissuading him after a two-hour highly surcharged verbal duel. 
                                    MR Masani, distinguished parliamentarian and JP’s close associate, has recorded this episode in his book JP: Mission Partly Accomplished (Macmillan) with the observation: “...this certainly shows that JP treated him like a friend and that Devasahayam had by his behaviour towards his distinguished prisoner earned his confidence...” 
                                    Probably it was telepathy. The need for reconciliation between Indira Gandhi and JP to end the Emergency and return India to normalcy was felt almost simultaneously by me and Prof PN Dhar, Principal Secretary to Prime Minister. The first tangible result of my efforts came in the form of a letter from JP to Sheikh Abdullah on September 22 in response to a statement by Sheikh published in The Tribune, expressing himself in favour of ‘conciliation at all-India level’ and offering his services towards this. JP’s letter inter alia said: “I being the villain of the piece, the arch-conspirator, culprit number one, a return to true normalcy, not the false one established by repression and terror, can only be brought about with my cooperation. I am herewith offering you my full cooperation.” 
                                    This letter brought immediate response from the PMO, already working on the idea of  ‘reconciliation’. A special emissary (Sugatha Dasgupta, Director, Gandhi Institute of Studies, Varanasi, of which JP was the Chairman) arrived on 25th morning to prepare grounds for a political dialogue between the PM and JP. The process had commenced.
                                    As hope for the success of reconciliation efforts and restoration of democracy was rising, certain intriguing things happened, raising disturbing doubts in my mind. The delivery of JP’s letter to Sheikh Abdullah was blocked by the ‘Delhi Durbar’. Simultaneously, symptoms of some major ailment in JP surfaced on September 26, a day after the commencement of preliminary efforts towards reconciliation by the PMO.
                                    This happened again in early November just two days after the delivery of a sealed letter from Lord Fenner Brockway (eminent British Labour MP, member of the Cripps Mission and a friend of India) to JP.  The content of the letter, written at the behest of the Prime Minister herself, was a virtual apology on behalf of Indira Gandhi for imposing the Emergency and seeking JP’s cooperation in restoring normalcy in the country. As JP was preparing to respond to this request positively, his health deteriorated. Mysteriously enough, Lord Brockway’s letter disappeared. Obviously, there was a deep-rooted conspiracy to sabotage reconciliation and a return to normalcy. 
                                    Under the circumstances, I was convinced that JP should be taken out of Chandigarh and sent to a place where his ailment could be diagnosed correctly and treated properly. This conviction led me to initiate silent and swift steps through the official channel, PMO emissary Dasgupta and JP’s brother Rajeshwar Prasad (with help from Nayantara Sahgal, Indira’s cousin) with the same outcry — “If JP dies in jail” — to create a crisis situation in Delhi to force JP’s release.
                                    The pincer move worked admirably, resulting in a flurry of activities leading to JP’s release on November 12. The Chief Secretary and District Magistrate of Delhi flew down to serve the order on JP.  After several hiccups, he left Chandigarh on November 16. JP reached Bombay’s Jaslok Hospital just in time for his badly damaged kidney to be treated and life saved. The rest is history.
                                    http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/sunday-special/kaleidoscope/-prisoner-jp-in-chandigarh-40-years-ago/144389.html
                                    thestatesman
                                    Celebrating a legacy

                                    MG Devasahayam
                                    Oct. 11, 2015


                                    October 11, 2015 is the 113th birth anniversary of Loknayak Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), one of India’s tallest leaders and the rightful claimant to the title ‘Saviour of India’s Democracy’. On this occasion, the BJP, which is fighting a ‘no-holds-barred’ electoral battle in Bihar, is claiming his legacy and is planning to celebrate the anniversary in a big way as Loktantra Bachao Diwas (Save Democracy Day). The purpose is not just to remember a great icon of Bihar, but more pertinently to underline how the erstwhile Janata Party constituents (JD and RJD) have frittered away his legacy by forming an alliance with the Congress.
                                    The celebrations in Patna and the district headquarters will highlight “JP as the great democrat who fought against the authoritarian rule of the Congress and its worship of the Nehru-Gandhi family at the cost of the country.” As against this ‘song-and-dance’ this year, none of the BJP’s worthies were visible during last year’s JP birth commemoration.
                                    I was in Patna on October 11 and 12, 2014, at the invitation of Mahila Charka Samiti, Kadam Kuan and Brajkishore Samarak Pratishthan (institutions created by Prabhavati Devi, JP and Dr. Rajendra Prasad) and had participated in JP’s birth anniversary programmes. I shared personal memories of my association with JP during his days in Chandigarh’s Emergency Jail. I also spoke on the subject: “Did India deserve JP?” As my tribute to his memory, I handed over to Brajkishore Samarak Pratishthan the complete set of papers and documents - official and personal - that related to the Emergency and JP’s imprisonment. Some of these are possibly of great historical significance.
                                    I was told by the organizers that for the first time after the passing of JP, no one from the political spectrum of Bihar, including the BJP, had visited Kadam Kuan to pay homage on his birth anniversary. Hardly anyone from this clan participated in the function organised at the Brajkishore Samarak Pratishthan.  Because of the absence of celebrities, the mainstream media completely ignored the event. 
                                    The BJP was hyperactive on JP’s birth anniversary in 2010 when Bihar was facing an Assembly election. There were several functions presided over by the then Deputy Chief Minister, Sushil Kumar Modi, former Governor of Chhattisgarh and Tripura, DN Sahay, and other dignitaries. Everyone commended JP’s ‘Total Revolution’, political philosophy and vision. He was hailed as a freedom-fighter, a true follower of socialism and protector of human rights. Now again many have resurfaced with renewed vigour on the eve of another election.
                                    What exactly is the legacy of JP that the BJP is celebrating? Is it the ‘Congress mukth Bharat’ that JP achieved in 1977 against considerable odds, a feat that Prime Minister Narendra Modi replicated in 2014 with relative ease?  The party ought to realise that JP had never ever sought any office of power or pelf. In fact he had turned down successive offers of Union Cabinet Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Prime Minister and even President of India. No ordinary human being would do this.
                                    Freedom, which is the essence of democracy, was an article faith for JP. When at the height of the Emergency Prime Minister Indira Gandhi proclaimed that ‘food is more important than freedom’, JP had thundered: “Freedom became one of the beacon lights of my life and it has remained so ever since. Freedom with the passing of years transcended the mere freedom of my country and embraced freedom of man everywhere and from every sort of trammel; above all it meant freedom of the human personality, freedom of the mind, freedom of the spirit. This freedom has become a passion of my life and I shall not see it compromised for bread, for security, for prosperity, for the glory of the state or for anything else”. It was in defence of this faith that JP fought the Congress and defeated the party at the polls. 
                                    During the Emergency, JP was detained as a prisoner in Chandigarh. Within the confines of the yet-to-be commissioned Intensive Care Ward of the Post Graduate Institute of Medical Education & Research, JP was an old, haggard and incoherent individual who felt that all hopes were gone and freedom in India stood extinguished. He had also mentally reconciled himself to die in confinement ‘as a prisoner of Indira Gandhi’. But the Almighty and the Ultimate Arbiter had other ideas. He wanted this man, who once symbolised all that was fiery in India’s freedom struggle and all that was noble in pursuing a cause, to re-surge, rise again and re-emerge as the nation’s hope and icon to lead the people back to freedom and democracy.
                                    As the then District Magistrate of Chandigarh and custodian of “JP-in-Jail”, I had the great privilege of witnessing history-in-the-making and can claim to have played a key role in sustaining JP and saving his life. On his release, as he left Chandigarh on 16 November 1975 en route to Mumbai’s Jaslok Hospital, I saw him off at the airport wishing him well and requesting him to look after his health. JP’s reply still rings in my ears: “Mr Devasahayam, my health is not important. The health of the nation and democracy is. I will defeat Indira Gandhi and have them restored”. This meant that within five months the fire was back in him and the ‘Hazaribagh Hero’ had transformed from a ‘defeated idol’ to a ‘defiant leader’ paving the way for India’s second freedom some months later.
                                    Emboldened by the reports of ‘success’ of the Emergency regime, the general perception that opposition to her rule was crumbling and JP, the only mass all-India leader was sick and demoralised, Indira Gandhi called for election to Parliament in January 1977. And in his inimitable style JP swung into action despite being tied down to the dialysis machine twice a week. Without wasting time he put into effect the political blueprint he had worked out while in detention and finetuned later. Due largely to his untiring efforts, immediately after coming out of jail, the opposition leaders announced the coming-together of Congress (O), Jan Sangh, Bharatiya Lok Dal and Socialists under the Janata Party umbrella.
                                    The Emergency and its excesses formed the major issue of the election campaign. JP created a public upsurge by touring the country and addressing mammoth gatherings. Dialysis was arranged in Delhi, Calcutta and Bombay to facilitate JP’s uninterrupted election campaign. A physically constrained JP could not travel extensively and many areas in the country, especially South India, were left out.  Wherever he went, his message was simple and straight - “If you want autocracy, vote Congress. If you want democracy, vote Janata.”  The rest is history.
                                    Through his suffering and sacrifice, JP has left us the political legacies of freedom and democracy. On the economic front it is decentralized and distributed development with ‘small-is-beautiful’ as the motto. But governments run by those who claim JP’s legacy are compromising people’s freedom ‘for security, so-called prosperity and glory of the state.’  They are also pursuing predatory and centralized ‘development’ policies with ‘big-is-bountiful’ as the goal. Draconian laws are increasingly used against dissenters seeking justice, equity, protection of the environment and inclusive growth branding them as anti-national and anti-development. For them Digital India has become far more important than Democratic India.

                                    The praxis of today’s political class runs counter to what JP stood for. The BJP, while celebrating his birth anniversary as ‘Save Democracy Day’, should reflect and introspect as to whether they are truly faithful to the precious legacy bequeathed by Jayaprakash Narayan.
                                    http://www.thestatesman.com/news/opinion/-celebrating-a-legacy/96135.html

                                    A tribute on JP Day to patriots of Swarajya Bharatam May 2014

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                                    1. jeevema s'aradah s'atam Youare patriots of Swarajya Bharatam May 2014

                                    1. - why only one Family & freedom struggle in school books, there should be a chapter on Emergency + SC Bose in all school Books.
                                    2. Dr being felicitated by Prime Minister earlier today
                                    3. Thank You, PM & Naiduji for remembering JP, RNG & Nanaji Deshmukh. And for celebrating the victory of democracy.

                                    4. Dr now addressing audience on his experiences during Emergency. Rapt audiences.


                                    5. Dr as emergency hero being honoured by PM Modi today, programme started.

                                    Inscriptions on metal implements validate decipherment of Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogues

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                                    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/okw7xly

                                    'Rosetta stones' which validate Indus Script decipherment have been detailed. 
                                    The validity of this Proto-Prakritam decipherment is further reinforced by inscriptions on metal implements. Thus, Indus Script Corpora get recognized as catalogus catalogorum -- metalwork catalogues. 

                                    Two evidences are discussed which are conclusive proofs of Proto-Prakritam decipherment: 1. evidence from anthropomorphs as hieroglyph-multiplex; and 2. evidence from inscriptions engraved on metal implements and identical inscriptions on a zebu seal.

                                    Evidence Cluster No. 1 from an anthropomorph as hieroglyph-multiplex of Indus Script Corpora

                                    Each inscription is a sangara, 'proclamation'. For example, a copper anthropomorph of the civilization is a hieroglyph multiplex: sãghāṛɔ  (Gujarati) 
                                    sãgaḍ (Marathi) 'animal parts linked together' rebus: sangara'proclamation'. The 'animal parts' on the anthropomorph are identified as follows: The object is shaped like a body of a person. The arms are shaped like the bent, curved horns of a ram. On some anthropomorphs, a fish hieroglyph is also inscribed. Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex of the anthropomorph is composed of: 1. body; 2. ram; 3. fish. The hieroglyph components and rebus readings are: Hieroglyph components: meD 'body' meNDha 'ram'; aya 'fish' Rebus: meD 'iron''copper' aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'. Thus, together, the anthropomorph signifies metalwork as a professional card of an artisan. The sãgaḍ  'joined body parts of animals' is thus rebus: sangara'proclamation'. The anthropomorph as a hieroglyph-multiplex is a catalogue entry, a proclamation of metalwork.


                                    Anthropomorph. Saipal, Uttar Pradesh width 26.2cm height 18.2 cm

                                    Anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. meD 'body' (Munda). miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-copper-alloy-anthropomorphic.html

                                    Evidence Cluster No. 2 of inscriptions engraved on metal implements and on a zebu seal from the Indus Script Corpora

                                    The Dholavira signboard inscriptions have been deciphered in three segments, Segments 1 to 3 from l. to r.



                                    Segment 1:
                                     Working in ore, molten cast copper, lathe (work)

                                    Segment 2: Native metal tools, pots and pans, metalware, engraving (molten cast copper)

                                    Segment 3:  Coppersmith mint, furnace, workshop (molten cast copper)

                                    It is no surprise that many hieroglyph components on the three segments of the Dholavira signboard also occur as inscriptions on metal implements, since an inscription of Indus Script is also a sangara, 'proclamation', a professional calling card describing the technical specifications of metalwork executed and presented as a product.

                                    The first line of inscription on the two implements DK7856 and DK7535 are identical to the Segment 2 of Dholavira Signboard with the only difference being the duplication of 'spoked wheel' hieroglyph and the relative sequencing of the 'linear stroke' hieroglyph.

                                    Duplication of 'spoked wheel' hieroglyph: dula'pair' Rebus: dul'cast metal' Thus, the duplicated 'spoked wheel' signifies dul'cast'eraka'moltencast copper'.

                                    'linear stroke' hieroglyph:  khāṇḍā m A jag, notch Rebus: khāṇḍa, khaṇḍa 
                                    'implements'

                                    'lid' hieroglyph signifies aḍaren 'lid' Rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal ore' ayas 'metal' 

                                    'corner' hieroglyph: kōnṭa corner (Nk.)(DEDR 2054b) Rebus: kõdā'to turn in a lathe'(B.) कोंद kōnda 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems'.

                                    Thus, together, the entire line 1 of the inscription on the metal implement signifies engraving lapidary work,  worked in a forge, production of implement from moltencast copper. 

                                    The technical description of the metalwork is thus precisely described by this line of the inscription.

                                    DK7856 Text 2923

                                    DK7535 Text 2925

                                    The same line also occurs on a zebu seal.
                                    Text 2119 on zebu seal


                                    Hieroglyph: poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'. Thus, read with the zebu hieroglyph, the decipherment of a segment of inscription on line 1 of the seal  is that the metalimplements produced are from magnetite metal ore, using metalcasting together with moltencast copper.

                                    It is debatable if the anthropomorphs are  metal 'implements'. 


                                    The form of anthropomorph is sãgaḍ 'joined parts of animals' and the function rebus is sangara 'proclamation'.

                                    The form and function of the anthropomorphs are emphatically intended to be sangara 'proclamation' as signature calling cards of the metalworkers and metal-merchants and hence, identified as integral parts of Indus Script Corpora -- catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.


                                    Two evidence clusters have been discussed and both prove the Proto-Prakritam decipherment of metalwork catalogues signified by Indus Script writing system.

                                    QED.

                                    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-bronze-age-inscriptions-on.html

                                    In the following image composition, on the left are shown two texts from Mohenjo-daro inscribed on metal implements: 2925, 2923 (DK 7535, DK 7856) Inscribed bronze implements (MIC Plate CXXVI-5 (1910g), CXXVI-2 (165.343g)

                                    Indus writing on utensils and metal tools page:6
                                    Chanhu-daro, Pl. LXXIV & Mohenjo-daro: copper and bronze tools and utensils (an inscription line mirrored on a zebu seal)

                                    Seven script signs recurring  on two inscribed copper axes and on a seal and a seal impression,   Mohenjodaro; obverse (a,c) and reverse (b.d) of two axe blades (2798=DK7856 and 2796=DK7535) in room 15, house I, block 12A,G section, DK area together with a copper hoard; e is a fragmentary seal (2119) from room 5, house I, block 26,G section, DK area;   
                                    f is an impression of a seal (c. 4.5cm sq.) on a clay tag found in the drain 124, house X, block 8, HR-B area. Drawn after Mackay 1938: II, pl. 126:t and pl. 131:35-6; Photo archive of the ASI, Sind Vol. 17, p. 79: 400 (=a,b); Mackay 1938: II, pl. 126:2; pl. 131:31; Sind vol. 17, p. 80: 403-4 (=c,d); Mackay 1938: II, pl. 85: 119 (=e); CISI 2: 183, M-1384 (=f); cf. Parpola, 1994, p. 108.


                                    Illustrated London News 1936 - November 21st
                                    Harappa Pottery, 5000 years old, Unique in Ancient India, Contrasted with Later Ware: Chanhu-Daro Dicoveries includes 16 x pictures .
                                    Lipstick 5000 Years Old- and Other "Modern" Relics of Ancient India includes 10 x photos
                                    A "Sheffield of Ancient India: Chanhu-Daro's Metal Working Industry 10 x photos of copper knives, spears , razors, axes and dishe s Great New Discoveries of Ancient Indian Culture on a Virgin Prehistoric Site in Sind - further results of pioneer research at Chanu-Daro, in the Indus Valley: relics of craftsmanship, domestic life, and personal adornment in the third millennium B.C. by Ernest Mackay D. Litt, FSA, in 5 x photos of seals and seal amulets with animal designs ...http://www.iln.org.uk/iln_years/year/1936a.htm
                                    Mohenjo-daro. Metal implements. http://www.ancient-wisdom.com/Pakistanmohenjo.htm

                                    Fig. 2.4-6. From Sohr Damb. 2.7-8 from Mohenjo daro. - 2.4 Palstaves A 9782.- 2.5 NM 2614.- 2.6 NM 2616.- 2.7 & 2.8 Mohenjo daro Museum, no inv. nos. "...the copper palstaves (Fig. 2.4-6) are similar to each other in form, all derived from the loci A3 and A5, and clearly are contemporary with each other. They are smaller, simpler in their form and proportionaly thicker in cross section than those from Harappa sites (cf. Fig. 2.7-8) which are also generally fashioned from copper. Fig. 1.7 = DK 3468, 1.8 = VS 1450 g. Both are from Mohenjo daro. With regard to the identification of the metal see P. Yule, Figuren, Schmuckformen und Tafelchen der Harappa-Kultur. Prahistorische Bronzefunde (=PBF) 1.6 (Munich 1985)5; idem Metalwork of the Bronze Age in India. PBF XX.8 (Munich 1985).99."
                                    http://www.zaw.uni-heidelberg.de/hps/ufg/forschung/yule3/yule3.htm Yule, P., Silver grave goods from Sohr Damb near Nal, Pakistan, Institut fur Ur-und Fruhgeschichte und Vorderasiatische Archaologie, Universitat Heidelberg, Marstallhof 4, D-69117 Heidelberg

                                    See: https://www.academia.edu/730314/The_Copper_Hoards_of_the_Indian_Subcontinent._Preliminaries_for_an_Interpretation  Yule, Paul, 1992, The copper hoards of the Indian subcontinent preliminaries for an interpretation, Published in the Jahrbuch de Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz.36, 1989 (1992), pp.193-275. Most of the shapes of the palstaves of Mohenjo-daro compare with artifacts found all over India, many of which are recorded with pictures, in this article.

                                    http://www.penn.museum/documents/publications/expedition/PDFs/39-1/Yule.pdf Yule, Paul, 1997, Copper hoards of northern India, Expedition, Vol. 39, No. 1, pp. 22-32  "After Fig. 4. Metal hoard implements from Haryana, including harpoons, so-called bars, and flat axes. Chemical analyses prove these implements are made of copper, not bronze. Recent discoveries at sites in the doab are shedding light on the people who made these objects and aspects of their culture.


                                    मेढ a stake (Marathi) is also signified by a pillar.

                                    Santali glosses.


                                    Dholavira on the Rann of Kutch (as a Gateway into the Persian Gulf) in reference to the locus of maritime sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization

                                    Dholavira location in the Gulf of Kutch and Interaction networks (After Kenoyer, harappa.com)
                                    010
                                    A 10-lettered signboard (?) found in the western chamber of North Gate of castle. c. 2500-1900 BCE (ASI)
                                    Segment 1: Working in ore, molten cast copper, lathe (work)

                                    ḍato ‘claws or pincers of crab (Santali) rebus: dhatu ‘ore’ (Santali) 


                                    eraka ‘knave of wheel’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) eraka ‘molten cast (metal)(Tulu). sanga'pair' Rebus: sangaa‘lathe’ (Gujarati) 


                                     Segment 2: Native metal tools, pots and pans, metalware, engraving (molten cast copper)

                                    खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.

                                    aḍaren, ḍaren lid, cover (Santali) Rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) (Siddhānti Subrahmaya’ śāstri’s new interpretation of the Amarakośa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) 

                                     
                                    koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi  corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b)  G. khū̃ṭṛī  f. ʻangleʼ Rebus:kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ  = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)  A. kundār, B. kũdār, ri, Or.Kundāru; H. kũderā m. ‘one who works a lathe, one who scrapes’,  f., kũdernā ‘to scrape, plane, round on a lathe’; kundakara— m. ‘turner’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3297). कोंदण [ kōndaṇa ] n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems.(Marathi) খোদকার [ khōdakāra ] n an engraver; a carver. খোদকারি n. engraving; carving; interference in other’s work. খোদাই [ khōdāi ] n engraving; carving. খোদাই করা v. to engrave; to carve. খোদানো v. & n. en graving; carving. খোদিত [ khōdita ] a engraved. (Bengali) खोदकाम [ khōdakāma ] n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver. खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work. खोदणावळ [ khōdaṇāvaḷa ] f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving. खोदणी [ khōdaṇī ] f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. V लावमांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith’s die. खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or –पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe. खोदाई [ khōdāī ] f (H.) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving. खोदींव [ khōdīṃva ] p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured. (Marathi)

                                    eraka ‘knave of wheel’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) eraka ‘molten cast (metal)(Tulu).

                                    Segment 3:  Coppersmith mint, furnace, workshop (molten cast copper)

                                     
                                    loa ’fig leaf; Rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’ kamaḍha 'ficus religiosa' (Skt.); kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.) The unique ligatures on the 'leaf' hieroglyph may be explained as a professional designation: loha-kāra 'metalsmith'kāruvu  [Skt.] n. 'An artist, artificer. An agent'.(Telugu)

                                    khuṇṭa 'peg’; khũṭi = pin (M.) rebus: kuṭi= furnace (Santali) kūṭa ‘workshop’ kuṇḍamu ‘a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire’ (Te.) kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.)

                                    eraka ‘knave of wheel’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) eraka ‘molten cast (metal)(Tulu).
                                    Dholavira Signboard inscription of gypsum inlays on wood measures 3 m. long. Each of the 10 signs is 37 cm. high and 25 to 27 cm. wide and made of pieces of white gypsum inlays; the signs were apparently inlaid in a wooden plank. The conjecture is that this wooden plank was mounted on the Northern Gateway as a Signboard. 

                                    Dholavira Signboard

                                    The Signboard which adorned the Northern Gateway of the citadel of Dholavira was an announcement of the metalwork repertoire of dhokra kamarcire perdue metalcasters and other smiths working with metal alloys. The entire Indus Script Corpora are veritable metalwork catalogs. The phrase dhokra kamar is rendered on a tablet discovered at Dholavira presented in this monograph (earlier discussed at 

                                    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-1-dhokra-lost-wax.html ). The 10-hieroglyph inscription of Dholavira Signboard has been read rebus and presented at 
                                    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/dholavira-gateway-to-meluhha-gateway-to.html

                                    Excerpts from Excavation Report on Dholavira released by ASI in 2015:

                                    "8.1 Inscriptions. Literacy of the Harappans is best exemplified in their inscriptions written in a script that is unparalleled in its characters hitherto unknown and undeciphered so far. These inscriptions are best represented on their seals and seals-impressions in addition to those engraved or painted on the objects of metal, terracotta, pottery, faience, ivory, bone and stone, albeit sometimes appearing in a single sign inscription or scratching particularly on pottery or terracotta objects. 8.1.1 Signboard. One of the most prominent discoveries from the excavations at Dholavira is the find of a 10 large sized signboard presently lying in the western chamber of North Gate. This inscription was found lying in the western chamber of north gate, and the nature of find indicates that it could have been fitted on a wooden signboard, most probably fitted above the lintel of the central passageway of the gate. The central passageway of north gate itself measures 3.5 m in width and the length of the inscription along with the wooden frame impression is also more or less same thereby indicating the probable location. The inscription consists of 10 large-sized letters of the typical Harappan script, and is actually gypsum inlays cut into various sizes and shapes, which were utilized to create each size as, indicated above. The exact meaning of the inscription is not known in the absence of decipherment of script." (pp.227-229, Section 8.1.1 Signboard)


                                    "The central passageway of north gate itself measures 3.5 m in width and the length of the inscription along with the wooden frame impression is also more or less same thereby indicating the probable location. The inscription consists of 10 large-sized letters of the typical Harappan script, and is actually gypsum inlays cut into various sizes and shapes, which were utilized to create each size as, indicated above. The exact meaning of the inscription is not known in the absence of decipherment of the script. (p.231)

                                    Fig. 8.2: Location of ten large sized inscription in North Gate

                                    Fig. 8.3: Close-up of inscription


                                    Fig. 8.4: Drawing showing the ten letters of inscription


                                    Fig. 8.5: Photograph showing the details of inscription in situ.


                                    Fig. 8.6: Close-up of some of the letters from the inscription

                                    Fig. 8.7: Gypsum inlays used for the inscription

                                    Hieroglyph: eraka 'nave of wheel' āra 'spoke' Rebus: eraka 'molten cast' (Tulu); arka 'copper' (Samskritam) ara 'brass'.ārakUTa id. (Samskritam)

                                    Dholavira. gateway. A designer's impressions (reconstruction) of the world's first signboard on the gateway of fortification or citadel.

                                    Dholavira (Kotda) on Kadir island, Kutch, Gujarat; 10 signs inscription found near the western chamber of the northern gate of the citadel high mound (Bisht, 1991: 81, Pl. IX); each sign is 37 cm. high and 25 to 27 cm. wide and made of pieces of white crystalline rock; the signs were apparently inlaid in a wooden plank ca. 3 m. long; maybe, the plank was mounted on the facade of the gate to command the view of the entire cityscape. Ten signs are read from left to right. The 'spoked circle' sign seems to be the divider of the three-part message. (Bisht, R.S., 1991, Dholavira: a new horizon of the Indus Civilization. Puratattva, Bulletin of Indian Archaeological Society, 20: 81; now also Parpola 1994: 113). 

                                    This first sign board of the world verily constitutes the Bronze Age Standard of Eurasia -- not merely a Meluhha Standard.Ancient Near East Bronze Age Meluhha, smithy/lapidary documents, takṣat vāk, incised speech [Evidence from sites surrounding Bhuj in Kutch: Kanmer, Dholavira, Gola Dhoro (Bagasra), Shikarpur, Khirsara, Surkotada, Desalpur, Konda Bhadli, Juni Kuran, Narapa]


                                    The Northern Gateway signboard has invited visiting seafaring merchants into a Bronze Age smithy-forge complex. The centre-piece is the ceremonial stadium which displays the artifacts of metallurgical competence of Dholavira or Kotda artisans. The two skambhas and the entry into the pedestal with the kole.l 'temple' which is also a 'smithy-forge' is a celebration of the production of alloys of metal and castings of metalwork.

                                    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/skambha-sivalinga-temple-in-dholavira.html

                                    https://www.academia.edu/7313636/Harappan_Metallurgy_published_by_Vivekanand_International_Foundation 

                                    Harappan Metallurgy published by Vivekanand International Foundation, in: Protohistoric foundations, II.4.5 Metallurgy, Ravindra Singh, pp.212-234 See Table 1 with percentage compositions on metal objects of civilization: Cu, Sn, As, Fe, Ph, Ni (Analyses by Muhammad Sana Ullah (After Marshall 1931: 484)

                                    అయస్కాంతము [ ayaskāntamu ] ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. సూదంటురాయి అయస్కారుడుayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. కమ్మరిఅయస్సు ayassu. n. Iron. ఇనుము.,అయోమయము (p. 0077) [ ayōmayamu ] ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. Made of iron; abstruse, hard, difficult. 

                                    ఇనప (p. 0136) [ inapa ] inapa. [Tel. for ఇనుప] Made of iron. See ఇనుము.ఇనుము (p. 0137) [ inumu ] inumu [Tel.] n. Iron. ఇనుప made of iron. ఇనుపగొలుసు an iron chain. ఇనుపకచ్చ an iron girdle, i.e., continence, chastity.


                                    இரும்பு irumpu, n. < இரு-மை. cf. செம்பு for செம்மை. [T. inumu, M. irumbu.] 1. Iron, literally, the black metal; கரும்பொன். (தேவா. 209, 3.) 2. Instrument, weapon: ஆயுதம். இரும்பு மேல் விடாது நிற்பார் (சீவக. 782).


                                    లోహము [ lōhamu ] lōhamu. [Skt.] n. Metal in general, అష్టలోహసామాన్యము. Iron. ఇనుము, పంచలోహములు the five metals, viz., gold, silver, brass, bronze and iron. అష్టలోహములు include lead, tin and another metal called ధీవరములోహకారకుడు lōha-kārakuḍu. n. A blacksmith. కరమల
                                    వాడు, కమ్మరిలోహజిత్తు lōha-jittu. n. A diamond (as "surpassing all metals" in hardness.),వజ్రములోహితము [ lōhitamu ] lōhitamu. [Skt.] n. Ruby colour, redness, రక్తవర్ణము, గుధిరము. Blood, నెత్తురుadj. Red. ఎర్రని.లోహితకము
                                     lōhitakamu. n. A ruby. కెంపులోహితాంగుడు or లోహితుడు lōhit-ānguḍu. n. The planet Mars. అంగారకుడు.లోహితాశ్వుడు lōhit-āṣvuḍu. n. Fire. అగ్ని
                                    హోత్రుడులౌహిత్యము lauhityamu. n. A blush, redness. ఎరుపు."

                                    S. Kalyanaraman
                                    Sarasvati Research Center
                                    October 11, 2015
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