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Skambha (Sivalinga) temple in Dholavira consistent with deciphered Indus Script Sign Board. Evidence for Siva worship.

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/qetwb4l

I submit that Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta provides the AdhyAtmikA elaboration of the skambha as the axis mundi and the very embodiment of light in creation and all life-activities like the ones signified on Indus Script Corpora including Dholavira Signboard, two skambhas of Dholavira and six sivalingas of Harappa.

"...Chapter 5. Abyaktalingalakshana. The dimensions of the 'ummanifest (avyakta) lingas, i.e. those made of stone and other materials. Here the word linga is used in the general sense of symbol of Siva and NOT in the sense of 'phallus' See Brunner 1965,p.325." (Contents of the Pratishthalakshanasaarasamuccaya PLSS with 32 chapters cited in: compilation of Two manuscripts of the PLSS by Gudrun Buhnemann. 2003, India books, Varanasi, p. 11).

I submit that the two skambha of Dholavira have to be viewed in the context of related archaeo-architectural artefacts. 

An observer standing in the middle of the two skambhas sees an 8-shaped ring of stones at a higher elevation, placed atop a pedestal. 

The 8-shaped ring of stones is adjacent to another circle of stones. There is archaeological evidence that such circles of stones and 8-shaped rings of stone sometimes embedded with pillars like offering stands signify veneration of ancestors, pitr-s, departed aatman. Within the 8-shaped ring of stones two offering pedestals are seen.

The entire complex dominated by the two skambhas is accessible from two gateways: northern and eastern gateways and constitutes the center-piece of activities of the community in the settlement and could have been a ceremonial ground for community festivities as RS Bisht notes.

I submit that the two skambhas signify hieroglyph-multiplexes of the expression:  dul meṛed, cast iron. This expression is contrasted with koṭe meṛed = forged iron (Mundari). The 8-shaped rings of stone and related architectural artefacts sigifies kole.l 'smithy' Rebus: kole.l 'temple'. A temple is a place where ancedstors, pitr-s are venerated. The products of the smithy are divine sparks from the  khār- खार् -waṭh -वठ् । large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil or airaṇ  'anvil' in the smithy-forge.

The two skambhas signify an entry into the kole.l 'smithy-forge' where iron is cast by the artisans of Dholavira or Kotda. The metallurgical competence of Kotda or Dholavira artisans is signified by the monumental Signboard on the Northern Gateway. The decipherd Indus Script is clear and unambiguous.

The decipherment of lokhāṇḍā 'metal implements' signified by the Dholavira skambha (pillars of light) is consistent with the decipherment of Dholavira signboard as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork. 

The signboard connotes in Meluhhaspeech (Pro-Prakritam language): Meluhha copper metalworking and lapidary (engraving, bead-making) complex of Bronze Age:

1. dhatu dul eraka  'mineral, cast (metal), molten cast copper
2.khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’. aduru ‘native metal’ kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe' (engraving)  eraka 'molten cast copper'
3. loh ‘(copper) metal’ kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.) eraka'molten cast copper'

Sivalinga in Dholavira depicted as mēḍhī 'pillar, part of a stupa' (Pali. Marathi) Rebus:meḍ 'iron, metalwork, metal castings'

मेढ a stake (Marathi) is also signified by a pillar.

Santali glosses.

The expression dul m~r.he~t 'cast iron' is signified by a pair of pillars: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' 

http://youtu.be/yurWejkT9Sc Entrance to Citadel, Dholavira



The concentric circles of timber posts found in Tarim Basin may also compare with concentric circles of stones found in Ukherda and Dholavira. See also polished stone pillars found in Dholavira and stone sivalinga found in Harappa.
Ukherda Burial GroundUkherda Burial GroundAncient graveyard, near Nakhtarna, Kutch: anthropomorphic menhirsUkherda Burial GroundUkherda Burial GroundUkherda burial ground, cemetery.Ukherda Burial Ground
Barrow Cemetery in IndiaNear Nakhtarana in Kutch, Gujarat, there is a large cemetery and cremation ground called Ukherda by the locals. There are also ancient hero and Sati stones. http://www.megalithic.co.uk/article.php?sid=26370

Remains of Circular hutments (?) joined in 8-shape with stone pillar fragments at the centre of each circle, close to the area where two polished stone pillars (sivalinga?) were found. Did these circular stone remnants, denote a smithy? In Kota language (Indian sprachbund, Mleccha-Meluhha) kole.l 'smithy, temple'.

The report on excavations 1989-2005 at Dholavira (RS Bisht 2015) is a celebration. 940 pages, 120MB, the full text of the draft report will be made available for those interested: email: kalyan97@gmail.com 

http://asi.nic.in/pdf_data/dholavira_excavation_report_cover.pdf

Dholavira on the Rann of Kutch (as a Gateway into the Persian Gulf) in reference to the locus of maritime sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization


Dholavira location in the Gulf of Kutch and Interaction networks (After Kenoyer, harappa.com)

It is a celebration because it helps reconstruct the worship in Skambha (Siva) temple in Dholavira in the context of the decipherment of Indus Script Corpora and the Dholavira Signboard with hieroglyph-multiplexes rendered rebus-metonymy-layer in Meluhha (Proto-Prakritam). This note 1) identifies the pitr-s of present-day Bharatam Janam with roots found on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati; 2) outlines a lexis of Meluhha, the speechform of Proro-Prakritam spoken by the pitr-s; 3) delineates the life-activity of the pitr-s involved in metalwork and cire perdue metal casting of the Bronze Age along the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa; and 4) reconstructs an expression of cultural orientations of Sarasvati's children with the worship of Skambha (Siva) temple, apart from the evidences of Sivalingas and Pillars (skambha) found in Harappa and Dholavira respectively.


The chalcolithic nature of the site and the reasons for comparison with arsenical-copper cire perdue artefacts of Nahal Mishmar are based on a remarkable find at Dholavira of a copper alloy fragment.


Copper alloy fragment from Dholavira (After Fig. 11.77 in RS Bisht, 2015, opcit., p.810. Preliminary analysis report of Dholavira copper objects by Sharada Srinivasan presented in 11.3 of the report. This follows the identification and analysis of stones and metals by Randall W. Law presented in Chapter 11.1 of the report.


"A metallic copper waste has been studied (29830, Fig. 11.89), as well as a pin fragment (29537, Fig. 11.90). Both samples contain much arsenic (from 1 to 3 wt%. Some nickel and iron are also systematically present, and in prill 29830 some cobalt was detected." (ibid., pp.823-824)


See: http://tinyurl.com/nbjro2v Excavations at Dholavira 1989-2005 (RS Bisht, 2015) Full text including scores of Indus inscriptions announced for the first time. Report validates Indus script cipher as layered rebus-metonymy.


In continuation of this validation, the Skambha (Siva) temple in Dholavira is identified in this note and compared with Ein Gedi chalcolithic temple, not far from Nahal Mishmar.


The roots of Hindu civilization are firmly anchored in archaeo-architectural and philological terms in the cultural artefacts revealed in archaeological excavations of sites most of which (about 80%) are on the bank of Vedic River Sarasvati in Northwest Bharatam. The philological terms are apparent from the stunning enquiry in 44 inquiries in Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta.


This note recreates the Skambha (Siva) temple in Dholavira based on these evidences. A striking feature is that the 8-shaped sanctum sanctorum is comparable to the architectural outline recreated in chalcolithic temple of Ein Gedi (explaining the context of Nahal Mishmar cire perdue alloy artefacts which also signify Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes of antelope, aquatic bird, frame of temple and procession standards).


General view of the Tumulus. Dholavira venerating the ancestors (pitr-s)(After Fig. 9.11 RS Bisht opcit.) This compares with the general view of Ein Gedi layout.

Excavated temple of Ein Gedi with background of modern Kibbutz and Dead Sea.Chalcolithic Temple above spring and modern Kibbutz Ein Gedi
Sceptre from the Nahal Mishmar hoard (replica)
See: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00438243.1988.9980066  PRS Moorey, 1988, The chalcolithic hoard from Nahal Mishmar, Israel, in context, in: World Archaeology, Vol. 20, Issue 2, 188, pp. 171-189 "Abstract. The earlier fourth millennium BC hoard of over 400 copper objects and thirteen of other materials discovered in 1961 in a cave in the Nahal Mishmar, west of the Dead Sea in Israel, is of worldwide significance for the earliest history of copper metallurgy. This paper, in seeking to make the hoard's significance more explicit, argues that it is all the product of settlements in the northern Negev of Israel probably obtaining their copper from mines in the Wadi Feinan, Jordan. It may originally have come from a local temple treasury."
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A 10-lettered signboard (?) found in the western chamber of North Gate of castle. c. 2500-1900 BCE (ASI)
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After Fig. 8.287 In situ location of short cylindrical element of pillars (RS Bisht, opcit., p. 581)

A late Harappan house with reused pillar members c 1900-1500 BCE (ASI) 
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Pillar members found from various trenches from Dholavira. (ASI website opcit.)
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Drain to the west of the ceremonial ground (ASI)
Stone drain channel (After Figs. 8.300 to 8.302 RS Bisht opcit.)
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North Gate of Castle. General View. Harappan period. c. 2500-1900 BCE (ASI)
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North Gate of Castle. Harappan period c. 2500-1900 BCE (ASI)
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General view of the eastern arm of fortification of Castle and the East Gate in the foreground. Harappan period. c. 2500-1900 BCE (ASI)
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Southern chamber of East gate with pillar members in situ. Castle. Harappan period c. 2500-1900 BCE.

"Being one among the five largest Harappan cities in the subcontinent, Dholavira has yielded many firsts in respect of Indus civilization. Fourteen field seasons of excavation through an enormous deposit caused by the successive settlements at the site for over 1500 years during all through the 3rd millennium and unto the middle of the 2nd millennium BC have revealed seven significant cultural stages documenting the rise and fall of the Indus civilization in addition to bringing to light a major, a model city which is remarkable for its exquisite planning, monumental structures, aesthetic architecture, amazing water harvesting system and a variety in funerary architecture. It also enjoys the unique distinction of yielding an inscription made up of ten large-sized signs of the Indus script and, not less in importance, is the other find of a fragment of a large slab engraved with three large signs. This paper attempts to give an account of hydro-engineering that is manifest in the structures of the Harappans at Dholavira.

The ancient site at Dholavira (230 53' 10" N; 700 13'E), taluka Bhachau, district Kachchh in state Gujarat, lies in the island of Khadir which, it turn, is surrounded by the salt waste of the Great Rann of Kachchh. The ancient settlement is embraced by two monsoon channels, namely, the Manhar and Mansar. The ruins, including the cemetery covers an area of about 100 hectares half of which is appropriated by the articulately fortified settlement of the Harappans alone.
The salient components of the full-grown cityscape consisted of a bipartite 'citadel', a 'middle town' and a 'lower town', two 'stadia', an 'annexe', a series of reservoirs all set within an enormous fortification running on all four sides. Interestingly, inside the city, too, there was an intricate system of fortifications. The city was, perhaps, configured like a large parallelogram boldly outlined by massive walls with their longer axis being from the east to west. On the bases of their relative location, planning, defences and architecture, the three principal divisions are designed tentatively as 'citadel', 'middle town', and 'lower town'....

The citadel at Dholavira, unlike its counterparts at Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Kalibangan but like that at Banawali, was laid out in the south of the city area. Like Kalibangan and Surkotada it had two conjoined subdivisions, tentatively christened at Dholavira as 'castle' and 'bailey', located on the east and west respectively, both are fortified ones. The former is the most zealously guarded by impregnable defences and aesthetically furnished with impressive gates, towers, salients and drainage. To the north of the citadel a broad and long ground, probably used for multiple purposes such as community gathering on festive or ceremonial occasions, a stadium and a marketing place for exchanging merchandise during trading seasons (s). Further north, there was laid out the enwalled middle town while to its east was founded the lower town. The last -mentioned one did not have an appurtenant fortification though, it was set within the general circumvallation....



 Sl. No.  Division Width Length Ratio
1City, internal 616.87711.104 : 5
2Castle, internal at available top921144 : 5
3Castle, external (as per present exposure)1181514 : 5
4Citadel (castle + bailey), external approximately (including bastions)1402801 : 2
5Bailey, internal1201201 : 1
6Middle Town + Stadium, internal290.45340.56 : 7
7Middle Town, excluding Stadium, internal242340.55 : 7
8Stadium, internal47.52831 : 6
9Lower Town, built-up area3003001 : 1

The above table inter alia reveals the proportional relationship between the castle and the city so it does in respect of intra-divisional and inter-divisional measurements. It is interesting to give another illustration: the diagonal drawn between the two opposite angles made by the north-eastern and the south-western corners of the city touched the north-western corner of the castle. While of the remaining two, the south-eastern corner is still missing, or not found out, a line, therefore bisecting the north-western angle also bisected the north-western corner of the middle town and further on cut across a crossing of four streets and finally the north-eastern corner of the castle. This could have been achieved by precise mathematical calculations and drawings which were then translated on the ground that was undulating by 13 m in gradient. It was indeed a great engineering achievement. In the whole scheme, the enwalled area of the castle became 49th (7 X 7) part of the city while its total built-up area was 25th (5 X 5) part...

We may not be elaborating on the other gates in the city. However, the east gate of the great stadium and the similarly located gate of the middle town, both intercommunicating with the lower town, were also quite elaborate and impressive. Significantly, the west gate of the same stadium was connected with a long and broad corridor with a storm water drain running underneath. The late Harappans gate openings were simple and unpretentious. They were also however using many a Harappan gates.

Very likely, the north gate and also the east gate inter alia served the purpose of royal procession on occasions and the little stadium had a role in that too.

Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan have open space between citadel and lower town. At Harappa and Rakhigarhi, it lies to the east of citadel and north of lower town. Archaeologically speaking, no convincing proof of use(s) of such space has been put forward so far. Now, Dholavira can claim a solution to the riddle. It has shown up two such open grounds which should have been put to multipurpose uses such as community gathering on festive or special occasions, royal ceremonies, sports and entertainment and commercial activities during trading season. Propositions are based on their location, architectural specialties and antiquarian tidbits that were found in course of excavation. There are two such closed arenas. One, lying between citadel and middle town and being provided with two major gates, one on each on east and west, measured 283 m E-W and 45 to 47m N.S (ratio 6:1). It was also furnished with tiered, stepped or sloping stands on all four sides. For convenience, we may refer it as stadium or rather the great stadiums while the other one, far smaller is called the little stadium. The latter that was separated by massive stand from, but connected through an opening to, the former, lay right under the shadow of the pre-eminent castle onto which it abutted at the north-western corner. Both the stadia should have been used for some common as well as some separate function. To conclude, we may add that the great stadium is perhaps the largest in length while both are the earliest so far as archaeology has evidenced.  http://asi.nic.in/asi_exca_2007_dholavira.asp


After Fig. 8.304 RS Bisht opcit. Free standing columns in situ.

After Fig. 8.305 RS Bisht opcit. Details of free standing columns.


After Fig. 8.303 RS Bisht opcit. Free standing columns in situ.

'Section 8.9.2.2 Free standing columns. At least six examples of freestanding columns were discovered from the excavations. These freestanding columns are tall and slender pillaqrs with circular cross-section and with a top resembling a phallus or they are phallic in nature. That is why most of them were found in an intentionally damaged and smashed condition. The phallus is depicted realistically with even the drawing of foreskin shown clearly. Two of these freestanding columns are found near eastern end of high street of Castle. These columns measure nearly 1.5 m in height and are found at the strategic location of entering into the high street from the east gate of Castle. These two columns are placed in such a manner at the beginning of high street that it divides the street into three equal parts. The other freestanding columns of the same variety and typology, numbering into four was found in a completely smashed and broken condition. Two of such columns were found in a secondary condition, fittes as a masonry subsequent structure. One such column was found embedded in a masonry of Tank A while the other one was found in a masonry in a later period structure near the western fortification of Castle. Two more examples, completely smashed and destroyed one were also found, one near the western end of Ceremonial Ground and the second one near the north gate of Castle. The destruction and desecration of these columns can be equated with that of the damage caused to the stone statue, which clearly indicates a change in ideology and traditions, customs after the Harappanphase. The exact nature of the two free standing columns to the east of high street is also not ascertainable and it is also difficult to determine whether they are in their primary or secondary context. Interestingly, all these stone columns have a roughened and irregularly chipped bottom which is a clear indication of burying them up to the irregular portion so that polished and highly finished upper portion can remain above the ground." (RS Bisht, opcit., pp.589-591)



"8.9.3 Stone statue. The Dholavira statue is perhaps the largest that Harappans ever attempted. It was found placed upside down as a building block of a wall that was raised by the late Harappans to retain the tilting and bulging northern wall of the passageway of east gate of Castle. It is made of porous limy sandstone with weak matrix. It was in a seating position with a flat base, arms resting on the knees, with both the knees drawn up and kept apart as if to show the genitals as the sculpture has shown no feature of clothing. The statue depicts a male individual and its execution is close to realistic. The belly is shown protruding. The rear portion of the statue also shows evidence of depiction of hair lots falling down, which is also damaged. It was certainly vandalised, possibly just like all the statues, which were found in Mohenjo-daro. The genitals were intentionally rubbed off and damaged. A mould was prepared of this tatue and a cast was prepared which clearly indicated the closure details of even the genitals. It also clearly indicated the rubbing off of the genitals intentionally while the other details of genitals were clearly visible. It suggests that it was related to phallus worship, which is nicely corroborated by quite a few finials of pillars with carving in the shape of phallus." (RS Bisht, opcit., pp. 591-592)

Seated posture of a 'priest' signified by this stone image is comparable to other artefacts of the civilization.
Mohenjo-daro, Seated male figure with head missing. On the back of the figure, the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair and a braided lock of hair.  A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body.Mohenjo-daro, Seated male figure with head missing. On the back of the figure, the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair and a braided lock of hair. A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body.

harappa.com One ancient priest is called PotR 'purifier' The cognate glosses also refer to an ancestral figure, a grandfather,a venerated person. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/dotted-circle-fillet-trefoil-robe.html पोतृ pōt " Purifier " , Name of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (Rigveda) pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) pōtṛ पोतृ m. 1 One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). -2 An epithet of Viṣṇu. pōtram पोत्रम् [पू-त्र] 1 The snout of a hog; धृतविधुरधरं महा- वराहं गिरिगुरुपोत्रमपीहितैर्जयन्तम् Bk.1.6; Ki.13.53. -2 A boat, ship. -3 A plough share. -4 The thunderbolt. -5 A garment. -6 The office of the Potṛi. -Comp. -आयुधः a hog, boar. (Samskritam. Apte) போற்றன் pōṟṟaṉ , n. prob. id. Grandfather; பாட்டன். (நாமதீப. 189.) போற்றுநர் pōṟṟunar n. < போற்று-. 1. Relatives, kinsmen; சுற்றத்தார். போற்றா ருயிரினும் போற்றுந ருயிரினும் (பரிபா. 4, 52). 2. Those who understand; நன்குணர்வார். வேற்றுமை யின்றது போற்றுநர்ப் பெறினே (பரிபா. 4, 55). 
போத்தி pōtti , n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன்.  पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv.
Like TA Gopinatha Rao, RS Bisht has erred in jumping to the suggestion of 'phallus worship' based on the iconograhic analyses presented.

I submit that an alternative explanation is offered by the Candi Sukuh evidence of the rebus reading of the hieroglyph-multiplexes as lokhāṇḍā 'metal implements'.  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/cipher-of-indus-script-corpora-explains.html

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/04/dholavira-1-signboard-and-2-stone.html


The signboard deciphered in three segments from r.


Segment 1: Working in ore, molten cast copper, lathe (work)

ḍato ‘claws or pincers of crab (Santali) rebus: dhatu ‘ore’ (Santali) 



eraka ‘knave of wheel’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) eraka ‘molten cast (metal)(Tulu). sanga'pair' Rebus: sangaa‘lathe’ (Gujarati) 



 Segment 2: Native metal tools, pots and pans, metalware, engraving (molten cast copper)


खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.


aḍaren, ḍaren lid, cover (Santali) Rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) (Siddhānti Subrahmaya’ śāstri’s new interpretation of the Amarakośa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330) 


koṇḍa bend (Ko.); Tu. Kōḍi  corner; kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b)  G. khū̃ṭṛī  f. ʻangleʼ Rebus:kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ  = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)  A. kundār, B. kũdār, ri, Or.Kundāru; H. kũderā m. ‘one who works a lathe, one who scrapes’,  f., kũdernā ‘to scrape, plane, round on a lathe’; kundakara— m. ‘turner’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3297). कोंदण [ kōndaṇa ] n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems.(Marathi) খোদকার [ khōdakāra ] n an engraver; a carver. খোদকারি n. engraving; carving; interference in other’s work. খোদাই [ khōdāi ] n engraving; carving. খোদাই করা v. to engrave; to carve. খোদানো v. & n. en graving; carving. খোদিত [ khōdita ] a engraved. (Bengali) खोदकाम [ khōdakāma ] n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver. खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work. खोदणावळ [ khōdaṇāvaḷa ] f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving. खोदणी [ khōdaṇī ] f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. V लावमांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith’s die. खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or –पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe. खोदाई [ khōdāī ] f (H.) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving. खोदींव [ khōdīṃva ] p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured. (Marathi)

eraka ‘knave of wheel’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) eraka ‘molten cast (metal)(Tulu).

Segment 3:  Coppersmith mint, furnace, workshop (molten cast copper)


loa ’fig leaf; Rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’ kamaḍha 'ficus religiosa' (Skt.); kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.) The unique ligatures on the 'leaf' hieroglyph may be explained as a professional designation: loha-kāra 'metalsmith'kāruvu  [Skt.] n. 'An artist, artificer. An agent'.(Telugu)

khuṇṭa 'peg’; khũṭi = pin (M.) rebus: kuṭi= furnace (Santali) kūṭa ‘workshop’ kuṇḍamu ‘a pit for receiving and preserving consecrated fire’ (Te.) kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.)

eraka ‘knave of wheel’ Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Kannada) eraka ‘molten cast (metal)(Tulu).
Dholavira Signboard inscription of gypsum inlays on wood measures 3 m. long. Each of the 10 signs is 37 cm. high and 25 to 27 cm. wide and made of pieces of white gypsum inlays; the signs were apparently inlaid in a wooden plank. The conjecture is that this wooden plank was mounted on the Northern Gateway as a Signboard. 

Dholavira Signboard


The Signboard which adorned the Northern Gateway of the citadel of Dholavira was an announcement of the metalwork repertoire of dhokra kamarcire perdue metalcasters and other smiths working with metal alloys. The entire Indus Script Corpora are veritable metalwork catalogs. The phrase dhokra kamar is rendered on a tablet discovered at Dholavira presented in this monograph (earlier discussed at 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-1-dhokra-lost-wax.html ). The 10-hieroglyph inscription of Dholavira Signboard has been read rebus and presented at 
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/dholavira-gateway-to-meluhha-gateway-to.html

Excerpts from Excavation Report on Dholavira released by ASI in 2015:

"8.1 Inscriptions. Literacy of the Harappans is best exemplified in their inscriptions written in a script that is unparalleled in its characters hitherto unknown and undeciphered so far. These inscriptions are best represented on their seals and seals-impressions in addition to those engraved or painted on the objects of metal, terracotta, pottery, faience, ivory, bone and stone, albeit sometimes appearing in a single sign inscription or scratching particularly on pottery or terracotta objects. 8.1.1 Signboard. One of the most prominent discoveries from the excavations at Dholavira is the find of a 10 large sized signboard presently lying in the western chamber of North Gate. This inscription was found lying in the western chamber of north gate, and the nature of find indicates that it could have been fitted on a wooden signboard, most probably fitted above the lintel of the central passageway of the gate. The central passageway of north gate itself measures 3.5 m in width and the length of the inscription along with the wooden frame impression is also more or less same thereby indicating the probable location. The inscription consists of 10 large-sized letters of the typical Harappan script, and is actually gypsum inlays cut into various sizes and shapes, which were utilized to create each size as, indicated above. The exact meaning of the inscription is not known in the absence of decipherment of script." (pp.227-229, Section 8.1.1 Signboard)


"The central passageway of north gate itself measures 3.5 m in width and the length of the inscription along with the wooden frame impression is also more or less same thereby indicating the probable location. The inscription consists of 10 large-sized letters of the typical Harappan script, and is actually gypsum inlays cut into various sizes and shapes, which were utilized to create each size as, indicated above. The exact meaning of the inscription is not known in the absence of decipherment of the script. (p.231)


Fig. 8.2: Location of ten large sized inscription in North Gate


Fig. 8.3: Close-up of inscription



Fig. 8.4: Drawing showing the ten letters of inscription




Fig. 8.5: Photograph showing the details of inscription in situ.


Fig. 8.6: Close-up of some of the letters from the inscription


Fig. 8.7: Gypsum inlays used for the inscription

Dholavira Stone inscription



"The stone block is badly eroded and peeling off in layers could be noticed. The inscription consists of four letters partially preserved due to the eroding nature of the stone. As the stone member was found fixed in masonry of the square underground chambers, it can be deduced that it could have been damaged and hence used as part of a masonry as its original meaning might have been lost. The extant length of the inscription is 16.5 cm while the width is 8 cm. The inscription consists of four letters, while three letters are clearly visible, the fourth one towards the left end is not clearly visible." (p.230, Section 8.1.2 Inscription on a stone block) This stone block was found at the southern portion of Bailey. "The inscription was found on the shorter face of a portion of what could be a larger rectangular slab, originally a lintel of a doorway." (p.229)

Fig. 8.8: Inscription on a stone block from Bailey, Dholavira.


Fig. 8.9: Drawing of the inscription found on a stone block, Bailey. The extant length of the inscription is 16.5 cm while the width is 8 cm. Has 4 signs.This was found in 'one of the four square underground chambers found at the southern portion of the Bailey. This could be part of what a rectangular limestone slab, originally a lintel of a doorway.

The cumulative readings of inscriptions found in Dholavira and in the entire Indus Script Corpora -- which constitute a catalogus catalogorum of metalwork by Meluhha-Mleccha artisans -- attest to the possible role of Signboard and Stone inscriptions as Dwaraka (gateway) of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization announcing to seafaring merchants from Ancient Near East the competence of dhokra kamar artisans of ancient Bharatam Janam. The glosses realized to denote the hieroglyphs and their rebus-metonymy layered renderings point to the lexical repertoire of the artisans denoting Meluhha/Mleccha parole as Prakritam of Indian sprachbund.


Dholavira Stone inscription measures 16.5 cm l. x 8 cm.w. The inscription is deciphered as metalwork catalog: 

1. Hieroglyph: aduru 'harrow' rebus: aduru 'native metal'; 

2. Hieroglyph: kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'; 

3. Hieroglyph: eraka 'nave of wheel'āra 'spoke' Rebus: eraka 'molten cast' (Tulu); arka 'copper' (Samskritam) ara 'brass'.ārakUTa id. (Samskritam) 4.Hieroglpy ligature: A spoked wheel is ligatured within a rhombus: kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'; eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'copper, moltencast'

See:


1. https://www.academia.edu/12012020/Excavations_at_Dholavira_1989-2005_RS_Bisht_2015_Full_text_including_scores_of_Indus_inscriptions_announced_for_the_first_time._Report_validates_Indus_script_cipher_as_layered_rebus-metonymy


Hieroglyphs on Dholavira stone inscription (four hieroglyphs from r.)

 Hieroglyph: aḍar ‘harrow’Rebus: Ta. ayil iron. Ma. ayir, ayiram any ore. Ka. aduru native metal. Tu. ajirda karba very hard iron.(DEDR 192)


kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'.



Hieroglyph: eraka 'nave of wheel' āra 'spoke' Rebus: eraka 'molten cast' (Tulu); arka 'copper' (Samskritam) ara 'brass'.ārakUTa id. (Samskritam)

The fourth sign can be compared with the ligatured hieroglyph inscribed on a Rakhigarhi lead ingot.


Hieroglpy ligature: A spoked wheel is ligatured within a rhombus: kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'; eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'copper, moltencast'



A ‘harrow’ hieroglyph is shown on one of the two seals found at Altyn-depe (Excavation 9 and 7)  found in the shrine and in the 'elite quarter’.( Masson, VM, Seals of a Proto-Indian Type from Altyn-depe, pp. 149-162; V.M. Masson, Urban Centers of Early Class Society, pp. 135-148; I.N. Khlopin, The Early bronze age cemetery in Parkhai II: The first two seasons of excavations, 1977-78, pp. 3-34 in:  Philip L. Kohl (ed.), 1981, The Bronze Age Civilization in Central Asia, Armonk, NY, ME Sharpe, Inc.) 

The hieroglyphs on Altyn-depe seals have been read using rebus-metonymy layere cipher in Meluhha:aḍar ‘harrow’; aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.)  kolmo ‘paddy plant’ (Santali); rebus: kolami ‘furnace, smithy’ (Te.) sathiyā (H.), sāthiyo (G.); satthia, sotthia (Pkt.) svastikā sign Rebus: Kashmiri: zasath ज़स््थ् or zasuth ज़सुथ् । त्रपु m. (sg. dat.zastas ज़स्तस्), zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jasti jasti;  त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम् adj. c.g. made of zinc or pewter. jasthजस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. jastuvu जस्तुवु त्रपूद्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter. Thus, the three hieroglyphs of Altyn Depe seals refer to jastuvu 'zinc' (for zinc-copper alloy of bronze), aduru 'native metal' (unalloyed) and  kolmo 'smithy'. Alternative vernacular forms of 'zinc' in Indian sprachbund: satthiya 'svastika glyph' Rebus satthiya, jasta 'zinc' (Kashmiri. Kannada); sattva 'zinc' (Prakrit).


Hieroglyph: aḍar ‘harrow’ Rebus: aduru = gaṇiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Tamil); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Malayalam) Kurku.adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Maltese. adru broken grain (DEDR 134).

Alternative: H.
 dãtāwlī f. ʻ rake, harrow ʼ. (CDIAL 6162). Ku. danīṛo m. ʻ harrow ʼ; N. dãde ʻ toothed ʼ sb. ʻ harrow ʼ; A. dãtīyā ʻ having new teeth in place of the first ʼ, dãtinī ʻ woman with projecting teeth ʼ; Or. dāntiā ʻ toothed ʼ; H. dãtī f. ʻ harrow ʼ; G. dã̄tiyɔ m. ʻ semicircular comb ʼ, dãtiyɔ m. ʻ harrow ʼ. (CDIAL 6163). G. dã̄tɔ m. ʻ a kind of rake or harrow ʼ(CDIAL 6153). Pk. daṁtāla -- m., °lī -- f. ʻ grass -- cutting instrument ʼ; S. ḍ̠andārī f. ʻ rake ʼ, L. (Ju.) ḍ̠ãdāl m., °lī f.; Ku. danyālo m. ʻharrowʼ danyāw   (y from danīṛo < dantín  -- ); N.dãtār ʻ tusked ʼ (← a Bi. form); A. dãtāl adj. ʻ tusked ʼ, sb. ʻ spade ʼ; B. dãtāl ʻ toothed ʼ; G. dãtāḷ n., °ḷī f. ʻ harrow ʼ; M. dã̄tāḷ ʻ having projecting teeth ʼ, dã̄tāḷ°ḷēdãtāḷ n. ʻ harrow, rake ʼ.Garh. dãdāḷu ʻ forked implement ʼ, Brj. dãtāldãtāro ʻ toothed ʼ, m. ʻ elephant ʼ. (CDIAL 6160). On a Mohenjo-daro seal, ayo 'fish' read rebus ayas 'metal'; Allograph: ḍangar 'bull' Rebus ḍhangar 'blacksmith' (Hindi) ṭhākur ʻblacksmithʼ (Maithili) Rebus: dhatu ‘ore’ (Santali) 

The name of the Dholavira village is koTDa. Sign 244 and variants could be a representation of a warehouse (granary) with three rows of pillars to hold storage planks to stock metal/stone artefacts. See the photos of a number of warehouses in Harappa; and of what is called a "granary room" in Mohenjodaro. These structures compare with the Sign 244. These structural remains have also been interpreted by many archaeologists as a granary.


Dholavira. gateway. A designer's impressions (reconstruction) of the world's first signboard on the gateway of fortification or citadel.
Dholavira (Kotda) on Kadir island, Kutch, Gujarat; 10 signs inscription found near the western chamber of the northern gate of the citadel high mound (Bisht, 1991: 81, Pl. IX); each sign is 37 cm. high and 25 to 27 cm. wide and made of pieces of white crystalline rock; the signs were apparently inlaid in a wooden plank ca. 3 m. long; maybe, the plank was mounted on the facade of the gate to command the view of the entire cityscape. Ten signs are read from left to right. The 'spoked circle' sign seems to be the divider of the three-part message. (Bisht, R.S., 1991, Dholavira: a new horizon of the Indus Civilization. Puratattva, Bulletin of Indian Archaeological Society, 20: 81; now also Parpola 1994: 113). 

This first sign board of the world verily constitutes the Bronze Age Standard of Eurasia -- not merely a Meluhha Standard.Ancient Near East Bronze Age Meluhha, smithy/lapidary documents, takṣat vāk, incised speech [Evidence from sites surrounding Bhuj in Kutch: Kanmer, Dholavira, Gola Dhoro (Bagasra), Shikarpur, Khirsara, Surkotada, Desalpur, Konda Bhadli, Juni Kuran, Narapa]


The Northern Gateway signboard has invited visiting seafaring merchants into a Bronze Age smithy-forge complex. The centre-piece is the ceremonial stadium which displays the artifacts of metallurgical competence of Dholavira or Kotda artisans. The two skambhas and the entry into the pedestal with the kole.l 'temple' which is also a 'smithy-forge' is a celebration of the production of alloys of metal and castings of metalwork.

The skambhas as sivalinga are like the ekamukha linga on Bhuteswar and Mathura sculptural friezes the lokhāṇḍā 'metal implements' and dul meṛed, 'cast iron' inviting the visiting seafaring merchants into kole.l 'temple' which is kole.l 'smithy-forge' with a kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'.

चित्र:Workship-of-Siva-Linga-by-the-Gandharvas-Mathura-Museum-11.jpgWorship of Shiva Linga by Gandharvas - Shunga Period - Bhuteshwar - ACCN 3625 Mathura Museum. This is worship by kharva 'dwarfs' gaNa of Siva, celebrating Kubera's nidhi also called kharva Rebus: karb 'iron' (Tulu)
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE
Dholavira (Kotda).The two 'sthambs', or polished pillars, which are claimed to resemble Sivalingas, in the citadel.

These pillars evoke the imageries of a festival which is celebrated even today by Lingavantas, particularly in Karnataka.

These pillars at Dholavira could be a depiction of pillars of flame as Sivalinga. 

Etyma from Meluhha (Mleccha) point to khoṇḍ as a square (Santali) , the type of square on which two pillars are found in Dholavira. Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali). kũdar ‘brass-worker, turner’. Thus, koṇḍ habba is a celebration of the life-activity of the lapidaries/smiths of the civilization: kõdā meaning 'lathe-turning' for making perforated beads or for turning/forging metalware..This may explain why in the tablets showing procession as a festival ceremony, two hieroglyphs are carried as standards: both hieroglyphs relate to the one-horned young bull and the standard device (lathe). The related words reading hieroglyphs rebus from Meluhha (Mleccha) speech are: kõdā sã̄gāḍī  Rebus words denote: ‘metals turner-joiner (forge); worker on a lathe’ – associates (guild)'.

This khoṇḍ 'square' could have been used to celebrate a festival which is called  koṇḍahabba. The adorants walk on a bed of burning embers in fulfilment of their vows. Sucha bed of burning embers might have been laid on the square linking these two pillars of Dholavira shaped like sivalingas, symbolising pillars of fire. The significance attached to th word khoṇḍ may explain the local name for Dholavira: Kotḍa.

It is notable that a smithy was a temple for Meluhhans (Mlecchas). This is evidenced by the lexeme kole.l of Kota language which means 'smithy' and also 'temple'. Thus, a smithy is a temple -- kole.l Such a gestalt relatable to the lapidaries and smiths -- miners/metalworkers may explain why the agamas prescribe the procedures for invoking divinities in sculptures in a sanctum of a temple, adorned with metallic weapons on their multiple hands.

It is, thus, possible to hypothesise that the religious practices of the people of the civilization at Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Kalibangan (where a terracotta Sivalinga has been found) and Dholavira are represented by the continuum of koṇḍahabba festivals celebrated by Lingavantas.

Turner
kundau, kundhi corner (Santali) kuṇḍa corner (S.)khoṇḍ square (Santali)  *khuṇṭa2 ʻ corner ʼ. 2. *kuṇṭa -- 2. [Cf. *khōñca -- ] 1. Phal. khun ʻ corner ʼ; H. khū̃ṭ m. ʻ corner, direction ʼ (→ P. khũṭ f. ʻ corner, side ʼ); G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻ angle ʼ. <-> X kōṇa -- : G. khuṇ f., khū˘ṇɔ m. ʻ corner ʼ. 2. S. kuṇḍa f. ʻ corner ʼ; P. kū̃ṭ f. ʻ corner, side ʼ (← H.).(CDIAL 3898).

Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post.(DEDR 1723). கற்கந்து kaṟ-kantu n. < கல் +. Stone pillar; கற்றூண். கற்கந்தும் எய்ப்போத்தும் . . . அனை யார் (இறை. 2, உரை, 27).
Evidence for Sivalinga is provided in other sites (Mohenjodaro and Harappa) of the civilization:



Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218.
Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. 
Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats,MS,  Excavations at Harappa, p. 370)



See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/04/sivalinga-in-dholavira-depicted-as.html 

Inline image 1The shape of the sivalinga in Harappa and the skambhas in Dholavira is like the Mount Kailas summit. In every Jyotirlinga temple (that is, a temple venerating Siva as a Fiery Pillar of Light), the sivalinga in the sanctum sanctorum is continuously bathed with dripping water from a vase kept atop the linga. This is a veneration of the Himalayas (Mt. Kailas) as the water-giving divinity with gllacial, perennial waters flowing from the greatest water tower of the world.
Inline image 2
Iconography provides freedom to the artisan. The two lingas in Dholavira have NO base.

Naga worshippers of fiery pillar, Amaravati stup  Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light, Sivalinga. Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 
Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Buddha, , Great Stupa of Amaravati

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html

Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Buddha,
Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta predates archaeology of Sarasvati Sindhu civilization. The civilization dates from ca. 8th millennium BCE (pace BR Mani's article) https://friendsofasi.wordpress.com/writings/the-8th-millennium-bc-in-the-lost-river-valley/ There is no mention of linga in Rigveda. S'is'nadeva is wrongly interpreted as phallus worshipper. Yaska's and Sayana's seems to be the correct interpretation. Gopinatha Rao and RS Bisht ar in error when they deduce phallus-worship. What is worshipped is the temple which is the smithy-forge-- kole.l This is consistent with the decipherment of the entire Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork. and the veneration of skambha as sivalinga in Bhuteswar and Mathura and in Amaravati



S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
September 25, 2015

In memoriam: Swami Dayananda Saraswati -- S. Gurumurthy

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Swami Dayananda, The Patriot Saint

Published: 25th September 2015 06:00 AM
Last Updated: 25th September 2015 03:12 AM
Swami Dayananda Saraswati — a master exponent of the inclusive Hindu philosophy who declared there was not ‘ONE GOD,’ but ‘ONLY GOD,’ a teacher of Vedanta who created hundreds of teachers to continue the ancient Indian tradition, a great organiser who founded the Hindu Dharma Acharya Sabha as the representative body of unorganised Hindu religious traditions, a philosopher who harmonised and validated, from the Hindu perspective of theo-diversity, all forms of worship from paganism to monism, an intellectual who re-articulated and established that religious conversion, regarded as the right of evangelist religions, is itself violence, and finally a patriot saint who, like Maharishi Aurobindo and Swami Vivekananda did, saw, in the ancient nation of India, the very manifestation of all that he had learnt and taught — is no more. Indeed he was the latest incarnation in the tradition of nationalist saints of India.
Endowed with unparalleled intellectual skills and unlimited knowledge base, Dayananda first made it a mission of his life to teach and did take Vedanta to a vast elite audience in India and outside, which would otherwise have been half-westernised in world view and as much Christianised culturally. He aligned Vedanta to India as a national entity and cultural phenomenon and to Indians as the chosen people entrusted with the sacred duty to live, sustain and protect it not only for them but also for the good of the world. In his exposition, Vedanta was not just a philosophy but it found expression in the culture and life of India founded on the idea of dharma — in its arts and music, literature and sculpture, society and family, and in the Indian traditional respect for elders, teachers and women and ultimately in the reverence for this nation itself as sacred and in the love of the entire creation, both animate and inanimate. Starting off as student and disciple of the redoubtable Swami Chinmayananda, the originator of the contemporary school of exposition of Vedanta, Dayananda Saraswati rapidly grew up as an accomplished scholar and unparalleled teacher.
After having worked for decades and succeeded in his mission to teach and create teachers of Vedanta, he turned his attention to some critical issues of contemporary importance which would have long-term and adverse implications for the very purpose and soul of this ancient nation. With this new turn, in the late 1990s a paradigm shift took place in his entire course of thought and action and this led to his founding of the Dharma Rakshana Samiti in Chennai in 1999. It was in that unique event, a confluence of some highly regarded saints, spiritualists, and intellectuals, that Swami Dayananda made one of his most memorable speeches where he declared that the very concept of religious conversion itself was violence — a spiritual, mental and cultural violence. This redefined the very notion of conversion which till then had some acceptability among non-Gandhian secularists as a right of religions — which in effect meant only the proselytising religions — to convert others to their faith. Gandhiji’s contempt for religious conversion is too well-known for the secularists to appropriate Mahatma Gandhi to support conversion as integral secularism. This is amongst the greatest contributions of Swami Dayananda to global inter-religious discourse. The redefinition of religious conversion as violence robbed the concept of conversion of benignity and exposed its malignant character.
In 1999 when the then Pope visited India, Swami Dayananda constituted and led a group of multi-religious scholars and intellectuals and welcomed but asked him to declare that he was happy to visit a nation which has respected all faiths and that he also respected all faiths. But the Pope preferred not to accept Swami Dayananda’s suggestion. However, with his unmatched intellectual prowess Swami Dayananda took the battle against conversion in world fora. He proposed self-discipline among faiths in the Millennium summit of the United Nations in the year 2000, calling upon religions to respect each other, not to abuse one another and not to convert the faithfuls of other religions by force or by inducement to one’s fold.
There was consensus on his view but finally the proselytising faiths did not agree and the Millennium harmony proposal therefore did not succeed. But it took just eight more years for Swami Dayananda to convince the world religious leaders of the need for trans-religious self-regulation.
In the human rights declaration of world religious leaders in Amsterdam on December 10, 2008 on the 60th anniversary of the UN Human Rights Declaration, all world religious leaders, including the proselytising faiths, accepted the Dayananda approach — namely that religions should mutually respect and accept each other, that they should not abuse or trivialise one another’s faiths or symbols, that they should recognise the right of a person to be in the religion of his birth, and that there should be no conversion by force or by inducement — and signed the historic declaration. It is the substance of the Amsterdam declaration which Prime Minister Narendra Modi adopted as the approach of his government to different faiths when he addressed the Christian religious meet in Delhi to celebrate the canonisation of saints from Kerala.
In this period from 1999 to 2008, Swami Dayananda undertook some far-reaching initiatives, which included the constitution of the Hindu Dharma Acharya Sabha — one of his greatest achievements and equally a great contribution to the Indian civilisation. The Acharya Sabha has given the diverse and unorganised Hindu religions, which had long suffered disadvantage relative to the organised and proselytising faiths, a platform to come together as Dharma religions and participate in the global discourse. Till then, any secularist masquerading as a religious person would sign on the dotted line on behalf of Hinduism in the global fora.
His next big move was to bring together elders of all indigenous faiths — whether from South America or North America, Africa or Europe — at Delhi. Swami Dayananda declared that all faiths are sacred and valid and no faith can and should be allowed to claim to be superior to other faiths. He articulated religious diversity, which is the strongest point of Hinduism, in the most acceptable, rational and logical manner and challenged and debunked the claim that some faiths are only true faiths and others false faiths, which, he argued, is the cause for the widespread hate and violence today.
The great successes of this great sanyasi, moulded in the ancient traditions of India, is not, however, as well-known as he himself was. That also demonstrated the high point of his personality — humility. Maharishi Aurobindo said that the greatest achievements have been least noisy. This aptly applied to Swami Dayananda’s work and life. In his demise, the Hindu philosophy has lost its greatest exponent of recent times, Hindu religion one of its staunchest defenders, and the nation a great patriot saint.

The author is a commentator on political, economic and cultural affairs.
E-mail: guru@gurumurthy.net
http://www.newindianexpress.com/columns/s_gurumurthy/Swami-Dayananda-The-Patriot-Saint/2015/09/25/article3046427.ece

Pak writes to UN with 'deep concern' about India's plan to build LoC wall

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Pakistan writes to UN expressing ‘deep concern’ about India’s plan to build wall along LoC

By: PTI | United Nations | Published:September 25, 2015 1:24 pm
loc, india, pakistan, indo pak border, indo pak border wall, india pakistan loc wall, india loc wall, pakistan loc wall, india news, pakistan news,Pakistan expressed “deep concern” at the plan by India to construct a 10 meter- high and 135 feet-wide embankment along the 197- kilometre Working Boundary it shares with Jammu and Kashmir. (Representational Image)

Pakistan has complained to the UN Security Council about India’s plans to construct a wall along the LoC allegedly to convert it “into a quasi international border”, drawing a strong reaction from India which said it will respond to this at the “appropriate time”.
Pakistan’s Ambassador to the UN Maleeha Lodhi has written two letters dated September 4 and 9 to the UN Security Council.
In the September 9 letter to President of the Security Council, Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin, Lodhi expressed “deep concern” at the plan by India to construct a 10 meter- high and 135 feet-wide embankment (wall) along the 197- kilometre Working Boundary between Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan.
India said one of Pakistan’s letters to the UNSC is based on a “submision” made by Hizb-ul-Mujahideen chief Syed Salahuddin.
Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Vikas Swarup told reporters here yesterday that India is aware of the two letters that have been written.
“I believe the second letter (dated September 9) is based on some kind of submission made by Salahuddin, who is a person that we consider to be a global terrorist. At the appropriate time we will respond to this,” Swarup said.
The first letter dated September 4 states that there was no bilateral dialogue, Swarup said adding that the BSF and Park Rangers have already met.
“So that letter itself has contradicted itself that there is no dialogue. There has been a dialogue,” Swarup said.
Swarup asked that “has any action been taken by the UN on these letters. That is the first question. If there is action taken by the UN we will respond appropriately. If there is no action taken by the UN then this will mean that nobody has taken cognizance,” of the letters, Swarup said.
In the letter, Lodhi said that Pakistan “considers the embankment a permanent structure that will bring about a material change in the territory in violation inter alia of… Security Council Resolution…of 1948.
“The State of Jammu & Kashmir is internationally recognised disputed territory with a number of United Nations Security Council resolutions on the official status of Jammu & Kashmir awaiting implementation,” Lodhi said.
“The Government of Pakistan believes that the embankment will create a fait accompli aimed at permanently creating a physical and psychological barrier for the people of Jammu & Kashmir, who are yet to exercise their right to self-determination, as enshrined in Security Council Resolutions.
“Pakistan considers this an Indian effort aimed at converting the Line of Control and the Working Boundary into a quasi international border. This is an unacceptable breach of UN Security Council Resolutions,” Lodhi writes in the letter.
Incidentally, Salahuddin has also said in a statement that Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif should raise the issue of India constructing the wall during his address to the United Nations and to “make the member countries aware” about India’s moves.
Lodhi said in the letter that Pakistan has already formally lodged a protest with the Indian Government.

“We hope that the Security Council will also take note of this serious situation and urge India to refrain from undertaking actions that could bring about a material change in the situation on the ground, in violation of Security Council Resolutions,” she said.
http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/pakistan-writes-to-un-expressing-deep-concern-about-indias-plan-to-build-wall-along-loc/

Jejuri Khandoba, Mahakhanda Dasara - 42 kg sword lifted by teeth. Celebration of Indus Script Corpora catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.

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Deepmala at Jejuri is a skambha, Fiery pillar of light (as Atharva Veda explains)
Each tongue of the flame is to hold a lamp.

History is all around us. Nobody noticed the postman enter the building where the crime was committed, notes GK Chesterton in his detective narratives of Father Brown. But in India, historical memories live long and get celebrated. A good instance is the celebration of Bali Yatra on Karthik Purnima day remembering the ancestors who were seafarers and who participated in Hinduised States of the Far East. Historic narratives remembered and cherished date back to Vedic times. 

Aniconic skambha form of sivalinga in Dholavira finds its continuum in Hindu tradition of Khandoba with narratives relating Khandoba as Martanda Bhairava. These narratives remembered and cherished generation after generation evoke the memories of Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.. The word Khandoba is derived from khaṁḍa -- m. ʻswordʼ (Prakritam). In the annual festivities of Khandoba, a 42 kg. sword is lifted by teeth by participants of a contest celebrating the excellence of metalwork of their ancestors. Sayana 
traces the name Malhari to Taittiriya Samhita, Malhari is explained as enemy (ari) of Malha (Prajapati) - an epithet of Rudra, who is considered a rival to deity Prajapati. Prajapati is त्वष्टृ tvāṣṭra. 


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/tvastra-artisans-divinity-of-fire.html त्वष्टृ tvāṣṭra artisans divinity of fire viśvakarman worshipped as creator by ancient kāru,'smiths' who produced Indus Script Corpora. These narratives are remembered memories of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization documented in Indus Script Corpora.

Khandoba is worshipped in aniconic form as lingam, known as Martanda Bhairava, a combination of the solar deity Martanda and Shiva's fierce form Bhairava. Malhari Mahatmya (Mallari Mahatmyafrom the chapter Kshetra-kanda of the Sanskrit text Brahmanda Puranarecords Martanda Bhairava, pleased with the bravery of Malla, takes the name "Mallari" (the enemy of Malla) Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz (1989). "Between Ghost and God: Folk Deity of the Deccan". In Alf HiltebeitelCriminal Gods and Demon Devotees: Essays on the Guardians of Popular Hinduism, p.314.  



Khandoba temple, Jejuri, Maharashtra.


R.C. Dhere and Sontheimer suggests that the Sanskrit Mahatmya was composed around 1460-1510 AD, mostly by a Deshastha Brahmin, to whom Khandoba is the family deity. A version is also available in Marathi by Siddhapal Kesasri (1585). "The Deshastha Brahmins, Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus,[37] as well as the royal families like Gaikwads and Holkars worship Khandoba as their Kuldevta. He is also worshipped by Jains and Lingayats. He is viewed as a "king" of his followers...Sayana traces the name Malhari to Taittiriya Samhita, Malhari is explained as enemy (ari) of Malha (Prajapati) - an epithet of Rudra, who is considered a rival to deity Prajapati." (Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz (1990). "God as King for All: The Sanskrit Malhari Mahatmya and its conext In Hans Bakker. The History of Sacred Places in India as Reflected in Traditional Literature. pp.104-7).Other sources include the later texts of Jayadri Mahatmya and Martanda Vijaya by Gangadhara (1821)[Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz (1989). "Between Ghost and God: Folk Deity of the Deccan". In Alf Hiltebeitel. Criminal Gods and Demon Devotees: Essays on the Guardians of Popular Hinduism, p.330] and the oral stories of the Vaghyas, bards of the god.[ibid. pp. 272, 393].


Khandoba with his two chief wives: Mhalsa and Banai.

Khandoba (center) in his four armed form, the two metal images depict him with Mhalsa (Parvati) and Banai (Ganga). The sanctum of the newer Jejuri temple. Khandoba, (Marathi: खंडोबा Kannada: ಖಂಡೋಬಾ, Telugu:ఖండోబా Khaṇḍobā) also known as Martanda Bhairava and Malhari, with  attributes of Shiva, Bhairava, Surya and Karttikeya (Skanda). He is depicted either in the form of a Lingam, or as an image of a warrior riding on a bull or a horse. The foremost centre of Khandoba worship is Jejuri in Maharashtra. The legends of Khandoba, found in the text Malhari Mahatmya and also narrated in folk songs, revolve around his victory over demons Mani-malla. "Mhalsa was born as the daughter of a rich merchant in Newase called Tirmarsheth. She was married to Khandoba on Pausha Pournima(the full moon day of Hindu calendar month of Paush) in Pali(Pembar). Two shivlingas appeared on this occasion. An annual festival marking this event is celebrated in Pali every Paush Pournima...Mallana (Mallikaarjuna) of Andhra Pradesh and Mailara of Karnataka are sometimes identified with Khandoba (Mallari, Malhari, Mairaj)...Another traditional narrative identifies Kartikeya (Skanda) with Khandoba." (Cf. two skambhas in Dholavira ceremonial parade ground). "Copper figurines of Khandoba riding on a horse (sometimes with Mhalsa) are worshipped by devotees on a daily basis in the household shrine."

There are over 600 temples dedicated to Khandoba in the DeccanHis temples stretch from NasikMaharashtra in the north to HubliKarnataka in the south, Konkan, Maharashtra in the west to western Andhra Pradesh in the east. [Stanley, John M. (Nov 1977). "Special Time, Special Power: The Fluidity of Power in a Popular Hindu Festival". The Journal of Asian Studies (Association for Asian Studies) 37 (1): 27–43]. A six-day festival, from the first to sixth lunar day of the bright fortnight of the Hindu month of Margashirsha, Champa Shashti (same as Skanda Shashti), in honour of Khandoba is celebrated at Jejuri
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khandoba

Friday, October 26, 2012


Jejuri Mahakhanda Dasara - 42 kg sword lifted by teeth.



http://puputupu.blogspot.in/2012/10/jejuri-mahakhanda-dasara-42-kg-sword.html#.VgVAUlSqqko

The Jejuri temple of Khandoba. Mani is seen worshipped as a red figure

For worship of Khandoba in the form of a lingam and possible identification with Shiva based on that, see: Mate, M. S. (1988). Temples and Legends of Maharashtra. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, p. 176. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khandoba

khaḍgá2 m. ʻ sword ʼ MBh. [Cf. *khaṇḍaka -- 3]Pa. Pk. khagga -- m. ʻ sword ʼ, B. khāg, Si. kaga. (CDIAL 3787) *khaṇḍaka3 ʻ sword ʼ. [Perh. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 2Pk. khaṁḍa -- m. ʻ sword ʼ (→ Tam. kaṇṭam), Gy. SEeur. xai̦o, eur. xanroxarnoxanlo, wel. xenlī f., S. khano m., P. khaṇḍā m., Ku. gng. khã̄ṛ, N. khã̄ṛo,khũṛo (X churi < kṣurá -- ); A. khāṇḍā ʻ heavy knife ʼ; B. khã̄rā ʻ large sacrificial knife ʼ; Or. khaṇḍā ʻ sword ʼ, H. khã̄ṛā, G. khã̄ḍũ n., M. khã̄ḍā m., Si.kaḍuva.(CDIAL 3793)

खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and two-edged. खांडेकरी (p. 203) [ khāṇḍēkarī ] m A man armed with the sword called खांडाखांडा (p. 202) [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. 2 A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). 3 A rough furrow, ravine, gully. खांडाईत (p. 202) [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword called खांडा.

खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेरावसोळा गुणांचा खं0 A term for a person or animal full of vices, tricks, and bad qualities. खंडोबाचा कुत्रा [ khaṇḍōbācā kutrā ] m (Dog of खंडोबा. From his being devoted to the temple.) A term for the वाघ्या or male devotee of खंडोबा.खंडोबाची काठी [ khaṇḍōbācī kāṭhī ] f The pole of खंडोबा. It belongs to the temples of this god, is taken and presented, in pilgrimages, at the visited shrines, is carried about in processions &c. It is covered with cloth (red and blue), and has a plume (generally from the peacock's tail) waving from its top. वाघा (p. 742) [vāghā] m Commonly 
वाघ्यावाघ्या (p. 743) [ vāghyā ] m (वाघी Bag of tiger's skin in which they keep bhanḍár or turmeric-powder.) A class or an individual of it. They are males dedicated at birth to खंडोबा, or subsequently self-constituted devotees of that god, and are mendicants in his name.


A painting depicts Khandoba riding a white horse with Mhalsa, accompanied with a dog and attendants including a Waghya dancing before him. 

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html


Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light, Sivalinga. Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 

See: three stumps on Sit Shamshi bronze, a multi-tiered tower with six plates of offerings in front, flanked by 8 round balls, two sivalinka skambhas, a temple on a terrace, two persons offering water oblations to the Sun, Middle-Elamite (15th to 12th century BCE)

[kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403)  *ṭhōmba -- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund) Numeral three: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. The entire message of Sit Shamshi is bronze is worship of the sun. The message signifies copper metalwork. It is significant that one of the meanings to the Meluhha gloss sūrya is: copper: சூரியன் cūriyaṉ n. < sūrya. Mountain containing copper; செம்புமலை. (W.)

Two sivalingas are shown in front of the dagoba (dhatu garbha) or ziggurat, comparable to the two skambha in Dholavira.











"The texts mention the "temples of the grove," cave sanctuaries where ceremonies related to the daily renewal of nature were accompanied by deposition of offerings, sacrifice and libations. The Sit Shamshi is perhaps a representation. It is also possible that this object is a commemoration of the funeral ceremonies after the disappearance of the sovereign. Indeed, this model was found near a cave, and bears an inscription in Elamite where Shilhak-Inshushinak remember his loyalty to the lord of Susa, Inshushinak. The text gives the name of the monument, the Sit Shamshi, Sunrise, which refers to the time of day during which the ceremony takes place.

Atharva Veda (X.8.2) declares that Heaven and Earth stand fast being pillared apart by the pillar. Like the pillar, twilight of the dawn and dusk split apart the originally fused Heaven and Earth.
Light of dawn ‘divorces the coterminous regions – Sky and Earth – and makes manifest the several worlds. (RV VII.80; cf. VI.32.2, SBr. IV 6.7.9).
‘Sun is spac, for it is only when it rises that the world is seen’ (Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana I.25.1-2). When the sun sets, space returns into the void (JUB III.1.1-2).
Indra supports heavn and earth by ‘opening the shadows with the dawn and the sun’. (RV I.62.5). He ‘extends heaven by the sun; and the sun is the prp whereby he struts it.’ (RV X.111.5).
‘He who knows the Brahman in man knows the Supreme Being and he who knows the Supreme Brahman knows the Stambha’. (AV X. 7.17).
Linga-Purana (I.17.5-52; 19.8 ff.) provides a narrative. Siva appeared before Brahma and Vishnu as a fiery linga with thousands of flames. As a Goose, Brahma attempted to fly to the apex of the column; Vishnu as a Boar plunged through the earth to find the foot of the blazing column. Even after a thousand years, they couldn’t reach the destination, bow in homage to the Pillar of the Universe as the Paramaatman.
He is the ‘Pillar supporting the kindreds, that is, gods and men’. (RV I.59.1-2). He is the standard (ketu) of the yajna (equivalent of the dawn), the standard which supports heaven in the East at daybreak. (RV I.113.19; III.8.8).
The same spectra of meanings abound in Bauddham, as a symbolic continuum. So it is, the Buddha is a fiery pillar, comprising adorants at the feet marked with the Wheel of Dharma and the apex marked by a S’rivatsa (pair of fishes tied together by a thread, read as hieroglyph composition: ayira (metath. ariya) dhama, mandating norms of social, interpersonal conduct). Just as Agni awakens at dawn, the Buddha is the awakened.
Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Buddha, , Great Stupa of AmaravatiWorshippers of a fiery pillar, Amaravati stupa.
Naga worshippers of fiery pillar, Amaravati stupa.  Sit-Shamshi (Musée du Louvre, París). Tabla de bronce que parece resumir sabiamente el ritual del antiguo Elam. Los zigurats recuerdan el arte mesopotámico, el bosque sagrado alude a la devoción semita por el árbol verde, la tinaja trae a la mente el “mar de bronce”. Los dos hombres en cuclillas hacen su ablución para celebrar la salida del Sol. Una inscripción, que lleva el nombre del rey Silhak-in-Shushinak, permite fijar su datación en el siglo XII a.C.





m1429 Prism tablet with Indus inscriptions on 3 sides.Indus inscription Fired clay L.4.6 cm W. 1.2 cm Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization. Mohenjo-daro,MD 602, Harappan,ca 2600 -1900 B.CE Islamabad Museum, Islamabad NMP 1384, Pakistan.




Side B: bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagalā (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Kannada) Rebus: bangala = kumpaṭi = angāra śakaṭī = a chafing dish a portable stove a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Telugu) cf. bangaru bangaramu = gold  (Telugu) 

karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)

A pair of birds కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] n. A sort of duck. కారండవము [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. कारंडव [kāraṇḍava ] m S A drake or sort of duck. कारंडवी f S The female. karandava [ kârandava ] m. kind of duck. कारण्ड a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 கரண்டம் karaṇṭam, n. Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy (metal)'. tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali)

stambha m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ Kāṭh., °aka -- m. Mahāvy.[√stambh]Pa. thambha -- m. ʻ pillar ʼ, Aś.rum. thabhe loc., top. thaṁbhe, ru. ṭha()bhasi, Pk. thaṁbha -- , °aya -- , taṁbha -- , ṭhaṁbha -- m.; Wg. štɔ̈̄ma ʻ stem, tree ʼ, Kt. štom, Pr. üštyobu; Bshk. "ṭam"ʻ tree ʼ NTS xviii 124, Tor. thām; K. tham m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ, S. thambhu m.; L. thammthammā m. ʻ prop ʼ, (Ju.)tham°mā, awāṇ. tham, khet. thambā; P. thamb(h), thamm(h) ʻ pillar, post ʼ, Ku. N. B. thām, Or. thamba; Bi. mar -- thamh ʻ upright post of oil -- mill ʼ; H. thã̄bhthāmthambā ʻ prop, pillar, stem of plantain tree ʼ; OMarw. thāma m. ʻ pillar ʼ, Si. ṭäm̆ba; Md. tambutabu ʻ pillar, post ʼ; -- ext. --  -- : S.thambhiṛī f. ʻ inside peg of yoke ʼ; N. thāṅro ʻ prop ʼ; Aw.lakh. thãbharā ʻ post ʼ; H. thamṛā ʻ thick, corpulent ʼ; -- -- ll -- ; G. thã̄bhlɔthã̄blɔ m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ. -- X sthūˊṇā -- q.v. S.kcch. 
thambhlo m. ʻ pillar ʼ, A. thām, Md. tan̆bu.

Hieroglyphs signifying pillars of light: tã̄bṛā, tambira (Prakritam) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund) 

tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) 


Rebus readings of the other 2 sides of the Mohenjo-daro tablet:

Side A: kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) ghariyal id. (Hindi)
kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) கராம் karām, n. prob. grāha. 1. A species of alligator; முதலைவகை. முதலையு மிடங்கருங் கராமும் (குறிஞ்சிப். 257). 2. Male alligator; ஆண் முதலை. (திவா.) కారుమొసలి a wild crocodile or alligator. (Telugu) Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

[fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)] Rebus: ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) 
khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.) 

Side C: Text 3246 on the third side of the prism. kāḍ  काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble (Marathi) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast (metal)’shapes objects on a lathe’ (Gujarati) kanka, karṇaka ‘rim of jar’ Rebus: karṇaka ‘account scribe’. kārṇī  m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi)

Alloy ingots
A pair of ingots with notches in-fixed as ligatures.
ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) Thus the pair of ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.
Forge: stone, minerals, gemstones
ढाळा [ ḍhāḷā ] m A small leafy branch, sprng. 

 A plant of gram, sometimes of वाटाणा, or of लांक. ढाळी [ ḍhāḷī ] f A branch or bough.

 (Marathi) Rebus: ढाळ [ ḍhāḷa Cast, mould, form (as ofmetal vessels, trinkets &c.) (Marathi)

khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.) kolom ‘cob’; rebus: kolmo ‘seedling, rice (paddy) plant’ (Munda.) kolma hoṛo = a variety of the paddy plant (Desi)(Santali.) kolmo ‘rice  plant’ (Mu.) Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’ (Telugu) Thus, the ligatured glyph reads: khaḍā ‘stone-ore nodule’kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Alternatives: 1. koṛuŋ young shoot (Pa.) (DEDR 2149) 

Rebus: kol iron, working in iron, blacksmith (Tamil) kollan blacksmith, artificer (Malayalam) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133).2. kaṇḍe A head or ear of millet or maize (Telugu) Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘stone (ore)(Gadba)’ Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).  
kolmo ‘three’ Rebus: kolami ‘furnace,smithy’. Thus, the pair of glyphs may denote lapidary work – working with stone, mineral, gemstones.
ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayas ‘metal’. kāru ‘crocodile’ Rebus: kāru ‘artisan’. Thus, together read rebus: ayakara ‘metalsmith’.
kanka 'rim of jar' (Santali) karṇika id. (Samskritam) Rebus: kārṇī m. ʻsuper cargo of a ship ʼ(Marathi) 
meḍ  ‘body’, ‘dance’ (Santali) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)
kāḍ  काड् ‘, the stature of a man’ Rebus: खडा [ khaḍā ] m A small stone, a pebble khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’(Marathi) <khadan>  {N} ``a ^mine, place where earth is ^excavated for roads, buildings, etc.''.  @2417.  #13731.(Munda)

khaḍaka ʻ *erect ʼ, m. ʻ bolt, post ʼ KātyŚr. 2. *khaḍati ʻ stands ʼ. 3. *khāḍayati ʻ makes stand ʼ. [Cf. khadáti ʻ is firm ʼ Dhātup.] and *khalati2 1. K. khoru ʻ standing ʼ, ḍoḍ. khaṛo ʻ up ʼ, pog. khaṛkhuṛ ʻ erect ʼ; S. khaṛo ʻ standing erect ʼ, P. khaṛā, WPah. paṅ. khaṛā, bhad. khaṛo, Or. B.khāṛā, H. khaṛā (→ N. khaṛā), Marw. khaṛo, G. khaṛũ; M. khaḍā ʻ standing, constant ʼ.
2. K. pog. khaṛnu ʻ to stand ʼ, rām. khaṛōnu, ḍoḍ. khaṛōnō; WPah. bhal. caus. khaṛēṇu ʻ to fix ʼ; -- G. khaṛakvũ ʻ to make a heap ʼ.3. K. khārun ʻ to make ascend, lift up ʼWPah.kṭg. khɔ́ṛɔ ʻ erect, upright ʼ; khɔ́ṛhnõ, kc. khɔṛiṇo ʻ to stand, rise ʼ, J. khaṛuwṇu.(CDIAL 3784)  So<gAri>(Z)  {V(liJ)} ``to be ^level, to stand ^upright''.  Nom. <g[An]Ari>.(Munda)

The vernacular in ancient India was Meluhha also called Mleccha. Hundreds of words of this language in Indus-Meluhha writing represented metal-/stone-work hieroglyphs. This was the linear ancestral language of most Indians. It later was known as Deśi or Prākṛts. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html <tamba>(ZA)  {N} ``^copper''.  *Or.  #33740.<ta~ba>  {N} ``^copper''.  *De.<tama>(M),,<tamba>(G).  @N0527.  #23581.tāmrá ʻ dark red, copper -- coloured ʼ VS., n. ʻ copper ʼ Kauś., tāmraka -- n. Yājñ. [Cf. tamrá -- . -- √tam?] Pa. tamba -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ copper ʼ, Pk. taṁba -- adj. and n.; Dm. trāmba -- ʻ red ʼ (in trāmba -- lac̣uk ʻ raspberry ʼ NTS xii 192); Bshk. lām ʻ copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< ʻ *red wood ʼ?); Phal. tāmba ʻ copper ʼ (→ Sh.koh. tāmbā), K. trām m. (→ Sh.gil. gur. trām m.), S. ṭrāmo m., L. trāmā, (Ju.)tarāmã̄ m., P. tāmbā m., WPah. bhad. ṭḷām n., kiũth. cāmbā, sod. cambo, jaun. tã̄bō, Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A. tām, B. tã̄bātāmā, Or.tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tāmtāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H. tām in cmpds., tã̄bātāmā m., G. trã̄bũtã̄bũ n.;M. tã̄bẽ n. ʻ copper ʼ, tã̄b f. ʻ rust, redness of sky ʼ; Ko.tāmbe n. ʻ copper ʼ; Si. tam̆ba adj. ʻ reddish ʼ, sb. ʻ copper ʼ, (SigGr) tamtama. -- Ext. -- ira -- : Pk. taṁbira -- ʻ coppercoloured, red ʼ, L. tāmrā ʻ copper -- coloured (of pigeons) ʼ; -- with -- ḍa -- : S. ṭrāmiṛo m. ʻ a kind of cooking pot ʼ, ṭrāmiṛī ʻ sunburnt, red with anger ʼ, f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; Bhoj. tāmrā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; H. tã̄bṛātāmṛā ʻ coppercoloured, dark red ʼ, m. ʻ stone resembling a ruby ʼ; G. tã̄baṛ n., trã̄bṛītã̄bṛī f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; OM. tāṁbaḍā ʻ red ʼ. -- X trápu -- q.v. tāmrá -- [< IE. *tomró -- T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 65]  S.kcch. trāmo,
 tām(b)o m. ʻ copper ʼ, trāmbhyo m. ʻ an old copper coin ʼ; WPah.kc. cambo m. ʻ copper ʼ, J. cāmbā m., kṭg. (kc.) tambɔ m. (← P. or H. Him.I 89), Garh. tāmutã̄bu. (CDIAL 5779)

tāmrakāra m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ lex. [tāmrá -- , kāra -- 1]Or. tāmbarā ʻ id. ʼ.(CDIAL 5780)

 tāmrakuṭṭa m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ R. [tāmrá -- , kuṭṭa -- ] N. tamauṭetamoṭe ʻ id. ʼ.Garh. ṭamoṭu ʻ coppersmith ʼ; Ko. tāmṭi. (CDIAL 5781)



*tāmraghaṭa ʻ copper pot ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 1] Bi. tamheṛī ʻ round copper vessel ʼ; -- tamheṛā ʻ brassfounder ʼ der. *tamheṛ ʻ copper pot ʼ or < next?(CDIAL 5782)

*tāmraghaṭaka ʻ copper -- worker ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 2] Bi. tamheṛā ʻ brass -- founder ʼ or der. fr. *tamheṛ see prec.(CDIAL 5783)

tāmracūḍa ʻ red -- crested ʼ MBh., m. ʻ cock ʼ Suśr. [tāmrá -- , cūˊḍa -- 1]Pa. tambacūḷa -- m. ʻ cock ʼ, Pk. taṁbacūla -- m.; -- Si. tam̆basiluvā ʻ cock ʼ (EGS 61) either a later cmpd. (as in Pk.) or ← Pa.(CDIAL 5784)

*tāmradhāka ʻ copper receptacle ʼ. [tāmrá -- , dhāká -- ] Bi. tamahā ʻ drinking vessel made of a red alloy ʼ.(CDIAL 5785)

tāmrapaṭṭa m. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ Yājñ. [Cf. tāmrapattra -- . -- tāmrá -- , paṭṭa -- 1] M. tã̄boṭī f. ʻ piece of copper of shape and size of a brick ʼ.(CDIAL 5786)

tāmrapattra n. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ lex. [Cf. tāmrapaṭṭa -- . -- tāmrá -- , páttra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoti ʻ copper plate ʼ.(CDIAL 5787)

tāmrapātra n. ʻ copper vessel ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , pāˊtra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoi ʻ copper vessel for water ʼ.(CDIAL 5788)



 *tāmrabhāṇḍa ʻ copper vessel ʼ. [tāmrá -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Bhoj. tāmaṛātāmṛā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; G. tarbhāṇũ n. ʻ copper dish used in religious ceremonies ʼ (< *taramhã̄ḍũ).(CDIAL 5789)

tāmravarṇa ʻ copper -- coloured ʼ TĀr. [tāmrá -- , várṇa -- 1] Si. tam̆bavan ʻ copper -- coloured, dark red ʼ (EGS 61) prob. a Si. cmpd.(CDIAL 5790)

tāmrākṣa ʻ red -- eyed ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , ákṣi -- ]Pa. tambakkhin -- ; P. tamak f. ʻ anger ʼ; Bhoj. tamakhal ʻ to be angry ʼ; H. tamaknā ʻ to become red in the face, be angry ʼ.(CDIAL 5791)

tāmrika ʻ coppery ʼ Mn. [tāmrá -- ] Pk. taṁbiya -- n. ʻ an article of an ascetic's equipment (a copper vessel?) ʼ; L. trāmī f. ʻ large open vessel for kneading bread ʼ, poṭh. trāmbī f. ʻ brass plate for kneading on ʼ; Ku.gng. tāmi ʻ copper plate ʼ; A. tāmi ʻ copper vessel used in worship ʼ; B. tāmītamiyā ʻ large brass vessel for cooking pulses at marriages and other ceremonies ʼ; H. tambiyā m. ʻ copper or brass vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 5792)
skabha 13638 *skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]
Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?).
SKAMBH ʻ make firm ʼ: *skabdha -- , skambhá -- 1, skámbhana -- ; -- √*chambh.


skambhá 13639 skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi)khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmh,khāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khāmm. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- Xgambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛoʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ. Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
September 25, 2015


Use Marine Archaeology to Trace Sangam Era History -- Dayalan and TKV Rajan

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Dinamalar, Sept. 25, 2015

Use Marine Archaeology to Trace Sangam Era History

Express News Service
Published: 23rd September 2015 03:45 AM


CHENNAI: Could the history of Sangam Era be reconstructed through Marine Archaeology? Yes, say historians, who are urging the state government to take up initiative to trace the missing link of Tamil history — by launching research to find the lost underground ancient Tamil era cities like Poompuhar, and the presumed lost continent in the Indian Ocean, Kumari Kandam.
Addressing a press conference, regional director of Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), D Dayalan, who was part of the team to excavate the ancient city of Dwarka, and director of Indian Science Monitor TKV Rajan, said that it was time the state government supported research efforts.
In the 80s, when India made a modest effort to establish Marine Archaeology Centre at National Institute of Oceanography (NIO), the infrastructure was provided by NIO, and initial grants came from Indian National Science Academy and Department of Science and Technology, and subsequently from the Centre for Scientific and Industrial Research.
Even the then State government under the leadership of MGR had backed the effort to trace the history of ancient city of Poompuhar, which was under water. “The effort that began in 1986 was shelved in 1996. We don’t have any clue as to why we did not receive any backing after that,” said Rajan.
Rajan and Dayalan are keen to revive marine archaeology to trace the missing link of Tamil history underwater, expressing hope that excavations could be carried out in Kaveri Poompuhar near Sirkazhi. “Private agencies are ready to fund the project. All we require is the backing of state government, and the Ministry of External Affairs’ clearance to take up the project,” he said. The historians are planning to use NIOT ship, which Rajan claims had traced the antiquities in Poompuhar four times.
But how are they going to trace the sites that they believe are under water? “This could be done through satellite imaging as well as site scan cameras, which can trace the antiquities available under the ocean. We would also get help from National Geophysical Research Institute in Hyderabad provided we get clearance from the Union government,” said Rajan. “We can also take the help of France, which has the expertise in marine archaeology.”
The ASI is also planning to identify ship wrecks in Indian and international waters. The plan is to identify the ship wrecks that happened 1,300 to 1,400 years ago. “We are trying to locate the ship wrecks during the Chola era as Malaya was conquered by Rajendra,” said Dayalan. “Without the help of Indian Navy we can’t do it. It is very expensive.”

पोतृ pōtṟ Purifier Mohenjo-daro priest statue hieroglyphs and Harappa Indus Script tablet with 24 dots cartouche deciphered

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/qadx4xk

पोतदार [ pōtadāra ] one who assays all money paid into the treasury. पोतृ pōtṟ Purifier is a priest in Indian tradition. Both semantics are signified by hieroglyph-multiplexes of Indus Script. In the context of Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, the deciherment of not only the inscriptions but hieroglyph signifiers on objects in the round is also rendered possible by Indus Script cipher. A cartouche with 24 dots on a faience tablet of Harappa is also deciphered with the dots signifying खांडा khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).  Metalwork documentation of extraordinary fidelity is thus realized by ancient artisans among Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk'.

A unique mold-made faience tablet or standard (H2000-4483/2342-01) was found in the eroded levels west of the tablet workshop in Trench 54 of Harappa by HARP Team. On one side is a short inscription under a rectangular box filled with 24 dots. The reverse has a narrative scene with two bulls fighting under a thorny tree.

खांडा (p. 202) [ khāṇḍā ]A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon).  (Marathi). Such dots are seen on many metallic artefacts of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization.Harappan Faience tablet or standard
Rectangle with 12 dots on Harappa faience tablet; deciphered: metalcasting artisans

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS baroṭi 'twelve' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'. Thus together, copper-pewter-tin-alloy metal casting. PLUS कारु [ kāru 'twelve' Rebus: 'artisans' Thus, metal casting artisans.

Hieroglyph: A pair of twelve dots: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS कारु [ kāru ] m (S) A common term for the twelve बलुतेदार q. v. Also कारुनारु m pl q. v. in नारुकारु Rebus: कारु [ kāru ] m (S) An artificer or artisan. बाराकारू (p. 576) [ bārākārū ] m pl The twelve कारू or बलतेदार. See बलुतेदार.बलोतें, बलोतेदार, बलोता or त्या (p. 567) [ balōtē, mbalōtēdāra, balōtā or tyā ] Commonly बलुतें &c.


Hieroglyph: गोटा [ gōṭā ] m A roundish stone or pebble. 2 A marble (of stone, lac, wood &c.) Rebus 1: खोट (p. 212) [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Rebus 2: goTa 'laterite (ferrous ore)' [ khōṭasāḷa ] a (खोट & साळ from शाला) Alloyed--a metal. (Marathi) Bshk. khoṭ ʻ embers ʼ, Phal. khūṭo ʻ ashes, burning coal ʼ; (CDIAL 3931)

PLUS कारु [ kāru ] 'twelve' Rebus: 'artisan' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' Thus, the 24 dots signify: ingot, laterite metalcasting artisan. The faience tablet of Harappa on both sides signifies through hieroglyph-multiplexes a catalogue of metallurgical competence of the metalsmiths, laterite (ferrous) metalcasters.

Rebus 2: गोठघोळणी [ gōṭhaghōḷaṇī ] f A goldsmith's instrument for forming गोठ (metal bracelet).गोट [ gōṭa ] m ( H) A metal wristlet. An ornament of women. 2 Encircling or investing
Pair of bulls deciphered as copper-pewter-tin-alloy metalcasters

Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree (DEDR 2200). Rebus 2: खोट [khōṭa] alloyed ingot (Marathi). koḍ ‘artisan’s workplace’. 

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' Hieroglyph: barad, balad 'ox' Rebus: भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत.भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.  Thus, the pair of bulls (ox) signified: copper-pewter-tin-alloy metalcasters

Lealess tree on faience tablet. Deciphered: metal alloy turner

Hieroglyph: khōṇḍa ‘leafless tree’ (Marathi). Rebus 1: kõdā’turner’ (Bengali) 

Hieroglyph: kut.i, kut.hi, kut.a, kut.ha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); kur.a_ tree; kar.ek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kut.ha, kut.a (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kut.ha_ra, kut.ha, kut.aka = a tree (Samskritam) kut., kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id.(Or.) kut.amu = a tree (Telugu)  Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'.

Text on Harappa faience tablet deciphered. alloy metal, copper-pewter-tin alloy, supercargo-scribe, portable furnace.

From r. aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'metal (alloy)' PLUS aDaren 'lid' Rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal' Thus, together, unsmelted alloy metal. baraDo 'spine' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'; karNIka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNIka 'scribe'; karava narrow-necked jar' Rebus: karba 'iron' kharva 'nidhi of Kubera'. कंकवा (p. 123) [ kaṅkavā ] m A sort of comb. See कंगवा. कोंगें (p. 180) [ kōṅgēṃ ] n A long sort of honeycomb.Rebus: kanga 'portable furnace' Rebus: kangar 'large brazier': *kāṅgārikā ʻ poor or small brazier ʼ. [Cf. kāgni -- m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop.: ka -- 3 or kā -- , aṅgāri -- ] K. kã̄gürükã̄gar f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ whence kangar m. ʻ large do. ʼ (or < *kāṅgāra -- ?); H. kã̄grī f. small portable brazier ʼ.(CDIAL 3006) 

Who are the 12 बलुतेदार, public servants of a village in ancient India?

बलुतेदार or बलुता (p. 567) [ balutēdāra or balutā ] or त्या m (बलुतें &c.) A public servant of a village entitled to बलुतें. There are twelve distinct from the regular Government officers पाटील, कुळकरणी &c.; viz. सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग (These four constitute पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to चार पाचुंदे, twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the महार to आठ पाचुंदे); कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी constitute दुसरीor मधली कास or वळ, and are entitled, each, to तीन पाचुंदेभट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी form तिसरी or धाकटी कास or वळ, and have, each, दोन पाचुंदे. Likewise there are twelve अलुते or supernumerary public claimants, viz. तेली, तांबोळी, साळी, माळी, जंगम, कळवांत, डवऱ्या, ठाकर, घडशी, तराळ, सोनार, चौगुला. Of these the allowance of corn is not settled. The learner must be prepared to meet with other enumerations of the बलुतेदार (e. g. पाटील, कुळ- करणी, चौधरी, पोतदार, देशपांड्या, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, सुतार, कुंभार, वेसकर, जोशी; also सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, कुंभार as constituting the first-class and claiming the largest division ofबलुतें; next न्हावी, परीट, कोळी, गुरव as constituting the middle class and claiming a subdivision of बलुतें; lastly, भट, मुलाणा, सोनार, मांग; and, in the Konkan̤, yet another list); and with other accounts of the assignments of corn; for this and many similar matters, originally determined diversely, have undergone the usual influence of time, place, and ignorance. Of the बलुतेदार in the Indápúr pergunnah the list and description stands thus:--First class, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, महार; Second, परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग; Third, सोनार, मुलाणा, गुरव, जोशी, कोळी, रामोशी; in all fourteen, but in no one village are the whole fourteen to be found or traced. In the Panḍharpúr districts the order is:--पहिली or थोरली वळ (1st class); महार, सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, दुसरी or मधली वळ (2nd class); परीट, कुंभार, न्हावी, मांग, तिसरी or धाकटी वळ (3rd class); कुळकरणी, जोशी, गुरव, पोतदार; twelve बलुते and of अलुते there are eighteen. According to Grant Duff, theबलतेदार are सुतार, लोहार, चाम्हार, मांग, कुंभार, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, जोशी, भाट, मुलाणा; and the अलुते are सोनार, जंगम, शिंपी, कोळी, तराळ or वेसकर, माळी, डवऱ्यागोसावी, घडशी, रामोशी, तेली, तांबोळी, गोंधळी. In many villages of Northern Dakhan̤ the महार receives the बलुतें of the first, second, and third classes; and, consequently, besides the महार, there are but nine बलुतेदार. The following are the only अलुतेदार or नारू now to be found;--सोनार, मांग, शिंपी, भट गोंधळी, कोर- गू, कोतवाल, तराळ, but of the अलुतेदार & बलुते- दार there is much confused intermixture, the अलुतेदार of one district being the बलुतेदार of another, and vice versâ. (The word कास used above, in पहिली कास, मध्यम कास, तिसरी कास requires explanation. It means Udder; and, as the बलुतेदार are, in the phraseology of endearment or fondling, termed वासरें (calves), their allotments or divisions are figured by successive bodies of calves drawing at the कास or under of the गांव under the figure of a गाय or cow.)(Marathi)

बलुतें (p. 567) [ balutēṃ ] n A share of the corn and garden-produce assigned for the subsistence of the twelve public servants of a village, for whom see below. 2 In some districts. A share of the dues of the hereditary officers of a village, such as पाटील, कुळकरणी &c. बलोतें, बलोतेदार, बलोता or त्या [ balōtē, mbalōtēdāra, balōtā or tyā ] Commonly बलुतें &c.


पोतदार (p. 532) [ pōtadāra ] m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.पोतदारी (p. 532) [ pōtadārī ] f ( P) The office or business of पोतदार: also his rights or fees.पोतनिशी [ pōtaniśī ] f ( P) The office or business of पोतनीस.पोतनीस [ pōtanīsa ] m ( P) The treasurer or cash-keeper.पोतेचाल [ pōtēcāla ] f (Treasury-currency.) The currency in which the public revenue is received. 2 Used as a Of that currency; as पोतेचालीचा (रूपया-पैसा- नाणें &c.) Coin or money admitted into or issued from the Government-treasury; sterling money of the realm.पोतेझाडा [ pōtējhāḍā ] m Settlement of the accounts of the treasury.पोथी [ pōthī ] f A book, a pamphlet, a manuscript.

Hieroglyph: पोंथ [ pōntha ] m n (Or पोंत) A seton. 2 Applied to the hole of a ploughshare.पोत [ pōta ] m f A bead of glass and, sometimes, of gold and of stone. 2 m A neck-ornament of females made of these beads. पोत [ pōta ] m ( or P) A link composed of rolls of coarse cloth. This portion, together with the विडी or iron handle, constitute the मशालor torch. 2 The head, end, point (of a tool, stick &c.): also the end or extreme portion (of a thing gen.) 3 m A seton; and fig. the hole of a फाळ or ploughshare. पोतडी [ pōtaḍī ] f पोतडें n (पोतें) A bag, esp. the circular bag of goldsmiths, shroffs &c. containing their weights, scales, coins &c.पोतंडी [ pōtaṇḍī ] f A little thing (as a nut, a pebble,) or a small quantity (as of sugar, flour, grain) put up in a corner of a cloth and confined by a knot; thus forming a knob or ball. 2 Medicaments tied up in a corner of a cloth, to be dabbed on the eye or other part: also a cloth rolled up into a ball, heated, and applied to foment. v दे,लाव, also पोतंडीनें or पोतंडीचा शेक.पोतें [ pōtēṃ ] n ( or P) A sack or large bag. 2 The treasury or the treasure-bags of Government. 3 The treasure-bag of a village made up for the district-treasury.पोतेखाद [ pōtēkhāda ] f Wastage or loss on goods (as on sugar &c.) from adhesion to the containing sack or bag.

NOTE: seton or seton stitch is, in medicine, a procedure used to aid the healing of fistulae (abnormal connections between two epithelium-lined organs or vessels). The trefoil may be an orthographic construction of three setons or three holed circles.

I suggest that the trefoil is read: pot-ti, the suffix -ti signifying three (Pali) tri- (Samskritam)

Thus, the shawl worn on the statuette decorated with trefoils leaving the right-shoulder bare signifying a priest becomes a phonetic determinative of the reading of the trefoil as potR. पोत [ pōta ] n m ( H Quality; or formed by redup. out of सूत with which word it is generally conjoined in use.) Weftage or texture (of cloth); quality as respects closeness, firmness, body. Ex. सूत- पोत पाहून धोत्र घ्यावें.

போத்தி pōttin. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன்.போற்றி pōṟṟi, < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).
पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv.N. of विष्णु L.  पोत्री af. N. of दुर्गा Gal. (cf. पौत्री).(Monier-Williams. Samskritam)
Priest King Mohenjo-daroSlide harappa.com 41. Priest king.
Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro (41, 42, 43). Fillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress. 

Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object. 

Material: white, low fired steatite
Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
National Museum, Karachi, 50.852
Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII

 Ta. potti garment of fibres, cloth. Ka. potti cloth. Te. potti bark, a baby's linen, a sort of linen cloth; pottika a small fine cloth; podugu a baby's linen.Kol. (SSTWpot sari. Pa. bodgid a short loincloth. / Cf. Skt. potikā-, Pkt. potti-, pottiā-, etc(DEDR 4515) pōta2 m. ʻ cloth ʼ, pōtikā -- f. lex. 2. *pōtta -- 2 (sanskrit- ized as pōtra -- 2 n. ʻ cloth ʼ lex.). 3. *pōttha -- 2 ~ pavásta<-> n. ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV. T. Chowdhury JBORS xvii 83. 4. pōntī -- f. ʻ cloth ʼ Divyāv. 5. *pōcca -- 2 < *pōtya -- ? (Cf. pōtyā = pōtānāṁ samūhaḥPāṇ.gaṇa. -- pṓta -- 1?). [Relationship with prōta -- n. ʻ woven cloth ʼ lex., plōta -- ʻ bandage, cloth ʼ Suśr. or with pavásta -- is obscure: EWA ii 347 with lit. Forms meaning ʻ cloth to smear with, smearing ʼ poss. conn. with or infl. by pusta -- 2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. DED 3569, EWA ii 319)]
1. Pk. pōa -- n. ʻ cloth ʼ; Paš.ar. pōwok ʻ cloth ʼ, g ʻ net, web ʼ (but lauṛ. dar. pāwāk ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, Gaw. pāk IIFL iii 3, 150).
2. Pk. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ, pottī -- , °tiā -- , °tullayā -- , puttī -- f. ʻ piece of cloth, man's dhotī, woman's sāṛī ʼ, pottia -- ʻ wearing clothes ʼ; S. potī f. ʻ shawl ʼ, potyo m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; L. pot, pl. °tã f. ʻ width of cloth ʼ; P. potṛā m. ʻ child's clout ʼ, potṇā ʻ to smear a wall with a rag ʼ; N. potoʻ rag to lay on lime -- wash ʼ, potnu ʻ to smear ʼ; Or. potā ʻ gunny bag ʼ; OAw. potaï ʻ smears, plasters ʼ; H. potā m. ʻ whitewashing brush ʼ, potī f. ʻ red cotton ʼ, potiyā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼ; G. pot n. ʻ fine cloth, texture ʼ, potũ n. ʻ rag ʼ, potī f., °tiyũ n. ʻ loincloth ʼ, potṛī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; M.pot m. ʻ roll of coarse cloth ʼ, n. ʻ weftage or texture of cloth ʼ, potrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ.
3. Pa. potthaka -- n. ʻ cheap rough hemp cloth ʼ, potthakamma -- n. ʻ plastering ʼ; Pk. pottha -- , °aya -- n.m. ʻ cloth ʼ; S. potho m. ʻ lump of rag for smearing, smearing, cloth soaked in opium ʼ.
4. Pa. ponti -- ʻ rags ʼ.
5. Wg. pōč ʻ cotton cloth, muslin ʼ, Kt. puč; Pr. puč ʻ duster, cloth ʼ, pūˊčuk ʻ clothes ʼ; S. poco m. ʻ rag for plastering, plastering ʼ; P. poccā m. ʻ cloth or brush for smearing ʼ, pocṇā ʻ to smear with earth ʼ; Or. pucā̆rapucurā ʻ wisp of rag or jute for whitewashing with, smearing with such a rag ʼ.Addenda: pōta -- 2. 2. *pōtta -- 2: S.kcch. potyo m. ʻ small dhoti ʼ.(CDIAL 8400)


Ma. poṭṭi chicken pox. Ko. poṭ- (poc-) (hand) blisters from friction or hard work; poṭḷ a blister. To. pïṭ- (pïṭy-) (hand) blisters by friction. Tu. poṭlapustule, blister; puṭla id., bubble. Te. poṭamarincu to rise or swell up, as a boil. Pa. poṭka pimple. Ga. (P.) poṭ- to blister. Go. (SR.) boṭṭā, (G.) boṭṭa, (Mu.)boṭka, (Tr.) bōṭṭā, bottā blister (Voc. 2622); (LuS.) botta a boil. Pe. poṭka blister, protuberance on tree. Kui poḍosi, poṭkori blister; āḍi-puṭi smallpox pustule; bṛōga pimple, small boil. Kuwi (P.2poṭka boil. Malt. poṭka sores on the feet. Br. pūtuṛō blister. / Cf. Skt. (lex.poṭika- pustule, boil.(DEDR 4496)

dará3 in cmpds. ʻ cleaving ʼ RV. (dára -- Pāṇ.), m. ʻ hole in the ground, cave ʼ R., darátha -- m. lex. 2. darī -- f. MBh. [~ *dalī -- . -- √d&rcirclemacr;]1. K. dar m. ʻ cave ʼ; B. dar ʻ cave, hole, hollow in ground ʼ; G. dar n. ʻ hole, burrow ʼ; M. dar m. ʻ hole for putting a tree or stake in ʼ; Si. dara ʻ cave, chasm ʼ; <-> ext. -- ka -- (rather than < darátha -- ): S. ḍ̠aro m. ʻ hole in the ground to fix anything in ʼ; P. darā m. ʻ passage ʼ; Ku. daro ʻ hole, crack ʼ; B.darā ʻ cave, valley ʼ; M. darā m. ʻ deep ravine ʼ. -- Ext. -- kk -- : Ku. darak ʻ crack, landslip ʼ, darkaṇo intr. ʻ to crack ʼ, darkoṇo tr. ʻ to sever, lacerate ʼ.2. Pa. darī -- f. ʻ cave ʼ, Pk. darĭ̄ -- , dariā -- f.; Kho. (Lor.) dəri ʻ cupboard in wall ʼ; Sh. (Lor.) dər, pl. °ri ʻ underground place for storing ghee ʼ (→ Ḍ. dəriʻ hole ʼ); S. ḍ̠ari f. ʻ hole, den, burrow (of wild animal or reptile) ʼ, ḍ̠ariṛu m.; B. dari ʻ cave, hole, hollow in ground ʼ; Or. dari ʻ cave ʼ, (Sambhalpur) daer ʻ ditch, canal ʼ; H. G. darī f. ʻ cave, valley ʼ; M. darī f. ʻ chasm ʼ.*darākāra -- ; *nakhadara -- .Addenda: dara -- 3. 1. S.kcch. ḍar m. ʻ hole in the ground, burrow ʼ, dharī f. ʻ recess in a wall ʼ; -- line 2 darátha<-> read daratha -- 1.(CDIAL 6188)

*tridhāra (ʻ having three streams ʼ Hariv.) and *trē- dhāra -- ʻ three -- fold, triple ʼ. [Cf. tridhāraka -- m. ʻ the plant Scirpus kysoor ʼ lex., -- Ext. of tridhāˊtrēdhāˊ ʻ triply ʼ RV. (Pa. tidhātēdhā, Pk. tihā), traidha -- ʻ triple ʼ Kauś., rather than cmpd. with dhāˊra -- 2 or dhāˊrā -- 2. -- tri -- ]S. ṭrihāraṭrĭ̄hara ʻ thrice ʼ; L. trēhar m. ʻ third ploughing ʼ; P. tihar m. ʻ third ploughing (= tehar m. after which cauhar ʻ fourth ploughing ʼ), third time, triplication ʼ, teharā ʻ triple ʼ, N. teharotehero, B. tehārā; Or. tihorī ʻ folded thrice ʼ; H. tihrātehrā ʻ triple ʼ (whence tihrānā ʻ to triplicate ʼ), M. tiherā,°rītihirī.(CDIAL 6027)

dhara ʻ holding, supporting ʼ usu. in cmpd. MBh. [√dhr̥]
Kho.(Lor.) dor ʻ hopper of a mill ʼ (→ Kal. dhor, Phal. dhōr m.?); K. dara, dat. °ras m. ʻ prop ʼ; P. dhare jāṇā ʻ to be imprisoned ʼ; A. dhar ʻ embankment, boundary ʼ; G. dharī f. ʻ a support ʼ; M. dhar m. ʻ power of holding, hold ʼ; -- ext. -- ḍa -- : Ku. dharaṛdharaṛo m. ʻ scaffold ʼ.(CDIAL 6740)

Thus, the trefoil is: पोतृ  PLUS दार [ pōtadāra ], 'three holes' in orthography of Indus Script.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
September 26, 2015

From countering to preventing terrorism -- Hamed El-Said

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Sept. 26, 2015

FROM COUNTERING TO PREVENTING TERRORISM


University professor and author Hamed El-Said shares his thoughts on why traditional approaches to fighting terrorism are not working, arguing that countering radicalisation in the first place is a better approach to the problem
Violent extremism, otherwise known as terrorism, is no longer a rarity. According to a recent report by the Institute for Peace and Economics, the number of countries that have not suffered from a terrorist attack has declined from 111 countries in 2004 to only 75 in 2014. While the severity, extent and motivations behind such attacks often vary, there is no question that terrorism has become ‘a global phenomenon’ affecting most of the world’s societies.
  
Not only societies, but also businesses are, and have been affected directly and indirectly by terrorism. The 9/11 attacks, for example, have cost more than $5 billion in terms of losses related to direct physical damages, supply chain disruptions, and interruptions to the international airline industry and tourism.     

A new study of 18 Western European countries reveals that each additional transnational terrorist attack has reduced their economic growth by 0.4 per cent point a year. The World Bank in its 2011 World Development Report went further to acknowledge that terrorist “attacks in one region can impose costs all through global markets.”
  
The disruption of Libyan oil supply following the beginning of the uprising in that country in 2011, when international oil prices jumped by 15 per cent overnight, is a good example. The same World Bank Report adds that today’s businesses regard terrorism as a major challenge to their operations in the areas where they function, and that attempts to contain it have become more unpredictable, ‘extremely costly’ though necessary for the profitability and survival of the firm.

Failed efforts to counter terrorism
These facts and statistics are alarming, given that we spent more than 15 years of relentless efforts to counter terrorism. There is a consensus across the board that policies and approaches have not only failed to prevent or even undermine terrorism, but they have instead aggravated the phenomenon and made the problem worse. This consensus has recently been summed-up by the United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon, while addressing the Institute of D’E’tudes Politiques DE Paris on April 29, 2015, when he stated that today, “violent extremism is a growing and global threat.”

War on Terror
The failure lies in our misconceived strategy employed after and since the 9/11 attacks. Known as the ‘war on terror’, this strategy has overwhelming been reliant on a hard-military approach that focuses on the symptoms and ignores the disease itself. As the anthropologist Scott Atran recently told the UN Security Council’s Ministerial Debate on ‘The Role of Youth in Countering Violent Extremism and Promoting Peace’:

“Unless we understand these powerful cultural forces that radicalise the youth into violent extremism, we will fail to address the threat. When, as now, the focus is on military solutions and police interdiction, matters have already gone way too far. If that focus remains, we lose the coming generation.”
  
The ‘war on terror’ approach has had another indirect but not less damaging implications. Sweeping definitions of terrorism have invariably justified violations of long established international norms, human rights, and freedom of expression in the name of security. As Mr. Ban Ki-moon warned during a summit hosted by the United States on countering violent extremism last February in Washington D.C: “Governments should not use the fight against terrorism and extremism as a pretext to attack one’s critics.”
  
In many parts of the world, legitimate actions of opposition groups, including civil society organisations and human rights defenders have been criminalised in the name of ‘countering terrorism.’ Through such actions we have provided violent extremists seeking to recruit youth into their violent organisations with the very ammunition they need. This goes along way towards explaining the migration of more than 25,000 foreign fighters from more than 100 countries around the world to join the Islamic State or ISIL since the beginning of the upheavals in the Arab World war in early 2011. At least 6,000 of those foreign fighters come from Western Europe, where the motivation for joining such a terrorist group remains little understood.
  
Reversing current strategies
There is a need to reverse our current strategies if we are to win the fight against terrorism. First and for most, there is a need to restore trust, legitimacy, respect for international law and human rights, freedom of expression, and, above all, the promotion of good governance. Mr. Ban Ki-moon was right when he stated: “Military operations are crucial to confront real threats. But bullets are not the ‘silver bullet.’ Missiles may kill terrorists, but good governance kills terrorism. We must remember that.”
  
We need to understand better the conditions that conduce individuals to radicalise to a point of committing or attempting to commit terrorism. Continuing to ramp up security measures in response to terror threats misses the point. It might prevent an attack or two. It might also stop and detain an individual from joining a terrorist organisation abroad. However, this does little to explain why individuals radicalise in the first place.
   
Individuals do not join violent extremism because they are nihilists: lack of opportunities, decent jobs, high quality education, combined with the presence of oppression, corruption, injustices and little regard for human dignity breed radicalisation and extremism that lead to terrorism. Turkey provides important lessons here. In addition to billions of dollars, the pursuit of a purely military approach to the Kurdish problem cost Turkey more than 35,000 innocent lives in the 1990s alone. That is an average of 3,500 fatalities every year.   
  
The realisation that terrorism was a ‘Turkish problem’ not simply a Kurdish one, led to the introduction of a comprehensive and successful economic reform programme that reduced poverty and inequalities, created decent jobs, and improved the living standards of all Turkish citizens in all regions. This was accompanied by a ‘democratisation process’ that protected civil society, prevented torture inside and outside prison walls, and made human rights integrity a constitutional right, not a privilege. The upshot has been the diminishing of a terrorism threat to levels that no longer occupies the daily lives of the average citizen.     

Understanding youth
45 per cent of the world population is youth, the very same group most targeted by violent organisations. In some Muslim majority states, this ratio exceeds 65 per cent. Youth need not be seen as a threat. They possess energy and ideas, they are increasingly networked, and are a source of important solutions. They are the future engine of change. As Professor Atran advised the Security Council last month, there is a need to provide the youth with programmes that offer them something that makes them dream of a life of significance, a positive and achievable personal dream, and the chance to create their own local initiatives.
  
Engagement with community and its key members is a powerful instrument in building a society that is resilient to violent extremist ideologies, aware of its dangers and risks, and capable of building and maintaining bonds and trustful relationships. Programmes that promote community engagement and participation, debates and discussion of all sorts of problems must be encouraged. Communities must also be empowered to find solutions for their problems, including problems related to violent extremism.

The private sectors role
Finally, there is an important role for the private sector in reducing violent extremism and risks associated with it. This can take the shape of direct action (lobbying governments to improve human rights and reduce corruption) or indirectly (through creating jobs and supporting domestic small-size firms). They can also operate alone or with other stakeholders to achieve these objectives.

In short, what is needed is a move away from our current reactionary approach that relies on countering to preventing violent extremism. These elements of this “new” prevention strategy are already being debated seriously inside the United Nations. Mr Ban Ki-moon himself  publically declared that he is in the process of developing “a comprehensive Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism that will seek to engage and empower youth.” Some of the elements of this plan have already been discussed here. They include the protection of human rights and civil liberties, reducing corruption, promoting good governance and fostering a culture of peace by deploying “weapons of mass instruction instead of weapons of mass destruction.”
  
Only Member States however can ensure the implementation of the Secretary General’s new Action Plan, which will send a clear message that not only is terrorism unacceptable in all its manifestation; but that they are also genuinely taking practical steps to prevent and combat it.

About the Author
Hamed El-Said is a Chair and Professor of International Business and International Political Economy at the Manchester Metropolitan University.
He is the author of New Approaches to Countering Terrorism. He is also an advisor to the United Nations Counter Terrorism Implementation Task Force (UNCTITF).  All opinions however expressed in this article reflect those of the author’s alone.
http://www.counterterrorbusiness.com/index.php/features/74-counter-terrorism-strategy/1215-from-countering-to-preventing-terrorism

Not an easy place to do business, Sir - Fast reform sought, fast decision offered -- NaMo meets US CEOs. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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Saturday , September 26 , 2015 |

Not an easy place to do business, Sir

- Fast reform sought, fast decision offered
MODI MEETS CHIEFS WHO WERE ‘NOT SHY’ 
Narendra Modi poses for a group photo after an interaction with CEOs in New York on Thursday. (PTI)

  • Complicated regulations
  • Excessive permitting
  • Confusing bureaucracy
  • Poor infrastructure
  • Overlapping local taxes
Sept. 25: There is no escape from home truths away from home.
Served at the Waldorf in New York with a laundry list of why India is "not an easy place to do business" and gently nudged on faster reforms, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has promised faster decisions.
Modi also conceded that he knew that "the world is not going to wait for us", according to a newsletter from Alan Murray, the editor of Fortune, the business magazine which hosted a dinner last night for the Prime Minister and US chief executives of companies such as Ford, Cisco, IBM, Lockheed, Marriott, Merck, Pepsi and Dow. ( Fortune is published in India through an agreement between Time Inc and ABP Ltd, which owns The Telegraph.)
Couched in the spin of external affairs ministry spokesperson Vikas Swarup was also an admission that the CEOs sought faster reforms. "By and large the mood was very upbeat. There is general consensus that the Prime Minister is effecting change in India. The only thing all the CEOs said is that 'please make that change faster'."
PTI quoted Modi as telling the CEOs that "reform in governance is my No. 1 priority. We are for simplified procedures, speedy decision-making, transparency and accountability."
Murray said the Prime Minister had acknowledged the CEOs' concerns, "and pledged to speed up efforts to reduce the role of government in business". From neither account did it appear that Modi had made any firm commitment on specific economic reforms.
The newsletter by Murray, who said his "job as moderator was to make sure everyone in this large and voluble group got to speak (they did)", referred to the "popular" Prime Minister's "astonishing" favourability rating in India and said Modi had invited the CEOs to give their advice on how he could accelerate economic growth in India.
"And the CEOs were not shy in responding. They praised the Prime Minister's efforts to improve the climate for business, but highlighted a host of obstacles - complicated regulations, excessive permitting, confusing bureaucracy, poor infrastructure, overlapping local taxes, etc - and urged him to pick up the pace of change. Said one: 'It's not an easy place to do business'," Murray said in the newsletter.
The high turnout from the CEOs highlights the prime position India holds in today's global economy, Murray added. "With China slowing, ... India's 7.5% growth rate makes it the fastest growing major economy in the world today and many of the CEOs cited plans to expand there," Murray said.
The CEOs at the meeting included Lockheed Martin chairman and CEO Marillyn Hewson, Ford president and CEO Mark Fields, IBM chairman Ginni Rometty, PepsiCo chief Indra Nooyi and Dow Chemical chairman Andrew Liveris.
The Modi government and the BJP have been accusing the Opposition Congress of blocking tax reforms and land acquisition laws by paralysing Parliament. But the Congress has countered that Parliament could have functioned had Modi acted against the foreign minister, who is caught in the Lalit Modi scandal.
Investors are also wary of other minefields that include India's poor record in enforcing contracts, its clogged judicial system that leads to protracted litigation, a weak arbitration system to resolve commercial disputes and a capricious style of governance that has seen several administrations overturn the effect of Supreme Court rulings through retrospective changes in tax laws.
India hasn't really been a big destination for foreign investors even though net FDI in 2014-15 amounted to $32.6 billion. In the first quarter of this year (April-June), net FDI has been down 7.3 per cent at $10.7 billion from the corresponding period in 2014.
During the meeting, Modi circulated a one-page fact sheet summarising the steps taken for deregulation, reforms and consistency in the tax administration.
"That note is based on hard facts, on what the government has actually done, what it has done for ease of doing business, where we all expect that when the next report comes, India should have jumped several places up," Swarup said.
Foreign investors have been circumspect about committing project funds to India because it languishes at a lowly 142 in the global rankings brought out in World Bank's Doing Business study - way behind China (ranked 90), Sri Lanka (99) and Pakistan (128).

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150926/jsp/frontpage/story_44719.jsp#.VgZRQFSqqko

Swami Dayananda Saraswati -- Anantanand Rambachan

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Obituary – Swami Dayananda Saraswati (1930-2015)
Dr. Anantanand Rambachan is Professor of Religion at Saint Olaf College, Minnesota, USA. His books include, 'Accomplishing the Accomplished: The Vedas as a Source of Valid Knowledge in Śaṅkara', 'The Limits of Scripture: Vivekananda’s Reinterpretation of the Authority of the Vedas', 'The Advaita Worldview: God, World and Humanity' and 'A Hindu Theology of Liberation: Not-Two is Not One'

Few teachers have fulfilled their obligations to their tradition as Swami Dayananda Saraswati did. He has left our world richer with teachers.
In 1973, after graduating from the University of the West Indies, I made a long journey from my home in Trinidad to study at the Sandeepany Sadhanalaya, theaśrama in Mumbai, India, founded by Swami Chinmayananda (1916-1993). This was my first visit to India, the birthplace of my Hindu ancestors. It was a time when few from my country traveled to India.
I was a teenager when Swami Chinmayananda first visited Trinidad in 1965 and I avidly read his available writings. In 1969, I wrote to him for permission to join his aśrama. His sage advice, after rebuking me for my undated latter, was to complete my college education before coming to Sandeepany.  In 1973, Sandeepany Sadhanalaya launched its first intensive multi-year course of study in Vedānta and Sanskrit.  By then, I had fulfilled Swamiji’s advice and I was accepted as his student.
Mumbai was drenched in monsoon rains when I made my way from the airport to Sandeepany. I was introduced to Swami Dayananda Saraswati, who I learned was the prinicipal ācārya and the designer of the course of study that I came to pursue.
When I arrived at Sandeepany, I discovered that the course had already started.  Swamiji, in fact, had completed his teaching of one of the foundational texts, Śaṅkara’s TattvabodhaTattvabodha offers concise definitions of the major terms and concepts of Vedānta and is a necessary preliminary to further study. Realizing that I would be at a learning disadvantage for his Upaniṣad classes, Swamiji offered to teach the text again and did so in intimate sessions in his kutir. Though he had recently completed the text, his instruction was patient and thorough. These were features of his teaching that never wavered. There were never signs of impatience or haste.

This was my first and indelible experience of the one who would become the most influential teacher in my life. For the next three years, with rare breaks, I sat at his feet studying the Upaniṣads and the Bhagavadgītā with the commentaries of Śaṅkara.
When Swamiji was ready to begin the teaching of the Bhagavadgītā, he wanted a location where the ancient ṛṣis themselves taught and where their memories were still alive.  He took us all to Purana Jhadi in Rishikesh. There was no accommodation at Purana Jhadi. Swamiji had a tiny one-room cottage, and so we stayed in the spartan rooms of Andhra Ashram. On early mornings and late afternoons, we sat in the open on the banks of the Ganga, breathing the cool air and listening to his meticulous verse by verse exposition of the Bhagagavadgītā. The Ganga roared unceasingly in the background and Swamiji often spoke of it as symbolizing the sampradāya or flow of knowledge.  Swamiji delighted in the simple and unencumbered ascetic setting of Purana Jhadi . It seemed a perfect setting, singing Ganga and silent Himalaya, for Swamiji to do what he loved beyond all else – teach.  It does not surprise that Swamiji chose Rishikesh, a sacred space where he lived as both student and teacher, to be the site of his mahāsamādhi.
Swami Dayananda Saraswati was an abundantly gifted human being and these gifts found fruitful expression in a variety of achievements and initiatives.  A proper and detailed assessment of his legacy is a necessary task for scholars of religion in the future. For his students across the world, however, the heart of this legacy is not in dispute. They have discovered it in his extraordinary gifts as a teacher of Vedānta; this is the image that is lovingly and gratefully alive in their hearts.
At the heart of Swamiji’s passion and creativity as a teacher was his foundational commitment to the Veda (śruti) as a source of valid knowledge (pramāṇa). The understanding of the Veda as apramāṇa, though central to the methodology of the classical teacher, Śaṅkara, did not come easy to Swamiji. He spoke often to us of his early challenges as a student of Vedānta before he understood the Veda as a pramāṇa. His students, he would say, “do not know the magnitude of the discovery that the Veda is a pramāṇa. They did not suffer as I did.”  He attributed his transformative understanding to the teaching of a Telugu-speaking saṃnyāsin, Swami Pranavananda. Through the teaching of Swami Pranavananda, Swamiji came to see Vedānta as a direct means of knowledge for knowing the truth of oneself, even as the eyes serve as the instrument for the knowledge of forms and colors. “That was enough for me,” said Swamiji. “I never looked back. I had already studied the Upaniṣads – Vedāntaḥ. So, what was needed was only to rearrange – to look at the Upaniṣads, the whole teaching in the light ofPramāṇam.”
Any description of Swamiji’s skillful teaching is incomplete without grasping this fact. This is where he always started his unfolding of the Vedānta vision. The human problem, as Swamiji tirelessly taught, is one of incorrect understanding of the nature of oneself that is full and whole, but erroneously taken to be incomplete and lacking.  Ignorance is dispelled only by knowledge and knowledge must be derived from a valid source.
The Veda-pramāṇa consists of words. The potential of these words to dispel ignorance depends on their handling by a skillful teacher. Swamiji brought to his teaching a deep understanding of the possibilities and limits of language.  He exercised meticulous care in his choice of words and used these with marvelous dexterity and deftness to instruct about that, “from whom all words, along with the mind, turn back having failed to grasp.” (Taittirīya Upaniṣad). He knew well the dangers of linguistic indiscipline and imprecision in speaking of brahman and sought always to use words with caution, and consistency. He was fresh and chaste in his teaching. Words can liberate and words can imprison; he tapped deftly into the liberating potential of the words of the Upaniṣads and taught his students to do the same.
As a teacher, Swamiji’s attention was unwaveringly centered on the end-purpose of his teaching- the freedom of the student sitting at his feet. He made mokṣa, an end that is too-often clothed in mystery and made to seem remote and difficult, real and accessible.  He universalized the human problem as a sense of inadequacy and incompleteness, making it one that is validated in the experience of every human being. He presented mokṣaas freedom from self-inadequacy that is attained through understanding a teaching that dispels ignorance.  He enabled us to see that the full being we want to become is immediately and always available. The presentation of the human problem and its resolution in these terms means that the Vedānta pramāṇa deals with a recognizable human issue.  As a teacher, Swamiji clearly wanted to present the Vedānta  pramāṇa in a manner that overcomes cultural or religious alienation and to make it accessible and relevant to a recognizable problem. I recall that in every class, at some point or the other, he imparted the vision of Vedānta in its entirety. To transmit the vision of the whole in this manner is no small accomplishment for a teacher, and Swamiji always did it with an irresistible relevance, charm and intimacy.
One of the eloquent statements about Swamiji’s impact and effectiveness as a teacher is his ability to nurture and produce capable teachers.  He understood himself as belonging to an ancient lineage (sampradāya) of teachers and students. This lineage had both a teaching to transmit as well as a distinctive methodology to ensure proper transmission and continuity.  He fulfilled his indebtedness to this tradition through his own earnest study, his commitment to teaching, and his founding of the Arsha Vidya Gurukulam as a place of teaching and learning. Few teachers have fulfilled their obligations to their tradition as Swamiji did.  He has left our world richer with teachers, monastic and lay, who will contribute to the vitality of this tradition and produce new teachers.
Swamiji’s teaching was essentially an invitation to inquire. One cannot prove that the Vedānta, as a valid source of knowledge, works unless one is willing to give it a try by exposing oneself to a qualified teacher. As a teacher, he never demanded that his students assent to anything apriori.All he asked for was a willingness to try the teaching with an open mind. One must be willing to suspend judgments about the pramāṇa until it is given an opportunity to prove itself.
When I visited Swamiji for the last time in December 2014, forty-one years after we first met, his health was failing and he was frail in body. Each evening, however, a few of us sat around him in the lecture hall to listen to the transcript of his lectures on Taittīriya Upaniṣad.  Between periods of listening, we would support him to exercise by walking around the room. He was attentive to each word, occasionally correcting the transcript, ensuring that his meaning was accurately communicated.  His eyes and face lit up whenever a passage from the commentary of Śaṅkara was cited. He delighted in the clarity and logic of the argument. Commitment to the Veda-pramāṇa was the beginning and end of his self-understanding as a teacher.
One night, at the end of the session, he turned me and spoke words that I will never forget, “Śastra pramāṇa does work.” 
http://swarajyamag.com/culture/obituary-swami-dayananda-saraswati-1930-2015/

Himachal CM Virbhadra Singh: CBI raids. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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CBI officials raid Himachal CM Virbhadra Singh’s residence; BJP demands his resignation

virbhadra bhadra singh, CBI raidA view of Holy Lodge where CBI raided today morning. (Source: Express Photo)
Facing a CBI preliminary inquiry in a disproportionate assets case, Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh on Saturday faced major embarrassment as an 18-member team of CBI officials raided his residence Holly Lodge, Shimla this morning.
Simultaneous raids were also carried out at his residences in Rampur and Saharan – both of which are his native places in Shimla – besides Delhi.
CBI officials confirmed the raids at about 11 locations after a Preliminary Enquiry (PE) registered in June 2015 was converted into a FIR under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
Having had some information about the impending FIR, the chief minister got a signed statement issued by all his 11 ministers throwing their weight behind him, and accused the central government of political vendetta.
Virbhadra Singh, CBI raidMinisters , chairmen and vice chairmen of PSUs reach CM Virbhadra Singh’s residence during the CBI
Early this morning, the CBI team, which sources say also comprised officials of the Enforcement Directorate, reached the chief minister’s private bungalow and called Chief Secretary P Mitra as well as DGP Sanjay Kumar before beginning the raid. TG Negi, a retired IAS officer, and current chairman of State Election Commission, was also at the residence.
There is no official word on the raids, which are still on.
Singh and his family members were out for a family function, as the chief minister had fixed the marriage of his daughter Minakshi Singh at a local temple, which was kept as a quiet and simple family affair. The CBI raids coincided with the wedding event.
However, the Chief Minister soon reached his residence along with his wife Pratibha Singh following which several of his supporters and cabinet ministers, beside senior government officials, arrived.
The Chief Minister was to host a lunch reception for a select group of people but the CBI team continued its raid even as the state’s advocate General Shravan Dogra arrived to assist the family. Many family guests who reached were caught unaware about the presence of the CBI team.
Cabinet ministers Vidya Stokes, Urban Development Minister Sudhir Sharma, chairmen of boards and corporations including Major (Rtd) Vijai Singh Mankotia, Harsh Mahajan, Harish Janartha and CPS Jagjivan Pal were at the CM’s residence.
Stokes, who left the CM’s residence in an hour, said, “there is a wedding function going on in the House. There are relatives and guests. We are here for the function only. Rest I wouldn’t know.”
BJP’s chief whip Suresh Bhardwaj has demanded resignation of the chief minister on moral grounds, now that a CBI case has been registered against him.
The DA case relates to Singh’s tenures as Union minister for steel after he had refiled revised Income Tax returns for the year 2009-10, 2010-11 and 2011-12 showing a huge increase in the income from apple orchards, which until then used to be a few lakh rupees.
Beside Virbhadra Singh, his wife Pratibha Singh, son Vikramaditya Singh and daughter Aparajita Kumari have also been named in the case alleging that the chief minister and his family amassed huge wealth.
During his tenure as Union minister, Singh invested Rs 6.1 crore in life insurance policies through a LIC agent Anand Chauhan, who was also his manager at the orchard. Chauhan’s house was also raided.
Now Finance Minister, BJP leader Arun Jaitely was the first to write to then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seeking a CBI probe into charges against Virbhadra Singh, terming it as an “open and shut case”.
A PIL was also filed against Virbhadra Singh in the Delhi High Court, which is currently pending for hearing. The CBI was asked during the last hearing to submit a status report on the charges against him.
http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/cbi-ed-officials-raid-himachal-cm-virbhadra-singhs-residence-in-shimla/99/print/

No more excavations at Pattanam: ASI. Foreign intervention in Pattanam project brought to GOI notice -- Prof. Dilip K Chakrabarti

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ePaper
No more excavations at Pattanam: ASI

 Sept. 26, 2015



Right wingers and KCHR clash over need to establish proof of St Thomas' Kerala advent

Archaeological Survey of India has denied permission to the Kerala Council of Historical Research for excavation at Pattanam, near Kochi, which they claim is the site of the ancient Muziris port, where it is widely believed that St Thomas, one of the 12 Apostles of Jesus Christ, landed in 52 AD.

The decision was taken during the Central Advisory Board of the ASI's meeting on September 11-12.

The move comes after a series of memoranda submitted by various right-leaning organisations including the Bharatheeya Vichara Kendram Research Centre.

“The only motive of these excavations is to establish that there was no brahminical heritage of Kerala and that it was only after St Thomas arrived that culture came here,“ alleged Dr K N Madhusudan Pillai, director of the Bharatheeya Vichara Kendram Research Centre, who has sent three memoranda to the Culture Minister on the issue. Dr Pillai adds that the excavations were to be carried out by unqualified persons who had jumped to the conclusion without having any evidence to support their claim.

The project director, C J Cherian, however, refutes the allegations.“This is a scientific project that has been appreciated by many leading institutions within and outside the country. It is a project that every one should be proud of,“ he told Mirror.

Though Cherian says there is enough evidence to prove that there was trade exchange with Africa and Europe 2,000 years back, he shies away from confidently saying that this is the site of Muziris port. “There are evidences that indicate that this could be Muziris, but we need more research and more excavations to confirm it comprehensively,“ he said. The next round of excavations, for which KCHR has been denied permissions, was to establish the spatial organisation of the port. “If we say St Thomas arrived here, it was not just one-way traffic, there was an exchange of ideas and philosophy. We also have evidence of a Sufi going to the west from here,“ Dr Cherian added.

Ostensibly, the reason stated for denying the permission is that as per Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Rules 1959, no excavation license for an area can exceed five years.KCHR has been excavating Pattanam village, 20 km away from Kochi, for the last nine years.
However, sources within ASI confirm that the decision has been also prompted by a series of complaints and memoranda sent out to Culture Minister Dr Mahesh Sharma. Based on the complaints, an enquiry has also been ordered.“The excavations have already been going on beyond the prescribed time limit. There was considerable pressure,“ he said.

Other than Bharatheeya Vichara Kendram Research Centre, ICHR (India Council of Historical Research) newly appointed members including Michel Danino, Professor Dilip K Chakrabarti and Professor C I Issac have objected to the excavations.

Professor Chakrabarti had in his book “Nation First“ requested the Government of India to intervene and take serious note of foreign interference in Pattanam project that receives funding from various international bodies.

Incidentally, in January this year, Delhi's National Museum had hosted an exhibition of displaying exhibits from Pattanam excavations which was inaugurated by Culture Minister Mahesh Sharma.

MAHESH SHARMA BLAMES MEDIA FOR `MISCHIEF'

NOIDA Union Minister of State for Culture and Tourism Mahesh Sharma on Saturday blamed the media for misquoting him about girls going out late at night, asserting that only a part of his statement was telecast.“It is true that I respect India's culture, but that does not mean I differ entiate between a son and daughter.I have a daughter and a son, and I have never said that my daughter should not go out late in the evenings. My daughter is a doctor and she often comes home late at night from work,“ Sharma told ANI here.“Even PM Modi had earlier said that women are even hanging out late at night in Gujarat and it's absolutely safe. Women from our country are going to space, then, how can I say that they are not equal. I was misquoted by the media and only a part of the statement was shown on television,“ Sharma added.Sharma had earlier stoked a controversy by saying that girls' wanting a night out is unacceptable in India.“Girls wanting a night out may be all right elsewhere, but it is not part of Indian culture,“ Sharma told a private TV channel on Friday. ANI

http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Article.aspx?eid=31820&articlexml=No-more-excavations-at-Pattanam-ASI-20092015007010

No more excavations at Pattanam: ASI



Right wingers and KCHR clash over need to establish proof of St Thomas' Kerala advent

Archaeological Survey of India has denied permission to the Kerala Council of Historical Research for excavation at Pattanam, near Kochi, which they claim is the site of the ancient Muziris port, where it is widely believed that St Thomas, one of the 12 Apostles of Jesus Christ, landed in 52 AD. The decision was taken during the Central Advisory Board of the ASI's meeting on September 11-12. The move comes after a series of memoranda submitted by various right-leaning organisations including the Bharatheeya Vichara Kendram Research Centre.


"The only motive of these excavations is to establish that there was no brahminical heritage of Kerala and that it was only after St Thomas arrived that culture came here," alleged Dr K N Madhusudan Pillai, director of the Bharatheeya Vichara Kendram Research Centre, who has sent three memoranda to the Culture Minister on the issue. Dr Pillai adds that the excavations were to be carried out by unqualified persons who had jumped to the conclusion without having any evidence to support their claim. The project director, C J Cherian, however, refutes the allegations. "This is a scientific project that has been appreciated by many leading institutions within and outside the country. It is a project that every one should be proud of," he told Mirror.


Though Cherian says there is enough evidence to prove that there was trade exchange with Africa and Europe 2,000 years back, he shies away from confidently saying that this is the site of Muziris port. "There are evidences that indicate that this could be Muziris, but we need more research and more excavations to confirm it comprehensively," he said. The next round of excavations, for which KCHR has been denied permissions, was to establish the spatial organisation of the port. "If we say St Thomas arrived here, it was not just one-way traffic, there was an exchange of ideas and philosophy.

Mahesh Sharma blames media for 'mischief' 

Union Minister of State for Culture and Tourism Mahesh Sharma on Saturday blamed the media for misquoting him about girls going out late at night, asserting that only a part of his statement was telecast. "It is true that I respect India's culture, but that does not mean I differentiate between a son and daughter. I have a daughter and a son, and I have never said that my daughter should not go out late in the evenings. My daughter is a doctor and she often comes home late at night from work," Sharma told ANI here.
"Even PM Modi had earlier said that women are even hanging out late at night in Gujarat and it's absolutely safe. Women from our country are going to space, then, how can I say that they are not equal. I was misquoted by the media and only a part of the statement was shown on television," Sharma added. Sharma had earlier stoked a controversy by saying that girls' wanting a night out is unacceptable in India. "Girls wanting a night out may be all right elsewhere, but it is not part of Indian culture," Sharma told a private TV channel on Friday. 

Sharma most 'uncultured' minister: Cong

Congress leader Manish Tiwari on Saturday said that Mahesh Sharma, the Union Minister of State for Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, was India's most "uncultured" minister, and has been making the "most uncultured statements" over the last 15 days. "Does he want to suggest that night out for boys is okay and night out for girls is not okay? Is he wanting to suggest that girls are inferior beings and that they should be confined within the four walls of their homes," Tiwari asked.


"The next logical extension of this is that girls should not be educated. There is a very bizarre gentleman who is occupying the culture ministry and it seems what he is articulating are really the core views of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). So, in the manner of speaking, the country is getting acquainted as to what the core ideology of the RSS is," Tewari said. 


We also have evidence of a Sufi going to the west from here," Dr Cherian added. Ostensibly, the reason stated for denying the permission is that as per Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Rules 1959, no excavation license for an area can exceed five years. KCHR has been excavating Pattanam village, 20 km away from Kochi, for the last nine years. However, sources within ASI confirm that the decision has been also prompted by a series of complaints and memoranda sent out to Culture Minister Dr Mahesh Sharma. Based on the complaints, an enquiry has also been ordered.

"The excavations have already been going on beyond the prescribed time limit. There was considerable pressure," he said. Other than Bharatheeya Vichara Kendram Research Centre, ICHR (India Council of Historical Research) newly appointed members including Michel Danino, Professor Dilip K Chakrabarti and Professor C I Issac have objected to the excavations. Professor Chakrabarti had in his book "Nation First" requested the Government of India to intervene and take serious note of foreign interference in Pattanam project that receives funding from various international bodies.


Incidentally, in January this year, Delhi's National Museum had hosted an exhibition of displaying exhibits from Pattanam excavations which was inaugurated by Culture Minister Mahesh Sharma.


http://www.bangaloremirror.com/news/india/No-more-excavations-at-Pattanam-ASI/articleshow/49029013.cms

Gen VK Singh Framed? -- Surajit Dasgupta

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  • Gen VK Singh Framed? -- Surajit Dasgupta 27 Sept. 2015
  • He believes he is being targeted by a section of the media in connivance with corrupt portions of the Army he was fighting against while in service, some mutually adversarial officers and possibly arms lobbies.
    It has been alleged in some sections of the media that documents related to the Technical Support Division of the Indian Army were destroyed days before Gen VK Singh retired as the Army Chief. Here are seven reasons he gives to dismiss those allegations, in brief:
    – The allegedly destroyed files are classified. So the authority cannot confirm or deny what some journalists are claiming about its contents.
    – The Army has a master copy of every document. Therefore, their alleged destruction is of no consequence.
    – An Army chief is the head of the entire force of 1.3 million soldiers; he does not get into micro-management of individual wings like the Technical Support Division (TSD).
    – Three media houses have been after him, toeing the line of each other — or, one reproducing the story of another with sentences rephrased — despite his repeated clarifications, explanations and rejoinders.
    – The fact that his former colleagues in the Army who are inimical to him have cases of corruption against them is not being mentioned in these stories.
    – Similarly, the obvious fact that the demand of his resignation from ministries by spokespersons of the Congress at the drop of a hat is politically motivated is not being highlighted.
    – Another motivated party is the arms lobby against which Gen VK Singh had launched a crusade of sorts. No accuser is seeing its apparent hand in the spate of allegations against the former Army chief.
    Before I begin quoting lines from the long interview I had with Gen VK Singh, two points he made that would rubbish The Hindu’s allegation against him must be stated. First, since the Technical Support Division’s (TSD’s) papers are officially secret, some journalists are taking undue liberty to claim anything pertaining to them — as the allegations can be neither confirmed nor denied. Second, which is a clinching argument, the Army has a master copy each of the documents The Hindu claims have been destroyed, thus making any such ‘destruction’ inconsequential.
    Now the story begins. In December last, Ajit K Dubey of The Week reportsabout the Indian Army’s TSD, which was formed in the wake of the 26/11 Pakistani terror attack on Mumbai for the purpose of intelligence gathering vital for counter-strategies. Different journalists have, ever since, spun their own stories around it to frame Gen VK Singh — the Minister of State of External Affairs, Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Northeast Region and Minister of State (Independent Charge) under the Statistics and Programme Implementation portfolio believes.
    “I have spoken to the editors of (TheHindu. I have also written to Malini Parthasarathy. This is a long letter that I sent (not the rejoinder that was published by the said newspaper), telling her as to how The Hindu had embarked on a similar thing earlier when Chander Suta Dogra had written* and which resulted in some people being killed and then (Siddharth) Varadarajan went on a rampage to say that ‘this is what has happened in Kashmir’ etc etc. Once we wrote to Hindu (protesting against his article)… Varadarajan was removed for the type of thing that he was writing.”
    On my intervention, Gen VK Singh says it is possible that the family feud in Kasturi & Sons Ltd could also have played a role in Varadarajan’s ouster from The Hindu. Anyway, that newspaper’s internal matters are of no consequence to this report.
    gvks 3
    “Now I find today The Indian Express has done a story. Who inThe Indian Express has done it? Ritu Sarin, who did the story with Shekhar Gupta on ‘coup’,” the minister says. [Pranab Dhal Samanta was the third co-reporter of the story; the Expressand its three reporters were dragged to the court; the venerable Prof MD Nalapat ofThe Sunday Guardian saw a UPA minister’s hand in the story “that took up the entire front page with an imaginary scenario that has inadvertently purveyed the falsehood that the Indian army is going the way of its Pakistan counterpart, and that General Singh is itching to do a Musharraf to Manmohan Singh’s Nawaz Sharif”.]
    Sarin had also reported about the alleged allocations by the TSD along the lines of The Hindu report in The Indian Express.
    I point out the irony that The Hindu had questioned The Indian Express’s claim that a unit of the Indian Army was on the verge of launching a coup against the civilian government of the day (Manmohan Singh government).
    “Which only shows how things are! So somebody has got there to tell them to do what should be done,” Gen VK Singh joins the dots.
    Editor of The Hindu “Malini Parthasarathy is very close to 10 Janpath,” Gen Singh alleges, adding, “Very few people know about it.” A bit inhibited to put this on paper, I ask the former Army chief and present minister in the NDA government whether I should put it on paper. He gives me an emphatic “yes”.
    “Most of the time I found something or the other is done to distract (public) attention (from a scandal?). Army is undergoing a major thing now, where the military secretary is accused of taking money for promotions. He’s been sent on leave, pending (his) retirement,” Gen Singh says, referring to the allegation of corruption against Lt Gen Rajiv Bhalla. [Claims made to this effect in some media reports have been officially denied by the Army, leading to the newspapers apologising for the same.]
    “There is also an ongoing case of Jorhat dacoity… which they have been trying to soft-paddle for a very long time,” Gen VK Singh says, adding, “There is also a case filed by (Lt Gen) Ravi Dastane against the Army…”
    When I want to know more about the last officer named above, Gen Singh says, “Dastane actually should have been an Army commander. The present chief (Gen Dalbir Singh Suhag) was under DV (Discipline and Vigilance) ban. It took 10 days to remove that ban for them. In the meantime the post was vacant and, Army commander’s post, the moment it is vacant, it has to be, whosoever is the senior at that time — and who is cleared — has to go in… he has gone to the court.”
    General Suhag
    General Suhag
    “There are certain things that both Josy (Joseph, The Hindu reporter whose story makes the latest controversy) and (TheIndian Express are trying to quote, attributing it to Lt Gen Vinod Bhatia. Now Lt Gen Vinod Bhatia was DG (Infantry), from where he was brought in as DGMO. And I think that carrot was used to put him (on) the Board of Officers. Now there’s nothing called ‘Board of Officers’. Board of Officers is meant to take stock. But they called it the Board of Officers to carry out an inquiry on TSD!” Gen VK Singh is amused.
    When I ask whether the TSD was created by him, Gen Singh lauds journalist Dubey for his research in The Week, and asks me to consult it for relevant details.
    “This report of his is supposed to be secret. People have asked for this report through RTIs. They have been told ‘this report is secret; nothing can be divulged out of it’. If that is the official stand, how is it that its portions are being quoted by Josy and now (TheIndian Express?”
    I ask if it is a violation of the Official Secrets Act. “Absolutely! It is not only a violation of the Official Secrets Act, it is… if somebody called these people and made them read… I don’t know if he has done it… But if he has made them read, then that man is also totally culpable for giving out secrets. And they (the journalists) are culpable for receiving secrets,” Gen VK Singh asserts.
    “Nobody knows what is there in the report. It is a secret, okay? So you can say anything against or for this report. You can attribute anything to this report. It will never be made public. So, anybody who is saying anything… In fact, very interestingly, two things have been said in The Indian Express: they’ve quoted that a minister was given so much of money to ‘destabilise the Omar (Abdullah) government’. Where did they get this from? If they don’t have the proof, …” the minister finds claims made in the reports against him not adding up.
    I ask whether it could have come from former RAW chief AS Dulat who had made a similar claim about the Atal Bihari Vajpayee dispensation. “No, no, no, no, no. They are quoting Bhatia’s report to say so much of crores (sic) was given by (the) TSD to a minister to destabilise Omar’s government. Are they… I mean… Don’t they use their heads as journalists?”
    “Then they have said there was an NGO called Yes Kashmir that got the money to fabricate a case against (Gen) Bikram Singh. Bikram Singh’s case is known all over Kashmir. Who needs to fabricate it?”
    Gen VK Singh tells me the story that dates back to 2001: “An area that was considered to be the safest in Anantanag Janglat Mandi… he (Bikram Singh, at that time a brigadier) used to go there every third day or fourth day for some purchases.”
    “What kind of purchases?” I ask. Gen VK Singh says it must have been for some personal needs of Brig (now retired general) Bikram Singh. “That’s what one has heard about him. I’m only telling you (from) hearsay. I am not privy to what exactly happened. This is what I have heard from the people out there,” the interviewee issues a disclaimer.
    “One fine day, firing occurred out there. In that firing a TA (Territorial Army) battalion CO (Commissioned Officer) who had come to see him gets killed. Two/three more people get killed. He gets a bullet. He is also injured. Bikram Singh is injured.”
    “An old man is killed out there on whom a damaged AK-47 rifle is found, and it is claimed that this old man is a Pakistani terrorist! He is buried by (the) police. Some people of this family ultimately file… they run around etc etc etc and ultimately they find details of him. They file an FIR. Necessary things are done. They go to a court,” Gen VK Singh questions the official account of the Army thus.
    He continues, “Bikram Singh is injured. He was evacuated that day. The injury is shown as a bullet wound ‘on the back of the chest’. I don’t know what is ‘back of the chest’.”
    The minister assumes the inspecting doctor must have got his English wrong, describing the back as “back of the chest”.
    What is significant, “He (Bikram Singh) also gets an award for… God is great… so they are blaming that this Yes Kashmir was into this!” the case gets curioser for the minister. He insists, “Yes Kashmir NGO’s work is known all over Kashmir. But this incident was used by Bikram Singh to say TSD should be disbanded.”
    “How is TSD related to this?” I ask.
    “I don’t know…,” says Gen Singh and reckons that the case is like that in all intelligence communities, where there is “a lot of rift” between staffers. “The person who was chosen to lead TSD by the then Director General (Military Intelligence),” he says was “obviously… seen by others as, you know, ‘got a plum assignment; he’s doing well; let’s bring him down’. So it is this internal rivalry, which resulted in…”
    “Office politics?” I ask.
    “Yes,” Gen VK Singh says, “which resulted in all kinds of funny feedings been done.”
    “(The) Jorhat dacoity occurred. The chap involved, the CO of the unit, was one Col Srikumar who was controlling this operation on telephone. Why do you have to go from Dimapur all the way to Jorhat into somebody else’s area? And they raid a contractor’s house and loot it. They tie up the family. And then the whole establishment goes on to protect this man! There’s something wrong, fishy,” Gen VK Singh looks upset as the authority is not being able to crack such cases.
    “There have also been insinuations and allegations that this unit under this particular colonel saahab was involved in a lot of other things in the Northeast; whether it was gun-running, whether it was extortion…,” the former Army chief alleges.
    Then he gets back to the present incumbent in the seat that he once occupied, Gen Dalbir Singh Suhag: “He (Srikumar) is the present chief’s blue-eyed boy. He was brought to Delhi, given some administrative appointment, but he is the ‘friend, philosopher and guide’ kind of a man to be advising him (Gen Suhag) — a man who was utilised by both the present man and the previous man (Gen VK Singh’s two successors) to start planting stories in India Today and Mail Today by posing as if he is posted in Delhi while he was actually posted in Dimapur!”
    India Today went again on a spate of articles saying various things.” [Refer to these articles, for example: Piece 1 and Piece 2]
    “The basic fact remains that the TSD was raised based on government’s requirement — that we need an organisation which should be able to take action against things like Mumbai 26/11 attack. At that time when people were asked, they said ‘we don’t have any means’. So, it was raised. It had been given a particular task. It did the task. You’ll have various types of people who will say nahin ji, woh to falaan organisation karta hai (no, sir, such and such organisation does this job)… everybody does it; it is for the Government of India to take whatever means they want to. Nobody’s straitjacketed. And nobody speaks about it. It (the TSD) did its work. It proved its effectiveness. And when I was leaving the office, the file was put up to me as to the experiment of this unit has proved to be useful. And I wrote out there that the experiment has been useful. Decision to continue this or to wind it up rests with the next chief.”
    “Which files are they (The Hindu and The Indian Express) talking about?” he refers to the documents whose copies were published the next day. “What are those documents? They are all by Southern Command Intelligence Unit, with some pertaining to TSD. I’ve seen those documents. I have viewed all of them. There is some photocopy of a passport, other things, some other thing… They mean nothing.”
    Gen VK Singh explains that these were documents whose multiple copies existed and hence there was no point retaining all the copies. “We have one master copy, which is available.”
    “(The) Southern Command Intelligence has done it. As for that VKK Chavan they are talking about, he is the head of intelligence organisation in the Southern Command. He has been questioned by the general Court Martial; he has given his reply. So, what are these of any consequence now?”
    He says the Army has a master copy of all these documents. Otherwise, they wouldn’t have been destroyed, Gen Singh said. “If they had been the only documents, they would not have been destroyed,” he explains.
    Gen VK Singh
    File photo
    What the reporters fail to appreciate is, Gen VK Singh affirms, “Chiefs command the Army; they don’t command units. This unit (the TSD) was not the chief’s personal fiefdom. His ‘fiefdom’ is the entire Army of 1.3 million (soldiers). Only people who are brainless can think that he will be looking after units.”
    “This unit functioned under the DGMI. He is the man responsible for them (TSD’s staff),” Gen VK Singh tries to set the record straight by saying that it is the DGMI who decides under whom this unit will work. “That’s the intelligence organisation; there is a proper lieutenant general available who takes charge of this. If chiefs start getting busy in minor things like this, then what are they (the intelligence staff) going to do?” he wants his detractors to explain.
    “The problem with these people (the journalists who are after him) is that their brain is so narrow that they can’t look beyond that,” the former soldier sounds exasperated.
    “Who are the people who are behind this? I’m quite sure the guy against whom the CBI has registered the case for that 14 crore thing has to be there,” Singh refers back to the recent case of corruption involving Military Secretary Bhalla. “The guy he was working for, the arms lobby, has to be there… because they still will be into hanky-panky. They can’t sit quiet.”
    “There will be people like that Srikumar. Incidentally, his name is there in the Sardha scam. His name is written as K-o-r-n-a-l Surkumar. And the Army has refused to give this man to CBI, saying that ‘nobody of this name exists’ (whereas) 25 lakhs has been shown against this man. Where did the colonel saahab get 25 lakhs (from)?”
    “And why has the Army refused? We should actually question these people.”
    I tell Gen VK Singh that if all this was revealed, he would be accused of demoralising the Army. The minister laughs heartily, and says, “There is no demoralisation; people are taking crores for promotion. I think that something is wrong. Who all are involved in it have to be… the Army must straighten itself. That’s what at least I started with. Yes, it becomes difficult. I’ve got Adarsh lobby against me; I’ve got Sukhna lobby against me; I’ve got all these chaps who were peddling vehicles and arms and other things; they are against me. Let it continue. So what?”
    To that I remind Gen VK Singh that he has made enemies everywhere — not only in the Army but also within the government — and talk about thedefence ministry’s affidavit rubbishing his accusations and trying to quash his disciplinary actions against Suhag, the then Army vice chief (now chief).
    “I had taken serious umbrage to it. And I said if my own government is writing a thing like this, then I don’t have a right to stay in this government. I am very clear in my conscience, okay? I know why it was done. From time to time you will have the same lot of people raising the cacophony, you know, ‘oh, he said this; so he must resign’, ‘oh, he said this; so he must resign’.”
    “Who are these people? (Abhishek Manu) Singhvi, Manish Tewari, Kapil Sibal! … Don’t we know what kind of people they have been? And there has to be somebody who instigates them. Who is that chap?”
    “Who is that madari (ringleader or mastermind)? We have to find thatmadari.”
    I tell Gen VK Singh that, some time after the last occasion when he was targeted by the media, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had appreciated his work for the evacuation of Indians stranded in Yemen via Djibouti, and he says, “People were not very happy (about that).”
    He says the prime minister appreciates his work. “He understood the type of work which was done. I am not the type of person who goes and starts tom-tomming his (own) work that some people do. I do my work and let the work speak for itself.”
    Otherwise, he says, he has observed how a government functions. In the Army, he says, when somebody is entrusted with a task, the boss is 99 per cent sure it will be done; for a full 100 per cent, he appoints a supervisor. In the government, to ensure something is done, one has to be part of the team, Gen VK Singh underscores the fact that he must always be on his toes. http://swarajyamag.com/politics/gen-vk-singh-framed/
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      Gen. VK Singh proved to be an excellent COAS not just in the typical role but also for taking strong initiatives on tackling corruption, improving conditions of Jawans. He is very popular among Jawans(apart from his impeccable service record & support of a smaller but significant Armed force lobby) that's why his much powerful enemies didn't go 'all out' against him & preferred to rely on proxy war against Gen VK Singh like Pakistan do. I hope that current GOI will fully stand by Gen VK Singh against this proxy war by traitors.



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          There can be no doubt that Gen VK Singh has enemies in the corruption network that encompasses the last political regime, arms lobby and the army officers who sleep with the former two for pecuniary benefits. In fact people came to realise that AK Anthony was the defence minister only after he became embroiled in a spat with Gen VK. Does anyone doubt that the last regime's main agenda was corruption? And the less said about the integrity and credibility of some partisan journalists the better.
          As for Shekhar Gupta, I distinctly remember that when there were heated debates about the prospect of Sonia Gandhi becoming PM, there were more than ripples in the Congress Party itself and it had become a threat to the Party's stability, it was Shekhar Gupta who suggested in an article in the Indian Express that she could stay in the background and still wield power. Imagine a journalist suggesting such a diabolical strategy! And that is what subsequently happened thanks to a soul-less Manmohan Singh agreeing to play the role of a ventriloquist's puppet.



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              Same things have been said by Indian Navy Chief Admiral DK Joshi.
              Is the media even serious?Who believes media anyway?
              At least not the media which is run by people like Shekhar Gupta.
              Not in a million years.



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                  UPA II put VKS under the microscope and tried to dig out embarrassing information against him and failed. So, they took help of Presstitudes to tarnish his image. Instead what we see is that the the press(IE, The Hindu, etc) lowered themselves further.
                  In the contest of credibility between Media Mafia and gen VKS. The people trust the former general.



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                      Thanks Swarajyamag! Some day the rest of the media 'without vested interests' will recognize TSD as an unconventional masterstroke that smart and decisive army officers conceived and executed under a 'policy paralysis' environment to meet the intelligence threats after 26/11. If anything Gen. VK Singh and the DGMI team needs to be hailed for this!



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                          V K Singh Saab,
                          It is pointless to indulge in debate with pests and vermins ( media scums). They believe in shoot and scoot and similar techniques. The govt needs to be smart and outsmart them comprehensively.
                          Right now they fear not indian govt nor indian judiciary. They are backed by deep pockets ( indian enemies ) and facilitated by a mediocre clumsy incompetent corrupt indian bureacracy and archaic laws , systems.
                          Unless one is swift , smarter , decisive - there is a long thankless battle ahead.



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                              The framing of General V.K.Singh. This reminds me a great deal of how the British and their stooges of the India Republic "read" and quote the Vedas, the Smirthis, and the Shastras that are forbidden to be written and therefore cannot be "read". Who wrote these for what interpretation and why?



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                                  Broker Shekhar Gupta and Sub-Broker Ajay Shukla are the main attackers in media.

                              Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes of Mohenjo-daro dancing girl holding a lamp deciphered

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                              An exquisite, cute bronze statue of Mohenjo-daro referred to as 'dancing girl' conveys many hieroglyph based Meluhha messages unambiguously in orthographic, artistic expressions. The action signified is a dance-step which is also a hieroglyph. She holds a lamp signifying furnace-work by artisans. The decipherment of the hieroglyph-multiplex of this statue also includes a lexis (Meluhha vocabulary) related to metalwork. This decipherment is consistent with the recognition of Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork of the Bronze Age with competence in cire perdue metal casting technology.

                              Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes on the statue are linguistic-lexis determinatives of the Meluhha -- vāk -- speech [mentioned as mleccha vācas distinguished from (chandas) literary form ārya vācas mentioned in Manu Samhita 10.45]. 

                              The lexis is a set of messages of blacksmith's metal implements out of smithy-forge and constitute a display, a celebration of metallurgical competence of the artisans. The statue is a bronze casting using cire perdue (lost-wax) casting technology.

                              A characteristic feature of the Indus Script is that within a very small space of an artefact messages of metalwork are communicated unambiguously and with extraordinary diligence, care and precision. For instance, many miniature tablets of Harappa are just the size of a thumbnail, many of which can be seen in the exhibits of Madras Egmore Museum. The dancing girl bronze statue is just 10.5 cm. tall, but studded with many hieroglyph-multiplexes of catalogus catalogorum of metalwork. Hieroglyphs are signified not merely on potsherds, seals, tablets, metal implem ents but also on artefacts in the round. The artisans engraved with care and diligence, very precise messages broadcasting their metallurgical competence. This may also explain the procession-scenes on some tablets and on Ancient Near East cylinder seals or Warka vase. 

                              Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm) cylinder Seal with four hieroglyphs and four kneeling persons (with six curls on their hair) holding flagposts, c. 2220-2159 B.C.E., Akkadian (Metropolitan Museum of Art) Cylinder Seal (with modern impression). The four hieroglyphs are: from l. to r. 1. crucible PLUS storage pot of ingots, 2. sun, 3. narrow-necked pot with overflowing water, 4. fish A hooded snake is on the edge of the composition. (The dark red color of jasper reinforces the semantics: eruvai 'dark red, copper' Hieroglyph: eruvai 'reed'; see four reedposts held).
                              Image result for procession ancient near eastWarka vase
                              Image result for procession ancient near eastTell AsmarCylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE.
                              Image result for procession ancient near eastImage result for procession ancient near eastTwo tablets of Mohenjo-daro present the Meluhha standard of processions: m0490, m0491.

                              Display of a dance-step in an exquisite bronze statue 10.5 cm. high 
                              Place of Origin: Mohenjodaro Materials: Bronze Dimensions: 10.5 x 5 x 2.5 cm.  Acc. No. 5721/195 National Museum. New Delhi ca. 2500 BCE

                              I am grateful to Prof. TP Verma for pointing out something which has so far been unnoticed by all archaeologists and art critics. The reference is to an object held in the left hand and resting on her left knee of this dancing girl statue. In Prof. Verma's view, this is NOT a begging bowl of a dancer but a representation of Parvati as Annapurna, noting that the most striking feature of Harappan figures is that Mother  goddesses are shown naked. Thus nudity is the sign of divinity. 

                              I suggest that the object held in her hand is a deepam, diya, lamp. It is possible that the lamp held on her hand was used with a wick and oil to light up like a lamp as a demonstration piece, an exhibit of the metallurgical competence of the artisans of Mohenjo-daro.
                              Image result for earthen lampModern. Terracotta lamp holding a single lighted wick.

                              There is another bronze of Mohenjodaro showing a lady holding perhaps a deepam comparable to pāvai-viḷakku bronzes in South Indian tradition.
                              Mohenjo-daro. Bronze Statue. Lady holding a deepam. Bronze statue of a woman holding a small bowl, Mohenjodaro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method (DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, Pl. LXXIII, 9-11)
                              Image result for paavaivilakku bronzeModern. Bronze lamp holding lady, pāvai-viḷakku(Tamil).
                              பாவைவிளக்கு pāvai-viḷakku, n. < id. +. Lamp with a damsel-shaped stand; பிரதிமை விளக்கு. பொலம்பாலிகைகளும் பாவைவிளக்கும் பல வுடன் பரப்புமின் (மணி. 1, 45).

                              The dancing girl statue is shown wearing wristlets and bangles on her arms.

                              Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻwristlets, bangles ʼ(Gujarati)(CDIAL 2779) Rebus:  khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु‍&below; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or -güjü -ग&above;जू&below; । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू‍&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 -म्य&above;च&dotbelow;ू&below; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun]), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः f.pl. charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् ।लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil. (Kashmiri)

                              Hieroglyph: várti1 (and vartí -- ) f. ʻ wick ʼ MBh., ʻ small compress ʼ Suśr., ʻ lamp ʼ lex., °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ KālP. [√vr̥t1]Pa. vaṭṭi -- , °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭĭ̄ -- , °ṭiā -- , vatti -- f.; Sh. batīˊ ʻ unlit native lamp, candle, wick of European lamp ʼ (← H.?); S. vaṭi f. ʻ wick ʼ; L. vaṭṭf. ʻ roll of grass, wick ʼ, awāṇ. vaṭ ʻ wick ʼ, P. vaṭṭī, ba°, battī f.; N. bāti ʻ lamp ʼ (bati ← H.), A. bāti; B. bāti ʻ wick, lamp, candle ʼ; Or. bati ʻ lamp ʼ (← H.), Bi. Mth. Bhoj. bātī; OAw. bātĭ̄ ʻ wick ʼ, H. bātī, battī f. (→ N. Or. and prob. Sh.); G. vāṭ f. ʻ lamp ʼ, vātī f. ʻ perfumed match or taper ʼ; M. vāt f. ʻ wick ʼ, Ko.vāti; Si. väṭ -- a ʻ lamp ʼ, väṭi -- ya ʻ wick ʼ; Md. vo'ʻ lamp ʼ; -- with -- o as from an orig. masculine: Ku. bāto m. ʻ wick, lamp ʼ; N. bāto ʻ rope of twisted cane (to tie down thatch) ʼ.Addenda: várti -- 1: S.kcch. batī, bhatī f. ʻ lamp, torch ʼ ← H.; WPah.kṭg. batti, kc. baṭe f. ʻ wick, lamp, light ʼ, J. bāṭī f.(CDIAL 11359) Rebus 1:  vartalōha n. ʻ a kind of brass (i.e. *cup metal?) ʼ lex. [*varta -- 2 associated with lōhá -- by pop. etym.?] Pa. vaṭṭalōha -- n. ʻ a partic. kind of metal ʼ; L.awāṇ. valṭōā ʻ metal pitcher ʼ, P. valṭoh, ba° f., vaṭlohā, ba° m.; N. baṭlohi ʻ round metal vessel ʼ; A. baṭlahi ʻ water vessel ʼ; B. bāṭlahi, bāṭulāi ʻ round brass cooking vessel ʼ; Bi. baṭlohī ʻ small metal vessel ʼ; H. baṭlohī, °loī f. ʻ brass drinking and cooking vessel ʼ, G.vaṭloi f. Addenda: vartalōha -- : WPah.kṭg. bəlṭóɔ m. ʻ large brass vessel ʼ. (CDIAL 11357) Rebus 2: baTa ‘iron’ bhaTa ‘furnace’. 9656 bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj]Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭhm., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v.bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- .Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656)

                              Thus karã̄ 'hands with wristlets and bangles' PLUS baṭi  'lamp' Rebus: khāra-bhāṭi 'blacksmith's smelter'.

                              Hieroglyph: Ta. koṇtai tuft, dressing of hair in large coil on the head, crest of a bird, head (as of a nail), knob (as of a cane), round top. Ma. koṇṭa tuft of hair. Ko. goṇḍ knob on end of walking-stick, head of pin; koṇḍ knot of hair at back of head. To. kwïḍy Badaga woman's knot of hair at back of head (< Badaga koṇḍe). Ka. koṇḍe, goṇḍe tuft, tassel, cluster. Koḍ. koṇḍe tassels of sash, knob-like foot of cane-stem. Tu. goṇḍè topknot, tassel, cluster. Te. koṇḍe, (K. also) koṇḍi knot of hair on the crown of the head. cf. 2049 Ta. koṭi. / cf. Skt. kuṇḍa- clump (e.g. darbha-kuṇḍa-), Pkt. (DNMgoṇḍī- = mañjarī-; Turner, CDIAL, no. 3266; cf. also Mar. gōḍā cluster, tuft.(DEDR 2081) Rebus: kõdār ’turner’ (Bengali); kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe (Bengali).कोंद 
                              kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)

                              What is shown as a hypertext on a potsherd is also shown on the Mohenjo-daro bronze figurine of  a dancer's dance-step. The gloss is me 'dance' (Remo); meṭṭu dance step (Telugu) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)

                              Santali glosses.
                              Hieroglyph: S. P. kaṇḍhī f.; kaṇṭhaka m. ʻ necklace ʼ Kathās., °ṭhikā -- f. lex. [kaṇṭhá -- ]Pk. kaṁṭhiā -- f.,  B. kã̄ṭhī°ṭī ʻ ring round the neck (of bird, snake &c.) ʼ; Or. kaṇṭhā ʻ necklace ʼ, °ṭhi ʻ one -- stringed necklace, horse's halter ʼ; H. kaṇṭhā m. ʻ gold necklace ʼ (→ P. kaṇṭhā m., S. kaṇṭho m. ʻ necklace ʼ), kaṇṭhī f. ʻ small do. ʼ, poet. kã̄ṭhā m. ʻ red and blue ring round a parrot's throat ʼ; OM. kāṁṭhā m. ʻ necklace ʼ. -- Ext. with -- ll -- : S. kaṇḍhilo m. ʻ a kind of necklace for children ʼ; P. kaṇḍhlī f. ʻ necklace ʼ; H. kaṇṭhlākaṭh° m. ʻ gold or silver necklace worn as an amulet against evil ʼ.Addenda: kaṇṭhaka -- : WPah.kṭg. kaṇḍhi f. ʻ hairy ring on neck of some birds ʼ.(CDIAL 2681) Rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. 

                              Pendants, 'bulbous shaped':  kanda m. ʻ bulbous root ʼ MBh., n. ʻ garlic ʼ lex. [Prob. with gaṇḍa -- 1 ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 369 and EWA i 152 with lit.]Pa. kanda -- m. ʻ bulb, bulbous root ʼ; Pk. kaṁda -- m. ʻ bulbous root ʼ, °dī -- f. ʻ radish ʼ; Or. kandā ʻ edible bulbous root; OMth. kã̄da ʻ bulb ʼ; H. kã̄dā m. ʻ onion, Allium capa ʼ, kandā ʻ squill, Scilla indica ʼ; G. kã̄dɔ m. ʻ bulbous root, onion ʼ, M. kã̄dā m.; Ko. kã̄ndo m. ʻ onion ʼ.(CDIAL 2723) Rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. 

                              kolom 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus the three pendants on the necklace worn on the statue signify: metal implements from smithy,forge.

                              Similar hieroglyph multiplexes on figurines and cylinder seal hieroglyphs of Ancient Near East also constitute metalwork catalogues of Meluhha smths.
                              Why is a 'dancing girl' glyph shown on a potsherd discovered at Bhirrana? Because, dance-step is a hieroglyph written as hypertext cipher: me 'dance' (Remo); meṭṭu dance step (Telugu) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.)

                              S. Kalyanaraman
                              Sarasvati Research Center
                              September 27, 2015

                              Modi charms the IT world, internet of things. Modi means get things done for the poor.

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                              https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4krn8K2JWMs  Streamed live on Sep 27, 2015

                              Prime Minister Narendra Modi attends Digital India and Digital Technology Dinner in San Jose, California


                              Sunday , September 27 , 2015 |

                              Modi charms Silicon Valley with one-liners

                              San Jose, Sep 27 (PTI) : Prime Minister Narendra Modi won over Silicon Valley with his quotable one-liners on the digital revolution, originating from this part of the world,that is changing everyone's life-style globally.
                              Sharing examples from his own personal life-style and those from people across India, including rural women, Modi punched his maiden address to the Silicon Valley with one liners that drew thunderous applause from the several hundred audiences that comprised of who's who of the corporate sector.
                              ”I have met many of you in Delhi and New York, and on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram,” Modi said.
                              These are the new neighborhoods of our new world, he said amidst applause from the audience. And then he went on to describe the iconic Silicon Valley companies in his own words.
                              ”If Facebook were a country, it would be the third most populous one and the most connected,” he said.
                              Google today has made teachers less awe-inspiring and grandparents more idle.
                              Twitter has turned everyone into a reporter.
                              The traffic lights that need to work the best are on CISCO routers, Modi said amidst applause from the audience.
                              ”The status that now matters is not whether you are awake or asleep, but whether you are online or offline. The most fundamental debate for our youth is the choice between Android, iOS or Windows,” he said.
                              From computing to communication, entertainment to education, from printing documents to printing products, and, now to internet of things, it's been a long journey in a short time, the Prime Minister said.
                              From cleaner energy to better healthcare and safer transport, everything is converging around the work you do. In Africa, it's helping people transfer money on phone. It has made reaching small island states no longer a journey of adventure, but a convenient click of a mouse, he noted.
                              ”In India, a mother in a distant hill village has a better chance to save her new born infant. A child in a remote village has better access to education,” Modi said reflecting on the changes in one's life brought by digital revolution.
                              A small farmer is more confident about his land holding and getting better market price. A fisherman on the sea has a better catch. And, a young professional in San Francisco can Skype daily to comfort her sick grandmother in India, he observed.
                              An initiative by a father in Haryana for “Selfie with daughter” to draw attention to the girl child became an international movement, he said.
                              ”All this is because of the work you people are doing,” Modi said.

                              http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150927/jsp/frontpage/story_44857.jsp#.Vge1V1Sqqko


                              1. In this digital age we have an opportunity to transform people's lives in ways that was hard to imagine decades ago.
                              2. Highlighted steps taken by the Govt. to mitigate poverty through technology & how technology is transforming lives of 1.25 billion Indians.
                              3. At Digital India dinner we could see a perfect picture of India-USA partnership in the digital economy. This will benefit the entire world.

                              1. Access also means content in local languages: PM
                              2. We must ensure that technology is accessible, affordable, and adds value: PM
                              3. After MyGov.in, we have just launched the Narendra Modi Mobile App. They are helping me stay in close touch with people: PM
                              4. I now speak of M-Governance. That is the way to go in a country with one billion cell phones, growing at high double digit rates: PM
                              5. Digital India is an enterprise for India's transformation on a scale that is, perhaps, unmatched in human history: PM
                              6. One has to be impressed by the vast improvement in the diction of Namo in speaking English in just one year.
                              7. Social media is reducing social barriers. It connects people on the strength of human values, not identities: PM
                              8. I see technology as a means to empower and as a tool that bridges the distance between hope and opportunity: PM
                              9. In this digital age, we have an opportunity to transform lives of people in ways that was hard to imagine just a couple of decades ago: PM
                              10. The pace at which people are taking to digital technology defies our stereotypes of age, education, language and income: PM
                              11. Since my government came to office we attacked poverty by using power of networks & mobile phones to launch a new era of empowerment: PM
                              12. The most fundamental debate for our youth is the choice between Android, iOS or Windows: PM
                              13. Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, they are the new neighbourhoods of our new world: PM
                              14. California is one of the last places in the world to see the sun set. But, it is here that new ideas see the first light of the day: PM
                              15. Here on stage you see a perfect picture of India-U.S. partnership in the digital economy: PM
                                1. Access also means content in local languages: PM
                                2. We must ensure that technology is accessible, affordable, and adds value: PM
                                3. After MyGov.in, we have just launched the Narendra Modi Mobile App. They are helping me stay in close touch with people: PM
                                4. I now speak of M-Governance. That is the way to go in a country with one billion cell phones, growing at high double digit rates: PM
                                5. Digital India is an enterprise for India's transformation on a scale that is, perhaps, unmatched in human history: PM
                                6. One has to be impressed by the vast improvement in the diction of Namo in speaking English in just one year.
                                7. Social media is reducing social barriers. It connects people on the strength of human values, not identities: PM
                                8. I see technology as a means to empower and as a tool that bridges the distance between hope and opportunity: PM
                                9. In this digital age, we have an opportunity to transform lives of people in ways that was hard to imagine just a couple of decades ago: PM
                                10. The pace at which people are taking to digital technology defies our stereotypes of age, education, language and income: PM
                                11. Since my government came to office we attacked poverty by using power of networks & mobile phones to launch a new era of empowerment: PM
                                12. The most fundamental debate for our youth is the choice between Android, iOS or Windows: PM
                                13. Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, they are the new neighbourhoods of our new world: PM
                                14. California is one of the last places in the world to see the sun set. But, it is here that new ideas see the first light of the day: PM
                                15. Here on stage you see a perfect picture of India-U.S. partnership in the digital economy: PM


                              Published: September 27, 2015 13:43 IST | Updated: September 27, 2015 13:49 IST  

                              Full text of Narendra Modi's speech at San Jose

                              Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses CEOs at Digital India and Digital Technology Dinner in San Jose, California.
                              Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses CEOs at Digital India and Digital Technology Dinner in San Jose, California.

                              Here is the full text of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Digital India' speech at San Jose to IT company CEOs.

                              Thank you, Shantanu, John, Satya, Paul, Sunder, and Venkatesh
                              A big thank you!
                              I am sure this was not pre-arranged. But, here on stage you see a perfect picture of India-U.S. partnership in the digital economy.
                              Good Evening, everyone!
                              If there was ever a gathering under one roof that could claim to be shaping the world, it is this. And, I am not talking about those in public office, here or in India! It’s a great pleasure to be here in California. It is one of the last places in the world to see the sun set. But, it is here that new ideas see the first light of the day.
                              It’s a great honour that you have joined us tonight. I have met many of you in Delhi and New York, and on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram.
                              These are the new neighborhoods of our new world. If Facebook were a country, it would be the third most populous one and the most connected.
                              Google today has made teachers less awe-inspiring and grandparents more idle. Twitter has turned everyone into a reporter. The traffic lights that need to work the best are on CISCO routers.
                              The status that now matters is not whether you are awake or asleep, but whether you are online or offline. The most fundamental debate for our youth is the choice between Android, iOS or Windows.
                              From computing to communication, entertainment to education, from printing documents to printing products, and, now to internet of things, it’s been a long journey in a short time.
                              From cleaner energy to better healthcare and safer transport, everything is converging around the work you do.
                              In Africa, it’s helping people transfer money on phone. It has made reaching small island states no longer a journey of adventure, but a convenient click of a mouse.
                              In India, a mother in a distant hill village has a better chance to save her new born infant. A child in a remote village has better access to education.
                              A small farmer is more confident about his land holding and getting better market price. A fisherman on the sea has a better catch. And, a young professional in San Francisco can Skype daily to comfort her sick grandmother in India.
                              An initiative by a father in Haryana for “Selfie with daughter” to draw attention to the girl child became an international movement.
                              All this is because of the work you people are doing. Since my government came to office last year, we have attacked poverty by using the power of networks and mobile phones to launch a new era of empowerment and inclusion: 180 million new bank accounts in a few months; direct transfer of benefits to the poor; funds for the unbanked; insurance within the reach of the poorest; and, pension for the sunset years for all.
                              By using Space technology and internet, we have been able to identify in the last few months 170 applications that will make governance better and development faster.
                              When a small craftsman in a village in India brings a smile to a customer looking at his phone on a metro ride in New York; When a heart patient in a remote hospital in Kyrgyz Republic is treated by doctors sitting in Delhi, as I saw in Bishkek, we know we are creating something that has fundamentally changed our lives.
                              The pace at which people are taking to digital technology defies our stereotypes of age, education, language and income. I like recounting my meeting with a group of unlettered tribal women in a remote part of Gujarat. They were present at a local milk chilling plant I was inaugurating. They were using cell phones to take photographs of the event. I asked them what they would do with the images. The answer was a surprise for me.
                              They said, they would go back, have the images downloaded on to a computer and take printouts. Yes, they were familiar with the language of our digital world.
                              And, farmers in Maharashtra State have created a Whatsapp group to share information on farming practices.
                              Customers, more than creators, are defining the use of a product. The world may be driven by the same ancient impulses. We will continue to see human struggles and successes. We will witness human glory and tragedies.
                              But, in this digital age, we have an opportunity to transform lives of people in ways that was hard to imagine just a couple of decades ago.
                              This is what sets us apart from the century that we have just left behind. There may be still some who see the digital economy as the tool of the rich, educated and the privileged. But, ask the taxi driver or the corner vendor in India what he has gained from his cell phone, and the debate gets settled. I see technology as a means to empower and as a tool that bridges the distance between hope and opportunity. Social media is reducing social barriers. It connects people on the strength of human values, not identities.
                              Today, technology is advancing citizen empowerment and democracy that once drew their strength from Constitutions. Technology is forcing governments to deal with massive volume of data and generate responses, not in 24 hours but in 24 minutes.
                              When you think of the exponential speed and scale of expansion of social media or a service, you have to believe that it is equally possible to rapidly transform the lives of those who have long stood on the margins of hope. So, friends out of this conviction was born the vision of Digital India.
                              It is an enterprise for India’s transformation on a scale that is, perhaps, unmatched in human history. Not just to touch the lives of the weakest, farthest and the poorest citizen of India, but change the way our nation will live and work.
                              For nothing else will do in a country with 800 million youth under the age of 35 years, impatient for change and eager to achieve it.
                              We will transform governance, making it more transparent, accountable, accessible and participative. I spoke of E-Governance as a foundation of better governance – efficient, economical and effective.
                              I now speak of M-Governance or mobile governance. That is the way to go in a country with one billion cell phones and use of smart phones growing at high double digit rates. It has the potential to make development a truly inclusive and comprehensive mass movement. It puts governance within everyone’s reach.
                              After MyGov.in, I have just launched the Narendra Modi Mobile App. They are helping me stay in close touch with people. I learn a great deal from their suggestions and complaints.
                              We want to free our citizens from the burden of excessive paper documents in every office. We want paperless transactions. We will set up a digital locker for every citizen to store personal documents that can be shared across departments.
                              We have set up Ebiz portal to make approvals for businesses and citizens easy and efficient so that they concentrate their energy on their goals, not on government processes.
                              We are using technology to impart scale and speed to development.
                              Information, education, skills, healthcare, livelihood, financial inclusion, small and village enterprises, opportunities for women, conservation of natural resources, distributed clean energy – entirely new possibilities have emerged to change the development model.
                              But for all this, we must bridge the digital divide and promote digital literacy in the same way that we seek to ensure general literacy.
                              We must ensure that technology is accessible, affordable, and adds value.
                              We want our 1.25 billion citizens to be digitally connected. We already have broadband usage across India go up by 63% last year. We need to accelerate this further.
                              We have launched an aggressive expansion of the National Optical Fibre Network that will take broadband to our 600,000 villages. We will connect all schools and colleges with broadband. Building I-ways are as important as highways.
                              We are expanding our public Wi-Fi hotspots. For example, we want to ensure that free Wi Fi is not only there in airport lounges, but also on our railway platforms. Teaming up with Google, we will cover 500 railway stations in a short time.
                              We are also setting up Common Service Centres in villages and towns. We will also use information technology to build smart cities.
                              And, we want to turn our villages into smart economic hubs and connect our farmers better to markets and makes them less vulnerable to the whims of weather.
                              For me, access also means that content should be in local languages. In a country with 22 official languages, it is a formidable, but an important task.
                              Affordability of products and services is critical for our success. There are many dimensions to this. We will promote manufacture of quality and affordable products in India. That is part of our vision of Make in India, Digital India and Design in India.
                              As our economy and our lives get more wired, we are also giving the highest importance to data privacy and security, intellectual property rights and cyber security.
                              And,I know to achieve the vision of Digital India, the government must also start thinking a bit like you.
                              So, from creating infrastructure to services, from manufacture of products to human resource development, from support governments to enabling citizens and promoting digital literacy, Digital India is a vast cyber world of opportunities for you.
                              The task is huge; the challenges are many. But, we also know that we will not reach new destinations without taking new roads.
                              Much of India that we dream of is yet to be built. So, we have the opportunity to shape its path now.
                              And, we have the talent, enterprise and skills to succeed. We also have the strength of the partnership between India and the United States.
                              Indians and Americans have worked together to shape the knowledge economy. They have made us aware of the vast potential of technology.
                              From large corporate to young professionals in this great centre of innovation, each can be part of the Digital India story.
                              The sustainable development of one-sixth of humanity will be a major force of good for our world and our planet.
                              Today, we speak of India-U.S. partnership as a defining partnership of this century. It hinges on two major reasons. Both converge here in California.
                              We all know that the dynamic Asia Pacific Region will shape the course of this century. And, India and the United States, the world’s two largest democracies, are located at the two ends of this region.
                              We have the responsibility to shape a future of peace, stability and prosperity in this region.
                              Our relationship is also defined by the power of youth, technology and innovation. These can ignite a partnership that will advance and sustain prosperity in our two countries.
                              Even more, in this Digital Age, we can draw on the strength of our values and partnership to shape a better and more sustainable future for the world.
                              Thank you.
                              Printable version | Sep 27, 2015 3:17:43 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/resources/full-text-of-narendra-modis-speech-at-san-jose/article7694680.ece

                              India to launch country's first space observatory

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                              India to launch country's first space observatory

                              AstroSat may be 10 times smaller than Hubble but will be first space telescope launched by a developing country
                              Indian prime minister Narendra Modi
                              The Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, wants to establish India as a bigger player in the space technology market. Photograph: 

                               in Delhi and Sandya Ravishankar in Chennai

                              Sunday 27 September 2015 
                              India is to launch a mini Hubble-type space observatory, a major step forward for the emerging power’s increasingly capable space programme.

                              Last year, the south Asian nation became the first country to launch a successful Mars orbital mission on its first attempt. At £50m, the robotic probe, which is still circling the red planet, cost a fraction of earlier similar missions by the US, Russia and European countries.

                              The new observatory, dubbed the AstroSat, is due to be launched from the country’s main space centre at Sriharikota in southern India on Monday. If it is successful, India will be the first state in the developing world to have placed its own telescope in space.

                              “This is the first time we are launching a dedicated astronomy mission,” said K Suryanarayana Sarma , project director of AstroSat at the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).

                              “This is a unique mission because … we have a very wide band of astronomical observation with sophisticated instruments with good resolution and specifications,” Sarma said.

                              First conceived in 1996, the project was given the green light in 2004. It is believed to have cost about £35m.

                              One of the reasons for the decade-long delay is the complexities of one specific instrument, a telescope using x-rays that has 320 aluminium mirrors that need to be positioned with extreme accuracy. The instrument was developed in collaboration with the University of Leicester in the UK.

                              Some commentators have questioned comparisons with the Hubble, launched by Nasa in 1990, which has become known for spectacular photographs of events in deep space.

                              “Calling [the] AstroSat ‘India’s Hubble’ will imply that ISRO has reached that level of engineering capability when it has not. And making that reference repeatedly will only foster complacency about defining the scale and scope of future missions,” wrote Vasudevan Mukunth , on Indian news website The Wire last week.

                              As well as being 10 times smaller than the Hubble, the AstroSat has a more limited lifespan of five years. This has however some advantages.

                              “We intend a mission life of five years for the AstroSat. So the question of repairs, like the ones done by astronauts on the Hubble, doesn’t arise,” said Deviprasad Karnik , an ISRO spokesman.
                              Indian scientists say their observatory has an unprecedented array of telescopes that will allow simultaneous data collection through different means. The mission will also be the first time the country will launch US satellites. The launch comes on the day Narendra Modi , the prime minister, is due to meet Barack Obama during a trip to the US.

                              The successful launch of India’s Mars orbiter last year came just days before Modi travelled to the US on his first trip after a landslide electoral victory. It led TV bulletins and filled front pages. The project aims to study the surface and mineral composition of Mars, and scan its atmosphere for methane, a chemical strongly tied to life on Earth.

                              Modi wants to establish India as a bigger player in the £200bn space technology market, against stiff competition from neighbouring China with its bigger launchers.

                              The Indian prime minister toured Silicon Valley this weekend, meeting CEOs of major tech firms and addressing a rally of Indian Americans in a bid to promote India as a nation of technological innovation and capabilities.

                              “We have never launched an American satellite [before] … Politically and scientifically, India launching four American satellites marks the biggest step yet in Indo-US space collaboration,” said Srinivas Laxman , a space science expert.

                              Preparations to put an Indian in space are under way though there has been “no approval from the government for the mission itself”, said Karnik.

                              “We are preparing the physical technology. [A] man in space mission is not on the agenda at the moment,” he added.​



                              We owe a lot to our families and our parents: NaMo with Zuckerberg family. India-US Startup Konnect

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                              A mother will never want you to become something, she will think about how you will achieve that: PM

                              Ancient metallurgy culminating in Indian ukku (wootz) steel and documented in Indus Script Corpora by Bhāratam Janam

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                              Ancient artisans of the Bronze Age have bequeathed an extraordinary heritage wrought by a veritable revolution in metallurgy. Bhāratam Janam and their kindred aatman -- the artisans of Dong Son, Vietnam have also made their noteworthy contributions. The most significant contribution, in my view, is the documentation of the metalwork in Indus Script Corpora, apart from innovations in cire perdue (lost-wax) metalcasting technologies,  creation of new alloys such as bronze, brass and pewter and the wondrous musical Dong Son Bronze drums as the seafaring merchants spread their wares on the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa. The pinnacle of achievement is signified by the iron pillars of Dhar, Mount Abu, Udayagiri (now in Delhi Qutb Minar premises), and Kodachadri. All these iron pillars are examples of dhwaja skambha-s presented by artisans to temples to venerate the divine, sacred principle, the guidepost of lives: dharma-dhamma. They are not artefacts engineered to pronounce their glorious achievements but to praise and celebrate the glory of that divine, sacred principle. Such was the dedication, l'acte gratuite of Bhāratam Janam.


                              Inline image 1    A lamp held on the left palm of the dancing girl bronze statue displaying a dance-step. The statue is 10.5 cm. high from Mohenjo-daro. Now in National Museum. Delhi. Note: The lamp is an enlargement of about 1 cm. square on the original statue :)-- Given the extremely small size of the artefact, there could be variant opinions on what the object represents. 

                              In this zoom-in image, the thumb of the dancing girl and the lighted wick, 'varti' of thediya are shown, on the edges of the diya, methinks. The diya is held in her left palm, the outline of which merges with the bottom of the earthen diyadīpam which is a primordial metaphor of Bhāratiya sabhyatā. It is just amazing that within a short space of about 1 cm. cube, the artisan is able to achieve such orthographic, sculptural precision. 
                              Maybe, I am wrong, but I see it as an earthen lamp, a diya (deepam) with a wick which can be lighted and also 'seen', 'read' -- orthographically recognized -- to signify an Indus Script hieroglyph: 'wick' : várti1 (and vartí -- ) f. ʻ wick ʼ MBh., ʻ small compress ʼ Suśr., ʻ lamp ʼ lex., °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ KālP. [√vr̥t1Pa. vaṭṭi -- , °ikā -- f. ʻ wick ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭĭ̄ -- , °ṭiā -- , vatti -- f.; Sh. batīˊ ʻ unlit native lamp, candle, wick of European lamp ʼ (← H.?); S. vaṭi f. ʻ wick ʼ; L. vaṭṭ f. ʻ roll of grass, wick ʼ, awāṇ. vaṭ ʻ wick ʼ, P. vaṭṭība°battī f.; N. bāti ʻ lamp ʼ (bati ← H.), A. bāti; B. bāti ʻ wick, lamp, candle ʼ; Or. bati ʻ lamp ʼ (← H.), Bi. Mth. Bhoj. bātī; OAw. bātĭ̄ ʻ wick ʼ, H. bātībattī f. (→ N. Or. and prob. Sh.); G. vāṭ f. ʻ lamp ʼ, vātī f. ʻ perfumed match or taper ʼ; M. vāt f. ʻ wick ʼ, Ko. vāti; Si. väṭ -- a ʻ lamp ʼ, väṭi -- ya ʻ wick ʼ; Md. vo'ʻ lamp ʼ; -- with -- o as from an orig. masculine: Ku.bāto m. ʻ wick, lamp ʼ; N. bāto ʻ rope of twisted cane (to tie down thatch) ʼ.dīpavarti -- , *pādavarti -- , *saṁdhyāvartikā -- .Addenda: várti -- 1: S.kcch. batībhatī f. ʻ lamp, torch ʼ ← H.; WPah.kṭg. batti, kc. baṭe f. ʻ wick, lamp, light ʼ, J. bāṭī f.(CDIAL 11359) Rebus: bhaṭĭ̄ 'furnace,smelter'.

                              दीप [ dīpa ] m (S) A lamp. 2 A lampstand. 3 fig. A lamp or light; of which five sorts are treated in five sections of the पंचदशीग्रंथ, named ध्यानदीप, चित्रदीप, नाटकदीप, तृप्तिदीप, कूटस्थदीप.दीपपूजा [ dīpapūjā ] f (S) The worship of lamps (upon the last day of आषाढ &c.)दीपमाळ [ dīpamāḷa ] f (दीप & माळ) A row of lamps. 2 A stone-pillar in front of a temple, to support lamps on festive occasions. 3 Applied to a tall, slender, unsightly woman.दीप्ति [ dīpti ] f S Light, lustre, splendor, refulgence. Ex. गृहीं दीप्ति त्या अद्रुता बाळकाची.दीप्तिमान् [ dīptimān ] a S Bright, glowing, luminous. dīpa m. ʻ lamp ʼ ĀśvGr̥., °paka -- m., °pikā -- f. Hariv. [√dīp]Pa. dīpa -- , °paka -- m., °pikā -- f., Pk. dīva -- , °vaya -- m., °vī -- , °viā -- f., Ḍ. dīa m.; Ash. diwā ʻ torch (of pine wood) ʼ, Wg. dēw; S. ḍ̠io m. ʻ lamp ʼ, L. ḍ̠ivā m. (→ Kho. dīwa, Sh.koh. ḍevā), khet. awāṇ. dīvā m., P. dīvādīā m., Ku. diyo m., gng. dyū, N. diyo, B. diyā, Or. dial. ḍiā; Bi. dīyā ʻ lamp -- saucer ʼ; Mth. dīā ʻ lamp ʼ, Aw.lakh. diā, H. dĭ̄wādĭ̄yā m.; G. dīvɔ m. ʻ lamp ʼ, dīvī f. ʻ lampstand ʼ; M. divā m. ʻ lamp ʼ, divī f., Si. diva. -- Ext. --ḍa -- : K. zuvürü f. ʻ lampstand ʼ; Or. diuṛā°ṛi ʻ torch, handlamp ʼ; Bi. diurīdiyarīdīrī ʻ very small lamp -- saucer ʼ; G. divṛɔ m. ʻ lamp made of wheat -- flour ʼ; -- -- ll -- : Bi. diulī ʻ small lamp -- saucer ʼ; H. dīwlā m., °lī f., dewlā m., °lī f. ʻ small lamp, socket ʼ.daipa -- ; *dīpakāṣṭhikā -- , *dīpatithi -- , *dīpataila -- , *dīparukṣa -- , dīpavarti -- , dīpavr̥kṣa -- , *dīpasthāna -- , dīpālī -- , dīpālōka -- , dīpāvali -- , dīpōtsava -- ; kuladīpa -- .Addenda: dīpa -- : S.kcch. ḍīyo m. ʻ lamp ʼ, WPah.poet. diu, kṭg. diwɔdiɔ m., J. dīwā m.; Garh. diu ʻ earthen lamp ʼ; OMarw. diva ʻ lamp ʼ.(CDIAL 6348)  dīpavarti f. ʻ lamp -- wick ʼ Daś. [dīpa -- , várti -- 1]S. ḍ̠iāṭī f. ʻ torch, kind of lamp ʼ; L. ḍ̠īvaṭ°ṭī f. ʻ candlestick, light -- holder ʼ, awāṇ. diuṭḍīvuṭ ʻ wick ʼ; P. ḍīū̃ṭdīuṭdīvaṭ f. ʻ lampstand ʼ, WPah.cam. dīūṭā; B. diuṭideu° ʻ lamp, torch ʼ; B. dīwaṭdīyaṭ ʻ lamp -- stand ʼ, Bhoj. ḍiyaṭi, Aw.lakh. ḍiaṭi (EA 45 < *dīpapaṭṭikā -- ), H. dīwaṭdew° f.; G. diveṭ f. ʻ wick ʼ; M. divṭā m., °ṭī f. ʻ torch made of oiled cloth round a stick ʼ. -- Deriv.: B. diuṭiyā ʻ torch -- bearer ʼ; OG. dīvaṭīu m. ʻ servant carrying a torch before a king ʼ.(CDIAL 6354)             
                                                                                              
                              This reading is consistent with the other hieroglyphs signified on the statue: for example, 'wristlets, bracelets', 'hair-knot' -- all related in rebus renderings in Meluhha to metalwork. Her nakedness is also relatable to metalwork, signified by kuThi 'pudendum muliebre' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'.


                              The deepalakshmi tradition in bronze utsavabera created in Hindu tradition and the deepamala in Jejuri are a celebration of the Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta. So are the iron pillars. 

                              The Vedic effulgence from yajnakunda finds its reflection -- parallel tradition, in a continuum -- in the fiery agni of smelters and furnaces of Bharatam janam, 'metalcaster folk'. भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत.(Marathi. Molesworth).









                              See decipherment at 


                              This Indus Script Corpora documentation of ca. 2500 BCE takes us to another artefact, a sword presented to Alexander on the banks of River Vitasta (Jhelum) ca. 327 BCE.



                              This lamp on this bronze statue of ca. 2500 BCE leads us to an event of ca. 327 BCE when Alexander received the gift of a sword from Purushottama on the banks of River Vitasta (Jhelum). 


                              It is no ordinary sword. It is a steel sword make of ukku in southern Bhāratam. The ukku steel was called wootz and attained fame as Damascus sword as the word of the marvels of metallurgical skills of Bhāratam Janam spread far and wide into Eurasia. An event is recorded in a painting celebrating Bronze Age history; the event is the gift of an ukku sword by Purushottama to Alexander after Alexander's army had mutinied and Alexander had decided to retreat from the failed mission on the banks of Vitasta (Jhelum) river. This celebration is a high-water-mark of the revolution which preceded the event: the revolution of the Bronze Age when artisans had created new alloys and new methods of metalcasting such as cire perdue lost-wax casting to create exquisite metal implements and artefacts like the dancing girl of Mohenjo-daro carrying a lamp in her palm.







                              Indus Script Corpora documented by Bhāratam Janam is an extraordinary catalogus catalogorum of metalwork in an extensive area spanning the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa. Indus Script hieroglyphs also signify metalwork on cylinder seals of Ancient Near East, in particular from Assur to Kultepe and on cire perdue artefacts of Dong Son Bronze Drums and Nahal Mishmar scepters and standards.

                              शैक्य-अयसम् Damasked steel; शकदेवाय चिक्षेप सर्वशैक्यायसीं गदाम् Mb.6.54.24; शैक्यायसानि वर्माणि कांस्यानि च समन्ततः 7.119.42 (com. शैक्यायसानि शोणितायोमयानि).(Samskritam.Apte) शैक्य [p= 1089,2] damasked (?) MBh.pointed (for शैख्यMW. pointed (for शैख्यMW.mfn. (cf. शैक्य) pointed , spiked MW.(Monier-Williams) 


                              बट्टलोहकम् baṭṭalōhakamबट्टलोहकम् Damasked steel. bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj]Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhībhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh.bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v.bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- .Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656)


                              ఉక్కు (p. 0149) [ ukku ] ukku. [Tel.] n. Steel. Strength, courage, pride, vigour, potency. అయస్సారము, బలము, శౌర్యము. Steadiness. స్థైర్యము. తెలగ ఉక్కు. A very tough sort of steel. R. v. 197. ఉక్కు తీగె ukku-tīge. n. Steel wire. ఉక్కుతునక

                               or ఉక్కుముక్క ukku-tunaka. n. A bit of steel, a brave, sharp or active man. ఉక్కుసున్నము ukku-sunnamu. n. Ashes of calcined iron, scoriæ calx.ఉక్కరి ukk-ari. (ఉక్కు+అరి) A man, a hero. శూరుడు, ధీరుడుTa. uruku (uruki-) to dissolve (intr.) with heat, melt, liquefy, be fused, become tender, melt (as the heart), be kind, glow with love, be emaciated; urukku (urukki-) to melt (tr.) with heat (as metals or congealed substances), dissolve, liquefy, fuse, soften (as feelings), reduce, emaciate (as the body), destroy; n. steel, anything melted, product of liquefaction; urukkam melting of heart, tenderness, compassion, love (as to a deity, friend, or child); urukkiṉam that which facilitates the fusion of metals (as borax). Ma. urukuka to melt, dissolve, be softened; urukkuka to melt (tr.); urukkam melting, anguish; urukku what is melted, fused metal, steelKo. uk steel.  
                              Ka. urku, ukku id. Koḍ. ur- (uri-) to melt (intr.); urïk- (urïki-) id. (tr.);ukkï steel. Te. ukku id.Go. (Mu.) urī-, (Ko.) uṛi- to be melted, dissolved; tr. (Mu.) urih/urh- (Voc. 262). 
                              Konḍa (BB) rūg- to melt, dissolve. Kui ūra (ūri-) to be dissolved; pl. action ūrka (ūrki-); rūga (rūgi-) to be dissolved. Kuwi (Ṭ.) rūy- to be dissolved; (S.) rūkhnai to smelt; (Isr.) uku, (S.) ukku steel.(DEDR 661)

                              Hieroglyph: Mora [the contracted, regular P. form of *Sk. mayūra, viâ *ma -- ūra>mora. See also Geiger, P.Gr. § 27 & Pischel, Prk. Gr. § 166. -- Vedic only mayūrī f. pea -- hen] a peacock J ii.275 (˚upasevin, see C. on this passage); vi.218, 497; PvA 142; DhA i.394. A peacock's tail (sometimes used as a fan) is denoted in var. terms in cpds., as mora -- kalāpa DhA i.387; -- piccha Vini.186; -- piñcha Vin ii.130; -- pīñja PvA 142, 176; VvA 147; -- sikali (?) KhA 49; -- hattha Vv 3344 (=mayūra -- piñjehi kataŋ makasa -- vījaniŋ); Pv iii.117मोर [p= 835,3] m. a peacock (= मयूरL. (Monier-Williams)


                              Rebus: Perhaps also as morakkha "a peacock's eye" at VbhA 63 (morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha). It is more likely however that morakkha is distorted fr. *mauryaka, patronymic of mura, a local (tribal) designation (cp. murala), then by pop. etym. connected with mora peacock. With this cp. Sk. moraka "a kind of steel" BR. (Pali)मोरकम् mōrakamमोरकम् 1 A kind of steel.(Samskritam.Apte)


                              Hieroglyph: पोळ [ pōḷa ] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large.  m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. 


                              Hieroglyph: पोळ [ pōḷa ] f A wall of loose stones. n C (Or पोळें) A honeycomb.पोळा [ pōḷā ] The cake-form portion of a honeycomb.पोळें [ pōḷēṃ ] n C A cake-form or flat honeycomb.


                              Rebus: पोळ [ pōḷa ] magnetite (iron ore) (Munda) पोलाद (p. 533) [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. پولاد polād, s.m. (6th) The finest kind of steel. Sing. and Pl. See فولاد فولاد folād or fūlād, s.m. (6th) Steel. Sing. and Pl.فولادي folādī or fūlādī, adj. Made of steel, steel.(Pashto) pŏlād प्वलाद् or phōlād फोलाद् । मृदुलोहविशेषः m. steel (Gr.M.; Rām. 431, 635, phōlād).  pŏlödi प्वला&above;दि&below;, pōlödi फोला&above;दि&below;, or phōlödi फोला&above;दि&below; (= । लोहविशेषमयः adj. c.g. of steel, steel (Rām. 19, 974, 167, pōo).pŏlāduwu प्वलादुवु&below; । शस्त्रविशेषमयः adj. (f. pŏlādüvü प्वलाद&above;वू&below;), made of steel (H. v, 4).(Kashmiri)


                              tarḵẖaʿh aospīnaʿh, s.f. (3rd) Bar-iron (particularly the iron brought into Afg̠ẖānistān from Bombay, considered very inferior). Pl. يْ eyخوږه اوسپینه ḵẖwaj̱ẕaʿh aospīnaʿh, The iron of Ḵẖurāsān, used in making steel and for all fine work.(Pashto) A. tikhā ʻ steel,M. tīkh ʻ pungent ʼ, tīkhẽ n. ʻ steel ʼ(CDIAL 5839) M. tikhār ʻ pungent ʼ, n. ʻ steel ʼ, tikhā̆rṇẽ ʻ to sharpen ʼ.(CDIAL 5840) एषणी 1 A goldsmith's balance. -2 A probe (of iron or steel).(Samskritam.Apte)


                              ̃কার n. a blacksmith.  (Bengali)


                              The narrative of metalwork by Bhāratam Janam is embellished by an event enshrined in painting. The event occurred ca. 327 BCE when Purushottama presented an Indian steel ukku (wootz) sword to Alexander. The painting is in SAIL Institute, Ranchi.


                              Moola Mookambika, Kodachadri. Iron pillar.
                              Sankara Peetham, Kodachadri.The Rust Free Iron Pillar on top of Kodachadri Hill at Kollur, Karnataka, India. This Iron Pillar was built by the locals of this hill more than a thousand years ago to welcome Adi Shankaracharya when he visited this place. This Iron Pillar has withstood the harsh weather of the western ghats and continues to be rust free even today. Recently a delegation of Israeli Scientists visited this place to study the mystery behind this pillar.:
                              Rust Free Iron Pillar on top of Kodachadri Hill at Kollur, Shimoga Dt., Karnataka, India.


                              The iron pillar at Kodachadri in Karnataka
                              The historical iron pillars at Mehrauli, Delhi, and at Dhar, in Madhya Pradesh, have attracted the attention of scientists for over a century and have been the subject matter of many publications (e.g.)1–4. However, a third iron pillar located in Adi-Mookambika temple at Kodachadri village in a remote forest area of the Western Ghats in Karnataka has not received much scientific attention so far, partly because the concerned village is difficult to reach and partly because the pillar itself is not as massive and imposing as the Delhi and Dhar monuments. Even the Dhar pillar too has not been subjected to systematic scientific and archaeo-historical studies like the Delhi pillar. In fact, two books have already appeared5,6 on this pillar, dated to mid-Gupta period (~ 375 A.D.) and located in the vicinity of the still more famous Kutub Minar
                              Propelled by scientific curiosity as well as deep interest in India’s glorious metallurgical heritage, the present author embarked on the adventurous journey to Kodachadri twice during the last eighteen months and undertook some preliminary studies on the material constituting this long-neglected pillar with assistance
                              from fellow-metallurgists at the Karnataka Regional Engineering College, Surathkal; and the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), Kalpakkam. Results of these studies, as presented here, confirm the unanimous view of the local residents that this pillar is a product of an earlier period in indigenous iron
                              making, and therefore deserves a detailed and serious study by scientists and technologists devoted to India’s metallurgical heritage.

                              Popularly referred to as the Dwaja-Sthamba (flag-staff) of the temple, the Kodachadri iron mast or pillar has long been associated in the minds of most scientists, particularly metallurgists, with the pilgrim centre of Kollur, a town located in the plains, about 120 km north of the well-known port city of Mangalore in South Canara District of Karnataka. This temple with claims to be the original temple is associated with the killing of the dumb (mooka) demon by the lion-riding Mother Goddess   in the adjoining forests, where the demon was disturbing the penance of sages and holy men devoted to the Goddess. Today Kodachadri can be reached from Kollur by jeep on a 40 km long winding and slippery mud road with many hair-pin bends, often submerged in water during the rainy season lasting from April to November. The iron flag-staff towers above the small temple (Figure 1 a) and can be sighted a few kilometers away on the road, while approaching Kodachadri. If local lore is to be believed, this flag-staff is actually the top portion of theTri-   (trident) with which the Mother Goddess nailed down the wicked demon into the bowels of the earth!


                               The temple top has been recently renovated, somewhat on modern lines with brick, cement and distemper (Figure 1 ab), 
                              1429.jpg (24277 bytes)
                              and a platform has been added ostensibly to stabilize the pillar, but with possible un-thought-of and undesirable interactions in due course between the cement of the platform and the iron of the pillar. Rising not less than 10 m above the ground level, with a rectangular cross-section of 8.5 cm ´  5.8 cm and characterized by rough, serrated and slightly reddish surface (Figure 1 b) the pillar displays evidence on top for local melting, flow of melt and solidification, caused by lightning during the monsoon period. Allowing for a total height of 14 m, including the hidden portions in the platform and below the earth, the weight of this flag-staff can be estimated as about 500 kg.
                              A very small piece weighing a few grams only was extracted from the projecting rough surface of the pillar with the consent and cooperation of the temple priest and was later subjected to a series of modern metallographic tests at the Materials Characterization Laboratories of the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research, Kalpakkam. To the author’s surprise, the X-ray examination could not reveal definite presence of any element or compound besides pure iron (Figure 2 c), while the microscopic study revealed only grains of iron (Figure 2 b) with very little pearlite (eutectoid of iron and Fe3C, i.e. iron carbide generally referred to as cementite). However, a few greyish and many rather large dark inclusions (Figure 2 and b) were noticed and could be subjected to microhardness testing and electron microprobe analysis. While the small globular inclusions could be identified as iron silicate containing some calcium (Ca) and phosphorus (P), the bigger irregular-shaped ones consisted of only iron oxide (Fe2O3) with traces of other elements like silicon (Si), calcium (Ca) and phosphorus (P). The VHN microhardness numbers were around 140 for the iron grains, about 155 in the pearlite-cum-matrix areas, and around 165 in the dark inclusions. From image analysis, the volume fraction of all the inclusions was estimated as less than 2.0%. It was not possible to arrive at the exact volume fraction of the greyish pearlitic area, but assuming it to be around 1.0%, the carbon content of the pillar iron can be estimated as definitely less than 0.05%.
                              It is obvious from these preliminary investigations that the Kodachadri iron pillar is not a product of modern iron making processes. The composition of the material of the pillar, viz. less than 0.05% carbon in what looks like almost pure iron, without the usual silicon, manganese and sulphur contents one associates with modern iron and steel, and with inclusions of only iron oxide and silicate, strongly suggests age-old indigenous methods for making the so-called Adi-vasi (tribal) iron with pure iron ore and wood charcoal. The fact that this pillar has withstood the onslaught of the sun, wind and rain in living memory,1430.jpg (25917 bytes) and perhaps also of marine air with the Arabian Sea only 40–50 km away, is proof of its high corrosion resistance, even though its surface is not as smooth and clear as that of the Delhi pillar. Acting as a lightning arrester during the rainy season, the top of the pillar seems to have melted frequently and perhaps rapidly solidified through removal of heat by iron from the pillar itself. A metallographic study of this part of the pillar is bound to yield some interesting results.
                              The data reported here, although from a very small piece of the pillar, point to the need for a more thorough and systematic scientific, technological and archaeo-historical study of this iron mast, towering alone in its majesty in a remote hilly and forest area of Karnataka.


                              1. Hadfield, R., JIron Steel Inst., 1912, 85, 134–174.
                              2. Ghosh, M. K., NML TechJ., 1963, 5, 31–45.
                              3. Prakash, B. and Tripathi, V., Metals Mat., 1986, 2, 568–579.
                              4. Balasubramanian, R., CurrSci., 1997, 73, 1057–1067.
                              5. Joshi, M. C. and Gupta, S. K., Kind Chandra and the Mehrauli Pillar, Kusumanjali Publication, Meerut, 1989.
                              6. Anantharaman, T. R., The Rustless Wonder – A Study of the Delhi Iron Pillar, Vigyan Prasar, New Delhi, 1997.


                              ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. I thank the authorities of the Karnataka Regional Engineering College (KREC), Surathkal, and the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), Kalpakkam, for their interest, encouragement and assistance in the work reported above. I


                              also thank Prof. N. Venkataraman, Dr K. L.





                              Bhat and Dr K. R. Udupa, Department of Metallurgical and Materials Engineering, KREC, Surathkal, for accompanying and assisting me during the two visits to Kollur and Kodachadri. My thanks are due to Dr Baldev Raj, Materials Group, and Dr V. S. Raghunathan, Materials Characterization Group, IGCAR, Kalpakkam, for valuable assistance in arranging for the metallographic studies reported in this paper. It is also a pleasure

                              to thank Dr E. S. Rajagopal and Dr A. K. Raychaudhuri, former and present Directors respectively of NPL, New Delhi for their interest, encouragement and support at all times during this study.

                              T. R. Anantharaman
                               Metals and Alloys Group,
                              National Physical Laboratory,
                              Dr K. S. Krishnan Road,


                              New Delhi 110 012, India
                              http://www.iisc.ernet.in/currsci/jun10/articles13.htm


                              *The Kootub [Delhi], a photo by Robert and Harriet Tytler, 1858* (BL);
                              also: *The Kootub [Delhi]* [*Tytlers 1858b*]
                              http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00routesdata/1200_1299/qutbminar/ironpillar/ironpillar.html
                              Iron pillar. Qutab complex.Delhi


                              A look at the inscription on the iron pillar
                              Source: Courtesy of Rob McNamee, Columbia College, Jan. 2005


                              One theory suggests the 7.2 meter tall  pillar (of which 1.12 meters is underground) was probably from a temple dedicated to Vishnu (the Hindu God of life & nourishment), and intended as a standard to support a figurine of hawk-faced, winged Garuda, Vishnu’s carrier, fitted in a deep socket embedded on top of the pillar.
                              The pillar is pinned to the ground by lead and iron projections from its buried portion.
                              Another theory is that the pillar itself portrayed Vishnu’s mace (“gada”) surrounded by his serrated disc (“chakra”).
                              Further evidence comes from the six-line three-stanza Sanskrit inscription in Brahmi script inscribed on the pillar. The inscription refers to its erection by Emperor Chandra, a devotee of Lord Vishnu, as a standard, or “Dhwaja Stambha”, in a temple called Vishnupada.
                              "He on whose arm fame was inscribed by the sword, when, in battle in the Vanga countries (Bengal), he kneaded (and turned) back with (his) breast the enemies who, uniting together, came against (him); He, by whom, having crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the (river) Sindhu, the Vahlikas were conquered; He, by the breezes of whose prowess the southern ocean is even still perfumed;
                              He, the remnant of whose energy – a burning splendor which utterly destroyed his enemies – leaves not the earth even now, just like (the residual heat of) a burned-out conflagration in a great forest; He, as if wearied, has abandoned this world, and resorted in bodily form to the other world – a place won by the merit of his deeds; (but although) he has departed, he remains on earth through (the memory of his) fame;
                              By the king, who attained sole sovereignty in the world, acquired by his very own arm and (possessed) for a long time; He who, having the name of Chandra, carried a beauty of countenance like the full moon, having in faith fixed his mind upon Vishnu, this lofty standard of the divine Vishnu was set up on the hill Vishnupada”
                              Uyudagiri Caves, Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh
                              Uyudagiri Caves, Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh
                              Palaeographically the pillar belongs to the Gupta period, but who  is ‘Chandra’: Chandragupta I, Chandragupta II, who is also called Vikramaditya, or, as some believe, Samudragupta? Vishnupada  is accepted as the temple caves of modern-day Udaygiri, Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh near the famous Buddhist stupas at Sanchi.
                              Meera Das and R Balasubhramaniam believe the pillars position in the Udaygiri caves near Sanchi, Madhya Pradesh, right on the tropic of Cancer, is where its shadow would fall at the base of a panel dedicated to Lord Vishnu at the summer solstice. ..
                              How metal workers could make iron that is 99.72% pure is unexplained[6]requiring temperatures higher than generated from coal. There is some rust in the underground portion of the pillar but why it remains rust free has inspired Von Daniken to claim it has extra terrestrial origins,  for believers to affirm it was protected by regular annointings of ghee, or that it was made of meteorite material.
                              [6] According to Sir Robert Hadfield in 1912.
                              The primary scientific explanation combines several factors: the irons high purity with a high proportion of phosphorus and negligible sulphur and manganese, the dry, less humid climate of Delhi and less exposure to industrial pollution because it is isolated at Mehrauli, and also the enormous bulk of metal absorbs surrounding heat and releases it slowly when the temperature drops (at night) thereby ensuring it remais dry with little dew forming on the surface.

                              http://reflectionsofindia.com/category/india/


                              Mystery of Delhi's Iron Pillar unraveled 

                              New Delhi, July 18: Experts at the Indian Institute of Technology have resolved the mystery behind the 1,600-year-old iron pillar in Delhi, which has never corroded despite the capital's harsh weather.
                              Metallurgists at Kanpur IIT have discovered that a thin layer of "misawite", a compound of iron, oxygen and hydrogen, has protected the cast iron pillar from rust.
                              The protective film took form within three years after erection of the pillar and has been growing ever so slowly since then. After 1,600 years, the film has grown just one-twentieth of a millimeter thick, according to R. Balasubramaniam of the IIT. 
                              In a report published in the journal Current Science Balasubramanian says, the protective film was formed catalytically by the presence of high amounts of phosphorous in the iron—as much as one per cent against less than 0.05 per cent in today's iron. 
                              The high phosphorous content is a result of the unique iron-making process practiced by ancient Indians, who reduced iron ore into steel in one step by mixing it with charcoal.
                              Modern blast furnaces, on the other hand, use limestone in place of charcoal yielding molten slag and pig iron that is later converted into steel. In the modern process most phosphorous is carried away by the slag. 
                              The pillar—over seven metres high and weighing more than six tonnes—was erected by Kumara Gupta of Gupta dynasty that ruled northern India in AD 320-540. 
                              Stating that the pillar is "a living testimony to the skill of metallurgists of ancient India", Balasubramaniam said the "kinetic scheme" that his group developed for predicting growth of the protective film may be useful for modeling long-term corrosion behaviour of containers for nuclear storage applications.



                              Source: Press Trust of India  


                              Volume 1 No.3November 1998
                              THE CORROSION RESISTANT DELHI IRON PILLAR
                              The Iron Pillar at Delhi
                              The Delhi iron pillar is testimony to the high level of skill achieved by ancient Indian iron smiths in the extraction and processing of iron. The iron pillar at Delhi has attracted the attention of archaeologists and corrosion technologists as it has withstood corrosion for the last 1600 years. The several theories which have been proposed to explain its superior corrosion resistance can be broadly classified into two categories: the environmental and the material theories. Proponents of the environmental theories state that the mild climate of Delhi is responsible for the corrosion resistance of the Delhi iron pillar. It is known that the relative humidity at Delhi does not exceed 70% for significant periods of time in the year, which therefore results in very mild corrosion of the pillar.
                              On the other hand, several investigators have stressed the importance of the material of construction as the primary cause for the pillar's corrosion resistance. The ideas proposed in this regard are the relatively pure composition of the iron used, presence of Phosphorus (P) and absence of Sulphur/Magnesium in the iron, its slag-enveloped metal grain structure, and passivity enhancement in the presence of slag particles.
                              Other theories to explain the corrosion resistance are also to be found in the literature like the mass metal effect, initial exposure to an alkaline and ammoniacal environment, residual stresses resulting from the surface finishing operation, freedom from sulphur contamination both in the metal and in the air, and surface coatings provided to the pillar after manufacture (barffing and slag coating) and during use (coating with clarified butter).
                              That the material of construction may be the important factor in determining the corrosion resistance of ancient Indian iron is attested by the presence of ancient massive iron objects located in areas where the relative humidity is high for significant periods in the year (for example, the iron beams in the Surya temple at Konarak in coastal Orissa and the iron pillar at Mookambika temple at Kollur situated in the Kodachadri Hills on the western coast). It is, therefore, obvious that the ancient Indians, especially from the time of the Guptas (300-500 AD), produced iron that was capable of withstanding corrosion. This is primarily due to the high P content of the iron produced during these times. The addition of P was intentional as iron produced during earlier times does not show the presence of P.
                              To understand the precise reason for the corrosion resistance of the Delhi iron pillar, we analysed the composition of the rust on a Gupta period corrosion resistant iron clamp and also the rust on the Delhi iron pillar. Archaeometallurgical studies form a small component of our research activities. It is clear that referring to the Delhi iron pillar as rust-less is misleading as the iron pillar derives its corrosion resistance from the passive surface film (i.e. rust) that forms on the surface. We undertook a detailed rust analysis using modern sophisticated characterization techniques like Mössbauer spectroscopy and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR). We summarize below some of the exciting results of our study. The present study also provides valuable insight into the corrosion resistance of steels.
                              Microstructure
                              The microstructure of the iron of the Delhi iron pillar is typical of wrought iron. Iron was produced in ancient times by solid-state reduction of iron ore using charcoal and after the reduction process, the slag particles in iron were squeezed out by hammering. This invariably resulted in the presence of slag particles and unreduced iron oxide in the microstructure. We have earlier shown by theoretical mixed potential analysis and experimental potentiodynamic polarization studies (conducted on ancient iron) that the presence of slag particles could enhance passivity in these ancient irons containing P. However, the role of P in the passivation process was not understood. The characterization of the Delhi iron pillar rust has provided clear ideas about the passive film formation process on the Delhi iron pillar.
                              Rust Analysis
                              The FTIR spectrum proved the presence of g-FeOOH, a-FeOOH and d-FeOOH. The d-FeOOH was the major component of the rust as the peak was of relatively larger height compared to the others. An interesting result from the FTIR spectrum was that there was a distinct signal from the phase FePO4.2H2O and the shoulder from this phase was also identifiable. Therefore, the results of the FTIR study indicated that the constituents of the scale were g, a and d-FeOOH, in addition to a small amount of FePO4. In order to further understand the nature of the rust, the Mössbauer spectrum obtained from the rust in the transmission mode was analysed. The presence of g-FeOOH, a-FeOOH and d-FeOOH in superparamagnetic form was confirmed. The very fine particle size of these oxyhydroxides was also confirmed. The presence of iron phosphate was also confirmed. Finally, the rust was also composed of magnetite that was incorporated with some ions.
                              SURFACE FILM CAHARACTERISTICS


                              Process of Protective Rust Formation
                              The process of protective rust formation on the ancient Indian iron clamp can now be outlined based on the results presented above. The surface film characteristics of the Delhi iron pillar has been compared with that of mild steel in the accompanying figure. The rusting of normal mild steel and weathering steel is first addressed. When iron is exposed to the environment, the first oxides that form are the oxyhydroxides of Fe which are oxidized from Fe(II) complexes. Although several different allotropic modifications of the oxyhydroxides have been proposed to form on the surface of iron on initial exposure to the environment, there is firm evidence in the literature to suggest and prove that the first oxyhydroxide to form is g-FeOOH. After this is formed, a part of it begins to transform to another allotropic modification (a-FeOOH) and the rust at later times is composed of both these oxyhydroxides. These oxyhydroxides are not protective against corrosion and they readily crack allowing for ingress of oxygen and moisture to reach the metal surface and cause further corrosion. However, with time, a part of the FeOOH formed transforms to magnetic oxides of iron, which are much more protective than these oxyhydroxides. Mössbauer studies of rust formed on steel exposed to the environment clearly shows that Fe3O4 (more precisely to be called Fe3-xO4) forms first and this is later converted to g-Fe2O3. The formation of this magnetic oxide results in protection and the oxidation (corrosion) rates decrease once these oxides form on the surface from the oxyhydroxides. In addition to a- and g-FeOOH, there can be another oxyhydroxide d-FeOOH which can form on atmospheric exposure of iron.
                              It is interesting to note that d-FeOOH is generally amorphous in nature. In ordinary mild steels, this phase does not form as a continuous layer but rather in a discontinuous manner as it results due to dehydration-oxidation of the Fe(II) complexes. Therefore, the d-FeOOH that forms in ordinary mild steels is not protective in nature. However, it is possible for this d-FeOOH to form next to the metal surface as a continuous layer in which case the steel obtains corrosion resistance, as the oxyhydroxide is also amorphous in nature. The formation of d-FeOOH as a continuous layer next to the metal surface is catalysed by the presence of P (also Copper [Cu] and Chromium [Cr]) in the material. Moreover, the d-FeOOH is enriched with P and other elements that are added for improving atmospheric corrosion resistance like Cr and Cu. The presence of this amorphous layer is the reason for the excellent corrosion resistance of the so-called weathering steels.
                              In the case of ancient Indian iron, the atmospheric corrosion rate of the matrix material would be accelerated initially, in the presence of slag particles, leading to the enhancement of P concentration near the surface. Corrosion rate measurements (by Tafel extrapolation and weight loss methods) indicate that the short term corrosion rate of ancient Indian iron is an order of magnitude higher than that of 0.05%C mild steel in acidic environment while it is comparable in mildly alkaline environment. It must be noted that these measurements were obtained for complete immersion conditions, quite different from atmospheric exposure. Nevertheless, the initial corrosion of the matrix must lead to enrichment of P content near the surface. This is verified by compositional analysis of the metal next to the oxide which indicated enrichment of P in these regions. With the enhancement in the P concentration, the formation of d-FeOOH is catalysed and it should form as an amorphous compact layer next to the metal surface. Therefore, it appears that the presence of a significant amount of P is crucial to the corrosion resistance of the ancient Indian iron.
                              The process of passive film formation on the ancient Indian iron can be visualized as follows. Initially, the corrosion of the metal leads to the formation of a- and g-FeOOH. However, the presence of slag particles accelerates the corrosion of iron thereby enhancing the P concentration on the surface. This enhancement of P on the surface catalyses the formation of amorphous d-FeOOH as a compact layer next to the surface and this results in atmospheric corrosion resistance of the Delhi iron pillar. With time, conversion of this d-FeOOH to a stable form of iron oxide, i.e., magnetite, is possible. The magnetite could be doped with ions. This would further enhance the corrosion resistance of the surface film on the surface. The FTIR and Mössbauer spectra indicate the presence of iron phosphates. The presence of these phosphates would provide further corrosion resistance to the passive film by lowering ionic diffusion in the oxide and also by blocking the pores in the oxide. The golden hue of the pillar when viewed in certain orientations is due to the presence of iron phosphates. We hope to compositionally map the rust on the entire exposed surface of the pillar in the near future.
                              For more information contact:
                              Dr. R. Balasubramaniam
                              Department of Materials and Metallurgical Engineering
                              IIT Kanpur, Kanpur 208016
                              Telephone: (0512) 59 7089
                              e-mail: bala@iitk.ac.in
                              http://www.iitk.ac.in/infocell/Archive/dirnov1/iron_pillar.html

                              Review: Delhi Iron Pillar: New Insights. Balasubramaniam, R. 2002. Delhi: Aryan Books International. Pp.168, figures 33. Price Rs.1800/- ($40/-).
                              by D.P. Agrawal

                              Delhi's iron pillar (DIP) in the Qutub area has attracted the attention of archaeologists, laymen and metallurgists alike for its rust less property. Various theories have been propounded about its rust free iron. Only recently Balasubramaniam has carried out more rigorous analyses using latest techniques, as a professor of metallurgy in Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur, these facilities were available to him.
                              Balasubramaniam attributes these anticorrosion properties to significant presence of Phosphorus (P) in the DIP. We will presently see the technical details of his analysis. He also shows that the maximum corrosion on the DIP occurs near the joint, mainly because of presence of lead.
                              The book is divided into seven chapters, with one appendix on the technical details on the presence of phosphorus in ancient Indian irons. The first chapter introduces the DIP and its composition. The second chapter deals with the history of DIP which is quite authentic. Balasubramaniam gives even the transcripts of the inscriptions, a discussion of the history and association of DIP with Chandragupta II Vikramaditya, which are quite convincing. Balasubramaniam also discusses details of the palaeography of the inscriptions. He agrees with the date of 410 AD given by the famous epigraphist Hoernele. He also shows that the original location of DIP was actually in Madhya Pradesh, in the Udayagiri hills which have been identified with Vishnupadgiri. As Chandragupta II was a great devotee of Vishnu, the pillar was erected in the honour of his favourite God.
                              In Chapter 3, Balasubramaniam gives the structural details of the DIP; he also shows that the capital was joined with the pillar by using lead as the joining metal. He also gives a brief history of lead metallurgy in ancient India.
                              Chapter 4 discusses the decorative bell capital on the pillar. He also discusses the technology of shrink fitting methodology as to how the bell capital was fitted to the iron pillar. The author has illustrated the reconstruction of techniques.
                              In Chapter 5, Balasubramaniam has reconstructed the manufacturing techniques of the pillar, which was done through forge welding, and use of inserts. In chapter 6, the author discusses the technical details of corrosion resistance of DIP. He has illustrated the discussion with a number of x-ray diffraction and FTIR spectra and diagrams. The author also did Mossbauer spectroscopy of the rust samples. He shows that the phosphate was crystalline iron hydrogen phosphate hydride. The author also pleads for more detailed scientific studies on various aspects.
                              In Chapter 7, the author gives the summary of his analysis of DIP. In this chapter he also discusses the Dhar iron pillar and the other iron pillars at Chadira hills, Mandu hills, Mount Abu and also some Mughal canons. In the appendix the author has given the technical details and thermodynamic models of the origin of high phosphorous contents in ancient iron pillars. He has also compared here the ancient and modern slag. In the appendix he has shown that ancient Indian iron always produced higher phosphorous than modern iron at all temperatures. He attributes the higher P content in ancient iron to lack of use of lime (CaO) in the flux.
                              Balasubramaniam summarises his observations as follows:
                              Several new insights on the Delhi iron pillar have been presented in the present monograph. The subject of iron extraction that was practiced in ancient India was briefly discussed and specific attention was focused on the composition and microstructure of iron of the Delhi pillar. The origin of high P content in the Delhi iron pillar, in particular, and in ancient Indian iron, in general, has also been addressed.
                              The identity of king Chandra of the Delhi iron pillar Sanskrit inscription has been critically addressed. The name Chandra firmly establishes that the king was Chandragupta II Vikramaditya. Numismatic evidence for the short name of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya being Chandra has been provided for the first time by comparing the archer gold coin types of all the Gupta monarchs. Arguments have been provided to show that the inscription was not posthumous in nature. The conquests of Chandra corroborate the conquests of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya. Numismatic and archaeological find spots have been analyzed to provide support to Chandragupta's conquests. The personal religion of Chandragupta II also lends strong support to his identification as Chandra. The identification of Chandra with Chandragupta II Vikramaditya poses the least contradictions. The locations of Vahlika and Vishnupadagiri have been critically analyzed. It is proposed, based on archaeological and historical evidence, that Udayagiri could be favorably considered as ancient Vishnupadagiri, where the iron pillar was originally erected. Careful archaeological excavations are necessary at Udayagiri to firmly confirm the original location of the iron pillar.
                              The various aspects related to the structural features of the pillar have been addressed. A detailed analysis of the dimensions of the pillar and its decorative bell capital has been presented. The presence of lead in various regions of the pillar has been addressed, along which the construction of the pillar has been explored in detail starting from the pillar bottom. The presence of lead in several regions of the pillar has been described and the possible implication for lead presence on the corrosion of the pillar has also been discussed. A brief discussion on the status of lead metallurgy in ancient India has been provided.
                              The various components that comprise the decorative bell capital have been addressed in detail and the joining methodology of the capital parts as well as the capital to the main body of the pillar has been established. Insights on the possible image of garuda, which was originally placed on the top of the capital, have been provided. The decorative capital of the Delhi iron pillar has been fabricated from individual pieces (that were produced by forge welding and not casting). The individual pieces that constitute the iron pillar's capital have been intelligently shrunk fit on a hollow cylinder in an artistic and aesthetic manner keeping sound engineering principles in mind. It is important to perform careful ultrasound measurements on all the various sections of the decorative capital in order to obtain further insights into the shrink fitting methodology.
                              The manufacturing methodology employed to construct the main body of the Delhi iron pillar has been elucidated. The vertical and horizontal methods of forging for manufacturing the main body of the pillar have been critically compared. Several aspects of the manufacturing methodology (hammering method, heating method, use of inserts, use of dies, possible handling method and surface finishing operation) have been discussed. Visual evidences suggest sideways addition of metal lumps with the aid of hand-held hammers with the pillar in the horizontal position. The addition of iron lumps on to the side of the pillar, with the pillar placed in the horizontal direction, appears the likely method of the manufacture of the pillar. The nature of the iron lumps that were forge welded on to the body has been discussed. The use of hand held hammers for the forging operation is also established. The ingenious method employed to handle such a large object has also been illustrated. The to-and-fro motion of the pillar during the forging operation must have been possible with the use of handling clamps on the pillar. The rotational motion of the pillar (and also handling) must have been aided by the use of rotating pegs inserted in the bottom and top cross sections of the pillar, and also on the sides of the pillar. The final surface finishing operations (hot hammering, chiselling and burnishing) produced the smooth surface and taper of the cylindrical pillar.
                              The current theories (environmental and material) for the corrosion resistance of the pillar have been critically reviewed. The apparent anomaly of a two-phase (iron and entrapped slag inclusions) heterogeneous structure of wrought iron of the Delhi pillar possessing superior corrosion resistance has been understood by mixed potential theory analysis. The nature of the protective passive layer on the corrosion resistant Delhi iron pillar has been addressed based on a detailed characterization of its rust. The rust is composed of iron hydrogen phosphate hydrate (FePO 4.H3PO 4.4H2O) in the crystalline form in addition to a-, y-, o-FeOOH and magnetite, all in amorphous form. The process of protective rust formation on DIP iron has been outlined based on the rust analysis. The passive film formation on the Delhi iron pillar has been contrasted with rusting of normal and weathering steels. The critical factor aiding the superior corrosion resistance of the Delhi iron pillar is the formation of crystalline iron hydrogen phosphate hydrate, as a thin layer next the metal-scale interface, which drastically lowers the rate of corrosion due to its low porosity content. The formation of protective crystalline phosphate is aided by alternate wetting and drying cycles, which is the important contribution of the atmosphere to the pillar's corrosion resistance. Therefore, the corrosion resistance of the Delhi iron pillar is due to both Delhi (the environment providing alternate wetting and drying conditions) and iron (with its high P content conferring protection by the formation of the crystalline iron hydrogen phosphate).
                              Suggestions have been provided at the end of each of the previous chapters on the studies that need to be conducted on the Delhi iron pillar. Scientists from the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research have conducted several scientific studies (in-situ metallography, radiography, sonography and surface potential measurements) on the Delhi iron pillar in 2001 (IGCAR 2001) and these studies should shed valuable insights. Most importantly, there is an urgent need to replace the lead sheet covering the surface of the pillar in the buried underground regions. When the pillar was re-erected by Beglar in the 19th century AD, the stone platform was constructed and a coating of lead was provided on the buried underground surface of the pillar. This uneven coating of lead (of about 3 mm in thickness) was found to be in an excellent state of preservation when the buried regions of the pillar was again excavated in 1961 on the eve of the centenary of the Archaeological Survey of India. However, the buried portion was found covered with rust layers ranging from a few mm to 15 mm. After removal of the rust scales (Pl. 36a), numerous cavities and corrosion pits were observed on the surface. The preliminary treatment of the pillar comprised of elimination of rust, earthy accretions and water- soluble salts resulting in the structure shown in Pl. 36b. The holes, cracks and cavities were consolidated and provided a rust preventive treatmen. The lead sheet coating was again provided to the surface for protecting the pillar from direct contact with mortar and the saline soil on the recommendation of the structural conservators and archaeological engineers. This new lead coating was provided much against the wishes of the Chief Chemist of ASI (Lal 1996). Therefore, the present corrosion rate of iron in the buried regions is much more than that of the exposed surface due to galvanic action with the lead layer, as lead is cathodic with respect to iron (Balasubramaniam 1999b). The iron in the buried underground region is currently subjected to intense galvanic corrosion. It has been suggested, first by Lal (1996), and recently by Anantharaman (1996) and Balasubramaniam (1997b), that the lead coating be removed and replaced with a zinc coating, because, unlike lead, zinc is anodic with respect to iron and therefore would sacrificially protect the iron underneath. However, this may not be appropriate because zinc corrodes rapidly in saline soils and the soil around the pillar, in its current location, is loaded with chlorides and sulphates (LaI1996). It is important to replace this lead coating (Pl. 38) with another suitable coating (epoxy-based coating, especially if the soil is saline, and maybe combined with cathodic protection) for proper preservation of this important cultural and scientific object (Pl. 39). The replacement of lead coating with a suitable coating must be addressed at the earliest by excavating the bottom regions of the pillar.
                              Although the Delhi iron pillar has been the focus of attention in the present monograph, it must be realized that there are several other large ancient iron objects in India. Some of these objects would be briefly reviewed here. The study of these objects has not been taken up on a large scale, with the reason probably being the lack of knowledge of these objects. It is anticipated that serious studies in the future will address these objects.
                              The bibliography is quite up-to-date and exhaustive, as also the index. I am sure, archaeologists, archaeometallurgists and the layman alike would welcome this book by a competent metallurgist. The profuse illustrations, both in black and colour, detailed line drawings, graphs and tables make it a very convincing case for explaining the anticorrosion properties of phosphorous, the higher content of which is due to the lack of the use of lime in the flux.
                              An interesting book on all counts.
                              http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/t_rv/t_rv_agraw_delhi.htm

                              http://tinyurl.com/p2bubsu Review of book (2008): R. Balasubramanian, Marvels of indian iron through the ages IJHS pp.652-658 

                              http://www.insa.nic.in/writereaddata/UpLoadedFiles/IJHS/Vol43_4_8_BookReviewBPrakash.pdf

                              https://www.scribd.com/doc/282930234/Review-of-Balasubramaniam-s-Marvels-of-Indian-Iron-Through-the-Ages-Prakash


                               Iron beams at the Konark Sun Temple premises.

                              Iron pillars, Dhar.


                              Royal Geographical Society LogoImage number: S0002164
                              The Lat Masjid (The Iron Pillar) - Dhar - Madhya Pradesh - Central India

                              Artist / photographer: Vernon & Co.
                              Date: 1912
                              Country: India http://images.rgs.org/imageDetails.aspx?barcode=5620


                              S. Kalyanaraman

                              Sarasvati Research Center
                              September 28, 2015

                              Emotional moment for NaMo. A tribute to role of his mother in his upbringing: NaMo at Facebook HQs NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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                              PM Modi at Facebook: 'Like' all the way


                              In a seldom-told episode that will become part of the Valley's lore and its connection to India, Zuckerberg related to Prime Minister Modi how he followed his tech guru Steve Jobs' advice to visit India, including a certain temple, before he launched Facebook. Zuckerberg said he followed the advice, and traveling in India for a month and seeing its millions connect was an inspirational part of the Facebook story. (Jobs was drawn to Neem Karoli Baba in India).

                              READ ALSO: Top 10 things PM Modi said at Facebook 

                              The story visibly delighted Modi, providing him another avenue to present India as an inspirational destination for business success even as he explained his own early embrace of technology in reply to Zuckerberg's question. It's human nature to look for short cuts in education like forsaking text books for shorter guides, notes, and 101s, and social media was a perfect tool for someone like him who lacked in depth formal education, Modi explained frankly. 

                              He also explained how his "daily bonding" with his audience over social media was helping bridge the gap between the government and the people in way unimaginable a generation ago. 

                              Social media had also changed the nature and face of diplomacy, he said, citing how he could greet a Chinese leader on his birthday on the Chinese platform Weibo and wish the Israeli people in Hebrew. There was a moment of mirth when he mentioned his use of Weibo, because Facebook is blocked in China.

                              READ ALSO: Aim to make India a $20 trillion economy, PM Modi says 

                              They were among several candid and intriguing moments in an hour-long q/a in Facebook's Hacker Square where its employees gather to hear assorted guests. 

                              But seldom has the place seen the likes of an Indian leader who derives so much heft from the country's three million diaspora in the US (and 30 million worldwide). With scores of Indian employees on its rolls, it could well have been a townhall in New Delhi's Friends' Colony, as a fanboy atmosphere greeted the prime minister, with the PA system belting out Bollywood songs before Modi's arrival. 

                              Remarkable, the Silicon Valley superstar who isn't shy of being seen in a hoodie wore a jacket and tie on a Sunday morning, while the Prime Minister was dressed more informally. 

                              Mildly difficult questions about the ease of doing business and gender gap in India were easily fielded by Modi with elaborate explanations about the steps his government in taking. In the process, he also smacked down one of his cabinet colleagues (culture minister Mahesh Sharma; without naming him) who had suggested an Indian women's place is in the kitchen. 

                              "If we are to progress we cannot imprison 50 per cent of the population (women) in their homes. They must walk shoulder to shoulder (with men) and have 100 per cent participation," he said.

                              READ ALSO: Full text of PM Modi's speech at Digital India event 

                              Modi also took time to meet Zuckerberg's parents (and later get photographed with them) after the Facebook founder introduced them while asking the role of Modi's own mother in his upbringing. The question brought out raw emotion in the prime minister, as he choked to hold back tears while relating how the family had to struggle in his early days.

                              READ ALSO: PM Narendra Modi gets emotional while talking about his mother 

                              Rahul working on anti-PM protests in US -- Madhav Nalapat. Kanchan Gupta provides photographic evidence :)-- NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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                              Irrefutable evidence of sweeping influence and overwhelming clout wielded by Amartya Sen-inspired academics in US.

                              Rahul working on anti-PM protests in US

                              For close to nine months, the Congress VP has been meeting ‘representatives of civil society from India’ in London and New York.
                              MADHAV NALAPAT  New Delhi | 26th Sep 2015
                              ongress heir apparent Rahul Gandhi has been "meeting quietly in the US with groups intending to carry out protests against Prime Minister Narendra Modi" during the PM's ongoing visit to the world's biggest economy. According to those associated with the planning of the strategy of the Congress vice-president, "Rahul is not encouraging any anti-Modi demonstrations and protests, but simply understanding what the reasons for anger are". However, analysts tracking Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi say that his role has been much more pro-active, and that should there be large-scale protests during the Prime Minister's public appearances in San Jose and New York, it would mean "some success for Rahul's carefully planned strategy of seeking to show globally that Modi has as many critics as admirers in the US", thereby taking some of the shine off the PM's Madison Square-style public rallies in the country and his meetings with corporate leaders.
                              Those tracking the nature and extent of Rahul's activities on foreign shores claim that his "sensitive and secretive" meetings while in the US, many with anti-Modi groups, is the reason why there is such secrecy about his whereabouts and activities during this latest period of disappearance from public radar. They add that Rahul Gandhi has been meeting for close to nine months in London and New York with "representatives of civil society from India who have been active in canvassing support for condemning the Union government for what they claim is its insensitivity to minority concerns and its majoritarian agenda".
                              Rahul's meetings while in the US are related to what analysts term as his "crusade" to ensure that the BJP led by Narendra Modi falls to a tally of 175-150 Lok Sabha seats in the 2019 polls, thereby ensuring that a non-saffron dispensation takes office in the national capital. "Rahul is aiming to become Prime Minister only by 2024 and not 2019, and hence can take the long view of political developments", they point out. Even after nine more years, the Congress vice-president would be a decade younger than Narendra Modi was when he took the oath of office as Prime Minister on 26 May 2014. These analysts say that — health permitting — Congress president Sonia Gandhi may get her term extended up to the close of 2017, or until the UP Assembly elections get decided, "so that Rahul could take charge on a fresh slate and focus on the parliamentary polls".
                              Since the shock collapse of his party on 16 May 2014, "the centrepiece of Rahul Gandhi's game plan is to ensure that Prime Minister Modi does not get a second term, and if this means sacrificing the short-term interests of the Congress in some states, Rahul is ready". This strategy has come into operation in Bihar, where the Congress has accepted a seat quota less than half of what was allocated to either the RJD and the JDU, and is likely to get replicated in Uttar Pradesh in 2017, with the party likely to contest a lower number of seats than the last time as a gesture of goodwill to regional heavyweights Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party. Those tracking the first family of the Congress claim that the UP Assembly elections will witness the emergence of the telegenic Priyanka Vadra on the political stage, abandoning her earlier cameo appearances, "as by that time, efforts at blackening the name of her husband would have run its course" and any extra damage by such actions would be low.
                              "Rahul has studied the way in which Narendra Modi consolidated himself in Gujarat through gaining a reputation for honesty and efficiency in government, and is therefore determined to ensure that at the Central level, Team Modi be perceived differently" (from what was the case in Gujarat). Hence the strategy of (a) blocking reforms such as GST and the Land Bill which would enhance the performance and hence the reputation of the Central government, and (b) constantly levelling allegations of corruption against state and central leaders of the BJP. Those tracking the Congress vice-president say that he has activated a small group to locate possible charges of corruption at the Central and state levels, and that "such research is being clandestinely assisted by officials who have for years been close to the Congress". In a gesture of conciliation, the Narendra Modi government has retained many officials known to have been close to the UPA in sensitive posts, and has refrained from any witch-hunt against UPA-era Central ministers, except by carrying forward probes already set in motion during the tenure of Manmohan Singh. "Even probes already existing (since the UPA period), such as that against Dayanidhi Maran, are being conducted professionally, and every opportunity is being given to the accused to defend themselves. Whether it be Maran, Kanimozhi or even Raja, they cannot claim that any undue interest is being taken in their cases," a senior official pointed out, adding that "the same is the case with the probes against Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mayawati as well".
                              Officials say that Prime Minister Modi has distanced himself from all such investigations and has asked the officials concerned to conduct them in a manner that is not related to political exigencies. Perhaps as a consequence, there appears to have been little progress on the BJP's Lok Sabha poll promise of bringing to book those guilty of corruption in the numerous UPA-era scams. Those close to Rahul Gandhi say that the breather has given them time to regroup and also to fight back effectively against any future probe, whereas any action taken during the glow of the initial months of the BJP's 2014 triumph would have been accepted by the public. According to those studying the behind-the-curtain moves of the Congress heir apparent, Rahul Gandhi is convinced that after the lapse of nearly 18 months since the Lok Sabha results were declared, routine allegations of corruption against the Congress and its UPA partners no longer carry much weight with the public, for the reason that "they will ask why (if the charges were true) no action was taken by the NDA government against the guilty", with not even a single FIR being filed against UPA ministers known to be super-wealthy. Four polling agencies are independently being used by Team Rahul, and it is claimed by those close to Rahul Gandhi "these are unanimous that there is a change of mood towards both the Congress as well as the BJP since 2014" and that this will get reflected in future Congress-BJP contests.
                              Apart from a barrage of corruption charges directed against BJP decision-makers and the blocking of reform proposals that could lead to a visible improvement in performance over the coming three years (till the 2019 polls), the plans being scripted by Rahul Gandhi include measures designed to "bring down the reputation both domestically as well as internationally of Prime Minister Modi". The emerging Congress supremo is "closely watching the rash of strike calls and protests by railway, bank employees and other powerful trade union groups and believes that these will launch protest after protest, strike upon strike, beginning before polls close in Bihar". During the past year, the Modi government has wheeled out its heavyweight ministers to negotiate with bank, port, coal and insurance unions, thereby giving itself little leeway in case fresh demands (such as a generalised call for OROP) come up. Rahul Gandhi has asked key members of his team to "meet with union representatives quietly" and has promised the "support of the Congress in future agitations" against the Central government, according to those privy to his thinking. Small wonder that CPM general secretary Sitaram Yechury seems to be edging closer tactically to the Congress despite his party seeing the latter as its principal foe in Kerala.
                              "Rahul Gandhi's plan is to ensure that reforms essential to better performance get delayed till the 2017 UP elections are over", so that the BJP does not reap the electoral dividend of such measures in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, which remain the primary focus of the Congress vice-president. Those privy to his thinking say that "Rahul is aware that core economic reform measures take two to three years to begin to show results, and that for the first two or three years, the political dividend is negative from such steps", although these become positive soon afterwards and remain so for long periods. They say that the Congress heir apparent has studied the working of the A.B. Vajpayee government and believes that it was "dissatisfaction in the urban areas caused by corruption, lack of jobs and price rise which got the NDA defeated in 2004", apart from "a delay in carrying out enough reforms during the first two of the six years in office of Prime Minister Vajpayee". The four factors (joblessness, inflation, corruption and slowness in reforms) form the staple theme of the Rahul-crafted Congress attacks on the Modi government. Congress success in continuing to block GST and other key reforms and in maintaining a drumbeat of charges against Team Modi will determine whether Rahul Gandhi's "NoNamo 2019" strategy is working.

                              http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/rahul-working-on-anti-pm-protests-in-us

                              The question of Zuckerberg that almost made NaMo cry. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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                              september 27, 2015

                              Facebook’s Town Hall Q&As — where Facebook users around the world get to ask Mark Zuckerberg questions — aren’t typically emotional events. This changed Sunday during a special Q&A Zuckerberg held with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
                              During the 50-minute event held at the social network’s Menlo Park, Calif., campus, Modi fielded questions about government investments, the ease of doing business in India and what was being done to empower women. But it was a question from Zuckerberg himself, about family, that got an unexpectedly emotional response from the prime minister.
                              “I understand that your mother is very important in your life,” Zuckerberg said. “So I’m hoping you’ll tell us a bit about her.”
                              Before diving into his own story, the prime minister first asked Zuckerberg's own parents — who were sitting in the audience — to stand up so the crowd could congratulate them for raising Zuckerberg.
                              Then, his voice breaking with emotion, Modi paused before recounting his childhood.

                              An earlier version of this article said "we" instead of "she."
                              ------------
                              “What she must have gone through … and that’s not just the case with Narendra Modi. In India there are hundreds and thousands of women and mothers who sacrificed their entire lives for their children.”
                              Modi answered four other questions during the Q&A, from Facebook users and pre-selected members of the audience.
                              1. You were one of the early adopters of social media. Did you at that point think that social media and the Internet would become such important tools for governing, citizen engagement and foreign policy?
                              Modi said that when he first signed up on social media networks, it was out of curiosity, and he could not have imagined the impact it would have.
                              After giving a convoluted spiel about social media as a tool for allowing people to accept one another as they are, he spoke of how social media has given his government a way of directly connecting with citizens everyday.
                              “We used to have elections every five years,” he said. “Now we have them every five minutes.”
                              2. What investment is your government going to make to enable the next 800 million to 1 billion people in India to get connected?
                              Modi spoke of ambitious goals of linking all 600,000 villages in India through an optical-fiber network over the next five years, and prioritizing digital infrastructure alongside physical infrastructure.
                              “All those who are familiar with India, if you look all over the world you’ll see civilization has generally developed and settled along rivers,” Modi said. “But times have changed. … In the future I think we will find cities are going to be situated along networks and optical fibers, and that’s something we need to keep in mind for the future.”
                              3. Do you think it has become easier in the last 15 months to do business in India? There’s a perception that reform is slow.
                              The prime minister made an analogy about diverting a moving train, and how change happens slowly when dealing with big machines.
                              “When you have such a big country and you want to bring about change, there are many things that need to be changed,” he said. “And when you have changes that are taking place, there’s a cumulative effect.”
                              Without directly answering the question, Modi assured the audience that could and would happen, perhaps faster than some might expect.
                              4. Everyone is keen to know your stand on women’s empowerment. What is your thinking of the role of women and female children [in progressive India]?
                              “If we want to achieve our economic goals, then we cannot do that if we imprison 50% of our population inside their homes,” Modi said. “This 50% of our population, female power, we have have a 100% partnership with them.”
                              Modi also spoke of the importance of young girls being educated in India, and spoke of his own track record of launching campaigns to encourage families to send their daughters to school.
                              “I think a very big change is already happening,” he said.
                              http://www.latimes.com/business/technology/la-fi-tn-narendra-modi-facebook-20150927-story.html
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