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Not legal, your Lordship, but a threat to rule of law in India

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Not legal, your Lordship, but a 'vested interests' conspiracy at work to malign Justice Ganguly and destroy rule of law in India


  1. Feel he is being targeted,so that other judges don't give fearless judgments like him-Subramanian Swamy on AK Ganguly


  2. Things being said against him without evidence,so he had no option but to write this letter-Subramanian Swamy on AK Ganguly's letter to CJI
Not legal, your Lordship, but a 'vested interests' conspiracy at work to malign Justice Ganguly and destroy rule of law in India



GANGULY COMPLAINS TO CJI, SAYS NOT ADDRESSED CORRECTLY BY SC

Monday, 23 December 2013 | PTI | Kolkata
Denying that he had ever harassed or made any unwelcome advance to any intern, former Supreme Court judge A K Ganguly today complained to Chief Justice of India P Sathasivam saying he was not addressed correctly by the apex court.
"I have been distressed by some recent happenings. I am anguished that the Supreme Court under your Lordship did not address me correctly," Justice Ganguly said in an eight-page-long letter to the CJI, which he said was also being forwarded to President Pranab Mukherjee.
Stating that after deep consideration of all that was going on in the media with reference to some allegations of an intern against him, Ganguly said he was constrained to break his silence.
"First of all, I wish to make it clear that I never harassed nor did I make any unwelcome advances to any female intern. The very suggestion of it, to say the least, is out of tune with my personal conduct," said Justice Ganguly, who is the Chairman of the West Bengal Human Rights Commission.
"I have made helpful contributions to many interns both male and female. To this date, I am treated with unbound respect and regards by them," he wrote in the letter.
In his letter, Ganguly alleged "There is a concerted move to tarnish my image as I had the unfortunate duty of rendering certain judgments against powerful interests."
He said: "I see in the whole game a palpable design to malign me at the instance of interested quarters."
Raising questions about the three-judge committee of the Supreme Court constituted to probe the allegations, he argued that since the girl intern was not on the rolls of the Supreme Court and he was a retired judge, the committee was "not required to be constituted".
"No complaint was ever made before Supreme Court or before your Lordship in any form by the intern at any time prior to the formation of the judges' committee and presumably at the direction of the committee she gave her statement," he said.
Ganguly said a newspaper report dated December 12 without any verification could certainly not have been the basis of a petition by the Attorney General on which the Chief Justice was reported to have acted.
"Thus the stated reason that the committee was set up to find out whether the judge was a sitting judge cannot be accepted because the blog expressly disclosed retired judge," he said.
Complaining against the conduct of the officials of the court, he said as soon as he entered he was surrounded by a posse of officers which was unbecoming of the institution.
"I was treated as a person in captivity," he rued.


Tuesday , December 24 , 2013 |


Ganguly: Not legal, Your Lordship

- Ex-judge contests probe process in letter
Calcutta, Dec. 23: Former Supreme Court judge Asok Ganguly today challenged the legality of the process by which the apex court had probed allegations of sexual misconduct levelled by an intern.
“I have sent a letter to the Chief Justice of India and marked a copy to the President,” said Ganguly, who is now the West Bengal Human Rights Commission chairman.
The Supreme Court had set up a three-judge panel to look into the allegations of sexual harassment against the former judge after the intern disclosed the charge in a blog. The alleged harassment took place on last Christmas-eve, almost exactly a year ago.
The Supreme Court had declined to proceed further after making public the operative part of the three-judge panel’s report that said the intern’s statement prima facie disclosed an act of unwelcome behaviour (unwelcome verbal/non-verbal conduct of sexual nature) by the former judge.
The Supreme Court said no follow-up action by the court was required since Ganguly had retired and the intern was not on its rolls. Ganguly’s letter focuses on this aspect, saying that the court could not have been unaware that the complaint was about a “retired judge”. The former judge also quotes from a letter from a Supreme Court official to back up his contention.
Following a political uproar, the Centre is now said to be in receipt of legal advice that a presidential reference should be made to the Supreme Court to activate a process to remove Ganguly from the rights panel.
The eight-page letter to Chief Justice P. Sathasivam from Ganguly — which he concludes by wishing “Your Lordship a happy New Year and good health” — came against this backdrop.
“My moral strength is undiminished,” the former judge wrote in the letter.
He has also smelt a conspiracy. “The subsequent events (that followed the Supreme Court steps) clearly seem to suggest that there is a concerted move to tarnish my image as I had the unfortunate duty of rendering certain judgments against powerful interests,” wrote Ganguly, who had delivered the 2G verdict that cancelled 122 telecom licences.
The following are excerpts from the letter Ganguly sent to the Chief Justice.
THE EVENING
(According to the intern’s blog, she reached a hotel in New Delhi on the evening of December 24, 2012, to assist Ganguly in his work. A purported version of the intern’s affidavit before the three-judge panel quoted the girl as saying the former judge kissed her arm and asked her to share his room with him to help him finish the work.)
In my statement, I truthfully recounted that as I needed help to complete the work and the intern was requested and she acceded to the request and, in fact, typed on that evening about more than 20 pages of my dictation on her laptop.
I also clarify that there was a cordial meeting followed by dinner. Thereafter, I saw the intern off in a car arranged on my request and made sure that she reached her destination safely.
I have no rancour either against the intern or those who are instrumental in initiating such an enquiry….
I wish to make it clear that I never harassed nor did I make any unwelcome advances at any female intern. The very suggestion of it, to say the least, is out of tune with my personal conduct. I have made helpful contributions to so many interns (male and female). To this date, I am treated with unbounded respect and regard by them.
Asok Kumar Ganguly and (below) P Sathasivam
The (three-judge) committee in its report referred to the statement of the intern, both written and oral, (oral statement was never shown to me) and its prima facie view of my alleged unwelcome behaviour with the intern was made without referring to my denial in the conclusion it reached.
CONCERTED MOVE
…Apart from expressing my deep distress about the manner in which the entire thing happened in the Supreme Court, the subsequent events clearly seemed to suggest that there is a concerted move to tarnish my image as I had the unfortunate duty of rendering certain judgments against powerful interests. I may point out that, despite odds, I judged the issues without fear or favour and if that triggers a collateral attack on me, then it poses a threat to the independence of the judiciary.
SC COMMITTEE
(Following a report in The Times of India on November 12 about the blog, the apex court had set up a three-judge committee of Justice R.M. Lodha, Justice H.L. Dattu and Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai to look into the intern’s allegation.)
The intern had revealed her name;
There is no reason for Your Lordship not to know that I am a retired judge;
There is no reason for Your Lordship not to be able to find out that the intern was not on the rolls of the Supreme Court;
For ascertaining the(se) facts, a three-judge committee is not required to be constituted.
(Ganguly quotes from a letter sent to him by the member secretary of the three-judge committee on November 21, which refers to “a former judge”. The Chief Justice’s statement on the operative part of the committee was issued a fortnight later on December 5.)
Obviously, the letter (of November 21) was written to me under Your Lordship’s instruction to the following effect: “The Hon’ble Chief Justice of India has constituted a three-member committee comprising… to enquire into the allegations of sexual harassment levelled by a law intern against a former Supreme Court Judge….” (In the letter to the CJI, Ganguly has underlined the words “former Supreme Court Judge” and pointed out that he had done so.)
Later, the CJI had clarified that the committee was set up “on account of the fact that (a) report in the Media appeared that it was “Supreme Court Judge”. The newspaper report had said a judge “who retired recently” but the CJI appeared to be referring to the headline that said “Intern alleges SC judge harassed her”.)
Thus the stated reasons that the committee was set up to find out whether the judge was a sitting judge cannot be accepted because the blog expressly disclosed retired judge….
I have never heard that an administrative committee, which has no authority over a retired judge, will assume jurisdiction to find truth of allegations made in newspapers….
The intern only made a statement and on that, there cannot be any administrative inquiry to find out the truth of the allegations…. The report of the committee, if I may humbly point out, has no legal status.
NO COMPLAINT
No complaint was ever made before the Supreme Court or before Your Lordships in any form by the intern at any time prior to the formation of the judges’ committee and, presumably on a direction by the committee, she gave her statement. (Delhi police have said that they are awaiting a statement from the intern to file an FIR.)
PROBE PROCESS
As soon as I entered the Supreme Court, I was surrounded by a posse of security officers, which was unbecoming of the institution. I was treated almost like a person in captivity. Has this been done under Your Lordship’s direction? I hope not.
I was given no papers or previous minutes of proceedings of the committee….
I was told… its (committee’s) proceedings are confidential in nature…. I was told that the intern had made a statement with certain annexures. I politely asked the committee to give me a copy to examine it. I was shattered to be told curtly that I will not be given a copy as it was confidential and that I must make the statement immediately. There was a compulsive tone to it.... Although I am denied a copy of the intern’s statement, I was shocked to find that the substantial portion of the contents of the statements of the intern were leaked out verbatim in a Bengali newspaper….
The so-called statements of the intern were recorded behind my back and my statement was also recorded behind her back. I have never heard of such a procedure….
If the proceedings were confidential, I am unable to understand why court officials were kept in the room…. My statement was not even recorded by the judges themselves. They kept their faces turned away.
PUBLICATION
From Your Lordship’s comments..., it appears that the Full Bench (all the 30 sitting judges) of the court is of the opinion that the court has no jurisdiction over a retired judge, yet the report of the committee was published. The enquiry was conducted in a summary manner, without fair or proper opportunity to me and such a report could not qualify to be an act of court which warranted publication. The report is not a judgment, order or decree….
I take exception that notwithstanding the Full Court’s resolution… that complaints against retired judges are not entertainable by the court on the administrative side, it was under Your Lordship’s direction on the administrative side that the report in the case of a retired judge was put up on the website of the Supreme Court.
I regret to say that due process was denied ....
AFFIDAVIT
With some efforts, I could collect from one of the journalists a copy of the affidavit distributed by the learned ASG (additional solicitor-general Indira Jaising who had published excerpts from the purported affidavit in The Indian Express). The affidavit was allegedly sworn before a notary public in Bangalore on 29.11.2013. Ms Jaising held a press conference in Kolkata... and said the affidavit was filed by the intern before the Supreme Court (committee) which gave its report on 27.11.2013. How is it possible?… If the committee gave a report on 27.11.2013, how could the additional solicitor-general flaunt in public the intern’s affidavit of a subsequent date (sworn on 29.11.2013 in Bangalore) as having been filed before the committee?
(Jaising iterated on Monday that she made the statement public with the “authorisation” of the intern.)




Ganguly took pvt case, NGO paid for Pak trip: Mamata to Pranab

Appu Esthose Suresh Posted online: Tue Dec 24 2013, 03:17 hrs
Newdelhi : On December 24, 2012, when A K Ganguly, retired Supreme Court judge and chairman of the West Bengal Human Rights Commission (WBHRC), is alleged to have sexually harassed his law intern, he had sought her help in a private arbitration matter that he was handling. This is one of the two other “charges” listed against him by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.“(Ganguly) has severely damaged the office of chairman of WB Human Rights Commission by a series of alleged misdemeanours... He engaged himself in paid employment during his term of high office... When the alleged incident took place, Ganguly was on a visit to Delhi for an inquiry of the All India Football Federation and he presided over the arbitration... It is widely known in relevant circles that he presided over arbitration proceedings for a payment,” Banerjee has said in a letter to President Pranab Mukherjee.
The letter, sent some days ago, also mentioned that Ganguly’s visit to Pakistan in June was sponsored by a Delhi-based NGO without the government’s permission.
“Secondly, Justice Ganguly visited Pakistan from June 3, 2013 to June 6, 2013 without taking leave, thus violating rule 6 of the WBHRC... air tickets for the trip were provided by a private organisation in Delhi, the Socio Legal Information Centre,” said Banerjee in the letter.
Sources said Banerjee’s allegations, which have since been referred to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) by the President’s Secretariat, form part of the government’s case for a presidential reference to remove Ganguly from the post. Ganguly was appointed WBHRC chairman in April 2012.
The MHA had sought the opinion of Attorney General G E Vahanvati on the issue. According to sources, Vahanvati, in his opinion, has “taken cognizance” of these two additional “charges’’ mentioned by Banerjee.
This is not the first time that the West Bengal government has raised the issue of Ganguly’s visit to Pakistan. Ganguly had earlier said that since it was a personal visit, he did not require the government’s permission.
When contacted, senior advocate and activist Colin Gonsalves, who founded the Socio Legal Information Centre, said: “He was invited as a retired Supreme Court Judge to speak on public interest litigation at a seminar in Pakistan. Yes, we provided the air tickets. He later told me he was not required to seek any permission for the trip.’’


Ganguly says he was denied legal course by SC
  • The Statesman
  • 24 Dec 2013
  • STATESMAN NEWS SERVICE
Kolkata, 23 December
Justice (Retd) A K Ganguly has written to Chief Justice of India P. Sathasivam, saying he has been denied due legal course by the apex court to prove his innocence in connection with the alleged sexual harassment case. He has denied the intern’s allegations of sexual harassment.
“It is unheard of that an administrative committee, which has no authority over a retired judge, will assume jurisdiction to find out the truth behind allegations made in a newspaper,” said the ex- Supreme Court judge.
“There is a concerted move to tarnish my image as I had the unfortunate duty of rendering certain judgments against powerful interests. I may point out that despite odds, I judge the issues without fear or favour and if that triggers a collateral attack on me, then it poses a threat to the independence of the judiciary,” Justice (Retd) Ganguly said in his letter.
He claimed to have been treated “almost like a person in captivity” during the proceedings of the hearing and the behaviour of the officials of the court was far from being appropriate.
His request for a copy of the intern’s affidavit was flatly refused by the committee on the pretext of confidentiality and as a result he quickly had to glance through the 60-page document, he said. However, a substantial part of the affidavit was published by a Bengali newspaper on 30 November; furthermore, the supposedly confidential proceedings were attended by a registrar general apart from a few lady court masters, Justice (Retd) Ganguly said.
He pointed out that the three-judge committee was formed to find out if the accused judge was a sitting judge or not, but, the intern’s blog expressly disclosed the involvement of a retired judge. He raised several questions about the necessity of the formation and functionality of a three-judge committee to ascertain the truth behind the intern’s allegations. “I don’t know why I was being singled out for such adverse discrimination by an administrative committee sans jurisdiction,” he said.
The distribution of the intern’s affidavit by Ms Indira Jai Singh, additional solicitor general, is completely unacceptable, he added. Furthermore, he said, Ms Singh flaunted an affidavit in public claiming to be the one filed by the intern with the Supreme Court, which gave its report on 27 November. However, the aforesaid affidavit was sworn in on 29 November, two days after the apex court’s report, in Bangalore, he said.


Book release: History of Ancient India (Chakrabarti, Dilip K. & Makkhan Lal eds.)

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Link: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/historic-announcement-release-of-first.html 

Nationalism is biggest source of inspiration for me: LK Advani


Nationalism is the biggest source of inspiration for me, senior BJP leader L K Advani today said as he provided a brief glimpse of how his feelings were shaped after he as a student growing up in pre-independence India joined RSS at the age of 14 years
Nationalism is the biggest source of inspiration for me, senior BJP leader L K Advani today said as he provided a brief glimpse of how his feelings were shaped after he as a student growing up in pre-independence India joined RSS at the age of 14 years

NEW DELHI: Nationalism is the biggest source of inspiration for me, senior BJP leader L K Advani today said as he provided a brief glimpse of how his feelings were shaped after he as a student growing up in pre-independence India joined RSS at the age of 14 years. 

"During my entire life, if something has inspired me the most that has been nationalism. I got this feeling first when I was in school and college and became an RSS volunteer at the age of 14," he said. 

He said that at that time the feeling was that India should become independent. He added he was hurt when he saw that in the trains all the removable equipment in trains had marked on them "stolen from the GIP." 

Speaking at a book release function, he said the assumption was the people in India were thieves and whoever picked up the stuff would always have it marked that it belonged to the railways. 

He said he was also upset when he went through books like Catherine Mayo's book 'Mother India' which even Mahatama Gandhi had termed as a "gutter inspector's report." 

Advani said he also read all the books written as rebuttals that were written to Mayo's book. The BJP veteran said though he had released numerous books, he felt especially happy that very learned people had come together to write a history of ancient India. 

Senior journalist Arun Shourie said people should not be too dependant on institutions and added that even when there was no support of institutions, schoarly work was possible. 

RSS ideologue S Gurumurthy and former Director of the Intelligence Bureau Ajit Doval were among those present. 
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/nationalism-is-biggest-source-of-inspiration-for-me-lk-advani/articleshow/27805337.cms

India's 'Modi Wave' may lose momentum -- Siddharth Varadarajan on Bloomberg Opinion. American naxal's opinion.

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India’s ‘Modi Wave’ May Lose Momentum

As India prepares for national elections in May, what is being called the “Modi wave” seems almost unstoppable. Since naming Narendra Modi-- the controversial chief minister of the state of Gujarat -- as its prime ministerial candidate, the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party has consistently topped opinion polls. Modi’s BJP decimated the ruling Congress Party in recent state elections -- a harbinger, many now believe, of the national outcome.
Before they start measuring drapes in Delhi ministries, however, “NaMo” and his friends might want to take another look at those state results. They underscore not just Modi’s resurgent popularity -- but also its very real limits.
Modi casts himself as a decisive leader with a reputation for delivering “good governance.” Indian executives love his business-friendly attitude. His muscular, and at times coarse, language on national, international and social issues has endeared him to a sizable section of urban Indiatired of weak and indecisive Congress politicians.
True, Modi’s reputation as a hard-line “Hindu nationalist” -– a pretty hard-edged category to begin with -- has left many of the BJP’s potential allies cold. A shadow hangs over his record in Gujarat, where anti-Muslim violence in 2002 claimed more than 1,000 lives.
But the Congress rules India today with only 206 out of 543 members of parliament, plus coalition allies. A strong showing in India’s cities and towns, combined with the BJP’s traditional base in the populous “Hindi belt” across north and west India, could net the party at least that many seats in 2014. Public anger over rampant corruption is greatest in cities: So is Modi’s appeal.
That’s why the BJP should be deeply worried about its performance in the recent state elections in the capital of Delhi, where, in its first outing, the Aam Aadmi (“Common Man”) Party won almost as many seats as Modi’s BJP. On Monday, the AAP agreed to form a government with congressional support for the capital region.
In a country dominated by parties representing corruption and privilege, divisiveness and violence, voters see the AAP as the harbinger of a new kind of politics. Its appeal cuts across class, caste and community -- unlike that of the Congress or the BJP, both of which pander to narrow interest groups to one degree or the other.
Although the demand for a Lokpal, or national ombudsman, to tackle corruption in high places has been the most visible manifestation of this disaffection, there is simmering resentment on many issues that affect ordinary Indians. The AAP and its charismatic leader, Arvind Kejriwal, have tapped into this discontent by putting forward a simple thesis: Nothing will change as long as politics is monopolized by the privileged. Consciously avoiding being labeled left or right, the party has come up with an agenda that is arguably one of the most progressive in India today.
New parties have made dramatic debuts in the past. But they tended to articulate the interests of a specific region or section of the populationand thus had limited national impact. The rise of an alternative that is empowering and inclusive in its platform, as well as electable, is a dramatic new development.
If the AAP manages to extend its electoral influence across the country, especially among urban voters, it could undermine the sharp contrastbetween Congress and BJP that Modi is hoping to draw. In Delhi, where the contest was triangular, many voters cast their lot with the BJP for fear that a vote for a new party might be “wasted” and would allow the Congress to squeak through. But this “discouraged voter effect” is likely to dissipate.
On the other side, those voters -- especially Muslims -- who backed Congress because they fear a Modi-led BJP are likely to conclude that their vote might have been better cast with Kejriwal’s AAP. Nationally, the Congress could lose as many as half its seats. An urban Congress voter who is keen to keep the BJP out of power could see the AAP as the best way of ensuring that outcome.
The AAP had national aspirations from day one and focused on the Delhi assembly as a way to demonstrate the scalability of its appeal. Now that it has tasted success, the party plans to present candidates in dozens of constituencies, especially in cities and towns. In most of these places, its campaign is likely to blunt the Modi effect.
The BJP is certain to sharpen its attacks on Kejriwal’s upstarts. As long as the contest is framed as Modi versus the Crown Prince -- or “shehzada,” the derisive name the BJP leader uses for diffident Congress heir Rahul Gandhi -- the advantage lies with the BJP. Modi versus the common man is a different matter altogether.
(Siddharth Varadarajan, former editor of the Hindu newspaper, is a New Delhi-based journalist and commentator.)
To contact the writer of this article: Siddharth Varadarajan at svaradarajan1@gmail.com.
To contact the editor responsible for this article: Nisid Hajari at nhajari@bloomberg.net.
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/print/2013-12-23/india-s-modi-wave-may-lose-momentum.html

Sexy stuff and jurisprudence in a mess

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See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/sex-case-will-sc-respond-to-justice.html

 


Statement of Stella James on 23rd December 2013 -- JILSBLOGNUJS and related reports


Statement of Stella James on 23rd December 2013
It has been widely reported in the news today that former Justice A.K. Ganguly has written a letter to the Hon’ble Chief Justice of India. Several questions have been raised in the past few weeks, and I think it is appropriate at this stage, for me to answer some of them:
  1. Timing and Intent of the Blog
After the incident, when I returned to college, NUJS Kolkata, I spoke to some of my faculty about the incident at different times. Since the incident occurred during an internship, and the University did not have a policy against sexual harassment of women students during internship, it was indicated to me that any action would be ineffective. I was also informed that the only route for me was to file a complaint with the police, which I was reluctant to do. However, I felt it was important to warn young law students that status and position should not be confused for standards of morality and ethics. Hence I chose to do so via a blog post.
2. Deposing Before the three-member Committee
I did not question the jurisdiction or intent of the Hon’ble Three-member Judges’ Committee at any point, and had full faith that they would establish the truth of my statements. I sought confidentiality of proceedings keeping in mind the gravity of the situation, as well as the privacy of everyone involved.
The Committee acted with great discretion given the delicate nature of the case, and I appreciate that. The prima facie finding of three-Judge committee is well known to all.
3. Putting the details of my statement in public domain
Please find below the following timeline for clarity:
18th November 2013 – I appeared in person before the Hon’ble three-Judge Committee, and gave oral statement before the Committee. I also submitted written statement to the Committee, signed by me before them in person.
29th November 2013 – I sent an affidavit, signed and sworn on the same day, to Ms Indira Jaising, Additional Solicitor General of India, disclosing to her the details of my sexual harassment, and requested her to seek appropriate action. The contents of the affidavit are substantially the same as the statements made by me before the Committee.
Even after the operative portion of the report of the Committee, was made public, many eminent citizens and legal luminaries continued to deride the Committee’s findings, and malign me. Hence, I found it necessary to clarify the details of my statement to preserve my own dignity as well as that of the Supreme Court. Therefore, I authorized Ms Indira Jaising, the Additional Solicitor General of India to make my statement public.
At this stage, I believe that anyone claiming that my statements are false is showing disrespect not just to me, but also to the Supreme Court of India.
4. Police Complaint
I request that it be acknowledged that I have the discernment to pursue appropriate proceedings at appropriate times. I ask that my autonomy be respected fully.
Again, I would like to state that I have acted with utmost responsibility throughout, keeping in mind the seriousness of this situation. Those who have been spreading rumours and politicizing the issue, are doing so out of prejudice and malice to obfuscate the issue and escape scrutiny and accountability.
Stella James

Statement of Stella James [SC Judge Sexual Harassment Case]


Statement of Stella James. First published on JILS here.
At around 2.30 pm today, a friend who practices in the Supreme Court called me up to inform that the Chief Justice has formed a committee to look into the issues raised in myblog post.
Since yesterday, a lot of media persons have tried to contact me – either directly or through the journal. Since the committee has now been constituted, I will depose before the Hon’ble judges. Thus, it won’t be appropriate for me to speak to members of the media anymore. Moreover, I have nothing more to say than whatever I have already said in my blog post and the interview I gave to Legally India. I hope all of you will understand my need for privacy.
I thank everyone who have been sending me supportive messages. In times like this, words of wisdom from seniors and good luck messages from friends help a lot. I was particularly touched by the numerous messages which I received from girls who have been at the receiving end of sexual harassment themselves.

AAP Road to governance

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Published: December 23, 2013 11:58 IST | Updated: December 24, 2013 08:18 IST

Uncertainty ends, AAP to form govt.

    Mohammad Ali
    Vishal Kant
    Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal (centre) and his party colleagues coming out after meeting Lt. Governor of Delhi Najeeb Jung on Monday. Photo: Shiv Kumar Pushpakar
    A fortnight after his party’s splendid debut in the Delhi Assembly elections, Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal announced his decision to form the next government in the national Capital, ending the political impasse brought about by the fractured December 8 verdict.
    The Chief Minister-in-waiting said the Congress would lend outside support to his government. The AAP finished second in the election with 28 seats, eight short of a clear majority in the 70-member House. The BJP got 32 seats, the Congress 8 and others two.
    Mr. Kejriwal, who at 44 will be Delhi’s youngest Chief Minister, will be sworn in at Ram Lila Maidan, in keeping with the ‘pro-people’ spirit of his party and the bonhomie witnessed during its election campaign. The AAP’s first-ever stint in power comes in the backdrop of soaring expectations raised by its promise to deliver, clean, efficient and responsive governance.
    Addressing the media outside the residence of Lieutenant Governor Najeeb Jung here on Monday, Mr. Kejriwal, who is also the Legislature Party leader, said he had submitted a letter informing him of the party’s decision to form the government. “The Lieutenant Governor said he would send the proposal to President Pranab Mukherjee,” Mr. Kejriwal pointed out, adding he would move a confidence motion in the Assembly to prove his majority. The date and timing of swearing-in would be decided after formal approval by Mr. Mukherjee.
    Earlier, the AAP Political Affairs Committee decided to “abide” by the results of the ‘referendum’, which overwhelmingly favoured the party taking up the responsibility of government formation. “The citizens of Delhi responded through the party’s website, phone calls and text messages. The Jan Sabhas too overwhelmingly favoured government formation by the AAP,” Mr. Kejriwal told reporters at the party office at Kaushambi. Party leaders were categorical about the “nature of relationship” with the Congress. “We have neither an alliance nor any understanding with it, be it formal or informal,” said one of them, Yogendra Yadav.
    In the absence of a clear majority, AAP leaders were uncertain about the longevity of the new government. “To fulfil the promises we have made, we will go ahead with government formation. Whether the government runs for a day or for five full years will depend on how much support the party gets now and later,” he added.
    Mr. Yadav said the party would try to fulfil the main promises within the next 100 days as after that the Model Code of Conduct might come into force for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Among the biggest challenges would be reducing electricity bills by 50 per cent and conducting an audit of power distribution companies which were accused of overcharging consumers.
    How would the party fulfil its promise of passing the Jan Lokpal Bill? Another leader Sanjay Singh said it would get the law passed in the next two weeks. “We are ready with the draft Bill. We are accountable, not to the Congress and the BJP, but to the public. It is up to them to support the Bill. If they do not, they will stand exposed.”
    http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/uncertainty-ends-aap-to-form-govt/article5492554.ece

      Jan Lokpal Bill will be passed in the next two weeks, party says

Indus script: the no script theory is a non-starter -- Vikas Saraswat

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Vikas Saraswat @VikasSaraswat


A jack of many incompatible trades./ 
Did the Harappans of Indus Valley Civilization know writing? The question might come as a shock for many of us. The first retort to the question might well be “what then are the numerous Indus inscriptions retrieved from archaeological excavations?” Most of us interested in the subject have just been waiting for a consensus on the decipherment of script but none has ever contemplated the possibility of a “no script” theory. But the importance of this “no script” theory was validated by expectations and anticipations from a research paper published some time back.
A team of researchers led by University of Washington associate professor and computer scientist Rajesh Rao confirmed in a recent study that the Indus script did encode a language. The findings of the paper titled ”Entropic Evidence for Linguistic Structure in the Indus Script”published in the Science journal Vol. 324 Issue 5926, April 24, 2009 and co-authored by Rajesh P. N. Rao, Nisha Yadav, Mayank N. Vahia, Hrishikesh Joglekar, R. Adhikari and Iravatham Mahadevan would have come as a mere statement of the obvious but for the significance the paper assumed in the light of an earlier  controversial research paper titled “The Collapse of the Indus Script Thesis: The myth of a literate Harappan civilization” published jointly by Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat and Michael Witzel in the Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies of 02/11/2004.
The second mentioned research paper would have also gone unnoticed had it not carried the inordinate credence that comes easily with the authority of high positions in prestigious Universities. Steve Farmer holds a Ph. D. in comparative cultural history from Stanford University. His colleague Richard Sproat of University of Illinois and the Beckman Institute is one of the leading computational linguists with a number of publications to his credit. The third of the trio, Prof. Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard and editor of the prestigious Harvard Oriental Series needs no introduction amongst scholars or lay readers with the slightest interest in Indology.
However, Farmer and Witzel, besides their scholarship, are also known for their haughty demeanour and aggression in academic circles. Both of them are arduous supporters of Aryan Invasion Theory. Witzel in particular has also become notorious for his consistent anti Hindu rants too. He has remained as much in news for his academics as for championing the cause against “communal” Hindutva forces in India and their “obnoxious” limbs in USA. The political beliefs of authors and the bearings of their convictions on scholarship can be debated but their importance, particularly in the context of Indian History establishment, cannot be denied. The enormous influence these authors carry with our establishment Historians is demonstrated in an instance where Prof. R.S. Sharma, founding chairman of ICHR, lapped upon a mistranslation of a verse from Baudhayana Shrauta Sutra by Prof. Witzel to claim the hitherto missing testimony of an Aryan Invasion from the corpus of Vedic literature. In a major embarrassment to Prof. Sharma and other AIT supporters, Witzel himself was forced to concede the mistake, which he later blamed on a printing error, when confronted by Belgian scholar Koenraad Elst but not before Prof. Sharma had gleefully reproduced it as “the most explicit statement of an immigration into the subcontinent” in his Advent of the Aryans.
Coming to the paper “The Collapse of the Indus Script Thesis”, the trio makes a sensational claim that Harappans of Indus Valley Civilization were illiterates, incapable of encoding language in the form of a script. Whatever Indus Valley inscriptions have been retrieved on clay seals, steatites, pots, potsherds, metal seals, copper plates, terracotta, ivory artefacts, rocks etc., are according to the authors, nothing more than “abstract religious-political signs,” serving the utility of a multilinguistic society. The authors are also convinced that these inscriptions would have been used for invoking magic and depicting sacrificial rituals.
The main contentions of their thesis are one, “the brevity of inscriptions”; second, the absence of archaeological evidence for possibility of writings on perishable materials and third; the “paradox between high sign repetition rates in the Indus corpus against the low sign frequency in individual inscriptions”.
It is a fact that the average length of Indus inscriptions, according to Mahadevan’s concordance arrives at a measly 4.6 signs length. The longest inscription on one surface carries only 17 signs and less than one percent of all catalogued inscriptions have a length of more than 10 signs. In fact the typical briefness of Indus inscriptions is indeed a major impediment in the decipherment of Indus Script. Farmer et al contend that the brevity of Indus inscriptions “is unparalleled in any literate civilization represented by even a fraction of the number of inscriptions in the Indus corpus.”
Contesting their argument, Dr Gunter Dryer, an Egyptologist holds that the mean word length of “comparable” Egyptian texts is 6.94 as against that of the Indus texts which is 7.39 showing no statistical difference. Dryer has also found phonetically readable Egyptian hieroglyphic texts with as few as two symbols. Asko Parpola, Finnish linguist from University of Helsinki with a formidable Corpus of Indus seals to his name is equally convinced that a logo-syllabic (combination of logograms and syllables) script, which many scholars hold the Indus script to be, of Sumerian type with an average sign length in Indus Script is quite sufficient to convey linguistic messages. Parpola says that even single character logo syllabic inscriptions representing composite signs consisting two or more components are enough to convey titles and nouns. Iravatham Mahadevan, the famous Dravidian linguist also dismisses the short inscription argument of Farmer et al. In his words, “seal texts tend to be short universally. Further, the Indus script appears to consist mostly of word signs (logograms). Such a script will have a lesser number of characters and repetitions than a (completely) syllabic script.”
Farmer et al’s argument concerning the ‘absence of expected archaeological evidence to support the “lost manuscripts thesis” also doesn’t impress many scholars. Farmer et al contend that if any lengthier documents on perishable materials had existed, as suggested by archaeologists and palaeographers to compensate for the short inscriptions on seals etc., some by-products of these Indus artefacts or markers such as writing paraphernalia or representations of scribes etc. should have been found in archaeological excavations. The manuscript tradition of Indus Valley writing, however, has been attested by the appearance of Harappan signs on later Indian pottery dating to 9th century B.C.E. at least. BB Lal discovered that almost 90% of graffiti marks on megalithic red and black ware had affinity to Indus Valley signs. In fact it was this discovery which recommended the reading of Indus Script from right to left, a view later confirmed by Mahadevan. Parpola in his criticism of the paper mentions Yajnavalkya Smriti as well as the testimony of Alexander’s admiral Nearchus to cite the usage of cotton cloth as writing material from 500 B.C.E. onwards at least. He points out that the preserved examples of writing on cotton cloth appear, however, only after thirteenth century C.E. Similarly from the long Asokan inscriptions carved on pillars it can be safely presumed that similar or lengthier writings would have existed on perishable materials also, though no such specimens have ever been discovered.
There is nonetheless an interesting aspect to the argumentum ad absentium employed by scholars such as Farmer and Witzel. They take recourse in it when they find it convenient to promote their pet theories and prejudices as in the above case or as in the touted case of missing Horse seals (enough evidence from excavations at Surkotada-AK Sharma, Lothal-SR Rao, Kalibangan-Sharma, Aravalli Hills-Ghosh etc. has proved the domestication of equus caballus by Harappans ). On the other hand they refuse to consider the complete absence of any archaeological or literary evidence in support of Aryan invasion or migration in India.
In the third contention titled “paradoxical sign frequencies” of the paper which is dealt at quite a length, Farmer et al assert that “the high sign repetition rates in the Indus corpus overall contrast sharply with low sign repetition rates in individual inscriptions, which suggest that little if any sound encoding existed in the system”. The authors also note that a large number of signs in the Indus corpus (27% of Mahadevan’s concordance) occur only once in 13,372 sign occurrences and that 52% in the same concordance show up only five times or less. The authors suggest that in any evolving script the percentage of these singletons should be dropping progressively whereas this percentage, over the time, appears to be rising instead.
Yet again this assertion is contradicted by the observance of a high percentage of signs in Chinese writing system which are rarely ever used in Chinese newspapers. The high number of singletons has also been held by many scholars as representations of derivative signs inserted for the purposes of a clearer understanding of the texts. But it isn’t only the thrilling if not altogether incontrovertible arguments propounded by Farmer et al which merit serious criticism; their curt dismissal of “positional statistical regularities” in individual inscriptions as exaggeration also does injustice to the script theory. In fact “positional statistical regularities” of signs in Indus inscriptions strongly approves of a written script. Further, the authors ignore that the twenty or so high repetition signs in the Indus script are all very simplified signs clearly implying a higher stage of evolution of written script.
Moreover the “illiterate Harappans” model proposed by Farmer, Sproat and Witzel claims a rather asymmetric development of Harappans of Indus Valley Civilization. These Harappans had the best town planning of their times, fairly good knowledge of astronomy, an efficient transportation system as depicted in the terracotta figurines of the times, a wonderful irrigation system of canals, a perfect weights and measure system (the anna and pi) which was being followed till recently and extensive business with its literate Mesopotamian neighbours among various other accomplishments to their credit. But according to the authors, somehow, they neither could develop a written script of their own nor borrow it from their literate Sumerian or Akkadian neighbours.
To their credit the authors do not leave the issue unaddressed. Theorising on the possible reasons which could have forced the ruling Harappan elite (amounting to a rather amazing consensus among the large number of rulers, if the authors are not considering the entire one million square area of the Civilization as one Principality) to consciously oppose writing, they attribute it “to the threats (the writing could have) posed to whatever control the symbols gave them over Indus populations.” The reader is made to wonder if the introduction of written scripts in other ancient civilizations had caused the first “revolutions”!
The aggressive, provocative and sensational style of the paper and the brash conduct of the authors-they have announced an award of $10,000 for anyone finding an Indus inscription longer than 50 signs and termed the paper “Entropic Evidence…” as “…garbage in garbage out”-despite the faltering nature of their own hypothesis begs some explanation.
Western Indology with its roots in German nationalism, its concomitant anti Semitism, European Colonialism and Christian Evangelism, from its very inception has invested heavily in the Aryan Invasion Theory. In India it found ready cahoots in Marxist historians who had their own socio-political axes to grind. When the invasion model was found to be completely untenable, a variant called Aryan Migration Theory (more or less on the previous lines) hypothesising the immigration of Indo European Aryans from an unidentified location in Central Asia in small groups around 1500 BCE was mooted. These migrants then despite their low numeric strength, according to the hypothesis, somehow managed to impose their language and prevail culturally over the original inhabitants (Harappans) of Indus Valley. The descendants of these immigrant Aryans then went on to compose Rig-Veda in a language they had brought with them.
A number of bogus arguments such as the missing Horse seals, differences in the religions of Harappan and Vedic culture or the ignorance of iron amongst Harappans as against the knowledge of it and its prolific use by the Vedics have been advanced to create a cleavage between the Harappan age (before 1500 B.C.E.) and the Vedic age (after 1500 B.C.E.). However none of the arguments proffered for even an AMT can be validated. K.D. Sethna, David Frawley, Natwar Jha and N.S. Rajaram have shown that religious practices, rituals and cults of Harappans and Vedics were not unrelated and that the former, in fact, was a progression over the latter, thus completely overturning the carefully crafted chronology by invasionists and immigrationists. This reversed chronology offered by these scholars is supported by the recent multidisciplinary approach in the study of prehistoric India. The missing Horse seal argument stands demolished in the light of Horse skeletons found in various excavations. The argument about iron presents an interesting case study in the kind of expedient speculation peddled as serious research by invasionists. The invasionist in this case is the Harvard Professor himself giving us a glimpse of his shoddy scholarship. For long, iron and its use in making weaponry was projected as an Aryan introduction to India. Recent excavations, however, have discovered iron artefacts at various Harappan sites and substratum. But Prof. Witzel who would not allow some obscure antique pieces to upset the reputations of invasionist Indologists claimed the iron of these artefacts to be of meteoric origin!
The entire Indo European invasion/migration theory is riddled with more of such absurdities and despite the Herculean efforts of committed scholarships the inherent paradoxes in the Harappan- Vedic relation refuse to be contained. One such apparent paradox which has come to be known as Frawley’s paradox points at a fundamental contradiction. David Frawley, Vedic scholar from U.S., points out that Harappans in the Indo European migration/invasion model have a wonderful civilization with sophisticated town planning, international trade, impressive craftsmanship, knowledge of metallurgy and what not but do not show up any literature to their credit. On the other hand Vedic Aryans have a world class and prolific literature without a commensurate civilized Urheimat (a mythical homeland of the Indo European Aryans proposed by scholars obsessed with the Indo European model). The picture becomes clear when we view the two as one. Such a scenario however spells the collapse of AIT/AMT and doom for the upholders of this fantastic theory. Witzel, Farmer and Sproat’s assertion that the Harappans were illiterate is an exercise in reinforcing the delineation between Harappans and Vedic Aryans.
Rao et al’s paper uses the Markov model, a statistical method to estimate the meaning of unknown symbols in the context of known symbols, as a computational tool for investigating ancient scripts. The results of this study confirm that the Indus script signs show some order as well as flexibity. This according to the researchers is a typical feature of spoken languages which fall between the two extremes of strict order for pictorial representations and a random pattern for non-linguistic systems.
Most scholars agree that the paper, beyond its confirmation of a language in the Indus script, may not be much useful in deciphering the script as such. But the challenge to the decipherment comes from the entrenched political biases given to competing Proto Dravidian, Vedic Sanskrit and Proto Munda hypotheses for the Harappan language. Coming around a broad consensus in such a scenario is tough but the task calls for reappraisals of existing decipherments with open minds, arriving at common grounds to pursue further efforts and if needed, altogether fresh approaches rather than yield to the bunk “no script” hypothesis by Farmer, Witzel and Sproat.




http://centreright.in/2013/12/indus-script-the-no-script-theory-is-a-non-starter/#.UrkZKtIW0nh

Stop witch-hunt against Justice Ganguly -- Dr. Subramnain Swamy writes to PM seeking intervention

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December 23, 2013.

Dr. Manmohan Singh,
Prime Minister,
South Block, New Delhi.

Dear Dr. Manmohan Singh,

            I write this letter to seek your intervention to put an end to the media driven  episode of  a former Intern  alleging “unwelcome” behaviour of  a former Supreme Court Judge which had taken place in a hotel on the Christmas  eve  last year.  Since the victim  has freely disclosed  her name,  including to  the Wall Street Journal,  which  published her version eleven months after the incident, a campaign has been let loose on her behalf  to hold the former Supreme Court Judge Justice A.K. Ganguly guilty of making “unwelcome advances” to this former intern.

            Nevertheless  the former Intern’s complaint needs to be seriously taken, but under the normal safeguards of the law and within the  Constitution.  There has therefore to  be an impartial investigation to determine the truth as to what has happened.

            I am particularly concerned that if this kind of witch-hunt and media driven campaign  are to be launched, it will work as deterrent against the Judges in the future,  in delivering judgments  essential in checking corruption at high places. Hence it is extremely important at this juncture to get an investigation completed before any precipitate action is taken merely to make out Justice Ganguly guilty without an opportunity of being heard.  I would draw your attention to the Statutes governing the Chairman’s tenure  at the WBHRC  which make it amply clear that the Chairman can be removed from the post only if he is convicted.

            Kindly therefore take necessary steps to see that such kind of witch-hunt is not carried out by your Law Officers, nor entertained  in the case larger interest of   fair dispensation of justice in the country

                                                                        Yours sincerely,
                                                            ( SUBRAMANIAN  SWAMY )

The great betrayal -- Yatish Yadav and N C Bipindra

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The great betrayal

How politics is destroying Indian intelligence and compromising national security
“Spying is a secret business and not a pleasant one. No matter what someone has done, you have to protect him or her from outsiders. You can deal as harshly as you think fit with him or her inside the organisation. But to the outside world he or she must remain untouchable and, better yet, unaccountable and unknown”   ─ Meir Amit, former Mossad chief.

Omerta is not just a word out of Mario Puzo. It is a pact of silence that exists within the exclusive club of men and women who wage war for their country in the shadows—the brotherhood of the intelligence community. It was cleaved apart last week when the long-standing political war between controversial former army chief General V K Singh and a section of the Army establishment in connivance with the government erupted again. The casualty was the Technical Support Division (TSD), one of India’s most clandestine and effective intelligence units, disbanded in July 2013 after General Bikram Singh took over as army chief in May 2012. Military Intelligence (MI) sources say that under severe interrogation to implicate General V K Singh in “anti-national operations,” some of its best officers who earned their stripes in Kashmir have become psychological wrecks. Their cover blown, facing hostile enquiry boards and fearing for the safety of their families, the former agents have written to Defence Minister A K Antony to provide them security. An excerpt from a letter by an officer’s wife notes that “For reasons best known to him probably because of his secretive nature of job he refuses to divulge organisational issues with me but has on numerous occasions in the last two months expressed death wish and suicidal thoughts due to organisational stress. He once did say that all this media hype has unnecessarily exposed him as a field operator. Therefore, he strongly believes that there is a chance of a threat to his life and to the life of his sources/informers who operate within inimical/terrorist organisations.” The Army’s response was to institute a court of enquiry against her to investigate the allegations. Ironically, she has not been summoned even once in spite of two sittings nor is she being discharged of the inquiry.

SPIES FEARED BY PAKISTAN
No doubt, the TSD woes would make Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) pop the champagne. The TSD’s job was counter-intelligence, covert-ops and surveillance that brought significant reverses to ISI. In the deceptive battlefield of Kashmir disguised by the serenity of ageless lakes and stately chinar trees, TSD’s  secret soldiers have protected India’s interests. Army sources say it carried out retaliatory strikes deep within Pakistan reminding old timers in the spy business of the heady eighties when the ISI chief of the time was forced to call for an unprecedented secret palaver with India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) chief to discuss how hostilities could be scaled back. General Deepak Kapoor initiated the founding of TSD in the aftermath of the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks to counter Pakistan terror groups. It had operational sanction of the Defence Minister, the National Security Advisor and top ministry officials. However, in July 2012, citing a spike in slush fund spending— from `49 crore in 2011-12 to `67 crore in 2010-11—the then Defence Secretary Sashikanth Sharma and current Army chief, General Bikram Singh asked the Director General Military Operations Lt Gen Vinod Bhatia to probe TSD’s activities and file a confidential report. Sharma became the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) in June 2013. In March 2013, copies of the handwritten report went to Sharma, the Vice chief, Director MI(FD) and the Joint Secretary (MoD). Coincidentally, the leaks began. However, the report had been submitted to the Ministry of Defence in March 2013, while the TSD itself had been disbanded in July 2013. “Why is the government not lodging an FIR under the Official Secrets Act?” asks a disillusioned former TSD operative.

THE MEDIA WEAPON
Army officers wonder whom the “leaks” benefit and what trouble lies ahead in Kashmir. “All gains made to ensure goodwill among the local population have been frittered away by one foolish act of some good-for-nothing officials in the government and Army,” rued a serving MI officer. He is doubtful if any of the allegations against General Singh would stick. Usually all intelligence exposes worldwide have been by whistleblowers, but with TSD, the government itself, helped by top echelons of the Army was responsible, says the officer. V K Singh’s enemies used a formidable weapon, the media. In July 2012, two months after his successor General Bikram Singh— whose antipathy towards the TSD is well known in military circles partly due to his belief that it conducted operations against him in the Valley—had taken over, Bhatia was asked to investigate “a sudden and unusual surge” in MI’s secret funds following a news report. By mid-2012 itself, it had become obvious that the TSD’s glory days were nearing an end. MI sources say the media was used to implicate the intelligence unit in the alleged bugging of Antony’s office in February 2012. Sharma asked Intelligence Bureau (IB) to launch a probe. The very fact that the civilian intelligence agency was roped in to inquire into an alleged covert army operation revealed which way the wind was blowing. Sections of the media kept the fusillade going against V K Singh. Reports alleged that he exploited TSD as “a personal Army” and gave J&K Agriculture Minister Ghulam Hassan Mir `1.19 crore to “topple” the Omar Abdullah government in January 2012. It also reported that `2.38 crore was given to an NGO to file a petition against General Bikram Singh, then Eastern Army Commander in a decade-old fake encounter case to prevent him from becoming Army chief. Both Mir and the NGO have denied reports. The irony that went unnoticed was that even if true, an intelligence unit would not conduct an operation against a state government without political approval.  Strangely, the leak on the funds happened immediately after the General shared a stage with Narendra Modi in Haryana. As the Intelligence community watched in despair, the establishment pressed the attack further. The beleaguered general was forced to explain that the funding was for Sadbhavna (harmony).

SABOTAGING SECURITY
This was literally handing Kashmir politicians a big stick to beat the army with. As demands from Central and state ministers for a CBI probe grew louder, the anti-Singh lobby burst another media bombshell, saying the TSD had carried out nine covert operations abroad. The political slugfest now took an anti-national turn. For the first time in the history of Indian military intelligence, covert operations were being revealed. This threatened to embarrass India diplomatically, compromise foreign assets, and invite reprisals. Belatedly realising the implications, the government stepped in, but not before causing irreparable damage to gains India had made in Kashmir over the years. Jayadeva Ranade, former additional secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat, says such leaks would compromise operations, as opponents would launch countermeasures to neutralise Indian assets cultivated over a period of time. “Intelligence units are considered our last resort for national security. If you continue hampering their effectiveness, you will realise they have lost their utility,” Ranade says. Retired Lieutenant General Prakash Katoch supports Ranade’s argument. He should know. Katoch is a former Special Forces officer. India’s Special Forces are tasked with carrying out specialist, and sometimes, clandestine operations behind enemy lines and also within Indian territory to destroy enemy assets, movable and immovable. “General V K Singh has been forced to respond in public. These issues deal with national security,” he says.

ESTABLISHMENT SUBVERSION
The present Army chief General Bikram Singh maintained a stoic silence, though it was his action of ordering a probe against TSD that stirred the Pandora’s box. A serving MI officer noted that the “leaks” would pose serious problems for the Army and the Indian government in J&K, as any politician or NGO talking pro-India would be branded as ones “who have sold themselves to the Indian Army”. He said it also posed a serious threat to democracy in the state, as the “leaks” questioned the 2011 elections to rural local bodies in the state as being influenced by the TSD. “If the (Bhatia) report had indicted General V K Singh or any other officer relating to TSD, the proper course would be to go for disciplinary proceedings. Or else the government ought to come clean,” says retired Brigadier V Mahalingam. “Instead, the government, or one of its senior officers chose to leak the whole or a part of the report to tarnish the General’s image.” A senior intelligence officer feels “the phase when intelligence agencies used to topple and build governments is long gone.”

POLITICAL CIRCUS
It is not just India’s military intelligence that is being jeopardised by the politics of reprisal. India’s intelligence community has for long been functioning under the shadow of partisan politics. On a scorching June morning, as the dapper Director of the Intelligence Bureau (DIB) Asif Ibrahim, was being driven to meet Shiv Shankar Menon, his mind was clouded over the future of his beloved agency. The CBI investigation into the Ishrat Jahan encounter had identified IB agents by name, a precedent that could jeopardise intelligence gathering and lives of operatives who have penetrated terror cells. The investigation and subsequent leaks exposed the blueprint of a highly covert IB terror operation involving payments to assets, logistics to moles and running interrogations in safe houses. It caused a political firestorm. The BJP accused the government of dragging the IB into the public domain to “fix” Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Several former chiefs raised concerns over the government’s move. Furious, the IB requested Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to intervene, threatening to stop producing actionable intelligence for persecuting its operative. As more details of the encounter hit the headlines, IB officers snapped all communication channels, bringing India’s security apparatus to a grinding halt. “It was a symbolic protest to remind the government that officers risking their lives to generate actionable intelligence cannot be crucified to exploit political interests,” an IB source says. The Ishrat case was the first instance in its history when intelligence dispatches were halted in protest against political plots. Earlier, in Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s time, the agency was asked to go slow on busting ISI espionage rings operating under diplomatic cover. On November 30, 1988, the IB, from a five star hotel, picked up senior ISI officer Brigadier Abbasi in New Delhi—doubling as a military attaché—as he was meeting his Indian contact. The government sharply rapped IB’s knuckles, asking it to restrict anti-Pak ops to just identifying and informing the Centre about ISI activities instead of arresting and interrogating Pak spies. A senior intelligence officer said the use of Intelligence agencies by the political establishment is nothing new, but dragging an officer through the mud as in the Ishrat Jahan encounter was very dangerous trend. “Since the early 1990s, the IB has penetrated several modules in Fatehjung and Murgikhana across the border and thwarted ISI’s terror attempts. But details of such operations are not talked about nor officers involved hounded. There are many things we do which are strictly not part of our duty to ensure that all information is properly elicited,” he adds.

COMPROMISING INTELLIGENCE
Former RAW officer R K Yadav says it is mostly middle level officers who cultivate sources to generate sensitive intelligence by risking their lives, particularly in a hostile country like Pakistan. He warns the government and VK Singh to be careful. “If they are exposed, intelligence gathering will be completely grounded. They are the foot soldiers, always willing to go beyond known territory to protect the nation’s security. It is no secret that the government is ploughing money into J&K and other insurgency-hit states but not as payoffs to ministers to topple governments but to cultivate assets. Although, no assets were exposed in the VK Singh controversy, it was an embarrassment to officers serving in the conflict zone,” Yadav adds.

Political masters have historically compromised Indian intelligence. In 1978, during a brief phone conversation with Pakistan ruler General Zia-ul-Haq, Indian prime minister Morarji Desai inadvertently mentioned that India was aware of Pakistan’s nuclear programme. The ruthless General immediately ordered RAW assets in Pakistan to be found and neutralised. Subsequently, Indian agents were eliminated as their helpless handlers watched. Yadav says whatever intelligence network was left in Pakistan after Zia’s bloody cleanup was further destroyed by I K Gujral when he was PM in 1997-98. “Gujral had a serious allergy to RAW and the first thing he did was to suspend all offensive ops within Pakistan. Even the IB was asked to go slow on Pakistani agents operating in India. In approximately 11 months, he systematically erased the organisation’s footprints in Pakistan to promote his peace doctrine,” Yadav reveals. 

Interestingly, only few months after Gujral’s decision to suspend RAW’s Pak operation, the agency prevented a Pak-sponsored attack on his convoy in Jalandhar. A top secret A-category input from the RAW station in London had warned about five militants travelling to India to attack the prime minister’s convoy. Surveillance was mounted after their flight touched down at Delhi. A team of Indian intelligence agents apprehended the terrorists after they picked up their weapons from a pre-decided location in Punjab. Meanwhile, unhindered by any political influence, ISI continued to exploit the vacuum created by Indian politicians.

It successfully cultivated a strong network of agents in India and Nepal by targeting religious institutions. In a startling disclosure, a former IB officer confirmed that the ISI has infiltrated several institutions in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. He says an ISI agent was apprehended by the IB and Delhi Police in 1994 from UP but since he was politically connected, the PMO intervened; within few hours of his arrest, the politician’s followers attacked the police station where he was held and managed to rescue the Pakistani agent and his Indian contact. The same year when India’s Pakistan Counter Intelligence Unit was close to busting a module of ISI-trained operatives in West Bengal and Bihar, its officers were accused of harassing the minority community and ordered to stand down.

BETRAYAL AND CONSEQUENCES
The long arm of politics has damaged Indian intelligence operations abroad in some cases. A RAW officer who served during the P V Narasimha Rao regime recalls an incident of a colleague posted with the Indian Embassy in Tehran who was picked up by agents of VEVAK, the Iranian intelligence service despite having diplomatic immunity.

He was gathering intelligence on Kashmiri militants living at the religious centre at Qom, near Tehran. India chose not to take up the issue with Iran. The government woke up three days later, when RAW agents and their families threatened to stop work. Within hours of diplomatic efforts, the officer was released from a clandestine Iranian facility where third degree methods were used on him to garner information about RAW operations both in Tehran and the Middle East. He was also interrogated about the RAW setup in India. It was a serious setback to Indian intel operations in Iran; all secret missions were suspended. The officer was quietly transferred to New Delhi.

Sources say after the incident, most RAW officers in the Middle East and the Gulf region were transferred and all assets dismantled.  “This was the reason we had no clue that the 1993 Mumbai bombers fleeing to the Gulf after the attacks. All our assets had been by then neutralised by the political establishment,” sources add.

However, the officer categorically says the Ishrat Jahan case and L’Affaire VK Singh may have embarrassed India’s intelligence agencies, but would not stop intelligence gathering operations. “In J&K and North-east, all intelligence activity is focused on insurgency, not on political parties. When we have an objective to achieve, there are so many ways to do it. There is always plan B, C, D ready, in case plan A backfires,” he elaborates.

But as the dirt flies and political conspiracies put national security in peril, the best-laid plans of India’s secret agents threaten to go awry.

http://www.newindianexpress.com/magazine/The-great-betrayal/2013/10/06/article1816098.ece

High treason: Musharraf trial adjourned to Jan. 1, 2014

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ISLAMABAD: The special court formed to try former president Gen (retd) Pervez Musharraf for treason under Article 6 of the Constitution on Tuesday adjourned its hearing until Jan 1 whereas the former military failed to appear in court after a bomb scare earlier during the day, DawnNews reported.
The start of former Pakistani military ruler Pervez Musharraf's trial for treason was delayed over security fears Tuesday after explosives were found near the road he was to take to court.
Lawyer Anwar Mansoor Khan told the special treason tribunal that the former general would not be able to attend, after police found five kilograms (11 pounds) of explosives and detonators.
Justice Faisal Arab, heading the three member bench, said he understood the “gravity” of Musharraf's situation and that treason was a non-bailable offense.
He asked the former military strongman's lawyers to file an application to exempt their client from appearing in person.
Moreover, Musharraf's senior counsel Barrister Sharifuddin Pirzada raised objections to the formation and appointment of judges for the bench hearing the case.
Justice Arab remarked that such objections should be submitted in writing.
The prosecuting lawyer requested the court to order Musharraf to appear in court adding that non-bailable warrants be issued upon failure to appear in court.
Advocate Ahmed Raza Kasuri, another lawyer for Musharraf, emphasised before the court, the threats faced by his client citing two previous attacks and other intelligence reports of possible attacks on him.
Justice Yawar, at this point, granted exemption to the former president from appearing for today's hearing.
The court decided to adjourn the hearing until January 1.
The government had on Nov 17 announced its decision to formally prosecute former president General Pervez Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court had already given a ruling in the case in October 2012 and then in July this year disposed off all petitions against the ruling giving the government a green signal to continue proceedings.
In the ‘high treason’ case against the former president, the government has charged him with abrogating, subverting, suspending, holding in abeyance and attempting to conspire against the 1973 Constitution by declaring emergency and overthrowing the superior judiciary in November 2007.

http://www.dawn.com/news/1076106/musharraf-treason-case-adjourned-until-jan-1
The start of former Pakistani military ruler Pervez Musharraf's trial for treason was delayed over security fears Tuesday after explosives were found near the road he was to take to court. — File Photo by AP

Pakistan to try former dictator Pervez Musharraf for high treason

  | Islamabad, December 24, 2013 | 12:27
Pervez Musharraf /Reuters
A special court is scheduled to begin on Tuesday trial of Pakistan's former president Pervez Musharraf for abrogating the constitution. The trial is the first of a former military ruler in the country's history.

Musharraf has been charged with suspending the constitution when he imposed Emergency in November 2007. Legal experts say the charges carry death penalty or life imprisonment.

A three-member special court will begin the trial at the building of National Library near the Supreme Court. The court has summoned Pervez Musharraf to appear before the judges drawn from a panel of judges of the country's five high courts, reports Xinhua.

Musharraf's lawyers had tried to stop Tuesday's trial on the plea that the special court has no power to try a former army chief and that a military court can try him under the Army Act.

The Islamabad High Court, however, rejected the petition Monday, and that removed all obstacles in the way of Musharraf's trial.

Legal experts are of the view that the government case is strong as Musharraf had himself admitted imposition of the Emergency rule at a televised address.

He, however, argued that he had taken the decision after being advised by then government that the security of the country had been threatened by some actions of then chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry and some other judges of the superior judiciary.

Musharraf had also insisted that then elected prime minister Shaukat Aziz had recommended taking extra-constitutional measures of declaring the Emergency.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif announced in June the high treason case against the former military chief would be initiated for suspension of the constitution. The decision evoked mixed reaction as critics were of the view that Pakistan faces several serious challenges and cannot afford such a trial.

Musharraf took over in a bloodless coup when he dismissed the government of the prime minister Nawaz Sharif in 1999.

The 69-year-old former army chief currently lives in his farmhouse in Islamabad after he got bail in three high-profile cases, including the 2007 assassination of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto.

Musharraf, who resigned in 2008 and went into exile, returned to the country in March this year to take part in parliamentary elections. However, a court disqualified him from standing in the May elections.

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/pakistan-to-try-former-dictator-pervez-musharraf-for-high-treason/1/332669.html

Justice Ganguly questions the legality of SC Committee -- Sandhya Jain. Pranab Babu should intervene to stop the charade which brings credit to no one.

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Justice Ganguly questions the legality of SC Committee

By Sandhya Jain on24 Dec 2013

Justice Ganguly questions the legality of SC Committee
Breaking his silence in the wake of a mounting campaign to force him to resign as chairman of the West Bengal Human Rights Commission,Justice AK Ganguly questioned the manner in which the Chief Justice of India handled the charge of sexual misconduct against him and asserted that the report of the Committee probing allegations against him had no legal status.
The Full Court neither approved the constitution of the committee nor ratified its report, and the Chief Justice was bound to function under its authority. Moreover, there were several discrepancies and legal infirmities in the report, which the Chief Justice had directed to be uploaded on the website of the Supreme Court.
Strongly insinuating an attack upon his reputation on account of certain cases he had to sit in judgment over, Justice Ganguly questioned the public conduct of the Additional Solicitor General Indira Jaising, and the fact that a media report became the basis of the Attorney General GE Vahanvati approaching the court to act against him. The Attorney General had come under a cloud earlier in April this year over matters pertaining to the coalmines allotment scandal, which resulted in the resignation of the Additional Solicitor General Harin Raval.
In a combative letter to the Chief Justice on December 23, a copy of which was sent to the President of India, Justice Ganguly tore into the probe and accused the Chief Justice of not addressing him correctly (respectfully). He said that the intern revealed her name (to the Court); there was no reason for the Chief Justice not to know that Justice Ganguly was a retired judge; and there was no reason for him not to be able to find out that the intern was not [ever] on the rolls of the Supreme Court. A three judge committee was not needed to ascertain any of these facts.
At no time prior to the formation of the committee did the intern make any complaint before the Supreme Court or the Judges. It was “presumably on a direction by the Committee (that) she gave her statement”. Justice Ganguly said that a news report in The Times of India, dated November 12, 2013, without any verification, could not be the basis of a petition by the Attorney General on which the Chief Justice reportedly took action.
The judge said that he responded to the request of the Committee to appear before it in good faith, but resented the conduct of the officials of the Court and the proceedings before the Committee. As soon as he entered the Supreme Court, he was “surrounded by a posse of security officers which was unbecoming of the institution. I was treated almost like a person in captivity”.
The Committee, Justice Ganguly said, did not give him any of the papers or previous minutes of its proceedings. The Registrar General and some Lady Court Masters were present though he was told that the Committee was formed under the administrative order of the Chief Justice and its proceedings were confidential. He was not told that the ambit of the enquiry was to find out the truth of the allegations in the newspaper article. When he learnt that the intern had made a statement with certain annexures, and asked for a copy, he was “shattered to be told curtly that I will not be given a copy as it was confidential and that I must make the statement immediately. There was a compulsive tone to it”.
Justice Ganguly said that he then hurriedly glanced at the statement and affidavits running into over 60 pages and gave his version of events while denying improper conduct. He said that though he was refused a copy of the intern’s statement, he was shocked to find that the substantial portion was leaked verbatim to the Bengali Newspaper, Ebala, dated November 30, 2013. The newspaper claimed to have got its information from the Law Ministry. Justice Ganguly urged the Chief Justice to order an enquiry to find out who leaked the document to the Law Ministry and to the press even before the Full Court could consider the matter on December 5, and before the Chief Justice could pass any order on it on the same day. He said he was also not shown the intern’s oral statement, though the Committee report refers to her oral and written statements.
The sequence of events in the report makes the entire proceedings questionable. For instance, though the communiqué of December 5 claims that the Committee was set up to ascertain the truth of a media report about a Supreme Court Judge, the Member Secretary of the Committee wrote to Justice Ganguly on November 21, stating that the Committee had been set up to investigate allegations of sexual harassment levelled by a law intern against a former Supreme Court judge!
Then, if the proceedings were confidential, there was no reason why the court officials were present. The media reported a committee of three judges, but the Registrar General (who holds the rank of a District Judge) was appointed the member secretary. Justice Ganguly’s statement was not even recorded by the Judges themselves; it was simultaneously typed by the Lady Court officers and he was made to sign it without being given a copy, then, or to this date.
Justice Ganguly questions if the Full Court after stating that it has no jurisdiction of even administrative nature over representation against the former judges, authorised the Chief Justice to issue a communiqué and publish the conclusions of a committee report which casts serious aspersions on him. The entire procedure – the statement of the intern being recorded behind the back of the judge, and the judge’s reply recorded behind her back – was unheard of. And since the proceedings were not formal, nothing was on affirmation (oath).
The Supreme Court, he recalled, has repeatedly held in its judicial side that serious allegations cannot be even prima facie established except on proper appreciation of evidence by the judicial authorities. Even affidavits cannot be regarded as evidence in cases of factual allegations of a personal nature. The intern only made a statement and on that there cannot be any administrative inquiry to find out the truth of the allegations. Hence, the report of the Committee has no legal status.
The events suggest a concerted move to tarnish his image as he had judged certain issues without fear or favour and “if that triggers a collateral attack on me then it poses a threat to the independence of the judiciary”. Justice Ganguly said that he had learnt through the media that the Additional Solicitor General Indira Jaising had distributed copies of the intern’s affidavit before the Supreme Court Committee. He asked if this had the prior approval of the Chief Justice or any of the members of the Committee.
More pertinently, the report of the Committee sent to Justice Ganguly is dated November 27, 2013, and the Chief Justice’s communiqué is dated December 5; the Full Court met on December 5, but its resolution was not supplied to him. A journalist gave him a copy of the affidavit distributed by Indira Jaising, which was allegedly sworn before a notary public in Bangalore on November 29, 2013. Jaising held a press conference in Kolkata around December 15 and said that the affidavit was filed by the intern before the Supreme Court which gave its report on November 27. Asking how this was possible, Justice Ganguly enclosed a photocopy of the affidavit received from the journalist.
It is pertinent that the intern has still not filed an FIR in the matter, despite a request from the police, and despite triggering a virtual storm in legal circles, and despite having no compunctions about giving an interview to the Wall Street Journal on November 25, in which she is named throughout. There is obviously more to the entire episode than meets the eye, and the judge is not going to take the insults to his honour and dignity lying down. He seems to have a section of the Supreme Court and legal fraternity with him.

http://www.niticentral.com/2013/12/24/justice-ganguly-questions-the-legality-of-sc-committee-172024.html

Rafiq Zakaria demolishes myth that Sardar was anti-muslim -- LK Advani

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Rafiq Zakaria demolishes myth that Sardar was anti-muslim

December 24, 2013 @ 8:17 am 

I am happy to find that my blogs relating to recent political history are, generally speaking provoking a worthwhile discussion in the media also. It happens that of the blogs I have written this year quite a few relate to integration of princely states, and so centre round Sardar Patel and V.P. Menon. Some of these draw pointed attention to the Sardar’s differences with Pandit Nehru.

patelOut of the leading English dailies in the country I have generally regarded The Hindu Group of Chennai as reasonable and balanced, both in its news presentation as well as in its editorials and choice of articles. That these may be in sharp variance with my party’s stand or even with my own views does not affect the esteem in which I hold this Group. So I have been surprised to see this month an issue of FRONTLINE (December 13, 2013) which has photographs of Pandit Nehru and Sardar Patel on its cover along with this comment: “Historical record reveals Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel as a man rabidly communal in outlook and Jawaharlal Nehru as symbol of secular nationalism. That explains why the Sangh Parivar worships one and hates the other.”

I, for one, would never expect any journal of The Hindu Group to describe Sardar Patel as  “a man rabidly communal in outlook.” It is only when I looked inside the journal that I saw that it was an article written by A.G. Noorani. The surprise therefore need not be about its authorship but simply about the fact that such a perverse article should have been made the cover page feature.

When Sardar Patel passed away in December 1950 he was not only Deputy Prime Mnister and Home Minister in the Cabinet, he was also in charge of the Information and Broadcasting portfolio. Doordarshan was not born as yet. All India Radio was at that point of time the only official mass medium in existence. AIR decided to institute the Sardar Patel Lectures, to be held annually.

rafiq-zakariaIn 1956, when Rafiq Zakaria was approached to deliver the Lectures, the subject he chose was “Sardar Patel and Indian Muslims.” In his preface to the book based on these Lectures Zakaria writes:

“The subject I chose was rather controversial; at first I was somewhat apprehensive about it. I had, both as a student of and a participant in Indian politics, enough knowledge about the life and times of Sardar Patel and his monumental achievements in different spheres. But like many of my co-religionists, I too was under the impression that he did not like Muslims; in fact, I thought he was unabashedly anti-Muslim. Should I, therefore, I wondered, venture on a theme in lectures organised in his memory, which may be critical of him. I consulted my friend S. Ramakrishnan, who knew the Sardar intimately; he also worked as his Personal Secretary after the Sardar’s release on June 15, 1945, from the Ahmednagar Fort prison, during the historic Cabinet Mission parleys leading to the Transfer of Power and for a few months after the Sardar assumed the office of Deputy Prime Minister and settled down in Delhi. He was a valued colleague of K.M. Munshi and has been mainly responsible, after the founder’s death, for consolidating and expanding Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan not only in India but also in many important places in different parts of the world. A poem in self-effacement, his life has been a saga of quiet and dedicated service to the cause of national integration. He prevailed upon me to take up this subject, because he felt that the truth must be told, whatever the consequences, He was confident that Patel would come out of it unscathed.

The more I researched, the more I was convinced that the iron man had been misunderstood in many respects and there were cobwebs about his attitude towards Indian Muslims, which needed to be removed. I am glad I was able to do so to my satisfaction.

Fali Nariman, former Solicitor General of India, wrote to me that he enjoyed listening to the lectures; so did the Hon’ble Mr. Justice Chapalgaonkar of the Mumbai High Court. Many others also felt that I was able to present an objective analysis of Patel’s attitude to Indian Muslims, which was sorely needed in the present situation which is so vitiated by communal poison.

nani-palkhiwalaBhartiya Vidya Bhavan has published the book by Rafiq Zakaria based on his two Sardar Patel Memorial Lectures. The book published in 1996 is titled “Sardar Patel and Indian Muslims.”

The book contains an Introduction by Nani Palkhivala. In this Palkhivala comments:

“I congratulate Dr. Rafiq Zakaria on his most timely decision to revive the memory of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in this well-researched and well-written book based on his Sardar Patel Memorial Lectures, 1996, sponsored by the Government of India. He authentically demolishes the myth built up by vested interests that the Sardar was anti-Muslim.”

In this book Zakaria uses K.M. Munshi’s book End of An Era to describe at some length how Qasim Razvi whetted the Nizam’s ambitions and created a situation in which Sardar Patel finally used the Army to bring about Hyderabad’s integration with India.

Zakaria writes:

Hyderabad, which was the biggest state, with His Exalted Highness the Nizam as its head, and consisting of about 80 per cent Hindus, presented the knottiest problem to the Sardar; the procrastination of its ruler further vitiated Hindu-Muslim relations, especially because of the inflammatory and even abusive utterances of Qasim Razvi, an upstart firebrand, who took upon himself to save the kingdom from the clutches of “the Hindu brigands”.  He, with his passionate oratory, had created such a hold on the Muslims that they looked upon him almost as a messiah. He strutted about throughout the state with such arrogance and bluster, that even the Nizam was scared of him. K.M.Munshi, who was sent by the Sardar as the Agent-General to Hyderabad on behalf of the Government of India, has given a picturesque accout of Razvi’s frolics, larks and mischief.  In his book The End of an Era, Munshi describes Razvi as “a tireless worker;” though a fanatic, he was cunning. He could persuade and overawe; when necessary, he could smile, be humorous, or exercise charm”.

“The Nizam continued to be duped by Razvi who moved in the corridors of power with fiery eyes and his peculiar gait. He assured the ruler that he had been sent by God to rescue him and his state.  He averred, “The day is not far off when the waves of the Bay of Bengal will be washing the feet of our sovereign.” Further, that the green flag with the crescent would fly once again on the Red Fort of Delhi. Walter Monckton, one of the ablest British lawyers, who had almost succeeded with the help of Mountbatten to reach an amicable settlement with the Government of India on behalf of the Nizam, was so fed up with the tactics of Razvi and the council of ministers, who were terrorized by him, that he gave up the brief in sheer disgust and returned to London. The Nizam was caught between contradictory pulls. He had neither the understanding nor the will to decide. He kept shifting his stand. One day he was for confrontation, the other for conciliation. Chhatari had already warned him that neither Pakistan nor Britain was prepared to come to his rescue. He then leaned towards a settlement with India. On hearing of it, Razvi whipped up such mob frenzy that the Nizam hurriedly backed out of his commitment. Once, the Nizam lost his cool, weary of Razvi’s harangues. He asked his councilors to stop “that blackguard, that hapenny-tuppenny man, who has gone mad”. But it was a temporary outburst. He surrendered as soon as Razvi, who had grown into a Frankenstein, thundered and shrieked; he could not be subdued by anyone. His speeches contained nothing but tirades against Hindus and India. He was confident that the Indian Muslims would rise to a man to stand by the Nizam.’

His followers, known as Razakars harassed innocent Hindus; his organization, called Ittihadul Muslemeen, ruled the roost. On March 31, 1948, he celebrated a “Weapons Week”, to procure arms and ammunition to fight India. His speech, as reported by The Times, London, was full of hate and venom. He declared war on India and urged Indian Muslims to work as his “fifth column.” He asked them to take inspiration from the example of his followers, whose “unsurpassed heroism and courageous vision” should be their guiding star.  He told them, “I may be here today, and perhaps not tomorrow.  But I can assure you, my brethren, if you want to see Qasim Razvi in the midst of our life and death struggle, look for him not in the palatial buildings of Banjara, or in pleasant tea parties, but in the battlefield.” After the “police action”, when the Indian forces marched into Hyderabad, they met with no resistance; his bravado had alas proved to be so much sound and fury, signifying nothing. He ran away to Pakistan and died unheard and unwept. His followers, who remained behind, had to bear the brunt of his short-term lunacy.”

TAILPIECE
kasim-rizviThis book quotes the Sardar’s clinching dialogue with Qasim Razvi thus:

‘Why don’t you let Hyderabad remain independent’ asked Razvi.

‘I have gone beyond all possible limits. I have conceded to Hyderabad what I did not concede to any other state,’ replied Sardar.

‘But I want you to understand the difficulties of Hyderabad,’ insisted Razvi.

‘I don’t see any difficulty, unless you have come to some understanding with Pakistan,’ the Sardar answered.

‘If you do not see our difficulties, we will not yield,’ cried Razvi working himself up to a state of excitement. ‘We shall fight and die to the last man for Hyderabad.’

‘How can I stop you from committing suicide if you want to?’ was the Sardar’s cool and blunt response’

L.K. Advani
New Delhi
24 December, 2013
http://blog.lkadvani.in/blog-in-english/rafiq-zakaria-demolishes-myth-that-sardar-was-anti-muslim

Hidden gems of Ramnad -- D. J. Walter Scott

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Published: December 24, 2013 10:09 IST | Updated: December 24, 2013 10:09 IST

Hidden gems of Ramnad

D. J. Walter Scott
The Mangalanathaswamy Temple at Thiru Uthirakosamangai in Ramanathapuram district. File Photo
The HinduThe Mangalanathaswamy Temple at Thiru Uthirakosamangai in Ramanathapuram district. File Photo

School teacher unravels history behind little-known temples

It is the Ramanathaswamy Temple that draws tourists but sadly many are unaware that this district is the home to 52 temples that are steeped in history.
When R. Usha Manivasagam, a primary school teacher, visited a clinic here five years ago to check her blood sugar, she had no clue that this visit would mark a turning point in her life. Dr K. Joseph Rajan told her to explore the hidden spiritual treasures in the district. An insulin-dependent diabetic and an M. Phil. degree holder, she rejected the suggestion outright, citing her poor health, but the physician-historian goaded her. When her M. Phil guide R. Kasirasan also prodded her, she embarked on the mission, guided by Prof S. Ebenezer of Government Arts College, Melur.
After five years of strenuous efforts, she came out with a 456-page thesis on five ancient temples which had ‘sthala puranams’ and 47 temples built by the Sethupathy Kings with no ‘sthala puarnam.’ For this, she was awarded a doctorate from the Madurai Kamaraj University in January last year. “I visited all the 52 temples. Some are uncared for and some don’t even have approach roads,” she told The Hindu.
Tales behind temples
As she began unravelling the mysteries of these temples, various facts came to light.
The Veyil Ugandha Vinayagar Temple at Uppur should have been a temple dedicated to Sun God before it became a temple for Lord Vinayagar, she says. The legacy has it that Lord Ram visited the temple before proceeding to Rameswaram. Some 400 years ago, devotees visiting Rameswaram began the ‘theerthavari’ from this temple.
The Kariamanickam Perumal Temple at Alambadi in Tiruvadanai taluk has another interesting facet. The 14-foot-tall Perumal granite statue was kept in a tiled-roof shed as it was said to “grow every year.” This myth was buttressed by a story that a Sethupathy king had tried in vain to build a temple. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) could explore the site, she suggests.
At the 13th century Adhi Rathneswarar Temple at Tiruvadanai, the Siva Lingam was made of ‘Neela Rathina Kal’ and “it’s a scientific marvel that sunlight falls on the lingam for an hour on the last five days of the Tamil month of Masi from 5.30 a.m.,” she says.
The Mangalanathaswamy Temple at Thiru Uthirakosamangai is considered the Kasi of the south. The ‘sthala virutcham’ in the temple is about 3,300 years old and this was proved in a research conducted by the State government, she says.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/hidden-gems-of-ramnad/article5496654.ece

Youth, graduate, white-collar workers spelt the difference in Delhi polls: Bayesian networks, Adnan Darwiche team

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Making Sense of the Aam Aadmi Party Win in the Delhi Elections

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Last updated on: December 24, 2013 11:05 IST
The story of the Delhi assembly election was the Aam Aadmi Party’s stunning debut. Rediff.com’s data experts, using Bayesian Networks, have mined terrific insights from how the nation’s capital voted in the recent assembly elections. 
Our modelling shows pockets support for the AAP among the Internet savvy, TV viewers, white collar workers and educated voters. 
We present the findings: 
The results of the Delhi assembly elections have taken the nation by surprise.
The complete reversal of fortunes for the Congress party and the big gains made by the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Aam Aadmi Party once again proved that 'nothing is impossible' in Indian politics.
How did the AAP, in its first election, get such a large mandate?
What did the BJP do to succeed?
Where did the Congress go wrong?
These questions have been on everyone's mind since the results came out on December 8.
We bring to you yet another interesting application of Bayesian Networks.
This time, we built a mathematical model around the Delhi Elections 2013 to try and give you possible insights into what may have happened.
 
We used Rediff's proprietary data for constituency-wise break-up of age, educational qualifications, TV viewership, Internet usage, English proficiency and job profiles.
The graphical model that you see above was built by Rediff data experts using probabilistic estimates from this data.
Each node represents one variable from this data and each arrow points to the direction of what causes what.
For example, the node which is right at the top and labelled ‘graduate’, indicates that the probability that ‘many’ (we will define this shortly) graduates exist in a Delhi assembly constituency is 64.28%.
The arrow pointing from the graduates node says that higher the number of graduates in a constituency, the more likely that there will be English language proficient people in that constituency, the more there will be white collar workers and the more there will be Internet users.
What we seek to explain is what variables favoured a particular party in the 2013 election. This can be quantitatively seen in the variable ‘PartySupport2013.’
As you can see from the chart above, we have chosen to explain this from variables such as the age distribution of voters, their television and Internet usage behaviour, the extent of their English proficiency and the extent of white collar workers in that constituency.
Since we are trying to model a real world scenario, there may be variables that we may have missed out for various reasons (the main one being unavailability of data about that variable).
We then classified these variables into easy-to-understand categories using plots and other mathematical functions like their means and standard deviations as described below:
Age: Classified into two categories ‘Mostly20to39’ and ‘Mostly40andAbove’.
If the percentage of 20 to 39 age groups was more than 60% in a constituency it was classified as ‘Mostly20to39’, otherwise ‘Mostly40andAbove’.
Graduate: Classified into two categories ‘Few’ and ‘Many’.
If the percentage of graduates + college students was more than 25% in a constituency we classified it as ‘Many’, otherwise we classified it as ‘Few’.
White Collar Workers: Classified into two categories ‘Few’ and ‘Many’.
If the total percentage of white collar (clerks + businesspeople + shop owners + executives + managers + entrepreneurs) in a constituency was greater than 23% we classified it as ‘Many’, otherwise we classified it as ‘Few’.
English Literate: Classified as ‘Few’ and ‘Many’.
If the percentage of people who could write English in a constituency was greater than 50% we classified it as ‘Many’, otherwise we classified it as ‘Few’.
TV Viewers: Classified as ‘Few’ and ‘Many’.
If the percentage of people who viewed television (Doordarshan, Satellite or Cable) in a typical week in a constituency was greater than 80% we classified it as ‘Many’, otherwise we classified it as ‘Few’.
Internet Users: Classified into ‘Few’ and ‘Many’.
If the percentage of people that used the Internet in a typical month in a constituency was more than 15% it was classified as ‘Many’, otherwise it was classified as ‘Few’.
Party Support 2013: No classification was done except some minor parties were classified as ‘Others’.
As a first example, let us see how a high proportion of Internet users in a constituency affected the election outcome.
As shown in the chart below, we select the ‘Few’ option in the node for Internet Users.
The node turns red in colour and the probabilities in the Party Support 2013 node changes.
For example, the party support for the AAP comes down from 40.56% to 31.02%; the BJP party support goes up from 42.65% to 46.47%, but note how the Congress party support jumps from 11.69% to 16.69%.
  
 Conversely, when we choose the ‘Many’ option in the Internet Users node (as shown in the chart below), the AAP party support jumps to 46.54% but the BJP and Congress share decline.
 
 This is a clear indication that in the 2013 Delhi assembly election, Internet savvy voters flocked en masse to the AAP.
The BJP had an almost equal effect on Internet savvy and non-Internet savvy voters.
The Congress does not seem to have Internet savvy voters among its supporters.
This probably means that the Congress did not sufficiently explain itself on Social Media as much as the BJP and AAP did.
This is in agreement with the results that we found in our Twitter analysis.

How did educated voters in Delhi vote in 2013? 
We get a sense of this when we choose the ‘Few’ option in the Graduates node in the graph below.
The AAP share declines to 25.86%; the BJP share rises to 50.33% while the Congress share jumps up to 17.41%.
 On the other hand when we chose the ‘Many’ option in the Graduates node, the AAP share jumps up to 48.74% while the BJP and Congress share plummets as shown in the chart below.
 
 This provides clear evidence that a majority of graduates voted overwhelmingly for the AAP.

How did voters with a proficiency in English vote?
We can check this by choosing, first the ‘Few’ option in the English Literate node.
The AAP share declines to 24.34% as shown below, while the BJP and Congress support shares increase.
 
 We next choose the ‘Many’ option in the English Literate node and see the jump upwards in the AAP’s support.
Clearly, English-proficient voters voted en masse for the AAP.
 

Which way did Delhi’s white collar workers’s votes go?
The chart below shows that when we chose ‘Few’ in the White Collar Workers node, the AAP share declines sharply to 17.62% but the BJP and Congress rise with the BJP sky rocketing to 56.05%

When we chose the ‘Many’ option (in the chart below) in the White Collar node, the AAP support share rockets to 52.54% while the BJP and Congress go down.
 
Clearly, the AAP was the party of choice for Delhi’s white collar workers.
The BJP also had a considerable influence on white collar voters, but had a much stronger influence on voters with blue collar jobs.
The Congress had a very small effect on voters with white collar jobs and had a better effect on voters with blue collar jobs.
Even in the constituencies of ‘Few’ white collar jobs, the BJP had a predominant effect as compared to the Congress.

How did intensity of TV watching affect voter choice?
When we chose the ‘Few’ option (chart below) the AAP’s support share goes down slightly to 34.59%, while the Congress share goes up slightly to 14.64%. The BJP remains almost constant.
 
When we chose the ‘Many’ option (chart below) the AAP’s support goes up slightly while the Congress support comes down slightly.

This suggests that Television did not affect the voting outcome one way or the other.
Did voters of a younger age flock to any particular party?
 

 
The two charts above lead to a counter-intuitive conclusion.
That voter age did not affect the outcome one way or the other.
There is almost no change in party support in 2013 for any party in the above two charts when we choose either of the two age options.
So far in our analysis we selected individual variables and studied the effect of each on the ultimate Party Support for 2013.
There is another type of Inference that a Bayesian Graphical Network is capable of doing which is called Evidential Inference.
In this we select a particular party in the Party Support 2013 node and see which variable played a part in that party’s seat outcome.
For example, if we select the AAP, as in the graph below, we can see that the presence of voters who are Graduates with high English Literacy, holding white collar jobs and who use the Internet extensively favours the AAP.
On the other hand when we choose the Congress option, as in the graph below, there is a shift away from this type of voter.
 
When we select the BJP (in the chart below) and conduct the same analysis we find that the distributions over ‘Few’ and ‘Many’ in English Literacy, White Collar Jobs, Internet Users and Graduates tend to become equal indicating that the BJP reached out to almost all the voters in Delhi.
Although the AAP had an edge in constituencies with voters who are graduates, were Internet savvy and held white collar jobs, the BJP was not far behind.
This probably explains why the BJP marginally scored over the AAP.
 

Credits: Constituency-level demographic information is from Rediff's proprietary data: the Graphical Bayesian Model used is thanks to Adnan Darwiche and his team at the Automatic Reasoning Group at UCLA.

http://m.rediff.com/news/report/making-sense-of-the-aam-aadmi-party-win-in-the-delhi-elections/20131223.htm

Delhi's Topi moment -- Kanchan Gupta

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India's Topi Moment

India got deceived once more as its latest anti-corruption crusader got washed away in the politics of pragmatism, when Arvind Kejriwal led Aam Admi Party (AAP) decided to form Government in Delhi with scam-tainted Congress's support.
Principled politics gives way to practical politics. Anti-corruption crusader now fellow traveller of the corrupt. India's 'Topi Moment'. 1

Cong. may withdraw support to AAP: Flash news

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Congress may drop a bomb, might withdraw support to AAP 

by Arun George 22 mins ago Dec. 24, 2013 7:51 PM


7.00 pm: Congress divided on support to AAP New Delhi: Divisions in Congress today came out in the open over its support to Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) to form government in Delhi with a senior AICC functionary saying that the decision was "perhaps not correct". Party general secretary Janardan Dwivedi's remarks came a day after scores of Congress supporters held a demonstration outside the DPCC office in protest on Monday against the party's decision to extend outside support to AAP to form the government in Delhi. Ever since AAP decided to form a government in Delhi with Congress support, the leaders of Congress have been repeatedly emphasising that their support to AAP is not unconditional. Sections in the party view that supporting AAP, which is hitting out at Congress day in and day out and threatening to book its leaders and ordering probes against them, makes the party look poor in peoples' eyes. Moreover there is a view that Congress was caught napping as the leaders, who favoured supporting AAP to form government, were of the belief that Kejriwal will avoid staking claim to power. Reflecting the unease within the party over the move to support Arvind Kejriwal's party Dwivedi said, "There is also an opinion that perhaps the decision to support AAP in this manner was not correct. Some people feel this." PTI


http://www.firstpost.com/politics/live-congress-may-drop-a-bomb-might-withdraw-support-to-aap-1301871.html

AAP's testament of treacherous faithlessness -- V. Sundaram IAS (R). Topi exchange moment?

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AAP'S TESTAMENT OF TREACHEROUS FAITHLESSNESS
V. Sundaram IAS


WE ARE AN ABSOLUTIST ANARCHICAL PARTY (AAP)
WE ARE AN AUTHORITARIAN AUTOCRATIC PARTY (AAP)
WE BELIEVE IN TRIPLE SYNCHRONIZATION 
WE BELIEVE IN MAKING THREE MAJOR THINGS (WHY NOT JOKES!)
WE MEAN CONCEPTUAL CONFUSION PLUS POLITICAL INCOMPETENCE PLUS KEJRIWAL'S HUMAN FAILURE
HAPPEN SIMULTANEOUSLY AT THE SAME TIME AND PLACE  
WE MEAN IN RAM LEELA GROUNDS 
WE ARE WEDDED TO SONIA GANDHI
WE TAKE ORDERS FROM RAHUL GANDHI
WE CALL THIS OUTSIDE SUPPORT
WE RESERVE THE RIGHT TO EXPOSE THE CORRUPTION
CORRUPTION OF SONIA GANDHI, RAHUL GANDHI AND SHEILA DIXIT
AND YET WE WILL NOT EXPOSE THE SUBTERRANEAN SHADY DEAL 
OUR CORRUPT DEAL OF WINNING OUTSIDE SUPPORT FROM RAHUL GANDHI
OUR AAM AADHMI DEAL IS ONLY WITH VERY HONEST RAHUL GANDHI
AND NOT THE MOST CORRUPT CONGRESS PARTY!

WE SAY IT WITH AN AAM AADHMI SIGH 
NO DOUBT THERE IS A REIGNING CONFUSION
OF KEJRIWAL'S REGIME 
OF AMBIGUOUS ARBITRARY AIMS
WITHOUT ANY MEANING OR RHYME
ROARING AND RAGING 
RULING AND REIGNING
IN THE MEANTIME!
ARE WE NOT A DIFFERENT PARTY?
ARE WE NOT FERVENTLY
AND FRAUDULENTLY FAITHLESS?
THIS IS AAP'S STATE OF THE FART
AND NOT ART OF NEW POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY!

2013 Timeline -- Reuters

Sops hit Finance Ministry roadblock -- Puja Mehra

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Published: December 25, 2013 00:07 IST | Updated: December 25, 2013 00:09 IST

Sops hit Finance Ministry roadblock

Puja Mehra
With the general election only a few months away, proposals to appease voters have started arriving at the Finance Ministry.
Earlier this month, the Textiles Ministry moved a proposal for a Saris/Dhotis/Cloth Scheme for the economically weak and for those below the poverty line. The Ministry also wants the housing proposal for workers to be introduced as part of the National Urban Housing and Habitat Policy aimed at providing “affordable housing for all.” The scheme is implemented through Public Private Partnerships.
The Finance Ministry has returned both the proposals to the Textiles Ministry saying they were not properly framed, highly-placed Finance Ministry officials told The Hindu.
Ahead of the general election, the Finance Ministry usually receives “populist proposals,” the officials said. In the run up to the 2009 Lok Sabha election, the UPA-I government approved a Rs. 52,000-crore farm loan waiver scheme. The Rural Development Ministry has also proposed changes to the schedule of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). It is proposed that an entitlement for an individual toilet be provided to every job card holder for which the MGNREGA contribution is to go up from Rs. 4,500 to Rs. 10,000. It has also proposed that the construction of houses in convergence with the Indira Awas Yojna or any other State rural housing scheme be included in list of permissible works under the MGNREGA. “The MGNREGA proposal is not really a sop but it makes the scheme more beneficiary-friendly,” said an official source.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/sops-hit-finance-ministry-roadblock/article5498481.ece?homepage=true&ref=relatedNews

Prospects of daily dharnas in front of 10 Janpath? Rumblings in Congress...

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Rumblings in Congress over supporting AAP out in the open


Rumblings in Congress over supporting AAP out in the open
There is a strong unease in the party over propping up the newcomer which has risen on a fierce and often personalized attack on Congress over corruption.

NEW DELHI: Rumblings in Congress over supporting the Aam Aadmi Party grew louder on Tuesday as misgivings of a section in the party which feels it should have kept out of the power game after its rout in the Delhi polls found more open expression.

Voicing the apprehension that Congress had erred in backing AAP, party general secretaryJanardan Dwivedi told the media, "There is also an opinion that perhaps the decision to supportAAP in this manner (offering outside support) was not correct. Some people feel this."

Citing the section opposed to any truck with AAP, Dwivedi said, "Their argument is that Delhi voters have not given their support to Congress to the extent that even the leader of opposition will not be from Congress party. We were placed at the third position. Perhaps, it would have been appropriate for Congress to say that it is not our responsibility to form or not form a government."

While Dwivedi's remarks expose a clear divide in the party where some feel rushing to offer outside support was a miscalculation, Congress chief Sonia Gandhi's political secretary Ahmed Patel firmly ruled out any change in the party's position with regard to AAP.

When his attention was drawn to Dwivedi's remarks, Patel said, "In any organization, there are going to be different opinions. But our support to AAP is there... Now, when we have extended support, we hope that they do good work and fulfill promises given by them."

Yet, the irony of Dwivedi's statement seems to indicate that Congress is conflicted by a decision that was supposed to be a trap for its nemesis in Delhi. Congress managers had estimated that AAP would not accept its support to form the government and would come across as a party running away from responsibilities. With AAP calling the bluff, the tables seem to have been turned.

Despite the assessment of Congress circles that the party will follow through its assurance of support, there is a strong unease in the party over propping up the newcomer which has risen on a fierce and often personalized attack on Congress over corruption.

After former Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit's pointed comment that support to AAP was not unconditional, Dwivedi's is the first major voice in AICC to articulate in-house anger againstArvind Kejriwal and is seen to be significant in the backdrop of noisy demonstrations by party workers.

On Tuesday, east Delhi MP Sandeep Dikshit, son of the former CM, also voiced scepticism over AAP's capacity to deliver on electoral promises like mohalla (neighbourhood) committees, saying any channel of spending public money could not be independent of scrutiny.

Arguing Congress might have been better off in the opposition, Dwivedi said, "It is not our duty to see who forms government or not. This is indeed a thinking within the party."




The schism in Congress is not a good augury for the new government that is yet to take office. A group in the state unit rues that the party is losing the post-defeat plot since it should stick to waiting to see how Kejriwal delivers his promises and wait for him to fumble. Instead, the dissent is portraying Congress as unsure and jittery.

In contrast, many leaders who were initially opposed to backing AAP now believe Kejriwal should be allowed to govern as it increases the chances of his failure. As a Congress MLA said, "We will keep an eye on his governance in the assembly. We won't let him get away lightly."

The dissonance within points to the bigger challenge of forging unity in the state unit. While the party was a one-woman rule of Dikshit for 15 years, her defeat has opened up the game with factional leaders rushing in to fill the vacuum. Also, the experienced J P Aggarwal has made way for a relatively junior Arvinder Singh Lovely as state chief while Dikshit too is likely to remain a strong voice. This is likely to increase the jostling between camps.

Suddenly, as many concede, the process of gathering wits and preparing for Lok Sabha challenge to defend seven seats appears a distant goal. 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/assembly-elections-2013/delhi-assembly-elections/Rumblings-in-Congress-over-supporting-AAP-out-in-the-open/articleshow/27869540.cms
Published: December 25, 2013 01:27 IST | Updated: December 25, 2013 02:19 IST

Binny’s exclusion, a surprise in AAP

Mohammad Ali
Aam Admi party MLA from Laxmi Nagar Vinod Kumar 'Binny'. Photo: Sushil Kumar Verma
The HinduAam Admi party MLA from Laxmi Nagar Vinod Kumar 'Binny'. Photo: Sushil Kumar Verma
The missing of MLA Vinod Kumar Binny’s name from the list of Council of Ministers sent by Aam Aadmi Party convener Arvind Kejriwal to the Delhi Lieutenant Governor on Tuesday has surprised many. Mr. Binny has recorded his strong resentment over his exclusion.
Mr. Binny was the likeliest of the AAP MLAs to be inducted in the Cabinet for, as the then municipal councillor he was the first elected representative to join the party.
Sources in the AAP expressed surprise as Mr. Binny’s brainchild, the institution of gram sabha implemented in his ward in Lakshmi Nagar, was picked by Mr. Kejriwal as a model for implementing development works in the capital. During campaign, Mr. Kejriwal mobilised voters by referring to the gram sabha and Mr. Binny umpteen times.
Mr. Binny was reportedly angry at two relatively non-entities, Satyendra Jain and Girish Soni, being preferred to his administrative experience. Besides, he has the credit of defeating A.K. Walia, Congress stalwart in the Sheila Dikshit government, by more than 8,000 votes in Lakshmi Nagar. Meanwhile, Mr. Binny reportedly told the media while leaving Mr. Kejriwal’s residence in a huff that he would organise a press conference on this issue and make a disclosure.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/binnys-exclusion-a-surprise-in-aap/article5498588.ece

Rice export scam: Govt. blocks CBI probe, 20 babus go scot-free

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Rice export scam: Govt blocks CBI probe, 20 babus go scot-free

TNN Dec 24, 2013, 04.05AM IST
NEW DELHI: The government has refused permission to CBI to probe senior officials allegedly involved in rice export scam, exposing yet again its discretionary power to disrupt criminal investigations.

This probably is the single largest number of officers getting away from criminal investigation in a single sweep. At least half a dozen of the suspect officials are of joint secretary and above rank, while the total number under scanner is about 20 in three different public sector units.

By denying permission to the agency the government has ensured peaceful burial to the scandal in which high-level political links was suspected.

Rice was exported to some African countries in 2008-09 despite ban on non-basmati rice export. The ban resulted in Indian domestic prices falling while international prices shooting up. Immediately after the ban, 22 'needy' African countries were exempted from it, and some of these countries strangely sent request for rice from specific private suppliers.

Once the government approval came for exports, instead of government PSUs such as MMTC, STC, and PEC exporting them, the private companies named by African countries were allowed to procure and ship rice. There were multiple violations, as well as huge profits pocketed by the private exporters.

In a written statement to TOI, the department of commerce said, "CBI was requested to clarify, if it had any prima facie evidence to establish the need for a criminal investigation. CBI replied that no preliminary inquiry had been done by it."

The ministry said that based upon "all the departmental evidence that had already been garnered through the departmental inquiries," a decision was taken earlier this year to reject the CBI request. "Since no misconduct of criminal nature has been established in these inquiries, it would not be fit to give permission to CBI for initiating investigation against the concerned officers of STC/ MMTC / PEC," it said. The ministry didn't explain how it concluded, based on administrative inquiry, that there was no criminal conspiracy.

The department said CVC and other government agencies concerned have been kept "transparently informed in this matter".

The refusal of permission to CBI to probe the conspiracy also stands in contrast to the fact that commerce ministry, after Anand Sharma took charge, blacklisted three companies involved — Amira Foods India, Emmsons International and Shivnath Rai Harnarain India. "This was done because the export of rice to specified African countries had been allowed on diplomatic and humanitarian grounds but the private firms involved were attempting to make undue profits through their commercial transactions in these cases," the ministry said in its written reply.

The commerce ministry also issued an advisory in 2010 to rest of the government to "abstain from conducting business with these firms." The Delhi High Court dismissed writ petitions filed by the firms challenging the decision last month.

The ministry said it issued "chargesheets to officers allegedly found complacent in these export transactions," after conducting departmental inquiries by three separate additional secretary-level officers. "The findings of the inquiry officers reported no serious wrong-doing on the part of the charged officers," it said.

The ministry had informed the CVC in May that "no prima facie criminal culpability or mala-fide could be established against the charged officers".

The ministry admitted that a final decision on the departmental action against the officials was yet to be taken. It would be done after "procedurally required inter-ministerial consultations which stand initiated as per due process".

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Rice-export-scam-Govt-blocks-CBI-probe-20-babus-go-scot-free/articleshow/27811928.cms
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