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The chimera of Dalit capitalism -- Nissim Mannathukkaren

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Published: July 18, 2013 01:41 IST | Updated: July 18, 2013 11:34 IST

The chimera of Dalit capitalism

Nissim Mannathukkaren
VENTURING OUT: It is shocking that Dalit liberation seeks to join hands with capitalism at a juncture when it is at its carnivorous worst. The picture is of Milind Kamble, chairman, DICCI (centre) and others at an entrepreneurship meet in Hyderabad.
The HinduVENTURING OUT: It is shocking that Dalit liberation seeks to join hands with capitalism at a juncture when it is at its carnivorous worst. The picture is of Milind Kamble, chairman, DICCI (centre) and others at an entrepreneurship meet in Hyderabad.

The recent launch of the first Dalit venture fund occasions an examination of the moral and ethical emptiness of capitalism

History shows that where ethics and economics come in conflict, victory is always with economics
B.R. Ambedkar
If only Milind Kamble, founder of the Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DICCI) and Chandra Bhan Prasad, Dalit thinker, columnist and DICCI mentor, had imbibed the wisdom of Manning Marable’s How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America, a classic work in African-American studies, they would not have been such virtuoso performers of the ballad of Dalit capitalism (which claims Black capitalism among its inspirations). And this ballad is increasingly getting mainstream attention as evidenced by the interview of the duo in a famous talk show after the recent launch of the first Dalit venture capital fund.
The fundamental argument made by them is that it is time for Dalits to change their image of being perpetual victims (always in need of state support through reservations and doles) to that of being in charge of their own destiny — to put it pithily, “Dalits are not only takers, they are givers.” And what better way to achieve this than Dalits becoming capitalists themselves, and welcoming with open arms, economic reforms and globalisation: “we see that there is an economic process, that capitalism is changing caste much faster than any human being. Therefore, in capitalism versus caste, there is a battle going on and Dalits should look at capitalism as a crusader against caste.”

In the U.S.

It is, of course, understandable that an oppressed people would look to any and every avenue that would help overthrow the shackles of oppression. In that sense, the limited use of the market in dissolving some of the millennia-old feudal and caste hierarchies has to be acknowledged. But to move from that to romanticising the relationship between capitalism and caste is completely different, especially when it is done in an anodyne and vacuous manner as Prasad does: “along with globalisation came Adam Smith to challenge Manu. So that’s why for the first time, money has become bigger than caste... bigger than Marx, bigger than everybody because in this marketplace, only your ability is respected.” And “Montek [Singh Ahluwalia] is a friend of Adam Smith and Adam Smith is an enemy of Manu, so therefore, Montek is our friend.
If indeed the market is a level playing field, one wonders why is it that after centuries of glorious capitalist growth and decades of Black capitalism in the headquarters of world capitalism, African-Americans languish at the bottom of socio-economic indicators. In 2011, the poverty rate among blacks was 28.1 per cent, almost three times the rate for non-Hispanic whites. In the prison capital of the world, African-Americans are incarcerated at almost six times the rate of non-Hispanic whites, thus constituting almost a million out of a total prison population of 2.3 million! So much for a market place that respects one’s ability. If capitalism is so democratic and benign, why is it that its biggest crisis since the Great Depression — the financial crisis in 2008 — had a particularly devastating effect on the African-American population?
The Pew Research Center analysis shows that the median wealth of white households was a staggering 20 times that of black households in 2009. This was the largest gap in 25 years and almost twice the ratio before the crisis.
Despite the optimism that people like Prasad and Kamble exude about Dalits becoming equal participants in a democratic capitalism, there are other Dalit and non-Dalit scholars who have demonstrated the immense barriers for Dalit entrepreneurs within the so-called capitalist market, and the ugly casteism that marks corporate India.
But my concern is not about the inability of Dalits to become capitalists within a structure marked by gargantuan economic and social inequalities, but about the moral and ethical emptiness of capitalism as a liberatory mechanism for an oppressed people. When Chandra Bhan Prasad speaks in glowing terms about the four Mercedes Benz cars that Rajesh Saraiya, the richest Dalit businessman, worth about $400 million and based in Ukraine, owns, he does not ponder about the gross inequalities that characterise the global capitalist system which bestows such bounties on a minuscule number at the expense of the vast majority who inevitably pay the price.

The flaw

The fundamental flaw in the argument for Dalit capitalism is that it merely seeks to find an equal space for Dalits within what is inherently an exploitative system: thus the hitherto exploited sections of the people will now play the role of exploiters. In sum, Dalit capitalism, while it seeks to dismantle age-old hierarchies and discriminations, is hardly bothered about the new oppressions perpetrated by capitalism.
What is particularly shocking is that Dalit liberation seeks to join hands with capitalism at a juncture when it is at its carnivorous worst. The Golden Age of capitalism and industrialisation has given way to “casino capitalism,” driven by financial speculation and what Marx calls as “fictitious capital.” The greatest example of this is the crisis of 2008. In a desperate bid to sustain its profit margins, capitalism resorts to, in the words of distinguished professor of anthropology and geography David Harvey’s words, “accumulation by dispossession” — privatisation of public property, forcible expulsion of peasant and indigenous populations from their lands, unbridled exploitation of natural resources and so on.
Rather than grapple with the question of a comprehensive transformation of political, economic and cultural relations towards equality in society, Dalit capitalism ingratiates itself with the present exploitative order. There are no radical questions asked, like that of reparations for slavery in America (the Harper’s Magazine estimated the value of reparations to be over $100 trillion for forced labour from 1619 to 1865). Instead, Dalit capitalism becomes the new darling of mainstream media simply because it refuses to question the commonsense of market as the saviour. As a prominent columnist gushed about the Dalit venture capital fund: “This is a vision of shared equality among castes, not of trickle down. It is a vision of Dalit entrepreneurs taking their place at the top of the pyramid and offering to share their profits with investors from all castes that historically dominated them.”
Ultimately, what is most disturbing is that Dalit capitalism is mainly inspired by the “economic thought of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar”! The great man would definitely turn in his grave when he sees his followers seeking the liberation of his people through capitalism when global multinational capital is pillaging the Aymara people of Latin America for oil and minerals, and the Ethiopian peasants for land. In an interlinked world, the former’s destiny is irrevocably tied to the latter.
(Dr. Nissim Mannathukkaren is with Dalhousie University, Canada, and author of The Rupture with Memory: Derrida and the Specters That Haunt Marxism. E-mail: nmannathukkaren@dal.ca)

Expanding horizons of historical novels: From history to prehistory -- Prof. Shivaji Singh

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Expanding horizons of historical novels: From history to prehistory
 
We know Dr. S. Kalyanaraman for his voluminous works on Vedic River Sarasvati and for his quite plausible reading of Harappan writings. What is great to discover is that there is a novelist in him that promises to expand the horizons of historical novels from history to prehistory.
 
As we all know, historical novels are a fine fusion of history and story. As commonly perceived, history is a ‘factual’ account of past events while story an imagined narrative. Interestingly, however, both are derived from Greek ‘istoria’, a term which initially stood for ‘inquiry’ but later developed to denote ‘an account of knowledge’. And, on the authority of Roymond Williams (vide his Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. London: Fontana, 1988, p. 146), it may further be observed that as late as the fifteenth century a distinction between the two had not even arisen in English language. Be it as it may. Noteworthy is the fact that it is this thin and almost imperceptible line of demarcation between history and story and their overlapping boundaries that make historical novels extremely significant.
 
Historical novels have fascinated readers the world over and ever. Besides satisfying instinctive aesthetic feelings, they have contributed a lot to several desirable domains of human world of emotions: love and respect for achievements of our ancestors, appreciations of exaltedness conveyed by distinguished pieces of sculpture, architecture, painting, music and dance and, above all, a spirit of nationalism (if you are not too extra-liberal to denounce it!).
 
In view of this nature and value of historical novels, it may be stated without any fear of contradiction that Kalyanaraman’s two illustrated novels:Sagan Finds Sarasvati and Akkadian Rising Sun (both published by Sarasvati Research Centre, Herndon, VA. 2013) are in no way less thought provoking than his other recent publications like Indus Script Cipher (2010), Rastram (2011), etc.

 
While it is difficult to compare relative value of his books (as all are equally well-written), I am inclined to favour his two historical novels as the best ones. This is because knowingly or inadvertently he has ushered in a new era in the area of this genre of literature. He has expanded the horizon of historical novels from history to prehistory.
 
Many great historical novels have been produced all over the world. Several writers of historical novels are known and read far beyond their countries. Space-Time context of the novels too vary a lot. But none of the novels, so far as I can see, plunges so deep into antiquity as those of Kalyanaraman. Even Elizabeth Cooks Achilles, L. Sprague de Camp’s The Arrow of Hercules, Gore Vidal’s Creation, Colleen McCullough’s Antony and Cleopatra, Esther Friesner’s Sphinx’s Princes or Alfred Duggan’sFounding Fathers seem to just scratch the ground in comparison. Kalyanaraman’s is a real transition from history to prehistory in novels.
 
 
Prof. Shivaji Singh
July 18, 2013

Moody's warns rupee fall may constrain India's sovereign rating

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Fitch upgrades India 's ratings outlook on June 12 , 2013.http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-06-12/india-business/39924350_1_fitch-ratings-rating-agency-finance-ministry. The article was published on June 12, 2013. And, now this from Moody's.

This is the way the rating agencies in USA give advance warning to their clients -- FIIs -- to withdraw their investments from India by providing a window of alleged upgrade to make the withdrawal without undue losses in currency rates. This is how the agencies pay back to their clients. Now, watch out as the currency market takes a tailspin with intervention by rating agency announcements which will come in a series.

Kalyan
A roadside currency exchange vendor is pictured through Indian rupee notes in the old quarters of Delhi May 31, 2013. REUTERS/Anindito Mukherjee/Files
A roadside currency exchange vendor is pictured through Indian rupee notes in the old quarters of Delhi May 31, 2013.
Credit: Reuters/Anindito Mukherjee/Files

Thu Jul 18, 2013 1:25pm IST
Reuters Market Eye - Moody's Investors Service says rupee depreciation will exacerbate inflationary and fiscal pressures, with both factors potentially constraining the country's sovereign rating.
India's recent measures to prop up the rupee may limit exchange rate volatility to some degree but a sustained reversal in the rupee's would require a significant narrowing of the trade deficit or large capital flows, Moody's adds.
"Given the subdued global growth outlook and price inelasticity of some major imports, depreciation is unlikely to accelerate export growth or curb import growth significantly in the near term," analysts wrote.
Moody's has a "stable" outlook on India's "Baa3" rating, its lowest investment grade-rating.

(Reporting by Swati Bhat)
PTI Posted online: Thu Jul 18 2013, 16:49 hrs

Mumbai : The rupee fall may constrain country's sovereign credit rating, as it will "exacerbate inflationary and fiscal pressures", even though forex currency denominated debt is only around 6 per cent of total government debt, Moody's warned today.

It also painted a grim possibility of any major gains in the rupee during the current fiscal, saying that the continuing global volatility, and domestic political uncertainty ahead of the 2014 hustings will limit chances of any significant appreciation apart from further impact growth.

"Foreign currency-denominated debt is only about 6 per cent of the total government debt, so depreciation will not materially increase the sovereign's debt repayment burden.

"However, depreciation will exacerbate inflationary and fiscal pressures, both factors that constrain the country's present Baa3 rating," Moody's said in a note today.

It warned: "The rupee depreciation and its likely impact on inflation and financial stability may thus keep domestic borrowing costs high, and extend the current slowdown."

However, the steep fall will raise the cost of servicing foreign currency government debt though it cannot have any major material impact on debt repayment burden, it added.

Noting that the rupee fell 9.3 per cent between May 15 and July 15, Moody's said the currency fall could increase the debt repayment and input costs for some firms, adding to the current economic stress.

Even though non-government external debt is a relatively modest 16 per cent of GDP and it is not the primary source of financing for the majority of the private sector, the credit impact of depreciation will be greater on specific firms than on the larger economy, it added.

On the future of the rupee, it said: "Though the recent measures, including those to adjust rupee liquidity and increase foreign capital inflows may arrest the pace of depreciation, the subdued growth environment, continuing global volatility, and domestic political uncertainty ahead of the 2014 national elections will limit the chances of significant appreciation this year."

On the battering of the rupee, Moody's said the main reason for the trouble is opening up of the country's trade and financials and not a deterioration in the macroeconomic characteristics.

"This opening has resulted in occasionally steep currency adjustments to reflect the increasing interface between domestic and global trends", it said, noting that the 2008 crisis had contributed to 27 per cent fall in the rupee in FY'08, while a combination of global and local factors shaved another 12 per cent off the currency in FY'11.

The Moody's report also said that the rupee fall will not help much in narrowing down India's high Current Account Deficit which was 4.8 per cent in FY'13, "given the subdued global growth outlook and price inelasticity of some major imports, preventing an accelerating in exports or lowering imports significantly in the near term."

The currency pressure will jack up inflation due to rising imports costs.

Moody's said: "As domestic fuel prices transmit effect of depreciation, they will directly and indirectly contribute to headline inflation through rising transportation costs.

"However, the biggest drivers of inflation are food prices, which are largely determined by domestic output and policy trends, rather than currency value. It is expected that currently high food prices could abate due to a good monsoon as well as a lower increase in minimum support prices, compared to previous years."

Besides, it added that the new food scheme may not increase food prices this year.

Moody's also noted that imports have been steadily increasing over the years. Last fiscal, they jumped to 32 per cent of GDP in FY13 from 15 per cent in FY03. This will affect the input costs of a larger number of firms.

The report further notes that though the total external debt/GDP ratio of about 21 per cent compares favourably with that of many similarly rated sovereigns, the trend of rising short-term debt and declining export receipts has resulted in external vulnerability indicator, which indicates the ratio of total annual foreign debt repayments plus foreign currency deposits to forex reserves.

However, this ratio has been rising over the years and touched 65.3 per cent in FY'13 from 32.2 per cent in FY'09. This ratio is expected to increase over the next two years.

"Should the current trend of rising external debt continue over the medium term without a commensurate increase in export earnings and reserves, the external vulnerability indicator may increase beyond the forecast levels that underpin the sovereign rating," Moody's concluded.

http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/1143590/

End Government control of India's Hindu temples -- Hindu Dharma Acharya Sabha

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Delhi Meeting Calls for Ending Government Control of India's Hindu Temples

Hinduism Today

NEW DELHI, INDIA, July 15th, 2013(Rajiv Malik, Hinduism Today Correspondent):

"Government control of Hindu temples should end and Hindus themselves should be allowed to manage them."- Swami Dayananda Saraswati.

At a day-long symposium on the subject- "Government Control Of Temples- Constitutional Issues," organized by the Hindu Dharma Acharya Sabha [HDAS] at New Delhi's prestigious India International Centre on Sunday, July 14th, 2013, eminent jurists and top legal luminaries made impassioned presentations on the different aspects of the constitutional provisions governing the administration of temples by Government. Kamla Devi Conference Hall, the venue, was packed to its capacity with over one hundred participants including members of legal fraternity, leaders of a number of Hindu organisations, NGO's, social workers, political personalities and media persons.

Swami Parmatmananda, secretary, HDAS, welcomed the gathering and explained the objectives of the symposium and the role of Hindu Dharma Acharya Sabha, a representative body of heads of different denominations of Hindu society. Addressing the gathering, Swami said, "The Acharya Sabha has filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court questioning the constitutional validity of the different state acts controlling temples. The purpose of the symposium is to bring awareness on the constitutional position and legality of state controlling all aspects of the administration of the Hindu temples."

In his address, Pujya Swami Dayananda Saraswati, Convener, HDAS, recalled how, many rulers and devotees endowed different temples with enormous land and wealth to sustain worship. Swami said, "Each temple had a unique Deity and it is the Deity who owns the property endowed. The Deity in the Chidambaram Siva Temple is Nataraja; in Thiruvaraur, the Deity is Thyagaraja; in Mannargudi, it's Lord Vishnu as Rajagopala. Each temple therefore has a unique Deity and set of practices, and they are the repository of our culture. Now all the wealth is not properly utilized for the worship of the Lord or for propagation of the denomination of the temple." Swami also maintained that Hindus should unite to take back control of Hindu temples from the government. He felt this is the only way the Hindu community can find the money to propagate the religion and withstand the onslaught of conversion by other religions.

Eminent Supreme Court advocate Aman Lekhi, walked the gathering through evolution of the laws that govern the temple administration. However he concluded his speech by saying, "I would say temples need to be regulated when there is an occasion or a justification for it. If the machinery of the state is there to help us to regulate the temples, that is appropriate. But then we have to use it for our purpose. Because the machinery of the state would be the best machinery available to us for the purpose of managing the temples. That said, we cannot concede to those who control, the right to take over. However in the guise of control, the temple cannot be consumed and this provision would be there in the act."

Sitting Rajya Sabha member, Ex Governor of Jharkhand, past Chief Justice Punjab and Haryana High Court Rama Jois in his speech explained the concept of dharma and how it was the font of secular thought. "It is incorrect to term dharma to be a religious concept." It is a universal concept, he asserted. He observed, "Law is punitive and is there in the picture after the offense is committed; dharma is preventive, it prevents offense." He went on to share the Dharmic Administration he drafted for the Karnataka Government. The eminent former justice also stated, "Archakas in temple must have Godly personality which increases the 'bhakti' and faith in temple worship. These human feelings are the basis of temple worship and this is therefore recognized as a basic human right. This devotion to God constitute the very foundation of all the religions. Dharma is a code of righteous conduct and religions are different mode of worship of God by all the believers."

Eminent Supreme Court Advocate Ms. Pinky Anand speaking on constitutional rights argued that provisions in the law for take over of temple by government, approval of funding of religious rituals are all invalid and not tenable. She lamented that though there were several Supreme Court judgements against government, these were not implemented.

Sri K.N. Bhat, eminent Supreme Court Advocate who has practiced for more than 50 years and has the privilege of having represented the Deity, Lord Ram, in the Ram Janambhumi case, sharing his thoughts said, "Legal remedies are fraught with uncertainties. Governments are attracted to temples only because of their properties and also for what they can take away from the temples." According to him, "Hindus were being treated as second-class citizens. While there are a number of laws and judgements, only a strong society, with a strong government can redress the wrongs." He concluded by saying that control must be there for all religions and not selectively only for the majority community.

Later in the day, Justice Kokje, Sri M. N. Krishnamani and Dr. Subramaniam Swamy addressed the gathering. The predominant assertion was that constitutionally and on the basis of various Supreme Court judgements, take over of temples was totally illegal.

Sri S. Gurumurthy who could not personally make it to the event, stated his views in a written message, " Making Hindu religious institutions part of the secular state and making the secular state perform religious functions of the Hindus have led to different denominations of the Hindus claiming to be not Hindus - for example the Arya Samaj, Jains, Lingayats and the like. This will lead to the disintegration of not only the Hindu society but the nation itself. India will ultimately end up as nation of minorities with no majority!"

One of the highlights of the event was a slide show presentation by Temple Worshippers Society [www.templeworshippers.org] which highlighted how the government control of temples in many cases was leading to conversion of Hindu Temples into commercial ventures and political instruments. They highlighted several instances of subversion of law, looting of temple properties, destroying and defiling of temples which were being regulated, managed and controlled by government through its official machinery.

Heavy rains in Uttarakhand; most rivers in spate

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A view of a submerged bridge over River Ganga in this file photo. Water level in most of the rivers in Uttarakhand swelled following heavy rains on the second consecutive day on Thursday.
PTIA view of a submerged bridge over River Ganga in this file photo. Water level in most of the rivers in Uttarakhand swelled following heavy rains on the second consecutive day on Thursday.
Published: July 18, 2013 19:23 IST | Updated: July 18, 2013 19:23 IST

Heavy rains in Uttarakhand; most rivers in spate

PTIWater level in most of the rivers in Uttarakhand swelled following heavy rains on the second consecutive day on Thursday, even as Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna distributed compensation to the kin of 14 policemen and four state officials, who went missing in the flash floods.
The Chief Minister gave cheques of Rs. 17.50 lakh each to the kin of 14 policemen, who went missing near Kedarnath. Rs. 10 lakh in compensation was given to the family of a home guard.
Compensation of Rs. 12.50 lakh each was paid to the relatives of three firemen who disappeared during last year’s flooding in Uttarkashi, according to a release. The cheques were given at a programme organised in Police Lines here.
Meanwhile, heavy rains lashed several parts of the state following which water level in rivers has increased. The Ganga, Yamuna, Kosi and Sharda rivers were in spate.
Birla guest house in Raywala area of Rishikesh was washed away after the Ganga changed its course in the area. The river swept away the guest house along with over 20 acres of adjacent land yesterday, Additional District Magistrate, SS Martolia said.
Employees of the guest house were evacuated to safer places in time, he added.
“The water level is being consistently monitored and we are on alert to deal with any possible situation,” a senior district official said.
The Chief Minister on Thursday visited Tehri district and heard the grievances of the people there. He also called up village heads to ensure that the distribution of relief material to the victims is done properly, officials said.
An 11-member inter-ministerial central team arrived here today to assess the situation in the flood-hit areas. The team is being led by Home Ministry Joint Secretary Lokesh Jha.
Meanwhile, ICICI group on Thursday donated Rs. 15 crore in the relief fund for the victims of Uttarakhand rains and flash floods.
Ms. Chanda Kochhar, MD and CEO of ICICI Bank Limited met the Chief Minister and handed over the cheque to him as a mark of solidarity with the victims.
Apart from ICICI bank, the donation amount also includes contribution from subsidiary companies of ICCI group.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/heavy-rains-in-uttarakhand-most-rivers-in-spate/article4928183.ece?homepage=true

Uncle Sam's 'blame it on India' Afghan plan -- G. Parthasarathy

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July 19, 2013

WEST’S ‘BLAME IT ON INDIA’ AFGHAN PLAN

Friday, 19 July 2013 | G Parthasarathy | in Edit
The US and its allies are looking for scapegoats. They will target India for their failure to contain the Pakistani Army's support to the Taliban. Self-styled historians like William Dalrymple are willing accomplices in the act
Bruce Riedel, arguably one of the best informed and most experienced American analysts on the AfPak region, recently wrote an interesting analysis titled, ‘Battle for the Soul of Pakistan’. Mr Riedel noted: “Pakistan also remains a state sponsor of terror. Three of the five most-wanted on America’s counter-terrorism list live in Pakistan. The mastermind of the Mumbai massacre and head of the Lashkar-e-Taiba, Hafeez Saeed, makes no effort to hide. He is feted by the army and the political elite, and calls for the destruction of India frequently and Jihad against America and Israel”. Mr Riedel adds: “The Head of the Afghan Taliban Mullah Omar shuttles between ISI safe houses in Quetta and Karachi. The Amir of Al Qaeda Ayman Zawahiri is probably hiding in a villa not much different from the one his predecessor (Osama bin Laden) was living in, with his wives and children, in Abbotabad until May 2011.”
Despite these realities, a new narrative seems to be creeping in, as uncertainties grow in Western capitals over how the much touted ‘end game’ will play out. American combat operations are progressively ending and Afghan Forces assuming full responsibility to take on the Taliban. There is uncertainty over whether Afghanistan’s presidential election scheduled in April 2014 will be free and fair and whether the new President will enjoy support cutting across ethnic lines, as President Hamid Karzai, a Durrani Pashtun, currently enjoys. As Pakistan remains an integral part of Western efforts to seek ‘reconciliation’ with the Taliban and for pull out equipment by the departing Nato forces, there appears to be a measure of Western desperation in seeking to persuade themselves and the world at large that there has been a ‘change of heart’ on the part of the Pakistan Army, which is now depicted as having given up its larger aim of seeking ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan through its Taliban protégés, led by Mullah Mohammed Omar.
As Mr Riedel notes, Mullah Omar remains an ISI protégé housed in ISI safe-houses in Pakistan. Pakistan’s real aim as a ‘facilitator’ of ‘reconciliation’ in Afghanistan became evident when Pakistan’s Foreign Affairs Adviser Sartaj Aziz suggested to the Afghan Ambassador that the Taliban should be allowed to take control of provinces in Southern Afghanistan, as the process of ‘reconciliation’ commences. The Americans have only encouraged such thinking and added to the confusion by their over-anxiety to directly engage the Taliban, discarding earlier conditions for dialogue. Such obvious over-anxiety prompted the Taliban to up the ante and infuriate President Karzai by converting their premises in Doha to the Office of a virtual Government in exile.
The Americans and their Nato allies are evidently looking for scapegoats in case their ‘exit strategy’ fails, as it did in Vietnam. India now appears to be the new scapegoat in the event of such failure, as the US and its Nato allies seem to be bent on blaming India for their failures to deal with the Pakistani Army’s support for the Taliban, which could lead to an ignominious exit for them from Afghanistan. In this effort, British writers like the self-styled historian, William Dalrymple, seem to have become willing and enthusiastic accomplices. In a recent paper published by the Washington-based Brookings Institution, Mr Dalrymple avers: “While most observers in the West view the Afghanistan conflict as a battle between the US and Nato on the one hand and the Taliban and Al Qaeda on the other, in reality the hostility between India and Pakistan lies at the heart of the conflict in Afghanistan”.
As a self-styled historian, Mr Dalrymple conveniently forgets that the present AfPak tensions flowed from British colonial policies advocated by imperialists like Lord Curzon, whose ‘forward policy’ aimed to check growing Russian influence in Central Asia and also give the British undisputed and unchallenged control over the oil resources of the entire Persian Gulf. It was Imperial Britain that changed historical borders, depriving the Pashtuns of moving across their historical homeland by the imposition of the Durand Line in 1893. The problems between Pakistan and Afghanistan since the birth of Pakistan have been primarily because of past actions of Imperial Britain, as no Afghan Government has ever recognised the borders imposed by Imperial Britain. It is this border dispute that has bedevilled relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan since August 14, 1947, when Pakistan was born.
India has never taken sides on this Pakistan-Afghanistan dispute — a creation of British imperialism. The Afghans, in turn, have never taken sides on differences between India and Pakistan, except during the Taliban rule. In a recent paper I received, written by a former Director General of the ISI, the author noted, while referring to past Pakistan-Afghanistan relations: “The message from Kabul both in 1965 and 1971 (India-Pakistan conflicts) was that we could move all our troops from the Durand Line to the Eastern borders, where we needed them. We did precisely that and the Afghans ensured for the duration of the crises there was all quiet on the western front. The two countries have their good neighbourly troubles, but their stakes in each other’s security and stability are so high that neither would do anything deliberately to hurt the other’s interests”.
The likes of Mr Dalrymple and his American and European friends should remember that the religious extremism and violence that ail and afflict Pakistan and Afghanistan today, are direct outcomes of the backing given by the ISI, joined by the CIA and MI6, to armed fundamentalist groups, to wage jihad against the Soviet Union on Afghan soil and beyond. This, in turn, encouraged the ISI to believe that promotion of ‘militant islam’ is the ideal means to build influence within Pakistan, ‘bleed’ India and carry the forces of ‘radical Islam’ to Afghanistan and beyond. The US and the CIA paid the price for their earlier follies in Pakistan and Afghanistan, when attacks like those of 9/11 and the London bombings were planned and executed from safe havens in Afghanistan and along the Durand Line.
India will have to keep these realities in mind when fashioning its policies in Afghanistan. While we have played along with the Americans and complemented their policies in Afghanistan, there is need for New Delhi to be prepared to build new bridges in relations with its old partners like Russia, Iran and the Central Asian Republics, given the uncertainties and unpredictability in emerging American policies.

SoniaG UPA corruption saga: UPSC a corrupted institution -- Kishen Kak

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The UPSC is yatha our raja – dishonest!
by Krishen Kakon 19 Jul 2013



In two previous essays, “Yatha raja, tatha prashasan” and “The Indian administration is still `yatha raja’” [1], I had critiqued the Union Public Service Commission’s Civil Services Examination (UPSC / CSE) as biased and corrupt, evolved – as a system – to replicate and feed our country’s ruling administration that is widely and popularly perceived to be the most corrupt – in every way – in our history. [2]
There can be no government corruption unless a civil servant signs the file or the order that enables that particular corruption by the politician and/or civil servant.  All scams and loot of the public exchequer that are front-page news could not have been possible without the connivance of the civil servant.
This is not for a moment to suggest that there are not honest civil servants or that there cannot be an honest civil administration. The UPSC supplies, from the same pool of selection, civil servants to Gujarat as it does to other States, yet the Gujarat civil administration sparkles detergent-white in comparison to that of, say, Uttar Pradesh. And this is evidently because, as I argued in the earlier essays, “yatha raja, tatha prashasan”. 
It remains my argument that the UPSC through the CSE neither intends nor wants to recruit the most competent Indians to administer our polity. If such young Indians get in, it is not because of, but in spite of, the UPSC’s selection biases. The selection system is an exercise in political engineering that furthers the vote-bank and divisive policies and politics of our rulers. And the cumulative corruption of this over the decades is now here for all to see. [3]
Numerous examples have been given of the biases of the CSE examiners. Take again the so-called “personality test” - the candidate is judged on their (I quote) intellectual qualities, social traits, interest in current affairs, mental alertness, critical powers of assimilation, clear and logical exposition, balance of judgement, variety and depth of interest, ability for social cohesion and leadership, intellectual and moral integrity, and on their intelligent interest in modern currents of thought and in new discoveries which should rouse the curiosity of well educated youth. 
This, in military parlance, sums up OLQ – “officer-like qualities”; the qualities expected in and of a leader. In the CSE 2012 they were assessed for a total of 300 marks which is about 13% of the entire exam total. [4] In the CSE 2012 merit list, there are at least four candidates with 100/300 and two with 90/300. In other words, their leadership merit is assessed at 33% and less - a fail percentage in any of our universities - and yet the UPSC considers them capable enough to lead us. 
On July 10, 2013, I was introduced to and had a brief conversation with Prof. OP Minocha, a doyen of the Public Administration professoriate, who has been coaching CSE candidates for over two decades. 
Public Administration is a popular subject for the CSE with two papers of 300 marks each (reduced from CSE 2013 to 250 marks each). I understand that for CSE 2012 about 7000 of the 12000 candidates who appeared for the main examination took Public Administration as an Optional. The CSE 2012 result for Public Administration was generally a shocker.  Students appearing in this subject, many as a repeat (that is, they hadn’t been selected in earlier attempts and were repeating the exam with this same subject – so they’d studied it intensively for three years or more for this exam) found their Public Administration marks had plummeted between the earlier attempt and this one, often by as many as 100 marks in the same paper.  Public Administration marks went as low as 17, 32, 36, 37, 43 out of 300.  Reportedly one candidate found himself reduced from 118/300 in his earlier attempt to 3/300 this time.
Asked why Public Administration results this time were so different, Minocha pointed proudly at himself and said he was responsible. He said that he’d led the creation of Public Administration as a subject distinct from Political Science and, over the years, it became a very popular CSE option.  He then gave the example of Economics: top Economics departments like of JNU and Delhi University did not want their subject “cheapened” (his word) by all and sundry taking it. They wanted their students to become specialists not generalists, so they deliberately designed their own syllabi to be relevant to, say, the Indian Economic Service but not to the CSE, and they used their clout with the UPSC to ensure Economics was not a CSE-scoring subject. [5] Likewise, Public Administration faculty like him felt that Public Administration had become “cheap” because so many took it, so he used his influence with the UPSC to discourage it as a CSE choice by making sure candidates generally do poorly in it!
I did ask why it was not a good thing that those applying to be civil servants familiarise themselves with Public Administration (or Economics), but he repeated that the subject should not be “cheapened”. 
There is no reason to disbelieve Minocha, an acknowledged authority in his discipline. He is a fine example of the “ivory tower” mentality - academic / intellectual elitism.  Surely an understanding of Public Administration or Economic theory and application would add to the professional competence of a potential civil servant?
Note that, because of this academic exclusivity, the UPSC had no qualms short-changing the future of thousands of aspirants who in good faith opted for Public Administration; they were deliberately given poor marks so that this subject is no longer considered “cheap”. 
Note further that the person who claims responsibility for UPSC’s cheating of candidates [6] still teaches Public Administration to all and sundry CSE aspirants; from CSE 2013 there is only one Optional (instead of two). These students pay him to teach them – and he already knows that should Public Administration be their Optional, for most of them their money and two years of their life will be wasted! So, does he guide them that, before opting for Public Administration, they should consider its likely disadvantage relative to other Optional subjects in the CSE marking? 
Minocha also said that marks needed to be moderated across subjects because someone brilliant in one subject has an advantage over someone who chooses another subject and does averagely in it. The subjects and, therefore, candidates, must be put on a level platform (except, of course, excluding Economics and now Public Administration!).
In other words, we’re not looking for brilliance - we’re looking for the lowest common denominator! And, if you’re brilliant, you’re better off dumbing yourself down. He confirmed my understanding of the CSE selection system that I critiqued earlier – it is not, emphatically not, a system designed to select, from those who apply, the most meritorious Indians to be India’s civil servants.
The UPSC from CSE 2013 introduced a new compulsory paper titled “Ethics, Integrity and Aptitude”.
The UPSC needs to examine its own ethics first, before examining the ethics of its examinees.
Notes
My thanks to NK for many of the numbers in this essay; he personally verified 3/300 in the mark-sheet on the UPSC website. The candidate concerned is too scared to make public his mark-sheet through a copy-paste of the UPSC page; he fears he could be victimized by them.
1.  The selection of many UPSC members, themselves with questionable professional records, as a reward for services rendered to the rulers, is a story by itself.  
3.   Sanjay K Singh, `UPSC result follows quota policy’ –
4. From CSE 2013, this total has been lowered to 275. What UPSC wants are babuslike our de jure prime minister.
5. In the CSE 2012 list, of the top 100, there are only 11 with Economics as an Optional (and, curiously, six with Malayalam Literature). UPSC is very cagey about its marking, see, e.g., http://mrunal.org/2012/11/r-t-i-upsc-destroys-mains-answersheets-gives-prelims-marks-of-prince-dhawan-keeps-a-lid-on-nigvekar-committee-optional-subject-remove.html
6. It is cheating because UPSC is playing politics through the selection system – it decided covertly before the exam that candidates opting for Public Administration would generally be marked stricter relative to other subjects. 

An Italian stains three Indian PMs -- M D Nalapat

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An Italian stains three Indian PMs

Geopolitical notes from India

M D Nalapat


Friday, July 19, 2013 - Last week, Ottavio Quatrocchi, who for decades was in India as the representative of Italy’s Snam Progetti industrial conglomerate, passed away. He was very successful in winning contract after contract for the company from the 1970s onwards, especially in the state-controlled fertiliser industry. When Quatrocchi entered a government office,even Secretaries to Government used to quake in their boots, aware that the Italian could either boost or damage their careers. Those who helped him get juicy contracts got promoted while the few who opposed the many concessions given to Snam and other Italian companies suffered. Ottavio Quatrocchi and his wife Maria being from Italy, and in Delhi at a time when there were few from that country resident in that city, it was not surprising that Rajiv Gandhi’s Italian wife Sonia got to know them, or that the two families became close to each other socially. In India, anything connected with the Nehru family is covered by a veil of secrecy maintained by succesive governments, so there are few records of the contact between Indira Gandhi’s son and daughter-in-law with Quatrocchi and his wife Maria.

These days, those close to the presiding matriarch of the Nehru family, Sonia Gandhi, claim that neither she nor Rajiv was in any way close to the Quatrocchis. That the Italian and his wife were just acquaintances. They deny reports that Ottavio, Rajiv, Maria and Sonia met frequently in India, the UK and Italy, and that their families went on holidays together. If it was not his closeness to Rajiv and Sonia, it must have been his magnetic personality that worked such miracles for Ottavio Quatrocchi, enabling him to get file after file cleared so that his principals landed juicy contracts. Although a stranger to the defense trade, Mr Q was chosen by Bofors to be a commission agent in the howitzer deal that company had with the Government of India, a deal that netted him millions of dollars in commission. What he did was obscure, but Bofors landed the contract, to the anger of the French competitors.

That French companies are masters in information and disinformation in furtherance of their commercial interests is known to every serious analyst in India, and it was not long before items began to appear in the international and the national press about alleged kickbacks being paid to top politicians and officials in India to grab the contract. If this were true, it would hardly be a surprise. Bribes are the norm rather than the exception in government contracts in India, especially those involving large sums of money, such as defense or energy deals. Indeed, there are credible sources who claim that a percentage of every dollar that is paid by certain companies for importing crude oil into India gets transferred to secret bank accounts operated by nominees of a powerful political family in the country. However, an examination of the tax returns filed by the members of this family shows that their annual income is less than the cost of a month’s foreign travel by them, in a context where some members of the family travel abroad on an average of twenty-seven times each year. Of course, no details of such travel (and the places of stay) to Dubai, London, New York and Bangkok are ever furnished by any government in India. Politicians in the country are unlike those in Pakistan, who go after each other. Here, they each protect the other while publicly professing to expose them.

Manmohan Singh, who is known to be personally honest in a government steeped in bribery, is no exception. Indeed, the upright PM now seeks to roll back the Right to Information Act so as to make it more rather than less difficult for ordinary citizens to access information about state shenanigans. Honesty is of zero value to the citizen unless the PM can enforce it across his government, a task that Manmohan Singh has failed to do.

Coming to Ottavio Quatrocchi and his mysterious power over successive Prime Ministers of India, perhaps owing to the natural charm that is present in most Italians, on July 29,1993 then PrimeMinister P V Narasimha Rao personally intervened to enable Quatrocchi to flee the country despite being a subject of enquiry by the Central Bureau of Investigation. This columnist knew the Prime Minister (and let it be confessed, admired him in many respects),and he spoke to him about Mr Q, pointing out that it would be wrong to allow a man considered to be at the heart of illicit deal-making in India to leave Delhi for London en route to Milan. The Prime Minister mentioned that a powerful politician had sent a lady Minister of State to meet him with the promise that (the politician) “would forever be an ardent backer” of Mr Rao, should he allow Mr Q to escape. The PM had made up his mind.

Flash forward ten years, to the period when BJP stalwart A B Vajpayee was Prime Minister. A court in Malaysia was hearing the extradition request of the Central Bureau of Investigation (an agency more political in its functioning than any political party). While the hearing was going on, this columnist was having lunch in Bangalore’s West End hotel with a high official from Malaysia, there to visit a friend. When he spoke about Mr Q finally being forced to come back to India, the high official laughed. “Do you know that Quatrocchi’s lawyers are preparing the briefs for the other side? That they are in close touch with each other? There is no chance that he will lose the case”. The official went on to allege that Mr Q was boasting that Prime Minister Vajpayee himself had sent a private assurance that “no harm would be allowed to come to him”. Hopefully, the Malaysian official was either not telling the truth or had been the victim of rumours. To believe that Vajpayee or his Law Ministry would so subvert the course of justice so as to save Quatrocchi strains credulity. However, clearly the CBI lawyers botched up their case, for evidence that had been found compelling by a Swiss court was rejected by the Malaysian judge. By 2003, Quatrocchi was able to leave Malaysia,a free man. Had he brought back Ottavio Quatrocchi, Prime MinisterVajpayee would have been a hero to civil society in India.Instead, many began to believe that Mr Q had been deliberately let off, whatever be the truth or otherwise behind such a perception. The whiff of impropriety that wafted over Team Vajpayee led to the BJP’s defeat the next year, at the hands of the Congress Party. Mr Q had felled yet another politician. —The writer is Vice-Chair, Manipal Advanced Research Group, UNESCO Peace Chair & Professor of Geopolitics, Manipal University, Haryana State, India.

Śrotriya brāhmaṇa and oral/written preservation of the Veda

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In Hindu, Vedic tradition, Brāhmaṇas (Devanagariब्राह्मणम्) are part of the Hindu śruti literature. They are interpreted as written commentaries for the performance of yajña and samskāra. Thus, it will be appropriate to refer to ब्राह्मणम् as the rendering by people called, Śrotriya brāhmaṇaŚrauta sūtra are also in the same genre. cf.Witzel's attempt at using verse (18.44) of the Baudhāyana Śrauta sūtra to ‘get an invasionist story out of it’ is well-critiqued by BB Lal. See: Vishal Agarwal, On Perceiving Aryan Migrations in Vedic Ritual TextsPuratattva (Bulletin of the Indian Archaeolgical Society), New Delhi, No.36, 2005-06, pp. 155-165).

Each Vedic śākhā has its own ब्राह्मणम् written-down text. Two such ब्राह्मणम् associated with Rigveda, six with Yajurveda, ten with Sāmaveda, and one with Atharvaveda are extant. The learned seers who documented, in writing, these texts were Śrotriya brāhmaṇa.

The lexemes श्रौत and श्रौत्रम् are derivatives: श्रौत, 'relating to, founded on, or prescribed by, the Veda, audible, expressed in plain language (as a simile, opp. to आर्थ implied), any observance ordained by the वेद (e.g. preservation of the sacred fire)'; श्रौत्रम् [श्रोत्र-स्वार्थे अण्] means, '1 The ear. -2 Proficiency in the Vedas.'

rotriya akaras: We have found the word śrotriya for writing in literature which definitely shows that the Vedic priests had their own system of writing and that was known only to a very selective group of people. This system continued till at least the Gupta period. This writing was called ‘śrotriya akarāi’ in the drama ‘Mudrā-rākasa’ of Viśākhadatta ascribed to the Gupta period. In the first act of the drama a disciple of Cāṇakya hands him over a ‘mudrā’ (seal) of Rākasa. This triggers a plan in latter’s mind to trap Malayaketu an ally of Rākasa through it. He prepares a letter in this writing of the Vedic brāhmaas (śrotriya akarāi) and asks his disciple to get it rewritten, because of its obscurity, in the prevalent script of his times in the hands of śakaadāda. Here Cāṇakya says ‘śrotriya akaras, though written with much effort, are of definite pronunciation’ (śrotriyākarāprayatnalikhitānyapi niyata-sphuāni bhavati).[1] Here he points out two features of the śrotriya system of writing: i) this was written with much effort or care, and ii) it had definite pronunciation. This shows that there was a system of writing till, at least, the Gupta period that was used by the Vedic priests, i.e. the śrotriya brāhmaas. It had become very scarce by the time of Viśākhadatta and only a few could read and write it; Cāṇakya and śakaadāda were few among them. The ‘śrotriya’ writing system perhaps was very complicated one for they emphasise on imitating correct pronunciation." (Verma, TP, Writing in the Vedic Age, Harappan and Aśokan Writing, in: Itihas Darpan XVIII (1), 2013 Research Journal of Akhila Bhāratiya Itihāsa Sankalana Yojanā, New Delhi, pp. 40-59. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/writing-in-vedic-age-prof-tp-verma.html Writing in Vedic Age by Prof. TP Verma. Three frustrated scholars' dogma on illiteracy.)

श्रोत्रिय is a word attested in the Atharvaveda and is interpreted as meaning 'conversant with sacred knowledge' and as a reference to 'a Brahman versed in the वेद , theologian , divine'. There is also a fine distinction of this term contrasted with अनूचान  and ब्राह्मण meaning, respectively, 'one who repeats his lesson after his master' and 'a Brahman in the second stage (between मात्र and श्रोत्रिय)'. मात्र refers to any Brahman while श्रोत्रिय refers to a Brahman who knows how to 'write' the Veda. Thus, the categories of Brahman are: ब्राह्मण-मात्र, श्रोत्रिय, अनूचान who can be sequenced and finely distinguished as: a Brahman, a writer, a reciter of the chandas.

श्रोत्र  thus means 'conversancy with the वेद or sacred knowledge itself', 'the heard sound' and 'the written-down sound' or in the case of takṣat vāk, 'incised speech'. It is common knowledge that श्रुति 'hearing , listening' is distinguished from स्मर 'remembering , recollecting'. Thus, श्रुति is 'that which has been heard or communicated from the beginning , sacred knowledge orally transmitted by the Brahmans from generation to generation , the वेद (i.e. sacred eternal sounds or words as eternally heard by certain holy sages called ऋषिs , and so differing from स्म्/ऋति or what is only remembered and handed down in writing by human authors » Mn. ii , 10' (Monier-Williams, p. 1101). Note that  Śankha is the name of the author of a Smriti (mentioned in conjunction with लिखित q. v.). Incising speech or writing down recollected, remembered sacred knowledge was certainly in vogue as attested by Atharvaveda and Manu. Some cognate Indo-Aryan lexemes: smaraṇa n. ʻrememberingʼ R., ʻmemoryʼ BhP., smaraṇī -- f. ʻrosary of beadsʼ MW. [√smr̥Pa. saraṇa  --  n. ʻmemory ʼ, Pk. samaraṇa -- , sum°saraṇa -- n.; A. xõwaran ʻremembrance, recollectionʼ, xõwarni ʻmemorandum, horoscopeʼ (CDIAL 13862). Counting was as much an aid to memory as writing,  was. In later days, the meaning of the word śrṓtriya got semantically expanded as ʻlearned in the Vedaʼ AV., m. ʻBrahman so versedʼ Mn. [śrṓtra -- Pa.  sottiya -- , sotthiya -- ( -- tth -- after sattha -- < śāstrá -- ?) m. ʻwise man ʼ; Mth. H. sotī m. ʻa partic. Brahman clanʼ. 

In Rigveda, śrṓtra n. ʻ ear ʼ RV. [√śruPa. sōta -- n. ʻ ear ʼ, Pk. sōa -- n., Si. sō. -- śrōtas -- n. lex. is sanskritization of Pk. sōa --(CDIAL 12730). In Pali, asotatā (nt.) [abstr. a + sota + ta], 'having no ears, being earless' J vi.16. sota listening, attentive, intent upon (cp. sotaŋ odahati to listen) usually in phrase ohitasoto dhammaŋ suṇāti; M i.480; iii.201; S v.96; A iv.391.

Thus, the smṛtiśruti distinction is clearly related, respectively, to mean 'heard, remembered, recollected' and 'heard, versed, written down'. Thus, Prof. TP Verma's elucidation of śrṓtriya as a word meaning 'writing in literature' is apposite, correct and is certainly relateable to early Vedic Age, certainly to the period of the Atharvaveda.

Megasthenes distinguishes between Brāhmaṇa and  Śramaṇa: "The philosophers are of two kinds: (I) Brachmanes and (2) Sarmanes. The Brachmanes are the best esteemed, for they have a more consistent dogmatic system." (loc.cit. Radhakumud Mookerji, 1988, Chandragupta Maurya And His Times, 4th edn, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, p.184). 

The distinction is significant given the traditional association of a śramaṇá as a religious ascetic: śramaṇá m. ʻascetic, religious mendicantʼ ŚBr., °ṇā -- , °ṇī -- f. R. [√śramPa. Pk. samaṇa -- m. ʻasceticʼ, °ṇī -- f., Aś.shah. man. śramaṇa -- , gir. dh. kāl. samaṇa -- , NiDoc. ṣamana, Dhp. KharI. śramaṇa -- , ṣamaṇa -- , OSi.hamaṇa, Si. mahaṇāmāṇa m., meheṇa f. (CDIAL 12683). This distinction is comparable to the distinction between a 'priest' and 'ascetic' in Bauddham: Brahmin is an anglicised form of the Sanskrit word  Brāhmana

SariputraMaudgalyayanaMahakashyapaNagarjunaAsvaghoshaPadmasambhavaShantarakshita,Nagasena, Kumarajiva, and Shantideva were Brahmins but called arahat in the tradition of Bauddham. árhant ʻdeservingʼ RV., °ta -- ʻworthyʼ, m. ʻBuddhist mendicantʼ lex. [√arhPa. arahanta -- m., KharI. arahataṇa gen. pl., Pk. arahaṁta -- , arih°; Si. rahatrāt ʻhonoured, saintʼ (CDIAL 692). Similarly, Jaina has functionariess such as: arcaka, Indra, Jain Brahmin, Pandit, Purohit, or Upadhye.

Verses 385 and 386 of Dhammapada are cited in this context, to define a Brahmin:

Verse 385. The Unfettered Person Is A Brāhmana

For whom is found no near or far,
for whom’s no near or far,
free of fear and fetter-free,
that one I call a Brāhmana True.
Explanation: To him there is no further shore. To him there is no near shore. To him both these shores are non-existent. He is free of anxiety and is freed of bonds. That person I describe as a Brāhmana.

Verse 386. Who Is Contemplative And Pure Is a Brāhmana

Seated stainless, concentrated,
who’s work is done, who’s free of taints,
having attained the highest aim,
that one I call a Brāhmana True.
Explanation: He is given to concentrated contemplation. He is free of all blemishes - the dust that defiles a being. He sits in solitude. All his spiritual tasks and obligations are done. He has reached the highest goal. That person I describe as a brahmana.

A traditional verse (Kalhaṇa?) cites two broad regional categories of Brāhmana: Pañca-Dravia and Pañca-Gaua :

कर्णाटकाश्च तैलंगा द्राविडा महाराष्ट्रकाः,
गुर्जराश्चेति पञ्चैव द्राविडा विन्ध्यदक्षिणे ||
सारस्वताः कान्यकुब्जा गौडा उत्कलमैथिलाः,
पन्चगौडा इति ख्याता विन्ध्स्योत्तरवासिनः ||

Translation: Karnataka (Kannada), Telugu (Andhra), Dravida (Tamil and Kerala), Maharashtra and Gujarat are Five Southern (Pañca-Dravia). Saraswata, Kanyakubja, Gauda, Utkala (Orissa), Maithili are Five Northern (Pañca-Gaua).(Pt Ḍori Lāl ŚarmāA History of Brahmin Clans (Brāhmaṇa Vaṃshõ kā Itihāsa) in Hindi, by Dorilāl Śarmā,published by Rāśtriya Brāhamana Mahāsabhā, Vimal Building, Jamirābād, Mitranagar, Masūdābād,Aligarh-1, 2nd ed-1998, p.100 This Hindi book contains the most exhaustive list of Brahmana gotras and pravaras together with an account of their remembered anecdotes, historical narratives). See also: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin_communities

Visvakarma brahmins are descendants of Lord Visvakarma and divided into five gotra and notes that each clan's name is mentioned in the Yajurveda (4.3.3). 

"TS (4.3.2) mentions five rishis: Vasishtha, Bharadvaja, Vishvamitra, Jamadagni and Vishvakarma. RV 10.137 mentions seven rishis: Bharadvaja, Kashyapa, Gotama, Atri, Vishvamitra and Vasishtha. During Sandhya worship, one repeats the names of seven rishis. The list varies from gotra to gotra. One version is: Atri, Bhrgu, Kutsa, Vasishtha, Gotama, Kashyapa, Angirasa. (YV 4.3.3) mentions five rishis: Sanaga, Sanatana, Ahabuna, Pratna, Suparna. The Vishvakarma Brahmins who build temples and sculpt the forms of deities trace their lineage to these five rishis."(Kashyap, Rangasami Laksminarayana (2003). Kr̥ṣṇayajurvedīya Taittirīya-saṃhitā., Sri Aurobindo Kapali Sastry Institute Of Vedic CultureBengaluru). 

It is reasonable to hypothesise that the five rishis who provide the Vishvakarma Brahmin lineage are the Śrotriya brāhmaṇa who could incise speech. The takṣat vāk 'incised speech', Rigveda tradition is attested in later day Indus Writing and in the cuneiform records for Sumerian/Akkadian. The same tradition continues to be recorded in Śrotriya brāhmaṇa texts and in Śrauta sūtra texts.

According to the Baudāyana śrauta-sūtra Viśvāmitra, Jamadagni, Bharadvāja, Gautama, Atri, Vaśiha, Kāśyapa and Agastya are 8 sages. Pāṇini defines gotra for grammatical purposes as 'apatyam pautraprabhrti gotram' (IV. 1. 162), which means 'the word gotra denotes the progeny (of a sage) beginning with the son's son. When a person says 'I am Kāśyapa gotra' he means that he traces his descent from the ancient sage Kāśyapa by unbroken male descent.  http://www.vedah.net/manasanskriti/Brahmins.html

I am citing the following concocted account by George Varghese which is not far removed from the type of pseudo-historical, class-struggle dialectical analysis provided by Witzel in his article. (Witzel, M., 2011,Gandhāra and the formation of the Vedic and Zoroastrian canons Also referred in:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/were-vedic-people-illiterate-and-did.html Witzel is apparently misled by his earlier assumptions that 1) Indus writing was done by illiterate people and was not founded on 'speech or language'; and 2) Vedic tradition did not precede but was subsequent, by two millennia, to the times of Indus writing which may date to 3500 BCE according to the Harvard Archaeological Research Project (HARP).
h1522 (from Indus Writing Corpora). 

Note: The first known examples of writing may have been unearthed at an archaeological dig in Harappa, Pakistan. So-called 'plant-like' and 'trident-shaped' markings have been found on fragments of pottery dating back 5500 years. According to Dr Richard Meadow of Harvard University, the director of the Harappa Archaeological Research Project, these primitive inscriptions found on pottery may pre-date all other known writing. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/334517.stm 

Speculation on the continuum of Indus Writing

Relying extensively on a book by Somanathan (Somanathan R. Edava, 1987, Bhartiya Visvakarmajar: Manava Parishkarathinte Silpikal, Bharath Bhavan), George Varghese notes -- adopting the Marxian dialectical argument of class-struggles: "The Visvakarma community's identity had always been pivoted around their profession, almost aprioristically...The craft tradition, it is claimed, go back to the ancient Indus Valley civilisation itself. Their work manuals inherited from the early history manifest high influene of cosmology, geometry, astronomy, physics, meteorology and metallurgy. The visvakarmas also strongly hold that they were the real architects of the Indus Valley civilization and not the brahmins of today who were in fact usurpers of their glory later...The artisans work on the non-living matter like stones and metals (except for wood) that were the first creations of the lord...The argument for upper caste status is inextricably bound up with the historically claimed merit of their crafts. So their putative brahminism and the dignity of their crafts go up or sink together...They consider the brahmins -- whom they call 'go-brahmins' with an air of contempt and themselves 'visvabrahmins' -- have always constituted the 'Other' of the community...The Vedic Civilisation and the Indus Valley Civilisation were one and the same. This was an 'Artisan Civilisation' in contradistinction to the later authentication that it was aryan/brahminic. It was an egalitarian civilisation with no caste divisions in it. The arts and sciences were highly developed in this milieu with thousands of treatises produced on astronomy, metallurgy, chemistry, geography, physics, textile technology, architecture and even aerodynamics...In ancient India the artisan was an artist par excellence: the 'silpin' or 'silpan'....This creative spirit that shaped the objects of art or crafts was part of the cosmic spirit that ruled everything...Silpa was a complex concept constituted of many aspects like art, craft, labour, ingenuity, rite and ritual as well as form and creation. Therefore sili more than a mere technical performer becomes an agent of magical and divine powers...The silpins or the artisans of Indus Valley were originally called 'Vis' or 'Vissa', derived from Pali usage 'Viskamma'. The later brahminism and its language, Sanskrit, corrupted this original Pali expression. In this amendation 'vissa' became 'vaisya' which signified a lower status. From 'vaisya' the name 'visvakarma' ought to have evolved according to scholars. From the Pali 'viskamma' the dravidian 'kamma' and 'kammalar' took birth in all probability...The 1,500 dark years between 2500 BCE and 1000 BCE is the critical period for the visvakarmas. They claim that in this period the brahmins did everything possible to deliberately erase the traces of their glory in the Vedic/Indus period. The argument goes as follows. We find evidence of scripts and writings in the Indus period. The archaeologists have found out around 400 letters from the writings on seals, vessels, etc. retrieved from the Harappa-Mohenjodaro sites. So if writing was known in the Vedic/Indus period how come the Vedas were preserved in the oral tradition for thousands of years till they were translated to Sanskrit born only around 3rd century BCE? The answer is simple. The brahmins who wanted to destroy the great legacy of the artisand ans foist their own glory destroyed every trace of historical and cultural records that spoke about the artisans and their civilisations...Thus started the oral tradition of Sruthis and Smrithis through which Vedas were transferred from generation to generation for hundreds of years. Only with the systematisation of Sanskrit by Panini around 3rd century BCE the Vedas were reproduced in the written form. 'Sanskrit was the last shroud spread on the corpse of the Vedic Golden Age.'...Europe also came under the overriding influence of the migrant artisans of Indus. The gypsies and pagans of Europe were their descendants. The notion of 'commune' in Europe from which communism evolved in fact originated from the settlements of the early artisans...Marx and Engels who wrote about the Communes of Europe failed to take note of this umbilical relationship with Indus civilisation and the artisan makers of it." (George Varghese, K., Globalisation traumas and new social imagery, Viswakarma Community of Kerala, in: Economic and Political Weekly, Nov.8, 2003, pp. 4794-4802)  http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/4414253?uid=3738256&uid=2456270415&uid=2&uid=3&uid=60&sid=21102475694531




[1] Mudrā Rākasam of Viśākhadatta, Varanasi (Reprint 2001), Act 1.

The rationale for error-free methods of chanting mantras is well summarised in the following excerpt.
Conch as a trumpet. Excavated in Harappa and is now shown in the Lahore Museum -- the image is from Jonathan Mark Kenoyer's "Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization". 
Nāda brahman is an attribution of sacredness to the sounds of vāk. This is a tradition which has attributed divinity to the sound, OM, the praṇava and has contributed phenomenally to the study of language from Patañjali to Bhartrhari. 

To attribute this to a anti-literacy attitudes of Vedic Age -- as Witzel does -- is a gross instance of suggestio falsi and suppressio veri and an affront to the study of Veda which has stood the test of time, of millennia:

( Extract from "The Vedas" published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan )

Without resort to writing, our forefathers had devised many ways to prevent even a very small error to creep into the Vedas. The fullest benefit from the Vedic mantras can result only if no word is changed; no unauthorised upward or downward drift in the note occurs in the recitation. Hence the numerous safeguards. How much time it should take to utter each word is indicated by resort to the notation by "maatras"-the time it takes to pronounce a short vowel. How to regulate breathing so that the vibrations can occur at what part of the body to give birth to the pure word sound is also laid down in the Vedanga Seeksha. The Taitreeya Upanishad, for e.g., begins with Seeksha thus:
Seeksham Vyakyaa syaamah - Varna Swarah - Maatrabalam - Saama Santaanah
Seeksha deals with Varna, Swara, Maatra, Strength, Saama and Santaanah

A fool-proof method is to chant each mantra in various patterns and combinations known as 
Vaakya, Pada, Krama, Jata, Maala, Sikha, Rekha, Dhwaja, Danda, Ratha, Ghana, etc. 

Some learned pandits are called "Ghanapaatis". This means that they are learned in the Vedas to the extent of chanting of the Vedas in the pattern called "Ghanam". When we listen to a Ghanapaati reciting Vedas in Ghana form, we note that he repeats the in various ways back and forth and in different patterns. This would be pleasant to the ears and creates a sense of happiness within. It would seem that the natural grandeur of the Veda mantras is heightened, as it were. So would be the effect of recitation in the other prescribed patterns of Kramam, Jata, Sikha, Maala, etc. But the main object of reciting them is to make no mistake in the original meaning and sound pattern of the words.

Vaakya Paatha or Samhita Paatha is to recite the mantras in a sentence straight. When mantras come in sentences, some of the words therein have to be conjoined in chanting. To recite the Veda mantras, pada by pada or word by word, instead of joining the words and stringing them together is Pada Paatha. Pada Paatha occurs after Samhita paatha. In pada paatha the sentence is broken down to "words" or pada. This gives the student of the Vedas the knowledge of each word in a sentence.

In Krama Paatha, the first word of the mantra is added to the second, the second to the third, the third to the fourth and so on, until the whole sentence of the mantras is completed. This paatha or method of recitation helps the student understand not only the individual words but also how two words can be combined in recitation and what modification occurs in swara in such a combination.

In certain ancient edicts, notably gift deeds, at the end of the name of some illustrious persons, there would be a suffix "Krama Vit". Like "Veda Vit", "Krama Vit" means that the person is well versed in reciting the Vedas by the Krama Paatha methods.There are many such edicts in South India.

In Jata Paatha, the first word and the second are first recited together and then the words are recited in a reverse order and then again in the original order. Whereas in the Krama type of recitation the order of words is 1-2 ; 2-3 ; 3-4 ; 4-5 and so on, in the Jata Paatha, the order will be 1-2-2-1-1-2, 2-3-3-2-2-3, 3-4-4-3-3-4, 4-5-5-4-4-5 and so on. Just as two words are repeated forwards and backwards in the Jata Paatha, the Sikha Paatha three words to be so linked. 

In Ghana Paatha the combination will be:

1-2-2-1-1-2-3-3-2-1-1-2-3
2-3-3-2-2-3-4-4-3-2-2-3-4
3-4-4-3-3-4-5-5-4-3-3-4-5


The chanting will go like this:
1-2-2-1-1-2-3-3-2-1-1-2-3 2-3-3-2-2-3-4-4-3-2-2-3-4 3-4-4-3-3-4-5-5-4-3-3-4-5 ........... and so on till the end of the Veda ......
Chanted in Ghanam style as above, Rig Veda may take over 450 hours to chant and occupy nearly 300 cassettes! 

Just as in a laboratory, a life giving elixir is preserved with the utmost care, the Veda mantras, which are for universal benefit, have been preserved by the ancients, without resort to writing by such methods of recitation. It must be remembered that, while chanting words backwards and forwards, the swaras of each have to be properly preserved and the student learns how the combination of words affect the swaras. The Samhita Paatha and Pada Paatha are called Prakrithi ( or natural ) Paathas, as the words of the mantras occur in normal sequence. The rest are called Vikrithi ( or artificial and not natural ) Paathas. In Krama, although the words do not occur in the natural order of one, two and three, since they do not revert like one after two and two after three, it cannot be called fully Vikrithi or artificial. The Vikrithis are eight in number: 

Jataa maalaa sikha rekha dhwajo dando ratho Ghanah
Ityashta vikritayah proktah kramapoorva maharshibhih


The above system of complicated recitation was devised in very earl times in order to peserve the purity of the word, sound, intonation, pronunciation, accent and sound combination of the Vedas. By repeating the words in manifold ways, the correct tally of the words was also kept which naturally ensured the purity of the texts. To enable the scholars to take up the difficult methods of recitation, it was even laid down that the more difficult methods of chanting earned the chanter more punya or merit.

http://www.vedchant.com/

CBI's Ishrat Jahan chargesheet: Full text, 338 pages

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Exclusive: The full text of the CBI’s Ishrat Jahan chargesheet

by  Jul 19, 2013
Firstpost is today exclusively making available the Central Bureau of Investigations’ first chargesheet in the Ishrat Jahan Raza murder case—a case that has divided opinion across India. The outcome will have fateful consequences for India’s intelligence services, the police, the Congress, the Bharatiya Janata Party, and, possibly, the debates around the 2014 General Elections.
The basic contours of the CBI’s findings have already been widely reported: based on the testimony of witnesses, including police officials, its investigators have charged that Ishrat Jahan and the three men with her were executed in cold blood.
What is the truth behind Ishrat Jahan's killing. Image courtesy: Ibnlive
What is the truth behind Ishrat Jahan’s killing. Image courtesy: Ibnlive
It has named top police and intelligence officials as having ordered and carried out an extra-judicial execution. The CBI says it will later file charges that address the question of why this execution happened, but there’s plenty in the chargesheet that give us clues about the agency’s thinking.
Now we’ve posted the key documents online, Firstpostreaders can read the charges and witness statements, to make up their own minds on what the CBI has to say: about what happened, how it happened, and why it happened.
Instead of more journalistic analysis on the issue, we’ve asked independent lawyers—lawyers, that are, so far unconnected with the case—to help readers work their way through the 338 pages of legal documentation and witness testimony that the court will hear.
We will publish this as reported pieces and citations within the document soon.
We hope this exercise will offer at least preliminary expert answers to what we think are the most important questions:
· What is the key evidence that Ishrat Jahan Raza and the three men with her, were kidnapped by police?
· What is the key evidence that Ishrat Jahan Raza and the three men were victims of an extra-judicial execution?
· What evidence is there that high police and intelligence officials, as well as members of the political establishment in either New Delhi or Gandhinagar were involved in this killing
Also since this is a voluminous chargesheet here’s a guide to the most interesting bits in it:
1. Testimony of Sajida Sheikh, telling her husband Javed Sheikh’s story. p 83
2. Testimony of Devendragiri Goswami, describes the alleged encounter plot. p 177
3. Testimony of Manishkumar Christian, shows Ishrat Raza and Javed Sheikh were staying as husband and wife under assumed names. p 130.
4. Testimony of Mohammad Wasi, describes mysterious visit of Javed Sheikh, Ishrat Raza and Amjadali Rana to Ibrahimpur, Uttar Pradesh. p.121
5. Testimony of Kishoresingh Waghela, imputes operation was cleared by Narendra Modi and Amit Shah; names both. p.313
6. Testimony of Bharat Patel, tells whole story of intelligence operation leading up to encounter. p.316.

Deutsche slashes India growth forecast to 5 per cent for current fiscal

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Deutsche slashes India growth forecast to 5 per cent for current fiscal


By Niticentral Staff on July 19, 2013

Cutting India’s economic growth forecast for the current fiscal to 5 per cent from 6 per cent earlier, the Deutsche Bank on Friday cited disappointing set of data released last week which showed industrial production, trade, and business sentiment have deteriorated.
“We feel that a growth turnaround will take longer than we had expected earlier. The weak trend of capital goods imports suggests that the rate cut cycle has not yet managed to turnaround investment sentiment,” the research arm of the largest German lender said in a note in Mumbai.
Deutsche’s growth forecast is the lowest and follows other GDP downgrades by Macquarie and Bank of America-Merrill Lynch which pegged growth at around 5.3-5.5 per cent. ADB had also trimmed its forecast to 5.8 per cent from 6 per cent in the calendar year early this week.
However, the German lender maintained its earlier projection of 6.5 per cent growth in FY15.
The first half growth prints a very weak set of numbers which could be even under 5 per cent, and the second half shows a modest pick-up, aided by low inflation, stable external environment and resumption of the investment cycle, it said.
“The weak trend of capital goods imports suggests that the rate cut cycle along with the various structural measures failed to turnaround investment sentiment as a result labour market headwinds have surfaced and wage growth slowed,” the report noted.
However, it feels exports will be helped in the medium term by the ongoing rupee fall, but the near term export outlook seems lacklustre all over the region.
Fiscal impulse at the best case scenario will be neutral this year, with the authorities showing no desire to let the deficit worsen, the foreign lender said.
(With inputs from agencies)
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/07/19/deutsche-slashes-india-growth-forecast-to-5-per-cent-for-current-fiscal-106745.html

Three-tier security for Ramanathaswamy temple

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RAMANATHAPURAM, July 18, 2013

Three-tier security for Ramanathaswamy temple

SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
A view of Rameswaram temple. As many as 16 CCTV cameras have been installed inside the temple.
A view of Rameswaram temple. As many as 16 CCTV cameras have been installed inside the temple.

Police to tie up with Coastal Security Group, Coast Guard, Navy

The district police, Tamil Nadu Commando Force and temple authorities have worked out a three-tier high-security arrangement for Sri Ramanathaswamy temple in the island of Rameswaram, roping in the Coastal Security Group, Indian Coast Guard and Naval detachment.
A commando force team conducted a security survey in the temple this week in the wake of the recent serial blasts in Bodh Gaya. It has been decided to enhance the existing security and make it fool proof to prevent any terror attack.
District Superintendent of Police N.M. Mylvahanan, held discussions with the commando force team and temple authorities.
He said that for the first time, the police would tie up with the Tamil Nadu Coastal Security Group, the Coast Guard and Naval detachment for patrolling and preventing intrusion from sea.
Intelligence reports
The decision to enhance security followed intelligence reports that the temple, famous for its long corridors and historic background could be a target for terrorists, Mr. Mylvahanan said.
Floodlights would light up the four car streets around the temple and watch towers with camera facilities erected at the four corners of the streets.
“We plan to ensure strict access control, introduce two check-posts, including Pamban, and focus on peripheral points,” he said, adding that a company of Tamil Nadu Special Police would be deployed exclusively for temple security.
Devotees would be barred from carrying cameras, mobile phones and handbags into the temple. The Temple’s Karunai Illam (home for orphan students) near the temple police station would be converted into a cloak room with lock facilities for devotees to leave their belongings before entering the temple . The students would be moved to a new building on the school premises. As many as 54 unauthorised lodges around the temple would be closed, Mr. Mylvahanan said. Other lodges functioning with permits would be brought under the scanner.
Temple authorities have been asked to provide two emergency exit points inside the temple. As many as 16 CCTV cameras have been installed inside the temple and there are plans to install 15 more, Mr. Mylvahanan said.

The Buddha -- PBS FILM 1:53:08

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The relics (cremated remains) of the Buddha found at Piprahwa were placed at Wat Saket in Thailand in the early 1900s.


Watch Full Program on PBS. See more from The Buddha.

The Buddha, A Film by David Grubin Check check local listings for broadcast dates. This documentary for PBS by award-winning filmmaker David Grubin and narrated by Richard Gere, tells the story of the Buddha’s life, a journey especially relevant to our own bewildering times of violent change and spiritual confusion. It features the work of some of the world’s greatest artists and sculptors, who across two millennia, have depicted the Buddha’s life in art rich in beauty and complexity. Hear insights into the ancient narrative by contemporary Buddhists, including Pulitzer Prize winning poet W.S. Merwin and His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Join the conversation and learn more about meditation, the history of Buddhism, and how to incorporate the Buddha’s teachings on compassion and mindfulness into daily life. http://www.pbs.org/thebuddha/ Curator's Note: Across two and a half millennia, the life of the Buddha has been depicted in art rich in beauty and complexity. Most paintings and sculptures focus on key episodes in his spiritual journey: his birth and childhood, his renunciation of worldly life, his enlightenment, his first teaching, his life as a teacher, and his death. Curator's Note: Across two and a half millennia, the life of the Buddha has been depicted in art rich in beauty and complexity. Most paintings and sculptures focus on key episodes in his spiritual journey: his birth and childhood, his renunciation of worldly life, his enlightenment, his first teaching, his life as a teacher, and his death. But Buddhist traditions vary. Ways of illustrating the Buddha's life story are often distinctive, depending on the culture and period of production. We have brought together examples of how different cultures have represented two key chapters of the Buddha's life: his career as a teacher and the moment of his death. --David Grubin, Filmmaker, The Buddha The Buddha rebroadcasts on December 22 (check local listings).
From the Buddha's first teaching. When he was 29, the Buddha abandoned the palace where he had grown up and set out to comprehend the nature of suffering. After an arduous six-year struggle, he attained in Bodh Gaya, a village in northeastern India, the ultimate wisdom - enlightenment - and spent the rest of his life teaching others what he had learned. He gave his first teaching in a deer park in Sarnath, not far from the holy city of Benares on the Ganges river. The Buddha imagined that his message would disappear after his death. His teachings, he believed, were as transient as everything else - no more enduring than thoughts flickering through the mind. But his teachings have come down to us in visual images as well as the texts from different Buddhist traditions, providing instruction and inspiration for countless millions for 2500 years. This video is a clip from the feature length documentary film "The Buddha" from director David Grubin. The film can be viewed in its entirety at "The Buddha" on PBS Video. It will also be rebroadcast on PBS on December 22nd (check local listings).
Art: the Buddha as teacher. Painting and sculptures of the Buddha teaching as seen by three different Buddhist cultures. Image 1: The Buddha as teacher – Sri Lanka Sri Lanka has the oldest continuing Buddhist tradition of any Buddhist country, with an artistic heritage dating back 2000 years. This painting comes from the Dambulla Cave Temple in Sri Lanka, an ancient complex of caves with paintings and sculptures depicting episodes from the Buddha's life. The caves are enormous, some 22,000 square feet. One cave has over 1,500 paintings of the Buddha covering the ceiling. This painting dates from the restoration of the caves during the eighteenth century. It is a depiction of the Buddha giving his first teaching, surrounded by deities as he sets in motion "the wheel of the dharma." The Buddha's thumb and index finger of his right hand are touching with the other fingers extended to form the “vitarka mudra,” a symbolic gesture signaling the transmission and discussion of the Buddha’s ideas. Attribution: Dambulla Cave Temple, Sri Lanka/ Photograph by Luca Tettoni Image 2: The Buddha as teacher – Gandhara (Present-day Pakistan/Afghanistan) This statue from third century Gandhara, an ancient kingdom in part of what is today Pakistan and Afghanistan, shows the Buddha with his hands in the symbolic teaching gesture. Gandhara had extensive contact with the Greek, Roman, and Persian empires. The influence of the Greco-Roman sculptural tradition can be seen in the fluid drapes of the Buddha’s garment and its toga-like style, baring the right shoulder. The first known representations of the Buddha were created by Gandharan artists. The significant position of Gandhara on the Silk Road - the ancient trade route extending across Asia and connecting it to Africa and the Mediterranean world - led to the influence of the Gandharan style on painting and sculpture throughout Asia. Attribution: Seated “Preaching” Buddha /Glenbow Museum Collection, Calgary, Canada Image 3: The Buddha as teacher – China This statue of the Buddha is from thirteenth century China, when the Chinese were ruled by the Mongols, descendents of the conqueror Genghis Khan. The Mongols introduced the Tibetan form of Buddhism to China. The double top knot on the Buddha’s head is typical of the Tibetan influence. The thumb and index finger of each hand form a circle in the "dharmachakra mudra,” symbolic of the Buddha’s first teaching after attaining enlightenment. The statue is life-size – 48 inches high and 34 inches long. Attribution: Chinese Seated Buddha With Hands in the Dharmachakra Mudra /Glenbow Museum Collection, Calgary, Canada These images appear in the feature length documentary film "The Buddha" from director David Grubin. The film can be viewed in its entirety on the web at "The Buddha" on PBS Video. It will also be rebroadcast on PBS on December 22nd (check local listings).
The Death of the Buddha. According to tradition, the Buddha died near the town of Kushinagara in Northern India near the border with Nepal. He died of food poisoning after accepting an offering of food that had gone bad. The texts do not agree on the contents of the meal; some say it was spoiled pork, others poisonous mushrooms. As the news that the Buddha was dying spread, his grief-stricken followers gathered around him to hear the Buddha’s final teaching before he left the world forever. This video is a clip from the feature length documentary film "The Buddha" from director David Grubin. The film can be viewed in its entirety on the web at "The Buddha" on PBS Video. It will also be rebroadcast on PBS on December 22nd (check local listings).
The Death of the Buddha. The moment of the Buddha’s death illustrated by three different Buddhist traditions. Image 1: Death of the Buddha – Japan This scroll painting from fourteenth century Japan depicts the Buddha at the moment of his death, surrounded by mourners: monks, deities, animals, and even the long dead Buddha’s mother descending from the heavens on the upper right. His followers are weeping – a very human reaction to the death of their beloved master. In contrast, the deities, identifiable by their princely raiment, have calm expressions. The presence of the Buddha’s mother is a good example of what happened to Buddhism as it spread from India to other countries. When Buddhism crossed into China, there was some synthesis with traditional Chinese ideas of Confucian filial piety. This Confucian slant came along with Buddhist tradition as it was transmitted from China to Japan. It is represented in this Japanese painting by the presence of the Buddha’s mother. Attribution: “Death of the Historical Buddha (Nehan-zu)”/ The Metropolitan Museum of Art / Art Resource, NY Image 2: Death of the Buddha – Thailand This nineteenth century statue from the Wat Bowonniwet temple in Bangkok, Thailand has the bright golden gilding and slim body typical of Thai depictions of the Buddha. The Buddha's mourning disciples are painted on the wall behind him. The ancient texts say that the Buddha could be recognized by 32 physical signs, some of which artists have traditionally used in representing him. The turban-like knot, or crown-like protrusion on top of the Buddha's head is one of them. In the Thai tradition, the knot is depicted as coming to a point, resembling an elongated flame. Attribution: Wat Bowornniwet Vihara Rajaworavihara, Bangkok, Thailand/ Photograph by Luca Tettoni Image 3: Death of the Buddha – Tibet This painting from eighteenth century Tibet is called a tangka, a scroll painting often used in teaching or as inspiration for meditation. Popular with monks who found them easy to roll up and carry from monastery to monastery, tangkas can be found displayed on monastery walls, hung on family altars, or carried in Buddhist ceremonies. Tangkas traditionally adhere to a specified formulaic design painted by a single artist. A part of a larger tangka illustrating various episodes in the life of the Buddha, this detail depicts the Buddha according to tradition, lying on his right side looking west and surrounded by his followers as he speaks to them for the last time. Attribution: Parinirvana, from 'The Life of Buddha Sakyamuni',Tibetan School (18th century) / Musee Guimet, Paris, France / Giraudon / The Bridgeman Art Library These images appear in the feature length documentary film "The Buddha" from director David Grubin. The film can be viewed in its entirety on the web at "The Buddha" on PBS Video. It will also be rebroadcast on PBS on December 22nd (check local listings). http://www.pbs.org/arts/exhibit/buddha/ Bones of the Buddha - Secrets of the Dead By K. Kris Hirst, About.com Guide
Author Charles Allen examines original jewels from Piprahwa Stupa

2013. Secrets of the Dead: Bones of the Buddha. Directed and written by Steven Clarke. Executive producers Steve Burns and Harry Marshall. Produced by Icon Films for Thirteen and WNET. Featuring Charles Allen, Neil Peppe, Harry Falk, Bhante Piyapala Chakmar, and Mridula Srivastava. Special thanks to the Archaeological Survey of India, the Indian Museum of Kolkata, the Mahabodhi Temple committee, Dr. S. K. Mittra, the Srivastava Family and Ram Singh Ji. 54 minutes; DVD and BluRay

The Bones of the Buddha is an historical entry in the PBS series Secrets of the Dead, published in 2013 and touching on the politically dicey discussion of religion and history in India. Centered around the ongoing research of historian Charles Allen, Bones of the Buddha tells the story of the stupa at Piprahwa, a Buddhist sacred structure in the Basti district of Uttar Pradesh in India. Piprahwa is believed by some scholars to be near the site of Kapilavastu, the capital of the Shakyan state, and the Shakyas were the family of the man who would become the historical Buddha [Siddhartha Gautama or Shakyamuni, 500-410 BC], the center of the Buddhist religion. But more than that: Piprahwa is, or rather was, the family burial place of some of the Buddha's ashes.

Historical and Archaeological Investigations

Bones of the Buddha details the investigations by amateur archaeologist William Claxton Peppe, professional archaeologist Dr. K.M. Srivastava, and historian Charles Allen to identify one of the most important of the several burial places of the ashes of the Buddha: that belonging to the Buddha's family. After his death, so the legend goes, the Buddha's ashes were divided into eight parts, one part of which was given to the Buddha's clan. Evidence of the Shakya family burial place of the Buddha's ashes was ignored for nearly 100 years due to the damage inflicted by a corrupt archaeologist: Dr. Alois Anton Führer.

Führer was the head of the British colonial archaeological center for northern India, a German archaeologist who was at the center of a scandal concerning faked and looted artifacts, attributed falsely to the Buddha. But when the excavations at Piprahwa were being undertaken by W.C. Peppe in the late 19th century, the scandal was yet a few months away: but near enough in time to cast doubt on the authenticity of the finds.

The Buddha's Cache

Secrets of the Dead
Secrets of the Dead

WNET and PBS
What Peppe found buried deeply within the enormous stupa was a stone reliquary, within which were five small jars. In the jars were hundreds of tiny jewels in the shapes of flowers. More were scattered within the reliquary, intermingled with burned bone fragments of the Buddha himself: this burial is believed to have been placed here by Buddha's disciple, King Ashoka, 250 years after the Buddha's death. In the 1970s, archaeologist K. M. Srivastava reexcavated at Piprahwa and found, beneath Ashoka's elaborate burial, a simpler burial place, believed to have been the original site where the Buddha's family placed the remains.

Indian History

The story brought forward by Bones of the Buddha is a fascinating one: one of the British Raj in India, when the amateur archaeologist W.C. Peppe plowed a trench through an enormous stupa and found the 4th century BC burial remains. The story continues in the 1970s, with K. M. Srivastava, a young Indian archaeologist who was convinced that Piprahwa was Kapilavastu, the capital of the Sakyan state. And finally it concludes with modern historian Charles Allen, who wanders suburban England and northern India in search of the artifacts, the language and the history behind the stupa at Piprahwa.

Most of the all, the video (and the site's investigations for that matter) is excellent as an introduction to the archaeology and history of Buddhism. The Buddha's life, where he was born, how he came to become enlightened, where he died and what happened to his cremated remains are addressed. Also involved in the story is the leader Ashoka, Buddha's disciple, who 250 years after Buddha's death promulgated the religious teachings of the holy man. Ashoka was responsible, say the scholars, for the placing the Buddha's ashes here in a stupa fit for royalty.

And finally, Bones of the Buddha provides the viewer with an introduction to the broadening of Buddhism, how it came to be that 2,500 years after the Buddha died, 400 million people world wide are following his teachings.

Bottom Line

I very much enjoyed this video, and I learned a lot. I don't know much at all about Buddhist archaeology or history, and it was good to have a bit of a starting point. I was surprised to see, or rather not see, any Indian archaeologists interviewed during the filming: although S. K. Mittra and the Archaeological Survey of India are credited at the end, and Allen visits the sites and museums where the relics are deposited. That circumstance led me to do a bit more investigation on my own; more of that later. We can't really ask more of a video: to pique the viewer's interest into the past.

Bones of the Buddha is a fascinating video, and well worth added to your viewing choices.
http://archaeology.about.com/od/india/fr/Bones-Of-The-Buddha-Secrets-Of-The-Dead.htm

Piprahwa Stupa (India)
Buddhist Religious Structure in India

By K. Kris Hirst, About.com Guide
The Stupa of Piprahwa, in the Basti region of Uttar Pradesh state of northwestern India very near the border with Nepal, is a large round mudbrick structure which is believed to have been built by the Sakya clan to retain some of the ashes of their clansman, Sakyamuni, Siddhartha Gautama, the fifth and most famous historical Buddha.

Piprahwa is named after the village of Piprahwa, which itself is believed by some scholars to be the site of the Sakyan capital city of Kapilavastu. During the 19th and early 20th century, the stupa was part of Birdpor, the estate of the British-colonial Peppe family. One of the sons of the family, William Claxton Smith, is credited with the discovery and initial excavation of Piprahwa stupa.

Chronology

Phase III: At an unknown date, the second stupa was raised in height, squaring of the base
Phase II: Second, much larger stupa built by Ashoka during the 3rd century BC
Phase I: First stupa built by the Sakyas immediately after the cremation of Buddha at Kushinagar, ca. 510 BC
History and Archaeology

According to historical reports, when Gautama Buddha died in 510 BC, his remains were cremated and sent to eight different royal families. One of the families that received part of the Buddha's remains (called relics) was that of the Buddha himself: the Sakyas. The first phase of the stupa at Piprahwa was built by the Sakyas to inter their portion of the remains. This phase consisted of a circular mudbuilt adobe structure measuring 38.9 meters (127 ft) in diameter and .9 m (3 ft) high. Contemporary ash deposits believed to be of the Buddha have been found at Sravasti, Rajagriha, Vaisali and Kausambi.

The second phase is believed to have been built by King Ashoka, who, 250 years after the Buddha died, excavated the eight locations and parceled out more of the remains, then enlarged the existing stupas and built many more. The second phase of the Piprahwa stupa was built of mud bricks made with rice-straw and laid in clay mortar in concentric circles. The base measured 35 m (116 ft) in diameter, and 6.7 m (22 ft) in height.

Relics of the Buddha

According to excavator W.C. Peppe, at the base of the stupa was a massive sandstone coffer measuring ~13x8x6 meters, and weighing ~1500 pounds (680 kilograms). Within the coffer were found five small jars, three soapstone vases, one soapstone box and one crystal bowl with a handle in the shape of a fish. There were also several wooden vessels, which had deteriorated.

Inside the jars were several pieces of burned human bone, along with ~1,600 small ornaments, figurines in the shapes of birds and humans, gold beads, silver wire, stars and flowers in silver and gold, pearls, Buddhist tridents, pyramids, and a huge array of drilled beads of red and white carnelian, beryl, garnet, pink and purple amethyst, yellow, green and purple topaz, coral, ivory and crystal.

The Inscription

One of the steatite jars within the chest held a Prakrit (Pali) inscription, which read "this is the relic deposit of the Lord Buddha, endowment of Sakyas, brothers with sisters, sons and offspring". This has been interpreted to mean that the ashes were the Sakya's portion of the Buddha's relics, although there remains a controversy about its authenticity. The jar definitely post-dates the life of the Buddha: but it is of the style, and written in the language that fits Asoka's reign.

Discovery and Excavation

In January 1898, the stupa was opened by Peppé, who found the large limestone chest containing four steatite urns and a crystal vessel containing numerous small jewels, gold-leaf objects and fragments of cremated human bone. In 1898, the stupa and the surrounding structural remains were surveyed and tested by Babu Purna Chandra Mukherji.

In 1971, excavations of the stupa were led by K. M. Srivastava of the Archaeological Survey of India. Srivasta continued the investigations below the level of the Asoka period burial and found two mud brick chambers, each 82x80x37 centimeters (33x32x15 inches). Inside each chamber was a soapstone casket and several jars, one of which contained charred bones. Srivastava believed, and most scholars agree that this is the original burial of the Buddha's remains by the Sakya families.

Eventually, the bone fragments from the first excavations were sent to the king of Siam, where the head of the orthodox Buddhist community was situated. In 1900, a representative of King Chulalongkorn of Siam traveled to Gorakhpur where the relics were presented to him. The relics were enshrined at Wat Saket (Golden Mount) in Bangkok.

Sources

This article was intended as background for PBS Secrets of the Dead video, "Bones of the Buddha".

Allen C. 2008. The Buddha and Dr. Führer: An Archaeological Scandal. London: Haus Publishing.

Anonymous. 1979. Bones of Buddha. Science News 109(22):342.

Chakrabarti DK. 1995. Buddhist Sites across South Asia as Influenced by Political and Economic Forces. World Archaeology 27(2):185-202.

Fleet JF. 1907. The Inscription on the Piprahwa Vase. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland January 1907:105-130.

Ghosh B. 1989. Stupas of previous Buddhas. Bulletin of Tibetology 25(3):17-24.

Hoey Middleton SE. 2010. The Quest for the ‘Third Buddha’: A Sequel. South Asian Studies 26(2):119-124.

Lal SB. 1978. Bone Fluorine as a Measure of Relative Chronology at Piprahwa. Current Anthropology 19(1):150-151.

Peppé WC, and Smith VA. 1898. The Piprahwa Stupa, Containing Relies of Buddha. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (July 1898):573-588.

Smith VA. 1898. The Piprahwa Stupa. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (October 1898):868-870.

Srivastava KM. 1979. Kapilavastu and Its Precise Location. East and West 29(1/4):61-74.

Srivastava KM. 1980. Archaeological excavations at Piprahwa and Ganwaria. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 3(1):103-110.

Werner K. 2009. The place of relic worship in Buddhism: An unresolved controversy? International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture 12:7-28.

The Kapilavastu controversy: Part I
POSTED BY CHANDRASHEKHARA ⋅ NOVEMBER 29, 2012


About two centuries after the death or Mahaparinirvana of Goutama Buddha in 5th century BCE, Emperor Asoka of Medieval India, went on a pilgrimage to visit all the places connected with the life of Goutama Buddha. One of the places that he visited during his pilgrimage was the village of ‘Lumbini’ located in the ‘Terai’ region of Nepal and which was believed to be the birth place of Buddha. To mark his visit there, Emperor Asoka put up a sandstone pillar with an inscription. Famous Indian historian Sir Jadunath Sarkar has translated this inscription as follows:

“Twenty years after his coronation, King Priyadasi, the beloved of god, visited Lumbini in person and offered worship there because the Buddha, the sage of the Sakyas, was born there. He built a stonewall around the place and erected the stone pillar to commemorate his visit. Because Lord Buddha was born there, he made the village of Lumbini free from taxes and subject to pay only one-eighth of the produce as land revenue instead of the usual rate.”



This evidence marks the birthplace of Goutama Buddha without doubt of any sorts and conclusively in the village ‘Lumbini’. A famous Buddhist text ‘Buddha Charita’ written by Asvaghosh in 1st century CE tells us that Goutama Buddha was born as a prince to prosperous Sakya tribe King Suddhodhana of the kingdom of Kapilavastu and was named as Siddhartha Gautama. It was in the city of Kapilvastuthat Prince Siddhartha Gautam spent his early years after his birth in Lumbini. At the age of 29, Prince Siddhartha left his hometown Kapilvastu in search of truth and attained enlightenment asBuddha. He never returned again to live in Kapilvastu. After the death of King Suddhodhana, a gradual decline took place in the kingdom with city of Kapilvastu being left utterly desolate and forsaken for a long time. It lapsed into oblivion and was ruined beyond recognition. For historians, Kapilavastu was a lost city. For the Buddhist world, lack of knowledge about exact location of Kapilvastu, was always considered as a grave loss. Only one thing was known for sure. Kapilavastu was somewhere in the vicinity of Lumbini, since Goutama Buddha’s mother ‘Mahamaya’ was travelling in state from Kapilavastu to Devadaha, her parent’s home, to have her first child. On her way, the queen gave birth to a divine son in her tent in the Lumbini grove. We can therefore be sure that since the location of Lumbini is known, ruins of Kapilavastu have to be in the vicinity.



In 1898, a third-generation British planter, William Claxton Peppé excavated an intriguing brick Stupa located on his Birdpore estate between the foothills of the Himalayas and the Gangetic Plains. This Stupa was situated at Piprahwa, close to the Nepal-India frontier. Mr Peppe gives a very graphic description of his discovery in an article. I feel that reading his original description may be a very interesting and worthwhile experience. I quote from his writing here:

“Since the discovery of the pillar at the Lumbini Garden commemorating the birth-place of Buddha Gautama,” writes Mr. Peppe, “considerable curiosity has been aroused regarding the different mounds, or ‘ kots ‘ as they are locally called, to be found dotted over the country, ranging from Kapijavastu to the northwest, the Lumbini Garden to the north-east, and the British frontier to the south.



One such mound, more prominent than the rest owing to its size and general marked appearance, is situated in the Birdpore estate, Basti district of the North- West Provinces of India, at the 19.75 mile on the Nepal Uska road, and about one half mile south of Pillar No. 44 on the Nepal and British frontier. Last year I excavated a passage through the cone of this mound, ten feet broad and eight feet deep, and found it was built up of bricks 16 inches by 10-1/2 inches by 3, 15 inches by 10 inches by 3, laid in concentric circles, in clay, layer over layer, and thus establishing that this mound was a Buddhist stupa. In October Mr. Vincent Smith inspected it, and pronounced it to be a very ancient stupa, and told me that if anything was to be found it would be found in the centre and at the ground line. Subsequent events have proved how correct was his surmise. “In the beginning of January the excavation was continued, and a well 10 feet square was dug down the centre of the stupa. At ten feet from the crown a small broken soap-stone urn, similar to those found lower down, was found full of clay, and embedded in this clay were some beads, crystals, gold ornaments, cut stones, etc. From 10 feet a circular pipe, one foot in diamater, filled with clay and encased in brick work, descended to two feet, it then narrowed to four inches in diameter. The bricks surrounding this pipe were sometimes roughly cut and sometimes moulded into the required shapes. After digging through eighteen feet of solid brick work set in clay, a huge slab of stone was unearthed lying due magnetic north and south, and 31.50 inches to the east of the centre of the clay pipe mentioned above. On further excavation this slab was found to be the cover of a huge sandstone chest measuring 4 feet 4 inches by 2 feet 8-1/4 inches by 2 feet 2-1/4 inches. The lid was cracked in four pieces, evidently by the pressure of the brickwork above it, but yet the chest was perfectly closed. Fortunately the deep groove in the lid fitting so perfectly on the flange of the chest prevented the lid from falling in when it was first broken and also when we were removing it.



On removing the lid the following articles were found : One soap-stone urn: 4 inches high and 434 inches diameter. A similar soap-stone urn, 6 inches high and 4 inches diameter. One soap-stone ‘lota’ shaped vessel, 5 -1/2 inches high and 5-1/2 inches diameter, with a well-fitting lid, which was lying apart from the ‘lota.’ One small soap-stone round box, 3- 3/4 inches in diameter and 1-1/2 inches high. One crystal bowl, 3 -1/4 inches in diameter and 3-1/2 inches high, with a hollow fish, full of gold leaf ornaments for a handle. The lower portion of the bowl was lying at the south end of the chest or casket, and the cover was lying in the centre of the casket with its handle downwards, and it contained some gold and stone ornaments.



The urns are beautifully turned, and the chisel marks seem quite fresh, as if it had been made a few days ago. The crystal bowl is most highly polished, and has all the appearance of a glass bowl of the present day. ” It so happened that we delayed opening this casket three days after we had unearthed it, and our curiosity was raised to its utmost. Our surprise can be imagined when, on removing the lid, we found an empty chest save for these few miniature vases, standing up as they had been placed probably two thousand years ago. The stone casket is of a very superior hard sandstone, and was cut out of one solid piece of rock. It is in a perfect state of preservation, with its sides very smoothly cut; it fact, it is all but polished. I do not think the stone came from the hills north of this district. The weight of the lid is 408 lbs., and I calculate the weight of the whole chest to be 1537 lbs. The brickwork continued for two feet below the bottom of the chest. The round clay pipe at the level of the bottom of the chest took the form of a rectangle, 17 inches by 5 for one layer, and the edge of this rectangle was 21.50 inches from the side of the chest. After this it resumed the circular shape of 4 inches diameter, and ended with the brickwork at two feet below the bottom of the chest. I was most careful in searching this pipe all the way down, but nothing whatever was found in it. The level of the ground inside the stupa is the same as the level of the ground at the outward circumference of the stupa. “The relic urns contained pieces of bone, which are quite recognisable, and might have been picked up a few days ago. The urns contained also ornaments in gold, gold beads; impression of a woman on gold leaf two inches long, upper portion naked, lower portion clothed ; another figure in gold leaf naked ; a large circular piece of rather thicker gold leaf, scrolled on the outside, 2 inches diameter, and may represent the top of a miniature umbrella ; the impression of an elephant on gold leaf, several pieces impressed with a lion, with trident over his back and the Buddhist cross in front ; several pieces with the impression of the Buddhist cross; one piece of solid gold 3/4 inches by 1/2 by 1/3 ; quantities of stars or flowers, both in silver and gold, with six and eight petals. The silver is tarnished, but the gold is beautifully bright, and was so when the chest was opened. Pearls of sizes, many welded together in sets of two, three, and four. Also quantities of flowers or stars, leaves serrated and veined, Buddhist tridents, pyramids, pierced and drilled beads of sizes and other shapes cut in white and red cornelian, amethyst, topaz, garnets, coral, inlaid stones, and shells. There is one bird cut in red cornelian and one bird in metal. “I have compared these ornaments with those illustrated in Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XV., South Indian Buddhist Antiquities, and I find almost every form in my collection, besides a great variety of others. The only inscription of any kind is scratched on the cover of one of the smaller urns. The letters are in the Pali character and about 7- 16th of an inch long.”

I find this discovery even today, absolutely thrilling and fabulous and must have been similarly so thought during those times also.

The inscription on the urn said

Sukiti bhatinam sa-puta-dalanam iyam salila-nidhane Budhasa

bhagavate sakiydnam.

Various interpretations and meaning of this text have been given by historians. However, the important fact is that the text confirms the enshrinement of the relics of the Buddha by the Sakyas. Or in other words it confirms the statement of the Buddhist text Mahdpartnibbdnasuttdnta that the Sakyas of Kapilavastu were one amongst the eight claimants to a portion of the relics of the Buddha after he was cremated at Kushinagar, and that they ceremoniously constructed a stupa over the relics.

Since the texts mentioned that the Sakya’s had built this Stupa on the outskirts of Kapilvastu, it was believed by many that Goutam Buddha’s home town Kapilavastu has been finally found.

However not every one was convinced. There was a doubting Thomos, and he came in the form of a German archaeologist called Dr Anton Führer, a former Catholic priest digging 15 miles away. He had earlier claimed to have discovered the Buddha’s birthplace at Lumbini, just over the border in Nepal, as well as the city where the young Buddha lived as Prince Siddhartha. He immediately casted his doubts doubt on the authenticity of the vase and its ashes.

This was the beginning of the Kapilavastu controversy, which has not been resolved even to date.
http://archaeology.about.com/gi/o.htm?zi=1/XJ&zTi=1&sdn=archaeology&cdn=education&tm=10&f=20&su=p284.13.342.ip_&tt=6&bt=4&bts=8&zu=http%3A//chandrashekharasandprints.wordpress.com/2012/11/29/the-kapilavastu-controversy-part-i/

The Kapilavastu Controversy: Part II
POSTED BY CHANDRASHEKHARA ⋅ NOVEMBER 30, 2012



Notwithstanding the objections raised by Dr. Anton Führer, the Buddhist world was thrilled with Peppe’s discovery and welcomed the Buddha relics. It appears that Dr.Führer was quickly unmasked by a British magistrate, who himself had a stake in the excavation and turned out to be a fraud. The great stone coffer and its caskets found by William Peppe at Piprahwa, went to the Indian Museum in Kolkata. After hearing about the discovery, King Chulalankara or Rama V of Thailand requested the Indian Government to share Buddha relics with them. Lord Curzon, a British viceroy of India then presented a portion of the Relic to Thailand. King Rama V sent Phraya Sukhum Naya-Winit as the Thai representative to bring in the Buddha Relic. Then Buddhists from Japan, Burma, Lanka, and Siberia also began to request for a share of the Buddha Relic. His Majesty distributed the Relic accordingly. The Buddha relics were installed at the Stupa of Phu-Khao-Thong, Wat Srakessa on the top of golden mount, Bangkok in 1899.

Even though Dr. Anton Führer’s real motives were unmasked and he was found to be a fraud, Archeologists from Nepal, who were most unhappy with this discovery of Buddha relics and the assumption that the location of Kapilvastu was near about Piprahwa in India, took up the cue from Führer and refused to accept William Peppe’s discovery as true relics of Buddha. They had one historic evidence, which disfavoured Piprahwa being the real Kpilavastu.

No part of ancient Indian history can be vouched as true, unless there is a confirmation of the same from travelogues of either of the two Chinese travellers, who had travelled to India in 4th and 7th centuries. Such is the importance that is attributed to the texts written by Fa-Hsien in A.D. 399 and Hiuen Tsang in A.D. 629. Out of these two, the earlier traveller Fa-Hsien describes Kapilavastu in these words. (Beal translation)

“ Less than a yojana to the east from this brought them to the city of Kapilavastu; but in it there was neither king nor people. All was mound and desolation. Of inhabitants there were only some monks and a score or two of families of the common people. At the spot where stood the old palace of King Suddhodhana there have been made images of the prince ( Goutam Buddha) and his mother; and at the places where that son appeared mounted on a white elephant when he entered his mother’s womb, and where he turned his carriage round on seeing the sick man after he had gone out of the city by the eastern gate, topes (Stupa) have been erected. “

About Lumbini Fa Hsien has been very specific, when he mentions that;

“Fifty le east from the city was a garden, named Lumbini”

Indian archeologist K.M. Srivastava has estimated this distance of 50 Le as about 9 miles. It is therefore quite obvious that according to Fa-Hsien’s account, Lumbini was about 9 miles east of Kapilavastu. Indian archeologists claim that Piprahwa is the true site of Kapilvastu, based on this observation of Fa Hsien.

This observation unfortunately does not match with the account of Xuen Zang, who travelled in that region about 230 years later. Xuen Zang has described all the places connected to Buddha’s life story in Kapilvastu, extensively, Finally he says: (Beal Translation)

“ Outside the south gate of the city, on the left of the road, is a stupa ; it was here the royal prince contended with the Sakyas in athletic sports (arts) and pierced with his arrows the iron targets. From this 30 li south-east is a small stupa. Here there is a fountain, the waters of which are as clear as a

mirror. Common tradition has called this the arrow fountain (Sarakupa). To the north-east of the arrow well about 80 or 90 li, we come to the Lumbini garden.”

From Xuen Zang’s description, it appears that he went about 30 Li to the southeast to reach the arrow well. From this well he went about 90 Li north-east to reach Lumbini. Some of the archeologists like Dr.Fuhrer (1897) and P.C. Mukherji (1899) suggested that a village called Tilaurakot, in the district of Taulihawa, in Nepal, could be site of Kapilavastu, because it matched the distances given by Xuen Zang. Tilarakot has a large ensemble of structures, which can be matched with Xuen Zang’s description. This supported Tilaurkot’s case. No satisfactory solution could be found and the archeologists continued to have disagreement about the true Site for Kapilavastu.



After Indian Independence, the dispute continued. Nepal commenced a series of excavations in 1960′s and found more structures around Tilaurakot, but failed to locate any relics. In 1962, Mrs. D. Mitra of the Arachaeological Survey of India led another expedition of exploration and excavation in the Nepalese tarai. During the course of her work, she excavated at Kodan and Tilaurakot, but could not find any evidence identifying Tilaurakot with Kapilavastu.





The Nepalese arguments are essentially based on two stone pillars supposed to be erected by Emperor Ashoka. At Niglihawa, a place about 8 KM northeast of Tilaurkot, a pillar erected by Emperor Ashoka was discovered. The lower part of this pillar bears an inscription testifying this site as the birth spot of the Kanakmuni Buddha. (Not Goutama Buddha, who is also called as Shakyamuni Buddha.)



Another broken pillar was also discovered at Gotihawa about 5 km southwest of Tilaurkot. There is no inscription found on the pillar stub that is left. This site is supposed to be the birth place of Krakuchhanda Buddha.

Xuen Zang describes both these places along with the Stupa where Buddha’s relics have been preserved in these words.

“ To the south of the city (Kapilavastu) going 50 li or so, we come to an old town where there is a stupa. This is the place where Krakuchchhanda Buddha was born. To the north-east of the town of Krakuchchhanda Buddha, going about 30 li, we come to an old capital (or, great city) in which there is a stupa. This is to commemorate the spot where, Kanakamuni Buddha was born. To the south-east of the city is a stupa where are that Tathagata’s relics (of his bequeathed body} ; before it is erected a stone pillar about 30 feet high, on the top of which is carved a lion.48 By its side (or, on its side) is a record relating the circumstances of his Nirvana. It was erected by Asoka-raja.”

So we have a very tricky situation here. On one hand, we have near Tilaurkot, pillars that are supposed to be erected by Emperor Asoka to mark birth places of Kanakamuni Buddha and Krakuchchanda Buddha but no Buddha relics. On the other hand we have near Piprahwa, Buddha’s relics but no Asoka pillars. Another point worth noting: Xuen Zang’s description mentions about a pillar erected by Asoka-raja near the Stupa, where Buddha’s relics have been preserved and which has never been found. However he does not mention having seen any Asoka pillars near Birth places of Kanakmuni and Krakuchchanda Buddha but only Stupas.


Nepal however continued to be absolutely adamant and decided on its own that Tilaurkot was Kapilavastu and even renamed the district of Taulihawa, in Nepal, as Kapilavastu. This is where things stood in 1971, when an officer of India’s Archeological department, posted at Patna in Bihar state, decided to revisit the Stupa following a complaint forwarded to him from the Prime Minister’s Office regarding the poor upkeep of Piprahwa.

His name was Krishna Mohan Srivastava.
http://chandrashekharasandprints.wordpress.com/2012/11/30/the-kapilavastu-controversy-part-ii/
The Kapilavastu Controversy Part III
POSTED BY CHANDRASHEKHARA ⋅ DECEMBER 1, 2012


After visiting the Piprahwa Stupa, Krishna Mohan Srivastava, who was a superintending archeologist with the Archeological Survey of India took a decision. He decided to commence immediately, excavations over a wide area in Piprahwa to settle, once for all, the controversy about Kapilavastu. He had the support of a previous report of 1962, written by his co-archeologist, Mrs. D. Mitra, who after extensive excavations in the Tiaurkot area, had reported in unequivocal terms that Kapilavastu ruins can be found only near Piprahwa. Srivastava had a premonition that the relic caskets discovered by William Peppe in 1897-98, could not be the original ones received by Sakyas of Kapilvastu as one of the eight claimants to a portion of relics of the Buddha after he was cremated at Kushinagar and which were solemnized by them in a Stupa, for one simple reason. As mentioned earlier, there was an inscription on one of the smaller urns, which was written in a script, whose style clearly pointed to third century BCE. This meant that more than two centuries had passed from the time of Buddha’s cremation in 483 BCE before this urn was solemnized. A noted orientalist and indologist, Sylvain Lévi had already expressed his opinion that this inscription was probably engraved on the occasion of the rebuilding of the ancient Stupa as a mark of earlier solemn dedication. Srivastava had a feeling that the earlier and original relics must be still deep down below the relics found by William Peppe in the Stupa. He started his excavation with a small trench in the north eastern quadrant.

It should be more interesting to read about Srivastava’s excavation work in his own words. I quote from a report written by him:

“ A small trench was sunk in its north-eastern quadrant, which revealed interesting features. An outline of the shaft bored by Peppe could be easily observed. At a depth of six metres from the extant top of the stupa, two burnt brick chambers came to light. These chambers, separated from one another by 65 cms. of yellowish compact clay mixed with kankar, were at a much lower level than the spot where the stone box containing the inscribed casket had been found by Peppe. There was a mud deposit, about six centimetres thick, between the last course of the burnt brick stupa and the chambers. The two chambers were identical in shape, measuring 82 x 80 x 37 cms. The specific purpose of the brick chambers, to keep the sacred objects, was apparent enough from the nature of their construction.



A soapstone casket and a red ware dish placed close to each other were observed in the northern chamber after the top three courses of brick had been removed. This dish was covered by another dish of the same type, which had broken into three pieces. Both the soapstone casket and the dish were found to be carefully packed with the help of bricks and brickbats. The casket contained fragments of charred bone. The contents of the dish could not be distinguished, because it was badly smashed and filled with earth. That there were no bone fragments in it, is, however, certain. The positions of the casket and dishes were different in the southern brick chamber. Two dishes, of the same type and size as in the northern chamber, were placed side by side just below the topmost course of the brick. Both dishes were reduced to fragments. When two further courses of brick were removed, another soapstone casket, bigger in size, came to light. The lid of the casket was found broken. On removal of the earth, which had filled up the casket, charred bones were found inside. Since the relic caskets were found in deposits contemporaneous with the Northern Black Polished Ware, they could be dated to the fifth-fourth centuries B.C., and thus earlier than the inscribed relic casket discovered by Peppe at a higher lever, and also distinguished stratigraphically. The possibility that the stupa at Piprahwa could be the same as that constructed by the Sakyas at Kapilavastu over their share of relics received at Kushinagar increased.”



one of the soapstone caskets found by Srivastava

Having settled the doubts regarding originality of Piprahwa Stupa and the original relics of Buddha, Srivastava resumed excavation work on the ruins of a monastery on the eastern side. During excavation of the cells and the veranda on the northern side, Srivastava’s team was able to find about 40 terracotta sealings at various depths and spots. Most of the sealings were round with few being oval. Each Sealing had one of the following embossed on a side.

1.”Om Devaputra Vihare Kapilavastu Bhikkhusamghasa.”

(The term Devaputra means Son of Gods, but was a title given to themselves by Kushan Kings like Kanishka or Huvishka. The legend therefore can be read as:)

“ Om of the community of monks of Kapilavastu in the monastery of Kanishka or Huvishka”

2.”Maha Kapilavastu Bhikshusamghasa”

Which means

“ Of the community of Buddhist monks of great Kapilavastu”

3.“ Sarandasasa.”

(The third group carry the names of monks. One of them has been read as above)



sealings bearing the legend “Kapilavastu”

After more excavations Srivastava was also able to find two massive burnt brick structural complexes, with impressive projected entrances to the east and many other structures. In a nearby site at in Ganwaria, even more burnt brick structures were found. There was a surprise silence of about three years, before Archeological survey of India finally announced, much to the heartburn of their Nepali counterparts, that the real Kapilavastu has been found. Srivastava says this, in his report, quite unequivocally and I quote:

“The proximity of these structures to the ancient site of Piprawha, where the sealings with the name of Kapilavastu were found, their impressive size and constructional features and the large quantity of

antiquities found within them, leave little doubt that the structures formed the residential complex of the chief of the capital town, Kapilavastu, i.e., the Sakya King Suddhodhana and his predecessors.”



Piprahwa Ruins

Archeological Survey of India has now put up signs at the sites in Piprahwa and Ganwaria stating that the sites are, where original Kapilvastu in which Goutama Buddha grew up, stood once. Uttar Pradesh state of India has renamed that area as Kapilavastu and tour operates have started including Piprahwa as Kapilavastu in their tours. New Delhi’s National Museum proudly displays the urn containing the Buddha relics.



Piprahwa Stupa and the ruins

Does it mean that the controversy is now over? It does not seem so. Nepali archeologists and large section of the scholars refuse to accept India’s claims and many more studies are going on. They also point out that Indian archeologists have failed to find any ruins of fortifications and gates around the ancient city at Piprahwa, which exist in Tiaurkot. The main lacuna in Nepali standpoint however remains to be absence of a Stupa carrying relics.



Ganwaria ruins

There is one more loose end, which bothers me. William Peppe, in his detailed description, mentions finding of gold pieces, pearls and all kinds of precious stones in the Piprahwa Stupa along with the caskets. He appears to be a man genuinely interested in Archeology and considering the manner he has chosen to give description of these treasures, found inside Stupa, it seems highly unlikely that he had just disposed of these treasures for his gains. The archeological treasures have to be some where, safely kept by him.

It now appears that this loose end, the other contents found by William Peppe, had surfaced in London in 2004 themselves.

http://chandrashekharasandprints.wordpress.com/2012/12/01/the-kapilavastu-controversy-part-iii/

The Kapilavastu Controversy Part IV
POSTED BY CHANDRASHEKHARA ⋅ DECEMBER 2, 2012


When William Caxton Peppe excavated the Piprahwa Stupa in 1898, he had found along with the urns carrying Buddha’s relics, many other objects. I have mentioned about these objects earlier. But let me recollect these here again for quick reference.

The urns besides the Buddha relics, also contained ornaments in gold, gold beads; impression of a woman on gold leaf two inches long, another figure in gold leaf naked ; a large circular piece of rather thicker gold leaf, scrolled on the outside, the impression of an elephant on gold leaf, several pieces impressed with a lion, with trident over his back and the Buddhist cross in front ; several pieces with the impression of the Buddhist cross; one piece of solid gold 3/4 inches by 1/2 by 1/3 ; quantities of stars or flowers, both in silver and gold, with six and eight petals. Pearls of sizes, many welded together in sets of two, three, and four. Also quantities of flowers or stars, leaves serrated and veined, Buddhist tridents, pyramids, pierced and drilled beads of sizes and other shapes cut in white and red cornelian, amethyst, topaz, garnets, coral, inlaid stones, and shells. There is one bird cut in red cornelian and one bird in metal. We have seen earlier that Peppe had donated the urns with the relics to Indian Museum at Kolkata and these can be seen there even today. No one knew about the whereabouts or whatever happened to other archeological treasures in the Urns till one day, some of them just resurfaced in London.

On a Friday afternoon in June 2003, General secretary of the Buddhist Society of London, Paul Seto, along with Philip Trent, an antiques dealer, was making a routine inventory list for insurance purposes of all the artifacts held by the society. While checking the contents of a display cabinet, Paul Seto noticed a shabby cardboard box kept between the bottom shelf of the cupboard and its base. The box was seen only because he was sitting on the ground and would have been hidden for any one standing near the cabinet. Inside the box there was a jumble of all sorts of medals and badges belonging to a British Judge, Christmas Humphreys, who was the founder of the Buddhist society of London. Paul Seto noticed another smaller cardboard box of about 3 inches square size. On the cardboard lid of the box, someone had written two lines in perfect Victorian English, proclaiming the contents of the box. Paul Seto was stunned, when he read “Relics of Buddha. From the Piprawah Stupa, Birdpore Estate, Gourkhpur NWP, India. 1898.” written on the box. He carefully opened the box and just could not believe, what he saw there. Inside the box there were tiny 12 compartments. Each compartment held a tiny and exquisite object. The box contained: eight-pointed flowers and beads made of sapphire, cornelian, amethyst, ruby and rock crystal, a tiny pearl-like object, and a larger object that appeared to be three pearls fused into one.

Seto asked his colleagues at the Buddhist Society about the box, but nobody had known of its existence. He became a possessed man from that instant and could not think of anything else. Using Internet, he soon found out the full story of William Peppe and his excavation at the Piprahwa Stupa. He knew that he would not be able to find peace again till whereabouts of all the archeological treasures found by Peppe would be known to him. He thought that if William Peppe had any relatives still living in England, they might be able to help. He sent 20 cold-calling letters to everyone he could find having a surname Peppè. Only one reply came from a man called Mark Peppè, who told him that his cousin Neil was the grandson of William Claxton Peppè.



On July 29, 2003 Paul Seto finally got a call from Neil Peppè, a retired model maker for television. He off course had no idea about the box with Buddhist Society but casually told Seto that he still has in his house a couple of cases of similar pieces, along with plaster casts of the burial urns and what looked like some petrified rice from the Piprahwa stupa. These are lying in a cabinet in his sitting room. He also had original photographs of the dig at Piprahwa and of the coffer. Seto fixed an appointment with Neil Peppe and visited Peppè’s Suffolk home and found a cache of exquisite gold stars, finely worked leaves, delicate jewelled flowers, minute pyramid-shaped gems, seed pearls, small pieces of coral, coiled silver wire, tiny Buddhist symbols and gold-coin impressions. The objects had been in Neil Peppè’s family since his childhood and nobody had ever shown much interest in them. Neil Peppè now plans to loan the rest of the treasures to the Buddhist Society, but after knowing the true worth and value of the treasures, he has placed them in a bank vault for safekeeping.

The story of Piprahwa Stupa and the relics is now complete, except for a nagging doubt. When the original relics from 5th century BCE, were deep down there, who could have placed more relics along with other valuables on the top in the 3rd century BCE. The only possible answer that I can think is that the Stupa must have been enlarged and renovated in the 3rd century BCE. At the time of solemnizing the Stupa, some one of great influence must have added these objects to the Stupa. The only person I can think is Emperor Ashoka, who had gone around all the places connected with Buddha’s life and erected sandstone pillars at each of these places. Xuen Zang’s travelogue mentiones about a pillar near Piprahwa stupa also. It seems very likely that the great emperor himself might have placed the top layer objects inside Stupa, which were found by William Peppe in 1898.

(This post (No. IV) is based on a news story published in Sunday Times (London) dated 21 March 2004)

References:-



1. Fa-Hsien’s Reccord of Buddhistic Kingdoms by Legge



2. Buddhist Records of the Western world by Beal



3. Archaeological Excavations at Piprahwa and Ganwaria

and the Identification of Kapilavastu, by K. M. Srivastava



4. The Ancient City of Kapilvastu-Revisited

- Swoyambhu D. Tuladhar

(Concluded)
http://chandrashekharasandprints.wordpress.com/2012/12/02/the-kapilavastu-controversy-part-iv/

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Kabir CJI judgement leaked to private colleges before pronouncement, alleges AAP. Everything seems to leak from every constitutional institution in SoniaG UPA regime.

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SC JUDGEMENT LEAKED TO PVT COLLEGES BEFORE PRONOUNCEMENT, ALLEGES AAP


Saturday, 20 July 2013 | PNS | New Delhi



A day after the Bench headed by retired Chief Justice of India Altamas Kabir quashed the common medical entrance test, National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET), the Aam Aadmi Party on Friday claimed the draft of the majority judgement was circulating among private medical colleges even before it was pronounced.
The party urged the Government to file a review petition against the judgement and bring a law to curb corruption in medical education.
“It is scandalous that a draft of the majority judgement of Chief Justice Kabir was circulating among private medical colleges weeks before it was delivered, in fact even before it appears to have been shown to Justice Dave (the third Judge on the Bench), who has lamented that there was no discussion between the judges on such an important issue.
“The judgement of the Supreme Court is retrograde and against public interest. Though there have been many problems with the MCI, the common entrance test was a major decision in public interest of the MCI. To have scuttled this at the instance of private medical colleges, many of whom have converted medical education into an unscrupulous commerce, is unfortunate and a blot on the reputation of the Court,” said AAP in a statement.
Terming the quashing of National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET) by the Supreme Court as unfortunate, the AAP said the controversial judgement would lead to outright sale of seats by private medical colleges.
“The AAP hopes that the Government and the MCI will seek a review of the judgement and that the Supreme Court will review it immediately, failing which the Government must bring an Act for this purpose. Medical seats must not be allowed to be bought and students must not be forced to take separate exams for each medical college,” said AAP.

Facts don't back PM's 'All is well' -- Anchal Kakroo

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Suggestio falsi, suppressio veri is the ruling idiom of SoniaG UPA. Manmohan is no exception to this idiom. He is misleading the nation and his 'rule' for SoniaG is riddled with failures in his responsibility as PM:


1. To protect the national interests and NOT those of FIIs, by scrapping fraudulent hawala-route of P-Notes and not seeking project specific FDIs to fill technology gaps in development projects;

2. To interlink rivers, create a national water grid to reach water to every one of the 6+ lakh villages;the grid has the potential to double agri. prodn. in 5 years;

3. To work for the creation of Indian Ocean Community (IOC) which will make the IOC restore equity in global GDP by assuring 30% of the global GDP for the 2 billion people of IOC.

SoniaG UPA led by Manmohan, stands charged with these failures. Hopefully, the parties clamouring, 'singhasan khali karo, ke janataa aati hai' should include these as minimum goals to reach -- in 5 years -- in their party manifestos.

Kalyan

FACTS DON’T BACK PM’S ‘ALL IS WELL’

Saturday, 20 July 2013 | Anchal Kakroo | New Delhi

As the tenure of the UPA II is reaching the end, no matter whatever crisis the Indian economy is in, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh still believes that it is just a rough phase. Speaking at a function on Friday, the Prime Minister assured to do everything to help the economy bounce back and then pronounced the economy to be fundamentally strong.
Just a few months earlier, The Pioneer had analysed how strong the fundamentals of the economy really are. The Prime Minister claimed that the critics are focused only on one year of bad performance. He added, “This makes good for television but it is a very distorted picture.”
The Government has been talking about a fundamentally strong economy but as it turns out in the last 4 years, the very fundamentals are getting worse.
India’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate in FY10 was 7.2 per cent and in FY14, the Government is hopeful to at least touch the 5 per cent mark. The same falling trend can be seen in the IIP numbers which fell from 10.5 per cent in FY10 to 3.5 per cent in FY13.
Inflation front, the Wholescale Price Index (WPI) rose from 1.6 per cent in FY10 to 7.6 per cent in FY13. Another important factor which has been one of the biggest concerns in the recent days is the Rupee-Dollar exchange rate. The RBI and the Government has been doing everything they could to stop rupee from falling. Back in FY10 exchange rate was Rs 44.5 per dollar which now in FY13 is hovering around Rs 60 per dollar. As far as country’s forex reserve goes, in December 2009, India’s total forex reserve stood at $283.5 billion and now in July 2013 it is at $280.167 billion. So neither the Government was able to prevent rupee from becoming the weakest currency in Asia nor was the Government able to either build up country’s forex reserve.
Till now, all the fundamentals of economy are weaker than what they were in FY10. Fuel is another important factor, which cannot only disturb common man’s budget but can also have major impacts on entire economy. When UPA II came in power, petrol prices were around Rs 40.5 per liter levels but now in FY13, in Delhi at least the prices have soared above Rs 70 per liter.
The situation of the country’s current Account Deficit (CAD) is no better as well. Back in FY10, country’s CAD was 2.8 per cent of the GDP which touched 4.8 per cent of GDP in the previous fiscal year which ended in March. As it turns out, fundamentally strong economy is just a rosy picture, in realty the nation is growing weaker as the years go by.
 http://www.dailypioneer.com/todays-newspaper/facts-dont-back-pms-all-is-well.html

Rupee volatility is immediate worry, says PM; promises more FDI reforms

Our Bureau
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
RBI may ease up on monetary tightening if rupee stabilises; Govt cuts growth forecast
The Reserve Bank of India may consider relaxing its monetary tightening measures once the pressure on the rupee eases, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has said. He also promised more reforms on the foreign direct investment front, besides bringing down the current account deficit to below the 2012-13 level.
“The most immediate cause of worry is the recent volatility in foreign exchange markets,” Singh said, inaugurating the annual meeting of industry chamber, Assocham. His statement comes in the backdrop of the rupee depreciating nearly 10 per cent since April 1. After dipping to 61 against the dollar, it has now recovered to just under 60.

Rate hike concern

To curb volatility, the RBI first injected dollars into the market. This helped to some extent. On Monday, it took steps to raise short-term interest rates for banks on additional daily borrowing, besides capping the daily normal borrowing at Rs 75,000 crore. There was concern that these measures would result in higher interest rates on retail and corporate loans .
However, Singh said: “These steps are not meant to signal an increase in the long-term interest rates. They are designed to contain speculative pressure on the currency.” Banks have already clarified that they will not raise rates. The Finance Minister also spoke on similar lines. Yet, there is some nervousness in the market.
The Prime Minister felt that the sharp depreciation in the rupee was perhaps exacerbated by the high current account deficit, which touched 4.7 per cent in 2012-13. Singh expects this deficit to be much lower in 2013-14 compared with last year. “It will decline further next year. We will use all policy instruments available — fiscal, monetary and supply side interventions - to ensure that the current account deficit declines further over time,” he said. The Prime Minister also expressed optimism on the medium-term prospects of economic growth.

The way ahead

“The fundamentals of our economy are sound and healthy. We have been taking all possible measures to correct imbalances on the macro front,” he said.
Although, he preferred not to make any growth forecast for 2013-14, he said, “The IMF has recently reduced its earlier projection of growth rates for all countries, including India, for 2013. We had targeted 6.5 per cent growth at the time the Budget was presented. But it looks as if it will be lower than that.”
(This article was published on July 19, 2013)

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/industry-and-economy/rupee-volatility-is-immediate-worry-says-pm-promises-more-fdi-reforms/article4932306.ece?homepage=true

Sindhu and Sarasvati: Battle for Akhand Bharat -- Vijaya Rajiva

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Sindhu and Sarasvati: Battle for Akhand Bharat
by Vijaya Rajivaon 20 Jul 2013


The Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers were at the centre of Rig Vedic consciousness, closely followed by the Iravati (Ravi), Sutudri (Sutlej), Vipasa (Beas), Chandrabhaga (Chenab), Vitasta (Jhelum). Hence the reference to the land as Sapta Sindhu (seven rivers). The Sarasvati, mentioned some seventy times in the Rig Veda, dried up in post-Vedic times and was rediscovered in the last four decades through satellite imagery which spotted its paleo channels. This was a landmark breakthrough and provided Indic scholars the basis for challenging much of the traditional history of India as written by Western scholars and their followers in India.

As the Vedic peoples moved eastwards from the Punjab/Haryana region (where the Rig Veda was composed), they discovered new territories and rivers. Hence, the stotram for the water purification ceremony from the Puranas:
Gange cha yamune chaiva Godavari Sarasvati Narmada Sindhu Kaveri Jalasmin sammidham Kuru
O ye Rivers Gange, Yamune, Godavari, Sarasvati, Narmada, Sindhu and Kaveri! Reside together here in this water

There is a close bond between Sindhu and Sarasvati in Rig Vedic consciousness and the phrase ‘akhand bharat’ (undivided Bharat). Eminent historian and archaeologist Shivaji Singh has spelled this out in his definition of the word ‘aryam’ as characterising akhand bharat. Quoting the famous line from the Rig Veda, Krinvanto visvam aryam (Make the world aryam), he explains that aryam is that mindset, world view, attitude, which works for the spiritual and material welfare of humankind (Vedic Culture and its Continuity, 2010).

Elaborating, he points out that the word ‘aryam’ has nothing to do with the racist use of the word ‘aryan’ by Western scholarship, nor is it a linguistic construct. The battle for akhand bharat is thus a battle for the definition of sacred geography (the land from the Himalaya and the northwest to Kanyakumari in the south and from Dwaraka in the west to undivided Bengal in   the east) but also the more universal meaning of aryam.

The question arises as to whether the sacred geography of akhand bharat is closely linked to the sanctity of the Sindhu and the Sarasvati and the meaning of aryam, and if so, why and how.

The Meaning of Aryam or Aryattva

One of the clearest explanations of this ideal of Aryam is provided by Shivaji Singh: “The essence of Vedic culture lies in its perception of Aryattva, a virtue the achievement of which is considered to be necessary for civilised living. The slogan Krinvanto viswam aryam (Rig Veda 9.63.5) is an appeal to the divine almighty power to help achieve this ideal. Unfortunately, however, many historians have misunderstood this Aryattva”.

Scholars have often confused the Vedic Aryans with Indo Aryans, forgetting that the two concepts are different. ‘Arya’ being the self-designation of the Vedic people, ‘Vedic Aryan’ represents a historical reality. As against this, the term ‘Indo-Aryan’ is a linguistic construct denoting speakers of a sub-group of languages within the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family, and being a construct, its validity is subject to verification.

Although language and culture are intimately connected, Arya does not denote a speaker of a particular language. In the Vedic view, a person speaking a Dravidian language is Arya if he possesses the virtue called Aryattva… (p10). Arya is defined one who is noble and refined in ideas and action, and these depend on a “world view characterised by a belief in certain concepts like Rta, Satya, Tapas, Yajna, Brahma etc.” (p10)

Aryattva is a blending of virtues that lead to the highest material and spiritual achievement. Rta simply means the order and harmony of the universe which the Rig Vedic Rishis saw in their physical environment, Nature.Yajna, the ritual of the fire, homa, is not only a tribute to the fire Deva, Agni, but embodies the orderly working of the universe reflected in Vedic astronomy. The intricate celestial relationships that the Rishis actually observed with the naked eye are clearly explained by BN Narahari Achar in ‘Sarasvati River and Chronology: Simulations using Planetarium Software’ (cited in Vedic River Sarasvati and Hindu Civilisation, 2008, ed. S Kalyanaraman).

Satya (usually translated as Truth) represents the mirroring of the cosmic order in society and the individual’s alignment with this cosmic order. Likewise, Tapas or self-discipline (austerity) was practiced by the Rishis for the welfare of society and therefore the universal application of this to individuals who embodyAryam/Aryattva.

These ideals of virtuous living came to the consciousness of Vedic Rishis as they saw the heavens, the earth around them, the rivers, forests and lakes and all living creatures. Aryam was a holistic ideal which passed into Hindu consciousness and society as Dharma. A recent contemporary explanation of Dharma and Rta is provided by Shrinivas Tilak, A Reawakening to a secular Hindu nation (p13-16, 2008).

Dharma in Tilak’s interpretation (though not explicitly stated by him) is related to Aryam/ aryattva which is the social derivative of Rta as the Vedic seers envisioned it. Tilak provides a very lucid explanation of other aspects of Dharma.

The Vedic peoples engaged in international trade and were familiar with maritime travel and also engaged in the intellectual fields of mathematics and astronomy. The ideal of Aryam came to them on the banks of the Sindhu and Sarasvati. This was the basis of their spiritual bond with the two rivers.

Sacred Geography

Sindhu and Sarasvati were not only rivers that provided the livelihood of the Vedic peoples. In a previous article, the writer spoke of the role of the Sarasvati as the giver of ‘light’ (‘Sarasvati and the Resurgence of Hinduism’, Haindava Keralam, 08/05/2013). In the Rig Veda, Sarasvati is not only a river but the giver of ‘light’. Western scholars have traditionally dismissed the presence of the Goddesses (hereafter referred to as Devatas and Devis) in the Rig Veda and downplayed their importance.

Nevertheless, for a correct reading we have to see Sarasvati not only as a river Devi giving abundance and plenty to the Rig Vedic peoples, but also as the giver of ‘light.’ The very first book of the Rig Veda says : ‘…Sarasvati, the mighty flood, she with light illumines, She brightens every pious thought’ (Book 1, Hymn 3, Line 12, Griffith translation). The ‘light’ here refers to intellection and devotion and explains the origin of Sarasvati as patron of learning, knowledge, music, arts, etc. Book 1 is the work of Sage Agastya, also known for his famous Sarasvati Sthrotram (Ya kundendu tushaara, haara dhavala…) where he hails the Devi as the source of knowledge.

The ten books of the Rig Veda contain seventy references to Sarasvati. Of these, two are directly addressed to her, as one who gives prosperity and plenty. She is the mighty river that flows from the mountains to the sea. She is life giving water. There are some references to her as the origin of holy thoughts, but none as clear cut as the reference to the giver of ‘light’ by Agastya.

Hence, one can infer that the Rig Veda signalled the importance of knowledge. This fits in with NS Rajaram’s thesis that Vedic Mathematics was central to the civilisation and that the geometric/algebraic notions of the period influenced Old Babylonia and Egypt and thence the Greek philosopher Pythagoras whose theorem is well known to most readers (See ‘The Origins of Indo-Europeans’ and ‘The Third Wave’, Folks Magazine, Dec. 2012, Feb, March 2013).

Pythagoras (570 BC-495 BC) always wanted to visit India. There is a missing period of ten years in his life and scholars have speculated that he may have come to India during that time. He had, of course, visited Egypt and Babylonia. If he did come to India, it is reasonable to assume that he learned his Mathematics directly from India and not through Old Babylonia and Egypt.

It is not accidental that Sarasvati is deified as the source of ‘light.’ Rajaram points out that the mathematical formulae used for the bricks for the Vedic fire altar were borrowed by the Harappan civilisation (via the Sulba Sutras) whose peoples lived on the banks of the Sarasvati and Sindhu.

The Sindhu has been mentioned in the Rig Veda more than a dozen times, the most arresting being in Book X, where the power and might of the river are invoked. It would seem that this aspect overawed the Vedic peoples.

Verses from the Rig Veda make this abundantly clear:
1)      The singer, O ye Waters in Vivasvan’s place, shall tell your grandeur forth that is beyond compare. The Rivers have come forward triply, seven and seven. Sindhu in might surpasses all the streams that flow.
2)    Varuna cut the channels for thy forward course, O Sindhu, when thou rannest on to win the race. Thou speedest over precipitious ridges of the earth, when thou art Lord and Leader of these moving floods.
3)     His roar is lifted up to heaven above the earth: he puts forth endless vigour with a flash of light. Like floods of rain that fall in thunder from the cloud, so Sindhu rushes on bellowing like a bull.
4)    Like mothers to their calves, like milch kine with their milk, so, Sindhu, unto thee the roaring rivers run. Thou leadest as a warrior king thine army’s wings what time thou comest in the van of these swift streams.
(Rig Veda, Griffiths translation, Book 10.75.1-4)

Shivaji Singh says the Sindhu’s contribution to the Indian ethos is tremendous. The Rig Veda highly adores Sindhu for its benefactions, and the reverence for the river has continued down the ages. The water purifying mantra (ganga cha yamune chaiva…) still repeated at the very beginning of Hindu religious perfomances, stands witness to the fact that Sindhu has traditionally been considered as one of the seven most important rivers of the subcontinent. Changes and modifications in political boundaries cannot alter this fact. Culture is far more durable than Politics (email communication).

Sacred Space and Akhand Bharat

Akhand Bharat, then, in which Sindhu and Sarasvati are integral parts, is a sacred space unique to the subcontinent. Here live the Devas and Devatas that the Rig Vedic Rishis sighted and were commemorated by them in the Rig Veda. As time went by, some of the names changed and more names were added to the Hindu pantheon. They still continue to inhabit the land mass from the Himalaya to Cape Comorin and from west to east.

In a discussion of rashtra as a culturally nuanced space, Shrinivas Tilak observes: “As a culturally integrated unity, the idea of rashtra inevitably developed a nuanced network of ideology, outlook and traditions inspired and informed by the particular geo-morphological features of the Indian landmass.” (Rewakening to a secular Hindu nation, p.20)

This culturally integrated unity which Hindus call the motherland was given several thousand years ago by the Rishis of the Rig Veda who first lived on the banks of the Sindhu and the Sarasvati.
The writer is a political philosopher who taught at a Canadian university
http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=2879

People who hide behind their laurels -- Bhagwati on Amartya Sen

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Saturday , July 20 , 2013 |


Economists & glorious uncertainties

- Amartya refers to Bhagwati ‘attacks’
Calcutta, July 19: Caps are off the mighty pens of two distinguished economists. So is a veil that has enveloped an intriguing relationship in the world of economics.

Fellow economists always felt a glacial undercurrent between Jagdish Bhagwati and Amartya Sen, two of the most respected economists who trace their roots to India. But true to the inexact science they are devoted to, the perception was rarely backed with empirical data from both sides.

The missing piece fell into place this week — where else but in the venerable columns ofThe Economist, the “newspaper” that has been taking part in “a severe contest between intelligence, which presses forward, and an unworthy, timid ignorance obstructing our progress”.

In response to a letter by Bhagwati in The Economist, Sen wrote: “I have resisted responding to Mr Bhagwati’s persistent, and unilateral, attacks in the past, but this outrageous distortion needs correction.” (See chart)

The nub of the debate is not new: Bhagwati has over the years come to be identified as a strong votary of economic growth and Sen as an advocate of welfare measures that will lead to growth.

What is new is that Sen, a Nobel laureate, has rarely made such pointed and specific references to Bhagwati, who many think deserves a Nobel — so much so that he was made the fictional winner of the prize in an episode of The Simpsons, the animated satire.

While Bhagwati has been making statements wondering why Sen will not engage in a debate with him and stating that “young Indians have little patience for people who hide behind their laurels”, Sen has been confining himself to debating the economic issue at hand.

“I cannot recall Sen responding like this in the past. He expresses views on issues but not on individuals or their remarks on him,” said Tarun Das, the former CII director-general who knows both the economists well.

On Monday in Calcutta, Sen had told economist Suman Ghosh who interviewed the Nobel laureate on behalf of The Telegraph that “I don’t like brawls”. Asked about Bhagwati, Sen had said: “Can I not talk about Bhagwati, please? I don’t like talking about Bhagwati. He loves talking about me, I do not like talking about him.”

Sen had laughed while ending the sentence on Monday. But something seems to have snapped after Sen concluded that Bhagwati “misdescribed” his past work and the new book.

It was not clear when Sen replied to Bhagwati’s letter that appeared in the July 13 edition ofThe Economist. Sen’s reply appears in the July 20 edition but the online version has already been uploaded.

In the reply, Sen has picked up the arrows (such as “lip service” and “horse before cart”) fired by Bhagwati. “It (that growth is helped by public support for education and health) can scarcely be like putting ‘the cart before the horse’,” Sen points out while concluding the letter.

Bhagwati told The Telegraph in an email this evening: “The criticisms are NOT ‘attacks’; intellectuals debate policy prescriptions all the time in countries like US and UK! I am also ‘unilateral’ because I am an intellectual, not an activist….”

A coincidence is that a book each of Bhagwati and Sen has been published in close succession. Why Growth Matters: How Economic Growth in India Reduced Poverty and the Lessons for Other Developing Countries by Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya was published in April. An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions by Jean Dreze and Sen came out in July.

Such “intellectual debates” need not necessarily be associated with books. Renowned economists do not usually split hairs in public on their areas of expertise — precision debates take place in the hallowed environs of academia. Differences mostly spill out in the open when they step out and prescribe public policy.

Bhagwati’s area of expertise is international trade and it is unlikely that Sen would have joined issue over any contribution Bhagwati has made in the field.
Both Sen, 79, and Bhagwati, 78, teach in the US now — Sen is the Lamont University Professor at Harvard and Bhagwati is the University Professor at Columbia.

They were in Cambridge in the 1950s when Manmohan Singh, now Prime Minister, was also a student there. Sen was in Trinity College while Bhagwati and Singh were in St. John’s College. In the 1960s, Sen and Bhagwati were at the Delhi School of Economics.

Both books have come at a time Manmohan’s second shot at the top is drawing to a close and a debate is raging in India ahead of the elections — whether stress should be laid on steps to revive economic growth or provide affordable grain to the poor as the food security drive aims to do.

Sen has not argued against growth, which he feels is a means, not an end. But he is in favour of the food measure though he prefers a full debate in Parliament.

Das said: “While Sen is talking about a welfare state which focuses on human indicators like health and education along with economic growth, Bhagwati is of the opinion that growth alone will take care of the rest, lifting people out of poverty and improving human indicators.”

But some feel that the differences between Sen and Bhagwati are not as pronounced as made out. Neither is Sen against growth nor is Bhagwati against fighting poverty.

One commentator could not help but point out how the prose of economists sounds less impregnable when they put pen to paper to air differences.

On May 9, 2004, Bhagwati responded thus to a reviewer, Daniel W. Drezner, in The New York Times: “Like a careless teenager scratching his new car, Daniel W. Drezner mars his review of my book In Defense of Globalization…. No, I did not rely only on my maid as evidence of the possibly liberalising effect of migration on women…. If an economist may be permitted to cite the market test, Drezner’s fears are belied by the book’s already marvellous sales.”

To which, Drezner replied: “The quotations I highlighted needlessly raise the hackles of the very civil-society elements that Bhagwati wishes to engage. These groups — like soufflés, hothouse flowers and small children — are sensitive to even the mildest of jabs. I heartily applaud the book’s robust sales. They are richly deserved.”
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1130720/jsp/frontpage/story_17137855.jsp#.Uen9_NIwevc
Jul 20th 2013
Amartya Sen responds
SIR – In complaining about your generous review of “An Uncertain Glory”, which I wrote with Jean Drèze, Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya have misdescribed my past work as well as the book itself (Letters, July 13th). I have resisted responding to Mr Bhagwati’s persistent, and unilateral, attacks in the past, but this outrageous distortion needs correction.


Their letter says that, “Mr Sen has belatedly learned to give lip service to growth.” On the contrary, the importance of economic growth as a means— not an end—has been one of the themes even in my earliest writings (including “Choice of Techniques” in 1960 and “Growth Economics” in 1970). The power of growth-mediated security outlined in another book I co-authored with Mr Drèze in 1989, “Hunger and Public Action”, is a big theme in the present book.
Economic growth is very important as a means for bettering people’s lives, but “to go much further, faster” (as your reviewer commented) it has to be combined with devoting resources to remove illiteracy, ill health, undernutrition and other deprivations. This is not to be confused with mere “redistribution” of incomes, on which Messrs Bhagwati and Panagariya choose to concentrate.
The understanding, which is central to our book, that economic growth is greatly helped by early public support for the education and health of the people draws on positive experiences from Japan, China, Korea, Singapore and many other countries. It can scarcely be like putting “the cart before the horse”.
Amartya Sen
Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts

http://www.economist.com/news/letters/21581963-amartya-sen-defence-spending-britain-egypt-immigration-france-gdp-sailing

India’s economy

The capitalist manifesto

How to get India moving again


Why Growth Matters: How Economic Growth in India Reduced Poverty and the Lessons for Other Developing Countries. By Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya.PublicAffairs; 290 pages; $28.99 and £19.99. Buy from Amazon.comAmazon.co.uk
INDIA needs more market liberalisation to promote economic growth. A few years ago, with its economy expanding at an annual rate of nearly 10%, there was talk of India one day rivalling China, or even overtaking it. But policymakers have grown complacent. They assumed rapid growth would continue, but did nothing to foster it. The result is that India now putters on at less than half what it could achieve. Investors are anxious and the politicians are bickering.
In their new book Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya, both economics professors at Columbia University, outline a series of measures to boost growth. “Why Growth Matters” is a blunt book; almost a manifesto for policymakers and analysts. It explains how rapid expansion has brought India immense gains, and why more change is needed—and needed soon. Both men are champions of globalisation and they hope their ideas will stiffen the resolve of India’s leaders.
What they have to say is convincing. Increasing growth rates over the past couple of decades lifted some 200m Indians out of poverty. That is an immense gain. In 1978, say the authors, more than half of all Indians were below the poverty line; today it is roughly a fifth. Gradually even those politicians who put their trust mostly in redistribution and the early roll-out of welfare grasp that a bigger economy means more resources to share around.
Some powerful figures who used not to believe in liberalisation, notably Sonia Gandhi, who presides over the ruling Congress party, have now been persuaded. To restore confidence in public management, for example, she has agreed to cuts in the huge state diesel subsidies that were supposed to help the poor. And more foreign capital will be let into bits of the economy that used to be fenced off, such as retail. These measures are no magic bullet. But they hint at bigger reforms to follow.
What should these be? The authors want rapid liberalisation of areas that remain heavily regulated, notably labour, land and education. They make a good case for change. India has been unsuccessful at creating jobs in the formal economy, especially manufacturing, in part because of a choking jumble of 200 national and state-level labour laws. The courts hardly provide the solution. The authors recount one awful tale about how it took a metalworking company two decades, and the Supreme Court’s intervention, to sack a man repeatedly caught asleep on the job. Easing those laws clearly makes sense.
Other problems persist. For investors, obtaining land with adequate roads and power is a nightmare. A fossilised university system means a lack of skills. Reform could help in all these areas.
Despite their broad, forceful thrust, the authors’ judgments are not always sound. They shrug off worries over inequality and corruption a little too casually. Sniping at a student who blogged, rightly, about shamefully high rates of child hunger in India seems unnecessarily petty. They should also have looked more closely at Bangladesh’s development record. On many social scores it matches India, yet Bangladeshis are only half as rich per person, which challenges the notion that a country needs to be wealthy to make social gains. (Bangladesh may be doing surprisingly well because it directs help to women, especially in rural areas.)
The book becomes particularly confrontational when the authors, the spirited Mr Bhagwati especially, let fly at a long-standing academic rival. Amartya Sen, a Bengali-born economist now at Harvard University, won the Nobel prize in economics in 1998 and has since become feted in development circles. Although his name gets only the occasional mention in the book, Mr Sen, the co-author with Jean Drèze of another book on India which comes out later this year, is in effect a sparring partner throughout.
Mr Sen does not deride market-led growth, but he places greater emphasis on redistribution than Mr Bhagwati. He has long trumpeted the social gains made in the southern state of Kerala. And although he does not offer a Kerala “model” for others to follow, he gives full credit to its well-run, left-leaning administrations for achieving first-world levels of literacy and life-expectancy. Its more industrial neighbour, Tamil Nadu, has made similar gains.
The authors disagree. Kerala’s success, they argue, is more likely the result of many years of rapid economic growth and private endeavour (it has India’s highest private spending on education and health). They insist that Mr Bhagwati’s native state, Gujarat, is fast catching up on social indicators, thanks to its own bounding economic gains, a claim that is doubtful, particularly if applied to women.
Superficially, the split reflects the balance of political debate ahead of India’s general elections next year. The chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, hopes to be prime minister. His pro-business ideas and caution on welfare and labour laws are not far off the views expressed by the authors. By contrast, Mr Sen’s concern for social gains fits closer to Congress’s older redistributive ideas of “inclusive growth”. But India is never that simple. Congress itself is divided and Mr Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party though once favouring reforms, looks less sure of itself these days.
Politics seems, by and large, to be on the liberalisers’ side. Chief ministers who preside over fast growth in their states are often rewarded with re-election. And their party’s candidates also do better in national polls. Each extra percentage point of growth raises the chances of their candidate winning a seat in the national parliament by 5-6 percentage points, according to a study of the last election by Mr Panagariya and a co-author. Reform is not just the right thing to do; it may be politically rewarding, too.

http://www.economist.com/news/books-and-arts/21576372-how-get-india-moving-again-capitalist-manifesto
Jul 13th 2013
Go for growth in India
SIR – We read your review of “An Uncertain Glory”, the latest book on India by Amartya Sen and Jean Drèze (“Beyond bootstraps”, June 29th). The review approvingly cites us as advocating faster growth through labour and land market reforms to cut poverty yet more deeply and to generate more revenues for social programmes. But your claim that Messrs Sen and Drèze wish to go “much further” leaves us puzzled.
The truth of the matter is that Mr Sen has belatedly learned to give lip service to growth, which he has long excoriated as a fetish. He did not explicitly advocate any pro-growth policies, such as opening India to trade and to direct foreign investment, in practice before or after the 1991 reforms. Nor does he recognise that significant redistribution to the poor without growth is not a feasible policy.
Instead he continues to assert that redistribution has led to rapid growth in Asia, a proposition that has no basis in reality and puts the cart before the horse. Growth has made redistribution feasible, not the other way round.
Jagdish Bhagwati
Arvind Panagariya
Professors of economics
Columbia University
New York

http://www.economist.com/news/letters/21581693-india-gay-marriage-protesting-iran-marc-rich-political-pi

The gathering storm (in Paki) -- Vikram Sood, Former Secy., RAW

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iconimg Saturday, July 20, 2013 
Vikram Sood, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, July 18, 2013
A former colleague remarked the other day that the Abbottabad inquiry report revelations reminded him of the Hamoodur Rehman Commission report that had indicted the Pakistan Army for the 1971 debacle. 

Both the reports show the Pakistan Army in a poor light, even decrepit. The important news is not that Osama is dead. The more important aspect is that he felt secure or was made to feel so in Pakistan for nine years.


The important question then would be whether the Pakistan Army with its much-touted reach and ability was complicit in hiding Osama bin Laden for nine years and therefore devious. Or was it oblivious, therefore, incompetent and just did not know that Osama was living a few miles away from its military academy in Kakul.

An army that claims it controls the life of the nation cannot possibly say that there are rogue radicalised elements within it who would have hidden Osama in opposition to instructions. Or maybe they are not really rogue elements. This leaves Pakistan in a dangerous state even if its leaders may not want to see it that way.

When a State nurtures jihadi terrorists as force equalisers in pursuit of national interests, the consequences eventually become unacceptable to the world. Isolation results and creates further radicalisation of society. Intolerance does not start with an epidemic; it begins with small isolated incidents that most people ignore.

When members of the Sunni militia regularly massacre Shias in Pakistan because of their beliefs and the authorities seem unable to prevent it, then we are looking at a gathering storm.

The Lal Masjid episode of 2007 and its aftermath and the assassination of Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer in January 2011 were clear markers of radicalisation in Punjabi society. The manner in which the assassin was lionised, the difficulty that the family had in hiring lawyers, the inability of the Punjab Assembly to condemn the assassination, and the fear of the judge who handed over the punishment and had to flee, were indications of what had happened.

Radical and violent sections of society have serious problems being tolerant or acknowledging its history and legacy. There is very little possibility of negotiating with such groups and they have to be militarily defeated. This is not simple as militancy has developed a huge support base in Punjab.
The Lal Masjid raid had been followed by a spurt of successful violent attacks by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan against the army’s establishment, mostly in Punjab. Then suddenly all these stopped and Punjab-based militant outfits have been concentrating in the triangle between Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar up to distant Gilgit-Baltistan.

Some of the most vicious anti-Shia attacks have occurred in areas west of the Indus. Ultimately Punjab became quiet enough for the main political parties to take help from right-wing extremists like the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) and others in their May election campaign.

The Pakistan Army draws most of its recruits from Punjab, which is also where all the major Pakistani military formations are deployed along with strategic nuclear assets. The province remains the heart of jihadi recruitment and a terrorist haven.

The army with its own tendencies towards radical beliefs cannot escape radicalisation as the recruits come from the same recruiting source and have the same influences.

Pakistan’s military establishment’s consistent policy since the Afghan jihad created, nurtured and strengthened the Taliban till 2001. The duplicity, as they pretended to support the US-led effort against the al-Qaeda and the Taliban was epitomised in the hunting down of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad.
This duplicity along with the continued support to India-specific jihadi groups and sectarian militias has created a situation where Pakistan’s leaders today face a radical blowback against themselves.
Punjab always had radical tendencies that are now emerging strongly. A study was conducted in 2010 to assess the attitudes of the youth towards various socio-political issues in elite universities in three cities, including Islamabad. It was found that the world view of these students was not very different from that of madrassa students in smaller towns and villages.

Rawalpindi, the home of the Pakistan Army, is said to be coming under the increasing influence of the LeT and the JuD. Deobandi and Ahl-e-Hadith groups are gaining in Punjab. Central Punjab is also one of the strongholds of the LeT/JuD network. Some of the electable candidates to National Assembly constituencies have supported either the Deobandi or Ahl-e-Hadith school of thought.

The Punjabi real estate business is linked with militant and radical groups of which the SSP and the LeJ are the favoured ones. Rather than pay tax, they have been willing contributors to jihadi and religious parties. This kind of elite-radical connection is particularly noticeable in smaller cities like Gujrat.

Ansar-ul-Islam, a local militant group in FATA is engaged in a violent tussle with the TTP in the Mohmand Agency, in the company of the LeT. This may be the result of GHQ plans to use their faithful jihadis, the LeT, against the TTP, but ultimately, the Deep State is battling two proponents of the same ideology that believed in spreading influence in neighbouring countries through killings in the name of jihad.

Having trained close to half a million jihadis all these years it would be virtually impossible for their mentors to keep track of all the foot soldiers of jihad (barring the ones with core competence and beliefs) and to know how they remain active or whether they have morphed. The innumerable retail stores of jihad established over the years now sell Rabid Robots at street corners.

Pakistan is today caught in this cycle of isolation-radicalisation with no easy or clear exits. Karachi is the terror capital.

Nuclear weapons, the ultimate symbol of power, are no assurance or guarantees against blowback from religious radicalism. Only when the State decides to put a stop to this and takes a lead against the beliefs and practices of radicalism, will society learn to follow and resist.

Otherwise, people first acquiesce out of fear, then out of habit, and finally, with consent. If the Pakistani State does not take the lead in this soon, it will slip into irretrievable radicalism.
Some say it may already be too late.

Vikram Sood is former secretary, Research & Analysis Wing
The views expressed by the author are personal

Behind China’s Hindu temples, a forgotten history -- Ananth Krishnan

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Published: July 19, 2013 23:55 IST | Updated: July 20, 2013 01:14 IST

Behind China’s Hindu temples, a forgotten history

Ananth Krishnan
  • A panel of inscriptions of the God Narasimha adorns the entrance to the main shrine of the temple, believed to have been installed by Tamil traders who lived in Quanzhou in the 13th century. Photo: Ananth Krishnan
    The HinduA panel of inscriptions of the God Narasimha adorns the entrance to the main shrine of the temple, believed to have been installed by Tamil traders who lived in Quanzhou in the 13th century. Photo: Ananth Krishnan
  • Li San Long, a resident of Chedian village, offers prayers at the village shrine, which houses a deity that is believed to be one of the goddesses that the Tamil community in Quanzhou worshipped in the 13th century. (Right) A stone elephant inscription on display at the Quanzhou Maritime Museum. Photo: Ananth Krishnan
    The HinduLi San Long, a resident of Chedian village, offers prayers at the village shrine, which houses a deity that is believed to be one of the goddesses that the Tamil community in Quanzhou worshipped in the 13th century. (Right) A stone elephant inscription on display at the Quanzhou Maritime Museum. Photo: Ananth Krishnan
Li San Long, a resident of Chedian village, offers prayers at the village shrine, which houses a deity that is believed to be one of the goddesses that the Tamil community in Quanzhou worshipped in the 13th century. (Right) A stone elephant inscription on display at the Quanzhou Maritime Museum. Photo: Ananth Krishnan

In and around Quanzhou, a bustling industrial city, there are shrines that historians believe may have been part of a network of more than a dozen Hindu temples and shrines

For the residents of Chedian, a few thousand-year-old village of muddy by-lanes and old stone courtyard houses, she is just another form of Guanyin, the female Bodhisattva who is venerated in many parts of China.
Click here for video
Published on Jul 18, 2013
The Chedian shrine is just one of what historians believe may have been a network of more than a dozen Hindu temples built in Quanzhou by a community of Tamil traders who lived there during the Song (960-1279) and Yuan (1279-1368) dynasties.
But the goddess that the residents of this village pray to every morning, as they light incense sticks and chant prayers, is quite unlike any deity one might find elsewhere in China. Sitting cross-legged, the four-armed goddess smiles benignly, flanked by two attendants, with an apparently vanquished demon lying at her feet.
Local scholars are still unsure about her identity, but what they do know is that this shrine’s unique roots lie not in China, but in far away south India. The deity, they say, was either brought to Quanzhou — a thriving port city that was at the centre of the region’s maritime commerce a few centuries ago — by Tamil traders who worked here some 800 years ago, or perhaps more likely, crafted by local sculptors at their behest.
“This is possibly the only temple in China where we are still praying to a Hindu God,” says Li San Long, a Chedian resident, with a smile.
“Even though most of the villagers still think she is Guanyin!” Mr. Li said the village temple collapsed some 500 years ago, but villagers dug through the rubble, saved the deity and rebuilt the temple, believing that the goddess brought them good fortune — a belief that some, at least, still adhere to.
The Chedian shrine is just one of what historians believe may have been a network of more than a dozen Hindu temples or shrines, including two grand big temples, built in Quanzhou and surrounding villages by a community of Tamil traders who lived here during the Song (960-1279) and Yuan (1279-1368) dynasties.
At the time, this port city was among the busiest in the world and was a thriving centre of regional maritime commerce.
The history of Quanzhou’s temples and Tamil links was largely forgotten until the 1930s, when dozens of stones showing perfectly rendered images of the god Narasimha — the man-lion avatar of Vishnu — were unearthed by a Quanzhou archaeologist called Wu Wenliang. Elephant statues and images narrating mythological stories related to Vishnu and Shiva were also found, bearing a style and pattern that was almost identical to what was evident in the temples of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh from a similar period.
Wu’s discoveries received little attention at the time as his country was slowly emerging from the turmoil of the Japanese occupation, the Second World War and the civil war. It took more than a decade after the Communists came to power in 1949 for the stones and statues to even be placed in a museum, known today as the Quanzhou Maritime Museum.
“It is difficult to say how many temples there were, and how many were destroyed or fell to ruin,” the museum’s vice curator Wang Liming told The Hindu. “But we have found them spread across so many different sites that we are very possibly talking about many temples that were built across Quanzhou.”
Today, most of the sculptures and statues are on display in the museum, which also showcases a map that leaves little doubt about the remarkable spread of the discoveries. The sites stretch across more than a dozen locations located all over the city and in the surrounding county. The most recent discoveries were made in the 1980s, and it is possible, says Ms. Wang, that there are old sites yet to be discovered.
The Maritime Museum has now opened a special exhibit showcasing Quanzhou’s south Indian links. Ms. Wang says there is a renewed interest — and financial backing — from the local government to do more to showcase what she describes as the city’s “1000-year-old history with south India,” which has been largely forgotten, not only in China but also in India.
“There is still a lot we don't know about this period,” she says, “so if we can get any help from Indian scholars, we would really welcome it as this is something we need to study together. Most of the stones come from the 13th century Yuan Dynasty, which developed close trade links with the kingdoms of southern India. We believe that the designs were brought by the traders, but the work was probably done by Chinese workers.”
Ms. Wang says the earliest record of an Indian residing in Quanzhou dates back to the 6th century. An inscription found on the Yanfu temple from the Song Dynasty describes how the monk Gunaratna, known in China as Liang Putong, translated sutras from Sanskrit. Trade particularly flourished in the 13th century Yuan Dynasty. In 1271, a visiting Italian merchant recorded that the Indian traders “were recognised easily.”
“These rich Indian men and women mainly live on vegetables, milk and rice,” he wrote, unlike the Chinese “who eat meat and fish.” The most striking legacy of this period of history is still on public display in a hidden corner of the 7th century Kaiyuan Buddhist Temple, which is today Quanzhou’s biggest temple and is located in the centre of the old town. A popular attraction for Chinese Buddhists, the temple receives a few thousand visitors every day. In a corner behind the temple, there are at least half a dozen pillars displaying an extraordinary variety of inscriptions from Hindu mythology. A panel of inscriptions depicting the god Narasimha also adorns the steps leading up to the main shrine, which houses a Buddha statue. Huang Yishan, a temple caretaker whose family has, for generations, owned the land on which the temple was built, says the inscriptions are perhaps the most unique part of the temple, although he laments that most of his compatriots are unaware of this chapter of history. On a recent afternoon, as a stream of visitors walked up the steps to offer incense sticks as they prayed to Buddha, none spared a glance at the panel of inscriptions. Other indicators from Quanzhou’s rich but forgotten past lie scattered through what is now a modern and bustling industrial city, albeit a town that today lies in the shadow of the provincial capital Xiamen and the more prosperous port city of Guangzhou to the far south.
A few kilometres from the Kaiyuan temple stands a striking several metre-high Shiva lingam in the centre of the popular Bamboo Stone Park. To the city’s residents, however, the lingam is merely known as a rather unusually shaped “bamboo stone,” another symbol of history that still stays hidden in plain sight.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/behind-chinas-hindu-temples-a-forgotten-history/article4932458.ece?homepage=true

Ishrat case: Ishrat sought ammunition -- Kartikeya Tanna. Plot thickens, CBI silent on whereabouts of 4 crucial links -- Satish Jha

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Ishrat case: Plot thickens, CBI silent on whereabouts of 4 crucial links

Satish Jha Posted online: Sat Jul 20 2013, 02:04 hrs

Ahmedabad : The CBI, which is probing the 2004 Ishrat Jahan encounter case, is yet to crack the mystery of four people whose names figure in the chargesheet it filed in a court here early this month.

According to CBI, Meraj Idrisi, Javabhai, Asad and Owaish played curious roles in the entire saga but have not been traced so far.

Meraj and Java were reportedly close associates of Javed Sheikh, who was killed along with Ishrat and two others in the June 15, 2004 police encounter near Ahmedabad. Asad and Owaish were made out to be informers of the Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau.

The CBI is silent on the whereabouts of the four.

Meraj, a resident of Ibrahimpur in Faizabad district of UP, has been shown in various testimonies as having met Javed in Dubai.

Meraj’s wife Salma Banu told the CBI that soon after her marriage in February 2004, she was taken to Mumbai where she stayed at Meraj’s aunt’s place. “In April 2004, one Javed of Pune and a lady named Ishrat Jahan came to my house (Mumbra at Meraj’s aunt’s place). Javed was introduced to me by my husband as his friend who he knew when he was in Dubai,” Salma told CBI. She also talks about one Salimbhai. “Salimbhai was having an injury on his shoulder...he was wearing bandage on his body.”

In June 2004, Meraj reportedly told Salma he had to rush to Dubai. Two days after his departure, police came to their house looking for him and took away some papers. Since then, Meraj never returned. “Whenever he came to India, I used to go to Delhi and meet him at my sister’s house,” Salma told the CBI.

Salma’s statement corroborates Meraj’s sister Sayifa Banu, who says that in April, her brother’s friends Javed, Ishrat and Salim had stayed at Ibrahimpur. She has told the CBI, “Salimbhai was having a black bag with him and a mobile phone which was quite big. He didn’t use the mobile in our presence and used to go to the terrace to talk.”

Javabhai’s name figures in the statement of Asif Iqbal Sheikh, whom Sajida married after her husband Javed’s death in the 2004 encounter. He has said Javed and Javabhai of Al Rehman Enterprises in Mumbai had started the business of supplying manpower to companies at Dubai in January-February 2004. Sheikh has stated that Sajida was getting constant calls from one Ranjit from Kerala to give his passport and money back, which was with Javabhai. Therefore, Sheikh took Sajida and met Javabhai at his shop Al Rehman Enterprises. Sheikh says, “We met Javabhai who promised to pay back the money. When he was asked if he had any role in Javed’s encounter, he just told us to go back as he didn’t want to talk in this regard.”

According to Sheikh, he later learnt Javabhai had gone absconding.

Asad and Owaish find mention in the statement of accused police inspector Bharat A Patel, who described them as “sources of accused IPS officer GL Singhal”, the then ACP in the crime branch.

Patel told the CBI, “The two persons were introduced to Rajinder Kumar, joint director, Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau, Ahmedabad. After that, Rajinder Kumar had taken over C1 and C2 completely, and both had played roles given by the IB in the operation that finally culminated in this case of police encounter.”

http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/1144274/

CBI charge sheet mentions Ishrat sought ammunition


By Kartikeya Tanna on July 19, 2013
Earlier on Friday, Firstpost published the entire CBI charge sheet, which contains a 24-paragraph charge establishing that the encounter of Ishrat Jahan and her accomplices Javed Sheikh, Amjad Ali Rana and Zeeshan Johar was fake. It charges seven IPS officers of the Gujarat police as of now. In regard to IB Joint Director Rajinder Kumar and three other IB officers, the charge sheet explains that further investigation is in progress against them. It also asks the Gujarat High Court for permission to continue investigation to “look into the other aspects of the offence.”
At the outset, it is useful to note that Tehelka had also claimed that it had a copy of the charge sheet as far back as July 3, 2013. As it turns out, the copy Tehelka uploaded is not the actual charge sheet.
This voluminous charge sheet contains 179 statements on primarily two aspects of this matter: (a) the events leading up to the encounter and the encounter itself including statements by forensic experts; and (b) facts which throw light on the background details of Ishrat and the three others. Gujarat High Court has already indicated to the CBI that it is not interested in knowing whether or not Ishrat and the three others were linked to the LeT. In that sense, much of category (b) information may not be relevant to High Court except insofar as there are discrepancies with information in category (a).
Events leading to the encounter
First, CBI’s account of events is more or less similar to the SP Tamang report and the SIT’s findings. What lends more credence to CBI’s account (although by no means is it conclusive) is that this account is now corroborated by testimonies of several officers and individuals. Indeed, these testimonies will be thoroughly examined / cross-examined as trial commences.
Second, the charge sheet confirms media reports on references to ‘kaali dadhi’ (black beard) and ‘safed dadhi’ (white beard). There are two statements of cops – Devendra H Goswami (p. 178) and Kishoresingh Waghela (p 313) – which refer to that. Note that these cops were formerly named in the FIR, but are not charged now. CBI is going to file a report on why they have been let off. Both cops state that DG Vanzara, one of the main accused officers, told them that he had got the green signal from MoS (Home) Amit Shah and Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Both said that the ‘dadhi’ code words were common to refer to Shah and Modi. Do note that this evidence constitutes not just hearsay, but double hearsay as this author has pointed out. This is a case of X telling Y that A and B have given the go-ahead. Its admissibility in court is extremely difficult, if not impossible.
Third, the charge sheet contains statement of RVS Mani, former officer in the MHA, who drafted the two affidavits before the Gujarat High Court of which the first one asserted that the four who died had LeT links. Do note that Mani’s statement (p 334-336) is not signed by him, but by an officer who recorded his statement. This is a statement under Section 161 of CrPC which, Mani has claimed, he was coerced to sign. He has reportedly filed a complaint against IPS officer Satish Verma who was a part of the CBI team until June 23, 2013.
While the statement in the charge sheet says that IB officials had brought a draft of the affidavit which was finalised before by his director. It also states that his personal discretion in the matter was “rather limited”. However, in a statement where he elaborates wild conspiracy theories of Verma, he denied that a draft was brought to him stating that his director, being an Income Tax Officer as well as a lawyer, did not require any other person to draft affidavit. There is apparently a contradiction between the two statements. Investigation into Mani’s complaint might reveal whether, and to what extent, he was coerced and whether his statement in the charge sheet contains any truth to it.
Background of Ishrat and her accomplices
Fourth, the charge sheet also contains a statement of Mohammad Wasi who states (p. 121) that his friend Miraj brought Javed and Ishrat to him asking how he could arrange for a pistol. Javed was using a satellite phone (which, normally, is not allowed without permission). Javed paid Wasi a total of Rs 3,500 to keep trying for arranging a gun.
Fifth, there is a statement of a receptionist of an Ahmedabad hotel, Manishkumar Christian, who stated (p. 130) that on May 26 and 27, 2004, Javed Sheikh and Ishrat Jahan stayed at the hotel as husband and wife under the name of S Rajesh Kumar and Smt Geeta respectively. This was confirmed by his colleague Paresh Lal.
Contrary to media reports,this writer has not found any reference to tapes of audio conversations provided by accused officer GL Singhal which reportedly contains conversations with Amit Shah as well as a meeting held in 2011 between law officers and Ministers of Modi Government for allegedly sabotaging the investigation.
To be sure, statements by cops who were named in FIR, but not charged, are pretty incriminating. They point to a nexus between the Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau and the accused cops of the Gujarat police in detaining all four at different times and then killing them in cold blood. They also indicate a conspiracy prior to the encounter, of how it should happen.
The primary evidence with the CBI is a statement by cops and forensic experts. These statements need to withstand the entire trial process and rigorous cross-examination. This trial is likely to be a long one with fierce contests on facts and forensic evidence. The SIT as well as its interface with forensic experts has a chequered history as explained in this long Gujarat HC judgment and news reports. As long as this trial continues, political and other rivals of Modi will keep getting fodder to sensationalise things.
CBI charge sheet mentions Ishrat sought ammunition
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/07/19/cbi-charge-sheet-mentions-ishrat-sought-ammunition-106832.html
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