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Offshore Leaks app puts secret users of tax havens in the public eye: 612 Indians listed (with many Chidambarams)

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Online app puts secret users of tax havens in the public eyeDavid Cameron will be placing the issue of tax avoidance at the centre of the forthcoming G8 summit in Northern Ireland. Photograph: Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/612-indians-in-tax-havens-will-soniag.html

 

The Guardian home
Interactive database forming part of a cache of 2.5m leaked files has been launched by Washington-based ICIJ
  • The Guardian
  • An interactive database allowing users to search more than 100,000 secret companies, trusts and funds created in offshore tax havens including the British Virgin Islands has gone online.
The data, part of a cache of 2.5m leaked files that has already led to a series of exposes of the offshore financial sector by the Guardian and other global media organisations, has been launched by the Washington-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ).
The ICIJ, a non-profit organisation that has analysed the files with more than 100 journalists in dozens of countries and is continuing to do so, hopes the Offshore Leaks web app will trigger further investigations and revelations by making the information more widely available.
The records have already laid bare a diverse collection of people using offshore hideaways, ranging from US dentists and middle-class Greek villagers to families of despots, Wall Street swindlers, Russian executives, international arms dealers and a company alleged to be a front for Iran's nuclear development programme.
Fallout from the revelations has led to high-profile political and business resignations, including those of the deputy speaker of the Mongolian parliament and the chief executive of one of Austria's biggest banks, and sparked official investigations in states including the Philippines, India, Greece and South Korea.
The disclosures have helped to push the issue of tax avoidance up the political agenda. Placing the issue at the centre of the forthcoming G8 summit in Northern Ireland, David Cameron has spoken of wanting the G8 to "knock down the walls of company secrecy" to reveal who really owns and controls firms.
French president François Hollande has also weighed in, calling for the "eradication" of tax havens, days after the ICIJ's release of dozens of stories based on the secret offshore files. Hollande suffered embarrassment when the records revealed that Jean-Jacques Augier, his election campaign co-treasurer and close friend, had invested in offshore businesses in the Cayman Islands.
The Offshore Leaks app, developed by La Nación newspaper in Costa Rica for the ICIJ, allows users to explore the relationships between clients, offshore entities and the lawyers, accountants, banks and other intermediaries who help keep these arrangements secret.
It displays graphic visualisations of offshore entities and the networks around them including, where possible, the company's true owners.
"After 17 months of reporting, ICIJ reporters and partners are still digging into this massive trove of financial information," the ICIJ said.
"The Offshore Leaks database gives ICIJ an opportunity to reach journalists and regular citizens in every corner of the world, particularly in countries most affected by corruption and backroom deals. ICIJ believes many of the best stories may come from crowdsourcing, when readers explore the database."
Founded in 1997, the ICIJ is a global network of 160 reporters in more than 60 countries. It was launched as a project of the Center for Public Integrity, a US-based nonprofit investigative journalism organization.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2013/jun/15/database-app-icij-tax-havens

Ministers to reveal British link to US data spying scandal

MPs demand to know if UK spies bypassed law on intercepts, as Google denies allowing security agents access
General view of GCHQ in Cheltenham
MPs want to know whether any of the intelligence supplied by the US about UK citizens was handed over to GCHQ in breach of British interception legislation. Photograph: Steve Parsons/PA
Ministers will respond in parliament on Monday to claims that UK intelligence agencies have gained access to a vast reservoir of private data relating to people living in Britain – including emails and phone logs – collected by spies at the US National Security Agency.
Amid growing calls for the government to reveal what it knows about the data interception scandal revealed by the Guardian last week, senior Whitehall sources said it was "highly likely" that a statement would be delivered to MPs in the Commons either by the foreign secretary, William Hague, whose department is responsible for GCHQ, or the home secretary, Theresa May.
May is scheduled to answer Home Office questions at which the issue will dominate, if no formal statement is to be made. Among questions that MPs want answered as a matter of urgency is whether any of the intelligence supplied by the US about British citizens was handed over to GCHQ in breach of British interception legislation, or whether British intelligence officials attempted to bypass British law by sending requests for intercepts to the US.
The calls follow several days of leaks of top-secret documents from within the NSA to the Guardian, painting in shocking detail for the first time the vast reach of the NSA's electronic spying operations conducted as part of anti-terrorism investigations and foreign intelligence gathering. Included have been revelations of how the NSA has collected huge amounts of so-called "metadata" from telephone companies such as Verizon. This is data that gives details of calls made, numbers dialled and their duration, rather than the content of the conversations.
A second leak to the Guardian was contained in a PowerPoint presentation detailing the secret NSA programme called "Prism", which appears to make use of vast swaths of email and instant chat messaging data supplied by technology companies including Google, Facebook, Microsoft and Apple.
Although the Obama administration has admitted that the NSA mines telephony and other communications data – including from US citizens – senior executives at technology companies have denied in the most emphatic terms that the programme amounts to a direct pipeline from their servers to the NSA. US spies have been accused of tapping into servers of nine US internet giants including Apple, Facebook, Microsoft and Google in a massive and wide-ranging anti-terror sweep. All deny giving government agents access to servers.
On Saturday Google said that the US government had no access – "not directly, or via a back door, or a so-called drop box". Instead the companies – which say they have not heard of Prism – insist that the only material they hand over is that demanded by a court order, under the US foreign intelligence surveillance act (FISA).
Mark Zuckerberg, the Facebook founder and CEO, said: "Facebook is not and has never been part of any programme to give the US or any other government direct access to our servers." Google and Facebook insisted that they only turned over data when they received court orders, and frequently challenged them. But the New York Timesreported on Saturday that key tech firms, including Google, Facebook and Microsoft, had co-operated with the NSA "at least a bit". The story describes a close working relationship between top intelligence officials and the companies. The chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff, General Martin E Dempsey, met "personally with executives including those at Facebook, Microsoft, Google and Intel," the paper reported. Twitter is said to have declined to participate.
In addition to the denials of the companies, the office of the US director of national intelligence on Saturday night moved to declassify aspects of the controversial Prism programme. A fact sheet released by the office of James Clapper, the director of US national intelligence, insisted that no "unilateral" unregulated capability exists that provides a direct feed of internet data for US intelligence analysis. It insisted that all information demanded was subject to specific court requests under FISA, overseen by Congress. "Under section 702 of FISA, the US government does not unilaterally obtain information from the servers of US electronic communication service providers. All such information is obtained with FISA court approval and with the knowledge of the provider based upon a written directive from the attorney general and the director of national intelligence."
Since the revelation of Prism and the court order demanding that Verizon hand over its telephony metadata, the Obama administration has tried to justify the need for the NSA's interception operations, insisting that all collection is approved by secret FISA courts and overseen by Congress.
But in Britain MPs of all parties have demanded clarity. Douglas Alexander, Labour's shadow foreign secretary, said: "Our intelligence agencies do vital work to keep our country safe from harm, but it is also vital that they operate within a framework of legality and accountability.
"These reports have raised serious public concern, so I am now calling on the foreign secretary, William Hague, to come to the Commons on Monday to make an urgent statement to MPs.
"In that statement he must explain the government's position and tell MPs how the government will work with the intelligence and security committee to address these public concerns."
GCHQ has agreed to send a full report about the controversy to the all-party intelligence and security committee chaired by a former Conservative foreign secretary, Sir Malcolm Rifkind. By coincidence Rifkind and members of his committee are flying to Washington on Monday to meet members of the intelligence committees of the Senate and the House of Representatives as well as other US officials involved in the intelligence field. The committee will be sent the GCHQ report via the British embassy in Washington.
The committee will be keen to know if British intelligence agencies used requests for information under Prism to circumvent the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (2000), which requires ministerial authority for intercepting data content such as emails, or a senior intelligence officer's agreement to reveal metadata.
In the past there have been suggestions that the NSA and GCHQ have had reciprocal arrangements which see them issue requests for intercepts.
In 2003 Katharine Gun, a translator at GCHQ, leaked a request from an NSA officer, Frank Koza – first revealed by the Observer – that requested GCHQ's assistance in the illegal and secret bugging of UN delegations in the runup to the Iraq war.
That leak suggested that both agencies had in the past exchanged requests for assistance in interception operations against targets.
A potential cut-out allowing deniability does, however, exist under the so called "control principle". That regulates the arrangement under which the UK and US intelligence agencies share material, which means that the organisation supplying intelligence, even following a direct request, "owns" the intelligence and does not have to disclose how the information was acquired.
Former shadow home secretary David Davis said the US monitoring programme appeared to allow the state to "spy on who they like". He told Sky News that if reports of its operations were accurate then "it is actually quite a scandal".
David suggested that May and Hague must have had knowledge if the system was used by GCHQ to provide information on UK citizens. "Presumably they at least would have had to sign an authorisation for this to take place," he said.
"[There were] nearly 200 British citizens under surveillance of one sort or other in one year so they must have known something about it."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2013/jun/08/ministers-british-link-us-spying-scandal?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487

Offshore secrets: unravelling a complex package of data

How the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists made sense of the 260 gigabytes of information
The British Virgin Islands, location of many of the offshore accounts
The British Virgin Islands, location of many of the offshore accounts. Photograph: Massimo Borchi/Corbis
The ICIJ's exploration of offshore secrets began when a computer hard drive packed with corporate data arrived in the post. Gerard Ryle, ICIJ's director, obtained the small black box as a result of his three-year investigation of Australia's Firepower scandal, a case involving offshore havens and corporate fraud.
The hard drive contained more than 260 gigabytes, the equivalent of half a million books. Its files included 2m emails, four large databases. There were details of more than 122,000 offshore companies or trusts, and nearly 12,000 intermediaries (agents or "introducers").
Unlike the smaller cache of US cables and war logs passed in 2010 to WikiLeaks, the offshore data was not structured or clean, but an unsorted collation of internal memos and instructions, official documents, emails, large and small databases and spreadsheets, scanned passports and accounting ledgers.
Analysing the immense quantity of information required "free text retrieval" software, which can work with huge volumes of unsorted data. Such high-end systems have been sold for more than a decade to intelligence agencies, law firms and commercial corporations. Journalism is just catching up.
The named people who administered offshore companies included shareholders, directors, secretaries, lawyers, accountants, nominees and trustees. But many of such structures were simply legal devices designed to conceal. The real beneficial owners proved often to be the so-called "settlors" or "protectors" of offshore trusts, and those holding legal powers of attorney which enable them to exert secret control over the bank accounts.
China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Russian Federation and former Soviet republics appeared to provide the majority of secret offshore owners. The British Virgin Islands are the second-largest source of capital investment in China – on paper at least. Cyprus, an offshore island currently in financial crisis as a result, is also identified in the data as a huge source of Russian investment.
ICIJ's collaborating journalists from 46 countries constituted one of the largest groups ever to have worked together on a data project.
Interestingly, the team's attempts to use encrypted email systems such as PGP ("Pretty Good Privacy") were abandoned because of complexity and unreliability that slowed them down.
Meanwhile, computer programmers in Germany, the UK and Costa Rica also designed sophisticated data mining and cleaning software for ICIJ. Manual analysis in New Zealand proved crucial in early decisions on what countries ICIJ needed reporters.
ICIJ's own search system – named Interdata – was developed by a British programmer as dozens of new journalists joined the expanding project. Interdata allowed them to download copies of those of the 2.5m offshore documents relevant to their countries.
ICIJ rebuilt some of the databases in an effort to run them in their original format. There were surprises. The databases were formatted to record who really lay behind each entity, as required by international regulations on money laundering and "due diligence". Journalists hoped the truth was just a click away.
In fact, entries for "beneficial owners" were often empty. The offshore agencies had frequently passed off their supposed legal responsibility to intermediaries in other countries. The lesson was that the empty fields were not an accident; it was the design.
Only occasionally would an alert screen pop up, giving contact details for the persons who really owned the assets. ICIJ's fundamental lesson therefore had to be patience and perseverance.
But persistently following leads through incomplete data yielded some great rewards: not just occasional and unexpected top names, but also the inside details of many nuanced and complex schemes for hiding wealth.
• Duncan Campbell was the data journalism manager for the ICIJ project.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2013/apr/04/offshore-secrets-data-emails-icij?INTCMP=SRCH

Tax secrecy to be swept away, says David Cameron

PM promises central register to reveal who benefits from 'shadowy' companies
Britain is to "sweep away" tax secrecy by introducing a new central register that will ensure all the true owners of "shadowy" shell companies have to be declared to the tax authorities, David Cameron has announced.
In one of the biggest steps by Britain to crack down on "aggressive" tax avoidance and money-laundering, the prime minister pledged in a Guardian interview to end the era of "secretive companies in secretive locations" that cost exchequers around the world billions of pounds in lost revenue.
The prime minister will ask G8 leaders, including Barack Obama and Angela Merkel, to sign up to a new set of core principles on tax on the second and final day of the summit, which opens in Northern Ireland on Monday.
The summit will also be dominated by Syria after the White House announced that the regime of Bashar al-Assad had crossed a "red line" by using chemical weapons against rebel forces. Cameron told the Guardian that Britain shared the "candid assessment" of the US that the Assad regime had used chemical weapons against the rebels.
He said Britain had proof that Damascus had used the nerve agent sarin on at least two occasions. "It does constitute a war crime," he said. "As the statement from America has put it, it crosses a line as defined by all sorts of international agreements over many decades." He said Britain now had to do more to help the rebels, but said no decision to arm them had been made.
His remarks came as the US offered to provide arms to the rebels in the country, a dramatic change of heart that brings Obama into line with the position forged by Cameron and the French leadership in recent weeks. Discussions about how, when and where to give what to whom are certain to encroach on the G8 talks. Merkel said the situation was serious enough to require UN security council deliberation. The Syrian government rejects the accusation that it has used chemical weapons.
The prime minister, who will also hold talks about Syria in Downing Street on Sunday with the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, before travelling to Northern Ireland, believes that significant steps can be taken on tax avoidance at the G8 after the EU agreed new rules on exchange of information.
Cameron said he wanted to set an example to fellow G8 leaders by cracking down on British accountants, lawyers and business figures who use shell companies – often located in offshore tax havens – to hide the identity of ultimate beneficiaries.
Echoing Graham Greene's description of Monaco as a "sunny place for shady people", the prime minister told the Guardian: "We need to know more about who owns which company – beneficial ownership – because that is how a lot of people and a lot of companies avoid tax, using secretive companies in secretive locations.
"The way to sweep away the secrecy and get to the bottom of tax avoidance and tax evasion and cracking down on corruption is to have a register of beneficial ownerships so the tax authorities can see who owns beneficially every company."
Under the changes, companies registered in Britain would come under a legal obligation to obtain and hold adequate, accurate and current information on the ultimate owner who benefits from the company – and be required to place the information on a central register that would be maintained by Companies House. The central registry would be introduced into law by incorporating the EU's fourth money-laundering directive.
The central register will initially only be made available in Britain to authorities such as Revenue & Customs. But the government is to hold a consultation on whether it should be made public, a step the prime minister said he would only take if it would not harm the interests of British businesses.
"I am sure that is where I would like to end up, but I do not want to disadvantage Britain by doing something others won't do," he said. "I don't also want to give up our leverage on others by trying to make them move at the same time."
Brendan Cox, a spokesman for the If campaign, said: "Public registries would make a major difference in the fight against tax evasion. They would mean all countries had access to the data and the 'many eyes' principle would mean more effective scrutiny."
On Friday night, an interactive database allowing users to search through more than 100,000 secret companies, trusts and funds created in offshore locations including the British Virgin Islands was launched online by the Washington-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ). It is hoped that the release of the data – part of a cache of 2.5m leaked files which the non-profit ICIJ has analysed with the Guardian and other global news groups – will lead to further tip-offs and investigations into the role of offshore tax havens.
Cameron is to ask fellow G8 leaders to follow his example by signing up to core principles similar to the proposed binding rules in Britain. G8 countries will be asked to agree that companies should "know who owns and controls them" and that "basic information should be adequate, accurate and current". Their records should be accessible to law enforcement and tax authorities, Cameron said.
He added: "When you look at how individuals and companies sometimes evade tax or aggressively avoid it – that is a problems one and two. Problem three, in many ways even more serious, is corrupt payments from extractive companies or dictators or middlemen in the developing world. They use shadowy nominee companies where you can't see who is the beneficial owner – that is why who benefits is so important."
Britain expects the G8 to agree to call on the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development to produce a new agreement modelled on the US-led Financial Action Task Force on tax transparency, which is supported by 75 countries. The OECD proposal, supported by 28 states including Britain's main crown dependencies, would be multilateral and lead to "automatic exchange", in which countries pass on tax details without a request having to be made.
The prime minister is confident that the leaders of Britain's crown dependencies and territories will take steps at a meeting in Downing Street towards agreeing the automatic exchange of tax information. He said: "They are now agreeing to tax exchange of information, not just on request but what matters is automatic exchange of information. You don't know what you have not go as it were, to make one of the Rumsfeldian type remarks … When you have got automatic exchange you can see what you are missing."
But there were signs of resistance from some of the crown dependencies after the chief minister of Bermuda called for clarification before agreeing to sign.
Hubert Hughes, the chief minister of Anguilla, said the Caribbean island did not have the resources to uphold an OECD agreement that would involve liaising with 80 countries.
The chief minister told the Guardian: "We don't have the financial resources, we don't have the economy to deal with that. Our British governor has done his best to create a failed state in Anguilla – our British governor has done everything to drive good investment from Anguilla."
Hughes added that he resented being lectured by Britain on tax transparency in light of the City of London's role. "It is a matter of hypocrisy because when I look at the City of London – they should do something about that first and not try to shelter behind these little territories that are just trying to survive.
"We are not tax havens as such, we are offshore centres. The City of London is one of the biggest tax havens in the world – it is the biggest money laundering centre in the world."
But the chief minister said he would sign the OECD framework if Bermuda, whose population is nearly five times that of Anguilla, accepts the measure. "We tend to walk behind them," he said.
In his Guardian interview, Cameron praised the work of the Oxford economic professor Paul Collier, who wrote in Prospect magazine recently that lawyers and accountants who create shell companies should "hang their heads in shame" for creating artificial structures that facilitate "evil". The prime minister said: "I feel very passionately about it. The more I have looked into it the more I can see that unless you take action on the tax and transparency agendas you will never get the sort of development and change we want to see. Does it raise moral issues? Yes it does. Tax evasion is illegal so it is not immoral, it is criminal. But aggressive tax avoidance raises moral issues."
The prime minister also hopes to use the G8 summit to launch negotiations on a new EU-US trade pact, though this has run into difficulties as Paris seeks to exclude its film industry from the agreement. Cameron said he is willing to be patient. "I am a great admirer of French films. But I don't believe that you save industries by protecting them. Would the British film industry be stronger if we didn't have this amazing exchange between the British film industry and the strength and power of Hollywood? But I totally understand the French feel very passionately about this. What I just hope is we want to get the trade talks off to a good start. Both sides want [the negotiations] to get off to the right start. But we shouldn't go for artificial deadlines."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2013/jun/14/tax-secrecy-central-register-cameron/print

Gau Raksha Dal

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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9LwBsCDtyWc&feature=share



http://www.gaurakshadal.com/

Gau Raksha in West Bengal

>> MONDAY, APRIL 8, 2013

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>> TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 2013

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आज सुबह 7 बजे के करीब गौरक्षादल ने अम्बाला में एक सोहला गौवंश से भरा कैंटर पकड़ा

>> SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 2013

आज सुबह 7 बजे के करीब गौरक्षादल ने अम्बाला में एक सोहला गौवंश से भरा कैंटर पकड़ा जिसे काबू करने के लिए हरियाणा की युवा शिव सेना के राजन त्रेहन और उसके साथियो ने अपनी जान की परवाह न करते हुए मेन बाज़ार में कैंटर के साथ एक बूचड़ को भी धर दबोचा / कैंटर के आगे मुस्लमान बुचड़ो ने सिख धर्म के धार्मिक झंडे लगा रखे थे लगता है हमारे देश में इन मुसलमान बुचड़ो का अंत आ चूका है|



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क्रेन से गौ माता को बचाया गया

>> WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2013

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गों हत्या करने वाले अंग्रेज भारत में कैसे आए (How did Cow Killer British Entered India (True History)

>> TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 2013



Do you know, how did British entered in India? Do you know its true story? British won the first of the Battle of Plassey in 1757 by his 300 army. 18000 Indian army was under the king of Siraj-ud-Daula. But its chief of Army was Mir Jafar. He got big bribe and money. He surrendered his 18000 army under the control of 300 British Army. Robert Clive killed all these 18000 Indian soldiers, king Siraj-ud-Daula and Mir Jafar. With this, British Entered India. So, today, we should get lesson from this true history. We should never get bribe, otherwise, we will again become slave.
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>> THURSDAY, JANUARY 10, 2013

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>> SATURDAY, DECEMBER 29, 2012

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Parties should spell out national agenda and offer alternatives to SoniaG UPA's policy of selective black money

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Now, let political parties define their ideological options for maximising the nation's wealth.

Taaj-poshi (crowning) in BJP, says Nitish. Is it such an important event in politics that someone gets nominated as a campaign chief of BJP for the next Lok Sabha polls? Let the focus shift to a debate on policies for the nation.

Shouldn't the agenda of political discourse be on what is national interest and what policies alternative the political parties offer?

Yechury talks of an issue of national assets handed over to private control. This and other ideological issues should be debated and all political parties should clearly define their stand on policy prescriptions for maximising the nation's wealth.

For example, does BJP offer a clear alternative nationalist policy to SoniaG UPA's policy of selective loot of nation's wealth and stashing black money away in tax havens? Parties should spell out national agenda and offer alternatives to SoniaG UPA's policy of selective black money.

Kalyanaraman

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/minimum-government-maximum-governance.html 

N out of NDA
Blaming ‘a crowning’ in BJP, Nitish snaps 17-year alliance

Patna, June 16: The Ides of June have long haunted the JD(U)-BJP coalition in Bihar.

Three years ago, the partners came to the verge of parting mid-June when a Narendra Modi-inspired advertisement in Patna newspapers so enraged Nitish Kumar that he withdrew a dinner invitation to the gathered BJP brass and all but broke the deal.

Today, inspired by the shadow of a more insistent and unrelenting Narendra Modi, the Ides served to sunder.

The Bihar chief minister stoked the simmer with his Gujarat counterpart to a fast-tracked flashpoint, robbing the NDA of its biggest ally, dismissing all 11 BJP ministers in government and seeking a fresh trust vote on June 19.

In the bargain, he earned kudos from the UPA and a minority government that will need fresh cobbling of numbers to remain afloat.

But Nitish, composed and smiling, betrayed no hint he had erred in course or judgement. He presented the break as an inevitable and unavoidable consequence of the run of play in the BJP.

“A taaj-poshi (crowning) has happened in the BJP for everyone to see, and it is not acceptable to us,” Nitish announced upon a short meeting with governor D.Y. Patil this afternoon. “That crowning is a matter of political perception, not of technical nit-picking. It is not possible for me to avert my gaze from the writing on the wall any more, it is not possible to compromise on basic principles either. Therefore, we have decided to call this alliance off.”

The BJP was swift and seething to react. Sushil Modi, ousted deputy chief minister and long labelled a Nitish acolyte, cried betrayal and called this a “Black Day” for Bihar.
“This is treachery of the worst kind,” he said within minutes of Nitish pulling the plug. “I am certain the people of Bihar will teach him a lesson and avenge this insult to the mandate they had given us.”

Aware a bitter parting was imminent, BJP ministers had refused to attend a hurriedly called cabinet meeting this morning, calling the move “futile trickery”.

Nitish, on his part, blamed the BJP for creating an “untenable” constitutional situation. “I can understand ministers not working after they have resigned, but it is constitutional impropriety to refuse to do work or attend office without resigning. They were bent on paralysing the government, which is why I had to recommend their sacking.”

An acrimonious battle now stares Bihar in the face, with the BJP livid not merely with the manner of the break but also with the JD(U)’s renouncement of Narendra Modi.
“He is a leader we hold in the highest esteem,” said a top BJP functionary. “And the manner in which Nitish and his entire party have been insulting him is not acceptable, in fact it is reprehensible. The people of Bihar will give the final verdict on who they want; the battle has just begun.”

The first battle-front will in all likelihood be the June 18 “Bihar bandh” called by the BJP. But party ranks are promising the tussle will only intensify thereafter. “Let Narendra Modi set foot in Bihar and we shall see which way the drift is headed,” a newly dismissed minister challenged.

The JD(U) is mounting its own embattlements, some even suggesting that there may be a question on whether Narendra Modi will at all be allowed in the state. “We are committed to maintaining social harmony in Bihar and the politics and style of Narendra Modi is inimical to that. We shall have to take a considered call,” a senior JD(U) leader said. “We are prepared to meet the oncoming challenge.”

A statement released by the JD(U) said the party had been “dismayed and gravely disappointed” by the events of recent days in the BJP.

“There has been a rapid rise in the growing hegemonic control of a leadership that does not represent the characteristics which we had emphasised for the continuance of our alliance,” the statement said.

“The increased dominance of this leadership in the party with the intention of thrusting its decisions on alliance partners has become evident. There is growing intolerance towards any voice of dissent or moderation in the decision-making process…. The Goa announcement of the chairmanship of the electoral campaign committee of the BJP has filled all of us with deep apprehensions about the future. It has left not a shadow of doubt that this is a mere ceremonial prelude to his (Narendra Modi’s — name not taken) nomination as the prime ministerial candidate.”

Senior JD(U) parliamentarian N.K. Singh, who helped draft the divorce document, said that Modi’s anointment and subsequent march to the BJP’s centre stage had been “rather unabashed”.

But to his mind, that has made the challenge greater for the BJP. “The implications of this decision are going to ripple much beyond Bihar,” he told The Telegraph.

“After all, for the BJP it is not merely a matter now of retaining allies, their problem is going to be finding new allies. Many big parties and leaders were part of the NDA during Atalji’s and Advaniji’s time, where are they now? And how will the party attract them with Narendra Modi on top?”

Nitish himself pooh-poohed speculation of a “wave” around Narendra Modi. “A majority is required to form governments. Where are the numbers with the BJP? They are deluding themselves imagining waves and storms, they are welcome to delude themselves. I am not willing to be part of it.”

Although he never named Narendra Modi, Nitish was pointed in his references to the Gujarat chief minister and his part in the break-up. “We were running a smooth alliance; it is only when external interference started in the Bihar BJP and the running of the government that these problems began to arise and finally brought us to this pass. They are responsible for this break-up, not us.”
Or perhaps it was the Ides of June.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1130617/jsp/frontpage/story_17016193.jsp#.Ub4wAecwevc

Published: June 17, 2013 02:13 IST | Updated: June 17, 2013 02:36 IST

Yechury sees a political churning

Shiv Sahay Singh
A new process of political churning, alignments and realignment of political forces in the country has begun, said Sitaram Yechury, Polit Bureau member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), here on Sunday.
A non-Congress and non-BJP front cannot be formed only for capturing political power. It should be for implementing alternative policies, he noted.
On Trinamool Congress chairperson Mamata Banerjee’s call for a federal front, he said “fronts do not emerge merely on announcements.”
“People’s confidence can be gained only on the basis of an alternative policy that provides relief to people from the policies of the UPA government,” Mr. Yechury told journalists.
The Left, particularly the CPI(M), had to play a key role whenever such a non-Congress, non-BJP alternative emerged, he said referring to the V.P. Singh-led government in 1989 and the United Front government in 1996 at the Centre.
“That is the role which others are expecting from us,” Mr. Yechury said.
Asked whether at his recent meeting with senior Janata Dal (United) leader Sharad Yadav he told Mr. Yadav not to go with Mamata Banerjee and instead align with Left, Mr. Yechury said, “I did not have to tell him; he said it himself.”
“His [Mr Yadav’s] understanding is very clear that the moral conscience of the country is Left and no alternative without it is possible.”
The Trinamool Congress had shown “no consistency” and joined both the Congress and BJP-led governments at the Centre, he said. Considering Ms. Banerjee’s track record “there will be no place for her in the alternative front.”
Calling for “socialist left” forces to unite, Mr. Yechury asserted that “the socialist Left and the communist Left together will be a powerful force to bring a radical change.”
“The Left parties are meeting in Delhi on July 1. We are going to declare the alternative policy, which we think is required for the country and people,” he said adding that the main objective was to bring non-Congress, non-BJP parties onto a common platform — those willing to implement an alternative policy for the country.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/yechury-sees-a-political-churning/article4820670.ece?css=print


Published: June 17, 2013 01:45 IST | Updated: June 17, 2013 02:37 IST

‘National assets destroyed to promote private capital’

Staff Reporter
National assets are being destroyed only to promote private capital and this makes no economic sense, said Sitaram Yechury, Polit Bureau member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), here on Sunday.
Speaking at a convention to “Save Kolkata Port Complex,” Mr. Yechury said there was an urgent need to save the maritime industry in the country “that is on the verge of collapse and will soon be taken over by private ports.”
The CPI(M) MP, who is the Chairman of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Transport, Tourism and Culture, said that when a majority share of the budgetary allocation for developing infrastructure of ports “is not being utilised, the government is suffering from a pathological compulsion of public-private partnership.”
“Instead of using private wealth for public good, the government is utilising public resources for creating private wealth,” Mr. Yechury added.
“In the name of public-private partnerships, private capital is being encouraged at the cost of the public sector,” he emphasised.
Mr. Yechury referred to the Visakhapatnam port along the east coast and Kandala port on the western coast whose revenue was being adversely affected by the private ports in the vicinity.
The standing committee had said that major ports in the country “have turned out to be landlords.”
“They are not interested in modernisation; only in the revenue coming from the rent earned from their property,” he pointed out.
Mr. Yechury said that the “Look East” policy of the Centre was not possible without developing the Kolkata Port system. Dredgers should be arranged to take care of the draught at the Kolkata and Haldia ports. Inter-linkages with inland waterways should also be made to make the Kolkata port economically viable, he added.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/national-assets-destroyed-to-promote-private-capital/article4820741.ece

Obituary: B. Raman (1936-2013). An intrepid security analyst passes away. The best tribute to him is to continue his work for national security.

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Published: June 17, 2013 00:42 IST | Updated: June 17, 2013 04:23 IST

A Kao-boy till the end

Special Correspondent
The Hindu
B. Raman, one of India’s first external intelligence agents, died here on Sunday after a battle with cancer. He was 77. Raman served for 26 years in the Research and Analysis wing, right from the day it was carved out of the Intelligence Bureau in September 1968 on Indira Gandhi’s orders, until his retirement in 1994.
An IPS officer of the 1961 Madhya Pradesh cadre, Raman was on deputation to the Intelligence Bureau when he was handpicked by Rameshwar Nath Kao to join R&AW, set up in the aftermath of the wars with China and Pakistan.
He retired as Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat. In the last six years of his career, he headed R&AW’s counter-terrorism unit. Throughout his career, he was, in his own words, known “as a man with a poker face. As someone who showed no emotion or passion on his face.”
The first assignment that Kao, who headed R&AW, gave him was to be in charge of the agency’s Burma branch. He was there for five years handling analysis as well as clandestine operations, an early phase in his career that earned him the sobriquet ‘Burma Raman’.
In his book, The Kao-boys of R&AW – Down Memory Lane (2007), Raman gave a detailed account of the external intelligence agency’s work that contributed to the liberation of Bangladesh. Kao had given the agency’s operatives two priority tasks — “to strengthen its capability for the collection of intelligence about Pakistan and China and for covert action in East Pakistan.”
In a rare foray by a “spook” into writing about field operations, Raman disclosed that providing intelligence to policy makers and the armed forces, to train Bengali freedom fighters in clandestine camps, to network with Bengali public servants from East Pakistan posted in West Pakistan and in Pakistan’s diplomatic missions abroad to persuade them to cooperate with the freedom fighters and mount a special operation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts where Naga and Mizo hostiles had sanctuaries and training camps.
He recorded the secret negotiations Rajiv Gandhi had on behalf of Indira Gandhi with Sikh leaders before Operation Bluestar in 1984. Indira Gandhi was keen that these be recorded so that posterity would know how she tried in vain for a negotiated solution before she sent the Army into the Golden Temple. Raman was entrusted with this task. He says he had the negotiations secretly recorded and spent endless hours transcribing them. These records were handed over to the organisation’s archives, but nobody knows where these are now.
Raman strongly believed that covert capability was an indispensable tool for any state that had external adversaries. He served as the head of RAW’s counter-terrorism division from 1988 to 1994. He declined an offer by the Narasimha Rao government to be the intelligence coordinator for the north-east after his retirement, preferring to return Chennai.
He was a member of the special task force appointed by the government in 2000 to revamp the intelligence apparatus and a member of the National Security Advisory Board. He was also a member of the committee set up to examine the intelligence failure that led to the Kargil incursion.
In his retirement, especially in the last 10 years, he was active in writing about strategic affairs, touching on a range of internal and external issues. He spoke with precision and clarity. He was quick to respond to sudden and developing events such as terror attacks, posting his perspective and preliminary views on anti-terrorism portals and social media sites. He believed that all strategic thinking and discussion should have the national interests in mind, even though his analysis always took into account the political and social underpinnings of conflicts and crises.
He was active on Twitter as @sorbonne75, and despite his illness, continued to post messages on his timeline on issues of current national interest. In the last week of May, he tweeted that “Ind-Japan shd make China’s seeming strengths into strategic vulnerabilities.”
He also talked about his illness on Twitter, saying he wanted to create awareness of cancer and its treatment. In his very last tweet, on May 31, he spoke optimistically about returning from hospital soon.
Raman was associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and was a regular contributor to the South Asia Analysis Group. He was also Director, Institute for Topical Studies, Chennai.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/a-kaoboy-till-the-end/article4820697.ece?homepage=true

Nir-aadhaar and EMV: Banks question the untested security of aadhaar.

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The Economic Times


Nandan Nilekani's Aadhaar project faces fight from a team of Europay, Mastercard & Visa


Nandan Nilekani's Aadhaar project faces fight from a team of Europay, Mastercard & Visa
Nandan Nilekani's Aadhaar project faces fight from a team of Europay, Mastercard & Visa

MUMBAI: This could be a sign of what the future holds for Aadhaar. Amid an alarming rise in credit card frauds, data thefts and card cloning, a group of bankers will decide in a month the appropriate payment technology for the Indian banking system and retail consumers.

If the group votes for EMV - an internationally accepted technology standard for authenticating credit card, debit card and ATM transactions - Aadhaar, which is comparatively untested and follows a different technology, may face an uncertain future. EMV is a joint initiative between EuropayMastercard and Visa - the world's leading payments service providers.

Credit and debit cards that are based on EMV have the card and CVC numbers, which are the key to any electronic transaction, hidden or encrypted. Since encrypted data reduces the risk of cloning or skimming at ATMs and merchant outlets, some of the private banks have started upgrading their systems to EMV standards following recent card frauds.

But, if the group, constituted by the Reserve Bank of India, prefers Aadhaar, banks will have to change their systems, procure biometric machines and prepare for different security standards. Bankers, however, are reluctant to spell out their stand openly because the government thinks Aadhaar can be a game changer in disbursing subsidies to people in far-flung regions.

Besides, banks, particularly the state-owned lenders, are unwilling to take on Nandan Nilekani, the former Infosys CEO who heads the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), the state-owned agency that issues the 12-digit Aadhaar numbers.

"Mr Nilekani is pursuing Aadhaar with RBI. He has a standing and has political backing," said a person familiar with the discussions.
Nandan Nilekani's Aadhaar project faces fight from a team of Europay, Mastercard & Visa
Transition Could Take Some Time

"So, while many banks are in favour of EMV due to rising incidents of frauds, they are quiet, waiting for the committee to submit its report, which is expected by early July," said the person. If the committee recommends Aadhaar for banks, it will be a victory for UIDAI. Banks will then have to use Aadhaar for not only customer authentication, but also for payments. But even if banks are mandated to implement Aadhaar, the transition could take time and a slice of the market will move back to cash. So, it will be some years before Visa and Mastercard feel the threat.

Indian banks' payments technology for retail customers is currently at crossroads. ATM transactions are processed through the state-backed National Payments Corporation, which is being positioned as an umbrella organisation for processing all retail payments, while credit and debit card transactions are processed by multinationals like Visa and MasterCard. National Payments Corp, headed by Nilekani's former boss NR Narayana Murthy, is unable to support EMV at present for its network and will have to change its standards if EMV is implemented by banks.

"What's drawing banks towards EMV -- and many Asian banks have already migrated to it -- is the vulnerability of the magnetic stripe technology that's used for credit and debit card transactions today. Micro devices can be planted in ATMs machines to copy the magnetic stripe and scan the PIN to clone cards. This is not possible in EMV where the data is encrypted," said a banker.

Highlighting the monopolies in the industry being created, the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC) has recommended the Competition Commission to look into the subject. Meanwhile, the RBI governor has set up a committee to come out with a discussion paper on Aadhaar as an additional factor of authentication for card transactions. While Aadhaar can be used for authentication and KYC purposes, the regulator would like a final answer on whether it can be used for payments.

Minimum govrnment, Maximum governance of caste in Bihar, 1990-2011 -- Manish K Jha & Pushpendra

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Why Nitish ‘really’ dumped the Modi-led BJP

by  Jun 17, 2013Why Nitish ‘really’ dumped the Modi-led BJP
Any direct association with a BJP that has Narendra Modi at the top would clearly have cost Kumar: Image courtesy Reuters
The Nitish Kumar led Janata Dal (United) (JD-U) ended its 17 year old alliance with the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) on Sunday afternoon.
This was on account of the fact that the BJP has or more less declared Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate, something which did not go down well with Kumar and JD(U).
While prima facie it might seem to be a clash of two strong personalities i.e. Modi and Kumar, there is much more to the split than that. In order to understand the real reason behind the split one has to understand the caste politics of Bihar in its most basic form.
Nitish Kumar belongs to the kurmi caste which is numerically too small to help him win elections. At the same time the people belonging to the caste are geographically concentrated and not spread through the state. The kurmis form around 3.5 percent of the state’s population. In comparison, the yadavs, who back Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish’s biggest political rival in the state, form 11.7 percent of the population.
Given this factor, over the years Nitish has had to chip away at votes from other castes. This has included wooing the mahadalits (primarily the non Paswan schedule castes, which included Dalits other than the Dusadh, Chamar, Pasi and Dhobi castes) and the extremely backward classes or the EBCs (primarily the non yadav backward classes). The EBCs form 32 percent of the state’s population but had only a 5 percent representation in the state assembly.
It has also included wooing the backward caste Muslims i.e. the pasmandas. This was what helped Nitish Kumar break Lalu Prasad Yadav’s M-Y or Muslim-Yadav formula. The M-Y formula was the main reason behind Lalu winning successive elections despite governance in Bihar almost coming to a standstill. Muslims form 16-17 percent of the population in the state which is much more than 9.9 percent nationally.
What is interesting here is that even though Lalu Yadav successfully wooed the Muslims, when it came to distributing goodies he concentrated on the upper caste Muslims i.e. the ashrafs.
Manjur Ali studies this phenomenon in a research paper titled Politics of ‘Pasmanda’ Muslims : A Case Study of Bihar. As he writes,
“Lalu Prasad Yadav in the name of M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) alliance has promoted the FM-Y (Forward Muslim-Yadav) alliance, where major benefits were cornered by Ashraf Muslims in the name of the community… Unemployment, poverty and apathy of the state towards their problems were never raised by the Bihar Ashraf political elites ..The RJD made fourteen Muslims MLCs, out of which twelve were upper-caste Muslims. Again, there were seven appointments made for the post of Vice Chancellor, all from upper castes. Similarly, appointment to government posts like teachers, posts in the police department and in minority institutions were allotted to the sharif people. In turn, Lalu received blessings from religious leaders belonging to the upper castes for his electoral victory.”
Nitish Kumar was sympathetic to the cause of backward caste Muslims while Lalu Yadav took Muslim support for granted. On 8 October 2005, seven pasmanda political parties issued a clarion call to defeat Lalu Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in the state assembly elections. Slogans like ‘Vote hamara fatwa tumhara, nahi chalega’ (your dictate on our vote will not work) and ‘jo pasmanda ki baat karega, wahi Bihar pe raaj karega’ (those who concede the demand of Pasmanda will rule Bihar) became the order of the day.
This split in the Muslim vote along with other caste alliances, helped Nitish Kumar become the Chief Minister of Bihar in November 2005. In fact he first realised the power of the Muslim vote in 2004. The BJP-JD(U) alliance won just 11 out of the 40 Lok Sabha seats in the state. This was despite the fact that the people of the state were fed up with the misrule of Lalu Yadav and Rabri Devi. But in reality the Muslims had not voted for the BJP-JD(U) alliance because they were punishing it for the Gujarat riots of 2002.
In the state assembly elections of 2005, Nitish Kumar wooed the pasmanda Muslims and did not allow Narendra Modi to campaign in Bihar. The JD(U)-BJP alliance did very well as a result, winning 143 out of the 243 seats in the state assembly. This anti Modi stand continued and the alliance did very well in the state in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections and 2010 state assembly elections as well. He also ensured that Modi did not campaign in these elections. So Nitish Kumar has seen his anti-Modi stand reap electoral benefits in the past.
Hence, any direct association with a BJP that has Narendra Modi at the top would clearly have cost Kumar the pasmanda votes and helped his bete noire Lalu Yadav resurrect his M-Y formula. In fact, in the recently concluded Lok Sabha by-election in Mahrajganj, the RJD candidate won by 1.37 lakh votes. The worrying thing here for Kumar was that Muslims seem to have voted for the RJD enmasse. This was the final nail in the coffin for the BJP-JD(U) alliance.
Critics of Nitish Kumar have repeatedly asked why he continued in the NDA government in Delhi after the 2002 Gujarat riots. “If he had a problem, he should have quit then. Why wait for 11 years?” they ask. While this seems like a valid point that is not how things work in politics.
PTI
PTI
In 2002, and until very recently, Modi was nowhere in the national scheme of things for the BJP. Hence, there was no direct association between Nitish Kumar and Modi. But now with Modi practically the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, the Muslim vote would have moved enmasse to RJD, which is something that Kumar could ill-afford. In the past Nitish managed to keep Modi away from Bihar, but now with Modi in this position, that would not have been possible.
That’s one part of the story. The caste alliances that Nitish Kumar built were one reason behind the success of the BJP-JD(U) alliance. Nevertheless the alliance was also helped by the upper caste vote that the BJP brought with it. The Brahmins, Rajputs, Bhumihars and Kayasthas, form the upper castes and account for around 16 percent of votes in Bihar.
The upper castes formed the icing on the cake. In fact, the JD(U) leader and former convener of NDA, Sharad Yadav, admitted as much when he said after the 2005 win: “We had the masses with us but I am not sure we would have won such a landslide without the BJP. Although some JD(U) members wanted to break from BJP, we realised that it was the BJP which had the support system – the upper-caste dominated press, bureaucracy and judiciary. Though Nitish led from the front, the BJP played its part in this win.”
Manish K Jha and Pushpendra summarise the situation very well in their 2012 research paper Governing Caste and Managing Conflicts Bihar, 1990-2011:
“Nitish Kumar had assiduously worked to bring together a coalition of Kurmis, Koeris, EBCs, lower Muslims (Pasmanda) and Mahadalits. and the upper-caste and business-community support-base of his party’s coalition partner, BJP. Finally, in November 2005 assembly elections, EBCs consolidated their votes in alliance with lower caste Muslims and upper castes and RJD regime was replaced by the JD(U)-BJP coalition.”
In a state as feudal as Bihar, for any party the support of the upper castes is a huge help. What the BJP also brings with itself is the RSS cadre, which is a huge help during the election process, from campaigning to manning booths to having the right electoral agents at the right booths. This is something that Nitish would have realised during the recent Maharajganj Lok Sabha poll.
One possibility for Nitish is to align with the Congress to make up for the loss of the votes that BJP brought in. The Congress has already started sending feelers regarding an alliance. There are two problems with this approach. The first problem is that the Congress is more or less dead in the state. Hence, any alliance between the two parties is going to benefit the Congress more than the JD(U).
The second problem is that the Congress already has an alliance with Lalu Yadav’s RJD. And aligning with the Lalu won’t go well with the political plank of development that Nitish has built and also delivered on. Any political leader who stands for economic development can’t be seen aligning with Lalu Yadav, the very antithesis of development. But as they say funnier things have happened in politics.
Given these reasons, Nitish Kumar and JD(U) will be worse off after the split with the BJP, but only slightly. Nitish’s bigger interest here seems to hold back Lalu Yadav from resurrecting his MY alliance and from the way things stand here, he should be successful at that.
As far as the BJP is concerned it will continue to get the support of the upper castes in the state. But that in itself will not be enough to win a substantial number of the 40 Lok Sabha seats. In the current Lok Sabha, the BJP-JD(U) alliance had 32 seats from the state.
Also, it is worth remembering that Hindutva was never really a big issue in Bihar. Even after Lalu Yadav arrested Lal Krishna Advani during the course of his 1990 Rath Yatra, the state continued to remain peaceful.
So the BJP’s attempts to resurrect this issue (as it is plans to in Uttar Pradesh by appointing Modi’s lieutenant Amit Shah as in-charge of the party in the state) won’t really work in Bihar. Given these reasons, it will be difficult for the party to win more than 10 Lok Sabha seats from the state, on its own.
Hence, Modi will have to work more magic in other states so as to ensure that the party wins enough seats on its own so that potential allies are attracted to it at least after the elections.
(Vivek Kaul is a writer. He tweets @kaul_vivek)
http://www.firstpost.com/politics/why-nitish-kumar-really-dumped-the-modi-led-bjp-876703.html

Also read – India Empowerment of Pasmanda Muslims is a must by R Upadhyay -http://www.esamskriti.com/essay-chapters/India~Empowerment-of-Pasmanda-Muslims-is-a-Must-1.aspx
Muslims that 'minority politics' left behind by Khalid A Ansari in HINDU.http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/muslims-that-minority-politics-left-behind/article4820565.ece 17/6/13

The pasmanda’s quest for empowerment will help democratise Indian Islam and deepen democracy in the country

‘Pasmanda’, a Persian term meaning “those who have fallen behind,” refers to Muslims belonging to the shudra (backward) and ati-shudra (Dalit) castes. It was adopted as an oppositional identity to that of the dominant ashraf Muslims (forward castes) in 1998 by the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, a group which mainly worked in Bihar. Since then, however, the pasmanda discourse has found resonance elsewhere too.

The dominant perception is that Islam is an egalitarian religion and that Indian Muslims on the whole, especially in the post-Sachar scenario, are a marginalised community. The pasmanda counter-discourse takes issue with both these formulations. In terms of religious interpretation, Masood Falahi’s work Hindustan mein Zaat Paat aur Musalman (2006) has convincingly demonstrated how the notion of kufu (rules about possible marriage relations between groups) was read through the lens of caste by the ‘manuwadi’ ulema and how a parallel system of “graded inequality” was put into place in Indian Islam.

Caste-based disenfranchisement

As far as the social sphere is concerned, Ali Anwar’s Masawat ki Jung (2000) has documented caste-based disenfranchisement of Dalit and backward caste Muslims at the hands of self-styled ashraf leaders in community organisations like madrasas and personal law boards, representative institutions (Parliament and State Assemblies) and departments, ministries and institutions that claim to work for Muslims (minority affairs, Waqf boards, Urdu academies, AMU, Jamia Millia Islamia, etc). The book also underlines stories of humiliation, disrespect and violence on caste grounds that various pasmanda communities have to undergo on a daily basis, at least in northern parts of India.

Thus, pasmanda commentators contest the two key elements of mainstream ‘Muslim’ or ‘minority’ discourse —Islam as an egalitarian religion and Indian Muslims on the whole as an oppressed community. Islam may be normatively egalitarian but actual-existing Islam in Indian conditions is deeply hierarchical. Similarly, all Muslims are not oppressed, or not to the same degree, at any rate: Muslims are a differentiated community in terms of power, with dominant (ashraf) and subordinated (pasmanda) sections. Consequently, the so-called ‘minority politics’, which has been quite content in raising symbolic and emotional issues so far, is really the politics of dominant caste Muslims that secures their interests at the expense of pasmanda Muslims. Not surprisingly, a recurrent theme in pasmanda narratives is that minority politics has singularly failed to address the bread-and-butter concerns of the pasmanda Muslims, who constitute about 85 per cent of the Indian Muslim population and come primarily from occupational and service biradaris.

The notion of ‘minority’ and ‘majority’ communities in India — read primarily in terms of religious identity — is of modern origin and linked with the emergence and consolidation of a hegemonic secular nation-state project. In this sense, while ‘secular’ nationalism becomes the locus of legitimate power and violence, Hindu and Islamic nationalisms become the sites of illegitimate power. The seemingly epic battles that are constantly fought within this conceptual framework — around communal riots or ‘Hindu’/‘Islamic’ terror more recently in the post-9/11 world — have been instrumental in denying a voice to subordinated caste communities across religions and in securing the interests of ‘secular,’ Hindu or Muslim elites respectively. In this sense, the pasmanda articulation has highlighted the symbiotic nature of majoritarian and minoritarian fundamentalism and has sought to contest the latter from within in order to wage a decisive battle against the former. As Waqar Hawari, a pasmanda activist, says: “While Muslim politicians like Imam Bukhari and Syed Shahabuddin add the jodan [starter yoghurt], it is left to the Hindu fundamentalists to prepare the yoghurt of communalism. Both of them are responsible. We oppose the politics of both Hindu and Muslim fanaticism.”

Faith and ethnicity

The structures of social solidarity that pasmanda activists work with are deeply influenced by the entangled relation between faith and ethnicity. The domains of Hinduism and Islam are quite complex, with multiple resources and potentialities possible: in various ways they exceed the ‘Brahminism’ and ‘Ashrafism’ that have come to over-determine them over time. On the one hand, the pasmanda Muslims share a widespread feeling of ‘Muslimness’ with the upper-caste Muslims, a solidarity which is often parochialised by internal caste and maslak-based (sectarian) contradictions. On the other hand, pasmanda Muslims share an experience of caste-based humiliation and disrespect with subordinated caste Hindus, a solidarity which is equally interrupted by the discourse around religious difference incessantly reproduced by upper caste institutions. Since the express object of the pasmanda movement has been to raise the issue of caste-based exclusion of subordinate caste Muslims, it has stressed on caste-based solidarity across religions. As Ali Anwar, the founder of Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, says: “There is a bond of pain between pasmanda Muslims and the pasmanda sections of other religions. This bond of pain is the supreme bond … That is why we have to shake hands with the pasmanda sections of other religions.”

This counter-hegemonic solidarity on caste lines is effectively encapsulated in the pasmanda slogan ‘Dalit-Pichda ek saman, Hindu ho ya Musalman’ (All Dalit-backward castes are alike, whether they be Hindu or Muslim). At the same time, birth-based caste distinctions are sought to be transcended from the vantage point of an egalitarian faith: “We are not setting the Dalit/Backward Caste Muslims against the so-called ashraf Muslims. Our movement is not directed against them. Rather, we seek to strengthen and empower our own people, to enable them to speak for themselves and to secure their rights and justice … We welcome well-meaning people of the so-called ashraf background … who are concerned about the plight of our people to join us in our struggle.” It is in the midst of such complex negotiations, the punctuated nature of faith and caste-based solidarities, that the pasmanda emerges as a political factor.

Overall, pasmanda politics has relied on transformative constitutionalism and democratic symbolism to attain its social justice goals — the deepening of existing affirmative action policies, adequate representation of pasmanda Muslims in political parties, state support for cottage and small-scale industries, democratisation of religious institutions and interpretative traditions, etc. Obviously, it confronts all the challenges that any counter-hegemonic identity movement faces in its formative phases: lack of resources and appropriate institutions, cooption of its leaders by state and other dominant ideological apparatuses, lack of relevant movement literature, internal power conflicts, and so on. Also, as Rammanohar Lohia said: “The policy of uplift of downgraded castes and groups is capable of yielding much poison. A first poison may come out of its immediate effects on men’s minds; it may speedily antagonise the Dvija without as speedily influencing the Sudras. With his undoubted alertness to developments and his capacity to mislead, the Dvija may succeed in heaping direct and indirect discredit on the practitioners of this policy long before the Sudra wakes up to it.” These are the challenges that the pasmanda activists face while confronting the ashrafiya-dominated minority politics. However, their struggle for a post-minority politics is on and one hopes it will democratise Indian Islam in the long run by triggering a process of internal reform. The pasmanda critique of the majority-minority or the secular-communal dyad will also contribute to a democratic deepening that will benefit all of India’s subaltern communities in the long run.

(Khalid Anis Ansari is a PhD candidate at the University of Humanistic Studies, Utrecht, The Netherlands. He also works with The Patna Collective, New Delhi, and engages with the pasmanda movement as an interlocutor and knowledge-activist. Email: khalidanisansari@gmail.com)

Advani working against BJP interests -- Sandhya Jain. Personal agenda or national agenda?

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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_LyqBn3gHhA

Advani working against BJP interests


By Sandhya Jain on June 17, 2013
Advani working against BJP interests
Disgruntled BJP leader LK Advani has surprised friends and foes alike by the rapidity with which he has launched his last political yatra – scuttle Narendra Modi’s ‘campaign Red Fort’. Unless checked firmly, this will happen even at the cost of destroying the momentum gained by the BJP on account of Modi’s popularity and the UPA’s unending saga of corruption and misgovernance.
In typical Advani style, he has moved with surgical precision. The first salvo after his ‘Goa sulk’ failed to prevent Modi’s elevation as campaign committee chief was to ‘signal’ Nitish Kumar, who promptly demanded concrete assurance that the Gujarat strongman would not be named Prime Ministerial candidate without the concurrence of all NDA allies. As this was not an issue with the Akali Dal or Shiv Sena, it was a ruse to give ‘veto power’ to Nitish Kumar, for the benefit of Advani. Kumar has since revealed that he got an assurance from former president Nitin Gadkari (strenuously denied); but in that case why another demand?
With Nitish Kumar formally calling off the alliance with the BJP on Sunday, June 16, the Advani coterie is working overtime to replace Suresh Soni as RSS coordinator with the BJP, as Soni is widely perceived as the power behind Rajnath Singh and Narendra Modi. Though some RSS stalwarts deny such a move is afoot, others say that the organisation did ask Dattatreya Hosbale to step in, but he declined. There is now pressure on sarkaryawah Bhaiyaaji Joshi to replace Soni.
Advani’s aides claim that if he (Advani) works out the post-election coalition, he should have a shot at the Prime Minister’s post before paving the way for Modi. This plan rests on two assumptions. First, that BJP will not win an independent majority. Second, that BJP will not be able to sew up alliances without Advani, and will have to give him veto power.
The first assumption will be tested during the elections; the second can be dismissed with contempt. What the ‘plan’ reveals, however, is that Atal Bihari Vajpayee became the BJP’s first Prime Minister because he was always the RSS’s chosen candidate for the job, a fact recognised by first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru! Deen Dayal Upadhyaya removed ambitious rivals from his path.

RSS had no role in Modi’s elevation: Rajnath Singh


Moreover, RSS never changed its mind on this score despite the vicissitudes the party went through over the decades, including the enormous stature acquired by Advani on account of the Somnath-to-Ayodhya yatra. It is very likely that Atal ji’s staying aloof from the yatra was as much his personal predilection as an RSS stratagem to insulate him from the odium of ‘communalism’ that tainted Advani on account of the Rama temple movement.Anyway, Advani clearly believed the Prime Minister’s office rightly belonged to him, and his restlessness prompted retired Sarsanghachalak Rajinder Singh to ask Vajpayee to step down in 2002. Now Advani wants Modi to fashion an electoral victory and give the plum post to him.

But there is no comparison between Advani and Modi. The Rama Janmabhoomi movement was a decision of the Sangh Parivar, first mooted at Palampur during the presidentship of Murli Manohar Joshi. Advani was asked to lead the movement, but he was not its architect. That is why RSS could decide who would be coronated when BJP came to power on the strength of popularity built up via the movement.


Narendra Modi was made Gujarat Chief Minister as a stop gap because Keshubhai Patel had to be removed following sheer incompetence in handling the Bhuj earthquake. Four months later came the unexpected Godhra train burning and subsequent riots. Modi, after initial dithering, rose to the occasion and cemented his leadership.
Despite the ignominy heaped on him by a well-funded brigade, Modi has won national and international acclaim for efficient and corruption-free governance, and made major strides in industrial and agricultural development, solar power, education, reconstruction of Bhuj, and so on.
This has given him a powerful middle-class backing across the nation, and the clamour from this powerful votebank, besides the BJP cadre and colleagues, made Rajnath Singh and the RSS promote him to encash the rising tide of revulsion against the UPA. Within Gujarat, it is no secret that the Parivar led by Dr Pravin Togadia worked to defeat Modi in previous elections. Thus, he was the architect of his programme in the state, and he fashioned his own electoral victory. Hence the Parivar cannot ask Modi to forfeit the fruits of his victory as they could in the case of Advani, where RSS provided the cadre and logistics for the temple movement.
Instead of encouraging BJP dissidents from the States, most notably former party president Nitin Gadkari, to cluster around him, Advani would do well to introspect about the realities of his political career, and his personal and political limitations. His graceless machination against a rising star is causing revulsion among the people and the party rank and file. No Chief Minister, potential Chief Minister, or any party stalwart is supporting his frantic attempts to scuttle Narendra Modi.
Stirring the dissident cauldron in the States, especially those going to the polls this year, could hurt the party. Vasundhara Raje lost the last election in Rajasthan narrowly, on account of sabotage by a veteran leader stoutly supporting Advani. Chhattisgarh recently witnessed a horrific bloodbath by Maoists, which took away the cream of the Congress party leadership; Raman Singh has his hands full battling the menace, nabbing the culprits, and instilling voter confidence in his leadership. Narendra Modi recently visited the State to shore him up.
In Madhya Pradesh, Congress is making a serious bid to wrest back the State. Encouraging dissidents to visit him could create unforeseen problems for Shivraj Singh Chouhan, whom Advani attempted to prop up as a rival to Modi. Does BJP need a fratricidal war at this stage?
Regarding Gujarat, it is pertinent that all anti-Modi leaders are already in the Congress, so whom did Advani invite to Delhi?
Reportedly, at the core committee meeting before Goa, Advani asked Rajnath Singh if BJP was going to announce Modi as the prime minister candidate for the 2014 elections; if it had taken the NDA allies into confidence; if the party had considered the ramifications of Modi’s projection as PM, and the difficulties of running a coalition at the Centre. He particularly objected to the ‘haste’. His agitation grew when told that the cadre wanted to elevate Modi, so it was decided to let him lead the central election campaign committee, while the Prime Ministership could be decided later.
Clearly Sarsanghachalak Mohan Bhagwat erred in providing Advani a face-saver to withdraw his resignation from party posts while retaining chairmanship of the NDA. Advani has reciprocated by upping the ante against Modi. Bhagwat must respond by giving a clear signal that Advani is effectively persona non grata in the Parivar.
More importantly, the farce called NDA must be ended without ado and party leaders told to stop lamenting the exit of Nitish Kumar. This should be taken as the golden opportunity for the revival of the BJP, and plans expedited to bring back leaders like BS Yeddyurappa.
Footnote: Realising that he was nearing his end, former RAW chief and strategic expert B Raman tweeted his testament to the nation on May 22: I decided to back NaMo becoz he is only leader with the required lucidity in thinking, razor-sharp focus on issues & ability to prioritise.
This is possibly the best summation of the nation’s political landscape — a light in the tunnel ahead.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/06/17/advani-working-against-bjp-interests-90970.html

Snakes and ladders game for Modi to Race Course Road.

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Will Modi make it to Race Course Road?

Snakes & ladders is a game of steep jumps, sudden falls & of course, chance. Politics isn’t very different, definitely not the political career of Narendra Modi. Play this game & watch how Modi graduated from working in a tea stall to a front-runner for the Prime Minister's job.

Click on Start at the bottom left hand corner of the page to begin.

RESET
  • PM Advani &Deputy PMModi?
  • 2014
    ELECTIONS
  • A third front coalition led by Nitish Kumar against Modi?
  • A day later, Advani withdraws his resignation.
  • Advani quits all BJP posts.
  • Modi appointed BJP poll head for 2014 elections.
  • Modi becomes CM for a record 4th term. December 2012.
  • Anil Ambani compares Modi with Mahatma Gandhi. January 2013.
  • Following UK's footsteps,
    EU ends Modi boycott. February 2013.
  • Wharton India Economic Forum withdraws invitation to Modi.
    March 2013.
  • Powered by Modi, BJP wins all 6 by-polls in Gujarat.
    June 2013.
  • Advani skips BJP's national executive meet in Goa, citing "upset stomach"
  • UK ends
    Modi
    boycott. October 2012.
  • Modi crosses a million followers on Twitter. October 2012.
  • Maya Kodnani, ex-minister in
    Modi's cabinet,
    sentenced to 28 years.
    August 2012.
  • Friend-turned-foe Keshubhai Patel rebels, floats own party.
  • IPS officer Sanjeev Bhatt files an affidavit in SC against Modi.
    April 2012.
  • "An sms (to Tata) that cost one rupee bought the Nano plant here." – Narendra Modi
    (June 2010)
  • 8,500 MoUs worth $241 billion signed at Vibrant Gujarat summit.
    2009.
  • Nitish Kumar asks Modi to stay away from Bihar.
    July 2010.
  • Supreme Court appointed SIT gives Modi clean chit.
    April 2011.
  • Modi begins a series of Sabdhavana fasts in Ahmedabad.
    September 2011.
  • Days later, he refuses to wear a 'skull cap' offered by a Muslim cleric at the fast.
  • Modi woos Tata to open the Nano factory in Gujarat after Bengal unrest.
    October 2008.
  • Modi sweeps Gujarat polls again.
    2007
  • Deals worth Rs 6.6 lakh crore signed at Vibrant Gujarat summit.
    January 2007.
  • US denies Visa.
    March 2005.
  • apologises a week later.
  • Modi spars with business leaders at a CII meet over Gujarat riots in February 2003.
  • Advani attends Modi's swearing-in.
  • Gujarat riots leave hundreds dead, thousands displaced.
    February-March 2002.
  • PM Vajpayee contemplates sacking Modi, exhorts him to follow 'Raj Dharma'. Advani saves Modi's job
  • Stung by criticism, Modi dissolves assembly, comes back with a thumping majority.
    December 2002.
  • Appointed Chief Minister of Gujarat by PM A. B. Vajpayee.
    October 2001.
  • Modi, backed by RSS and Advani, is a set to replace Patel
  • Gujarat CM Keshubhai Patel quits after criticismfor mishandling quake relief andslowing investments.
  • Appointed
    General Secretary
    of BJP.
     1998.
  • Shunted to Delhi in 1995 partly because of fallouts with senior Gujarat BJP leaders.
  • Born September 17, 1950 to a family of grocers in Vadnagar, Gujarat.
  • Works at a tea stall,joins RSS.
  • Becomes a RSS Pracharak for six Gujarat districts.
    1971.
  • JOINS THE BJP
    1987.
  • Modi was one of the choreographers of Advani's Rath Yatra.
    1990.
  • Modi's strategy leads to BJP's victory in Gujarat.
    1995.
  • "Gujarat is the shortest cut to Delhi"
    – L K Advani
    (March 1995)

Rules of the game:

  1. a) Ladders represent career defining successes, moments of glory
  2. b) Snakes represent moments of infamy or missteps
  3. c) The last five squares are yet to be played http://specials.indiatoday.com/modi-last-stretch/index.php

Indians in tax havens. CEIB dossiers link role in illegal activities. SoniaG UPA, get back the loot.

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Sanjib Kr Baruah , Hindustan Times
New Delhi, June 17, 2013
Many individuals and companies from India named in the list of people and companies who have invested in tax havens — including British Virgin Islands, Singapore, Cayman Islands, Cook Islands — are under the lens of government agencies. “There are many common names in the list released by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ). The probe is on,” a senior finance ministry official told HT.

In April itself, the Central Economic Intelligence Bureau (CEIB) had sent a list of hundreds of Indians to the IT authorities and the Enforcement Directorate.

“A cross-referencing of the names and addresses of individuals with the dossier available with the CEIB revealed several matches indicating their role in illegal activities. These matches have been sent to the authorities,” the official added.

The CEIB maintains a list of nearly 17,000 case particulars and 3,100 dossiers of individuals and companies.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-news/NewDelhi/Indians-named-in-ICIJ-tax-havens-list-under-scanner/Article1-1077471.aspx

download the database

http://offshoreleaks.icij.org/about/download

498 INDIANS NAMED IN TAX HAVEN SCOOP

Sunday, 16 June 2013 | J Gopikrishnan | New Delhi

Nearly 500 Indians and Indian companies have bank accounts in tax havens like British Virgin, Cayman and Cook Islands and Singapore. They are among the 10,000 account holders worldwide whose comprehensive list was released by the US-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) on Saturday. Interestingly, the official residential addresses of two senior Government officers also figure in the list.
In the massive worldwide exposé, titled 'Secrecy for Sale', the ICIJ released the names of 498 Indians and several Indian companies having bank accounts in the tax havens.
As per the list, one Ritu Verma's bank account carries the address of the official residence of a senior IAS officer of the UT cadre in Delhi. The address is: D-II-225 Vinay Marg, Chanakyapuri in New Delhi.
Inquiries by The Pioneer have revealed that the UT cadre IAS officer held important posts in the Delhi Government. He was transferred to Goa sometime ago, but now he is back in Delhi and resides at the same address.
According to ICIJ, Ritu Verma is a Director of Windsor Incorporation Inc since August 13, 2007. The company's address is shown as: Portcullis Trust Net Chambers, PO Box 3444, Road Town, Tortola, British Virgin Islands.
The other Government accommodation figuring in the list is: 15 E, CPWD Quarters, Vasant Vihar, New Delhi. This address is shown as that of one Sanjay Wali. The CPWD quarters in Vasant Vihar are allotted to senior Government officials.
According to ICIJ's exposé, Sanjay Wali is a Director of Crest Strategies Limited since September 6, 2006. This company is registered in Dubai and has accounts in tax havens.
A majority of the 498 Indian addresses are from Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, Hyderabad, Baroda, Ahmedabad and Bangalore. All the posh colonies in these metros figure in the list.
Addresses from Delhi's posh areas include Greater Kailash, Defence Colony and Golf Links Road. Besides, Chennai's Pycrofts Garden Road and Race Course Road also figure in the list of bank account holders in tax havens.
Several Indian businessmen and their family members' names and their associations with trusts and companies are mentioned in the lengthy list produced by ICIJ on their website.
People from areas like Raipur, Bellary, Kurukshetra, Khammam, Ludhiana, Ajmer, Bhopal, Muzaffarpur, Baripada (Odisha), Kochi and Pondicherry also figure in the list.
"The ICIJ publishes today a database that, for the first time in history, will help begin to strip away this secrecy across 10 offshore jurisdictions. The Offshore Leaks Database allows users to search through more than 1,00,000 secret companies, trusts and funds created in offshore locales such as the British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Cook Islands and Singapore. The Offshore Leaks web app, developed by La Nación newspaper in Costa Rica for ICIJ, displays graphic visualisations of offshore entities and the networks around them, including, when possible, the company's true owners," ICIJ, in the introduction of their exposé, said.
"When Bernard Madoff built his $65 billion house of cards; when food distributors passed off horsemeat as beef lasagna in Europe; and when Apple, Google and other American companies set up structures to channel their profits through Ireland - they all used tax havens.
"They bought secrecy, minimal or zero taxes and legal insulation, the distinctive products that tax havens market and that allow companies to operate in a fiscal and regulatory vacuum. Using the offshore economy is akin to acquiring your own island where the rules that most citizens follow don't apply," said ICIJ in the forward note to their biggest exposé, justifying the publication of bank accounts in tax havens across the world. The Journalists' organisation promises more release of bank accounts in the coming days.

























Lion-cheetah invasion theory of Romila-Valmik Thapar, Yusuf Ansari -- Utpal Kumar in a book review

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BOOK REVIEWS

HISTORY'S NEW HORSEPOWER

Sunday, 16 June 2013 | Pioneer

Exotic Aliens
Author: Valmik Thapar, Romila Thapar, Yusuf Ansari
Publisher: Aleph, Rs 595
The lion, with this book, has become a tool in the hands of an eminent historian to rejuvenate the now discredited Aryan invasion/migration theory. The loser, in the process, is not just the lion but the very idea of history, writes UTPAL KUMAR
There is something about Romila Thapar, one of the eminent historians in the country, which provokes this reviewer to read her work. Maybe it has something to do with habit — and old habits die hard. As a student of history, I would reach out for her books. But  the more I read, the more questions would come up than answers. And a pattern would emerge: She, for instance, would begin by saying that since there was no Harappan seal with a horse mark on it, this animal in all likelihood didn’t exist in the subcontinent. But thereafter in the book, this assumption would become the proof of its absence in India which, for her, made it so easy for the invading Aryans to overpower the already disintegrating Harappans and push the Dravidians down south. It’s another matter that now Harappan horse seals have been discovered at numerous sites. Scientific investigations have shown that both the Harappans and the Aryans belonged to the same racial groups. That Harappa wasn’t such a localised civilisation, as it was earlier made out to be. That the Aryan-Dravidian divide wasn’t at all real, so the very idea of distinguishing a fair Aryan and a dark Dravidian falls flat. In the wake of all this, Thapar did something remarkable: She changed the term Aryan invasion into Aryan migration and kept the rest of the theory intact!
So, when she writes the book, Exotic Aliens: The Lion and the Cheetah in India, along with her nephew Valmik Thapar and Yusuf Ansari, the obvious question comes up: What would the historian do in a book dealing with lions? The answer is there within the first few pages of the book: Lions would do what horses failed to deliver — in making the Aryans look aliens to the Indian landscape! The crux of the argument is that lions, along with cheetahs — like the much despised Aryans — were in all probability not the original inhabitants of the subcontinent and were imported from outside.
In Exotic Aliens, the historian doesn’t miss any opportunity to bolster her theory with the help of thepanthera leo (earlier it was horse!), as she says that the “iconic meaning of the lion had clearly not been appropriated by the Harappans”. She then goes on to add that many centuries later the Rig Veda, the first of the Vedic texts, records the reverse condition. “It refers to the thunderous roar of the lion,simha, which lives in the hills and is a beast that kills, but the Rig Veda doesn’t know the tiger, vyaghra. A possible explanation could be that the geographical context of the earliest hymns of the Rig Veda was beyond the far northeast of India and impinges on northeastern Iran and the Oxus valley,” writes Thapar.
The linking of the lion with the Aryan invasion/migration theory does a great harm to this otherwise well-researched book. Because if the Aryans and Harappans were of the same racial stock, and if there never was an invasion/migration, then lions too couldn’t be termed aliens. The entire theory, thus, is put on its head. Divyabhanusinh Chavda, an authority on Asiatic lions and best known for his book The Story of Asia’s Lions, claims that at one point in history lions roamed the Asian continent from Palestine to Palamau in Bihar. Over the centuries, these animals were wiped out, and they are now confined to a small population in Gujarat’s Gir forest. This decimation wasn’t too surprising given the fact that lion killing in this country was not long ago regarded as an ultimate act of valour, particularly among the royal classes, which even Valmik Thapar mentions in this book.
There are interesting stories in this book about how Muslim rulers in India — from Balban and Firoze Shah Tughlaq to Akbar and Jahangir — were obsessed with wild animals. So we are told about Qutb-ud-din Mubarak, the third Khilji monarch (1316-20), possessing “two to three thousand deer-hunting panthers, which would make Akbar’s claim of 1,000 panthers look like an amateur collection!” We are told that in Akbar’s reign (1556-1605) the cheetah assumed a position at the Mughal court which even noblemen would have envied. We are told that the Maharaja of Rewah supposedly killed no less than 483 tigers just before and after Independence! We are informed about a rare book, published in 1920 by Madhav Rao Scindia, the then Maharaja of Gwalior, called A Guide to Tiger Shooting, in which every detail of the state management of a tiger hunt is not just stated but illustrated to ensure that the big cat has no chance whatsoever to escape.
Then, there was one Colonel A Smith who had claimed to have shot 50-300 lions around Delhi and Haryana during the turbulent period before and after the 1857 uprising — and this is where not one lion was found in 1931 by one Major Brown, who himself conceded: “The lion was once very numerous in Haryana but not one (is) to be found.”
No doubt, the book is a source of great information on wildlife, particularly the lion and the cheetah. It also tells us about the obsession of the rajas and nawabs for them and how their fortunes fluctuated with every new ruler. Alas, the book had not involved itself with the Aryan affair! The issue gets knottier when, in the garb of the lion, there’s an attempt to dilute the past to influence the present, to create rift among people on the basis of race, colour and geography. Of all species, lions don’t need this. They are just about surviving in Gir. Efforts should be made to make them flourish, rather than get perished in an ensuing ideological battle.

Nitish, Sharad commit sati for Advani -- Lalu

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A mixed metaphor, but Lalu has a way of telling the grand narrative. 

The best line to come out of the mess Advani has created for himself and for BJP.

kalyan

Lalu says, Nitish, Sharad should now commit Sati sacrifice after Advani’s exit

Posted by  at 7:13 pm 0 Comment
Lalu says, Nitish, Sharad should now commit Sati sacrifice after Advani’s exit
Patna, Jun 10: Reacting to L K Advani’s resignations from key BJP posts, Rashtriya Janata Dal supremo Lalu Prasad today asked Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar and Janata Dal (United) chief Sharad Yadav to stop “weeping like widows” and commit “Sati sacrifice” after Advani’s exit.
Lalu Prasad said, BJP’s cup of woes has now spilleth over.
“I don’t see any difference between Advani and Narendra Modi. One was responsible for the death of thousands after the Babri demolition, and the other was reponsible for Gujarat riots”, said the RJD leader.
He said, Nitish Kumar and Sharad Yadav were working like “Advani’s toys” and were demanding the Prime Minister’s resignation.“With Advani’s dreams shattered, and Vajpayee ill, the era of Advani and Vajpayee is now over, and the biggest shock is being felt by Nitish and Sharad Yadav”, said Lalu Prasad. http://haryanaabtak.com/lalu-says-nitish-sharad-should-now-commit-sati-sacrifice-after-advanis-exit

Ancient near East Gudea statue hieroglyph (Indus writing): lokhãḍ, 'copper tools, pots and pans': lo 'overflow', kāṇḍa 'sacred water'.

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According to the inscription this statue was made by Gudea, ruler of Lagash (c. 2100 BCE) for the temple of the goddess Geshtinanna. Gudea refurbished the temples of Girsu and 11 statues of him have been found in excavations at the site. Nine others including this one were sold on the art market. It has been suggested that this statue is a forgery. Unlike the hard diorite of the excavated statues, it is made of soft calcite, and shows a ruler with a flowing vase which elsewhere in Mesopotamian art is only held by gods. It also differs stylistically from the excavated statues. On the other hand, the Sumerian inscription appears to be genuine and would be very difficult to fake. Statues of Gudea show him standing or sitting. Ine one, he rests on his knee a plan of the temple he is building. On some statues Gudea has a shaven head, while on others like this one he wears a headdress covered with spirals, probably indicating that it was made out of fur. Height 61 cm. The overflowing water from the vase is a hieroglyph comparable to the pectoral of Mohenjo-daro showing an overflowing pot together with a one-horned young bull and standard device in front. The diorite from Magan (Oman), and timber from Dilmun (Bahrain) obtained by Gudea could have come from Meluhha. That the hieroglyph of pot/vase overflowing with water is a recurring theme can be seen from other cylinder seals, including Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal. Such an imagery also occurs on a fragment of a stele, showing part of a lion and vases.
A person with a vase with overflowing water; sun sign. C. 18th cent. BCE. [E. Porada,1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf states, Artibus Asiae, 33, 31-7]. meḍha‘polar star’ (Marathi). me‘iron’ (Ho.Mu.)
 
khaṇṭi  ‘buffalo bull’ (Tamil) Rebus: khãḍ '(metal) tools, pots and pans' (Gujarati)
 


m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. kāṇṭam
காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’ (Marathi)
<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'.  @B24310.  #20851. Re<lo->(B)  {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''.  See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) The hieroglyph clearly refers to the metal tools, pots and pans of copper. 
The pot carried by the woman accompanying the Meluhha sea-faring merchant could also be a hieroglyphic rebus reading of kāṇṭam signifying metal pots and pans and tools.



The following semantic cluster indicates that the early compound: loha + kāṇḍa referred to copper articles, tools, pot and pans. The early semantics of 'copper' got expanded to cover 'iron and other metals'. It is suggested that the hieroglyph of an overflowing vase refers to this compound: lohakāṇḍā.

खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended (Marathi) M. lokhãḍ n. ʻironʼ(Marthi) yields the clue to the early semantics of khāṇḍā  which should have referred to tools, pots and pans (of metal). Kumaoni has semantics: lokhaṛ  ʻiron tools'. लोहोलोखंड [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general (Marathi).

Thus lohakāṇḍā would have referred to copper tools. The overflowing vase on the hands of Gudea would have referred to this compound, represented by the hieroglyphs and rendered rebus.

N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- )(CDIAL 11171). lōhitaka ʻ reddish ʼ Āpast., n. ʻ calx of brass, bell- metal ʼ lex. [lṓhita -- ]K. lŏy f. ʻ white copper, bell -- metal ʼ. (CDIAL 11166). lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa" ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ.lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H.lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ.(CDIAL 11158). lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj.  Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ. Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.(CDIAL 11159). lōhahala 11161 lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ](CDIAL 11161). Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ(CDIAL 11160)Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ(CDIAL 11162). P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ.(CDIAL 11163). लोहोलोखंड [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.रुपेशाई लोखंड [ rupēśāī lōkhaṇḍa ] n A kind of iron. It is of inferior quality to शिक्केशाईलोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith. लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 लोखंडी, in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow. लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel. लोखंडी जर [ lōkhaṇḍī jara ] m (लोखंड & जर) False brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron.लोखंडी रस्ता [ lōkhaṇḍī rastā ] m लोखंडी सडक f (Iron-road.) A railroad. लोह [ lōha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought. 2 m Abridged from लोहभस्म. A medicinal preparation from rust of iron.लोहकार [ lōhakāra ] m (S) A smelter of iron or a worker in iron.लोहकिट्ट [ lōhakiṭṭa ] n (S) Scoriæ or rust of iron, klinker.लोहंगी or लोहंगी काठी [ lōhaṅgī or lōhaṅgī kāṭhī ] f (लोह & अंग) A club set round with iron clamps and rings, a sort of bludgeon.लोहार [ lōhāra ] m ( H or लोहकार S) A caste or an individual of it. They are smiths or workers in iron. लोहारकाम [ lōhārakāma ] n Iron-work, work proper to the blacksmith.लोहारकी [ lōhārakī ] f (लोहार) The business of the blacksmith.लोहारडा [ lōhāraḍā ] m A contemptuous form of the word लोहार.लोहारसाळ [ lōhārasāḷa ] f A smithy.

Hiding info. on Chinese troops vandalisiing Indian posts. SoniaG UPA compromising national security.

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Did Antony ignore June 17 incursion by PLA to ensure a smooth China trip?

  | New Delhi, July 9, 2013 | 16:30
Defence Minister A.K. Antony with his Chinese counterpart Gen Chang Wanquan in Beijing.
Defence Minister A.K. Antony with his Chinese counterpart Gen Chang Wanquan in Beijing.
Defence Minister A.K. Antony was aware of the latest incursion by the Chinese troops in Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir well before setting out on his four-day trip to Beijing earlier this month, sources told Headlines Today on Tuesday.

According to sources, Antony received the report on People's Liberation Army's (PLA's) action in Chumar on June 24, exactly a week after it happened.

However, sources said, Antony expressed to the briefing team that the intrusion should not affect his Beijing visit plan. Sources said that Antony also received information that the issue was being addressed at the local level.

On June 24, Antony finalised and approved agenda for his China visit from July 4. According to sources, the latest PLA intrusion and the July 3 border meeting did not come up when Antony was in Beijing.

The question now arises whether the defence minister deliberately chose to ignore the June 17 border incursion so as to ensure a smooth and unruffled trip to China.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/ak-antony-chinese-incursion-people-liberation-army/1/287639.html

Chinese troops enter Chumar again, vandalise Indian posts


The intrusion took place on June 17 when Chinese troops entered Indian territory in the Chumar sector and started vandalising the observation bunkers, sources said.

LEH: In another incursion, Chinese troopsintruded into the Chumar sector in Ladakh — the same area which had sparked off tensions in April — and smashed some bunkers besides cutting wires of cameras installed at the border post.

Official sources said on Tuesday the intrusion took place on June 17 when the troops of China's People's Liberation Army(PLA) entered Indian territory in the Chumar sector and started vandalising the observation bunkers, besides cutting the wires which overlook the Chinese territory.

Chumar, located 300 km from here, has always been an area of discomfort for the Chinese troops as this is the only area along the Sino-Indian border where they do not have any direct access to the Line of Actual Control(LAC).

The 21-day face-off between the two sides in the remote Daulat Beg Oldi (DBO) sector on April 15 was triggered by construction of an observation tower in Chumar division which had to be subsequently dismantled by the Army on May 5 before the crisis was defused.

The Chinese side, according to the minutes of the flag meetings in the last week of March this year, had been objecting to the construction of the watch tower along the LAC in Chumar.

After dismantling the observation post and defence bunkers, Army had installed cameras to monitor movement of Chinese troops along the LAC, a step which had irked the PLA.

Chumar, a remote village on Ladakh-Himachal Pradesh border, is being claimed by China as its own territory. The Chinese side also reportedly resorted to helicopter incursions almost every year.

Last year, it dropped some of the soldiers of PLA in this region and dismantled the makeshift storage tents of the Army and ITBP.

This area is not accessible from the Chinese side whereas the Indian side has a road almost to the last point on which the Army can carry loads upto nine tonnes.

Tentacles of corruption. High cost to the nation of SoniaG family lifestyle -- MN Buch

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Tentacles of corruption

08th July 2013 07:51 AM
Some time back, Rahul Gandhi visited Bhopal for a day on purely party work for the Congress. He did not take a commercial flight, the fare of which he could have reimbursed as a Member of Parliament. He came by a special aircraft and for his personal protection a bulletproof armoured vehicle had been sent in advance from Delhi by train. Naturally, he was accompanied by his Special Protection Group escort and more than one thousand policemen were deployed for his protection and general bandobast. He travelled in a convoy of several cars, piloted and escorted by the police and barricades were erected for crowd control.
I cannot think of the chairman of the Labour Party in Britain travelling in that country in such style and at such great expense. In Delhi, the Sonia Gandhi family maintains a lifestyle which undoubtedly must cost a great deal of money, certainly more than can be afforded by the emoluments earned by her and Rahul Gandhi as Members of Parliament. The question which the people of India must ask is, “Where is all this money coming from?”
I am not targeting Rahul Gandhi or the Congress because every party and every leader does exactly the same thing. The BJP president, Rajnath Singh, travels by special aircraft and helicopters, as do Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav and leaders of the parties in the southern states. The Congress is supposed to be the richest political party in India, followed by the BJP and CPI(M). Suppose we take the population of India as 120 crore, including adults and minors, if a party were to collect five rupees per head that would still come to only ` 600 crore.
Considering the lifestyle of our leaders, the cost of their travel, the huge amounts spent during elections, it is obvious that parties and party leaders are accepting money from business houses, whereas their followers are extorting money from smaller businessmen. Why should a business house give any money to any politician unless he is convinced that this is a form of investment which can be encashed at huge profit, to the advantage of the politicians and also for overlooking malpractices of the business houses?
One is told that the House of Tata refuses to pay bribes and I am prepared to accept that the family of Jamnalal Bajaj, mainly Rahul Bajaj, would also be principled in this behalf. But that is not true of most of our business houses and, therefore, party funds are very largely dependent on contributions from black marketeers, people indulging in illegal business and business houses, some on the make but most of whom know that if they are to survive they have to please the politicians. This is the root cause of corruption and surely the question must be asked, “Why are parties and politicians sourcing funds from businessmen and why are businessmen doling out such huge amounts?”
In my family, we three brothers were in the IAS (the second one died when he was just 52) and my wife was also an IAS officer. She, my youngest brother and I are pensioners and no doubt after the Sixth Pay Commission the pension is enough for us to live reasonably comfortably. It is not enough to afford luxury, which is why my wife is unable to replace her eleven-year-old car. In some ways we are fortunate because there is a huge escalation in land value and the house which I built in 1975-76 cost me just about ` 3 lakh, including the cost of land, which is now worth crores of rupees.
However, I cannot think of acquiring more property at today’s prices. On the other hand, most of our politicians have acquired assets for which there is no logical explanation in terms of what they earn.
For example, a chief minister of Arunachal Pradesh once told me that his industries and excise minister, who belonged to a particular tribe, came from a poverty-stricken household but he now owns a hotel in Itanagar, properties in Guwahati, Delhi and Bombay and is an extremely wealthy man. I can give any number of examples from Madhya Pradesh of politicians who could not afford a bicycle now owning several cars; others who could not afford a one-room tenement now having luxurious bungalows and commercial properties, with their wives being loaded with jewels.
Where does all these money come from? Elections cost huge sums of money and it is obvious that political parties cannot afford to give every candidate crores of rupees for an Assembly or parliamentary election. A person who has spent ` 5 crore to 10 crore to win a parliamentary seat obviously has to collect money by illegal means to recoup what he has spent. He becomes corrupt, he corrupts the system by forcing his civil servants to assist in collecting money, the civil servants in turn find that it is lucrative to be corrupt on their own, unscrupulous contractors and businessmen take advantage of the corruption of the bureaucrats and the politicians and, therefore, spurious drugs and liquor are sold and innocent people killed, the roof of a hospital collapses with patients occupying the premises, a Dawood Ibrahim flourishes and scams occur on a national scale.
How do we deal with corruption? Without being judgemental let me just quote a few cases. Both Mayawati and Mulayam Singh Yadav are accused of having assets disproportionate to their known sources of income. Whichever party is in power in a coalition it needs their support and, therefore, the cases drag on for years. If they are innocent the matter should have been closed long ago; if they are guilty they should have been punished long ago. Neither happens, the sword of Damocles hangs over these politicians and they vote in a convenient manner so that they can stay out of jail. Whether it is DMK, AIADMK, the Congress, the BJP, Janata Dal, the Reddy brothers in Bellary or Y S Reddy of Andhra Pradesh, corrupt conduct is the handle with which government beats them to extort money, but nothing happens in terms of legal retribution. The final question which people must ask is, “When will the law prevail, the guilty be brought to book and corruption ruthlessly eradicated?”
M N Buch, a former civil servant, is chairman, National Centre for Human Settlements and Environment, Bhopal;
E-mail: buchnchse@yahoo.com

Comments(3)

When people starts asking "when will the law prevail, the guilty be brought to book and corruption ruthlessly eradicated?" - a new legislation by the corrupt, for the corrupt, will be passed! More and more people are taking politics as a lucrative job. The advantage is that it is the only "job" having no responsibility, limitless income, nobody will question, all facilities with out any investment, and what not? God save our country!
In USA the fbi/police view all Targets (suspects) as guilty; so, many are killed on the spot. In my view all persons are deemed innocent until proven guilty; many are innocent after proven guilty; and in my experience the police & fbi are more guilty of heinous crimes than many of their helpless victims. Thus American law allows the brutal treatment of any person pursued by the homicidal law enforcement community. Related: For those who refuse to acknowledge the macabre and murderous world now forced upon the people by the enemy of mankind (i.e., the USA and its allies) I will draw a picture for you with my words, drawings and * reports; in recognition of the brave and intelligent among us who seek peace and humane government for all the world citizens, this message is in remembrance of our friends who have been Targets for assassination, imprisonment, and torture by the very authorities who represent themselves as lawmen; as we now see, Outlaws Are Far Better Men.
thanks, Mr Buch for the excellent article. unfortunately, many of our opinion makers too are sold out. but am sure, people will wake up. best vidyadhar date. ex times of india, mumbai
http://newindianexpress.com/opinion/Tentacles-of-corruption/2013/07/08/article1672423.ece

Evidence proves Ishrat Jahan was an LeT member: Ajit Doval

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Evidence proves Ishrat Jahan was an LeT member: Ajit Doval


By Niticentral Staff on July 8, 2013
In an exclusive interview with Kanchan Gupta on NWRLive’s Views Hour, Ajit Doval, former Director of the Intelligence Bureau said there was, “impeccable evidence to prove Ishrat Jahan was a member of the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba. Doval said, “The very manner in which the entire investigation was started indicates that the things were less than transparent.”
Doval had been the head of the Operations Wing of the IB for a decade before he became the director of IB and is the recipient of the highest gallantry awards, the Kirti Chakra. He was the first police officer to receive this medal which was previously only given as a military honour. Doval has the distinction of being the youngest police officer ever to get the Indian Police Medal for meritorious service. He got it six years after joining the police. The norm is at least 17 years of service.
The incident had taken place way back in 2004 and that year itself the Ministry of Home Affairs had given an affidavit that they had done their investigations and found that there was nothing wrong in the way the encounter happened. The investigation also found that Ishrat Jahan and the other three who were killed with her were members of the terrorist group.
During the conversation, Doval said that for years no one thought that there was any need to start the investigation in the case prima facie as there was no evidence against the police and the Government of Gujarat. What the motivation was behind such an investigation to start with is worth considering. It was politically motivated or showed some kind of vendetta.
He very categorically said that it is evident that the investigation was not done on the proper lines. The investigating agency did not consider David Headley’s evidence, LET’s report, evidence from police in Kashmir, and evidence from people who knew Ishrat Jahan and her terror links. He said, “This is a case where the conclusion was pre-decided and evidences were created where none existed, to arrive at the pre-decided conclusion.”
He said, “CBI is an institution and all institutions are made and run by people. People who investigated the case must have some personal or other consideration and that is why they did not act in professional way when they investigated the case. In recent times, for many cases it has been observed that CBI has not conducted the investigation objectively but have conducted them for political gains.”
Doval was of the view that one political party, to gain political mileage from a particular segment of the society, is using Ishrat Jahan as an icon to show that one particular State and its Government will undo the favours that they want to grant to that segment of the society. He said that this is one reason why no one talks about what Ishrat Jahan was doing with those three men in Gujarat who were killed along with her and that is why no one is talking about the precedents of those three men and for what motives they were in Gujarat.
During the talk with NWRLive, Doval said that the links of Ishrat Jahan with LET is unquestionable. There is enough evidence that she was LET’s terrorist and there is so much evidence that has not been put forward before the court. Ishrat Jahan was under observance for long for her connections with ISI and LET and she was regularly communicating with them.
Doval gave no importance to the fact that Ishrat was a student and said, “One can be a student and still be a terrorist if the evidence proves so and there has been ample evidence to prove that Ishrat was a terrorist and not just a cover that the three men killed along with her were using her as.” Doval said she knew all about what they did and she was very much a part of their gang. In normal situations, 19-year-old girls do not move around with three men for work purposes and it has never been mentioned for what work she was moving with them for.
In a one-of-its-kind incident where an IB officer is named publicly, Doval said, “It is really unfortunate that an officer of the calibre of Rajendra Kumar has been named.” He said there is lot of bad blood between IB and CBI and this cannot go on for long and that the issue should have been handled with more maturity. Doval also added that the investigating agency, by implicating Rajendra Kumar, tried to crack him and that they wanted to implicate someone else through Kumar by making him provide evidence against them but that did not happen and the result has been in creating great damage to the reputation of the government and CBI. It is very unfortunate that an intelligence officer was ousted and named in public for political gain.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/07/08/evidence-proves-ishrat-jahan-was-an-let-member-ajit-doval-101111.html

Fisherfolk against DMK's campaign for Setusamudram channel

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Fishers to oppose DMK's campaign for Sethusamudram project

TNN Jul 3, 2013, 03.41AM IST

TUTICORIN: As the DMK is gearing up for a campaign supporting the Sethusamudramproject with the party's treasurer M K Stalin planning to spearhead it in Tuticorin on July 8, fishermen associations have decided to counter it by staging an anti-Sethusamudramcampaign ahead of it.
Leaders of fishermen association came down heavily on the DMK stating that their proposed campaign is a mere political stunt for the upcoming parliamentary elections and the shipping channel project will wipe out the livelihood of the fishermen besides causing ecological damages.
Subash Fernando, coordinator of All-Fishermen Associations; Xavier Vaz, president of Mechanised Boat Owners Association; Johnson, president of Vadabagam Country Boat Fishermen Association; and Santiago, Raj and Stephen from Fishermen Association jointly addressed the media here on Wednesday and expressed their concerns on the Sethusamudram project and demanded its abandonment.
The leaders said that they will organise the fishermen communities of three coastal districts of Tuticorin, Tirunelveli and Kanyakumari and carry out demonstrations against the DMK's campaign on project that will link the Palk Strait and the Gulf of Mannar between India and Sri Lanka. They are convening a meeting with fishermen leaders of these districts to decide on their method of protest, they said.
The government has wasted public money of Rs 1,500 crore on this technically unfeasible project which will not benefit anyone. The projected benefits of development are a myth and the livelihood of the fishermen communities will be severely affected, the fishermen leaders charged. "We wonder how the ecologically protected marine space announced by the central government in its gazette can be dredged for the benefit of a few people in the name of development," rued Subash Fernando. "The fishermen have a single concern which is the safety of their livelihood - the marine wealth in the Gulf of Mannar. We will bring together all the fishermen to agitate against the project," Subash said.
Already, there is tension among the operators of mechanised boats and country boats over damage to fishing gear after it gets entangled in the propellers of mechanised boats. The country boat fishermen are compensated once in a year by the owners of mechanised boats for damages to fishing gear, the fishermen sources said. "If the ship operations commence, the damage to fishing gear, country boats and even mechanised fishing boats will be unbearable and who will compensate for the loss," a fisherman said.

Sita temple in Sri Lanka, design set. SoniaG UPA, construct Rama temple in Ayodhya.

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July 9, 2013

Design set for Sita temple in Sri Lanka

A. SRIVATHSAN

Madhya Pradesh government’s initiative near Nuwara-Eliya; estimated to cost Rs. 2 crore

The Madhya Pradesh government is all set to start building a Sita temple, designed in the South Indian architectural style, at Divurumpola in Sri Lanka. Sita is believed to have undergone her agni pareeksha (test by fire) at this spot. The design has been finalised.
Divurumpola is near Nuwara-Eliya, in the central part of the country.
The State government has been pursuing the proposal with Sri Lanka since 2012. Early this year, it commissioned a Bangalore-based firm of architects to do the design, and assigned the State Tourism Department to coordinate the project.
The architects concerned, who did not want to be identified, told The Hindu they had chosen the Vijayanagara style. The proposed complex would comprise three shrines, a tank and an ornate pillared hall.
Madhya Pradesh Tourism officials said the estimated cost is about Rs. 2 crore. Tenders would be invited shortly.
Since 2007, the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority has been promoting sites associated with the Ramayana. It had identified about 50 such sites and proposed plans to develop them to attract Indian tourists.
However, a few Sri Lankan historians had objected to this project because they thought it distorted archaeological evidence and alleged that these sites were mere inventions.
The Sri Lankan press had earlier reported that Ravana Balaya, a Sinhalese Buddhist organisation, had demanded that a statue for Ravana, the mythical Lankan king associated with the Ramayana tale, should be built before constructing a Sita temple.
They explained that they are not opposed to the construction the temple, but wanted the government to honour Ravana first.
http://www.thehindu.com/features/friday-review/history-and-culture/design-set-for-sita-temple-in-sri-lanka/article4898772.ece?homepage=true

Key accused in Madurai, anti-Advani pipe bomb case arrested

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Key accused in pipe bomb case arrested

09th July 2013 09:24 AM
In what is touted as a breakthrough in the two-year-old case relating to the planting of a pipe bomb en route BJP leader L K Advani’s rath yatra in Madurai, officers of the Special Investigation Team (SIT) of the Crime Branch CID on Monday picked up a key accused Mohammed Haneefa alias ‘Tenkasi’ Haneefa (35) from Dindigul district. Police also suspect him to have a hand in the recent bomb blast outside the officer of the BJP headquarters in Bangalore.
Haneefa, who was arrested from Kanavaimedu village, had gone underground along with two other key conspirators ‘Police’ Fakrudeen and Bilal Malik soon after police recovered a pipe bomb from beneath a road over bridge in Alampatti village near Tirumangalam on October 28, 2011. The other two are still at large.
“We have seized explosives substances including detonator powder, sword and a sickle from him. He and the other two absconding accused had planted the bomb on October 27 in a bid to assassinate Advani,” SIT Madurai Deputy Superintendent of Police M Karthikeyan said.
Haneefa had allegedly confessed to his role in the incident. Police claim that he had told them that the bomb was planted at Alampatti as the bridge was too narrow and in the event of a blast it would make it difficult for the BJP leader’s convoy to speed past the area.
Karthikeyan alleged that the RSS Dindigul district secretary Bhaskaran, who had suffered a leg injury in an attack perceived to have been orchestrated by an Islamic outfit, was on Haneefa’s hit list. “We recovered a newspaper clipping along with a photograph of Bhaskaran from Haneefa’s bag leading to suspicions that he could be his next target,” the officer said.
Haneefa and 10 absconding accused in the Coimbatore serial blasts case were allegedly trained by a fundamentalist outfit in Karnataka. Though he was frequently shuttling between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, Haneefa had stayed in Dindigul for the past six months. He also faces three attempted to murder cases and is an accused in the murder of a Hindu outfit leader in Tenkasi.
The Tirumangalam JM remanded him in custody.

Dutch along the Coromandel coast in India -- Anusha Parthasarathy

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Published: July 2, 2013 17:59 IST | Updated: July 3, 2013 10:38 IST
SURVIVORS OF TIME

The Dutch connection

Anusha Parthasarathy
  • A tomb in the cemetry. Photo: Anusha Parthasarathy
    A tomb in the cemetry. Photo: Anusha Parthasarathy
    Arch at the entrance of the new Dutch cemetry
    Obelisk on top of a tomb


  • Arch at the entrance of the new Dutch cemetry. Photo: Anusha Parthasarathy
    Arch at the entrance of the new Dutch cemetry. Photo: Anusha Parthasarathy
  • Obelisk on top of a tomb. Photo: Anusha Parthasarathy
    Obelisk on top of a tomb. Photo: Anusha Parthasarathy

In this two-part series, Anusha Parthasarathy visits Pulicat and gathers information on how the Dutch established trade relations with the locals in the early 17th century, eventually making the place their seat of administration

In Pulicat, the view from the lighthouse is of the sea, the lagoon, a clear perimeter of what was once Fort Geldria, the small and big mosques, the ancient temples and the cemeteries. The story of this ancient trade port goes much deeper than its well-known Dutch heritage, but it is still possible to imagine a time when Danish ships with tall sails crowded these waters, traded in textiles and spices, and the Dutch eventually built a stronghold. Pulicat or Pallaicatta, till 1690, was the capital of the Dutch Coromandel.
According to Asia in the Making of Europe: A Century of Advance: South Asia by Donald Frederick Lach, the Dutch first got trading rights in Masulipatnam in 1605 and explored Pulicat the following year. In 1609, they landed in Pulicat in search of water. They went on to strike up trade relations with the Muslims there (since the Arabs had reached Pulicat earlier). With permission from Queen Eraivi, wife of Venkata II (the Vijayanagar King), they established a factory and began trading, mostly in textiles and diamonds. The Portuguese in Pulicat attacked the Dutch who began to feel threatened. And so, they established a fort in 1613 — Fort Geldria — to protect themselves from the other local kings and the Portuguese. This fort is now overgrown with bushes but its perimeter and moat are still visible.
AARDE (Art and Architecture Research, Development and Education) Foundation, a non-profit architecture and design service organisation, has been active in Pulicat since 2007 and has tracked its heritage. Xavier Benedict, its founder, says, “The fort was named after a place called Gelderland in the Netherlands. The Dutch East India Company or Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) was the first to start share markets here. They issued about 25 shares in Pulicat to the Dutch living in the area.”
“They also established the first European administration in Pulicat. The Dutch, it should be clear, first came to trade. Both their forts, here and in Sadras, predominantly focussed on trade, and governance didn’t come into question till trade began to flourish,” he says.
Pulicat became the headquarters of the Dutch Government in 1616 A.D., according to Pulicat and Sadras, a coffee table book authored by Xavier. The chief of Pulicat was the Governor of the Coromandel Coast.
This settlement was of great advantage to the Dutch as the best cotton goods could be procured here and from the surrounding districts. What was locally made was a material with checks and stripes and Xavier explains that the kings and queens of the Netherlands wore the Palayakat checks. The Palayakat lungis were popular all over South-East Asia. This would, in time, evolve into the famous Madras Checks. Pulicat also had a gunpowder factory as early as 1620 which helped Dutch trade flourish.
The British, after many attempts at establishing trade in Pulicat, struck a deal in 1621 with the Hollanders of Pulicat, but the union was soon terminated, says Vestiges of Old Madras by H.D. Love. They continued their efforts until the Dutch eventually conceded in 1825.
D.F. Lach observes that since the Dutch Company allowed its soldiers to marry Indian women, Pulicat began to look more like a Dutch colony by the 1630s. The most popular languages spoken there were Dutch, Tamil and Portuguese. Sanjay Subrahmanyam in The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India 1500-1650 says the Dutch had built such a comfortable settlement on the coast that they were much envied by others in Europe. Therefore, there were constant efforts to overthrow the Dutch. And so, finally, in 1806, Fort Geldria was destroyed. “The reason the Dutch thrived in the area for nearly 200 years was because they were great navigators, engineers and good at drawing maps. The Portuguese were more religious and so didn’t establish an administration here. The Dutch, despite their efforts, couldn’t stand up against the British and left Pulicat for Jakarta in the 1820s,” says Xavier.
Apart from the fort, Pulicat has the old and new Dutch cemeteries. The old cemetery is not on the tourist map since it is overgrown with bushes and one can barely navigate inside. Several old Dutch graves (and some Portuguese as well) remain unknown within its premises. Among its oldest graves is one that dates back to 1758 with Tamil inscriptions. The new cemetery, protected by the ASI, has 77 Dutch graves and is about three centuries old. The entrance arch has two skeletons on either side and inside, the obelisks on the tombs tower over the entire yard.
In the town, one can occasionally come across old Dutch buildings and houses in different stages of ruin. “One of the houses dates back to 1640,” says Xavier. The pillared columns, tall doors and sloping roofs of the houses stand out among the others.

http://www.thehindu.com/features/metroplus/the-dutch-connection/article4873212.ece?ref=relatedNews

Published: July 9, 2013 17:57 IST | Updated: July 9, 2013 18:26 IST
SURVIVORS OF TIME

The Sadras saga

Anusha Parthasarathy
  • Warehouses in Sadras
    Special ArrangementWarehouses in Sadras
    The entrance of the fort
    Cannon outside the fort


  • The entrance of the fort
    Special ArrangementThe entrance of the fort
  • Cannon outside the fort
    Special ArrangementCannon outside the fort

Anusha Parthasarathy traces the rise and fall of the Dutch along the Coromandel coast

Even as trade picked up in Pulicat, the Dutch were looking to expand. They found a place right down the coast — beyond Mahabalipuram was a weaver’s settlement and port called Sadiravasagan Pattinam. The place dealt mainly in muslin, edible oils and pearls. And so in 1648, the Dutch began a factory at Sadras and exported large quantities of muslin. Soon a fort was built around the factory and a Dutch settlement came up there.
The Sadras fort is still in good condition, and under the protection of the ASI. The bastions, bell tower and the arched entrance take one back to the time when rows of shops sold goods here and the Dutch trained their armies for battle. The fort kept expanding, according to Pulicat and Sadras by Xavier Benedict and had four bastions. Only three remain.
Philip Baldaeus, a Dutch chaplain who served in the coast in the mid 1600s, mentions Sadras when he mapped the way to Madras. ‘From Tirepoplier, you go by Poelezere, Poelemoer and Alembrue to Sadraspatan, where the Dutch have a factory and from thence to Madraspatan otherwise Chinnepatan, where the English have the fort of St. George...’
Inside the fort is an inner wall and to one side is an old Dutch cemetery. The 19 graves here date between 1670 and 1790. At the end of the cemetery is a secret chamber built at ground level that is now closed. Outside the cemetery are ruins of many rooms and in one particular ruin is a tile engraved with the aadu-puli aatam that the Dutch were apparently fond of. It is said that the local Tamils taught them to play the game.
The warehouses of Sadras are mostly intact, with ample evidence of their engineering skills. The pillars that run its length outside were rainwater collection pipes and recent excavations unearthed an extensive underground drainage system. There are dining rooms and dancing halls that are mostly in ruins. There is also the remnants of an inner fort wall and another arched structure with steps to the side which was supposedly an elephant mount since Asia in the Making of Europe: A Century of Advance: South Asia, by Donald Frederick Lach says that the Dutch, like the native rulers, trained elephants for their armies by teaching them not to panic at the sound of gunfire.
In the 1670s, the Dutch invaded San Thome. Vestiges of Old Madras by H.D. Love explains that when they first arrived in 1673 it wasn’t seen as a threat. They came again from Sadras and Pulicat. “News arrived that 500 Hollanders had landed at Sadras and were marching on San Thome, and that Rijklof van Goens was bringing another force from Pulicat. On the 11th September, the Netherlanders were established on the site of the former Moslem camp, and two days later 500 to 600 Dutch, supported by Moorish cavalry, threatened the town.” Three days later, they set up camp at the Triplicane temple. A few months later San Thome fell.
When the British East India Company discovered Sadras, there was commercial conflict between the Dutch and English. After the Battle of Sadras in the 1780s, the British mapped out the fort and captured it in 1796. They destroyed it by continuously bombing it from sea. Through a treaty, the Dutch were able to acquire the demolished fort in 1818 and rebuild it. But in 1854, the British took over it again and ended the rule of the Dutch in the Coromandel Coast.

SoniaG UPA minority politics puts national security at risk

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Bodh Gaya blasts: How minority politics has put Bihar at risk

By Manoj Kumar
Patna: ‘Minority politics’ is slowly weakening Bihar. The state which was earlier being used as a transit point by terrorists of several hues is now under their direct assault. This is evident from bomb blasts at Bodh Gaya on Sunday.
In the past five years, especially after the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks, a number of suspected terrorists have been arrested by the security agencies from Bihar. A majority of them are from north-eastern Bihar, including districts such as Darbhanga, Madhubani, Sitamarhi, Purnia and Kishanganj. However, the state government never took it seriously. Rather, it strongly objected to the way the central agencies had been arresting the “innocent” Muslim youths without intimating the state government.
In May last year, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar even objected strongly to the way Karnataka police arrested a suspect terrorist, Kafil Akhtar, from Darbhanga. Akhtar was suspected to be involved in Chinnaswami cricket stadium blasts. The reason why Nitish had fumed in public was that the Karnataka police had not informed the Bihar state police while laying a trap to nab the suspect.
Reuters
Image used for representative purpose only. Reuters
“I have got information from the police officials in Bihar that Karnataka police have arrested a person in Darbhnaga. We have sought a report on this. I raised this issue during NCTC meeting. This is not right, there was no information with us. We will send this information to the Home ministry,” was what Nitish had told the media then.
That was despite the fact that of the 14 Indian Mujahideen operatives arrested in the past few years, 13 were from Darbhanga district alone. Then, he raised his strong objection over the way the security agency coined the term ‘Darbhnga module’ and ‘Madhubani module’, describing it an attempt to defame Bihar.
If that was not enough, Nitish has also opposed tooth and nail the formation of the National Counter Terrorism Centre more than twice. Only last month, he, during the chief ministers’ conference held in Delhi, had opposed the NCTC. Last year too, he along with other chief ministers – Mamata Banerjee, Jayalalithaa and Naveen Patnaik – had opposed the idea of the counter terrorism centre during the conference of chief ministers on national security, and instead advocated for strengthening the National Investigation Agency. The result has been that Bihar recently emerged as a ‘safe corridor’ of disruptive forces as they found the power-greedy politicians fighting for Muslim votes.
The mad scramble to get the support of the Muslim community to stay in power, however, is not a new phenomenon.
In the past two decades since votebank politics got a new dimension, the politicians of all hues have been accused of turning a blind eye to the most sensitive issue of security apparently out of apprehension that any move to touch the politically significant community may end up with loss of around 17 percent votes. What began with former chief minister and RJD president Lalu Prasad is now being actively followed by Nitish Kumar.
Lalu, who was just trying to cement his feet in Bihar politics after becoming the chief minister of the state in March 1990, became the darling of the minority community overnight after he got LK Advani arrested at Samastipur. Advani was on a rath yatra across the country creating awareness on the Ayodhya Ramjanmabhoomi movement.
Political experts say Nitish, Lalu’s arch-rival, has been busy outdoing the latter. It was to win over the minority community that he broke the 17-year-old alliance with the BJP, which was instrumental in his coronation as the new chief minister of Bihar. The mad competition to woo the minority voters is underlined from the fact that JD(U) leaders are now claiming that it was Sharad Yadav and Ranjan Yadav who pressurised Lalu to arrest Advani as Lalu was dithering on a decision to arrest the firebrand BJP leader. It’s another matter that Nitish now finds Advani as ‘secular’ as Atal Behari Vajpayee.
But Nitish claims his move to break alliance with the ‘communal’ BJP was not the part of votebank politics but his commitment of not to compromise with “basic principles”. “Thank God, I was able to smell the deadly agenda of the BJP on time or I would have been left in a very serious situation,” remarked the Bihar chief minster while addressing his party men at his residence on Sunday, declaring, “I would prefer getting finished, rather than compromising my party’s principles”.
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