Wow, what a beautiful, clincher of a quote recollected so vividly by Karuna Sagari Venkatachalam ji. In my view, this is the most emphatic literary evidence for the essential unity of Bharatiya languages.
Congrats to Aparna Sridhar ji for a scintillating interview.
Congrats to Karuna Sagari Venkatachalam ji who is from my alma mater, Annamalai University.
ஆரியம்²āriyam , n. < ārya. 1. Sacred land of the Āryas; ஆரியாவர்த்தம். (அக. நி.) 2. Sanskrit, the language of the Āryas; ஸம்ஸ் கிருதம். ஆரியம் முதலிய பதினெண் பாடையின் (கம்பரா. பம்பா. 14). It is clear that āriyam ஆரியம் signifies Samskrtam, one of 18 languages including தமிழ் tamiḻ. அப்பர்²appar , n. < அப்பன். Tirunāvukkaracu Nāyaṉār, one of the three celebrated authors of the Tēvāram. See திருநாவுக்கரசு நாய னார். (பெரியபு. திருஞான. 495.) Tirukkadaiyur temple relief depicting Appar bearing ThiruGnaanaSambandar's palanquin
I am proud of you Smt. Karuna Sagari Venkatachalam for affirming the essential unity of Bharatiya languages, including Tamil. This sprachbund, 'language union' exists from the days of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization, pace Indus Script decipherment.
Great Depression of 1930s Between 1929 and 1932, worldwide gross domestic product (GDP) fell by an estimated 15%. Personal income, tax revenue, profits and prices dropped, while international trade fell by more than 50%. Unemployment in the U.S. rose to 23% and in some countries rose as high as 33%. Cities around the world were hit hard, especially those dependent on heavy industry. Construction was virtually halted in many countries. Farming communities and rural areas suffered as crop prices fell by about 60%. Facing plummeting demand with few alternative sources of jobs, areas dependent on primary sector industries such as mining and logging suffered the most. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Depression Wuhan Depression of 2020 In many respects, the Wuhan Depression of 2020 is worse than the Great Depression of 1930s particulary for productive activities involving the manufacturing sector, construction sectors of the economies. Farm economies are in a waiting phase hoping for the arrival of labour to perform the harvesting of crops and to deliver the produce to the market. Unemployment of working classes is virtually 100% excepting for some segments of services sector related to delivery of essential basic needs of life and to attend to conservancy work and medical health responses by medicos, nurses and pharmaceuticals. The single target of defeating the Wuhan virus has resulted in virtual halt to productive activity in most nations and the working classes idling at home. Many countries of the world are in the second month of lockdown to combat the killer Wuhan virus. A lockdown means that majority of citizens areonly allowed to leave to purchase food or medication, visit the sick, go to the hospital, or walk dogs. Bars, restaurants, and hotels are closed. Mass quarantines effectively mean that no productive work is carried out either in shop fronts or in manufacturing workshops. India, China, France, Italy, New Zealand, Poland, and the UK have implemented the world's largest and most restrictive mass quarantines. https://www.businessinsider.com/countries-on-lockdown-coronavirus-italy-2020-3?IR=T Impact on France: On 17 March France reported France in lockdown because of Wuhan virus and govt says it could nationalise large companies in crisis. France put its 67 million people under lockdown https://www.france24.com/en/20200317-france-in-lockdown-as-gov-t-says-it-could-nationalise-large-companies-in-crisis French economy forecast to shrink 8% https://www.france24.com/en/video/20200414-french-economy-forecast-to-shrink-8 Impact on USA: Most U.S. states have imposed lockdown measures restricting gathering and social contact, disrupting the lives of hundreds of millions of people and the operations of thousands of businesses. https://www.wsj.com/articles/a-state-by-state-guide-to-coronavirus-lockdowns-11584749351 Lessons learnt by Bharat, India, from the Great Depression In most countries, recovery from the Great Depression began only in 1933. U.S. did not return to 1929 GNP for over a decade and still had an unemployment rate of about 15% in 1940, albeit down from the high of 25% in 1933. U.S. economic expansion continued in the Roosevelt years from 1933 to 1945. According to Christina Romer, the money supply growth caused by huge international gold inflows (caused by devaluation of the US dollar) was a crucial source of the recovery of the United States economy, and that the economy showed little sign of self-correction. There was no conscious effort by the states to provide money and resources to the families who had to cope with the situation of unemployed workforce. "Oral history provides evidence for how housewives in a modern industrial city handled shortages of money and resources. Often they updated strategies their mothers used when they were growing up in poor families. Cheap foods were used, such as soups, beans and noodles. They purchased the cheapest cuts of meat—sometimes even horse meat—and recycled the Sunday roast into sandwiches and soups. They sewed and patched clothing, traded with their neighbors for outgrown items, and made do with colder homes. " The real breakout from the depression/recession scenarios occurred when Eisenhower years brought the returing soldiers from the Second World War into economic activity to build the network of National Highways creating an astonishingly vibrant network of communication linking every village with every other village in America. The system introduced by Eisenhower is called Interstate Highway System.
Dwight D. Eisenhower National System of Interstate and Defense Highways
Highway shields for Interstate 80, Business Loop Interstate 80, and the Eisenhower Interstate System
The key message from the history of how the world economies handled the Great Depression is that states which intervened with massive infusion of resources and employment opportunities to their workforce gained in ensuring creation of demand to stimulate the reviving economies. For example, the National Highways initiative of Eisenhower resulted in the creation of infrastructure support manufacturing industries producing steel products, cement and ensuring employment to the returning soldiers who face the stark reality of unemployment in Depression conditions. This is the key message to ponder. Recovery from the Wuhan Depression of 2020 How to cope with the recovery phase post-Wuhan virus in all the economies of all countries of the world? The workforce has to get back to the habit of working to earn a living. They should NOT look for doles from the State but only demand work to earn their livelihood incomes. This is called in Economics jargon, stimulation of demand. Such an increase in demand caused by employed peoples' earnings will trigger the supply chain activities in the economy. The moral of the story, for Bharat, India, to ponder over as the economies struggle to revive productive economic activity: Employ one crore workers to create command area irrigation canals and networks of Nal se Jal (from tap to water) in every home and for every field, 24x7. This will mean that every one in every village will be employed in creating the water supply infrastructure. This crore of workers will support the livelihood of an average of 5 crore citizens, (estimating 5 members per family as dependent upon the earning member's income). This will be an added insurance package to the already established workforce in manufacturing facilities and service sector workers. Such a Keynesian approach for the next 5 years will bring economies back to the status they had in 2019.
Key to ensure equity and involvement of all citizens in the recovery process
649,481 villages should be involved. Panchayats should be the nodes for employment of workforce to build command area irrigation canals and nalse-jal infra.
S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Centre Former Sr. Exec., Asian Development Bank 15 April 2020
P.S. – This is not am academic paper but a summary of my understanding of Indonesian History based on what I saw, read and heard
For a person with interest in history and extent of Sanatana Dharma in South East Asia, a visit to Jakarta’s national museum is a must must must! Everything, every single thing in this ancient history museum is a testimony to its Hindu past. One wonders if she is in India or Indonesia when walking by the multitude moortis of Ganesha, Shiva Parvati, Mahishasur Mardini, Agastya Muni, Brahmaji, Vishnu and Harihara amongst others. There also stands a mighty Bhairava excavated from Sumatra. In addition to these moortis, the museum also has “prashastis” left by kings commemorating specific events. Few pictures below
The oldest scriptural evidence of Indonesia’s Dharma connections is found in Ramayana which is dated anywhere between 10,000 BCE to 5000 BCE , the former by traditional experts. The shloka says
Sugriva sends an expedition of his ‘vanar sena’ to Yavadwipa (present day Java) – a land of gold, silver, precious gems, a land with many gold mines, administered by seven kingdoms. To be noted here is that the island of Sumatra in present day Indonesia has been called Suvarnadwipa since ancient times. Clearly, Jambudwipa and its people knew a lot of Yavadwipa then, couldn’t have been possible without any connection. A guide at one of the temples in Java mentioned some of Sugriva’s people had stayed on in Yavadwipa. Who can say, some day we might find a common ancestry of certain Indians and Indonesians!
Later day Indonesian legends talk about a Prince Aji Saka from India who introduced Sanskrit and Brahmi/Pallava script to Indonesia.It is believed he came in the 1st century CE (~78 AD) and brought with him the Saka calendar (spelled Caka in Indonesia). In fact, Aji’s coming to the Dwipa is said to mark the beginning of the Caka calendar. The subsequent Hindu/Buddhist kingdoms followed the Caka calendar till their existence until 1500s CE. All inscriptions found later were ascribed per the Caka era. Prince Aji Saka is considered the first Hindu king of Java. While there are conjectures about Aji Saka’s connections with the Sakas who had migrated to India from central Asia, no evidence of the same has been found.
The oldest archaeological evidence coincides with the Aji Saka legend. A Ganesha moorti dated 100 CE has been found on the peak of Mount Raksa in Panitan island, west Java. Ancient Chinese manuals also talk a certain Hindu King Deva Varman of Java who had sent presents to the the Chinese emperor of Han dynasty in the year 132 CE.
A foolproof dated evidence of Hindu kingdom in Indonesia comes from 4th century CE from Kutai in Kalimantan. The Kutai inscriptions are in Sanskrit language written in Pallava/Brahmi script.
The inscription is found on seven Yagna stones commemorating events related to Raja Mulavarman, a the third generation king of the Kutai kingdom following his father Raja Asvavarman and grand father Raja Kundunga. Asvavarman and Mulavarman are both Sanskrit names while Kundunga is not. A theory states the Hindu influence started gaining ground after Raja Kundunga established the Kutai kingdom, more so from his son Asvavarman’s time. The “varman” in the names has similarities with names of Pallava kings in South India indicating a very strong influence of Pallavas in the archipelago. The inscriptions talk about yagnas such as Rajsuya undertaken by Raja Mulavarman to establish his “Chakravartin” status where in other conquered kings accepted his ruler-ship and paid tributes/taxes to him. My own view based on the Kutai inscription is that the Hindu influence would have been much older and much pronounced even before King Asvavarman’s time. Because adoption of formal Sanskrit and rituals couldn’t be possible by a whole lot of citizens in just a generation. Moreover, the ritual would have a meaning if the other kings and kingdoms also bought into it. This further indicates a more widespread and deeper presence of Hindu worldview and life here.
From 5th century onwards there are numerous archaeological evidences, travel accounts as well as literary works (e.g. Nagarakretagama) that give a peek into Hindu Indonesia. Chinese Buddhist monk and traveler, Fahien’s ship got stranded on Java island on his way back to China from India/Sri Lanka. He makes a note of a flourishing brahmin culture like India in Yavadwipa. This was year 414 CE.
Some prominent Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms that flourished in Indonesia between 4th century CE and 16th century CE are Kutai, Sriwijiya, Sunda, Tarumanagara, Mataram, Majhapit, Sanjaya, Shailendra, Singhasari etc. The story until 13th century is the usual one. Dynasties came and went. Some kings had more expansionist ambitions than others hence territorial struggles happened. So and so forth. All these years the trade with India, China was bustling. Around 10th-11th century CE, the Chola kings of South India exerted significant influence in Indonesia politics. This period also so significant development in art, literature and architecture both religious and cultural. Hinduism in Indonesia evolved in its own right, connected to but not limited to the Indian origins. Examples of notable literal include works such as Agastya Puran and the various Kakawins – poetic expositions on Ramayana, Mahabharata as well as local legends.
By 12th Century CE, back in India, the North was already getting a taste of the barbaric Muslim invaders from central and west Asia. The trade with Arabs had also flourished. These Arab and Persian traders found their way to Indonesia through their Indian counterparts (especially traders from Gujarat). With these Arab and Persian traders came Islam and Islamic missionaries to Indonesian archipelago. Gradually initially but surely, from current day Malaysia and Sumatra, Islam started gaining a firm footing in the whole of South East Asia. The coastal kingdoms were to first to adopt Islam. Raja gave way to Sultan. And just in subsequent 200-300 years, the ancient Hindu civilization vanished, the Indonesian Archipelago became dominated by Muslims. This downfall of Hindu kingdoms can be attributed to many factors. In some cases, it was influence of a Muslim queen (e.g. Malay King Parmeswaram), in others, it was defeat at the hands of newly minted Muslim Sultans (e.g. fall of Sunda Kelapa, present day Jakarta) or in some other, rebellion and eventual defeat of Hindu kings by sons begotten by Muslim queens (e.g. rise of Demak Sultanate and eventual fall of Majhapit kingdom). Of course, lack of unity and unified approach to tackle the challenge of Islam among Hindu Kingdoms didn’t quite help.
Yet, the speed of Islam’s expansion and replacing of native religion does boggle one’s mind. The popular narrative is that Hindu kings and rulers just instantly converted without resistance and so did the natives. Life went on as usual. However, when one sees the mutilated moortis in the museum, empty vigrahas in the temples which are themselves in a sorry state and would have been lost to the world had it not been for the Dutch archaeologist – one wonders if the dominant narrative hides more than it says. What does seem likely is that once the king was either converted to Islam or was defeated by another Muslim king, the kingdom started converting and became predominantly Muslim very quickly. What bothers me is the suggestion that this was a peaceful process. Nowhere in the world, that has been the case. How is that medieval Indonesians were so eager to give up their native faith? Across the world, Islamic expansion has been bloody. Indonesia couldn’t have been different. Either by force and/or by harsh imposition of Jiziya tax on non converts or overt patronage of only Muslim converts are most likely the reasons for wholesale conversion. The sorry state of the Hindu art pieces and architecture seem to lend credence to forced conversions rather than a happy acceptance.
As Islam spread, few staunch Hindus moved eastwards to east Java and Bali. After the fall of the last Hindu king of Majhapit by Demak sultanate in the early 16th century, many a Hindus including royalty moved to Bali. By this time, the Dutch and Portuguese with their colonial aspirations had entered the scene bringing with them christian missionaries . And Hindu Indonesia was lost surviving in small pockets in parts Kalimantan, East Java and Bali. Bali continues to be staunchly Hindu to this day, while in other parts Hindu heritage shows up in museums, folklore, folk arts and national symbols. Sanskrit influence on Bahasa is conspicuous to this day.
Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch in 1945. But the Hindu struggle for existence and acceptance did not end. More on present day Hindus and Hinduism in Indonesia in another blog.
[…] The dharmic connections are omnipresent. I have only just scratched the surface yet. But if this has managed to arouse your curiosity about Indonesia’s Hindu past and its contemporary influence, do check out my blog links below 🙂 (some done, some work in progress) Indonesia’s Hindu history – Elevator summary […] View all posts by Ami Ganatra
One of my favorite activities in Jakarta while travelling to and fro from work was reading the words along the roads and trying to understand what they mean. Good mental exercise and helped me stay patient in the Jakarta traffic
As I mentioned in my overview post one finds Sanskrit shabdas all around in Indonesia. The Indonesia Bahasa (भाषा) is greatly influenced by its Hindu heritage. In fact, Sanskrit was the court language of the Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms of yester-years. Almost all inscriptions found in archaeological excavations were in Sanskrit. Thus, it is not surprising that the local language here has many borrowed words, not just from Sanskrit but also Arabic and Dutch. Most Indonesians aren’t even aware the words they use are borrowed words.
Sample this – land is bumi (भूमि), vehicle – wahan (वाहन), first – perthama (प्रथमा), danger – bahaya (भय), girl – wanita (वनिता) , human being – manusia (मनुष्य) , grief – duka (दुःख), like-suka – (सुख), perfect – sempurna (संपूर्ण), pure – suci (शुचि), work – karya/kerja (कार्य), dusk/twilight – senja (संध्या) , bahaya – danger/fear (भय), bahagia – fortunate/happy (भाग्य), kaca – mirror (कांच) …and so on.
Likewise, there are many words borrowed from Arabic which we use often in colloquial hindi as well. Such as Dunia (दुनिया), waqtu (वक्त), doa (दुआ), wajib (वाजिब), maaf (माफ़) kursi (कुर्सी), meja – desk (मेज़), nikaha (निकाह) …and so on.
But sometimes the meaning and connotation of loan words can be different from the original language. Some variations are quite harmless like light is called cahaya (छाया), not shadow; the word of rent/hire is Sewa (सेवा) – relatable I’d say. Love in Bahasa is Cinta (चिन्ता) , in Sanskrit it is used for worry. But then we worry about the ones we love, so close. One of the words for child is anak , which in sanskrit means inferior or small – again not too far. By the way, the western direction in Bahasa is ‘baarat’. Any guesses why? Yeah, because Bharat is to the west of Indonesia. Now that’s an interesting tit bit, isn’t it?
And then there are these – it so happened that I went to a street side stall (not the Starbucks kinds) to get a cup of coffee. Coffee (outside of desh) by default means black coffee, so I asked the lady in my newly learnt phrase “mau milk” (want milk). She smiled, it seemed like a knowing smile as if saying “I knew this was coming” – or so it appeared to me. She didn’t quite say that though, just turned around and told the lady behind her “menaruh Susu”.
My ears suddenly popped, eyebrows dived up, eyes rolled out, hand reflexively jerked out to hold hers, thoughts ran helter-skelter in my mind- ‘Susu? seriously? I look Indian, no surprises there, so did the lady assume we desis drink gau-mutra and may be want the same in our coffee??’. Words spurted out from my mouth “No, no no, not that – mau milk milk” . All this in a fraction of a second.
The lady was clearly confused “No Susu” pointing at the can in her hand. It looked like a milk can, but why take chances. As fast as I could, I threw the question at our mitra Google Anuvad. “Susu – Indonesian, Milk – Inngris” pat came the reply. Duh!
“Maaf Ibu, Yes Yes Susu indeed” 😁
Here’s a short list of daily used Sanskrit words in Bahasa – ones I picked along the roadsides and simple conversations with people around. There are loads more. These are amongst the most regular used ones with sanskrit connection obvious to me.
Seeing how ancient temples in Southeast Asia are very much influenced by the architecture of and cultural influences from India, these two lectures by Adam Hardy, and architectural historian from Cardiff University is a good primer. Would anyone be interested if I compiled a page of online lectures related to Southeast Asian Archaeology?
Typology, for the architecture of Indian temples, is not just a matter of classification, but the basis of its origins in early wooden buildings. It is also a creative principle, by which new temple designs are invented by combining existing types. This talk explains the origins and development of the main traditions of temple architecture in the Subcontinent. The lecture was originally intended for a module, which never saw the light of day, on the Government of India’s Epathshala platform.
This talk surveys the diverse traditions of Indian temple architecture and discusses patterns that can be seen in the ways they develop. A pattern of emanation, one form coming out of another, can often observed both in the formal structure of individual temple designs, which express a sequence of emergence and growth, and in the way in which temple forms develop. https://www.southeastasianarchaeology.com/2020/04/15/lecture-typology-and-evolution-of-indian-temples/
T.C.A. Raghavan’s latest book takes us to a time when history hadn’t lost its innocence, and its eminent purveyors were not obsessed with ideological and political correctness.
In July 1954, Rajendra Prasad, the first President of India, forwarded to then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru a recommendation that Sir Jadunath Sarkar be awarded the Padma Vibhushan — independent India’s second highest civilian award. The recommendation had originally come from the then governor of Madras, Sri Prakasa, who had, in fact, sought the Bharat Ratna, the highest civilian award, for him. Rajendra Prasad forwarded the recommendation for the Padma Vibhushan because “no formal recommendation for the grant of this (Bharat Ratna) are to be made by a State Government as the award is to be made by you (Nehru) alone”. Two years later, the President sent another recommendation, this time for the Padma Bhushan, the third highest civilian honour, but to no avail again. Ironically, several historians, including Sarkar’s “lifelong friend” G.S. Sardesai, were duly honoured and recognised during those times.
Why was this distinguished historian treated so disdainfully? T.C.A. Raghavan, in History Men: Jadunath Sarkar, G.S. Sardesai, Raghubir Sinh and Their Quest for India’s Past, explains the reasons when he writes, “At a time when being politically correct in writing academic history was gaining in importance, Sarkar’s assessment of and emphasis on Aurangzeb’s orthodoxy was viewed by many as divisive and negative.” The author quotes historian A.L. Srivastava to further bolster his claim. “The so-called Allahabad school of medieval Indian history, torn between ‘academic rectitude’ and ‘civic duty’, blames Jadunath for not omitting offensive details of temple destruction and putting down of Hinduism by force from his works. It feels that the mere mention of such facts of history is repugnant to Muslim feelings and drives a wedge between the two communities,” Srivastava is quoted as saying.
It is this newfound sense of political correctness and ideological obsession that turned a giant of a historian into the “high priest of communal historiography in India”, as D.N. Jha, an eminent historian himself, derisively describes Sarkar. But was Sarkar’s historiography communal? Did he selectively paint a particular community in darker shades? Far from it, as Raghavan suggests. If Sarkar’s work on Aurangzeb made him a “communal” historian among certain Left-liberal and secular sections, his less than charitable portrait of Shivaji, who appears in his books as merely “Shiva”, had upset several Hindu elements, especially in Maharashtra.
The fact is Sarkar wrote what he thought was right. In a speech in 1915, he said matter-of-factly, “I would not care whether truth is pleasant or unpleasant, and in consonance with or opposed to current views. I would not mind in the least whether truth is or not a blow to the glory of my country.” Even a year before his death in 1958, he wrote a letter to Rajendra Prasad, saying: “National history must be comprehensive, true, accurate and impartial… It will be national not in the sense that it will try to suppress or whitewash everything in our country’s past that is disgraceful, but because it will admit them and at the same time point out that there were also other and nobler aspects in the stages of our nation’s evolution.”
History Men: By T.C.A. Raghavan; HarperCollins, Rs 799
Since the 1920s, and more so after Independence, historical accuracy took a backseat to political and ideological correctness. Truth was the first and foremost casualty as history became a tool to build nation and create social and communal amity, howsoever illusory they might be. So, in the name of secularism and communal bonhomie, it became pertinent to gloss over the heinous deeds of, say, Aurangzeb, and worse, selectively pull out sporadic acts of barbarism from the other side to balance things out. Unfortunately, Sarkar was both alien to — and uncomfortable with — this kind of historiography. For him, the craft of history wasn’t merely an arduous intellectual exercise to look at the past but a relentless search for the truth. And truth should never be a hostage to prevailing national sensibilities, political correctness and the need for communal parity.
The soul of the book, however, is the friendship Sarkar shared with Sardesai and Raghubir Sinh, and their unrelenting commitment as historians to truthfully dig the past out. It all began with Sarkar getting a suggestion to explore Maratha sources to further enrich his Mughal historiography, thus taking him to Sardesai, an expert on the subject. This turned out to be a mutually beneficial collaboration, with Sarkar having an access to Maratha documents and Sardesai getting hold of Mughal and Persian sources. History, especially of the late 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, got richer and better in the process. As for Sinh, heir to a princely state in central India, he became Sarkar’s student in the 1920s and through him came closer to Sardesai. Sinh, on his part, wrote extensively on Rajput history, the most lasting being his work on Malwa.
The three men held each other in high esteem, but this did not mean they never had disagreements. Sarkar, for instance, would find Sardesai too sympathetic towards the Marathas, while Sardesai thought the former mostly saw things from the Mughal/Persian perspective. Similarly, Sinh’s take on the role of the Marathas in Malwa stood in sharp contrast to that of Sardesai’s. But these differences never came in the way of respect the three had for each other. Sinh and Sardesai, for instance, came to the rescue of Sarkar when the latter’s manuscript on the history of Jaipur found no takers. The Rajasthan royalty wasn’t interested in a book on the Maratha domination of Jaipur. It was only in the 1980s that the book was posthumously published, that too because of Sinh’s efforts. Sardesai too played his part as a mother-in-law of the Jaipur ruler was his student!
Raghavan’s History Men is one rare book which, without taking any ideological position, tells us about a time when history hadn’t lost its innocence. Sarkar, in that sense, was probably the last of the great historians who didn’t hold history a hostage to any ideological and political correctness. The eminent ones who are crying hoarse today, bemoaning the distortion of history, stand accused of a similar crime when the dispensation was favourably disposed to them. The book is a stark reminder to that.
https://tinyurl.com/y9wr2pff Rajim temple Knots carved on the wooden door of Sun Temple in Katarmal, Uttarakhand. The door is displayed in National Museum in Delhi
https://tinyurl.com/yc2cuyco Are the stone plaques on Figs. 1 to 7 mostly from Ur, offerings to Kings?It appears that wearer of a kaunake is a signifier of a priest (Fig.8).The plaque on Fig. 2 matches with some hieroglyphs on Shu-ilishu cylinder seal (Fig.11) and Standard of Ur -- typically, the hard-player and person carrying a goat, wearers of kaunake-s. The Standard of Ur (Two views on Fig.9, Fig. 10).
I suggest that some of the hieroglyphs are Indus Script hieroglyphs.The evidence is presented in Sections 1 to 3. Three hieroglyphs are signifiers of 1. metal equipment maker; 2. coppersmith and 3. copper seafaring merchant. Section 1. Offering of overflowing pot (Fig. 1) (metal equipment maker) The overflowing pot atop the one-horned young bull is an Indus Script hypertext. The rebus reading in Meluhha of the overflowing pot is:
lokhaṇḍa'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' (Marathi) The expression is composed of two words: '(pot etc.) to overflow' and 'water'. The rebus readings are:
1. (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi)
The goat-carrier signifies that he is a coppersmith. Analogous to the hieroglyph of goat-carrier shown on Shu-ilishu 'Meluhha interpreter' seal (Fig. 11), the goat-carrier on the Ur plaque is a hieroglyphis signifier of: Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats. Te. mē̃ka, mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.) mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087) Rebus: milakkhu,mleccha 'copper' (Pali. Skt.). Thus, the goat-carrier is a coppersmith.
Fig. 1 British Museum Number 118561"Wall plaque of white limestone; carved with square peg hole in the centre; the upper register of carving shows a naked priest, followed by three worshippers, pouring an offering in front of a seated god; in the lower register there are again three worshippers, two of whom carry animal offerings, while the priest's libation is poured onto a plant in front of a temple building; two engraved signs on the otherwise blank central register between scenes."
https://research.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?images=true&objectId=368377&partId=1 Fig. 2 Stone plaque (Ur?) in three registers provide narratives of life activities: harp-player, water-carrier, offerings to the temple (?) "The most common form of relief sculpture was that of stone plaques (see examples of images attached), 1 foot (30 cm) or more square, pierced in the centre for attachment to the walls of a temple, with scenes depicted in several registers (horizontal rows). The subjects usually seem to be commemorative of specific events, such as feasts or building activities, but representation is highly standardized, so that almost identical plaques have been found at sites as much as 500 miles (800 km) apart." https://www.britannica.com/art/Mesopotamian-art/Sumerian-period Examples of stone plaques Fig. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 Plaque Dedicated To King Ur-Nanshe. . Fig. 8 Plaque showing Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, Sumeria, wearing a traditional kaunakes, limestone relief, c. 2500 BCE; in the Louvre, Paris. Fig. 9 Standard of Ur
The Standard of Ur (detail), mosaic of lapis lazuli, shell, coloured stone, and mother-of-pearl,c.2500BCE; in the British Museum, London.
Fig. 10 Standard of Ur. Another view. From Ur, southern Iraq, about 2600-2400 BCE "This object was found in one of the largest graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, lying in the corner of a chamber above the right shoulder of a man. Its original function is not yet understood...The main panels are known as 'War' and 'Peace'. 'War' shows one of the earliest representations of a Sumerian army. Chariots, each pulled by four donkeys, trample enemies; infantry with cloaks carry spears; enemy soldiers are killed with axes, others are paraded naked and presented to the king who holds a spear.The 'Peace' panel depicts animals, fish and other goods brought in procession to a banquet. Seated figures, wearing woollen fleeces or fringed skirts, drink to the accompaniment of a musician playing a lyre. Banquet scenes such as this are common on cylinder seals of the period, such as on the seal of the 'Queen' Pu-abi, also in the British Museum."
https://tinyurl.com/y2lpc55bShu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy Department des Antiquities Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads:
Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI
(interpreter of Meluhha language).
The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin, signified by the field symbols vividly portrayed on the cylinder seal. The Meluhha merchant carries melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile:kuṭhāru'crucible' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'.
Thus, the cylinder seal signifies a trade transaction between a Mesopotamian armourer (Akkadian speaker) and Meluhhans settling a trade contract for their copper and tin. The transaction is mediated by Shu-ilishu, the Akkadian interpreter of Meluhha language.
A mailman wearing a mask and gloves to protect himself and others from the coronavirus loads a postal truck with packages in Washington, D.C., Thursday.
Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images
President Trump spoke to governors Thursday, outlining recommendations for states to reopen based on several factors.
The Trump administration has shared a guideline of three phases for states to begin easing social distancing measures and stay-at-home orders, according to a copy of the guidelines obtained by NPR's Tamara Keith.
The guidelines come after a number of governors formed coalitions to work together to restart their respective economies. Trump and the coronavirus task force are speaking about the guidelines Thursday afternoon at the White House.
"Tamil happens to be the richest source for those engaged in the research on and reviving Indic indigenous knowledge systems and Indic indigenous soft power" says Director, Inter-Gurukula-University Centre, Indic Academy Dr Nagaraj Paturi.
A teacher of Vedic Aesthetics/Poetics as applied to Classical Literature, Traditional Indian Grammar and Modern Linguistics for several decades, CSP spoke to him about Tamil as source of India's soft power. Dr Paturi says:
Entire 'Hindu' society is indebted to Tamil society for its contribution in preserving the vibrant temple culture in many of its massive temples, vibrant classical music and dance traditions, preservation of the itihasas and puranas with a big number of their folk versions well seeped into the deep intricacies of Tamil folk tribal and popular life.
Is Tamil language an element of India’s soft power in a way that distinguishes it from other languages?
Certainly. Potential of each regional Indian language and the literature, knowledge systems and soft power is unique. But the uniqueness of Tamil in this regard too is unique. The conservative, local-centric and localization-centric worldview of Tamils preserved many ancient folk and classical aspects of Indic cultural heritage counterparts of which are found lost in other regions of India. For example, there are certain regional traditions of Indic medical systems like the Siddha system that are found preserved here intact. The wellness oriented medicine - influenced food and culinary culture that is found in all its diversity throughout India is more a part of household culture among Tamils than elsewhere. The temple-centric soft power aspects such as the knowledge of Aagamas, sthaapatya, design and temple-centric legacy of social physical and mental wellness etc., the secretive Yogic traditions etc. are well preserved here. India and the world at large is waiting for the potential of a Tamil soft power resurgence to benefit India in particular and the world at large now more than ever.
How is Tamil different from other Indian languages and what is its appeal to people outside the Indian fold?
Tamil is different from North Indian, North-Eastern and Santhali-like languages which are Indo-European (more particularly Indo-Iranian), Sino-Tibetan (Tibeto-Burman), Austro-Asiatic (Mundarian) languages respectively. But it shares many similarities with different Indian languages including Sanskrit and Prakrits on account of India being a Linguistic Area (Sprachbund) and the resultant 'convergence' among Indian languages. It is closer to south Indian languages on account of its being a Dravidian language along with them. Among south Indian /Dravidian languages, it is considered to be the most conservative in the sense that it retained most forms and features of the proto-Dravidian.
It has also the distinction of its literary records being the most ancient among all those of the south Indian languages. It can be said that it is the earliest among the south Indian languages to have shifted from oral to written communication and into regional language / mother tongue medium from Sanskrit medium. It has also the distinction of having the least number of Tatsama (word-root not localized) Sanskrit borrowings and having almost all the Sanskrit borrowings as Tadbhavas (words localized to the level of word-root). (This intense tendency of localizing the borrowings gives the impression of no borrowings and as such Tamil is understood by its speakers and viewed by outsiders as having no Sanskrit in it.)
Tamil is the only Indian language which continues the pre-modern tendency of diglossia, i.e., the form used across the regions and social groups for common communication purposes like media, public lectures, official language, textbooks etc. is the literary version different from the spoken regional and social dialects (unlike in all the Indian languages where spoken language movements during modern period made the form used across the regions and social groups for common communication purposes like media, public lectures, official language, textbooks etc. being close to one of the spoken dialects). All these features of Tamil like being local-centric, localizing and conservative are consistent with the Tamil society's general orientation in the arenas of culture, politics etc.
What is Tamil’s relationship with Sanskrit and how this can be a point of interest to International linguists (what is the changing relationship and borrowings between these two languages teach us about how languages interact, develop and change?
Tamil's interface with Sanskrit is almost as old as that of other south Indian languages. But the way Tamil received the influence of Sanskrit, as I already said, is different from the way other south Indian languages did. In other south Indian languages like Telugu and Kannada there are a significant number of Tatsama (word-root not localized) Sanskrit borrowings alongside equally significant number of Tadbhavas (words localized to the level of word-root). Tamil having almost all the Sanskrit borrowings as Tadbhavas (words localized to the level of word-root), makes it look distinctly different from the other three major south Indian languages.
Coming to the question of interest of international linguists, incidentally, it should be said that it is Tamil among all south Indian languages learning of which by Bishop Robert Caldwell made him realize the distinction of south Indian languages from Sanskrit and other Indo-European languages and lead to the formulation of Dravidian Family of Languages (1856). This interest in the distinctions of Tamil continued to attract many international scholars to its study along with other Dravidian languages during the early 20th century and later. It should be noted that right from Bishop Caldwell, the interest of many international scholars included highlighting and emphasizing the fault lines in the Indian society with breaking India intentions. (He identified south Indian Brahmins with Indo-Europeans, which was partly based on his belief that the Indo-Europeans had "higher mental gifts and higher capacity for civilisation".[5] Caldwell asserted that the low-caste Chanar were not merely Tamil speakers but an "indigenous Dravidian" people, distinct ethnically and, most critically for him, religiously, from their high-caste oppressors, whom he referred to as "Brahmanical Aryans" (in this case "Aryan" as an ethnic signifier for foreign and "Brahmanical" to signify the "Hinduism" of the high-caste).[6] These wildly speculative claims, well outside the scope of linguistics, were intended "to develop a history which asserted that the indigenous Dravidians had been subdued and colonized by the Brahmanical Aryans". However, the first edition of Caldwell's grammar was "met with firm resistance" by the Chanars precisely because they "did not like the idea of being divorced from Brahmanical civilization", the very division Caldwell was hoping to exploit.[6]
The book has been described as being on occasion "pejorative, outrageous, and somewhat paternalistic. But on the whole, his studies represent a pioneering effort to understand religions completely foreign to the British mind". In the domain of Dravidian linguistics though, it remains a respected work today.[6]Daughrity, Dyron B. (2005). "Hinduisms, Christian Missions, and the Tinnevelly Shanars: A Study of Colonial Missions in 19th Century India". Alberta: University of Calgary. pp. 4, 7. Retrieved 1 April 2011)
Chidambaram temple (Pic by Jay Shankar)
What is the changing relationship and how does the borrowings between these two languages teach us about how languages interact, develop and change?
All 'rich' languages of the world acquired their richness through borrowings from other languages. Tamil is no exception. Tamil is one of the rich languages of the world and its richness too like that of the other world languages owes to borrowings from other languages including Arabic, Persian and English. One of its earliest sources of borrowing was Sanskrit and later Prakrit. Sanskrit and later Prakrit being earliest sources of borrowing is the feature found in other south Indian languages too. But the distinction of Tamil is not just keeping the borrowings in the tadbhava form rather than in the tatsama form but even in conserving the native Tamil forms more abundantly than the other south Indian languages. In other words, Tamil's richness is not just due to borrowings but even due to its conservative retention of nativity. In this feature of carefully and meticulously conserving its early form to the level of roots, Tamil is similar to Sanskrit. Tamil is similar to Sanskrit in many other respects such as preserving rich oral and written sources of indigenous knowledge systems of a very ancient past.
But what usually misses the attention of many contemporary observers, emphasising or blinded by the distinctions of Sanskrit and Tamil is the fact that Tamil language, culture and social life evolved into what later came to be known as 'Hindu' culture due to amalgamation of Vedic / Sanskrit with the native language, culture and social life like in the case of any other south Indian region and its language, culture and social life, or for that matter, any other Indian language, culture and social life. Entire 'Hindu' society is indebted to Tamil society for its contribution in preserving the vibrant temple culture in many of its massive temples, vibrant classical music and dance traditions, preservation of the itihasas and puranas with a big number of their folk versions well seeped into the deep intricacies of Tamil folk tribal and popular life.
Because of these facts Tamil happens to be the richest source for those engaged in the research on and reviving the Indic indigenous knowledge systems and Indic indigenous soft power.
Another fact that misses the attention of most contemporary observers of Indian society is that interface between Vedic and regional languages, cultures and social life did not lead to the total absorption of one into the other. The intercultural interface between the two gave rise to what I call, borrowing from contemporary cross-cultural studies, a 'third culture' which is a mediating culture resulting from the amalgamation between the two. Interestingly, in the case of evolution of Indian culture, this third culture turned out to be the mainstream culture leaving the original form of both the contributors to the amalgamation almost intact. In the case of Tamil, this retention of the nativity, the regional contributor is more intense due to the aforesaid conservative and local-centric or localization - centric nature of the Tamils. As a result, the research on and reviving the Indic indigenous knowledge systems and Indic indigenous soft power from the Tamil native traditions such as the Siddha etc. is enormous.
In a globalising world where only a handful of languages tend to dominate, how should regional and sub-regional languages maintain and cultivate their language and literature. How and why is this of value to the larger global community? It is true that globalization is a force of imposing uniformity leading to the loss of diversity. Interestingly, it is during this globalizing times only that awareness of need for diversity of cultural expressions is emerging all over the world. There was this Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions organized by UNESCO in 2005.
If you read that document you will notice how the whole world is recognizing the value to the larger global community from the preservation and promotion of regional languages and literatures along with their cultures.
But in the case of India, this issue assumes special significance because of the colonial legacy of the domination of the English language and the borrowed ideas such as a national language and Hindi unduly being promoted as a national language have created a new disadvantage for regional Indian languages and literatures. Partly the problem has got to do with the prioritization of professional over academic courses and the Social Sciences and Humanities particularly Humanities under which the study of regional languages and literatures falls receiving a raw deal in the general public policy and in the academic policies of the governments is another major reason for the neglect of the study of regional languages and literatures.
Added to this, contemporary political academics demonized the courses on classical literatures, classical grammars, poetics etc. of the classical versions of the regional languages as the courses created by the upper castes to harass the students of the socially disadvantaged communities etc., or containing content that perpetuates the oppression of the disadvantaged communities by the upper castes. This further lead to the reduction in the number of scholars who can handle classical texts in these regional languages.
Interestingly, some of the western Indologists, who encouraged the political academics leading to such a diminishing number of scholars of classical regional literatures themselves are now giving statements that there is no point in celebrating the classical status of the regional languages because the classical scholarship in these languages is almost nil. The strategy seems to be to first reduce the local expertise, claim their own expertise and grab the authority over classical regional Indian languages and literatures too, the way they did for Sanskrit. Or, they are realizing that their support to political academics in India lead to they themselves landing into a situation of no local guidance for their venturing into their new area of exploration, namely, the classical regional Indian languages and literatures.
Sri Rajiv Malhotra-ji exhorted Indians to reclaim their authority for Sanskrit studies. In fact, it is a good news that the western Indologists are currently not in a position to claim as big number of scholars and as great amount of command as in the case of Sanskrit, for the classical regional Indian languages and literatures. The number and depth of Indian local scholarship of these languages and literatures too is currently not as hopeless as they are trying to project. So it is time we awaken ourselves and not allow the authority in this area slip from our hands into the hands of shenanigan outsiders. (Of course, as in the case of Sanskrit, here too, not all outside enthusiasts, researchers and scholars indulge in shenanigan activities).
Preserving, protecting and promoting local expertise and local perspective in for the classical regional Indian languages and literatures is going to be helpful for the global community itself for the benefits of true diversity.
(Feature picture of Darasuram temple by Jay Shankar)
https://www.academia.edu/42766455/Itih%C4%81sa._A_pious_fraud_says_Dominik_Wujastyk_about_Indian_claims_for_pre-Jennerian_small_pox_vaccination._Really Has the claim of Dominik Wujastyk made in 1987 and repeated in 2011 been reviewed? Inoculation practised in India is reported in 1767: Holwell, J. Z. An Account of the Manner of Inoculating for the Smallpox in the East Indies. London: T. Becker and P. A. de Hondt, 1767. Jenner invents his vaccine on May 14, 1796. Does Wujastyk refer to this report while concluding that 'a pious fraud' has been perpetrated, citing some exchanges in news papers and magazines?
Is it possible that Jenner got his idea of 'vaccine' from Holwell's report of 1767 which detailed the 'inoculation' procedure followed in India? Wujastyk, as a medicine historian, should further investigate this possibility. visphōṭa m. ʻ cracking ʼ MBh., ʻ blister, boil ʼ Kāv., ˚ṭaka -- m. ʻ boil ʼ Suśr., ʻ a kind of leprosy ʼ AgP., ʻ smallpox ʼ W., ˚ṭikā -- f. ʻ boil, blister ʼ Śak. [√sphuṭ] Pa. vipphōṭita -- ʻ burst (of a boil) ʼ; Pk. vipphōḍaa -- m. ʻ blister ʼ; -- N. biphar ʻ small pox ʼ or < visphāra -- ?(CDIAL 12018)
Small pox is called: masūraka ʻ lentil -- shaped ʼ Kauṭ. 2. masūrikā -- f. ʻ eruption of lentil -- shaped pustules, smallpox ʼ Suśr. [masūˊra -- ]1. K. mŏsoru ʻ pockmarked ʼ.2. P. mauhrī f. ʻ carbuncle ʼ; B. masuri ʻ smallpox ʼ; H. masūriyā f. ʻ a kind of smallpox ʼ.(CDIAL 9925)
The Vaidyas who performed the inoculation are called ṭikādār'those who administer blisters' The word ṭikā- is derived from visphōṭikā 'boil, blister'(CDIAL 12018)
In his 1767 report, Holwell claimed that when the inoculation regime was strictly followed, it was next to a miracle to hear that it “failed in one in a million.” He added that since-
…this practice of the East has been followed without variation, and with uniform success from the remotest known times, it is but justice to conclude, it must have been originally founded on the basis of rational principles and experiment.
This is how Holwell described the explanations offered to him by Ayurvedic vaidyas:(Howell, opcit., p.156)
In a long-winding sentence, Dominik Wujastyk states his conclusion: knowledge of 'vaccination' was not known to "Bramins or any other class of natives", prior to the announcement of Jenner's discovery of a vaccine in 1796. This sentence is reproduced below:
"Or, that the practice of transfer-ring the disease from the cow to the human subject, and subsequently from human subject to human subject, for the purpose of preventing the small-pox, was ever adopted in any part of the country, or, that the fact, that a certain matter originating in the teats or udder of the cow possessed such a power, was ever known by the Bramins, or anyother class of natives, previously to the promulgation of Dr Jenner’s discovery?" (Dominik Wujastyk, 1987, 'A pious fraud': the Indian claims for pre-Jennerian smallpox vaccination, in: Chapter 9 (pp. 121 to 154) in G. Jan Meulenbeld and Dominik Wujastyk (eds.),Studies on Indian Medical History (Groningen, 1987, 2nd edition Delhi 2001),p.153)
More Info: 1987. Published in G. Jan Meulenbeld and Dominik Wujastyk (eds.), Studies on Indian Medical History (Groningen, 1987, 2nd edition Delhi 2001). This PDF includes an epilogue in which I briefly discuss the new evidence about F. W. Ellis discovered by Thomas Trautmann.
An interesting insight on the ayurvedic treatment of smallpoxes which preceded the germ theory of disease that arose in the nineteenth century.
The first reliable account of inoculation is found in the eighteenth-century reports by British doctors concerning the Indian treatment of smallpox. In the method, believed to have been discovered sometime before AD 1000 in India (Henderson and Moss 1999), one deliberately inoculated, either into the skin or by nasal insufflation, scabs, or pustular material from lesions of patients. This resulted in an infection that was unusually less severe than an infection acquired naturally. From India, the practice spread to China, western Asia, and Africa and finally, in the early eighteenth century, to Europe and North America.
It appears that the idea of inoculation derived from both agada-tantra, one of the eight branches of traditional Ayurveda (Indian medicine) that deals with poisons and toxins in small dosages, and from the application of specific concoctions to punctures in the skin for treatment of certain skin diseases (Susruta Samhita in Cikitsasthana 9.10). The Caraka Samhita speaks of how deadly poisons can be antagonistic to each other. The Samhitas speak of organisms that circulate in the blood, mucus, and phlegm. In particular, the organisms in the blood that cause disease are said to be invisible.
Chapter 54 of Uttaratantra or Kayacikitsatantra (General Medicine), suggests a treatment regimen that includes avoidance of fatty foods and sweets. In Chapter 5 of Nidanasthana (Diagnosis), it is indicated that physical contact and sharing the same air can cause such diseases to spread. Later in Chapter 13 mentions the eruptive boils of the disease masurika. It appears that it originally meant chicken pox, but by twelfth century the term was also being used for smallpox, as in the case of the commentator Dalhana.
The best source concerning the Indian method of treatment of smallpox is a report by Dr. John Z. Holwell in 1767 for the College of Physicians in London. This report is an excellent source for understanding the mind of the Ayurvedic doctors of the eighteenth century. Holwell says that inocualtors-
….are delegated for this service from the different Colleges of Bindoobund [Vrindavan], Eleabas [Allahabad], Banaras, &c. over all the distant provinces; diving themselves into small parties, of three or four each, they plan their traveling circuits in such wise as to arrive at the places of their respective destination some weeks before the usual return of the disease (Holwell 1767: 150-151).
One would presume that they were Ayurvedic vaidyas or their assistants-
They inoculate indifferently on any part, but if left to their choice, they prefer the outside of the arm midway between the wrist and the elbow, for the males; and the same between the elbow and the shoulder for the females. Previous to the operation the Operator takes a piece of cloth in his hand, (which becomes his prerequisite if the family is opulent) and with it gives a dry friction upon the part intended for inoculation, for the space of eight or ten minutes, then with a small instrument he wounds, by many slight touches, about the compass of a silver groat, just making the smallest appearance of blood, then opening a linen double rag (which he always keeps in a cloth round his waist) takes from thence a small pledget of cotton charged with the variolous [smallpox] matter, which he moistens with two or three drops of the Ganges water, and applies it on the wound, fixing it on with a slight bandage, and ordering it to remain on for six hours without being moves, then the bandage to be taken off, and the pledget to remain until it falls off itself…The cotton whichhe preserves in a double callico rag, is saturatedwith matter from the inoculated pustules of thepreceding year, for they never inoculate with freshmatter, nor with matter from the disease caughtin the natural way, however distinct and mild thespecies.
The patient was to abstain from fish, milk, and ghee before and after inoculation for a period of one month. Holwell claimed that when the inoculation regime was strictly followed, it was next to a miracle to hear that it “failed in one in a million.” He added that since-
…this practice of the East has been followed without variation, and with uniform success from the remotest known times, it is but justice to conclude, it must have been originally founded on the basis of rational principles and experiment.
This is how Holwell described the explanations offered to him by Ayurvedic vaidyas:
The immediate (or instant) cause of the smallpox exists in the mortal part of every human or animal form; that the mediate (or second) acting cause,which stirs up the first, and throws it into a state of fermentation, is multitudes of imperceptible animalculae [microorganisms] floating in the atmosphere; that these are the cause of all epidemical diseases, but more particularly of the smallpox; that they return at particular seasons in greater or lesser numbers… That these animalculae touch and adhere to everything, in greater or lesser proportions, according to the nature of the surfaces they encounter; that they pass and repass in and out of the bodies of all animals in the act of respiration, without injury to themselves… smallpox is more or less epidemical, more mild or malignant, in proportion as the air ischarged with the animalculae, and the quantity of them received with the food (Holwell 1767:155-156)
Holwell understood the idea behind inoculation in this manner:
That when once this peculiar ferment, which produces the smallpox, is raised in the blood, the immediate (instant) cause of the disease is totally expelled in the eruptions, or by other channels; and hence it is, that the blood is not susceptible of a second fermentation of the same kind.
In other words, he believed that when the disease in its natural form or when introduced in its weak form by the inoculation had runs its course, the patient was safe. The difference between these two forms was that in its natural course it is often fatal, whereas when introduced through inoculation, it was only an inconvenience. It is significant that the spread of disease was taken to be caused by the imperceptible animalculae (microorganisms). This old insight of the Ayurvedic Samhitas was a forerunner to the germ theory of disease that arose in the nineteenth century.
References-
Henderson, D. A. and B. Moss. Smallpox and Vaccinia, Vaccines. Ed. S. A. Plotkin and W. A. Orenstein. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Company, 1999.
Holwell, J. Z. An Account of the Manner of Inoculating for the Smallpox in the East Indies. London: T. Becker and P. A. de Hondt, 1767.
Macgowan, D. J. Report on the Health of Wenchow for the Half-Year Ended 31 March 1884. Shanghai: Chinese ImperialMaritime Customs Medical Reports 27 (1884): 9-18.
Needham, J. China and the Origins of Immunology. Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies Occasional Papers and Monographs, University of Hong Kong, 1980.
First published in the Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures by Helaine Selin, published by Springer Science & Business Media.
Subhash Kak is Regents professor of electrical and computer engineering at Oklahoma State University and a vedic scholar.
Chinese Coronavirus Is a ManMade Virus According to
Luc Montagnier the Man Who Discovered HIV
By Robert Miller | Published on April 16, 2020 Reviewed By Gilmore Health | On: April 17, 2020
Contrary to the narrative that is being pushed by the mainstream that the COVID 19 virus was the result of a natural mutation and that it was transmitted to humans from bats via pangolins, Dr Luc Montagnier the man who discovered the HIV virus back in 1983 disagrees and is saying that the virus was man made.
ProfessorLuc Montagnier, 2008 Nobel Prizewinner for Medicine, claims that SARS-CoV-2 is a manipulated virus that was accidentally released from a laboratory in Wuhan, China. Chinese researchers are said to have used corona viruses in their work to develop an AIDS vaccine. HIV DNA fragments are believed to have been found in the SARS-CoV-2 genome.Dr Luc Montagnier Image Courtesy of Prolineserver
We knew that the Chinese version of how the coronavirus emerged was increasingly under attack, but here’s a thesis that tells a completely different story about the Covid-19 pandemic, which is already responsible for more than 110,000 deaths worldwide. According to Professor Luc Montagnier, winner of the Nobel Prize for Medicine in 2008 for “discovering” HIV as the cause of the AIDS epidemic together with Françoise Barré-Sinoussi, the SARS-CoV-2 is a virus that was manipulated and accidentally released from a laboratory in Wuhan, China, in the last quarter of 2019. According to Professor Montagnier, this laboratory, known for its work on coronaviruses, tried to use one of these viruses as a vector for HIV in the search for an AIDS vaccine!
“With my colleague, bio-mathematician Jean-Claude Perez, we carefully analyzed the description of the genome of this RNA virus,” explains Luc Montagnier, interviewed byDr Jean-François Lemoine for the daily podcast at Pourquoi Docteur, adding that others have already explored this avenue: Indian researchers have already tried to publish the results of the analyses that showed that this coronavirus genome contained sequences of another virus, … the HIV virus (AIDS virus), but they were forced to withdraw their findings as the pressure from the mainstream was too great.
To insert an HIV sequence into this genome requires molecular tools
In a challenging question Dr Jean-François Lemoine inferred that the coronavirus under investigation may have come from a patient who is otherwise infected with HIV. No, “says Luc Montagnier,” in order to insert an HIV sequence into this genome, molecular tools are needed, and that can only be done in a laboratory.
According to the 2008 Nobel Prize for Medicine, a plausible explanation would be an accident in the Wuhan laboratory. He also added that the purpose of this work was the search for an AIDS vaccine.
The truth will eventually come out
In any case, this thesis, defended by Professor Luc Montagnier, has a positive turn. According to him, the altered elements of this virus are eliminated as it spreads: “Nature does not accept any molecular tinkering, it will eliminate these unnatural changes and even if nothing is done, things will get better, but unfortunately after many deaths.” Luc Montagnier added that with the help of interfering waves, we could eliminate these sequences and as a result stop the pandemic.
This is enough to feed some heated debates! So much so that Professor Montagnier’s statements could also place him in the category of “conspiracy theorists”: “Conspirators are the opposite camp, hiding the truth,” he replies, without wanting to accuse anyone, but hoping that the Chinese will admit to what he believes happened in their laboratory.
To entice a confession from the Chinese he used the example of Iran which after taking full responsibility for accidentally hitting a Ukrainian plane was able to earn the respect of the global community. Hopefully the Chinese will do the right thing he ads. “In any case, the truth always comes out, it is up to the Chinese government to take responsibility.”
via Liputan6, 08 April 2020: Dong Son bronzes are evidence of ancient trade routes that connected northern Vietnam and Papua. Article is in Bahasa. Thanks to Hari Suroto for the link.
Masyarakat di kawasan Danau Sentani, Kabupaten Jayapura banyak menyimpan kapak perunggu yang diproduksi di Dong Son, daaerah yang terletak di bagian utara Vietnam. Budaya perunggu di Dong Son berlangsung sekitar 2.400 hingga 2.100 tahun yang lalu.
Setelah kemunduran jaringan dagang orang Lapita dari Pulau Manus, sekitar 2.500 tahun yang lalu di Pasifik, ada bukti konkret tentang transaksi antara Asia Tenggara dan Papua terjadi.
Peneliti Balai Arkeologi Papua, Hari Suroto menuturkan kapak perunggu menjadi salah satu komoditas perdagangan. Bukti hubungan Papua dengan Asia Tenggara dengan ditemukannya artefak perunggu produksi Dong Son di kawasan Danau Sentani.
Dalam penelitiannya, Hari menyebutkan kapak perunggu yang ditemukan di Danau Sentani dibuat dengan teknik cire perdue. Teknik ini yaitu benda yang dikehendaki dibuat terlebih dahulu dari lilin, lengkap dengan segala bagian-bagiannya. Kemudian model dari lilin itu ditutup dengan tanah dan dipanaskan, maka selubung tanah akan menjadi keras. https://www.southeastasianarchaeology.com/2020/04/17/the-story-of-dong-son-artifacts-in-papua/
Google translation:
Communities in the Lake Sentani region, Jayapura Regency save a lot of bronze axes produced in Dong Son, an area located in northern Vietnam. The bronze culture at Dong Son lasted around 2,400 to 2,100 years ago.
After the decline of the Lapita trading network from the island of Manus, about 2,500 years ago in the Pacific, there was concrete evidence of transactions between Southeast Asia and Papua taking place.
Papua Archeology Institute researcher, Hari Suroto, said that the bronze ax is one of the trade commodities. Evidence of Papua's relations with Southeast Asia with the discovery of Dong Son's bronze artifacts in the Lake Sentani region.
In his research, Hari said the bronze ax found in Lake Sentani was made with the cire perdue technique. This technique is the desired object is made first from a candle, complete with all its parts. Then the model of the candle is covered with soil and heated, then the veil of the soil will become hard.
भुवने* श्वर is name of a temple and city sacred to शिव In this temple is seen this exquisite Indus Script metaphor of a sculptural frieze with कीर्तिमुख ,kīrtimukha disgorging ratna, 'jewels'. This sculptural metaphor is an echoe of Indus Script hieroglyphs rendered rebus. Hieroglyph: रत्न 'gift, present, goods, wealth, riches' (RV) Rebus: रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts' (RV) कीर्तिमुख ,kīrtimukha is a tiger with pronounced feline paws. These are Indus Script hieroglyphs. kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kol 'blacksmith' panja 'feline pawss' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace,smelter'. Thus, the कीर्तिमुख ,kīrtimukha signifies an smelter working with a kiln. The ratna emerging out of the mouths of the कीर्तिमुख ,kīrtimukha are signifiers of wealth, of a रत्निन् 'possessing or receiving gifts' emerging out of the yajna process in a sacred fire-altar.rátna n. ʻ gift ʼ RV., ʻ treasure, jewel ʼ Mn. [√raṇ1]Pa. ratana -- n. ʻ jewel ʼ, Pk. rayaṇa -- , ladaṇa -- m.n., Si. ruvan -- a.ratnākara m. ʻ jewel -- mine, ocean ʼ Kāv. [rátna -- , ākara -- ]Pa. ratanākara -- m. ʻ mine of jewels or precious metals ʼ, Pk. rayanāara -- m.; -- Si. ruvanāra ʻ ocean ʼ (EGS 148) prob. ← Pa.(CDIAL 10600, 10601) The sculptural frieze is a rendering of the first rca of Rgveda. The rider on कीर्तिमुख ,kīrtimukha isहोतृ is a performer of the yajna; offerer of an oblation or burnt-offering (with fire) , sacrificer , priest , (esp.) a priest who at a sacrifice invokes the gods or recites the ऋग्-वेद , a ऋग्-वेद priest (one of the 4 kinds of officiating priest »ऋत्विज्; properly the होतृ priest has 3 assistants , sometimes called पुरुषs , viz. the मैत्रा-वरुण , अच्छा-वाक , and ग्रावस्तुत् ; to these are sometimes added three others , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , अग्नीध्र or अग्नीध् , and पोतृ , though these last are properly assigned to the Brahman priest ; sometimes the नेष्टृ is substituted for the ग्राव-स्तुत्). Image Courtesy: Kevin Standage Bhubaneswar has a unique position among the cities of India. A temple town with a series of ancient sandstone temples and tanks, its wealth of monuments is testament to an ancient continuous architectural and historical heritage covering well over 2,000 years from the 3rd century B.C.E. https://kevinstandagephotography.wordpress.com/2020/04/17/bhubaneswar-temple-guide-monuments-odisha/ I submit that this exquisite sculpture is a representation of the first mantra of Rgveda which is a prayer to Agni, the holder of jewels (wealth): अग्निमीळे पुरोहितं यज्ञस्य देवमृत्विजम् होतारंरत्नधातमम् ॥१॥ First mantra of ऋग्--वेद 1.1:Om, I praise Agni who is the Purohita (Priest) of the Yagya (Sacrifice) (Priest leading the Sacrifice), (as well as) its Ritvij (Priest performing Sacrifice at proper times); the Yagya which is directed towards the Devas, 1.2: Who is (also) the Hotara (Priest invoking the Gods) and the bestower of Ratna (Wealth of physical, mental and spiritual plane). https://greenmesg.org/stotras/vedas/agni_suktam.php Wilson translation: I glorify Agni, the high priest of the sacrifice, the divine, the ministrant, who presents the oblation (to the gods), and is the possessor of great wealth. [Agni = purohita, the priest who superintends family rites; or, he is one of the sacred fires in which oblations are first (pura) offered (hita); deva: a god, the bright, shining, radiant; fr. div, to shine; or, one who abides in the sky or heaven (dyusha_na); or, liberal, donor (in the sense of giving); r.tvij = a ministering priest, he is also the hota_ (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 3.14), the priest who presents the oblation or who invokes or summons the deities to the ceremony; fr. hu, to sacrifice; or, fr. hve, to call; ratnadha_tama: lit. holder of jewels; ratna = wealth in general; figurately, reward of religious rites]. ହୋତ୍ର— Hotra ସଂ. ବି—(ହୁ. ଧାତୁ+ଭାବ ତ୍ର)— 1। ହୋମ; ଯଜ୍ଞ—1. A vedic sacrifice. ହୋତ୍ରୀୟ— Hotrīya ସଂ. ବିଣ—(ହୋତ୍ର+ଈଯ)— 1। ହୋତ୍ର ବା ହୋମ ସମ୍ବନ୍ଧୀଯ—1. Relating to Homa. Kīrtimukha ଦେ. ବି— ଶିବମନ୍ଦିରର ଦ୍ବାରଦେଶରେ ଥିବା ଖୋଦିତ ବା ଚିତ୍ରିତ ମୁଣ୍ଡ— A figure-head adorning the door of a temple of Ṡba. ଇଲମ୍— Ilam [synonym(s): ইলমइलम]ବୈଦେ. ବି. (ଆ)— 1। ବିଦ୍ଯା—1. Learning; arts. 2। ଜ୍ଞାନ—2. Knowledge. 3। ବିଜ୍ଞାନ—3. Science. ଅଗ୍ନିକର୍ମ— Agnikarma ସଂ. ବି. (6ଷ୍ଠୀ ତତ୍)— 1। ଅଗ୍ନି ହୋତ୍ରାଦିଯଜ୍ଞ; ହୋମ— 1. Vedic fire-sacrifice.
It appears that the expression रत्नधातमम् is the key expression of the first mantra of Rgveda which has to be interpreted as a reference to 'wealth' in general. Indus Script Corpora evidence wealth creation activities of guilds producing metalwwork and lapidary work involving precious stones, jewels.
kīrtí mukha, yāḷi is a kāla (dh)makara Indus Script reporting on the smithy wealth-creation, on tāṇḍava nr̥tyam and karaṇa-s of Parameśvara https://tinyurl.com/y8jzczm2
कीर्तिमुख पद्म ६.१०.३७ ( शिव के जटाजूट से नि:सृत कीर्तिमुख नामक भयंकर गण के साहस और भक्ति से प्रसन्न होकर शिव द्वारा कीर्तिमुख को अपने प्रासाद में रखने का उल्लेख ), ६.९९.३१( शिव के भ्रूमध्य से नि:सृत भयंकर पुरुष द्वारा स्वांगों का भक्षण कर शिर मात्र शेष रह जाने पर प्रसन्न शिव द्वारा पुरुष को कीर्तिमुख नाम देकर द्वाररक्षक नियुक्त करने का कथन ), स्कन्द २.४.१७.३० ( जलन्धर द्वारा प्रेषित दूत के वाक्य सुनकर क्रुद्ध शिव के भ्रूमध्य से उत्पन्न पुरुष को शिव द्वारा कीर्तिमुख नाम से द्वाररक्षक गण नियुक्त करने का उल्लेख ), लक्ष्मीनारायण १.३२७.३७ ( शिव की क्रोधाग्नि से उत्पन्न भयंकर गण की आज्ञापालनता से प्रसन्न होकर शिव द्वारा गण को कीर्तिमुख नाम देकर सदैव शिवगृह के द्वार पर स्थित होने तथा पूजनीय होने का कथन ) । keertimukha/ kirtimukha (Thanks to Vipin Kumar). शिव की क्रोधाग्नि से उत्पन्न भयंकर गण की आज्ञापालनता...
This explanation reinforces metallurgical association of śivagaṇa including gaṇeśa. gaṇa are also mirrored in Bhuteśvar sculptural friezes together with ekamukha.śivalinga atop a smelter.
kīrtí f. ʻ report ʼ RV., ʻ fame ʼ AV. [√kr̥2]Pa. kittĭ̄ -- f. ʻ praise ʼ; Aś. shah. kiṭri ʻ fame ʼ, man. dh. jau. kiṭi, kāl. kiti, gir. kīti; Pk. kitti -- f. ʻ praise ʼ (kittēi, kiṭṭēi ʻ praises ʼ); L. kītī f. ʻ advice, effort ʼ; H. kītī f. ʻ fame ʼ; -- Si. kit ← Pa.(CDIAL 3200)
kīrtí is a report: f. ( Pa1n2. 3-3 , 97 ; fr. √2. कृ) mention , making mention of , speech , report RV. x , 54 , 1AV. S3Br. &c kīrtí mukha, reports on ingot glory mukha is Indus Script rebus mū̃h 'ingot' (Santali). Thus, kīrtí mukha is a report acclaiming, proclaiming the artisanal competence to produce mū̃h 'ingots' of many metals and alloys,thus adding to the wealth of the nation. mū̃h 'ingots' are the result of the consuming nature of sacred fire which fuses many minerals to create alloys which constitute wealth. kīrtí mukha is Kāla-Makara is Kāla-dhmakara काल m. of one of the nine treasures Jain.; m. of रुद्रBhP. iii , 12 , 12 (Monier-Williams) Kāla-Makara is Kāla-dhmakara mfn. blowing , a blower (cf.तूण- , शङ्क-), blacksmith. kīrtí mukha thus is a symbol of blacksmith's work with metal and alloy metal ingots --producing the wealth of the nation. "kīrtí mukha is a demonic mask of great ferocity with protruding eyeballs, stout horns, and a gaping maw with prominent fangs or canine teeth. Kirtimukhas often appear above gates, dormer windows, archways and so on. They often have garlands or festoons issuing from the mouth. It is also referred to asSimha-mukha(lion-mask) in literature, and the stylized lion's face can be traced to the Persian lion-faces which appear for the first time in India on Mauryan (eg. Ashoka) pillar capitals. It is referred to as Grasamukha in western India, Rahumukha in eastern India, and asKala in the Southeast Asian countries. It may be related to the Mask of Medusa as it was used in Greek and Roman architecture. Gorgon heads with their terrific faces were carved on gates and walls of forts, palaces, and temples to ward off enemies and other dangers. Similar decorative devices were also used by the Scythians, the Chinese, and appear all over the world. In Britain, for example, there is the Green Man mask hiding in corners of Gothic cathedrals. The Kirtimukha is generally considered symbolic of the destructive power of Shiva Mahabhairav (very wrathful) -- destroyer of demons. It is seen by Hindus as symbolic of the glory of divine power which generates creation but is also the source of destruction. For Buddhists it is a symbol of Impermanence -- the face of the demon grasping the Wheel of Samsara. However, alone, it is an auspicious mark of the activity of Dharma Protection. Some see in the Kirtimukha, theeclipse demon Rahu who had no body according to Indian mythology. Eclipses are almost never considered good omens and often are interpreted as portents of disaster. Considering the ancient homeopathic principle that we can treat "like with like" then we can understand why Kirtimukhas are believed to ward off evil, especially such forces of destruction as fire and earthquake. V. S. Agrawala says thatkirtidenotes an excavated chamber, and soKirtimukhasignifies its façade. ~Rajaram Hegde ... Kirtimukha often appears as a subtle motif in the embroideries, and traditional Tibetan Buddhist hangings and banners that decorate shrine rooms and temples. For some, they still serve in a magical capacity to ward off evil, for others they are only an auspicious motif. Most people do not even realize the mask is there...Ziba is a form of Yālli(corruption of Skt.vyala,fierce monster). These are architectural or decorative animal-mask motifs. They feature mainly as stone carvings like the ones at the famous Hindu temples of Madurai in Tamil Nadu, South India. They usually have the stylized body of a lion and the head of some other beast, most often an elephant (gaja-vyala.) Other common examples are: the lion-headed (simha-vyala,) horse- (ashva-vyala,) human- (nir-vyala) and the dog-headed (shvana-vyala) ones. They are related to the hippogryphs and sphinxes of Egypt and Mesopotamia, and symbolize the world-emperor (Skt.chakravartin,) whose strength derives from divine power." http://www.khandro.net/mysterious_vyali_mukha.htmயாளவரி yāḷa-vari , n. < vyāḷayāḷi யாளி yāḷi
, n. < vyāḷa. [K. yāḷi.] 1. A mythological lion-faced animal with elephantine proboscis and tusks; யானையின் தந்தமும் துதிக்கையுஞ் சிங்கத்தின் முகமுமுடையதாகக் கருதப் படும் மிருகம். உழுவையும் யாளியு முளியமும் (குறிஞ் சிப். 252). 2. Lion; சிங்கம். (அக. நி.) 3. Leo of the zodiac; சிங்கராசி. (சூடா.) 4. See யாளிப் பட்டை. (யாழ். அக.) 5. Elephant; யானை. (அக. நி.) Elephantine proboscis and tusks on
yāḷiis a clear link with metalwork: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'. arye 'lion' (Akkadian) rebus: āra 'brass'.
yāḷiand rider, Mukteshvara Temple, Bhubaneshwar, Odisha state, India yāḷi in Aghoreswara temple, Ikkeri, Shivamogga district, Karnataka state, India The glory of kīrtí mukha: Skanda Purāṇa "The story of kīrtí mukha begins when a great king Jalandhara, who "by virtue of extraordinary austerities ... accumulated to himself irresistible powers." In a burst of pride, he sent forth his messenger, the monster Rahu, whose main task is eclipsing the moon, to challenge Shiva. "The challenge ... was that Shiva should give up his shining jewel of a bride [Parvati]." Shiva's immediate answer was to explode a tremendous burst of power from his third eye, which created a horrendous, emaciated, ravenous lion. A terrified Rahu sought Shiva's mercy, which Shiva agreed to. But how then were they to feed the ravenous demon lion? "Shiva suggested that the monster should feed on the flesh of its own feet and hands." So Kirtimukha willingly ate his body starting with its tail as per Lord Shiva's order, stopping only when his face remained. Shiva, who was pleased with the result gave it the name Face of Glory and declared that it should always be at the door of his temples. Thus Kirtimukha is a symbol of Śiva himself." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kirtimukha kīrtí mukha at Kasivisvesvara Temple at Lakkundi, Gadag district, Karnataka, India Kāla-Makara, a kīrtí mukha of 9th century Javanese SailendraBorobudur portal, Indonesia kīrtí mukha at Amruteshwara temple in Amruthapura, Chikkamagaluru district, Karnataka state, India Kirthimukha at Mukteśvara Temple in Bhubaneśwar, Odisha (India) kīrtímukha at Siddhesvara temple in Haveri, Karnataka state, India Khmer kīrtímukha lintel at Vat Kralanh, Cambodia, Baphuon, Angkor style, 11th century kīrtímukha at Prasat Kok Po A, Angkor, Siemreap, Cambodia. 9th century kīrtí mukha is sometimes found in Śiva's matted hair (Heinrich Zimmer, Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilisation, edited by Joseph Campbell. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1946, p.182). kīrtí mukha is a symbol to report the all-consuming nature of Maheśvara, paramātman, Śiva.
-- Bangle-making jar with Indus Script Sealing identifies that the bangles are meant for artisans of bell-metal smelter and metalwork warehouse
-- Field symbol on the sealing identifies that the bangles are for artisans working in the mint and goldsmith guild working with furnaces for fine gold and ornament gold
-- Thus, the purpose of the sealing is to identify the artisans for whom the bangles are being made in the bangle-making jar. Such stoneware bangles are identity markers of the guild of artisans of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization See for e.g. the torc hung on the horns of Meluhha seafaring merchant on the Pillar of the Boatmen (French: Pilier des nautes) -- sculpturel frieze on second register of the pillar from top -- which is a monumental Roman column erected in Lutetia (modern Paris) in honour of Jupiter by the guild of boatmen in the 1st century CE. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pillar_of_the_Boatmen
.Stoneware bangle, Mohenjo-daro
Sealing impressed on the bangle-making jar (Source: MA Halim & Massimo Vidale, 1983, Kilns, bangles and coated vessels -- ceramic production in closed containers at Mohenjo-daro, in: M. Jansen and G. Urban, 1983, Reports on field work carried out at Mohenjo-daro Interim Report Vol. 1 Pakistan 1982-83 by the IsMEO-Aachen University Mission, pp. 63-98)
Field symbol: कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner, smelter.'कोंद kōnda 'kiln, furnace' PLUS singhin 'forward-thrusting, spiny-horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold' kunda 'lathe' rebus: kunda 'fine gold' kammata 'portable furnace' rebus:kammata 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
Text message on Sealing on the jar with bangles. Field symbol: 'forward-thrusting spiny-horned, one-horned young bull PLUS standarddevice'.
Decipherment of text message:
Segment 1: Steersman in charge of bell-metal smelter
Segment 2: Steersman in charge of ware-house of smithy/forge, equipment forge
Thus, the bangles being fired in the jar are meant for the artisans of these two workplaces: 1. bell-metal smelter; and 2. ware-house of metalwork
Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī 'scribe, supercargo' कर्णिक m. a steersman(Monier-Williams)
Platform: maṇḍa 'platform; Rebus: maṇḍa m. ʻ ornament ʼmaṇḍa m. ʻwarehouse'
Four short strokes: gaṇḍa 'four' rebus 'khaṇḍa 'equipment'
Three short strokes: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
Long linear stroke: koḍa 'one'. koḍa 'workshop'
Sign 342 karṇaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebs: karṇī 'scribe, supercargo' कर्णिक m. a steersman(Monier-Williams)
kuṭi 'curve; rebus: कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl bell-metal (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin)
Notch: खांडा khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool) Rebus: khaṇḍa 'equipment'
kuṭi 'curve; rebus: कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin) PLUS Ma. kuṭṭi pupil of eye (Malayalam) rebus: kuthi 'smelter'
maṇḍapa m.n. ʻ open temporary shed, pavilion ʼ Hariv., °pikā -- f. ʻ small pavilion, customs house ʼ Kād. 2. maṇṭapa -- m.n. lex. 3. *maṇḍhaka -- . [Variation of ṇḍ with ṇṭ supports supposition of non -- Aryan origin in Wackernagel AiGr ii 2, 212: see EWA ii 557. -- Prob. of same origin as maṭha -- 1 and maṇḍa -- 6 with which NIA. words largely collide in meaning and form]1. Pa. maṇḍapa -- m. ʻ temporary shed for festive occasions ʼ; Pk. maṁḍava -- m. ʻ temporary erection, booth covered with creepers ʼ, °viā -- f. ʻ small do. ʼ; Phal. maṇḍau m. ʻ wooden gallery outside a house ʼ; K. manḍav m. ʻ a kind of house found in forest villages ʼ; S. manahũ m. ʻ shed, thatched roof ʼ; Ku. mãṛyā, manyā ʻ resthouse ʼ; N. kāṭhmã̄ṛau ʻ the city of Kathmandu ʼ (kāṭh -- < kāṣṭhá -- ); Or. maṇḍuā̆ ʻ raised and shaded pavilion ʼ, paṭā -- maṇḍoi ʻ pavilion laid over with planks below roof ʼ, muṇḍoi, °ḍei ʻ raised unroofed platform ʼ; Bi. mã̄ṛo ʻ roof of betel plantation ʼ, mãṛuā, maṛ°, malwā ʻ lean -- to thatch against a wall ʼ, maṛaī ʻ watcher's shed on ground without platform ʼ; karã̄ 'wristlets' khār 'blacksmith' kūṭa, 'horn' kūṭa 'company'ʼ, mã̄ḍvɔ m. ʻ booth ʼ, mã̄ḍvī f. ʻ slightly raised platform before door of a house, customs house ʼ, mã̄ḍaviyɔm. ʻ member of bride's party ʼ; M. mã̄ḍav m. ʻ pavilion for festivals ʼ, mã̄ḍvī f. ʻ small canopy over an idol ʼ; Si. maḍu -- va ʻ hut ʼ, maḍa ʻ open hall ʼ SigGr ii 452.2. Ko. māṁṭav ʻ open pavilion ʼ.3. H. mã̄ḍhā, māṛhā, mãḍhā m. ʻ temporary shed, arbour ʼ (cf. OMarw. māḍhivo in 1); -- Ku. mã̄ṛā m.pl. ʻ shed, resthouse ʼ (or < maṇḍa -- 6?]*chāyāmaṇḍapa -- .Addenda: maṇḍapa -- : S.kcch. māṇḍhvo m. ʻ booth, canopy ʼ(CDIAL 9734) maṇḍa6 ʻ some sort of framework (?) ʼ. [In nau -- maṇḍḗ n. du. ʻ the two sets of poles rising from the thwarts or the two bamboo covers of a boat (?) ʼ ŚBr. (as illustrated in BPL p. 42); and in BHSk. and Pa. bōdhi -- maṇḍa -- n. perh. ʻ thatched cover ʼ rather than ʻ raised platform ʼ (BHS ii 402). If so, it may belong to maṇḍapá -- and maṭha -- ]Ku. mã̄ṛā m. pl. ʻ shed, resthouse ʼ (if not < *mã̄ṛhā < *maṇḍhaka -- s.v. maṇḍapá -- ).(CDIAL 9737)maṇḍa2 m. ʻ ornament ʼ lex. [√maṇḍ]Pk. maṁḍaya -- ʻ adorning ʼ; Ash. mōṇḍa, mōnda, mūnda NTS ii 266, mōṇə NTS vii 99 ʻ clothes ʼ; G. mã̄ḍ m. ʻ arrangement, disposition, vessels or pots for decoration ʼ, māṇ f. ʻ beautiful array of household vessels ʼ; M. mã̄ḍ m. ʻ array of instruments &c. ʼ; Si. maḍa -- ya ʻ adornment, ornament ʼ.(CDIAL 9736)maṇḍana n. ʻ adorning ʼ MBh., maṇḍaná -- adj. Pāṇ. [√maṇḍ]
Pa. maṇḍana -- n., Pk. maṁḍaṇa -- n. and adj.; OMarw. māṁḍaṇa m. ʻ ornament ʼ; G. mã̄ḍaṇ n. ʻ decorating foreheads and cheeks of women on festive occasions ʼ. (CDIAL 9739) *maṇḍadhara ʻ ornament carrier ʼ. [maṇḍa -- 2, dhara -- ]N. maṛher, maṛer ʻ one who carries ornaments &c. in the marriage procession ʼ. (CDIAL 9738) maṇḍáyati ʻ adorns, decorates ʼ Hariv., máṇḍatē, °ti Dhātup. [√maṇḍ]Pa. maṇḍēti ʻ adorns ʼ, Pk. maṁḍēi, °ḍaï; Ash. mū˘ṇḍ -- , moṇ -- intr. ʻ to put on clothes, dress ʼ, muṇḍaāˊ -- tr. ʻ to dress ʼ; K. manḍun ʻ to adorn ʼ, H. maṇḍnā; OMarw. māṁḍaï ʻ writes ʼ; OG. māṁḍīiṁ 3 pl. pres. pass. ʻ are written ʼ, G. mã̄ḍvũ ʻ to arrange, dispose, begin ʼ, M. mã̄ḍṇẽ, Ko. mã̄ṇḍtā.(CDIAL 9741)
Asko Parpola's reading of the text message on the sealing:
Inside a deep Xiongnu grave hidden in the thickly wooded Sudzuktè pass, on the bottom of the burial chamber, archaeologists, participants of the Russian-Mongolian expedition, found what they had long been searching for: a layer of clay revealing the outline of textile relics. The fragments of the textile found were parts of a carpet composed of several cloths of dark-red woolen fabric. The time-worn cloth found on the floor covered with blue clay of the Xiongnu burial chamber and brought back to life by restorers has a long and complicated story. It was made someplace in Syria or Palestine, embroidered, probably, in north-western India and found in Mongolia.
Finding it two thousand years later is a pure chance; its amazingly good condition is almost a miracle. How it made its way to the grave of a person it was not meant for will long, if not forever, remain a mystery. Of greatest surprise though was the unique embroidery made from wool. Its pattern was the ancient Zoroastrian ceremony, of which the principal personage was …a mushroom. In the center of the composition to the left of the altar is the king (priest), who is holding a mushroom over the fire. The «divine mushroom» embroidered on the carpet resembles well-known psychoactive species Psilocybe cubensis.
The weight of evidence suggests that soma, the ancient ritual drink, has been prepared from the mushrooms of family Strophariaceae which contain the unique nervous system stimulator psilocybin
Diggings of 31 Xiongnu tumuli (dated from the late 1st c. B.C. to the early 1st c. AD) of the Noin-Ula burial ground (Mongolia) carried out in 2009 by an expedition of the Institute of Archaeography and Ethnography, Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (SB RAS), have discovered embroidered woolen textiles preserved by a miracle. Their complete restoration is a long way to go; however, the first fragments restored have revealed exceptional information
On the altar the flame burns – two tongues on the sides and an S-shaped sign in the middle. The flame of king’s fireplace mounted on the altar is a symbol of royal grandeur
Inside a deep Xiongnu grave hidden in the thickly wooded Sudzuktè pass, on the bottom of the burial chamber, archaeologists found what they had long been searching for: a layer of clay revealing the outline of textile relics.
This was the third find to date; all of them were made in the well-known Xiongnu burial ground of Noin-Ula: the first fragments of a unique textile were found here as early as in the 1920s by the expedition of the eminent traveler and scholar P. K. Kozlov. Like many other things, the precious fabrics happened to be in the graves of rich nomads because of the trade along the Silk Road. Xiongnu did not participate in the trade deals but they controlled a long stretch of this perennial spring of foreign goods.
Basing on the first find, the researchers believed that the textile from the Xiongnu burial ground was made in Bactria (Pugachenkova, 1966). However, the finds made in 2006 and 2009 do not allow identifying this textile so unambiguously. Of greatest surprise though was the find made in 2009, or, to be more exact, the unusual pattern involving people and animals embroidered on the textile.
The fragments of the textile found were parts of a carpet composed of several cloths of dark-red woolen fabric. The fabric itself mast have been meant for mantles. A sign of this is the narrow maroon woven stripes with “pockets.” These important ornamental details are known not only from the numerous finds of real textiles in Dura-Europos, Syria, in Palmira and in the Palestinian Cave of Letters, but also from frescos, paintings on Egyptian sarcophagi, and early Christian mosaics (Yadin, 1963).
Similarly to the known mantle textile, the woven stripes of the Xiongnu find do not go from one edge to the other but begin and end within a single cloth. Their cut bits were sewn together without taking into account the location of woven stripes: the ornamental element, so important for making mantles, this time proved to be unnoticed.
The embroidered fabric filled the narrow space between the chamber’s wooden walls and the coffin, which was placed in the middle on another, not embroidered textile. As a matter of fact, the embroidered carpet was laid along the corridor used for the burial ceremony. On top of the fabric was a thick layer of blue clay brought on purpose, which, according to the Chinese tradition was used to make the chamber waterproof. This clay cover made the restorers’ work very hard but preserved the textile.
Beside the altar flame
Men in Iranian dress, equipped with daggers and long swords, approach the fire
The restorers’ hands have revealed the following embroidered plot: a procession to the altar. The altar itself – support for the fire – is a column with a base consisting of two steps and a two-step top turned upside-down. The column shows depictions of circles with a dot in the center – the widespread ancient symbol of fire and the Sun. In the Achaemenid time, similar altars were a novelty introduced by Persians, who proclaimed their adherence to the Zoroastrian belief. “The flame of the king’s fireplace, going upwards in this way, became a symbol of their grandeur.” (Boyce, 1988, p. 75—76).
The altar is aglow with the fire. These Zoroastrian fires had a martial spirit: those who prayed to them were warriors fighting on the side of good creatures against gloom and cold, evil and ignorance.
…Men are approaching the fire. They are armed with daggers attached to the right thigh and long swords with a ring or round pommel and long grip appended to the belt on the left. The warriors are wearing Iranian garments – red trousers, narrow or loose, and closely fitting jackets, wrapped on the left, or longer kaftans. The dress is girdled with a buckled belt and lined with fur.
The warriors’ black voluminous tresses, set in rows and cut at the length of ear lobes, are sometimes strapped across the forehead with a narrow ribbon with fluttering ends. Their looks are conspicuous: expressive profiles of their broad round faces with big eyes, soft chins, pudgy lips and big, slightly aquiline noses. The faces are shaved, though many have a black narrow moustache above the upper lip.
A dismounted rider wearing an armor-clad long jacket with something like a scarf or a cloak fluttering behind his back attracts special attention. His beardless face is stern. The left hand is raised to the forehead in a gesture of adoration common as early as during the Achaemenids as a sign of worshipping a deity. The rider’s horse is held by the bridle by an armed man in a short jacket with something like a scrip on his back from which something like a mushroom is peeking out.
The manner in which the warrior with a horse is depicted copies in minute detail the images on the heads of the coins minted by Indo-Scythian (Saka) kings: Azes I, Aziles и Azis II, who governed north-western India approximately from 57 BC, as well as by their successor Gondofar, the first Indo-Parthian ruler of West and East Punjab (from 20 AD to 46 AD).
A dismounted rider wearing an armor-clad jacket raised his left hand to the forehead in the traditional Zoroastrian gesture – the sing of worshipping a deity (left). Drawing of the carpet by Ye. Shumakova. The depictions of embroidered riders on the carpet and rulers on the heads of Indo-Scythian coins have a great deal in common. On the right are the coins of Azes II, on the left is their drawing. From: (Musee National des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet – l’Asie des steppes d’Alexandre le Grand à Gengis Khan, 2000)
On these coins we can see similar stocky round horses with long tails and strapped docks, cut in a particular manner: a hogged plait at the tail head. Like the embroidered horse, their breast collars are decorated with plates.
The saddle with four horn-shaped supports is identical to the reconstruction made on the basis of Roman archaeological data (Connoli, 2001) with the only difference: instead of leather laces hanging down from under the saddle, there are two clawed paws of a predator’s hide that was used as a horsecloth. These saddles are believed to have appeared by the beginning of the Parthian period and were widely spread with the Parthian cavalry; they were also known to the Sarmatians. Similarly to the embroidered warrior, the riders on the coins are wearing tight waist jackets sewn around with big rectangular plates – such armor was known to the Sakai and Parthians.
These similarities are an important argument in favor of the hypothesis that the carpet shows Indo-Scythians or Indo-Parthians.
Divine mushroom
To the left of the altar is the king (priest), who is holding a mushroom over the fire. Opposite him is a warrior in a jacket with a “tail” and a belted quiver
The embroidered plot develops further… We can see people standing absorbedly around the altar fire. The most prominent figure among them is the man on the left – probably, the king himself or a priest – dressed in a smart long embroidered kaftan gaping open at the bottom. He has a rarely expressive face, and his intent look is focused on the mushroom he is holding in both hands.
A priest with the Divine Mushroom in his hand... The question of what plant was used to prepare soma, or haoma – the drink of gods ancient Indians and Iranians imbibed has been debated for over a hundred years. Up to now, the plant whose sap was a permanent participant of the rituals, an offering to gods made by ancient Indians and Iranians, has not been identified. The hypotheses are plenty: from ephedra, cannabis, and opium poppy to oriental lotus (e.g., Abdullaev, 2009; McDonald, 2004; et al.). All researchers agree that ancient Indians and Iranians used for cult purposes a drink containing a psychoactive substance – it is only debatable what it was exactly and how it affected the people’s consciousness.
A scene from the Eleusinian Mysteries: Persephone taking a mushroom from Demeter. C. 4th c. BC
The translator and greatest authority on the Rig-Veda (RV) T. Ya. Yelizarenkova wrote: “Judging by the RV hymns, Soma was not only a stimulating but a hallucinating drink. It is difficult to be more particular not only because none of the candidates satisfies all the soma properties and matches the soma descriptions found in the hymns only partially but primarily because the language and style of the RV as an archaic cult monument reflecting the poetic features of ‘Indo-European poetic speech’ is a formidable obstacle to soma identification. The answer may be provided by archaeologists and their finds in north-western India, Afghanistan, and Pakistan (and not in the far-away Central Asia).”
This was written in 1999 – ten years before the outstanding find that testified that Indo-Scythians (Saka) and Indo-Parthians had used mushrooms for cult purposes.
The mushroom depicted on the Xiongnu carpet can belong to family Strophariaceae, according to Candidate of Biology I. A. Gorbunova (Laboratory of Inferior Plants, Central Siberian Botanical Garden, SB RAS, Novosibirsk). Its external appearance has similarities with species Psilocybe cubensis (Earle) Singer [= Stropharia cubensis Earle].
Many species of family Strophariaceae, especially genus Psilocybe, contain psilocybin, a unique psychoactive substance and a nervous system stimulator. The mushrooms having this substance play the leading role in T. McKenna’s psychedelic theory of evolution – one of the most original hypotheses of the origin of humans, their language, conscience, and culture.
A priest with the divine mushroom in his hand. Drawn from the carpet by Ye. Shumakova. The “divine mushroom” embroidered on the carpet resembles Psilocybe cubensis in its habit, shape of the cap, and stitches along the cap margin that look like radial folding or veil remnant. Dark inclusions on the stalk may depict the annulus that blackens because of falling spores. The mushrooms of genus Psilocybe, like many other species of family Strophariaceae, contain the psychoactive substance psilocybin. On the left is a king/priest with a mushroom in his hand. Drawing of the carpet by Ye. Shumakova. On the right is the fruit body of P. cubensis, grown on elephant dung (India). From: (Stamets, 1996). In the center is a diagram of P. cubensis fruit body. From: (Guzmán, 1983)
The Eleusinian Mysteries were the oldest religious festivities held in ancient Greece and dedicated to Demeter and her daughter Persephone, spouse to the underworld ruler Hades. The participants of the Mysteries ritually went through death and rebirth. It is known that the initiates were promised rewards in the afterlife. Those who had experienced the mystical death firmly believed that for them a new life would begin after death. “Happy is he who has seen this before sinking into the grave: he knows the end of life and he knows its god-given beginning.” (Pindar) What particular rites made the initiates think of death with joy is not known. From of old, divulging the secret rituals was punishable by death. It is only known that the initiates were to live through and gain their own religious experience; there is evidence that the participants of the Mysteries had visions of images beyond thought. The prominent philosopher and Orientalist Ye. A. Torchinov puts it straightforwardly: “The Eleusis mystery is the mystery of psycho-technical experience of death and rebirth that purifies and integrates the myst psyche…” (1997, p. 145). To achieve this state, some hallucinogenic substances were used, maybe these contained in mushrooms
“Our remote ancestors discovered that some plants can suppress appetite, relieve pain, supply a sudden rush of energy and immunity towards pathogenic factors, as well as result in a synergy of cognitive powers… Alkaloids in plants, especially the hallucinogenic compounds such as psilocybin, dimethyltryptamine (DMT), and harmaline could be chemical factors in the protohuman diet that catalyzed the emergence of human self-reflection.” (McKenna, 1995).
It should be noted that toadstool (fly-agaric) has been nominated as a candidate for the plant equivalent of soma/haoma. This point of view was supported by the founder of the new science ethnomycology R. G. Wasson in his well-known book Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immortality (1968). However, mushrooms containing psilocybin prove to be much closer to the legendary “drink of immortality” in terms of their psychoactive properties.
Story told by the textile
Strewn all over the cloth are the depictions of bees and butterflies. Their presence can symbolize the Other World – the world of souls, the world of ancestors, where warriors get after they have tasted sacred mushrooms
It is high time to sum up the intriguing story unfolding on the time-worn textile. The men depicted on it, who we suppose to be Indo-Scythians (Saka) or Indo-Parthians, are performing a ritual that indicates that they acknowledge a form of Zoroastrianism – a proof of this is the symbol of Ahura Mazda, the sacred fire altar. The mushroom the king (or the priest) is holding in his hands can be an offering to the fire or it can be sanctified by the fire before it being used to make the sacred drink. The north-western India of that time, where, in all the likelihood, the ritual is taking place, was the meeting place of three ethnos, three cultures – Indian, Iranian, and Greek. Each of them had their own gods: tolerance and worshipping not only of one’s own but also of alien gods was a common thing.
To get to the root of the consecration unfolding before us, we should pay attention to such seemingly insignificant details as depictions of bees and butterflies strewn all over the cloth. These insects are the most ancient symbols of worship, and used to have the meaning very different from the present one.
The essence of these symbols of the living natural world, their mythological meaning can be understood through the words denoting them. A bee, for instance, in ancient times was identified with the Word (the first divine creation) and with the fire (soul). In this connection, the Old English beo (bee) can be related to the Indo-European *bhā- denoting, on the one hand, “to speak, word,” and on the other hand, “burn, fire.” In a similar manner, the Persian eng (bee) is related with the Aramaic ogi (soul) and Indo-European *og-en (fire) (Makovsky, 1996). The ancient mythology of many peoples is known to identify bees and people (in some aspects). The bee was Arthemid’s cult insect; Demeter and Persephone’s priestesses were called bees. A bee was the symbol of “honey” Indra, Vishnu, and Krishna. Atharvaveda compares spiritual pursuit with honey-making (Ivanov, Toporov, 1992). The antiseptic properties of honey made it and important means used by many peoples for preserving some foodstuffs, In Mexico, for example, honey has long been used to preserve mushrooms containing psilocybin.
The embroidered cloth covered the narrow space between the burial chamber walls and the coffin. On top of it was a layer of blue clay. Photo by Ye. Bogdanov
In Greek mythology, a butterfly personified Psyche. The Greek word “Psyche” means “soul” and “butterfly.” In fine arts, a soul was often depicted as a butterfly either flying out of a funeral fire or going to Hades (Losev, 1992). The meaning “soul” is often related with the meaning “fire, divine fire.” In Chinese culture, a butterfly is still an emblem of longevity. The insect’s life cycle – caterpillar, cocoon, butterfly – is perceived as a vivid example of metamorphoses leading ultimately to immortality or of a string of rebirths resulting in nirvana (Kravtsova, 2004).
M. V. Moroz, a fine art restorer with the Museum Studies Department of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography SB RAS, is engaged in near work: she is removing clay particles from fragments of the cloth
The butterflies and bees depicted on the background of the canvas may have symbolized the kingdom of souls – the Other World – the world of ancestors, where the warriors got to after having consumed sacred mushrooms.
…Now the puzzle fits together. The insects and the mushroom are closely connected and make the surrounding world miraculous. “We drank soma, we became immortal, we came to the light, we found gods.” (Rig-Veda. Mandalas 9—10. VIII, 48.3).
The time-worn cloth found on the floor covered with blue clay of the Xiongnu burial chamber and brought back to life by restorers has a long and complicated story. It was made someplace in Syria or Palestine, embroidered, probably, in north-western India and found in Mongolia.
The unique find is reviving thanks to restorers. From left to right: N. P. Sinitsina, a top grade fine art restorer (textiles and leather), head of the Leather Restoration Group with the Department of Non-Conventional Restoration Technologies at the Grabar All-Russian Art, Scientific and Restoration Center (Moscow); Ye. S. Sinitsina, a fine art restorer with the same department; and O. S. Popova, a fabric restorer with the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts (Moscow)
Finding it two thousand years later is a pure chance; its amazingly good condition is almost a miracle. How it made its way to the grave of a person it was not meant for will long, if not forever, remain a mystery.
And yet this is not the greatest enigma posed by the unique find. We were lucky to come across something completely new and out-of-the-ordinary. The border of the academic world was stepped across by unexpected evidence, tangible as the textile that has literally returned to us from the other world in order to continue the story about how a man was becoming Man.
References
Boyce М. Zoroastrians: Their religious beliefs and practices. Мoscow: Nauka, 1988.
Litvinsky B. A. Iranian and East-Hellenic temples of fire // The Hellenic temple of Oxus. Мoscow: Vostochnaya literatura RAN Publishers, 2000. V. 1.
Makovsky М. М. Language-myth-culture. Symbols of life and death. Мoscow: Vinogradov Institute of Russian language, 1996.
McDonald A. A botanical perspective on the identity of soma (nelumbo nucifera gaertn.) based on scriptural and iconographic records // Economic Botany 58 (suppl.). 2004. P. 147—173.
McKenna Т. Food of the Gods. Moscow: Transpersonal Institut Publishers, 1995.
Pugachenkova G. А. Khalchayan. Tashkent: FAN. 1966.
Schmidt-Colinet A., Stauffer A., Al-As Ad Kh. Die Textilien aus Palmyra. Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Mainz am Rhein. 2000.
Wasson R. G. Soma: Divine mushroom of immortality. New York, 1968.
Yadin Y. The finds from the Bar Kokhba period in the Cave of Letters. Jerusalem: The Israel exploration society, 1963.
Yelizarenkova T. Ya. On soma in Rig-Veda // Rig-Veda. Mandalas IX—X. Мoscow: Nauka, Literaturnyie pamiatniki, 1999. P. 323—353.
The photographs used in the publication are the courtesy of M. Vlasenko (Novosibirsk)
The cragged, rocky slopes of the mighty Matterhorn lit up with a projection of the Indian flag last night. Created by Swiss light artist Gerry Hofstetter, the projection beamed on the mountain peak to extend a message of hope and positivity.
Amidst the global pandemic, Switzerland is illuminating the famous peak every night between sunset and 11PM with messages like #hope, #solidarity, #allofus and #thankyou to show their support to countries around the world and the people fighting on the frontlines of the coronavirus pandemic. Over the past couple of days, Hofstetter has projected the flags of the US, UK, Germany, Japan, Spain and Portugal and the mountain top even had a sweet message for Easter.
-- A tribute to Nandalal Bose whose choice of Mohenjo-daro seal for Page 1 of lithographed Constitution of India
-- Mohenjo-daro seal adorns the First page of Constitution of India. It is a metalwork repertoire of Sarasvati Sindhu Civilization
The Mohenjo-daro seal chosen by Nandalal Bose to illustrate the Page 1 of lithographed edition of Constitution of Indis is presented together with the decipherment.
The inspired choice by Nandalal Bose has proven to be prophetic. The seal signifies the wealth of a nation created by artisans.
m1103 Text 1337
Field symbol: पोळ pōḷa, 'zebu, bos indicus taurus' rebus pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4'
Text message: Read from r. to l. arkasal, ranku dul kolimi, mū̃ha baṭa, kuṭhāru pōḷa Meluhha meaning: goldsmith workshop, tin ore metalcasting smithy, ingot smelting furnace (for) armourers
Notch hieroglyph: खांडा [ khāṇḍā] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool).ebus:khaṇḍa 'implements'
Spoked wheel hieroglyph: څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) ( P چرخ ). 2. A wheeled-carriage, a gun-carriage, a cart. Pl. څرخونه ṯs̱arḵẖūnah. څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) A wheel څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, 'potter's wheel';(Pashto) Rebus: arka 'copper, gold' eraka 'metal infusion, moltencast'; arā 'spoke' rebus: āra 'brass'. If the 'notch' hieroglyph is read as a variant of sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop', together the first two signs read rebus: arka-sal 'goldsmith's workshop'
A pair of rice-plants, ligatured hypertext of two hieroglyphs: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus; kolimi 'smithy, forge' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'metalcasting'.Thus,together, (cire perdue) metalcasting smithy, forge.
Sign 336 is ligatured hypertext of two hieroglyphs: rimless pot + ladle: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot', quantity of metal got out of a native smelting furnace
PLUS baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada)Rebus:baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) baṭa 'furnace'. Thus the hypertext reads: mū̃ha baṭa 'ingot smelting furnace'
Cups, depicting a domestic bull, found in the royal tomb of Vaphio, Sparta, late Minoan I, c.1500 BCE (gold) (Ajmone-Marsan, P.; Garcia, J.F.; Lenstra, J.A. (2010). "On the Origin of Cattle: How Aurochs Became Cattle and Colonized the World". Evolutionary Anthropology. 19(4): 148–157) One of the bulls throws one hunter on the ground while attacking the second with its horns. The cup despite the older perception of being Minoan seems to be Mycenaean. (Davis, E.N. (1974). "The Vapheio Cups: One Minoan and One Mycenean?". The Art Bulletin. 56 (4): 472–487. .(De Grummond, W.W. (1980). "Hands and Tails on the Vapheio Cups". American Journal of Archaeology. 84(3): 335–337.) The Hebrew Bible contains numerous references to the untameable strength of re'em, translated as "bullock" or "wild-ox" in Jewish translations and translated rather poorly in the King James Version as "unicorn", but recognised from the last century by Hebrew scholars as the aurochs. (The identification was first made by Johann Ulrich Duerst, Die Rinder von Babylonian, Assyrien und Ägypten(Berlin, 1899:7-8), and was generally accepted, as by Salo Jonas, "Cattle Raising in Palestine" Agricultural History26.3 (July 1952), pp. 93-104; The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, Entry for 'Wild Ox'. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. 1939.)_
Vaso de Vafio tallado en oro (h.1500 a.C.) Museo Nacional de Atenas. It's an elaborate cup made out of gold and has great attention to detail.
SC Judgement is a remarkable document detailing the roadmap to resolve twin problems of 1. draught-prone areas; and 2. flood-prone areas. To add to this, it may be noted that a nation blessed with the Himalayas which constitute the akshaya patra, the greatest water reservoir of glaciers in the world, water can reach by gravity flows to every one of 649,481 villages ensuring 24x7 water at the turn of a tap -- nal se jal. This can revolutionise agricultural production by making available resources to double the current level of agricultural production, creating the potential of a nation which can export agricultural products to the world. This will unleash a phenomenal growth rate of more than 10% for decades and provide employment to over 10 crore youth. This is also an opportunity to decentralise economic development initiatives at the local government levels by creating infrastructure of command area irrigation canals and distribution network of nal-se-jal to every home in every village.
PM Modi has his priorities right and his decision FIRST and FOREMOST to ensure support to the poor is bounded on dharma; the lockdown and safe-distancing are measures which the people adopted spontaneously because of PM Modi’s moral stature as a leader whose request has to be respected. The trust the people have in PM Modi is total.
Many pundits have now started articulating on how to get to normal life activities in the political economy. I think it will be an error to offer doles; people respect the dharmic dictum so brilliantly articulated by Basava: kaayakave kailaasa, ‘performing one’s duty is attainment of bliss’ or simply, ‘work is worship’. People should get back to work to earn their livelihood, and contribute to the wealth of the nation. So, no doles, please. Pay fair wages for work opened up in new vistas such as nal-se-jal National Mission to restore the economy to a 10% growth rate. What Keynes did to cope with the Depression is a good model to follow which Eisenhower did to employ the returning troops from the world war to build national highways interlinking every village with every other village.
Wuhan virus has landed the global economy in Depression worse than the Depression of 1930s. Keynesian remedy of infra building is a good model for decision-makers. Even if it means digging wells and closing them down, it is fine, just make people work to earn their living. This will be the dharmic route following Basava’s dictum, kaayakave kailaasa, ‘work is worship’. So, PM Modi should unleash measures to reach ‘full employment’ status in this youngest nation on the globe, WITHOUT ANY DELAY.
National Water Grid is a good idea because a nation blessed with the Himalayan glaciers cannot be left without 24×7 water from a tap at home or a bore-pump for the fields. By gravity the virtually perennial waters can move to every home, in every one of over 6 lakh villages of the nation and to every field allowing the farmers to grow three crops per year using the Nation’s treasure: alluvial soil. Give Mother Earth the water, Bharat can feed the world, doubling agricultural production. Every pundit should read SC judgement of 2012 not only approving the Grid but also suggesting a decision-making process to quicken the pace of implementation.
So, seize the moment. Unleash a work revolution, MNREGA or no MNREGA, make every Panchayat a nodal agency for implementation, for the National Water Grid. The multiplier effects will be so phenomenal that reaching 10% growth rate will be as smooth as nal-se-jal, ‘water to tap, water from tap, water at tap or switch of a button to energize the bore-pump.’
Fig. 1 British Museum Number 118561"
Fig. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 
Fig. 8 Plaque showing 
Fig. 10 Standard of Ur. Another view. 
yāḷi 
kīrtí mukha
K
kīrtí mukha 
Kirthimukha
kīrtímukha
kīrtímukha
: 30 Aug 2010 , 
