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Gola Dhoro, Shikarpur, Khirsara, Kanmer Indus Script seals detail wealth created by the lapidary & metalwork processes

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Annex details the splendid metal- and lapidary-work repertoire of the artisans at the sites of Gola Dhoro (Bagasra), Shikarpur, Khirsara and Kanmer.

Shikarpur

Steatite button seal, Shikarpur.
I suggest that this Shikarpur seal with six dotted cicles signifies a smelter: baTa 'six' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS dhA 'strand' dAyam 'one in dice' rebus: धाऊ   dhāū m f A certain soft and red stone. See धाव. धाव   dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it.PLUS vRtta, vaTTa 'circle'; thus together dhAvAd 'smelter'.धावड   dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron.  धावडी   dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.(Marathi)

Kanmer

For a small-sized settlement of less than 2 hectares, stunning arrays of copper artefacts were found: A copper vessel containing eight bangles, an axe probably used for recycling precious metal, copper knives with bone handles have been found. A unique copper battle-axe (parashu) is also an interesting find from this area and the small size of the battle-axe suggests it as presumably used for ritualistic purpose. Heavily tampered clay crucibles with copper adhering in them have been found, suggesting that they might have been used for copper smelting.

The pictorial glyphs and the sign glyphs together constitute the listing of smithy/forge/metalguild workshop repertoire.

Three identical seal impressions of Kanmer are used on a string to constitute a set. The seal impressions are composed of the inscription:

khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith

śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 

Source:Kharakwal, JS, YS Rawat and Toshiki Osada, Excavations at Kanmer: A Harappan site in Kachchh, Gujarat, Puratattva, Number 39, 2009




Obverse and reverse of Kanmer tokens. Reverse has three different inscriptions. Courtesy: Toshiki Osada


An evidence comes from Kanmer, for the use of tablets created with duplicate seal impressions. These tablets may have been used as category tallies of lapidary workshops. 

(Source: http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/agrawal323/Antiquity, D.P. Agrawal et al, Redefining the Harappan hinterland, Anquity, Vol. 84, Issue 323, March 2010). It is a category mistake to call these as ‘seals’. These are three duplicate tablets created with seal impressions (glyphs: one-horned heifer, standard device, PLUS two text inscription glyphs (or ‘signs’ as written characters): one long linear stroke, ligatured glyph of body + ‘harrow’ glyph. There are perforations in the center of these duplicate seal impressions which are tablets and which contained identical inscriptions. It appears that three duplicates of seal impressions -- as tablets -- were created using the same seal.
Obverse of these tiny 2 cm. dia. tablets show some incised markings. It is unclear from the markings if they can be compared with any glyphs of the Indus script corpora. They may be ‘personal’ markings like ‘potter’s marks’ – designating a particular artisan’s workshop (working platform) or considering the short numerical strokes used, the glyphs may be counters (numbers or liquid or weight measures). More precise determination may be made if more evidences of such glyphs are discovered. Excavators surmise that the three tablets with different motifs on the obverse of the three tablets suggest different users/uses. They may be from different workshops of the same guild but as the other side of the tables showed, the product taken from three workshops is the same.
m1162. Mohenjo-daro seal with the same hieroglyph which appears on Kanmer circular tablets. Glyph 33. Text 2068 kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus:  kasa  bronze';   kã̄sāri  ʻpewterer’ (Bengali) kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length) Rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’. Ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ibbo 'merchant'.
khareḍo 'a currycombrebus kharada खरडें daybook PLUS karṇaka कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus kanahār 'helmsman'. Pictorial motif: karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'. Thus, daybook of irnoworker, turner helmsman


m1162 Text 2058 Ligatured glyph of three sememes: 1. meḍ  ‘body’(Mu.); rebus: ‘iron’ (Ho.); kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  stone; 2. aḍar  ‘harrow’; rebus: aduru  ‘native metal’. ibha ‘elephant’; rebus: ibbo ‘merchant’ (Gujarati)

kã̄ḍ  reed Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’ Ku. lokhaṛ  ʻiron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ  m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ(CDIAL 11171).

kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa= bronze (Te.) kã̄sāri  ʻpewterer’ (Bengali)  kãsārī; H. kasārī  m. ʻ maker of brass pots’ (Or.) Rebus: kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso(= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ,kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻopen bellmetal panʼ kāˊṁsya -- ; -- *kaṁsāvatī -- ? Addenda: kaṁsá -- 1: A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya – (CDIAL 2576). kāṁsya ʻ made of bell -- metal ʼ KātyŚr., n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Yājñ., ʻ cup of bell -- metal ʼ MBh., aka -- n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. *kāṁsiya -- .[kaṁsá -- 1] 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk. kaṁsa -- , kāsa -- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes) kã̄jāadj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ. kāsā ʻ jar ʼ (← E with -- s-- , not ñj); N. kã̄so ʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ, kas -- kuṭ ʻ metal alloy ʼ; A. kã̄hʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B. kã̄sā, Or. kãsā, Bi. kã̄sā; Bhoj. kã̄s ʻ bell -- metal ʼ,kã̄sā ʻ base metal ʼ; H. kās, kã̄sā m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G.kã̄sũ n., M. kã̄sẽ n.; Ko. kã̄śẽ n. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si. kasa ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. L. kã̄ihã̄ m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P. kã̄ssī, kã̄sī f., H. kã̄sīf.*kāṁsyakara -- , kāṁsyakāra -- , *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā -- , kāṁsyatāla -- , *kāṁsyabhāṇḍa -- .Addenda: kāṁsya -- : A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ, or < kaṁsá -- . (CDIAL 2987).*kāṁsyakara ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ. [See next: kāṁsya -- , kará -- 1] L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ. (CDIAL 2988). kāṁsyakāra m. ʻ worker in bell -- metal or brass ʼ Yājñ. com., kaṁsakāra -- m. BrahmavP. [kāˊṁsya -- , kāra -- 1] N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G.kãsārɔ, kas m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sār, kās m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. (CDIAL 2989).

The evidence from Kanmer, shows the use of tablets created with duplicate seal impressions. These tablets may have been used as category tallies of lapidary, turners' workshops. 

(Source: http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/agrawal323/Antiquity, D.P. Agrawal et al, Redefining the Harappan hinterland, Anquity, Vol. 84, Issue 323, March 2010). It is a category mistake to call these as ‘seals’. These are three duplicate tablets created with seal impressions (glyphs: one-horned heifer, standard device, PLUS two text inscription glyphs (or ‘signs’ as written characters): one long linear stroke, ligatured glyph of body + ‘harrow’ glyph. There are perforations in the center of these duplicate seal impressions which are tablets and which contained identical inscriptions. It appears that three duplicates of seal impressions -- as tablets -- were created using the same seal.
Obverse of these tiny 2 cm. dia. tablets show some incised markings. It is unclear from the markings if they can be compared with any glyphs of the Indus script corpora. They may be ‘personal’ markings like ‘potter’s marks’ – designating a particular artisan’s workshop (working platform) or considering the short numerical strokes used, the glyphs may be counters (numbers or liquid or weight measures). More precise determination may be made if more evidences of such glyphs are discovered. Excavators surmise that the three tablets with different motifs on the obverse of the three tablets suggest different users/uses. They may be from different workshops of the same guild but as the other side of the tables showed, the product taken from three workshops is the same.

 'The perforations may have been used for inserting some kind of thread perhaps to hang it on the neck.' Three terracotta seal impressions all with perfoations (dia 4.15 mm) off center. Stamped by a squarish seal with a unicorn motif and two Indus hieroglyphs on top. All the three seal impressions have the same motif and hieroglyphs. 

On the reverse, each one has a different picture or symbol (Kharakwal et al 2009: 147-163).  These are comparable to the following Meluhha hieroglyphs:




Broken clay circular sealing. 2.05cmX2.03cmX0.90cm Wt. 2.7 g. Unicorn motif with three hieroglyphs. Comparable to Seal H156A, impression H156a (Harappa)

No06-105(Kanmer)

No 09-1997 Squarish steatite button seal. 1.06cm X 1.10cm X 0.48 cm Wt. 0.4 g; perforated knob on reverse. Goat with short tail standing facing left.
Kanmer. A large number of bead-making goods — 150 stone beads and roughouts, 160 drill bits, 433 faience beads and 20,000 steaite beads — were found here, indicating the site's importance as an industrial unit. Agatequarries were also located at a distance of 20 kilometres (12 mi) from the site. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanmer


At the outset, this is a tribute to Asko Parpola and Juha Janhunen who hve identified some signs of the Indus Script Corpora as equus hemionus. I had read some of these signs as ranku 'antelope'; a correction is warranted in view of the identification of equus hemionus. Some of these signs have to read as kharaequus hemionus on rebus: khār 'blacksmith'The reading of this unique animal is read in this monograph as an Indus Script hypertext: 

kharaequus hemionus on Indus Script rebus: khār 'blacksmith'

After Figure 15 in (Asko Parpola and Juha Janhunen, 2011, opcit., p.70) An Indus seal stamp (a) and its impression (b), with the wild ass as its heraldic motif, excavated at Kanmer, Kutch,Gujarat, in 2009 (photos by (a)Indus Project of RIHN, (b)Jeewan Singh Kharakwal) Decipherment of Kanmer seal:
खांडा [ khāṇḍā] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool) rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements' PLUS kāˊṇḍa 'arrow' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements' . Thus, the notch is a semantic determinant of the 'arrow' hieroglyph and both signs together signify metal implements.

Pictorial motif:khara 'onager or equus heminonus' rebus: khār 'blacksmith'. Thus the inscription conveys the message: metal equipment (made by) blacksmith.

 Hieroglyph: joint of stalk, arrow: kāˊṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh., ʻ cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). [Poss. connexion with gaṇḍa -- 2 makes prob. non -- Aryan origin (not with P. Tedesco Language 22, 190 < kr̥ntáti). Prob. ← Drav., cf. Tam. kaṇ ʻ joint of bamboo or sugarcane ʼ EWA i 197] Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. ʻ joint of stalk, stalk, arrow, lump ʼ; Pk. kaṁḍa -- , °aya -- m.n. ʻ knot of bough, bough, stick ʼ; Ash. kaṇ ʻ arrow ʼ, Kt. kåṇ, Wg. kāṇkŕãdotdot;, Pr. kə̃, Dm. kā̆n; Paš. lauṛ. kāṇḍkāṇ, ar. kōṇ, kuṛ. kō̃, dar. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ torch ʼ; Shum. kō̃ṛkō̃ ʻ arrow ʼ, Gaw. kāṇḍkāṇ; Kho. kan ʻ tree, large bush ʼ; Bshk. kāˋ'n ʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ; K. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ stalk of a reed, straw ʼ (kān m. ʻ arrow ʼ ← Sh.?); S. kānu m. ʻ arrow ʼ, °no m. ʻ reed ʼ, °nī f. ʻ topmost joint of the reed Sara, reed pen, stalk, straw, porcupine's quill ʼ; L. kānã̄ m. ʻ stalk of the reed Sara ʼ, °nī˜ f. ʻ pen, small spear ʼ; P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ, kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛā ʻ oil vessel made of bamboo joint, needle of bamboo for netting ʼ, kẽṛiyā ʻ wooden or earthen vessel for oil &c. ʼ; Or. kāṇḍakã̄ṛ ʻ stalk, arrow ʼ; Bi. kã̄ṛā ʻ stem of muñja grass (used for thatching) ʼ; Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻ stack of stalks of large millet ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ wooden milkpail ʼ; Bhoj. kaṇḍā ʻ reeds ʼ; H. kã̄ṛī f. ʻ rafter, yoke ʼ, kaṇḍā m. ʻ reed, bush ʼ (← EP.?); G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ, °ḍũ n. ʻ wrist ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint, bough, arrow, lucifer match ʼ; M. kã̄ḍ n. ʻ trunk, stem ʼ, °ḍẽ n. ʻ joint, knot, stem, straw ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint of sugarcane, shoot of root (of ginger, &c.) ʼ; Si. kaḍaya ʻ arrow ʼ. -- Deriv. A. kāriyāiba ʻ to shoot with an arrow ʼ.(CDIAL 3023) Rebus: kaṇḍa 'equipment, metalware'.

After Figure 12 in (Asko Parpola and Juha Janhunen, 2011, opcit., p.68) Naturalistic variants of the Indus script sign 46 (in the sign list of Parpola 1994: 70-78) (from CISI 1-3/1). This is comparable to Signs 182 to 184 (including variants) of Mahadevan ASI 1977 Signlist Concordance.

The tail of the animal (Fig. 12 a to n) signifies: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy' PLUS xoli 'tail' rebus:kol 'working in iron'.Thus, iron smithy, forge.

The ears of the animal:karṇī 'ears' rebus: karaṇī 'supercargo, representative of the merchant responsible for the cargo'.

The stripes on body and neck on these images may be a scribe's style of identifying these body parts are semantic signifiers; for e.g.the rings on neck are read: kotiyum 'rings on neck' rebus: kod 'workshop';  G. koṭhɔ m., belly M. koṭhā m.(CDIAL 3545) rebus: kṓṣṭha2 n. ʻ pot ʼ Kauś., ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ MBh., ʻ inner apartment ʼ lex., ˚aka -- n. ʻ treasury ʼ, ˚ikā f. ʻ pan ʼ Bhpr. [Cf. *kōttha -- , *kōtthala -- : same as prec.?]
Pa. koṭṭha -- n. ʻ monk's cell, storeroom ʼ, ˚aka<-> n. ʻ storeroom ʼ; Pk. koṭṭha -- , kuṭ˚koṭṭhaya -- m. ʻ granary, storeroom ʼ;WPah.kṭg. kóṭṭhi f. ʻ house, quarters, temple treasury, name of a partic. temple ʼ, J. koṭhā m. ʻ granary ʼ, koṭhī f. ʻ granary, bungalow ʼ; Garh. koṭhu ʻ house surrounded by a wall ʼ; Md. koḍi ʻ frame ʼ, <-> koři ʻ cage ʼ (X kōṭṭa -- ). -- with ext.: OP. koṭhārī f. ʻ crucible ʼ, P. kuṭhālī f., H. kuṭhārī f.; -- Md. koṭari ʻ room ʼ.(CDIAL 3546).
After Figure 13 (Asko Parpola and Juha Janhunen, 2011, opcit., p.69) Schematic variants of the Indus script sign 46 (in the sign list of Parpola 1994: 70-78) (from CISI 1-2)."...the ass and the rhinoceros. These two animals are associated with each other also in the copper tablets of Mohenjodaro. Identical inscription on the obverse links the Indus sign depicting the wild ass on the reverse of the tablets M-516 (see Figure 13 c-d) and M-517 with the rhinoceros illustrated on the reverse of the tablet M-1481." (ibid.) 


The compound glyph on the 3 tablets refers to stone and bronze workshop. kāḍ kasa koḍ 'stone, bronze workshop'. This reading is consistent with the archaeological finds at Kanmer. That a glyph similar to the one used on Kanmer tablets occur at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa is significant to help identify the Indian sprachbund with Meluhha (Mleccha) speech area.

It would appear that the three tablets (seal impressions) originated in three distinct phases of the lapidary/smithy processes, based on the following rebus readings of three distinct sets of  incised glyphs on the obverse of the tablets. The three phases are: mineral workshop, furnce workshop (smithy), metal workshop (forge).
Sign 3 is a hypertext which signifies a steersman handling cargo of metal equipment from smithy/forge
 Signs 20, 22 and 38 are variants creating a ciphertext expression expanding Sign1 standing person with spread legs. The long linear stroke is koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus, workshop forging iron equipment -- since 

maĩd ʻrude 'harrow or clod breakerʼ (Marathi) rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron'.
khareḍo 'a currycomb' (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) Rebus: kharada 
खरडें daybook 

Hieroglyph: kangha (IL 1333) 'comb' Rebus 1: ka~ghera_ comb-maker (H.) Rebus 2: kangar 1 कंगर् m. a large portable brazier; or kã̄gürü काँग&above;रू&below; or kã̄gar काँग््र्् । हसब्तिका f. (sg. dat. kã̄grĕ काँग्र्य or kã̄garĕ काँगर्य, abl. kã̄gri काँग्रि), the portable brazier, orkāngrī, much used in Kashmīr (K.Pr. kángár, 129, 131, 178; káṅgrí, 5, 128, 129). For particulars see El. s.v. kángri; L. 7, 25, kangar; and K.Pr. 129. The word is a fem. dim. of kang, q.v. (Gr.Gr. 37). kã̄gri-khŏphürü  kangar ‘portable furnace’ (Kashmiri) kan:g portable brazier (B.); kā~guru, ka~gar (Ka.); kan:gar = large brazier (K.) kan:g = brazier, fireplace (K.)(IL 1332)
 Sign 38 is a hypertext composed of kharada 
खरडें daybook PLUS  kanahār 'helmsman'. Thus, helmsman's daybook.
Variants of Sign 176
Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’. kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara ‘living in the same house, guild’. Hence, smith guild.
kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa 'bronze' (Te.)
mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  id.

Pictorial motif: khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf' खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) ‘Pannier’  glyph: खोंडी khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’. कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) The pictorial motif is read rebus as: کار کنده kār-kunda 'adroit, clever, experienced, director, manager' (Pashto) konda 'furnace,kiln' kō̃da कोँद । कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln (Rām. 1446; H. xi, 11); a brick-kiln (Śiv. 1033); a lime-kiln. -bal -बल् । कुलालादिकन्दुस्थानम् m. the place where a kiln is erected, a brick or potter's kiln (Gr.Gr. 165). --khasüñü --खस॑ञू॒ । कुलालादिकन्दुयथावद्भावः f.inf. a kiln to arise; met. to become like such a kiln (which contains no imperfectly baked articles, but only well-made perfectly baked ones), hence, a collection of good ('pucka') articles or qualities to exist. Cf. Śiv. 1033, where the causal form of the verb is used.(Kashmiri)


Obverse side Indus Script hypertext: maĩdʻrude '
harrow or clod breakerʼ (Marathi) rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' PLUS Hieroglyph: कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 Rebus: कर्णिक having a helm; a steersman PLUS khonda singhi 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'; konda singi, kUNDA singi 'fire-altar, ornament gold'. The obverse seal is made in three copies which are endorsed in three stages of metallurgical processing: alloying (furnace stage), smithy/forge, final approval by the guild-master. Rebus: kanahār'helmsman', karNI 'scribe, account''supercargo'. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', karNi 'supercargo'; meṛed 'iron' rebus: meḍh 'merchant' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; 2. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', kari 'supercargo'  Indicative that the merchant is seafaring metalsmith. karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836) Decipherment: कर्णक 'helmsman' PLUS mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). Thus the body hieroglyph signifies mē̃d कर्णक karṇi 'an iron helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.'
Ligature hieroglyph: notch between the spread legs: खांडा [ khāṇḍā] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool)  
Rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements' 

 Santali glosses

It is surmised that the three tokens with three distinct inscriptions signify stages of metalwork processes: 1. furnace work; 2. alloying work; 2. blacksmith workshop (smithy, forge). The three tokens strung together would have been consolidated as cargo with an inscription on a seal handed over to the supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo, its transport by seafaring merchant and its sale.

Alternatively, Token 1 with an incised marking by śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace) and may signify the final approval process for the cargo shipment.

Token 3 of Kanmer

Variant signs. The hypertext is rimless pot with infixed four short linear strokes.

Hieroglyph: a pair of splinters: sal'splinter' rebus: sal'workshop' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' OR ganda'four' rebus: kanda'equipment'

baaa kind of iron (G .) baa = rimless pot (Kannada)
S. bahu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire’, bahī f. ‘distilling furnace’; L. bhaṭṭh m. ‘grain—parcher's oven’, bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awā. bhah; P. bhaṭṭh m., °hī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keī ‘distil (spirits)’.  (CDIAL 9656)

Thus, one of the three tokens signifies with an inscription on the reverse of the token, that the cargo of equipment has been subjected to furnace processes..


Token 2 of Kanmer

Token 1 of Kanmer reverse side has a sequence of 3 signs read rebus:

ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)




Sign 343 kanda kanka 'rim of jar' कार्णिक 'relating to the ear' rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇī 'supercargo',कर्णिक helmsman' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. Thus, khāṇḍā karṇī 'metalware supercargo'.
Sign 1  karaṇa 'dance posture' rebus karaṇa 'scribe'. med 'body' rebus: med 'iron' (Mu.Ho.) It appears the orthography seeks to focus on the spread legs. कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 , 3 rebus: karNI 'helmsman, supercargo'.
Thus, this token has the message that the cargo alloy metal product has been endorsed by the supercargo at the fire trench account stage of processing.

Token 1 of Kanmer

Enlarged view of the reverse side of one of the three Kanmer tokens. The inscription on the reverse side of this token is comparable to the two-sign sequence seen on a tablet from Khirsara1a. The incised signs depict (from right to left) 'wild ass' and 'ladder' (photo by Indus Project of RIHN). 


This is an addendum to:

Conclusive proof from Kharaputta-Jātaka and Kanmer seal for khara as equus hemionus which draws a royal chariot; rebus khār 'blacksmith' https://tinyurl.com/y3xa9vmu 

https://tinyurl.com/y4bmewg6 

Sign 177 Herring bone? Ladder?On Kanmer seal impressions and on Khirsara tablet, this Sign 177 has been read as 'ladder'. An alternative reading is that the glyph signifies a herring bone or a ladder.

Herring bone (or, ladder?) Indus Script kuttu rebus kōa 'workshop' of khara 'equus hemionus' rebus: khār 'blacksmith' Alternatively, rebus reading is: Manḍ. gudgā- to blaze; gudva 'flame'; thus,

gudva khar'blacksmith (working with) bubbling hot, blazing flame'.

Another alternative is that the Sign 177 signifies NOT a herring bone but a ladder:

śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seṭh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 

Gola Dhoro is also called Bagasra.


Image result for herring bone fishImage result for herring bone fish
Herringbone pattern.


Design principles of pictographic Indus Script, gleaned from 'unicorn', 'rim-of-jar' https://tinyurl.com/yya6g9gf 


Kanmer seal impression as a token has two signs on the obverse which are repeated as a two-sign sequence on Khirsara tablet. 

Khirsara tablet two-sign sequence including the 'herring bone' hieroglyph. 

The Khirsara tablet sequence is read rebus: 

khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith' PLUS kuttuvā 'herring bone' rebus: kōḍa 'workshop'. Thus, together, blacksmith workshop. The same reading may relate to the obverse of Kanmer seal impression 'token'. (Many dialectical variant phonetic forms of kuttuvā 'herring bone' include: kuṭṭa, kuṭṭai 'knotty log, handcuffs', khoḍ ʻ trunk or stump of a tree ʼ, ˚ḍā m. ʻ stocks for criminals ʼ. Hence, the rebus reading kōḍa 'workshop, place of work of artisans' is realised.

Is this seen as an extension of fish-fins which are read rebus: khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'? Or, maybe, this has an alternative reading: குத்தா kuttā, குத்துவா kuttuvān. A herring, golden, glossed with purple, Pellona brachysoma; கடல்மீன்வகை Rebus 1: Manḍ. gudgā- to blaze; gudva flame Rebus 2: kōḍa 'workshop'. gudva 'flame' is semantic cognate of:  Ta. koti (-pp-, -tt-) to boil, bubble up from heat, effervesce, be heated (as the body, ground, etc.), be enraged, be offended, burn with desire; n. bubbling up (as of boiling water or oil), heat (as of fire, weather, etc.), fever, rage, grief, desire; koti-koti- to bubble up (as boiling rice); kotippu, kotiyal boiling, bubbling up, heat, fever, rage, grief; kotiyaṉ one who hankers after food; kutampu (kutampi-) to boil up, bubble up (as boiling water), get angry; kutukutu (-pp-, -tt-) to desire eagerly; kutukutuppu eagerness, desire. Ma. koti eagerness, greediness; kotikka to be greedy, envious, covet; kotiyan glutton. Ko. kodc- (kodc-) to quiver (of water about to boil, flesh of animal just killed, eyelid). To. kwïQy- (. . .) (water) approaches boilingpoint; kwïQyeṯ-, kwïQkyeṯ- to make (water) boil; ? kwïy- (kwïc-) to bubble, boil. Ka. kudi to boil, bubble up, boil up, suffer pain or vexation in the mind; n. boiling, etc., grief; kudisu, kudiyisu, kudasu to boil (tr.); kudige, kudiha boiling, etc.; kutakuta, kotakota the noise of boiling water; kudakal, kudapal state of being (partially) boiled; (K.2kuduguḷi glutton, greedy person; (Hav.) kodi to boil; desire to eat; n. boiling; kodippāṭu greedy. Koḍ. kodi- (kodip-, kodic-) to boil (intr.) with bubbling noise, feel love for, kiss, feel concerned for; kodi love, desire. Tu. kodipuni, kodiyuni to boil (intr.), seethe; kodipāvuni to cause to boil; kodipelů, kodupelů act of boiling; kodi greediness, eagerness; kudipuni, kudyuni to repent, regret; kudipēvuni to be desiring, wishing, be anxious. Te. goda hunger; goda-goda anger; goda-konu to be excited, be in haste, be hungry; kutakuta bubbling, simmering, the sound produced in boiling; kutakutalã̄ḍu to bubble, simmer, boil. Kur. xodᵒxnā (xudxyā) to be reduced to pulp by unskilful cooking; to get discouraged, despair; (xodxas) to reduce (by excessive cooking) to a soft uniform mass, cook until they fall to pieces; to worry, deprive of self-confidence, dishearten; (Hahn) xodxnā to burn (tr.) by overheating; (Pfeiffer). Malt. qothg̣e to excite, incline. / Cf. Skt. kutuka- curiosity, eagerness, desire for; kutūhala- id., impetuosity.(DEDR 2084) kutūhala कुतूहल a. 1 Wonderful. -2 Excellent, best. -3 Praised, celebrated. -लम् 1 Desire, curiosity; उज्झित- शब्देन जनितं नः कुतूहलम् Ś.1; यदि विलासकुलासु कुतूहलम् Gīt.1. (पपौ) कुतूहलेनेव मनुष्यशोणितम् R.3.54;13.21;15.65. 
-2 Eagerness. -3 What excites curiosity, anything pleasing or interesting, a curiosity. -4 Delight, pleasure अकृत मधुरैरम्बानां मे कुतूहलमङ्गकैः U.1.2. कुतूहलिन्   kutūhalin कुतूहलिन् a. 1 Desirous, struck with curiosity; Māl. 1. -2 Eager, impatient; न जातु स्यात्कुतूहली Ms.4.63.(Apte) कुतूहल mfn. excellent , celebrated W. (cf. कौतूहल.)a festival MBh. i , 7918 DivyA7v. i. (Monier-Williams)

meḍ 'iron'+ tagaram'tin'+ dul aduru 'cast native metal'.+ ayah, ayas 'metal' + aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace+ dhātu 'mineral'+ kolimi kanka 'smithy/forge account (scribe)'. 
Thus, the smithy forge account is for iron, tin, cast native metal, unsmelted native metal, metal (alloy), mineral.

A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara.

Rebus readings of Indus writing (from r.): मेंढरी [ mēṇḍharī ] f A piece in architecture. मेंधला [mēndhalā] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi) meḍhi ‘pillar’. Rebus: meḍ 'iron'.

tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagaram'tin' (Malayalam)

sangaḍa ‘bangles’ (Pali). Rebus: sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. saghaḍī = furnace (G.) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’ sangaḍa ‘association, guild’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul ‘casting’.

Ku. koṭho ʻlarge square houseʼ Rebus: Md. kořāru ʻstorehouseʼ

maĩd ʻrude harrow or clod breakerʼ (Marathi) rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron'

Alternative: aḍar ‘harrow’ Rebus: aduru = gaiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul ‘casting’. Thus the composite glyph reds dul aduru 'cast native metal'.

ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) Rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)

ḍato = claws of crab (Santali); dhātu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali) 
kanka 'rim-of-jar' Rebus: furnace account (scribe); khanaka 'miner' (Skt.). kolom 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' (Telugu) The ligature of three strokes with rim-of-jar hieroglyph thus reads: kolimi kanka 'smithy/forge account (scribe)'.Bar seal. Khirsara. The fourth sign from r. also appears on early coins of mints. This sign signifies division with infixed notches; these signify: khaNDA 'division' PLUS khANDa 'notch' rebus: khaNDA 'equipment'

Five hieroglyphs read rebus:

Second sign from r.signifies pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus:pasra 'smithy, forge' (Santali) 
ad.ar 'harrow' (Santali) Rebus: adaru 'native metal' (Kannada)


dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' + as above: Thus, dul adaru 'cast native metal' ligatured to meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.Munda)

ayo 'fish' (Munda)Rebus: ayas 'metal, alloy' (Samskritam)

 ḍato = claws of crab (Santali) Rebus: dhātu ‘mineral ore’ (Samskritam); dhatu id. (Santali).

kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNi 'supercargo'; kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'forge' Thus, supercargo (from) forge


“Seals found in this site belong from the early stage to the late stage of the mature Harappan phase. There are rectangular seals depicting the unicorn and the bison and the Harappan characters. There are rectangular bar-type seals with the Harappan script alone and circular seals, all of which show that Khirsara is a mature Harappan site,” said Jitendra Nath, the excavator of the ongoing digs in Khirsara which commenced in 2009. Khirsara is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site situated about 85 km from Bhuj town in Gujarat’s Kutch district. "There are a variety of beads made of shell and steatite and of semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, carnelian, chert, chalcedony and jasper. About 25,000 steatite beads were found in one trench alone. Shell bangles, shell inlays, copper bangles and rings were also found in plenty. Among copper implements were chisels, knives, needles, points, fish hooks, arrow-heads and weights. There were also bone tools, bone points and beads made out of bones...The ASI team found 11 seals, including circular seals. Some of them are carved with unicorn and bison images, and have the Harappan script engraved on them. While the unicorn seal is made of soapstone, the bison seal is made out of steatite. A rare discovery was that of two bar seals, both engraved with the Harappan script only and remarkably intact. “The kind of antiquities we are getting from this site indicates that Khirsara was a major industrial hub in western Kutch. It was located on a trade route from other parts of Gujarat to Sind in Pakistan, which is about 100 km away. Of course, the Harappans who lived here were basically traders, manufacturing industrial goods for export to distant lands and to other Harappan sites in the vicinity and farther away.” Khirsara is unique among Indus Valley settlements in having a general fortification wall around the settlement and also separate fortification walls around every complex inside the settlement. The citadel complex, the warehouse, the factory-cum-residential complex, and even the potters’ kiln have their own protective walls.http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/discovering-khirsaras-harappan-glory/article4794614.ece


Elephant glyph: ibha 'elephant' (Skt.) Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali) ibbo 'merchant' (Gujarati)

Metal
ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.); kaṇḍa ‘arrow’; kaṇḍa, kāṇḍa, kāe = an arrow (Ka.) kāṇḍ  kāṇ  kōṇ, ko~_, ka~_ arrow (Pas'.); ka~_ī arrow (G.) Cf. kaṇam ‘arrow’ (Ta.) Rebus: ayaskāṇḍa “a quantity of iron, excellent iron” (Pāṇ gaṇ)
Workshop
sal “stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty” (H.);
Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali); śāla id. (Skt.)

Turner
kundau, kundhi corner (Santali) kuṇḍa corner (S.)khoṇḍ square (Santali)  *khuṇṭa2 ʻ corner ʼ. 2. *kuṇṭa -- 2. [Cf. *khōñca -- ] 1. Phal. khun ʻ corner ʼ; H. khū̃ṭ m. ʻ corner, direction ʼ (→ P. khũṭ f. ʻ corner, side ʼ); G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻ angle ʼ. <-> X kōṇa -- : G. khuṇ f., khū˘ṇɔ m. ʻ corner ʼ. 2. S. kuṇḍa f. ʻ corner ʼ; P. kū̃ṭ f. ʻ corner, side ʼ (← H.).(CDIAL 3898).



Allograph: kunta 'lance, spear' (Kannada)


Rebus: kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297). Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).


Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post.(DEDR 1723). கற்கந்து kaṟ-kantu n. < கல் +. Stone pillar; கற்றூண். கற்கந்தும் எய்ப்போத்தும் . . . அனை யார் (இறை. 2, உரை, 27).


Annex 

Details of the splendid metal- and lapidary-work repertoire of the artisans at the sites of Gola Dhoro (Bagasra), Shikarpur, Khirsara and Kanmer

The excerpts are from reports of Kuldeep Bhan, Massimo idale, JM Kenoyer, VH Sonawane, Ajit Prasad and Baroda University archaeological teams.

Dr. Kuldeep Bhan is Professor of Archaeology at MSU University Baroda and has been leading Indus excavations in Gujarat for the past 20 years.
Slides by Kuldeep Bhan(Professor of Archaeology at MSU University Baroda) which focus on the excavation and study of Gola Dhoro- the ancient Indus Valley archaeological site.

Gola Dhoro, Bagasra excavation map 1998. Plan of trench Eq 2, storage bins and fireplace.

Gola Dhoro excavated gateway on eastern side of the mound.

Gola Dhoro, Bagasra, gateway looking northwest over surrounding salt plains from the top of the mound.
Ancient Indus shell and stone beads from Gola Dhoro.
Unfinished shell bangles in the shell workshop, Gola Dhoro.
Complete raw shell Turbinella pyrum (right and left) and a pile of unfinished shell bangles (center).
Unfinished shell circlets with grinding stone in the front.


Carnelian Bead Production in Khambat, India: An Ethnoarchaeological Study

An overview of the important technological and organization aspects of the carnelian bead industry that will be useful in developing interpretive models regarding the role of agate bead production in early urban societies.
Above: This carnelian bead has been artificially colored with white lines and circles using a special ancient bleaching technique.
This article presents an overview of the important technological and organization aspects of the carnelian bead industry that will be useful in developing interpretive models regarding the role of agate bead production in early urban societies.. The production and trade of various types of agate or Carnelian beads has an important role in local and regional economics of the prehistoric and historic periods in South Asia. At present the city of Khambhat (Cambay) is one of the largest stone bead working centres of the world, and it has been an important centre for over 3000 years of documented history. With the aid of archaeological research, the stone bead industry in Pakistan and western India can be traced back even earlier to the cities and villages of the Harappan phase of the Indus tradition, dated to around 2500 BC.
Kenoyer1994_Carnelian%20Bead%20Production%20in%20Khambhat%20India%20An%20E.pdf

Contemporary Stone Beadmaking in Khambhat, India: Patterns of Craft Specialization and Organization of Production as Reflected in the Archaeological Record

Contemporary Stone Beadmaking in Khambhat, India
Khambhat in Gujarat province provides a unique opportunity to study the organization of a specialized craft and understand how different aspects of social, economic and political organization relating to such crafts might be reflected in the archaeological record because of the long continuity of bead-making in this region,
At present, the city of Khambhat in western India is one of the largest stone beadworking centers of the world, and it has been an important center for over two thousand years of documented history (Arkell 1936;Trivedi 1964). Using archaeologicalevidence, the stone bead industry in this region of India can be traced back even earlier to the cities and villages of the Harappan Phase of the Indus Tradition, dated to around 2500 BC. Because of the long continuity of stone beadmaking in this region, Khambhat provides a unique opportunity to study the organization of a specialized craft and understand how different aspects of social, economic and political organization relating to such crafts might be reflected in the archaeological record. In archaeological studies of urbanism and so-called 'complex societies', craft specialization has come to be used as a major indicator of socio-economic complexity, stratification and centralized control. However, the many different definitions of specialized crafts and the contrasting interpretations of their role in prehistoric societies have led scholars to emphasize the need for more reliable interpretive models that correlate the socio-economic aspects of specialized crafts with the patterning of artifacts in the archaeological record.
Contemporary Stone Beadmaking in Khambhat, India: Patterns of Craft Specialization and Organization of Production as Reflected in the Archaeological Record Author(s): Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Massimo Vidale, Kuldeep Kumar Bhan Reviewed work(s): Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 23, No. 1, Craft Production and Specialization (Jun., 1991), pp. 44-63 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124728 


Ethnoarchaeological Excavations of the Bead Making Workshops of Khambat

Ethnoarchaeological Excavations of the Bead Making Workshops of Khambat
Archaeologists interested in ancient craft production, both those aided by ancient historical sources and those bound to the interpretation of material residues, are currently involved in major critical efforts to improve the quality of their interpretation of the archaeological record.

An important step in this direction ís ethnoarchaeology. This approach enables us to observe, within living cultural systems, the cycles of formation and destruction of material evidence that are ultimately responsible for the creation of the archaeological record. At the same time, ethnoarchaeology permits to observe how the action of structured social relationships affects the nature of these cycles. Ethnoarchaeology, in this perspective, allows archaeologists to study dynamic and complex relationships of cause-effect among different orders of factors, and, as a result, to build with the data more meaningful tools of interpretation. South Asia, where traditional societies are organized in complex formalized hierarchies, with many different levels of interaction with contemporary state structures, is an ideal ñeld of ethnoarchaeological observation, relevant to the study of the so-called ‘complex societies’ of protohistory, dating to the bronze and iron age of the eurasian continent.

Chaîne Opératoire in the Study of Stratified Societies

Indus Valley
This paper discusses some theoretical questions and present some observations on the role of ethnoarchaeological studies of craft production in contemporary stratified social contexts, in the study of protohistoric societies.

This paper discusses some theoretical questions and present some observations on the role of ethnoarchaeological studies of craft production in contemporary stratified social contexts, in the study of protohistoric societies. Ethnoarchaeological approaches to craft production include both the observation of site formation processes and archaeological patterning, as well as the the study of technology. We discuss the descriptive tools used by archaeologists and ethnologists to represent the continuum of stratigraphy and that of technology, as well as some theoretical implications of the comparison between these two approaches. We then examine the concept of "chaîne opératoire" or operational sequence, and propose that a non-linear approach to the study of production flow might be particularly useful for understanding highly segmented, hierarchical contexts of production.

Nageswara: a Mature Harappan Shell Working Site on the Gulf of Kutch, Gujarat

Shell bangles
Recent explorations in the peripheral regions east of the Indus valley have established the spread of Harappan culture to settlements in Kutch, Saurashtra, Rajasthan and Harayana, but there has been much speculation on the reasons behind this cultural expansion.

In order to manufacture shell bangles from T. pyrum, the shell was first hollowed out by perforating the apex and breaking the internal septa using a long copper pick or chisel. The shell was then sawn at a diagonal to remove rough circlets, which were ground and polished to produce beautiful bangles
Recent explorations in the peripheral regions east of the Indus valley have established the spread of Harappan culture to settlements in Kutch, Saurashtra, Rajasthan and Harayana, but there has been much speculation on the reasons behind this cultural expansion. The discovery of Nageswara on the southern shore of the Gulf of Kutch, Gujarat, has provided important new information regarding the Harappan expansion in this region. The site is located on the edge of a fresh water reservoir called Bhimgaja Talao, (22 20' North Lat., 69 6' East Long.) which is associated with an ancient Saivite temple of Nageswara, Mahadeva. This temple is about 17 km northeast along the Dwarka-Gopi, Talao bus route. Since the excavators were interested in removing only the soft organic soil for construction of a dam, leaving large accumulations of potsherds, shel frag­ments, grinding stones and stone foundations in situ. This unique situation has made it possible to observe important architectural features and distribution of shell manufacturing waste in their original contexts.


Sidis in the Agate Bead Industry of Western India

Sidis in the Agate Bead Industry of Western India
In this paper, historical records about the Sidis and their own oral traditions will be critically examined to gain new perspectives on their complex history, begin­ning with their origins in Africa and with a special focus on their role in the agate bead industry.

During drilling, the tips of agate drills become hot and often spall off. Fine screens allow the collection of the spalled drill tips, the finding of which confirms that drilling as well as shaping of beads was done in this area of the site during the Ravi phase.
Who are the Sidis and where did they come from?
These two questions can only be answered conclusively through care­ ful archaeological and DNA studies, but it is possible to make some sense out of the situation based on written documents and oral tradi­tions. Some early anthropological studies of different racial groups in South Asia have shown that there are some Negrito groups among indigenous populations of hunter-gatherers living in parts of the West­ ern Ghats (Kadar and Irular of the Kerala Hills), and in the Raj Mahal Hills of Bihar and Bengal.




"At present Sidi communities aree spread throughout the regions of Gujarat, Sindh and Makran, but only those lilving in the Gori Pit and Khambhat areas are involved in the agate trade."(p.69)

Copper knives with bone handles


Indus Valley copper artifacts found at Gola Dhoro.

Unique Unicorn Seal as part of some sort of container found at Gola Dhoro.
Ancient Indus seal found at Gola Dhoro, frontal view.

Ancient Indus seals and sealings found at Gola Dhoro, Begasra.


 PLUS  These two hieroglyphs read from r. to l.: koḍa 'one' rebus: koḍ 'workshop' PLUS khareḍo 'a currycombrebus kharada खरडें daybook PLUS karṇaka कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus kanahār 'helmsman'. Thus, the message is: khareḍo koḍ karṇaka rebus: khareḍo 'daybook' (of) koḍ 'workshop' (of) kanahār 'helmsman'. Together, the inscription message is: daybook of workshop of helmsman. Three such seal impressions on three tokens of Kanmer constitute the consolidated cargo to be compiled on a seal message.

khareḍo 'a currycomb' (G.) Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati) Rebus: kharada 
खरडें daybook 

 Sign 38 is a hypertext composed of kharada 
खरडें daybook PLUS  kanahār 'helmsman'. Thus, helmsman's daybook.


Variants of Sign 176
Sign 176 khareḍo 'a currycomb (Gujarati) Rebus: karaḍā खरडें 'daybook, wealth-accounting ledger'. Rebus: kharādī ' turner' (Gujarati). 

कर्णक m. du. the two legs spread out AV. xx , 133 'spread legs'; (semantic determinant) Rebus: kanahār'helmsman', karNI 'scribe, account''supercargo'. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', karNi 'supercargo'; meṛed 'iron' rebus: meḍh 'merchant' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; 2. कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: 'helmsman', kari 'supercargo'  Indicative that the merchant is seafaring metalsmith. karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836) Decipherment: कर्णक 'helmsman' PLUS mē̃d, mēd 'body' rebus: mē̃d, mēd 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). Thus the body hieroglyph signifies mē̃d कर्णक karṇi 'an iron helmsman seafaring, supercargo merchant.'
khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf' खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) ‘Pannier’  glyph: खोंडी khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) Rebus: kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’ (Bengali) kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’. कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) 


ko_d.iya, ko_d.e = young bull; ko_d.elu = plump young bull; ko_d.e = a. male as in: ko_d.e du_d.a = bull calf; young, youthful (Te.lex.)

kot.iyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; kot. = neck (G.lex.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull].खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ]A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडरूं (p. 216) [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl.खोंडा (p. 216) [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. 2 fig. A hollow amidst hills; a deep or a dark and retiring spot; a dell. 3 (also खोंडी & खोंडें) A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) 


Rebus signifier of the rings on neck: A ghanjah or ganja (Arabic: غنجه ), also known as kotiya in India, is a large wooden trading dhow, a traditional Arabic sailing vessel. Thus, the rebus reading could be: kotiya 'a ghanjah dhow seafaring vessel'.

Kanmer epigraphs with Meluhha hieroglyphs used in trade

This is a tribute to the meticulous care with which JS Kharakwal and the team of archaeologists and epigraphists have documented the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site of Kanmer in Gujarat (Rann of Kutch). Even though the epigraphs are few, the archaeological work has provenienced the finds of seals/seal impressions/tablets with Meluhha hieroglyphs providing a unique opportunity  to provide rebus readings of the hieroglyphs in the archaeological context of minerals and stones worked at the site to create trade-able artifacts such as beads, etched beads, perforated beads.
Location map of Kanmer (After Fig. 1 in: 
Kanmer. A large number of bead-making goods — 150 stone beads and roughouts, 160 drill bits, 433 faience beads and 20,000 steaite beads — were found here, indicating the site's importance as an industrial unit. Agatequarries were also located at a distance of 20 kilometres (12 mi) from the site. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanmer

http://www.scribd.com/doc/212393968/Kanmer-seals-sealing-and-other-script-material-Chapter-8


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/bronze-age-kanmer-bagasra.html

https://www.academia.edu/4891402/Harappan_Script_Material_from_Kanmer

Kanmer: seals, sealing and other script material (Chapter 8) Hansmukh Seth & JS Kharakwal, R. Menaria and H. Bunker (2014)

Three hieroglyphs painted in black pigment on a red slipped surface of a dish on stand (No. 09-2047) loa ‘ficus religiosa
 Rebus: lo 'copper'. ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'. Alternative: kamakom,kamaḍha ‘ficus’ (Santali) Rebus:  kammaṭa ‘mint, coiner’.

Five examples of hieroglyph in black pigment on the inner and outer surface of a pot of Red ware and redware with buffs slipped type oron dishes, mostly in pre-firing stage. arā 'spokes' Rebus: āra 'brass' eraka 'knave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'.

(No. 09-2048; Tr. Z28, Layer 10; No. 09-2049; Tr. Z28, Layer 10; No. 09-2050; Tr. Z28, Qua SE, Layer 10; No. 09-2050, Tr. Z28, Qua SE, Layer 10); No. 09-2053; Tr. Z28, Layer 11).


(After Figure 9 in: Kharakwal et al, p. 364)"Furnace. A bulb shaped furnace with a central cylindrical hollow column (dia. 31 cm, depth 35 cm)(Fig.9) was exposed in trench Z17...The clay walls of the furnace were barely 4 cm thick and the area between the column and outer clay wall was found completely filled with ash. The burnt red colour of the cylindrical column, the outer clay wall and the earth around the furnace indicate that the temperature raised in the furnace may have been more than 700 degrees C...Several tubular faience beads and bangles were recovered from the furnace area and near the square platform. We do not know if it could be a faience bead making furnace?..."The beads of semi precious stone have been identified as carnelian, agate, lapis lazuli/sodalite, chalcedony, serpentine and bloodstone. The site yielded raw material of agate besides, chipped, roughouts, grinded, unpolished bead blanks...Except for lapis lazuli/sodalite, sources of raw material for all these bead types could have been the Little Rnn and its adjacent areas...A few examples of shell, bone and metal ones have been found from the KMR II and KMR III levels...The discovery of seals, seal impressions suggested that they were involved in trade." ( in: Kharakwal, JS, YS Rawat, T. Osada, LC Patel, Hanmukh Seth, Rajesh Meena, S. Meena, KP Singh, & A. Hussain, 2010, Kanmer: a multicultural site in Kachchh, Gujarat, India, p.371, 373)"

http://www.scribd.com/doc/212400235/Kharakwal-JS-YS-Rawat-T-Osada-LC-Patel-Hanmukh-Seth-Rajesh-Meena-S-Meena-KP-Singh-A-Hussain-Kanmer-a-multicultural-site-in-Kachchh-Gu (Embedded)

Etched carnelian bead from Kanmer (After Figure 11 in Kharakwal et al)


Khirsara1a tablet

Decipherment:Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'

khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith [Alternative: ranku ‘antelope’; rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali)]


Sign 177 (Mahadevan ASI 1977 COncordance Signlist)

śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). [Alternative: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)]

Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 

badhi ‘to ligature, to bandage, to splice, to join by successive rolls of a ligature’ (Santali) batā bamboo slips (Kur.); bate = thin slips of bamboo (Malt.)(DEDR 3917). Rebus: baḍhi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) baṛae = blacksmith (Ash.)

kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)

khaṇḍ ‘division’; rebus: kaṇḍ ‘furnace’ (Santali) khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.)

bharna = the name given to the woof by weavers; otor bharna = warp and weft (Santali.lex.) bharna = the woof, cross-thread in weaving (Santali); bharni_ (H.) (Santali.Boding.lex.) Rebus: bhoron = a mixture of brass and bell metal (Santali.lex.) bharan = to spread or bring out from a kiln (P.lex.) bha_ran. = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  ba_ran.iyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) bharant (lit. bearing) is used in the plural in Pan~cavim.s’a Bra_hman.a (18.10.8). Sa_yan.a interprets this as ‘the warrior caste’ (bharata_m – bharan.am kurvata_m ks.atriya_n.a_m). *Weber notes this as a reference to the Bharata-s. (Indische Studien, 10.28.n.2)

kuṭi = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘iron smelter furnace’ (Santali)

Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' 

meḍhi 'plait' meḍ 'iron'; daürā 'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter'


kṣōḍa m. ʻ post to which an elephant is fastened ʼ lex. [Poss. conn. with *khuṭṭa -- 1 with kh -- sanskritized as kṣ -- ]Pk. khōḍa -- m. ʻ boundary post ʼ, ˚ḍī -- f. ʻ big piece of wood, wooden bolt ʼ, taṁtukkhōḍī -- f. ʻ peg in a loom ʼ; N. khoriyo ʻ land on which trees have been cut and burnt and crops sown ʼ (< ʻ *having stumps ʼ?); H. khoṛ m. ʻ piece of wood ʼ, ˚ṛā m. ʻ stocks, handcuffs ʼ, khoṛkā m. ʻ stump of a tree ʼ; G. khoṛ n. ʻ large block of wood ʼ; M. khoḍ n. ʻ trunk or stump of a tree ʼ, ˚ḍā m. ʻ stocks for criminals ʼ.(CDIAL 3748) *khuṭṭa1 ʻ peg, post ʼ. 2. *khuṇṭa -- 1. [Same as *khuṭṭa -- 2? -- See also kṣōḍa -- .]1. Ku. khuṭī ʻ peg ʼ; N. khuṭnu ʻ to stitch ʼ (der. *khuṭ ʻ pin ʼ as khilnu from khil s.v. khīˊla -- ); Mth. khuṭā ʻ peg, post ʼ; H. khūṭā m. ʻ peg, stump ʼ; Marw. khuṭī f. ʻ peg ʼ; M. khuṭā m. ʻ post ʼ.2. Pk. khuṁṭa -- , khoṁṭaya -- m. ʻ peg, post ʼ; Dm. kuṇḍa ʻ peg for fastening yoke to plough -- pole ʼ; L. khū̃ḍī f. ʻ drum -- stick ʼ; P. khuṇḍ˚ḍā m. ʻ peg, stump ʼ; WPah. rudh. khuṇḍ ʻ tethering peg or post ʼ; A. khũṭā ʻ post ʼ, ˚ṭi ʻ peg ʼ; B. khũṭā˚ṭi ʻ wooden post, stake, pin, wedge ʼ; Or. khuṇṭa˚ṭā ʻ pillar, post ʼ; Bi. (with -- ḍa -- ) khũṭrā˚rī ʻ posts about one foot high rising from body of cart ʼ; H. khū̃ṭā m. ʻ stump, log ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ small peg ʼ (→ P. khū̃ṭā m., ˚ṭī f. ʻ stake, peg ʼ); G. khū̃ṭ f. ʻ landmark ʼ, khũṭɔ m., ˚ṭī f. ʻ peg ʼ, ˚ṭũ n. ʻ stump ʼ, ˚ṭiyũ n. ʻ upright support in frame of wagon ʼ, khū̃ṭṛũ n. ʻ half -- burnt piece of fuel ʼ; M. khũṭ m. ʻ stump of tree, pile in river, grume on teat ʼ (semant. cf. kīla -- 1 s.v. *khila -- 2), khũṭā m. ʻ stake ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ wooden pin ʼ, khũṭaḷṇẽ ʻ to dibble ʼ.Addenda: *khuṭṭa -- 1. 2. *khuṇṭa -- 1: WPah.kṭg. khv́ndɔ ʻ pole for fencing or piling grass round ʼ (Him.I 35 nd poss. wrong for ṇḍ); J. khuṇḍā m. ʻ peg to fasten cattle to ʼ.(CDIAL 3893)


Ta. kuṭṭai, kuṭṭai-maram stocks; kaikkuṭṭai handcuffs. To. kuṭy, koy-kuṭy id.(DEDRF 1674) Ma. kuṭṭa a knotty log. Ko. guṭḷ stake to which animal is tied, any large wooden peg. To. kuṭy a stump. Ka. (Coorg) kuṭṭustem of a tree which remains after cutting it. Koḍ. kuṭṭe log. Tu. kuṭṭi stake, peg, stump. Go. (Mu.) kuṭṭa, guṭṭa, (G. Ma.) guṭṭa, (Ko.) guṭa stump of tree; (S.) kuṭṭa id., stubble; (FH.) kuta jowari stubble (Voc. 731). Pe. kuṭa stump of tree. Kui gūṭa, (K.) guṭa id. Kuwi (Su.) guṭṭu (pl. guṭka) id., stubble of paddy; (Isr.) kuḍuli log. / The items here, those in DBIA 104 (add: Go. [SR.] guṭṭam, [M.] guṭṭa, [L.] guṭā peg [Voc. 1112]), and those in Turner, CDIAL, no. 3893 *khuṭṭa-, *khuṇṭa- and no. 3748 kṣōḍa-, exhibit considerable convergence and present many problems of immediate relationship. (DEDR 1676)  Ka. (Hav.) kutta straight up. Tu. (B-K.) kutta vertical, steep, straight.(DEDR 1716) குத்தா kuttān. A herring. See குத்துவா.குத்தாங்கல் kuttāṅ-kaln. < குத்து- + ஆம் +. Stone or brick laid upright on edge; செங்குத்தாக வைக்குங் கல் அல்லது செங்கல்.குத்துக்கல் kuttu-k-kaln. < id. +. 1. Stone standing on edge; செங்குத்தான கல். 2. Bricks placed on edge, as in arching, terracing; செங்குத்தாகவைத்துக்கட்டுஞ் செங்கல். 3. Stone marking the depth of water in a tank; ஏரிநீரின் ஆழத்தைக்காட்டும் அளவுகல்.குத்துவா kuttuvān. A herring, golden, glossed with purple, Pellona brachysomaகடல்மீன்வகைகுத்துவாமீன் kuttuvā-mīṉn. < குத்துவா +. See குத்துவா.


Three tokens were discovered in Kanmer with Indus Script inscriptions on both sides of the tokens. This monograph deciphers the inscriptionsand finds documentation of metalwork processes in furnace, alloying and smithy-forge. It is surmised that the three token set strung together may have resulted in the preparation on a seal of a bill of lading authenticating the products entrusted to the supercargo.

Location of Kanmer. Rann of Kuttch

Khirsara1a tablet

Decipherment:Hypertext of Sign 336 has hieroglyph components: muka 'ladle' (Tamil)(DEDR 4887) Rebus: mū̃h'ingot' (Santali).PLUSSign 328  baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: baṭa 'iron' bhaṭa 'furnace'. The hypertext reads: mū̃h bhaṭa 'ingot furnace'


khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith [Alternative: ranku ‘antelope’; rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali)]
śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). [Alternative: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)]

Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 

badhi ‘to ligature, to bandage, to splice, to join by successive rolls of a ligature’ (Santali) batā bamboo slips (Kur.); bate = thin slips of bamboo (Malt.)(DEDR 3917). Rebus: baḍhi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) baṛae = blacksmith (Ash.)

kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)

khaṇḍ ‘division’; rebus: kaṇḍ ‘furnace’ (Santali) khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.)

bharna = the name given to the woof by weavers; otor bharna = warp and weft (Santali.lex.) bharna = the woof, cross-thread in weaving (Santali); bharni_ (H.) (Santali.Boding.lex.) Rebus: bhoron = a mixture of brass and bell metal (Santali.lex.) bharan = to spread or bring out from a kiln (P.lex.) bha_ran. = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  ba_ran.iyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) bharant (lit. bearing) is used in the plural in Pan~cavim.s’a Bra_hman.a (18.10.8). Sa_yan.a interprets this as ‘the warrior caste’ (bharata_m – bharan.am kurvata_m ks.atriya_n.a_m). *Weber notes this as a reference to the Bharata-s. (Indische Studien, 10.28.n.2)

kuṭi = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘iron smelter furnace’ (Santali)

Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' 

meḍhi 'plait' meḍ 'iron'; daürā 'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter'

See A11 and B5 in figure.
Field symbol: short-tailed caprid kid: ranku ‘antelope’ rebus: khara 'equus hemionus' rebus:khār 'blacksmith' or ranku ‘tin’ + xolā 'fish tail' rebus: kolhe 'smelter', 
kol 'working in iron' 

Text A11: Glyph ‘mountain’: మెట్ట [ meṭṭa ] or మిట్ట meṭṭa. [Tel.] n. Rising ground, high lying land, uplands. A hill, a rock. ఉన్నతభూమిమెరకపర్వతముదిబ్బமேடு mēṭu , n. [T. meṭṭa, M. K. mēḍu.] 1. Height; உயரம். (பிங்.) 2. Eminence, little hill, hillock, ridge, rising ground; சிறுதிடர்(பிங்.) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic)

khaṇḍa 'division'. rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements'
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe, helmsman'

gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., ˚aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha-- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā. 2. K. gö̃ḍ m., S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., ˚ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., ˚ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m. Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← H.(CDIAL 4000) rebus: kaṇḍa .'fire-altar','equpment' 
Field symbol: feeding trough + rhinoceros:pattar 'trough' rebus: pattar 'goldsmiths' guild' PLUS :  kāṇṭā'rhinoceros. Rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Gujarati)
Text B5: మెట్ట [ meṭṭa ] or మిట్ట meṭṭa. [Tel.] n. Rising ground, high lying land, uplands. A hill, a rock. ఉన్నతభూమిమెరకపర్వతముదిబ్బமேடு mēṭu , n. [T. meṭṭa, M. K. mēḍu.] 1. Height; உயரம். (பிங்.) 2. Eminence, little hill, hillock, ridge, rising ground; சிறுதிடர்
(பிங்.) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic)
khaṇḍa 'division'. rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements'
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 
'supercargo, scribe, helmsman'
  m0517



The person with upraised arm and bovine legs and tail is a blacksmith: eraka 'upraised arm' rebus: 'moltencast' + dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. Some details at  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2018/04/orthographic-hypertext-devices-eg-tiger.html

Image result for equus hemionus khur
Equus hemionus khur or Baluchi wild-ass. called ghudkhur (Gujarati) or ghor-khur a semantic expression combing ghōṭa 'horse' PLUS khara 'ass'. An example of such an expression in a dialect is: Persian, 'wild ass, onager' is called also gōr-
χar.  "Middle and New Persian χar has cognates in Younger Avestan χara-, Khotanese Saka khara,
Sogdian (Buddhist) γr-, (Manichean, Christian) χr-, and practically all Neo-Iranian languages.."
(cf. Parpola, Asko, and Juha Janhunen, 2011, opcit., p.79)

Ossetic χaragχarag, Munji χara-, Tajik, Baluchi, Pashto, Yaghnobi χar, Parachi khȫr, Sanglichi χorχōr, Yigdha χoro, Ishkashmi, Yazghulami χůr, Wakhi χur, Kurdish ker, (Gurānī) har, Sariqoli čeršer, Bartangi šor, Roshani šur, Rushani, Khufi šōr, (fem.) šā(cf. Horn 1893: 104 no. 473; Steblin-Kamenskij 1999: 409). Gypsy (Palestinian) ar m. ari f., (Armenian) χari, (Greek) kher, (Rumanian) χeru, Kati kur, Prasun korū, Ashkun kɘrɘṭek, Shumashti χarea, Khowar khairanu  'donkey's foal'), Bashkarik kur, Dameli khar m., khari f., Tirahi khar, Pashai (Laurowani) khar m., khar f., Kalasha (Urtsun) khār, Phalura khām., khari, Kashmiri khar m.,khuru f., Sindhi kharu m., Lahnda kharkā m., kharkī f., Panjabi, Gujarati, Marathi, Hindi khar m. Old Marathi khari f. (Turner 1966 and 1985: no. 3818; McGregor 1993: 230a; a detailed analysis of the Nuristani and Dardic data in Fussman 1972 I: 60-62).

khara1 m. ʻ donkey ʼ KātyŚr., ˚rī -- f. Pāṇ.NiDoc. Pk. khara -- m., Gy. pal. ḳăr m., kắri f., arm. xari, eur. gr. kherkfer, rum. xerú, Kt. kur, Pr. korūˊ, Dm. khar m., ˚ri f., Tir. kh*lr, Paš. lauṛ. khar m., khär f., Kal. urt. khār, Phal. khār m., khári f., K. khar m., khürü f., pog. kash. ḍoḍ. khar, S. kharu m., P. G. M. khar m., OM. khari f.; -- ext. Ash. kərəṭék, Shum. xareṭá; <-> L. kharkā m., ˚kī f. -- Kho. khairánu ʻ donkey's foal ʼ (+?).*kharapāla -- ; -- *kharabhaka -- .Addenda: khara -- 1: Bshk. Kt. kur ʻ donkey ʼ (CDIAL 3818) Ta. kar̤utai ass. Ma. kar̤uta id.
 Ko. kaṛt id.; kaḷd a term of abuse. To. katy ass. Ka. kar̤te,katte. Koḍ. katte. Tu. katte. Te. gāḍida.
 Kol. ga·ḍdi. Nk. gāṛdi.Pa. gade, (S.) garad. Go. (G. Ko.) gāṛdi (Voc. 1073). Kuwi (Su.) gāṛde. / Cf. Skt. gardabha-; Turner, CDIAL, no. 4054.(DEDR 1364) gardabhá m. ʻ ass ʼ RV., ˚bhīˊ -- f. AV., ˚bhaka -- m. ʻ any- one resembling an ass ʼ Kāś. [√gard]Pa. gaddabha -- , gadrabha -- m., ˚bhī -- f., Pk. gaddaha -- , ˚aya -- , gaḍḍaha -- m., gaddabhī -- f., Gy. as. ghádar JGLS new ser. ii 255 (< gadrabha -- ?), Wg. gadāˊ, Niṅg. gadə́, Woṭ. gadāˊ m., ˚daī f., Gaw. gadāˊ m., ˚deṛi f., Kho. gordóg (< gardabhaka -- ; → Kal. gardɔkh as the Kalashas have no donkeys, G. Morgenstierne FestskrBroch 150), Bshk. g*ldāˊ m., ˚dḗī f., Tor. godhṓ m., gedhḗi f., Mai. ghadā, Sv. gadaṛṓ, S. gaḍahu m., L. gaḍḍãh m., ˚ḍẽh f., (Ju.) gaḍ̠ -- hã̄ m., ˚hī f. ʻ ass, blockhead ʼ; P. gadhā m., ˚dhī f., WPah. pāḍ. cur. cam. Ku. gadhā, N. gadoho m., ˚dahi f., A. gādh m., ˚dhī f., B. gādhā m., ˚dhīf., Or. gadha m., ˚dhuṇī f. ʻ ass ʼ, gadhā ʻ blockhead ʼ; Bi. Mth. Bhoj. H. gadahā m., ˚hī f., OG. ghaddaü m., G. gaddhɔ m., ˚dhī f., M. gāḍhav m., ˚ḍhvī f. (lw. gadhḍā m.), Ko. gāḍhū, Si. gäḍum̆buvā (gadubuvā ← Pa.).Addenda: gardabhá -- : S.kcch. gaḍoṛī f. ʻ she -- ass ʼ; WPah.kṭg. (kc.) gáddhɔ m. ʻ donkey ʼ, Garh. gardhāgadṛu, A. gādha (CDIAL 4054) ghōṭa m. ʻ horse ʼ ĀpŚr., ˚ṭī -- f. Aśvad., ˚ṭaka -- m. Pañ- cat., ˚ṭikā -- f. lex. [Non -- Aryan, prob. Drav., origin EWA i 361 with lit.]Pa. ghōṭaka -- m. ʻ poor horse ʼ; Pk. ghōḍa -- , ˚ḍaya -- m., ˚ḍī -- f. ʻ horse ʼ, Gy. as (Baluči) gura, pers. gôrá, pal. gṓri f., arm. khori ʻ horse ʼ, eur. khuro m., ˚rī f. ʻ foal ʼ, boh. pol. khuro ʻ stallion ʼ; Ash. gọ̄́ṛu m. ʻ horse ʼ, gọ̈̄räˊ f., Wg. gọ̄́ṛa, Pr. irí, Dm. gọŕɔ m., guŕi f., Paš. gōṛāˊ, Niṅg. guṛə́, Shum. gṓṛo, Woṭ. gōṛm., gēṛ f., Gaw. guṛɔ́ m., guṛīˊ f., Kal. urt. ghɔ́̄ŕ*l, Bshk. gór m., gēr f., Tor. ghō m., ghəē f. (aspirate maintained to distinguish from  ʻ bull ʼ J. Bloch BSL xxx 82), Mai. ghå m., ghwī f., Chil. Gau. gho, Sv. ghuṛo m., g'uṛia f., Phal. ghūṛu m., ˚ṛi f., Sh. *gōu (→ Ḍ. gōwá), K. guru m., ˚rü f., (Islamābād) guḍü, rām. pog. ghōṛŭ, kash. ghuṛŭ, ḍoḍ. ghōṛō, S. ghoṛo m., ˚ṛī f., L. P. ghoṛā m., ˚ṛī f., in cmpds. ghoṛ -- , WPah. ghoṛo m., ˚ṛī f., ˚ṛu n. ʻ foal ʼ, Ku. ghoṛo, A. ghõrā, in cmpds. ghõr -- , B. ghõṛā m., ghũṛi f. (whence Chittagong ghunni ODBL 695), Or. ghoṛā˚ṛī, Bi. ghor˚rā, OAw. ghora, H. ghoṛghoṛā m., ṛī f. (→ N. Bhoj. ghoṛā, N. ˚ṛi, Bhoj. ˚ṛī), Marw. ghoṛo m., G. ghoṛɔ m., ˚ṛī f., ˚ṛũ n. ʻ poor horse ʼ, M. ghoḍā m., ˚ḍī f., Ko. ghoḍo.
*ghōṭakarūpa -- , *ghōṭāgāra -- .Addenda: ghōṭa -- : S.kcch. ghoṛo m. ʻ horse ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ghòṛɔ, m. ʻ horse ʼ, kṭg. ghòṛu m. ʻ small horse, colt ʼ, Garh. ghoṛū m. ʻ horse ʼ, Brj. ghoṛoghoro m., ghoṛīghorī f.(CDIAL 4516)

Persepolis.Bottom row shows an Indian bringing in the trophy or gift to the king of a khara 'wild ass'. rebus: khār 'blacksmith'. The person carrying water bags is kuṭi 'water carrier' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter.

Kharaputta-Jātaka (no. 386) speaks of 'sons of an ass' (kharaputta- in stanza 80) from Sindh as
yoked to the chariot of a king in ancient India.(Jātaka no. 386 p. 278 rājā c'eva ratheyuttasindhavā...
eko ratheyuttasindhavo...). The word of equus hemionus used to pull a royal chariot is thus khara 'wild ass'. The expression khara-gardabha-, is attested in  Matsya-Purāṇa and 20th book of the Paippalāda-Saṃhitā of Atharvaveda (20,39,2). gōr signifies equus hemionus in Baloch and Urdu.    غیره g̠ẖʿyaraʿh, s.f. (3rd) The wild ass or onager. Pl. يْ ey. (Pashto)  

khara is attested in Niya documents of Sinkiang, Nuristani languages of Afghanistan,
and the Dardic Neo-Indo-Aryan languages of North Pakistan and Kashmir and Akkadian (at Mari in Syria) has a cognate ḫārum, ajarum 'donkey stallion' (cf. Mayrhofer 1992 I: 447)..

 I suggest that these are phonetic variants of khara which is the ancient Meluhha form of 3rd m. BCE to signify equus hemionus.

Map showing the historical and current distribution of the Asiatic wild ass (after Feh et al. 2002: 63, Figure 5.1)

The equid kunga written BAR.AN in pre-Sargonic texts is a cross between an onager and a donkey.  Kungas drew ceremonial and war chariots or wheeled vehicles.
https://www.persee.fr/doc/mom_1955-4982_2008_act_49_1_2721 (Jill A Weber, 2008, Elite equids: redefining equid burials of the mid- to late 3rd millennium BCE from Umm el-Marra, Syria, in:   Année 2008  49  pp. 499-519).

Kenneth C Way, 2010, Assessing Sacred Asss: Bronze Age Donkey burials in the Near East  “This study provides the most comprehensive archaeological survey of deliberate donkey burials in the ancient Near East. It comprises the updated results from a chapter of my doctoral dissertation — The Ceremonial and Symbolic Significance of Donkeys in the Biblical World (Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 2006). First, donkey burials from sites in Egypt, Israel-Palestine, Syria, and Iraq are summarized in a brief historical overview that spans the entire 3rd and 2nd millennia BC. Second, the donkey burials are interpreted under the rubric of five ceremonial contexts — those associated with human graves, those unrelated to human graves, those situated beneath walls, those situated in a fill covering a temple complex, and finally, those situated in a special tomb beside a temple. This study demonstrates that the donkey held a special status in the ceremonial practices of the ancient Near East.

https://www.academia.edu/29514509/Assessing_Sacred_Asses_Bronze_Age_Donkey_Burials_in_the_Near_East_2010_ 


  "...there was a special relationship between humans and equids in this region (from Egypt to Mesopotmia)." This comment of Francesco Alhaique et al 2015, relates to the discussion on the burial of 3rd m.BCE, of what appears to be an Equus Hemionus (Onager).




Source: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/284028299_A_Sumerian_equid_burial_from_Abu_Tbeirah_Southern_Iraq  


https://www.academia.edu/18499730/A_Sumerian_equid_burial_from_Abu_Tbeirah_Southern_Iraq_POSTER


Alhaique, Francesca & Romano, Licia & Gabbianelli, Federica & Valentini, Alessio & D'Agostino, Franco. (2015). A Sumerian equid burial from Abu Tbeirah (Southern Iraq).Conference: 8° Convegno Nazionale AIAZ -- Associazione Italiana Archeo Zoologia.



Parpola, Asko, and Juha Janhunen, 2011. On the Asiatic wild asses and their vernacular names. Pp. 59-124 in: Toshiki Osada and Hitoshi Endo (eds.), Linguistics, archaeology and the human past: Occasional paper 12. Kyoto: Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature. 
Sign 177 (Mahadevan ASI 1977 COncordance Signlist)

śrēṣṭrī 'ladder' Rebus: seh ʻ head of a guild, Members of the guild (working with a furnace). [Alternative: panǰā́r ‘ladder, stairs’ (Bshk.)(CDIAL 7760) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)]

Thus, guild-master of the guild of blacksmiths. 

badhi ‘to ligature, to bandage, to splice, to join by successive rolls of a ligature’ (Santali) batā bamboo slips (Kur.); bate = thin slips of bamboo (Malt.)(DEDR 3917). Rebus: baḍhi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) baṛae = blacksmith (Ash.)

kolmo ‘three’ (Mu.); rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)

khaṇḍ ‘division’; rebus: kaṇḍ ‘furnace’ (Santali) khaḍā ‘circumscribe’ (M.); Rebs: khaḍā ‘nodule (ore), stone’ (M.)

bharna = the name given to the woof by weavers; otor bharna = warp and weft (Santali.lex.) bharna = the woof, cross-thread in weaving (Santali); bharni_ (H.) (Santali.Boding.lex.) Rebus: bhoron = a mixture of brass and bell metal (Santali.lex.) bharan = to spread or bring out from a kiln (P.lex.) bha_ran. = to bring out from a kiln (G.)  ba_ran.iyo = one whose profession it is to sift ashes or dust in a goldsmith’s workshop (G.lex.) bharant (lit. bearing) is used in the plural in Pan~cavim.s’a Bra_hman.a (18.10.8). Sa_yan.a interprets this as ‘the warrior caste’ (bharata_m – bharan.am kurvata_m ks.atriya_n.a_m). *Weber notes this as a reference to the Bharata-s. (Indische Studien, 10.28.n.2)

kuṭi = a slice, a bit, a small piece (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: kuṭhi ‘iron smelter furnace’ (Santali)

Hieroglyph ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' 

meḍhi 'plait' meḍ 'iron'; daürā 'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter'


kṣōḍa m. ʻ post to which an elephant is fastened ʼ lex. [Poss. conn. with *khuṭṭa -- 1 with kh -- sanskritized as kṣ -- ]Pk. khōḍa -- m. ʻ boundary post ʼ, ˚ḍī -- f. ʻ big piece of wood, wooden bolt ʼ, taṁtukkhōḍī -- f. ʻ peg in a loom ʼ; N. khoriyo ʻ land on which trees have been cut and burnt and crops sown ʼ (< ʻ *having stumps ʼ?); H. khoṛ m. ʻ piece of wood ʼ, ˚ṛā m. ʻ stocks, handcuffs ʼ, khoṛkā m. ʻ stump of a tree ʼ; G. khoṛ n. ʻ large block of wood ʼ; M. khoḍ n. ʻ trunk or stump of a tree ʼ, ˚ḍā m. ʻ stocks for criminals ʼ.(CDIAL 3748) *khuṭṭa1 ʻ peg, post ʼ. 2. *khuṇṭa -- 1. [Same as *khuṭṭa -- 2? -- See also kṣōḍa -- .]1. Ku. khuṭī ʻ peg ʼ; N. khuṭnu ʻ to stitch ʼ (der. *khuṭ ʻ pin ʼ as khilnu from khil s.v. khīˊla -- ); Mth. khuṭā ʻ peg, post ʼ; H. khūṭā m. ʻ peg, stump ʼ; Marw. khuṭī f. ʻ peg ʼ; M. khuṭā m. ʻ post ʼ.2. Pk. khuṁṭa -- , khoṁṭaya -- m. ʻ peg, post ʼ; Dm. kuṇḍa ʻ peg for fastening yoke to plough -- pole ʼ; L. khū̃ḍī f. ʻ drum -- stick ʼ; P. khuṇḍ˚ḍā m. ʻ peg, stump ʼ; WPah. rudh. khuṇḍ ʻ tethering peg or post ʼ; A. khũṭā ʻ post ʼ, ˚ṭi ʻ peg ʼ; B. khũṭā˚ṭi ʻ wooden post, stake, pin, wedge ʼ; Or. khuṇṭa˚ṭā ʻ pillar, post ʼ; Bi. (with -- ḍa -- ) khũṭrā˚rī ʻ posts about one foot high rising from body of cart ʼ; H. khū̃ṭā m. ʻ stump, log ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ small peg ʼ (→ P. khū̃ṭā m., ˚ṭī f. ʻ stake, peg ʼ); G. khū̃ṭ f. ʻ landmark ʼ, khũṭɔ m., ˚ṭī f. ʻ peg ʼ, ˚ṭũ n. ʻ stump ʼ, ˚ṭiyũ n. ʻ upright support in frame of wagon ʼ, khū̃ṭṛũ n. ʻ half -- burnt piece of fuel ʼ; M. khũṭ m. ʻ stump of tree, pile in river, grume on teat ʼ (semant. cf. kīla -- 1 s.v. *khila -- 2), khũṭā m. ʻ stake ʼ, ˚ṭī f. ʻ wooden pin ʼ, khũṭaḷṇẽ ʻ to dibble ʼ.Addenda: *khuṭṭa -- 1. 2. *khuṇṭa -- 1: WPah.kṭg. khv́ndɔ ʻ pole for fencing or piling grass round ʼ (Him.I 35 nd poss. wrong for ṇḍ); J. khuṇḍā m. ʻ peg to fasten cattle to ʼ.(CDIAL 3893)
Ta. kuṭṭai, kuṭṭai-maram stocks; kaikkuṭṭai handcuffs. To. kuṭy, koy-kuṭy id.(DEDRF 1674) Ma. kuṭṭa a knotty log. Ko. guṭḷ stake to which animal is tied, any large wooden peg. To. kuṭy a stump. Ka. (Coorg) kuṭṭustem of a tree which remains after cutting it. Koḍ. kuṭṭe log. Tu. kuṭṭi stake, peg, stump. Go. (Mu.) kuṭṭa, guṭṭa, (G. Ma.) guṭṭa, (Ko.) guṭa stump of tree; (S.) kuṭṭa id., stubble; (FH.) kuta jowari stubble (Voc. 731). Pe. kuṭa stump of tree. Kui gūṭa, (K.) guṭa id. Kuwi (Su.) guṭṭu (pl. guṭka) id., stubble of paddy; (Isr.) kuḍuli log. / The items here, those in DBIA 104 (add: Go. [SR.] guṭṭam, [M.] guṭṭa, [L.] guṭā peg [Voc. 1112]), and those in Turner, CDIAL, no. 3893 *khuṭṭa-, *khuṇṭa- and no. 3748 kṣōḍa-, exhibit considerable convergence and present many problems of immediate relationship. (DEDR 1676)  Ka. (Hav.) kutta straight up. Tu. (B-K.) kutta vertical, steep, straight.(DEDR 1716) குத்தா kuttān. A herring. See குத்துவா.குத்தாங்கல் kuttāṅ-kaln. < குத்து- + ஆம் +. Stone or brick laid upright on edge; செங்குத்தாக வைக்குங் கல் அல்லது செங்கல்.குத்துக்கல் kuttu-k-kaln. < id. +. 1. Stone standing on edge; செங்குத்தான கல். 2. Bricks placed on edge, as in arching, terracing; செங்குத்தாகவைத்துக்கட்டுஞ் செங்கல். 3. Stone marking the depth of water in a tank; ஏரிநீரின் ஆழத்தைக்காட்டும் அளவுகல்.குத்துவா kuttuvān. A herring, golden, glossed with purple, Pellona brachysomaகடல்மீன்வகைகுத்துவாமீன் kuttuvā-mīṉn. < குத்துவா +. See குத்துவாKa. (Hav.) 

Rebus: Blaze: Manḍ. gudgā- to blaze; gudva flame. Kuwi (Ṭ.) gudva, (F.) gūdūvwa, (S.) guduwa id.(DEDR 1715) Blaze is a very large or fiercely burning fire..

Kanmer elephant seal, Gola Dhoro (Bagasra)  5 seals and 1 sealing

Decipherment of Gola Dhoro seals: 

GD1: 
kondh ‘young bull’. kũdā‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. 

aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS adaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal' PLUS gaNDA 'four' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus metal implements of unsmelted metal.

bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'
dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kamaTha 'bow and arrow' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. Thus metal castings from furnace of mint.
kanac 'corner' rebus; kancu 'bronze'. Thus, the seal signifies metalwork of: unsmelted metal, bronze, implements and furnace work/metal castings in a mint.

GD2: 

kondh ‘young bull’. kũdā‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. 


koDa 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' Thus, metal casting workshop.


'khambhaṛā 'fish fin'rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' Thus, metal mint, coiner, coinage.


badhi ‘to ligature, to bandage, to splice, to join by successive rolls of a ligature’ (Santali) batā bamboo slips (Kur.); bate = thin slips of bamboo (Malt.)(DEDR 3917). Rebus: baḍhi = worker in wood and metal (Santali) baṛae = blacksmith (Ash.)


dhāḷ 'a slope'; 'inclination' rebus: dhALako 'ingot' PLUS kANDa 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'

koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop' Thus, workshop for ingots, implements.

dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal castings' kole.l 'temple' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge'. 

Thus metal castings smithy/forge.

GD3: 


kondh ‘young bull’. kũdā‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. 

kolmo 'rice plant' rebus; kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: 
kolimi 'smithy, forge' (Phonetic determinant)

GD4

kondh ‘young bull’. kũdā‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. 

ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS kut.ila = bent, crooked (Skt.) kut.ila (Skt. Rasaratna samuccaya, 5.205)

kut.ila, katthi_l = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. a_ra-ku_t.a, ‘brass’ (Skt.)] dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus, metacasting work in bronze.

GD5

kondh ‘young bull’. kũdā‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. 
kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. Thus metal casting in bronze.
ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'
gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' aDaren 'lid' Rebus: aduru 'native metal'

GD6
kondh ‘young bull’. kũdā‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. 
kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper'; Ara 'spokes' rebus: arA 'brass'. Thus brass forge, smithy.
'khambhaṛā 'fish fin'rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' Thus, metal mint, coiner, coinage.
adaran 'harrow' rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal'
bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' 
kanka, karNaka, ' rim of jar Rebus: kanda kanka 'fire-trench account, karṇi supercargo' karNika 'helmsman, merchantman' .
meD 'body' rebus: med 'iron' PLUS karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' karNika 'engraver, account'.

See: http://www.harappa.com/goladhoro/Shikarpur-2008-2009.pdf Excavations at Shikarpur, Gujarat 2008 - 2009

At Shikarpur were found, in addition to an inscribed square terracotta tablet, two terracotta sealings with possible textile (?) marks or impressions of threat and knot, on the obverse. Thumb-nail impressions, like crescent marks are found all around one seealing which also shows a one-horned young bull joined with the heads of a bull and an antelope looking backwards (See d in Figure). A second sealing has impressions from three different inscribed seals.

The legible glyphs on seal (a) in the Figure are:

A warrior glyph.
Three linear strokes, followed by a horn glyph

Read rebus:  

bhaṭa 'warrior'. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace
kolom ’three. Rebus: kolami ’smithy, forge’.
kõ ‘horn’ Rebus: khoṭa ʻingot forged, alloyʼ Vikalpa: ko 'horn' Rebus: ko 'workshop'.

The thumb-nail U shaped impressions on the Shikarpur sealings may denote:

U Glyph: bahu m. ‘large pot in which grain is parched.

Rebus: baṭi, bhaṭi ‘furnace’ (H.) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭa = kiln (Santali). bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace (Santali) baṭhi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kuṭhi) (Santali) bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; iṭa bhaṭa = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhaṭa a potter’s kiln; cun bhaṭa = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhaṭaea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (G.) baṭa = kiln (Santali); bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron (Pkt.)  baṭhu large cooking fire’ baṭhī f. ‘distilling furnace’; L. bhaṭṭh m. ‘grain—parcher's oven’, bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits)’.  (CDIAL 9656)
Shikarpur 2009. Terracotta inscribed square tablet and terracott sealings with inscribed seal impressions.

Shikarpur 2009: Copper implements.



Khirsara. During 1976-77 exploration, an Archaeological Survey of India official discovered a big cubical weight, chunks of pottery, sprinklers and spouts of red polished ware from the site. In December 2009, a team from the Vadodara division of the Archaeological Survey of India started excavation at this site after the discovery of a 300 m² fortification wall. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khirasara

A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara. The entire metalware catalog of the inscription on the tablet reads:
meḍ 'iron'+ tagaram'tin'+ dul aduru 'cast native metal'.+ ayah, ayas 'metal' + aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace+ dhātu 'mineral'+ kolimi kanka 'smithy/forge account (scribe)'. 
Thus, the smithy forge account is for iron, tin, cast native metal, unsmelted native metal, metal (alloy), mineral.

A bar seal with writing in Harappan script. Only one other bar seal figures in the total of 11 seals found so far in Khirsara.

Rebus readings of Indus writing (from r.): मेंढरी [ mēṇḍharī ] f A piece in architecture. मेंधला [mēndhalā] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi) meḍhi ‘pillar’. Rebus: meḍ 'iron'.

tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagaram'tin' (Malayalam)

sangaḍa ‘bangles’ (Pali). Rebus: sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. saghaḍī = furnace (G.) Rebus: jaṅgaḍ ‘entrustment articles’ sangaḍa ‘association, guild’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul ‘casting’.

Ku. koṭho ʻlarge square houseʼ Rebus: Md. kořāru ʻstorehouseʼ

maĩd ʻrude harrow or clod breakerʼ (Marathi) rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron'

Alternative: aḍar ‘harrow’ Rebus: aduru = gaiyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul ‘casting’. Thus the composite glyph reds dul aduru 'cast native metal'.

ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) Rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)

ḍato = claws of crab (Santali); dhātu = mineral (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali) 
kanka 'rim-of-jar' Rebus: furnace account (scribe); khanaka 'miner' (Skt.). kolom 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' (Telugu) The ligature of three strokes with rim-of-jar hieroglyph thus reads: kolimi kanka 'smithy/forge account (scribe)'.

Some Important Aspects of Technology and Craft Production in the Indus Civilization with Specific Reference to Gujarat



It is really nice in a paper to be able to speak to both what is happening now, at the cutting-edge of bead, shell and faience making Indus craftsmanship and discoveries, and be able to relate traditions back to their earliest appearance. This is exactly what Kuldeep Bhan's lucid article achieves. In the cases of bead and shell-making, each can be traced back to the 7th millennium (6000-5000 BCE) activity along the coasts of the Gulf (Oman), Makran (Balochistan and SIndh) and Kutch (Gujarat), where the crafts were integrated into a larger trade, manufacture and raw material eco-system. To the reader today, it is quite surprising at how sophisticated and specialized that system actually was. Bhan, a leading Indus archaeologist and excavator of Gujarat sites whose focus here is on Indus exemplars, manages to show how these very traditions were built upon thousands of years of innovation and optimization that we are just beginning to appreciate.
The 20 page paper draws of many strands of the author's work, done both before and together with him, of analysis and excavations by Massimo Vidale and Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. He parses the intricate specialization in raw material gathering, stockpiling, preparation and production that seems to have been done in separate locations during ancient Indus times, implying a vigorous transportation network. For example, with respect to Gola Dhoro (Bagasra, Gujarat), he writes that "the presence of a few good quality shells of Turbinella pyrum and a broken stone dish perhaps also suggest that this area belonged to merchants dealing primarily with the supply of stone raw material to the bead makers of the settlement as well as other Harappan bead making workshops. We already have started mapping the resource areas of these stones, it appears the stone material especially (red-green-white) jasper was brought to the site approximately 70km south of the site in Saurashatra" (p. 53). Another small fortified site in Gujara, Shikarpur, reveals evidence of drills made of exceptionally strong "Ernestite" stone unique to Indus craftsmen possibly on a larger scale than anywhere else, even the urban centers. At the same time, Chanhu-daro seems to be the only place where the most exquisite long carnelian beads also found in ancient Mesopotamia were made.
Bhan says "Shell working is the industry we have the clearest picture of urban segregation and about the sequential stages of manufacture of various types of objects during Harappan times. The study of shell, which is one of the most durable materials in the archaeological context, has helped us to reconstruct the trade networks within the Indus Valley and adjoining regions" (p. 59). Again, regional specializations and tailoring of manufacture seem to have been prevalent as well as extensive supply networks; there is also discussion of particular manufacturing techniques and practices, some of which still prevail, particularly in Gujarat. Nageshwar in the Gulf of Kutch seems offer a rich set of finds, and everywhere one is impressed by how Indus craftsmen used every part of raw shell material for different kinds of goods.
The author concludes "The study of various crafts is a growing field investigation in the archaeology of South Asia. Though some archaeologists still prefer to refer to them as ‘miscellaneous small finds’, most of the scholars agree that they provide a unique perspective on ancient trade, networks, technological and economic organization, wealth and social hierarchy, ritual symbols, as well as chronological changes. With the adaptation of rigorous excavation and recovery methods along with ethnoarchaeological studies a lot of useful information has been forthcoming from many recently excavated sites, though we still need to learn much more about the ancient crafts to see distinct patterns of continuity and change that provides a more comprehensive understanding of the role played by these crafts in human history" (p. 65).
Image: Gola Dhoro (Bagasra). Beads, bead blanks and tapered cylindrical drills (photograph by K. K. Bhan).
PDF icon Some Important Aspects of Technology and Craft Production

Unicorn Amulet Seal

Only a few specimens of this unicorn amulet-type seal have been found. One was during Marshall's excavations at Mohenjo-daro in the 1920s (top), another at Dholavira a few years ago (bottom). It appears to have been worn around the neck, and have had room for something to be put inside.

Although Marshall himself did not favor the amulet theory, he wrote of one of these seals: "The amulet theory finds some support, however, in the shape of ... [a] seal [which] measures 0.77 in. square and 0.3 in. thick, excluding its boss. The interior has been carefully hollowed out to form a compartment measuring 0.65 in. square by 0.1 in. deep. This little chamber was formerly closed by a sliding cover that fitted into grooves closed fitted into grooves cut into two sides of the seal. Practically all the face of the seal is missing, but enough remains to show that the animal represented on it was the unicorn and that there was the usual line of inscription above it ... Owing to its necessarily small size, the compartment would be of little use except to hold a sacred object. This may have been an inscribed copper tablet, similar to the many found at Mohenjo-daro, or an inscription written on some material such as bark or leather, which could conveniently be folded up small. This type of seal would, like the Egyptian scarab, serve the dual purpose of amulet and seal." (Marshall, Mohenjo-daro, p. 382-3).



Unique Unicorn Seal as part of some sort of container found at Gola Dhoro.

Ancient Indus seal found at Gola Dhoro, frontal view.

Rebus readings of Meluhha Indus writing on the exquisite socketed seal of Bagasra (Gola Dhoro) 

This seal (GD1) was discovered in the gateway of the city wall at Gola Dhoro (Bagasra). 

The socket might have held a lid to enclose a tablet containing some other message(s) to complete the metalware catalog created by the inscriptions on three sides of the uniquely fashioned seal. Alternatively,the socket might have held further details of the bill of lading or brief contract document, explaining the brilliant,blazing alloy metal cargo consignment, with an assurance that the invoice is on approval basis: sangad 'combination of parts of lathe PLUS portable furnace -- kunda 'lather' PLUS kammata 'portable furnace' rebus: kunda 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa 'mint', i.e. rebus: jangad 'invoice on approval basis'. Was the tablet held in the socketed seal of Gola Dhoro written in cuneiform script? We can only speculate.

Pictorial motif of a one-horned young bull in front of standard device is common to all the five seals of Gola Dhoro (Bagasra) and a sealing of Gola Dhoro:  kod.iyum 'young bull' (Gujarati); Rebus: kot.e 'forge'; kod. 'workshop'. sangad.a 'lathe, furnace'. Rebus: jangad 'entrustment note' (Gujarati) 

^ glyph as a pictorial (lid) Lexemes: aaren, aren lid, cover (Santali) Rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) Alternative:  ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka 'bright' Thus, ayo dhakka 'brilliant, bright alloy metal'

The word for a 'set of four' is: gaṇḍa (Santali); bar gaṇḍa poesa = two annas; pon gaṇḍa aphor menaka, there are 16 bunches of rice seedlings; gaṇḍa guṇḍa to be broken into pieces or fragments; fragments; gaṇḍa gui to dive, to make up an account; the system of 'gaṇḍa gui' is to put down a pebble, or any other small object, as the name of each person entitled to share is mentioned. Then a share is placed alongside of each pebble, or whatever else laid down. (Santali.lex.) Thus, the complex glyph is read: aduru ayo kaṇḍ 'native metal furnace'. Alternatively, ayo dhakka kaṇḍ  'bright,blazing alloy metal equipment'

bhaṭa ‘warrior’; bhaṭa ‘six’ (G.) Rebus: baa = kiln (Santali); baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) kamakom = fig leaf (Santali.lex.) kamarmaā (Has.), kamakom (Nag.); the petiole or stalk of a leaf (Mundari.lex.) Glyph: gan.d.a ‘male person, hero’
kāmahum = a bow; kāmaḍī, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) Rebus: kampaam coinage, coin (Ta.); kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint (Ma.); kammatia coiner (Ka.)(DEDR 1236) kammaṭa = coinage, mint (Ka.M.) kampaṭṭa-k-kūṭam mint; kampaṭṭa-k-kāran- coiner; kampaṭṭa- muḷai die, coining stamp (Ta.lex.)

Explaining the pair of bows:

Glyph: dol ‘likeness, picture, form’ [e.g., two tigers, two bulls, sign-pair.]
Kashmiri. dula दुल  युग्मम् m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rām. 966).

ḍol ‘the shaft of an arrow, an arrow’ (Santali)

Rebus: dul meṛeḍ  cast iron (Mundari. Santali) dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali)
pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) 
Forge -- Metal Turner Workshop
sal “stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty” (H.);
Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali); s’a_la id. (Skt.)

Turner
kundau, kundhi corner (Santali) kuṇḍa corner (S.)khoṇḍ square (Santali)  *khuṇṭa2 ʻ corner ʼ. 2. *kuṇṭa -- 2. [Cf. *khōñca -- ] 1. Phal. khun ʻ corner ʼ; H. khū̃ṭ m. ʻ corner, direction ʼ (→ P. khũṭ f. ʻ corner, side ʼ); G. khū̃ṭṛī f. ʻ angle ʼ. <-> X kōṇa -- : G. khuṇ f., khū˘ṇɔ m. ʻ corner ʼ. 2. S. kuṇḍa f. ʻ corner ʼ; P. kū̃ṭ f. ʻ corner, side ʼ (← H.).(CDIAL 3898).

Rebus: kunda1 m. ʻ a turner's lathe ʼ lex. [Cf. *cunda -- 1N. kũdnu ʻ to shape smoothly, smoothe, carve, hew ʼ, kũduwā ʻ smoothly shaped ʼ; A. kund ʻ lathe ʼ, kundiba ʻ to turn and smooth in a lathe ʼ, kundowā ʻ smoothed and rounded ʼ; B. kũd ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdākõdā ʻ to turn in a lathe ʼ; Or. kū˘nda ʻ lathe ʼ, kũdibākū̃d° ʻ to turn ʼ (→ Drav. Kur. kū̃d ʻ lathe ʼ); Bi.kund ʻ brassfounder's lathe ʼ; H. kunnā ʻ to shape on a lathe ʼ, kuniyā m. ʻ turner ʼ, kunwā m. (CDIAL 3295). kundakara m. ʻ turner ʼ W. [Cf. *cundakāra -- : kunda -- 1, kará -- 1A. kundār, B. kũdār°ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).  Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold.Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725).


Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post.(DEDR 1723). கற்கந்து kaṟ-kantu n. < கல் +. Stone pillar; கற்றூண். கற்கந்தும் எய்ப்போத்தும் . . . அனை யார் (இறை. 2, உரை, 27).


kolom 'sprout' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. An alternative reading could be: tagaraka 'tabernae montana' Rebus: tagaram 'tin'. Thus, the inscription may read: tagaram kolami 'tin smithy/forge'.
Gola Dhoro (Bagasra) GD5 seal. Rebus readings of inscription:


^ glyph as a pictorial (lid) Lexemes: aaren, aren lid, cover (Santali) Rebus: aduru ‘native metal’ (Ka.) Alternative:  ays 'iron' PLUS dhakka 'lid of pot' rebus: dhakka 'bright' Thus, ayo dhakka 'brilliant, bright alloy metal'

The word for a 'set of four' is: gan.d.a (Santali); bar gan.d.a poesa = two annas; pon gan.d.a aphor menaka, there are 16 bunches of rice seedlings; gan.d.a gun.d.a to be broken into pieces or fragments; fragments; gan.d.a gut.i to dive, to make up an account; the system of 'gan.d.a gut.i' is to put down a pebble, or any other small object, as the name of each person entitled to share is mentioned. Then a share is placed alongside of each pebble, or whatever else laid down. (Santali.lex.) Thus, the complex glyph is read: aduru ayo kaṇḍ 'native metal furnace'.



ayo, hako 'fish'; a~s = scales of fish (Santali); rebus: aya = iron (G.); ayahayas = metal (Skt.)


Kashmiri. dula दुल । युग्मम् m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rām. 966). Rebus: dul meṛeḍ  cast iron (Mundari. Santali) dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali) 

kundau, kundhi corner (Santali) kun.d.a corner (S.); ku~_t. corner, side (P.)(CDIAL 3898).



khon.d. square (Santali)Rebus: kund lathe (A.); kundiba to turn and smooth in a lathe (A.); ku~d lathe (B.); ku~da_, ko~da_ to turn in a lathe (B.); ku~_nda lathe (Or.); ku~diba_, ku~_diba_ to turn (Or. > ku~_d lathe (Kur.); kund brassfounder's lathe (Bi.); kunna_ to shape on a lathe (H.); kuniya_ turner (H.); kunwa_ turner (H.)(CDIAL 3295).


1. Pk. kaṁkaya -- m. ʻ comb ʼ, kaṁkaya -- , °kaï -- m. ʻ name of a tree ʼ; Gy. eur. kangli f.; Wg. kuṇi -- přũ ʻ man's comb ʼ (for kuṇi -- cf. kuṇälík beside kuṅälík s.v. kr̥muka -- ; -- přũ see prapavaṇa -- ); Bshk. kēṅg ʻ comb ʼ, Gaw. khēṅgīˊ, Sv. khḗṅgiā, Phal. khyḗṅgia,  kēṅgī f., kāṅga ʻ combing ʼ in ṣiṣ k° dūm ʻ I comb my hair ʼ; Tor. kyäṅg ʻ comb ʼ (Dard. forms, esp. Gaw., Sv., Phal. but not Sh., prob. ← L. P. type < *kaṅgahiā -- , see 3 below); Sh. kōṅyi̯ f. (→ Ḍ. k*lṅi f.), gil. (Lor.) kōĩ f. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kōũ m. ʻ woman's comb ʼ, pales. kōgōm. ʻ comb ʼ; K. kanguwu m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kangañ f. ʻ woman's ʼ; WPah. bhad. kãˊkei ʻ a comb -- like fern ʼ, bhal. kãkei f. ʻ comb, plant with comb -- like leaves ʼ; N. kāṅiyo, kāĩyo ʻ comb ʼ, A. kã̄kai, . kã̄kui; Or. kaṅkāi,  kaṅkuā ʻ comb ʼ, kakuā ʻ ladder -- like bier for carrying corpse to the burning -- ghat ʼ; Bi. kakwā ʻ comb ʼ, kakahā, °hī, Mth. kakwā, Aw. lakh. kakawā, Bhoj. kakahī f.; H. kakaiyā ʻ shaped like a comb (of a brick) ʼ; G. (non -- Aryan tribes of Dharampur) kākhāī f. ʻ comb ʼ; M. kaṅkvā m. ʻ comb ʼ, kã̄kaī f. ʻ a partic. shell fish and its shell ʼ; -- S. kaṅgu m. ʻ a partic. kind of small fish ʼ < *kaṅkuta -- ? -- Ext. with -- l -- in Ku. kã̄gilo, kāĩlo ʻ comb ʼ.2. G. (Soraṭh) kã̄gaṛ m. ʻ a weaver's instrument ʼ?3. L. kaṅghī f. ʻ comb, a fish of the perch family ʼ, awāṇ. kaghī ʻ comb ʼ; P. kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb ʼ, °ghī f. ʻ small comb for men, large one for women ʼ (→ H.kaṅghā m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, °gahī, °ghī f. ʻ woman's ʼ, kaṅghuā m. ʻ rake or harrow ʼ; Bi. kãgahī ʻ comb ʼ, Or. kaṅgei, M. kaṅgvā); -- G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ or < *kaṅkataśikha -- .*kaṅkatakara -- , *kaṅkataśikha -- .Addenda: káṅkata -- : WPah.kṭg. kaṅgi f. ʻ comb ʼ; J. kāṅgṛu m. ʻ small comb .kaṅkatakara CDIAL 2599 *kaṅkatakara ʻ comb -- maker ʼ. [káṅkata -- , kará -- 1]H. kãgherā m. ʻ caste of comb -- makers ʼ, °rī f. ʻ a woman of this caste ʼ.

kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa= bronze (Te.) kã̄sāri  ʻpewterer’ (Bengali)  kãsārī; H. kasārī  m. ʻ maker of brass pots’ (Or.) Rebus: kaṁsá1 m. ʻ metal cup ʼ AV., m.n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Pat. as in S., but would in Pa. Pk. and most NIA. lggs. collide with kāˊṁsya -- to which L. P. testify and under which the remaining forms for the metal are listed. 2. *kaṁsikā -- .1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. ʻ bronze dish ʼ; S. kañjho m. ʻ bellmetal ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ gong ʼ; Or. kãsā ʻ big pot of bell -- metal ʼ; OMarw. kāso (= kã̄ -- ?) m. ʻ bell -- metal tray for food, food ʼ; G. kã̄sā m. pl. ʻ cymbals ʼ; -- perh. Woṭ. kasṓṭ m. ʻ metal pot ʼ Buddruss Woṭ 109. 2. Pk. kaṁsiā -- f. ʻ a kind of musical instrument ʼ; A. kã̄hi ʻ bell -- metal dish ʼ; G. kã̄śī f. ʻ bell -- metal cymbal ʼ,kã̄śiyɔ m. ʻopen bellmetal panʼ kāˊṁsya -- ; -- *kaṁsāvatī -- ? Addenda: kaṁsá -- 1: A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ or < kāˊṁsya – (CDIAL 2576). kāṁsya ʻ made of bell -- metal ʼ KātyŚr., n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Yājñ., ʻ cup of bell -- metal ʼ MBh., aka -- n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. *kāṁsiya -- .[kaṁsá -- 1] 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk. kaṁsa -- , kāsa -- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes) kã̄jā adj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ. kāsā ʻ jar ʼ (← E with -- s-- , not ñj); N. kã̄so ʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ, kas -- kuṭ ʻ metal alloy ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B. kã̄sā, Or. kãsā, Bi. kã̄sā; Bhoj. kã̄s ʻ bell -- metal ʼ,kã̄sā ʻ base metal ʼ; H. kās, kã̄sā m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G. kã̄sũ n., M. kã̄sẽ n.; Ko. kã̄śẽ n. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si. kasa ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. L. kã̄ihã̄ m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P. kã̄ssī, kã̄sī f., H. kã̄sī f.*kāṁsyakara -- , kāṁsyakāra -- , *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā -- , kāṁsyatāla -- , *kāṁsyabhāṇḍa -- .Addenda: kāṁsya -- : A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ, or < kaṁsá -- . (CDIAL 2987).*kāṁsyakara ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ. [See next: kāṁsya -- , kará -- 1] L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ. (CDIAL 2988). kāṁsyakāra m. ʻ worker in bell -- metal or brass ʼ Yājñ. com., kaṁsakāra -- m. BrahmavP. [kāˊṁsya -- , kāra -- 1] N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G.kãsārɔ, kas m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sār, kās m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ. (CDIAL 2989).

Inscribed unicorn seals from Bagasra, comparative analysis of morphology, carving styles and distribution patterns --Gregg M. Jamison, Bhanu Prakash Sharma, P. Ajithprasad, K Krishnan, Kuldeep K.Bhan, and VH Sonawane (2017)



























Trade, Merchants, and the Lost Cities of the Bronze Age -- Gojko Barjamovic et al (2019)

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https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/134/3/1455/5420484 Full text


Trade, Merchants, and the Lost Cities of the Bronze Age* 

The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Volume 134, Issue 3, August 2019, Pages 1455–1503, https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjz009
Published:
 
27 March 2019

Abstract

We analyze a large data set of commercial records produced by Assyrian merchants in the nineteenth century BCE. Using the information from these records, we estimate a structural gravity model of long-distance trade in the Bronze Age. We use our structural gravity model to locate lost ancient cities. In many cases, our estimates confirm the conjectures of historians who follow different methodologies. In some instances, our estimates confirm one conjecture against others. We also structurally estimate ancient city sizes and offer evidence in support of the hypothesis that large cities tend to emerge at the intersections of natural transport routes, as dictated by topography. Finally, we document persistent patterns in the distribution of city sizes across four millennia, find a distance elasticity of trade in the Bronze Age close to modern estimates, and show suggestive evidence that the distribution of ancient city sizes, inferred from trade data, is well approximated by Zipf’s law.

https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/134/3/1455/5420484

I. Introduction

This article analyzes a large collection of commercial records from the earliest well-documented long-distance trade in world history: the Old Assyrian trade network connecting northern Iraq, northern Syria, and central Turkey during the Middle Bronze Age (c. 2000–1650 BCE). The clay tablets on which the merchants recorded their shipment consignments, expenses, and contracts excavated, translated, and published by researchers for more than a century paint a rich picture of an intraregional exchange economy (Larsen 2015).
Originating from the city of Aššur on the west bank of the River Tigris, some 100 km south of the modern-day Iraqi city of Mosul, several hundred Assyrian merchants settled on a permanent or temporary basis in Kaneš (Kanesh) near modern-day Kayseri in Turkey. They maintained smaller expatriate trading settlements in a few dozen urban centers on the central Anatolian Plateau and in the Trans-Taurus. Kaneš was the regional hub of the overland commodity trade involving the import of luxury fabrics and tin from Aššur to Anatolia (tin originally sourced from Central Asia) in exchange for silver and gold bullion (Barjamovic 2018). Assyrian merchants were also involved in a voluminous trade of copper and wool within Anatolia (Dercksen 1996Lassen 2010).
The Assyrian texts depict a flourishing market economy, based on free enterprise and private initiative, profit-seeking and risk-taking merchants, backed by elaborate financial contracts and a well-functioning judicial system (Hertel 2013). Aššur offered reliable legal procedures, a transparent system of taxation, and foreign policy that protected the Assyrian caravans and local investors involved in financing the risky long-distance trade. Assyrian merchants established trading colonies or “ports” among the small city-states of Anatolia. They negotiated with local Anatolian rulers, kings, or ruling couples the right to establish permanent trading settlements and maintain their legal and financial institutions independent from the local community. Local rulers guaranteed protection for passing merchant caravans against robbers and brigands, and maintained roads and bridges in exchange for tolls and taxes on transit trade.
Our first contribution is to extract systematic information on commercial linkages between cities from ancient texts. To do so, we leverage the fact that the ancient records we study can be transcribed into the Latin alphabet and digitized. We parse these texts and automatically isolate all tablets that jointly mention at least two cities. We systematically read those texts, which requires an intimate knowledge of the cuneiform script and Old Assyrian dialect of the ancient Akkadian language in which the records are written. Taking individual source context into account, this analysis identifies exclusively a subset of records that explicitly refer to trades between cities.
Our second contribution is to estimate a structural gravity model of ancient trade. We build a simple Ricardian model of trade. Our model makes predictions on the number of transactions between city pairs, which is observed in our data. Further imposing that bilateral trade frictions can be summarized by a power function of geographic distance, the model can be estimated solely on bilateral trade flows and the geographic location of at least some known cities. We estimate a distance elasticity of trade in the Bronze Age equal to 1.9, surprisingly close to modern estimates.
Our third contribution is to use the structural gravity model to estimate the geographic location of lost cities. While some cities in which the Assyrian merchants traded have been located and excavated by historians and archaeologists, other cities cannot be definitively associated with a place on the map and are now lost to us. Analyzing the descriptions of trade routes connecting the cities and the landscapes surrounding them, historians have developed qualitative conjectures about potential locations for these lost cities. We propose an alternative, quantitative method based on maximizing the fit of the gravity equation. As long as we have data on trade between known and lost cities, with sufficiently many known compared to lost cities, a structural gravity model is able to estimate the likely geographic coordinates of lost cities. Our framework provides not only point estimates for the location of lost cities but also confidence regions around those point estimates. For a majority of the lost cities, our quantitative estimates come remarkably close to the qualitative conjectures produced by historians, corroborating both such historical models and our purely quantitative method. In some cases where historians disagree on the location of a lost city, our quantitative method supports the conjecture of some historians against others.
Our fourth contribution is to propose an explanation for the size distribution of ancient cities: cities that are centrally located in the transportation network, determined solely by the topography of the wider region, tend to be large. Our general equilibrium gravity model yields a structural estimate for the fundamental economic size of ancient cities, when no reliable data on production and consumption, or even population size or density in the nineteenth century BCE survives. We show that natural transportation networks—a factor usually overlooked by economists, but recognized by historians (Ramsay 1890)—are critical in explaining the hierarchy of ancient city size estimates. We provide evidence that the city size distribution is persistent over millennia, with estimated ancient city sizes strongly correlated with the economic size of those cities in the current era. Finally, we find suggestive evidence that the distribution of population of ancient urban settlements is closely approximated by Zipf’s law, much like the distribution of modern city sizes.

I.A. Related Literature

Our article contributes to several literatures. First, we provide the earliest estimate of the gravity equation in trade, dating back to the nineteenth century BCE, about four millennia earlier than existing estimates from the mid-nineteenth century CE, and with a distance elasticity of trade close to modern estimates (Disdier and Head 2008Cosar and Demir 2016).
Second, we invert a structural gravity equation to locate lost cities, complementing qualitative approaches in history and archaeology with a quantitative method rooted in economic theory. Our approach is loosely related to multidimensional scaling problems in other fields, where one searches for (unknown) coordinates of points such that the distances between those points are close to known distances. Multidimensional scaling has been applied, for instance, to locate eight parishes in Oxfordshire using data on marriages circa 1600–1850 CE (Kendall 1971) and to match known archaeological sites to place names in Norway using night watchmen itineraries in the thirteenth century CE (Galloway 1978). An earlier contribution (Tobler and Wineburg 1971) uses a similar data set as ours to locate Assyrian cities in Bronze Age Anatolia. Our method differs from and improves on multidimensional scaling in that we use an explicit structural economic model. This allows us to infer not only the location of lost cities but also the distance elasticity of trade, the size of cities (a theory-guided counterfactual measure), formal estimates of standard errors, and two-dimensional confidence regions. Furthermore, compared to Tobler and Wineburg (1971), we use a much larger data set that has become available for study in the meantime, systematically clean our data to identify meaningful economic exchanges, formally account for trade zeros, and compare our estimates to historical and contemporaneous evidence. We also show that our structural estimates yield more plausible estimates than multidimensional scaling, even using the same data.
Finally, we provide novel evidence on the (very) long-run determinants of the city size distribution. An important line of theoretical and empirical inquiry in economic geography involves attempts at explaining the distribution of economic and demographic size of cities over time. Locational fundamentals as dictated by geography are potentially an important factor (Davis and Weinstein 2002). Agglomeration of economic activity for nongeographic reasons may magnify size differentials even across seemingly homogeneous locations (Krugman 1991). Path dependence through lock-in effects could lead to the persistence of past factors—related to the fundamentals that may have been important once (Bleakley and Lin 2012Michaels and Rauch 2018). Our results and historical setting suggest that centrality in the transportation network, shaped by the topography of the land, is an important geographic factor explaining the hierarchy of city sizes.
The remainder of the article is organized as follows. Section II describes our data. Section III derives our model and estimation strategy. Section IV discusses estimates for the distance elasticity of trade and the location of lost cities. Section V presents our estimates for city sizes and explores the determinants of the distribution of ancient city sizes. Section VI compares the structural gravity model to estimates from a naive gravity model.

II. Ancient Trade Data

Our data come from a collection of around 12,000 texts that constitute the hitherto deciphered and edited part of around 23,500 texts excavated primarily at the archaeological site of Kültepe, ancient Kaneš, located in Turkey’s central Anatolian province of Kayseri. These texts were inscribed on clay tablets in the Old Assyrian dialect of the Akkadian language in cuneiform script by ancient Assyrian merchants, their families, and business partners. Figure I shows a picture of a well-preserved clay tablet.1 The texts date back to a period between 1930 and 1775 BCE, with around 90% of the sample belonging to just one generation of traders, c. 1895–1865 BCE (Barjamovic, Hertel, and Larsen 2012).
Figure I
Tablet Kt 83-k 117
We thank Fikri Kulakoğlu for permission to use the photo of this tablet.
Since Kaneš was home to the main expatriate court adjudicating on disputes within the Assyrian commercial activities in Anatolia during that time, major Assyrian merchants maintained houses and commercial storage in the city. The merchants settled at Kaneš typically acted both as agents of larger trading houses in the mother city of Aššur, as well as partners in local trade ventures. This required them to keep records on trade endeavors throughout their commercial circuit, regardless of whether it involved Kaneš. Such records were largely archived at Kaneš alongside dossiers of legal and commercial records coming from elsewhere within the network and archival copies of texts going out to other cities in Anatolia. To some degree, this alleviates any geographical bias of the sources and the commercial geography that they reflect.
The city of Kaneš experienced a major conflagration that destroyed all Assyrian merchant houses and sealed off and preserved many of the commercial archives in situ c. 1840 BCE (Manning, Barjamovic, and Lorenzen 2017). This is the main reason the material, which represents the world’s oldest consistent archive of trade data, survives to this day. Unlike papyrus, paper, or parchment, clay is ubiquitous, inexpensive, and preserves well in the ground, so the Kaneš archives survived where most other materials would have perished. The closest comparable corpora of ancient trade data are almost 3,000 years later, coming, for example, from the medieval Italian merchant archives and the Cairo Genizah.
Most texts under consideration, found in merchants’ houses, are commercial: business letters, shipment documents, accounting records, seals, and contracts. In a typical shipment document or expense account, a merchant would inform partners about the cargo and related expenses:
(I paid) 6.5 shekels (of tin) from the Town of the Kanishites to Timelkiya. I paid 2 shekels of silver and 2 shekels of tin for the hire of a donkey from Timelkiya to Hurama. From Hurama to Kaneš I paid 4.5 shekels of silver and 4.5 shekels of tin for the hire of a donkey and a packer. (Tablet AKT 8/151, lines 5–17)
In accordance with your message about the 300 kg of copper, we hired some Kaneshites here and they will bring it to you in a wagon... Pay in all 21 shekels of silver to the Kaneshite transporters. 3 bags of copper are under your seal... Here, Puzur-Aššur spent 5 minas of copper for their food. We paid 5 2/3 minas of copper for the wagon. (Tablet Kt 92/k 313, lines 4–8, 14–22)
Occasional business letters contain information about market and transport conditions:
Since there is a transporter and the roads are dangerous, I have not led the shipment to Hutka. When the road is free and the first caravan arrived safely here, I will send Hutka with silver. (Tablet POAT 28, lines 3–7)
Concerning the purchase of Akkadian textiles which you have written about, since you left the Akkadians have not entered the City; their land is in revolt, but should they arrive before winter, and if it is possible to make purchases profitable for you, we shall buy some for you. (Tablet VS 26/17, lines 4–11)
While the actual cuneiform tablets are scattered all around the world in collections and museums, many of the texts have been transliterated into the Latin alphabet, translated into modern language, published in various volumes, and recently digitized. We use qualitative and quantitative information about cities and merchants mentioned in a sample of 9,728 digitized texts available to us and approximately 2,000 additional nondigitized texts.2
Read on...

Digging Keezhadi : Creating Church History

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Digging Keezhadi: Creating Church history
by B S Harishankaron 05 Oct 2019
Clergymen may visit museums and ancient sites. But when they are accompanied by a lawyer-turned-politician, it raises curiosity. “On September 24, 2016, Father Jegath Gaspar Raj, founder of an organization called ‘Tamil Maiyam’ and who had organised Sangam 4,  a 10-day festival in August 2016 that focused on Madurai’s history, culture and tradition, visited Keezhadi along with Kanimozhi, an advocate. Amarnath Ramakrishna took them around and showed them the trenches”. (Keezhadi treasures caught in a swirl, T.S. Subramanian, Frontline, Jan., 20, 2017) 

Fr. Gaspar Raj, Kanimozhi and Keezhadi excavator K. Amarnath Ramakrishna charted out the program. Kanimozhi who is also coordinator of Gaspar Raj’s NGO, Tamil Maiyam, filed a public interest litigation (PIL) petition in the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court with the prayer that the ASI should not be allowed to take the artefacts to Karnataka and that it should not be allowed to close the trenches dug at Keezhadi. In their interim order, the judges restrained the ASI from closing the trenches and shifting the artefacts to any place outside Sivaganga district.

Roman Catholic priest Fr. Jegath Gaspar Raj admitted that his association with DMK leader Kanimozhi dates back to more than a decade when he was a non-resident Indian and the DMK was not in power, and asserted that he would not break his ties with her (Tamil Maiyam unfairly targeted: Gaspar, The Hindu, Dec., 16, 2010). India Today reported that DMK patriarch Karunanidhi’s daughter has close ties with Fr. Gaspar Raj. “The controversial Catholic priest had always been under a cloud. Even before teaming up with Kanimozhi, he was accused of being a front for the LTTE’s financial operations. Worse, pro-Tiger websites accuse him of misappropriating LTTE money. With his LTTE connections, Gaspar Raj reportedly acquired skills for money laundering that indeed might have come in handy for the Raja-Rajathi-Kanimozhi trio” (Unmasking of a ‘literary heir’, India Today, Dec., 21, 2010).

Keezhadi’s patriarch, Fr. Gaspar Raj is officially referred in US crime records as ‘Gaspar Raj Maria Paulian’. Senior national security strategist, Douglas C. Lovelace Jr., Esq., in Terrorism Documents of International and Local Control, Academic, OUP, Vol. 91 (2008) alleged that between 2003 and August 2006, individuals including Gaspar Raj Maria Paulian, Nachimuthu Socrates, Fnu Lnu, and Vijayashanthar Patpanathan were “involved in multiple criminal activities in support of LTTE, a Sri Lankan group designated by the US state department as a Foreign Terrorist Organization”. 

Domestic Security and Intelligence analyst, Siobhan O’ Neil, in Terrorist Precursor Crimes: Issues and Options for Congress (2007) pointed out Gaspar Raj’s LTTE connections. Neil stated that Gaspar Raj Maria Paulian along with others such as Nachimuthu Socrates “have conspired to remove LTTE from US state department’s Foreign Terrorist Organization list”. Similar charges were made by James J. Tareco, Special Agent of FBI, against Gaspar Raj, Nachimuthu Socrates and others, in 2006, at the United States District Court, Eastern District of New York.

Nachimuthu Socrates, considered close to Gaspar Raj, was arrested on charges of arms dealing for a Sri Lankan separatist group, and bribe agents  (13 Tied to Sri Lankan Separatists Are Charged by U.S. With Aiding Terrorists, The New York Times, Aug., 22, 2006). On Sep. 9, 2013, senior Rajya Sabha MP, Dr. Subramanian Swamy, tweeted that, “FBI wants India to hand over Reverend Gaspar Raj, a LTTE agent in arms smuggling. But he is a friend of PC, BC and TDK. Hence protected”.

Gaspar Raj keeps close ties with Keezhadi excavator K. Amarnath Ramakrishna. This archaeological-criminal nexus with separatists abroad, unheard of in the history of Indian archaeology, needs investigation by central government agencies.

Gaspar Raj was also actively associated with S.P. Udayakumar, Coordinator of the People’s Movement against Nuclear Energy (PMANE), who led protests against the commissioning of the Indo-Russian Nuclear Power Plant at Kudankulam, Tamil Nadu (Kudankulam protesters disallow PM Manmohan Singh’s envoy to speak, The Economic Times, Sept. 21., 2011).

In the mid-nineties, Gaspar Raj joined Radio Veritas Asia, based in The Philippines, run by Federation of Asian Bishops Conference (FABC), as director of its Tamil service. Later, in 2002, he founded Tamil Maiyam, with Kanimozhi as coordinator. The Board of Trustees includes Fr. Jegath Gaspar Raj, Fr. Lourdu Anandam, Fr. Vincent Chinnadurai, Kanimozhi, Jerard, Joseph Enok, Akhila Srinivasan, K. Pandia Rajan, Latha Pandiarajan and Arun Veerappan.

In 2010, the CBI raided Karunanidhi and his family in connection with the 2G scam. The media reported that, “the  biggest, most prominent raid in Chennai could very well be that of Father Jegath Gaspar Raj, a Catholic priest and the head of the NGO, Tamil Maiyam, on whose board both he and Kanimozhi officiate. A source said the CBI questioned Gaspar Raj on the source of the NGO’S funding and its income” (2G scam: CBI raids rattle Karuna family, India Today, Dec., 16, 2010).

The Madras High court on January 7, 2011, directed that no advertisement issued by the government for popularising ‘Chennai Sangamam’ should carry the name of NGO Tamil Maiyam, which was raided by CBI. Later, the High Court issued a contempt notice to Tamil Nadu Tourism Secretary for including the name of Tamil Maiyam in advertisements for a government-sponsored cultural event (HC contempt notice over Chennai Sangamam, The New Indian Express, Jan., 24, 2011).

Keezhadi excavator K. Amarnath Ramakrishna’s links with Jasper Raj cannot be overlooked. The enthusiasm shown by Amarnath Ramakrishna in supporting Gaspar Raj and Kanimozhi for filing a PIL to keep excavated artefacts at Keezhadi has to be understood. In 2016, when the ASI began a probe into alleged unscientific approaches adopted by the KCHR at Pattanam, Amarnath Ramakrishna was superintendent archaeologist of ASI, Bengaluru circle (ASI probe into KCHR’s ‘Pattanam excavations’, Business Standard, Jan. 5, 2016). His findings are not known, but Amarnath Ramakrishna later took up the Keezhadi excavations. Possibly, he prepared a report favorable for left and church historians to prove the historicity of Apostle Thomas.

Zealous efforts are on to make Pattanam a satellite site of Keezhadi. R. Sivanantham, deputy director, Tamil Nadu state department of archaeology, officially facilitated a lecture on Pattanam by its excavator, P.J. Cherian at Chennai. Cherian claimed that the excavated material from Pattanam and Keezhadi are similar and hence there is a brotherhood (Pattanam, Keezhadi excavated materials similar, says expert, Deccan Chronicle, Oct. 31, 2018).  

NGOs in Tamil Nadu have direct access to excavated artefacts. P.J. Cherian runs an NGO named ‘PAMA’, and through its new project, ‘Rediscovering the ancient sites in Tamilakam’, he links Pattanam, Keezhadi and Kodumanal sites in Kerala and Tamil Nadu. He claims he “had an on-hand documentation of excavated materials from many archaeological sites under the custody of Tamil Nadu Archaeology Department” (Do ancient Tamilakam sites deserve rediscovery, The Times of India, Nov 30, 2018). Gaspar Raj’s NGO, Tamil Maiyam, which includes Catholic priests such as Lourdu Anandam and Vincent Chinnadurai, filed a PIL demanding that the Keezhadi artefacts should not be transferred to Karnataka for study. Such demands show that these NGOs have, or find ways to have direct access to excavated artefacts from these sites to manipulate them conveniently to determine the past.

NGOs operating out of Tamil Nadu received the maximum foreign funding of about Rs.547 crore in 2013-14, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs (T.N. NGOs received maximum foreign funds in 2013-14’, The Hindu, Nov., 26, 2014). Mathew Cherian, Chairperson of Voluntary Action Network India says southern states top in foreign funding due to presence of Christian organizations (Foreign funds pour in; 3,000 Ngo’s get over Rs. 22,000 cr., The Hindu, Aug. 3, 2016). NGOs in Tamil Nadu got significant percentage of funding, with maximum of 33% flowing in from USA (Rajnath Singh launches online tool to monitor foreign-funded NGOs, The Economic Times, Jan. 2, 2018).

The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court permitted the ASI on November 24, 2016 to shift the finds at Keezhadi to its chemistry branch headquarters in Dehradun or any other laboratory in the country. The judges based their decision on ASI Director General Rakesh Tewari’s submission that “all the required examination of the excavated materials cannot be carried out” at the ASI’s chemistry laboratory in Chennai because it “is not equipped with the necessary and advanced facilities for proper examination and analysis” of the artefacts’ (More excavation only after report in Frontline, Jan., 20, 2017).

The delay in submitting reports to ASI on Keezhadi excavations by Amarnath Ramakrishna obstructed granting of excavation license and funds for third field season, a fact concealed by the excavator and NGOs. Asked in 2017 whether the ASI would give Amarnath Ramakrishna the license to excavate for the third field season, the Director General said: “The license for the third year will be given after the completion of the documentation of the excavation and the artefacts found during the first two years. Otherwise, the report never comes (More excavation only after report, Frontline, Jan. 20, 2017).

Later, ASI Director General Rakesh Tewari clarified that Keezhadi excavator Amarnath Ramakrishna had submitted only “brief” and “sketchy” reports about the first two years. Permission would be given to him after he wrote “a detailed report” (Keezhadi dig to continue, Frontline, March 17, 2017).

Controversies started after Amarnath Ramakrishna was transferred to Guwahati circle of ASI.  The Left parties, grateful to Amarnath Ramakrishna for salvaging the scandalous Pattanam excavations in Kerala, protested (CPI-M) flays Centre’s direction on Keezhadi excavations, The Hindu, Oct. 6, 2018).

In April 2018, the Federation of Tamil Sangams in North America (FeTNA) invited Amarnath Ramakrishna to deliver a lecture on the Keezhadi excavations. The ASI denied him permission to participate as guest of honor at this event, possibly because FeTNA publicly supported the cause of ethnic Sri Lankan Tamils in the Sri Lankan civil war. Commenting on Tamil groups in Sri Lanka, Gaspar Raj unambiguously stated in an interview that, “We had a homeland and we have a homeland, and we will have the right for a homeland, since we have our own history, language, culture and way of living, and hence   have the right to self-determination” (Tamil Eelam not a lost cause: Fr. Jegath Gaspar, TamilNet, Nov. 3, 2009). FeTNA has honoured Gaspar Raj for Christianizing Tamil culture.

The tenth World Tamil Conference, mainly sponsored by FeTNA, was held in July 2019 at Chicago. Its central theme was “Keezhadi nam Thai madi” (On our Tamil mother’s lap - Keezhadi excavation), dedicated to Tamil scholar Rev. G.U. Pope on his 200th birth anniversary (10th edition of World Tamil Conference in Chicago from July 4, The New Indian Express, June 26, 2019). Bishop Robert Caldwell launched the Dravidian ideology in Tamil Nadu. Caldwell was assisted in his Dravidian studies by an array of missionaries such as G.U. Pope, J. Brigel, J. Clay, J. Dawson, E. Diez, F. Kittel, F. Metz, A. Graeter, C. Graul, and H. Gundert.

Along with Keezhadi excavations, zealous attempts to historicize Apostle Thomas gain momentum. Catholic priest P.J. Lawrence Raj informed bishops of the Catholic world: “It is believed that the apostle Thomas was murdered by a group of Hindus who did not fancy his proselytizing” and Gaspar Raj made efforts to re-establish St. Thomas in the mainstream narrative of Chennai’s Roman Catholic world (An apostle returns: Bringing St. Thomas back to Chennai, The Hindu, Oct. 27, 2018).

There are serious allegations that archaeological sites such as Keezhadi are controlled by church sponsored NGOs as advocates of Tamil culture, to manipulate cultural remains, embed missionaries such as Apostle Thomas, and  demand  a separate nationhood, including Tamil Nadu, parts of Kerala and Sri Lanka.

Lionel Caplan (1987) and Susan Bayly (1994) have pointed out growing Christian fundamentalism in Tamil Nadu. Prof. Pradip Ninan Thomas of the School of Journalism and Communication, University of Queensland, Australia, cautioned mainland churches in Tamil Nadu monopolized by Christian fundamentalist groups, about their zealous anti-Hindu propaganda. Thomas said conservative sects based in the US back the neo-Christian groups in India and their activities inflame sectarian tension (Mainline Churches Must Address Christian Fundamentalism, Says Scholar, Ucanews, Aug. 14, 2008). In his book, Strong Religion, Zealous Media: Christian Fundamentalism and Communication, Pradip Ninan Thomas discusses the close ties between Dravidian politics and ideology with Christian fundamentalism in Tamil Nadu.

Can the Indian academic community accept the excavation reports and recordings at Keezhadi, monopolized by Gaspar Raj and foreign-funded NGOs? There is no credible evidence that the cultural material from Keezhadi has not been adulterated and manipulated to raise dubious claims for secessionism.

kusi signifies pin to mark in Veda recitation; this word is substrate in Sumerian, a cuneiform symbol

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kuśīˊ f. ʻ small wooden pin used to mark in recitation ʼ MaitrS., ʻ do. of metal ʼ ŚBr., ʻ ploughshare ʼ lex., ˚śika<-> m.n. lex., kuśā -- f. ʻ pin for marking in recitation ʼ Pāṇ., ˚śikā -- f. ʻ piece of wood used as a splint for a broken limb ʼ Car.Pk. kusī -- f. ʻ a tool made of iron ʼ, L. kuhīkahī f. ʻ mattock ʼ, P. kahī f. (a?); H. kusī˚siyā f. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, kuskussā m. ʻ mattock ʼ; G. kaśkɔś f. ʻ iron instrument for digging ʼ, kɔslũ n. ʻ bar of iron attached to a plough ʼ, kɔśiyāḷɔ m. ʻ wooden wedge holding ploughshare in wooden frame of plough ʼ; M. kusā m. ʻ hand implement for turning up clods (a pole with an iron blade or head) ʼ.Addenda: kuśīˊ -- : S.kcch. khau f. ʻ sharp iron bar for digging ʼ; L. kuhīkahī f. ʻ mattock ʼ, P. kahī f.; WPah.kṭg. kɔ́śṭɔ m. ʻ hoe ʼ, kɔ́śṭi f. ʻ little hoe ʼ; J. kaśī f. ʻ mattock ʼ (Him.I 22: interchange of u with a, exemplified also in CDIAL, is not explained).(CDIAL 3367)

This word kuśīˊis a pin used to mark in recitation in Veda oral tradition. This becomes a substrate word in Sumerian and gets a cuneiform symbol.

This symbol is used on Gadd Seal 1 with an Indus Script hieroglyph of a bull together with a cuneiform text which is read rebus as sag-kusida 'head money-lender'. Thus, Gadd Seal 1 becomes a bilingual rosetta stone validating Indus Script Cipher.

1. See: Decipherment of Gadd Seal 1 Indus Script Corpora: Decipherment of Gadd Seal 1 of Ur with cuneiform text: metalcasters tinyurl.com/y2fvjh5c

Indus Script Decipherment:
Sag kusida, 'chief money-lender' for bharata, 'metalcasters'  -- cuneiform text on an Indus seal of Ur including kusida as a borrowed word from Meluhha PLUS hieroglyph 'ox' read rebus in Meluhha as bharata, 'metal alloy of copper, pewter, tin'.

2. See: Use of Sumerian cuneiform symbol on an accounting tablet


Sumerian accounting tablets signify sanga Kushim read rebus in Meluhha substrate saṅg, 'caravan' kusi 'money-lender'https://tinyurl.com/y4kevzplSee:Indus Script Corpora: Decipherment of Gadd Seal 1 of Ur with cuneiform text: metalcasters https://tinyurl.com/y2fvjh5c



BEER PRODUCTION AT THE INANNA TEMPLE IN URUK

Sumer, 31st cent. BCE

MS 1717 Text: BEER PRODUCTION, 134,813 LITRES OF BARLEY TO BE DELIVERED OVER 3 YEARS (37 MONTHS) TO THE GOVERNMENT OFFICIAL KUSHIN RESPONSIBLE FOR THE BREWERY AT THE INANNA TEMPLE IN URUK
MS in archaic Sumerian on clay, Uruk, Sumer, 31st c. BC, 1 tablet, 6,8x7,2x1,9 cm, 1 compartment of text in an expert pictographic script Uruk III.
Context: From a single archive of 77 pictographic tablets including fragments, all in the same hand, of which 25 tablets and all the 30 fragments are in Freie Universität Berlin collections, 4 tablets in British Museum, 3 in Metropolitan Museum, 4 in Louvre, and 6 in The Schøyen Collection (MSS 202, 234, 1710, 1711, 1717, 1894).
Commentary: The present tablet is a masterpiece of pictographic calligraphy. It has just been discovered that 2 hitherto undeciphered pictograms, one like a brick building with a chimney, and the other an ear of barley drawn within a jar or container, illustrates the actual brewing process. Read from right to left we have first the barley delivered, then the brick- building that might be the brewery itself (also with other meanings), and the barley within a jar is the beer. It thus is the earliest representation in history of an industrial process.
Bibliography: John Curtis, ed.: Early Mesopotamia and Iran: Contact and Conflict 3500-1600 BC; in: Proceedings of a Seminar in memory of Vladimir G. Lukonin. British Museum Press, pp. 28, 64. Hans J. Nissen, Peter Damerow, Robert K. Englund: Archaic Bookkeeping; Early writing and techniques of Economic administratiion in the Ancient Near East. Chicago and London. University of Chicago Press, 1993., pp. 36-37. Lars Alvegård: Arkaisk babylonsk matematik: Talpjäser och lerbollar; in: Teknik & Naturvetenskap. Göteborg. 1994, no. 2, pp. 38-40.

The tablet says: receipt for multiple shipments of barley. The tablet says, very simply: 29,086 measures barley 37 months Kusida, 'money-lender'.

Thus, the tablet is signed NOT by Kushim, accountant but by Kusi, Kusida, whose professional title means 'money-lender' in Vedic language.

कुसिदकुसीद  m.id. n.any loan or thing lent to be repaid with interest , lending money upon interest , usury; usurer, money-lender (Pa1n2. 4-1 , 37; TS III, VII) (Monier-Williams).

कुषीद   kuṣīda कुषीद a. Indifferent, inert. -दम् Usury.कुसी si    kusī सि d कुसी (सि)  a. Lazy, slothful. -दः (also written as कुशी-षी-) A monkey-lender, usurer; Mbh.4.29. -दम् 1 Any loan or thing lent to be repaid with in- terest. -2 Lending money, usury, the profession of usury; कुसीदाद्दारिद्र्यंपरकरगतग्रन्थिशमनात्Pt.1.11; Ms. 1.9;8.41; Y.1.119. -3 Red sandal wood. -Comp. -पथः usury, usurious interest; any interest exceeding 5 per cent; कृतानुसारादधिकाव्यतिरिक्तासिध्यतिकुसीदपथमा- हुस्तम् (पञ्चकंशतमर्हति) Ms.8.152. -वृद्धिः f. interest on money; कुसीदवृद्धिर्द्वैगुण्यंनात्येतिसकृदाहृताMs.8.151.   कुसीदा   kusīdā कुसीदा A female usurer.   कुसीदायी   kusīdāyī कुसीदायी The wife of a usurer.   कुसीदिकःकुसीदिन्   kusīdikḥ kusīdin कुसीदिकःकुसीदिन् m. A usurer.(Apte)

The decipherment of the bilingual Gadd Seal 1 leads the entire Indus Script Corpora which represent wealth-accounting ledgers of metal-work and lapidary-work of artisans and seafaring merchants of Sarasvati Civilization. These activities documented in Indus Script Corpora constitute the basic resource for narrating an Economic History of Ancient India and the nation's contribution to Global GDP. The nation accounted for 33% of Global GDP in 1 CE according to Cambridge Economic Historian, Angus Maddison's estimate provided to Economic Union.


Resources to study formation & evolution, cultural unity of Indian languages Nation's task is to reinforce this identity

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https://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2019/10/resources-to-study-formation-evolution.html

Are language students all over Bharat made aware that two old dictionaries complement the Rgveda words?



2. Deshi Nama Mala (Hemachandra) Desinamamala by Hemacandra (10th cent.) (10th cent.)





TABLE : DICTIONARIES
The oldest Prākṛit  lexicon is the work of a Jaina scholar, Paiyalacchi nāmamālā of Dhanapāla (972 CE) https://www.scribd.com/document/429039682/Paiyalachchhi-Namamala-by-Dhanapala-972-CE
PRĀKṛIT  :
12 C.E :Abhidana Rajendra (Vijayendra Suri)
SANSKRIT
4 C.E : Amarakosha (Amarasimha) Dhanvantari Nighantu (Dhanvantari)
6 C.E : Anekartha Samucchaya (Shashaavata)
10 C.E : Abhidana Ratna Mala (Hemachandra ),Srikanda Shesha Vishvakosha (Srikanda Shesha),HaravaLi (Purushottama Deva) ,Abhidana Ratnamala (Halayudha)
11 C.E :Vyjayanti (Yadava Prakasha), Nama Mala (Dhananjaya) , Anekartha Nama Mala (Amara Keerti) , Shabdha Pradipa (Sureshvara)
12 C.E :Namarthaarnava Sankshepa , Shabda Kalpa Druma (Keshava Svamin ), Vishva Prakasha (Maheshvara) , Namartha Ratnamala (Abhaya Pala) , Abidana Cintamani +Anekartha Sangraha (Hemachandra) , Anekartha Kosha (Mankha) , Akyata Candrika (Malla Bhatta) , Raja Nighantu (Narahari)
14 C.E : Nanartha Ratna Mala (Irugappa Dandanatha) , Madana Vinoda Nighantu (Madana Pala)
15 C.E : Shabda Chandrike ( Vamana Bhatta) , Shabda Ratnakara(Bana)
16 C.E :Sundara Prakashabdarnava (Padma Sundara)
17 C.E :Kalpa Druma (Keshava Daivajna), Nama Sangraha Mala(Appaiah Dikshita)
TAMIL :
10 C.E – Sendan Divakaram (Divakaram) , Pingalantai (Pingalar)
12 C.E : Chudamani Nighantu (Mangala Puttiran)
16 C.E : Chudamani Nighantu ( Mandala Purutan) ,Akaradi Nighantu (Chidambara Revana)
17 C.E : Uriccol Nighantu (Gangeyan) , Kayataram (Kayatarar) ,Bharati Deepam (Anonymus) , Ashiriya Nighantu (Anonymus)
18 C.E : Pothigai Nighantu (Swaminatha Kavirayar), Pal Porul Chudamani (Eshwara Bharati) , Arumpporul Vilakka Nighantu (Anonymus)
KANNADA
10 C.E : Ranna Kanda (Ranna)
11 C.E : Abhidana Vastu Kosha (Nagavarma-2) ,Abhidana Ratna Mala+Amarakosha Bhashya (Halayudha)
12 C.E :Nachirajiya (Naciraja)
13 C.E : Akaradi Vaidya Nighantu+Indra Dipike+Madanari (Amrutanandi)
14 C.E: Karnataka Shbda Sara (Anonymus) , Karnataka Nighantu (Anonymus), Abhinavabhidana (Abhinava Mangaraja)
15 C.E : Chaturasya Nighantu(Bommarasa) , Dhanvantariya Nighantu (Anonymus)
16 C.E : Kabbigara Kaipidi (Linga Mantri) , Shabda Ratnakara (Anonumus) , Nanartha Kanda (Chenna Kavi) , Nanartha Ratnakara+Ekakshara Nighantu (Devottama) , Karnataka Shabda Manjari (Totadarya) , Bharata Nighantu (Anonymus) , Amarakosha Dipike (Vitthala)
17 C.E : Karnataka Sanjivini +Kavi Kanthahara (Shrungara Kavi) , Karnataka Nighantu (Surya kavi)
TELUGU :
14-18 C.E : Venkateshandhramu (Ganavarapu Venkatakavi) , Akaradi Deshiyandhra Nighantu ( Anonymus), Andhra Prayoga Ratnakaram (Anonymus) , Sarva Lakshana Shiromani (Anonymus) ,Padya Rupa Amara Kosham ( Venkata Rayudu), Andhra Nama Sangraham (Lakshmana Kavi) , Andhra Nama Vishesham (Sura Kavi) Samba Nighantuvu (Kasturi Ranga) , Andhra Bhasharnavam ( Venkata Narayanudu) , Akshara Malika Nighantu (Parvatishvara Shastry) , Andhra Pada Nidanam (Tumu Ramadasa) , Sarnadhra Sara sangraham (Amrutapuram Sanyasi),Nanartha Nighantu (Jayarama Rayulu)
TABLE 2 : GRAMMERS
PRĀKṛIT :
5-7 C.E : Prakruta Prakasha (Vararuchi) , Prakruta Lakshana (Chanda) , Prakruta Kamadhenu (Anonymus)
12 C.E : Prakrutanushasana (Purushottama) , Siddha Hema Shabdanushasana (Hemachandra)
14 C.E : Prkruta Shabdanushasdana (Trivikrama) , Shdbhasha Chandrika (Lakshmidhara)
17 C.E : Prakruta Sarvasva (Markandeya)
SANSKRIT
4-2 B.C.E : Ashtadhyayi (Panini) , Mahabhashya-Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (Patanjali)
2 C.E : Katantra Vyakarana (Shrvavarman)
6 C.E : Mahabhashya Dipika-Commentary on Mahabhashya (Bhatruhari ), Kashika Vrutti- Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (Vamana)
7 C.E : Ashtadhyayi-Commentary (Jayaditya)
8 C.E : Kashika Vivarana Pancika –Commentary on Kashika Vrutti (Jinendra Buddivada)
9 C.E : Pada Manjari – Commentary on Kashika Vrutti (Haradatta)
11 C.E : Pradipa ( Kaiyata) , Bhasha Vrutti -Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (Purushottama Deva)
13 C.E ; Rupavatara (Dharma Keerti)
14 C.E : Mitakshara- Commentary on Ashtadhyayi (AnnaM Bhatta) , Rupamala (Vimala Sarsvati)
15 C.E : Prakriya Kaumudi (Ramachandra Shesha)
16 C.E : Shabda kaustubha (Bhattoji Dikshita) , Prakriya Sarvasva (Nayarana Bhatta)
17 C.E : Pradipodyota (Nagesha Bhatta)
TAMIL :
-3 to 10 C.E : Tolkappiam (Tolkappiyanar)
11 C.E : Viracholiyam (Buddha Mitra)
12 C.E : Neminatham (Gunaveera pandita) , Tolkappiam- Poruladigaram Commentary (Perashiyar)
13 C.E : Nannul (Bhavanadi) , Tolkappiam- Solladigaram Commentary (Senavaraiyar)
14 C.E : Tolkappiam-Commentary (Naccinarkkiniyar)
16 C.E : Tolkappiam- Solladigaram Commentary (Teyvacilaiyar , Kalladanar)
17 C.E : Tolkappiam- Solladigaram Commentary (Anonymus)
KANNADA
11 C.E : Kavyavalokana (Nagavarma)
13 C.E : Shabdamani Darpana ( Keshiraja) , Shabdanushasanam (Akalanka Deva)
17 C.E : Shabdamani Darpana-Commentary (Nitturu Nanjayya)
17 C.E : Shabdamani Darpana-Commentary (Anonymus)
TELUGU :
13 C.E : Andhra Bhasha Bhushanam (Mulaghatika Ketana)
14 C.E : Kavyalankara Chidamani (Vinnakota Peddana)
Part-6:
TABLE 3 : POETICS/PROSODY/RHETORIC
SANSKRIT :
5 C.E : Bruhatsamhita (Varahamihira)
6 C.E : Kavyalankara (Bamaha) , Kavyadarsha (Dandin)
9 C.E : Kavyalankara Sara Sangraha (Uddata) , Kavyalankara Sutravrutti (Vamana) , Kavyalankara (Rudrata), Dhvanyaloka (Anandavarhana)
10 C.E : Cahmdraloka (Jayadeva)
11 C.E : Chandonushasana (Jayakirti), Kavyamimamse (Rajashekhara) , Abhidaavrutti Maatruke (Mukula Bhatta) , Kavyakautuka (Bhatta Tauta) , Hrudaya Drapana (Bhatta Nayaka)
12 C.E :Vrutta Ratnakara (Kedara Bhatta) ,Kavya Praklasha (mummata)
15 C.E : Chando Manjari (ganga Raja)
TAMIL :
-3 to 10 C.E : Tolkappiam (Tolkappiyanar)
10 C.E : Yappurungulam + Yappurungulakkarikai (Amruta Saagara)
11 C.E : Chulamani (Gunasagarar) , Purapporul Vembamalai (Iyanaar Idanaar), Dandiyalankaram(Annonymus)
12 C.E : Ilakkana Vilakkam (Jivanana Munivar)
13 C.E : Veyyappadial (Gunaveera Panditar)
17 C.E : Chidambaram Seyyuttakkovai (Kumara Kruparar)
18 C.E : Ilakkana Vilakkam (Vaidyanathan Alvar)
KANNADA
9 C.E : Kaviraja Marga (Sri Vijaya)
10 C.E : Chandobudhi (Nagavarma-1)
11 C.E : Kavyavalokana (Nagavarma-2)
12 C.E : Udayadityalankaram (Udayaditya) , Shrungara Ratnakara (Kavi Kama)
15-16 C.E : Madhavalankara (Madhava), Kavi jihva Bandhana (Eshwara Kavi) , Kavya Sara (Abhinava Vadi Vidyananda) , Rasa Ratnakara+Apratima Veera Charite (Tirumalarya)
17 C.E : Navarasalankara (Timma) , Kuvalayananda( Jayendra)
TELUGU :
13 C.E : Kavi Vagbhadanamu (Tikkana)
14 C.E : Pratapa Rudriya (Vaidyanatha) , Kavi Janaashrayamu (Rachanna ) , Kavyalankara Chudamani ( Vinnakota Peddana) , Shrungara Dipika (Srinatha)
Part-7 :
TABLE 4 : ENCYCLOPEDIAS
SANSKRIT :
5 C.E : Bruhatsamhita (Varahamihira)
12 C.E : Abhilashitartha Chintamani ( Bhulokamalla)
TAMIL :
10 C.E : Sendan Divakaram (Divakaram) , Pingalantai (Pingalar)
12 C.E : Chudamani Nigantu (Mangala Puttiran)
KANNADA :
10-11 C.E : Lokopakara (Chavundaraya)
15 C.E : Viveka Chintamani (Nijaguna Shivayogi) , Siribhuvalaya (Kumudendu), Shivatatva Chintamani (Lakkana Dandesha)
16 C.E :Sakala Vaidya Samhita Sararnva ( Veeraraja)
TELUGU :
20 C.E :Andhra Vignana Sarvasvam ( K.V.L. Pantulu)
Part-8:
TABLE 5 : MEDICINE/VETERINARY SCIENCE/EROTICS
SANSKRIT :
-2 TO 0 C.E : Sushruta Samhite (Sushruta) , Gajayurveda (Palakapya) , Ashvashastra (Shalihotra), Vaidyaka Sarvasva ashva Chikitse(Nakula)
0 TO 2 C.E : Charaka Samhita (Charaka) , Kumara Tantra (Ravana) , Prayoga Ratnakara (Garga), Bruhaspatimata (Bruhaspati), Kamasutra (Vatsayana)
4 C.E :Ashtanga Hrudaya + Ashtanga Sangraha (Vagbhata) , Ashvayurveda Saara Sindhu (MallaDeva) ,
5-7 C.E :Matanga Leela , Shalihotra , Ashva Vaidyaka
7 to 10 C.E : Madhava Nidanam +Rugna Nischaya (Madhavakara) , Charaka samhite-Commentary (Jayadatta Suri) , Rati Rahasya (kokkoka)
11 to 13 C.E : Nibandha sangraha (Dallana) , Shabda Pradipa (Sureshvara) , Raja Nighantu+Dhanvantari Nighantu (Narahari) , Sarottama Nighantu (Anonymus) , Bhanumati (Chakradatta) , Jayamangala (Yashodhara) , Nagara sarvasva (Padmashri)
14 to 15 C.E : Madana Vinoda Nighantu (Madanapala), Sarangadhara Samhite (Sarangadhara) , RatiManjari (JayaDeva)
16 to 17 C.E : Anna Pana Vidhi (Susena) , Pathyapathya Nighantu + Bhojana Kutuhala ( Raghunatha) , Anangaranga (Kalyana Malla) , Kandarpa Chudamani (Veerabhadra Deva)
TAMIL :
13 to 18 C.E : Vaidya Shataka Nadi + Chikitsa Sara Sangraha ( Teraiyar) , Amudakalai Jnanam+Muppu+Muppuvaippu+Muppuchunnam+Charakku+GuruseyNeer+PacchaiVettu chuttiram (Agastya) , Kadai Kandam +Valalai ChuttiraM +Nadukandam (Konganavar) , Karagappa +Muppu Chuttiram +Dravakam (Nandikeshvara) , Karpam +Valai Chuttiram (Bogara)
KANNADA :
11-12 C.E : Karnata Kalyana Karaka (Jagaddala Somanatha) , Balagraha Chikitse (Devendra Muni) , Govaodya (Kirti Varma) , Madana Tilaka (Chandra Raja) , Anubhava Mukura (Janna)
14 C.E : Khagendra Mani Darpana (Mangaraja) , Ashvashastra (Abhinava Chandra)
15 C.E : Vaidyanruta (Sridhara Deva) , Vaidya Sangatya (Salva) , Ashva Vaidya (Bacarasa), Janavashya (Kallarasa)
16 C.E : Vaidya Sara Sangraha (Channaraja) , Hastayurveda-Commentary (Veerabhadraraja ) , Ashva Vaidya (Bacarasa), Janavashya (Kallarasa)
17 C.E : Vaidya Sara Sangraha (Nanjanatha Bhupala) , Vaidya Samhita Sararnava (Veeraraja ) , Shalihotra Samhita (Ramachandra), Hayasara Samuccaya (Padmana Pandita), Vaidyakanda (Brahma), Strivaidya (Timmaraja)
TELUGU :
15 C.E : Haya Lakshana Sara (manumanchi Bhatta)
TABLE 9 : ASTRONOMY/MATHEMATICS/ASTROLOGY
SANSKRIT :
3-2 B. C.E : Surya Prajnapti , Stananga Sutra , Anuyogadvara Sutra , Shatkhandagama
2-0 B. C.E : Vedanga Jyotishya (Lagada) , Bhadrabahu samhita +Surya Prajnapti-Commentary (Bhadrabahu) , Tiloyapanatti (Yatishvaracharya), Tatvarthayagama shastra (Umasvamin)
5-6 C.E : Arya Bhatiya (Arya Bhata) , Pancvha siddantika + Bruhajjataka+Laghu Jataka + Bruhatsamhita (Varahamihira) , Dashagitika Sara (Anonymus) , Aryastashata (Anonymus)
6-7 C.E : Brahma sputa Siddhanta+Kanadakadhyaya(Brahma Gupta) , Maha Bhaskariyam + Karana Kutuhala (Bhaskara-1) , Rajamruganka (Bhoja)
8 C.E : Shishayabhuvruddhi (Lallacharya) , Ganita Sara sangaraha (Mahaveeracharya) , Horasatpanchashika(Pruthuyana)
11-12 C.E : Siddhanta Shekhara (Sripati) , Siddhanta Shiromani (Bhaskara-2)
14 C.E : Yantraraja (Mahendra Suri)
15 C.E : Tantra sangraha (Neelakantha somayaji)
16 C.E : Sputa Nirnaya (Achyuta)
TAMIL :
16-18 C.E : Ganakkadigaram , Ganita Nul , Asthana Golakam , Ganita Venba , Ganita Divakaram, Ponnilakkam
KANNADA :
11 C.E : Jataka Tilaka (Sridharacharya) ,
12 C.E : Vyavahara Ganita+Kshetra Ganita+Chitra Hasuge +Jaina Ganita Sutra Tikodaaharana +Lilavati (Rajaditya)
15 C.E : Kannada Lilavati (Bala Vaidyada Cheluva)
17 C.E : Ksetra Ganita (Timmarasa) , Behara Ganita (Bhaskara)
TELUGU :
11 C.E : Ganita sara Sangrahamu (Pavaluri Mallana)

The direction of 'borrowings' from one language to another is a secondary component of the philological excursus; there is no universal linguistic rule to firmly aver such a direction of borrowing. Certainly, more work is called for in delineating the structure and forms of meluhha (mleccha) language beyond a mere list of metalware glosses.

Mahapurana of PushpadantaA critical study: By Dr Smt. Ratna Nagesha Shriyan. L. D. Bharatiya Samskriti Vidyamandira, Ahmadabad–9 . Price: Rs. 30.

A thesis approved for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy by the Bombay University, this is a critical study of the Desya and rare material contained in the three Apabhramsa works of Pushpadanta, a major Apabhramsa poet of the Ninth Century CE D. 
The first part mainly deals with the nature and character of Desya element and the role of Desya element in Prākṛit  and Apabhramsa in general and Pushpadanta’s works in particular. The authoress pointed out that the term Deśī has been used in the earlier Sanskrit and Prākṛit  literature mainly in three different senses, viz., (1) a local spoken dialect (2) a type of Prākṛit , (3) and as equivalent to Apabhramsa. The interpretations of the word Deśī as given by Hemachandra and modern scholars are also given in detail. The authoress comes to the conclusion that most of the modern scholars agree that “Desya or Deśī is a very loose label applied by early grammarians and lexicographers to a section of Middle Indo-Aryan lexical material of a heterogeneous character.

In part II, the more important one, the learned Doctor has collected 1430 words and divided them into seven categories– (1) items only derivable from Samskrit (2) Tadbhavas with specialized or changed meaning (3) items partly derivable from Samskrit (4) items that have correspondents only in late Samskrit (5) onometopoetic words (6) foreign loans and (7) pure Deśī words. Critical and comparative notes on their meanings and interpretations, with corroborating passages from original texts are also given here and they evidence the high scholarly labours of the authoress. We cannot, but respect the words of Dr H. C. Bhayani of the Gujarat University in whose opinion the present study paves “the way for investigating the bases and authenticity of Hemachandra’s Deśīnāmamālā and provides highly valuable material for middle and Modern Indo-Aryan lexicography.”
“Words which are not derived from Sanskrit in his grammar, which though derived from Sanskrit, are not found in that sense in the Sanskrit lexicons, which have changed their meaning in Prākṛit , the change not being due to the secondary or metaphorical use of words, and which are used in standard Prākṛit  from times immemorial, are considered as deśī by Hemacandra (I,3,4). Thus, he teaches in his grammar (IV,2) that pajjar is one of the substitutes of the root kath in Prākṛit . In II,136 he says that trasta assumes the forms hittha and taTTha in Prākṛit . The words pajjara, hittha and taTTha are not, therefore, des’yas and are excluded from the work. The Verbal substitutes have been, as a matter of fact, considered as deśī words by Hemacandra’s predecessors (1.11,13,20). Again the word amayaNiggamo signifies the moon in Prākṛit , and it is evidently a bhava of amrutanirgama which by some such analysis as amrutaanirgamo yasyacan denote the moon But the Sanskrit word is not found in that sense in any of the lexicons and hence amayaNiggamo is reckoned as a deśya and taught in this work. The word yayillo is a regular derivative of baliivarda according to rules of Prākṛit  grammar, and as the latter word can by the force of lakshaNa mean a ‘fool’, the word vayillo in this sense is not considered a deśī word and, therefore, is not included in this work. Every provincial expression is not considered a deśī word, but only those which have found entrance into the known Prākṛit  literature. Otherwise, the number of deśī words will be innumerable and it will be impossible to teach them all. As Hemacandra himself says (I,4): vacaspaterapi matirna prabhavati divyayugasahasreNa. This definition of a deśī word does not appear to have been followed by the predecessors of Hemacandra; and therein consists, he says, the superiority of his work over that of others. He quotes in a number of places words which have been taught as deśī words by his predecessors and shows that they are derived from Sanskrit words. Thus in I.37 Hemacandra says that the words acchoDaNam, alinjaramk, amilaayam andacchabhallo are considered as deśī words by some authors, but he does not do so as they are evidently derived from Sanskrit words. Again in II.89, he says that the word gamgarii is taught a a deśī word by some authors but Hemacandra says this is not a deśī word as it is derived from Sanskrit gargarii. But here our author shows some latitude and says that it may be considered a deśī word. Many such instances may be quoted and in most cases Hemacandra gives the Sanskrit equivalents to such words.” (Paravastu Venkata  Ramanujaswami, in: Introduction, The Deśīnāmamālā of Hemachandra ed. By R. Pischel, 1938, 2nd edn., Dept. of Public Instruction, Bombay, pp.3-4).

Dotted circle Indus Script -- particle + circle hypertext rebus Meluhha kāṇam + vṛtta 'wealth business'

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Three rebus readings, related to metalwork cataloguing in mints, are signified by hypertext -- Dotted circle -- on Indus Script Corpora: 
1. पोतदार, 'metal assayer'; 2. kammata 'mint' and 3. dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter'.

Note on Indian Linguistic Area or Indian sprachbund, 'language union'. I can only posit a hypothesis (without indicating directions of borrowing vis-a-vis Dravidian, Munda & Indo-Aryan) that the word kāṇa'one-eyed or blind' is the root word which yields kaṇ'eye' (DEDR 1159) read with DEDR 1143 entries: Kur. xannā to be pleasant to the eye, be of good effect, suit well. Br. xaning to see. This hypothesis is premised on the large number of eye-related rebus representations -- to signify mint work -- across a wide area in Eurasia (presented in this monograph). While the word khambhat is explained as a semantic expansion of the skambha 'pillar' related words, the skambha as a ketu 'proclamation' of Soma yajna (Binjor, Anupgarh evidence of eight-cornered Skambha and 19 yupa inscriptions of historical periods describing bahusuvarNaka Soma Samstha yajna-s ), the word khambhat can also be seen as a cognate of kammaṭa 'mint'. The Tamil lexicon entry is emphatic which indicates it as a cognate of kammaṭa 'mint'; could khambhat also signify 'mint' associated with skambha (used to infuse godhuma carbon fumes into molten metal to harden the alloy metal in the fire-altar, furnace?) :  

கண்வட்டம் kaṇ-vaṭṭam , n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one's observation; கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம். தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2). 2. Mint; நாணயசாலை. கண்வட்டக்கள்ளன் (ஈடு.).. I submit that this is one vivid example of Indian sprachbund where language family streams interacted with one another, absorbed language features and made them their own. Who knows, which Dravidian language family artisan borrowed from which Indo-Aryan language family artisan, as the languages evolved to document metallurgical innovations? I submit that, we have to rethink and re-affirm the nature of Indian linguistic area of the Sarasvati Civilization mature period, based on the overwhelming evidence provided by over 8000 inscriptions. We may end up reaffiring the essential cultural unity of Indian language families from the periods of Tin-Bronze Revolution and domesticated agriculture, together with village janapada settlements of balutedar and alutedar of a shared commonwealth nation.

One reading pota'bead' rebus: पोतृ 'purifier', पोतदार pōtadāra, 'assayer of metal' signifies a metalworker.

Second reading Hieroglyphs: kāṇam + vṛtta 'one-eyed + circle' = kāṇa 'weight' or kaṇa 'piece of dust, particle' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus:'wealth + business' rebus: kammata'mint' also signifies metalwork in a mint. This reading explains why a one-eyed woman is shown battling leaping tigers: kāṇa'one-eyed' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: kammata 'mint' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus:kol'working in iron', kolhe'smelter', kole.l'smithy, forge'. A one-eyed woman is shown battling leaping tigers: kāṇa'one-eyed' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus: kammata 'mint' PLUS Leaping pair of tigers: kūrda m. ʻ jump ʼ, gūrda -- m. ʻ jump ʼ Kāṭh. [√kūrd]S. kuḍ̠u m. ʻ leap ʼ, N. kud, Or. kuda˚dākudā -- kudi ʻ jumping about ʼ.(CDIAL 3411) rebus: konda'fire-altar, kiln', kundan'fine gold' PLUS kola 'tiger' rebus; kolhe 'smelter' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting'. Thus, iron, gold metal casting mint.
Image result for leaping tigers bharatkalyan97
Third reading: The trefoil composed of three dotted circles or tri-dhātu'three mineral ores' (magnetite, haematite, laterite -- three ferrite ores) yields a semantic determinative of the expression धावड dhāvaḍa'iron smelter'. 

Thus, all three rebus readings are valid ciphertext renderings -- 1. पोतदार, 'metal assayer'; 2. kammata 'mint' and 3. dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter'.

THese three rebus renderings get represented in sculptures across Eurasia as seen in the images presented in the Annex: Images of dotted circles, eyes on artifacts from cultures across Eurasia.

ImageSeated male sculpture from Mohenjo-daro
Material:white, low fired steatite Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width  Mohenjo-daro, National Museum, Karachi

1. When used as a fillet on the forehead and right shoulder of the Mohenjo-daro priest, what does the dotted circle signify? H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.(CDIAL 8403) + Pkt. (DNM; Norman) dāra- waist-band, girdle; (CDIAL 6225) = पोतदार pōtadāra m ( P) An officer to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.पोतृ 'purifier'यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि (RV)
Image result for sangada indus bharatkalyan97

2. When dotted circles embellish the portable furnace -- bottom register -- of standard device, top portion signifying kunda 'lathe' rebus: konda 'fire-altar' kundan 'fine gold': 

A. 1. kāṇam + vṛtta  'wealth + business'  Variant pronunciation:kaṇ-vaṭṭam  rebus: kaṇ-vaṭṭam, kampaṭṭamkammaṭa 'mint'

B. dhāi + vṛtta  ebus:धातु constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf. त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-RV. TS. S3Br. &celement , primitive matter (= महा-भूत L. MBh. Hariv. &c (usually reckoned as 5 , viz.  or आकाश , अनिल , तेजस् , जल , भू ; to which is added ब्रह्म Ya1jn5. iii , 145 ; or विज्ञान Buddh. ); தாயம் tāyam , n. < dāya. A fall of the dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் விருத்தம். முற்பட இடுகின்ற தாயம் (கலித். 136, உரை) Cubical pieces in dice-play; கவறு. (யாழ். அக.) Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண்Colloq.+ वटक mn. a small lump or round mass , ball , globule , pill , round cake made of pulse fried in oil or butter Vas. Sus3r. Rebus expression: धावड   dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी   dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.



 Dotted circles adorn the bottom register of the standard device normally shown in front of spiny-horned young bull ('unicorn')

kaṇ-vaṭṭam கண்வட்டம் Mint; நாணயசாலை. கண்வட்டக்கள்ளன் (ஈடு.).kampaṭṭa-k-kūṭam கம்பட்டக்கூடம் kampaṭṭa-k-kūṭam , n. < id. +. Mint; நாணயசாலை. (W.) Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.;kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236)

kaṇ-vaṭṭam கண்வட்டம் n. < id. +. 1. Range of vision, eye-sweep, full reach of one's observation; கண்பார்வைக்குட்பட்ட இடம். தங்கள் கண்வட்டத்திலே உண்டுடுத்துத்திரிகிற (ஈடு, 3, 5, 2). kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV. Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa˚ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ,  Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260, kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. &rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu; A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān˚nākanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. ˚nikanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān˚nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).*kāṇiya -- ; *kāṇākṣa -- .Addenda: kāṇá -- : S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ. (CDIAL 3019)   *kāṇākṣa ʻ one -- eyed ʼ. [kāṇá -- , ákṣi -- ]Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.*kāṇiya ʻ blindness ʼ. [kāṇá -- ] Pk. kāṇiya -- n. ʻ eye disease ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) kām ʻ blindness ʼ.(CDIAL 3020, 3021) காணன் kāṇaṉ , n. < kāṇa. One-eyed man; ஒற்றைக்கண்ணன். கூனன் காண னிருகண்ணுமில் லான் (சைவச. ஆசாரி. 10). Ta. kāṇam horsegram, Dolichos uniflorus. Ma. kāṇam id. Te. kāṇamu food for horses, fodder; (K. also) khāṇamu food. / Turner, CDIAL, no. 3867, khādana- food; cf. esp. Guj. khāṇ boiled grain for cattle.(Dravidian borrowing from Indo-Aryan DBIA 25)

காணம்¹ kāṇam , n. 2 [M. kāṇam.] An ancient weight; நிறுத்தலளவையுள் ஒன்று. (Insc.) 3. Gold; பொன். (திவா.) 4. An ancient gold coin; பொற்காசு. ஒன்பதுகாப் பொன்னும் நூறாயிரங் காண முங் கொடுத்து (பதிற்றுப். 60, பதி.). 5. Wealth, riches; பொருள். மேற்காண மின்மையால் (நாலடி, 372). 6. Share; பாகம். குசக்காணமும் (S.I.I. ii, 509). Ta. kāṇam an ancient weight; gold, wealth; kāṇi the fraction 1/80; a land measure; landed property, possession, hereditary right; a weight (1/40 of a mañcāṭi). Ma. kāṇam possession, goods, mortgage; the weight of three kar̤añcu; kāṇi a fraction of time or space, (1/80, 1/64, 1/32); 1/20 of an estate. To. ko·ṇy a milk measure (= 1/2 pïṇ or 4 ačok [see 397]). Ka. kāṇi property, possession, hereditary right; 1/64 of any coin; a cawney of land. Tu. kāṇi the fraction 1/64. Te. kāni, kāṇi one sixtyfourth part; a quarter of an anna; a cawny of land. / Cf. Or. kāṇi a measure.(DEDR 1444)

káṇa m. ʻ a grain of corn ʼ AV., ʻ drop (of water) ʼ Kāv., kaṇikā -- f. ʻ a single grain ʼ MBh.
Pa. kaṇa -- m. ʻ dust between husk and grain of rice ʼ, kaṇikā -- f. ʻ particle of broken rice ʼ; Pk. kaṇa -- , ˚aga -- m. ʻ scattered grain, rice, wheat, particle, drop ʼ, kaṇiyā -- f. ʻ fragment of rice or wheat ʼ;  A. kanā ʻ a minute particle ʼ, kani ʻ egg, testicle, *drop ʼ (whence kaniyāiba ʻ to fall in small drops ʼ); B. kan ʻ eye of corn, particle ʼ, kanā ʻ piece of dust, cummin seed ʼ, kanī ʻ atom, particle ʼ; Or. kaṇa˚ṇā ʻ particle of dust, eye of seed, atom ʼ, kaṇi ʻ particle of grain ʼ; OAw. kana ʻ drop (of dew) ʼ;Sh. (Lor.) k*lh ʻ grain of rice with the husk on ʼ; K. kana m. ʻ granule ʼ, pl. ʻ broken bits of grain from husked rice ʼ; S. kaṇo m. ʻ a grain, a seed ʼ; L. kaṇ m. ʻ outturn of crops ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ drop, slight rain ʼ, (Salt Range) kaṇ m. ʻ seedling onion ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ broken rice, drop of rain ʼ, awāṇ. kaṇ ʻ drop ʼ; P. kaṇ m. ʻ outturn of crops, grain borrowed and repayable with interest, particle ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ particle, bran, halfformed butter in milk ʼ, kiṇī f. ʻ drop of rain ʼ (whence kiṇnā ʻ to rain moderately ʼ); WPah. bhal. kaṇi ʻ a bit of meat ʼ; H. kan m., kanī f. ʻ grain, fragment, atom ʼ; G. kaṇkaṇũ n. ʻ single grain of corn ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ small grain ʼ (whence kaṇiyɔ m. ʻ grain -- dealer ʼ); M. kaṇ m. ʻ grain, atom, corn ʼ, kaṇī f. ʻ hard core of grain, pupil of eye, broken bit ʼ, kaṇẽ n. ʻ very small particle ʼ; Ko. kaṇu m. ʻ a grain ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ a drop of water ʼ.(CDIAL 2661)

కమ్మటము, కమటము  kamaṭamu. [Tel.] n. A portable furnace for melting the precious metals. అగసాలెవాని కుంపటి. "చ కమటము కట్లెసంచియొరగల్లును గత్తెర సుత్తె చీర్ణముల్ ధమనియుస్రావణంబు మొలత్రాసును బట్టెడ నీరుకారు సా నము పటుకారు మూస బలునాణె పరీక్షల మచ్చులాదిగా నమరగభద్రకారక సమాహ్వయు డొక్కరుడుండు నప్పురిన్"హంస. ii.

కమ్మటము  Same as కమటము. కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu. [Tel.] A man of the goldsmith caste.

కమ్మతము  Same as కమతము. కమ్మతీడు Same as కమతకాడు.కమతము  or కమ్మతము kamatamu. [Tel. n. Partnership. అనేకులు చేరిచేయుసేద్యము. The cultivation which an owner carries on with his own farming stock. Labour, tillage. కృషి, వ్యవసాయము. కమతకాడు or కమతీడు or కమతగాడు a labourer, or slave employed in tillage.

வட்டம்¹ vaṭṭam , < Pkt. vaṭṭa < vṛtta. n. 1. Circle, circular form, ring-like shape; மண்ட லம். (தொல். சொல். 402, உரை.) 2. Halo round the sun or moon, a karantuṟai-kōḷபரிவேடம். (சிலப். 10, 102, உரை.) (சினேந். 164.) 3. Potter's wheel; குயவன் திரிகை. (பிங்.) 4. Wheel of a cart; வண்டிச்சக்கரம். (யாழ். அக.) 5. The central portion of a leaf-plate for food; உண்கல மாய்த் தைக்கும் இலையின் நடுப்பாகம்Loc. 6. cf. āvṛtti. Turn, course, as of a mantra; தடவை. விநாயகர் நாமத்தை நூற்றெட்டு வட்டஞ் செய்து (விநாயகபு. 74, 214). 7. Revolution, cycle; சுற்று. (W.) 8. Cycle of a planet; ஒரு கிரகம் வான மண்டலத்தை ஒரு முறை சுற்றிவருங் காலம். அவன் சென்று ஒரு வியாழவட்டமாயிற்று. 9. Circuit, surrounding area or region; சுற்றுப்பிரதேசம். கோயில் வட்டமெல்லாம் (சீவக. 949). 10. A revenue unit of a few villages; சில ஊர்களைக் கொண்ட பிரதேசம். 11. See வட்டணை², 3. தார் பொலி புரவிவட்டந் தான்புகக் காட்டுகின்றாற்கு (சீவக. 442). 12. Items or course of a meal; விருந்து முதலியவற்றிற்குச் சமைத்த உபகரணத்திட்டம்Nāñ. 13. A kind of pastry; அப்பவகை. பாகொடு பிடித்த விழைசூழ் வட்டம் (பெரும்பாண். 378). 14. See வட்டப்பாறை, 3. வடவர்தந்த வான்கேழ் வட்டம் (நெடுநல். 51). 15. Circular ornamental fan; ஆலவட்டம். செங்கேழ் வட்டஞ் சுருக்கி (நெடுநல். 58). 16. Bracelet worn on the upper arm; வாகு வலயம். (பிங்.) 17. Scale-pan; தராசுத்தட்டு. வட்டம தொத்தது வாணிபம் வாய்த்ததே (திருமந். 1781). 18. Hand-bell; கைம்மணி. (பிங்.) 19. Shield; கேடகம். ஐயிரு வட்டமொ டெஃகுவலந் திரிப்ப (திரு முரு. 111). (பிங்.) 20. A kind of pearl; முத்து வகை. முத்துவட்டமும் அனுவட்டமும் (S. S. I. I. ii, 22). 21. Seat; chair; பீடம். (யாழ். அக.) 22. Pond, tank; குளம். (பிங்.) 23. Receptacle; கொள்கலம். (யாழ். அக.) 24. Large waterpot; நீர்ச்சால். (பிங்.) 25. A kind of water-squirt; நீரெறிகருவி. பூநீர்பெய் வட்டமெறிய (பரிபா. 21, 42). 26. Curve, bend; வளைவு. வில்லை வட்டப் பட வாங்கி (தேவா. 5, 9). 27. A kind of boomerang; பாராவளை. புகரினர் சூழ் வட்டத்தவை (பரிபா. 15, 61). (பிங்.) 28. Cloth; ஆடை. வாலிழை வட்டமும் (பெருங். உஞ்சைக். 42, 208). (சூடா.) 29. Boundary, limit எல்லை. தொழுவல்வினை யொல்லை வட்டங்கடந் தோடுத லுண்மை (தேவா. 5, 9). 30. Polish, refinement; திருத்தம். வட்டமாய்ப் பேசி னான்Loc. 31. A unit for measuring the quantity of water = 500 average potfuls, as the amount necessary for a paṅku for one week; ஐந்நூறு சால்கொண்ட நீரளவு. 32. Sect, tribe; மக்கட் பிரிவுLoc. 33. The middle ear of an elephant; யானையின் நடுச்செவி. (பிங்.) 34. Lowness; depth, as of a valley; தாழ்வு. (அக. நி.) 35. Sheaves of paddy spread on a threshing-floor for being threshed; களத்திற் சூடடிப்பதற்குப் பரப்பிய நெற்கதிர்Nāñ. 36. See வட்டமரம், 2. (W.) — part. Each, every; தோறும். ஆட்டைவட் டம் காசு ஒன்றுக்கு . . . பலிசை (S. I. I. ii, 122, 27).

vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1] 1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192?

2. Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ passed, gone away, completed, dead ʼ; Ash. weṭ -- intr. ʻ to pass (of time), pass, fall (of an avalanche) ʼ, weṭā -- tr. ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Paš. wiṭīk ʻ passed ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. buto ʻ he was ʼ; P. batāuṇā ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Ku. bītṇo ʻ to be spent, die ʼ, bitauṇo ʻ to pass, spend ʼ; N. bitāunu ʻ to pass (time), kill ʼ, butāunu ʻ to extinguish ʼ; Or. bitibā intr. ʻ to pass (of time), bitāibā tr.; Mth. butāb ʻ to extinguish ʼ; OAw. pret. bītā ʻ passed (of time) ʼ; H. bītnā intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, butnā ʻ to be extinguished ʼ, butānā ʻ to extinguish ʼ; G. vĭ̄tvũ intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, vatāvvũ tr. ʻ to stop ʼ.
3. Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.
vārttā -- ; *ardhavr̥tta -- , *kaṇavr̥tta -- , *dyūtavr̥tta -- , *bhr̥tivr̥tta -- , *hastavr̥tta -- .
Addenda: vr̥ttá -- . 2. WPah.kṭg. bitṇõ ʻ (time) to pass ʼ, kc. bətauṇo caus.

vr̥tti f. ʻ mode of life, conduct ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ business ʼ MBh., ʻ wages ʼ Pañcav. [√vr̥t1]
Pa. vutti -- f. ʻ practice, usage ʼ; Pk. vatti -- , vitti -- , vutti<-> f. ʻ life, livelihood ʼ; Gy. eur. buti f. ʻ work ʼ; K. brath, dat. brüċü f. ʻ trade, profession ʼ; P. buttī f. ʻ compulsory labour, unrewarded service of Brahmans and barbers ʼ; Ku. buti ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ, hāt -- but˚ti ʻ domestic work ʼ; Or. butā ʻ work in hand, business ʼ, buti ʻ servant ʼ; H. buttī f. ʻ means of subsistence ʼ, bīṭbīt f. ʻ grazing fee charged by herdsmen ʼ; Si. väṭi ʻ state, condition ʼ SigGr ii 462.(CDIAL 12069, 12070)
 

Annex.
Images of dotted circles, eyes on artifacts from cultures across Eurasia

Duck, dotted circles on Ivory rod, Mohenjo-daro seal, vartaka, karaṛa 'aquatic bird' Rebus karandi 'fire-god' (Munda.Remo), करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.  vartaka 'bell-metal merchant' dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter'
This is an addendum to: 
Abiding Indus Script hypertext dotted circle is dhāv, dāya 'one in dice' + vaṭṭa 'circle' rebus धावड dhāvaḍa 'red ferrite ore smelter' 

Hieroglyph: Aquatic bird

Ivory rod, ivory plaques with dotted circles. Mohenjo-daro (Musee National De Arts Asiatiques, Guimet, 1988-1989, Les cites oubliees de l’Indus Archeologie du Pakistan.] dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'. dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral'. Thus, the message signified by dotted circles and X hieroglyph refers to dhā̆vaḍ priest of 'iron-smelters'. The aquatic duck shown atop an ivory rod is:  karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) Thus, the metalworker (smelter) works with hard alloys (using carburization process). Three dotted circles: kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus working with minerals and hard alloys for smithy, forge.

Andrae, 1935, 57-76, pls. 12, 30 1. Jakob-Rust, in Vorderaslatisches Museum 1992, 160, no. 103; Andrae, 1935, 16, figs. 2,3.

करंडा [karaṇḍā] A clump, chump, or block of wood. 4 The stock or fixed portion of the staff of the large leaf-covered summerhead or umbrella. करांडा [ karāṇḍā ] m C A cylindrical piece as sawn or chopped off the trunk or a bough of a tree; a clump, chump, or block.

Rebus: fire-god: @B27990.  #16671. Remo <karandi>E155  {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda)

[quote]Description: Although the cult pedestal of the Middle Assyrian king Tukulti-Ninurta mentions in its short inscription that it is dedicated to the god Nuska, the relief on the front that depicts the king in a rare kind of narrative, standing and kneeling in front of the very same pedestal was frequently discussed by art-historians. More strikingly on top of the depicted pedestal there is not the lamp, the usual divine symbol for the god Nuska, but most likely the representation of a tablet and a stylus, symbols for the god Nabû. (Klaus Wagensonner, University of Oxford)[unquote] http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=pedestal_tukulti_ninurta

No, it is not a representation of a tablet and a stylus, but a chump, a block of wood, karaṇḍā read rebus: karandi 'fire-god' (Munda). Thus, the chump is the divine symbol of fire-god.

Kalibangan065 Cylinder seal impression. Note the scarf of the person ligatured to a tiger.

kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace‘; koṭe ‘forged metal’ (Santali)(Phonetic determinant of the twig on the horns of the woman ligatured to the tiger'

https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-N99akXjNMSg/VwpU0Aq0dTI/AAAAAAAA0WU/aPfrTjGBExsvFWm33SPRCWuC7mr5ATUmw/s1600/face8.JPGPart of Kalibangan cylinder seal narrative. Ligatured to a tiger. Scarf, markhor horn, twig, next to tree. Rice-plant. dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral' mũh 'face' Rebus mũhã̄ 'iron furnace output' kōḍu horn rebus: koD 'workshop' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron'.

koḍu 'horn' Rebus: koḍ 'workshop'

kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
tagaraka, tabernae montana 'flower', 'hair fragrance' Rebus: tagara 'tin'
Two fencers: dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS
karaṭi, karuṭi, keruṭi fencing, school or gymnasium where wrestling and fencing are taught (Ta.); garaḍi, garuḍi fencing school (Ka.); garaḍi, garoḍi (Tu.); gariḍi, gariḍī id., fencing (Te.)(DEDR 1262). 
Rebus 1: करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard fromalloy--iron, silver &c. Rebus 2: kharādī = turner (G.) Rebus 3:  kharaḍa, brief memoranda of metalwork Rebus: karaṇḍi 'fire-god' (Remo)Remo <karandi>E155 {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda). 
Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻ wristlets, bangles ʼ (Gujarati) Rebus: khār 'blacksmith' kola 'woman' Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith' kolimi 'smithy, forge'.kole.l 'smithy, forge' kole.l 'temple'.

Below the rim of the Susa storage pot, the contents are described in Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint.


 

 


Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.)
The hieroglyphs and Meluhha rebus readings on this pot from Meluhha are: 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3.  करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)

Susa pot is a ‘Rosetta stone’ for Sarasvati Script

Water (flow)
Fish fish-fin
aquatic bird on wave (indicating aquatic nature of the bird), tied to rope, water
kāṇḍa 'water'   rebus: kāṇḍa 'implements

The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa.[20]
It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it validates the expression used by Panini: ayaskāṇḍa अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1] m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.). The early semantics of this expression is likely to be 'metal implements compared with the Santali expression to signify iron implements: meď 'copper' (Slovāk), mẽṛhẽt,khaṇḍa (Santali)  मृदु mṛdu,’soft iron’ (Samskrtam).
Santali glosses.
Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; 
aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' Thus, together ayo kammaṭa, 'metals mint'
baṭa 'quail' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. (Marathi) PLUS meRh 'tied rope' meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formeḍinto an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end;  mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)
Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baṭa meṛh karaḍā ayas kāṇḍa 'hard alloy iron metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'.

This is a jar closed with a ducted bowl. The treasure called "vase in hiding" was initially grouped in two containers with lids. The second ceramic vessel was covered with a copper lid. It no longer exists leaving only one. Both pottery contained a variety of small objects form a treasure six seals, which range from Proto-Elamite period (3100-2750 BCE) to the oldest, the most recent being dated to 2450 BCE (First Dynasty of Ur).

Therefore it is possible to date these objects, this treasure. Everything included 29 vessels including 11 banded alabaster, mirror, tools and weapons made of copper and bronze, 5 pellets crucibles copper, 4 rings with three gold and a silver, a small figurine of a frog lapis lazuli, gold beads 9, 13 small stones and glazed shard.

"In the third millenium Sumerian texts list copper among the raw materials reaching Uruk from Aratta and all three of the regions Magan, Meluhha and Dilmun are associated with copper, but the latter only as an emporium. Gudea refers obliquely to receiving copper from Dilmun: 'He (Gudea) conferred with the divine Ninzaga (= Enzak of Dilmun), who transported copper like grain deliveries to the temple builder Gudea...' (Cylinder A: XV, 11-18, Englund 1983, 88, n.6). Magan was certainly a land producing the metal, since it is occasionally referred to as the 'mountain of copper'. It may also have been the source of finished bronze objects." 

"Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne,MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been wholly confirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by vague shapes, with legs under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268].

Hieroglyphs: Dotted circles

Indus Script hypertext/hieroglyph: Dotted circle: दाय 1 [p= 474,2] dāya n. game , play Pan5cad.; mfn. ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 139 ; 141) giving , presenting (cf. शत- , गो-); m. handing over , delivery Mn. viii , 165 (Monier-Williams)

தாயம் tāyam :Number one in the game of dice; கவறுருட்ட விழும் ஒன்று என்னும் எண். Colloq. (Tamil)

rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻrelic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)  धाव (p. 250) dhāva m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी (p. 250) dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. (Marathi).

PLUS

Hieroglyph: vaṭṭa 'circle'. 

Thus, together, the hypertext reads rebus dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter'

The dotted circle hypertexts link with 1. iron workers called धावड (p. 250) dhāvaḍa and 2. miners of  Mosonszentjános, Hungary; 3. Gonur Tepe metalworkers, metal traders and 4. the tradition of  अक्ष-- पटल [p= 3,2] n. court of law; depository of legal document Ra1jat. Thus, अक्ष on Indus Script Corpora signify documents, wealth accounting ledgers of metal work with three red ores. Akkha2 [Vedic akṣa, prob. to akṣi & Lat. oculus, "that which has eyes" i. e. a die; cp. also Lat. ālea game at dice (fr.* asclea?)] a die D i.6 (but expld at DA i.86 as ball -- game: guḷakīḷa); S i.149 = A v.171 = Sn 659 (appamatto ayaŋ kali yo akkhesu dhanaparājayo); J i.379 (kūṭ˚ a false player, sharper, cheat) anakkha one who is not a gambler J v.116 (C.: ajūtakara). Cp. also accha3.   -- dassa (cp. Sk. akṣadarśaka) one who looks at (i. e. examines) the dice, an umpire, a judge Vin iii.47; Miln 114, 327, 343 (dhamma -- nagare). -- dhutta one who has the vice of gambling D ii.348; iii.183; M iii.170; Sn 106 (+ itthidhutta & surādhutta). -- vāṭa fence round an arena for wrestling J iv.81. (? read akka -- ).
Distribution of geometrical seals in Greater Indus Valley during the early and *Mature Harappan periods (c. 3000 - 2000 BCE). After Uesugi 2011, Development of the Inter-regional interaction system in the Indus valley and beyond: a hypothetical view towards the formation of the urban society' in: Cultural relagions betwen the Indus and the Iranian plateau during the 3rd millennium BCE, ed. Toshiki Osada & Michael Witzel. Harvard Oriental Series, Opera Minora 7. Pp. 359-380. Cambridge, MA: Dept of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University: fig.7.
Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs: 

Hieroglyph: ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ rebus: dhāu 'ore'; dã̄u ʻtyingʼ, ḍāv m. ʻdice-throwʼ read rebus: dhāu 'ore' in the context of glosses: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -smelters', dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ. Thus, three dotted circles signify: tri-dhāu, tri-dhātu 'three ores' (copper, tin, iron).

A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931) goTa 'laterite ferrite ore'.


 The + glyph of Sibri evidence is comparable to the large-sized 'dot', dotted circles and + glyph shown on this Mohenjo-daro seal m0352 with dotted circles repeated on 5 sides A to F. Mohenjo-daro Seal m0352 shows dotted circles in the four corners of a fire-altar and at the centre of the altar together with four raised 'bun' ingot-type rounded features. Rebus readings of m0352 hieroglyphs:

dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'

1. Round dot like a blob -- . Glyph: raised large-sized dot -- (gōṭī ‘round pebble);goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore)
2. Dotted circle khaṇḍa ‘A piece, bit, fragment, portion’; kandi ‘bead’;
3. A + shaped structure where the glyphs  1 and 2 are infixed.  The + shaped structure is kaṇḍ  ‘a fire-altar’ (which is associated with glyphs 1 and 2)..
Rebus readings are: 1. khoṭ m. ʻalloyʼgoTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); 2. khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; 3. kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’.

Four ‘round spot’; glyphs around the ‘dotted circle’ in the center of the composition: gōṭī  ‘round pebble; Rebus 1: goTa 'laterite (ferrite ore); Rebus 2:L. khoṭf ʻalloy, impurityʼ, °ṭā ʻalloyedʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā  ʻforgedʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻbase, alloyʼ  M.khoṭā  ʻalloyedʼ (CDIAL 3931) Rebus 3: kōṭhī ] f (कोष्ट S) A granary, garner, storehouse, warehouse, treasury, factory, bank. khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ metal is produced from kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar’ yielding khaṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. This word khaṇḍā is denoted by the dotted circles.
Decipherment of dotted circles and duck on ivory counters are wealth-accounting daybooks (ledgers)
See decipherment of dotted circles an duck on the ivory counters which are wealth accounting ledgers. Details at Duck, dotted circles on Ivory rod, Mohenjo-daro seal, vartaka, karaṛa 'aquatic bird' Rebus karandi 'fire-god' (Munda.Remo), करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. vartaka 'bell-metal merchant' dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter'खरडा (kharaḍā m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &38;c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &38;c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. 
https://tinyurl.com/yxfo2otj see image of 'duck' on a seal together with one-horned young bull which has already been deciphered kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold'.
Ivory counters, Mohenjo-daro 

"Bone and ivory counters with circles and lines, carved in ways that do not correspond to dice, may have been used for predicting the future," writes Mark Kenoyer about these objects in Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization (p. 120). The counter on the right has a duck ornament at one end, the counter on the left has a double duck ornament on the end. The larger one may be a stylized figurine with triple circle motifs incised on both faces."https://www.harappa.com/blog/ivory-counters-mohenjo-daro
Bird 1: quail or duck
vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (Gujarati)  vartikā quail (Rigveda) baṭṭai quail (Nepalese) vártikā f. ʻ quail ʼ RV. 2. vārtika -- m. lex. 3. var- takā -- f. lex. (eastern form ac. to Kātyāyana: S. Lévi JA 1912, 498), °ka -- m. Car., vārtāka -- m. lex. [Cf.vartīra -- m. Suśr., °tira -- lex., *vartakara -- ] 1. Ash. uwŕe/ ʻ partridge ʼ NTS ii 246 (connexion denied NTS v 340), Paš.snj. waṭīˊ; K. hāra -- wüṭü f. ʻ species of waterfowl ʼ (hāra -- < śāˊra -- ).2. Kho. barti ʻ quail, partridge ʼ BelvalkarVol 88.3. Pa. vaṭṭakā -- f., °ka -- in cmpds. ʻ quail ʼ, Pk. vaṭṭaya -- m., N. baṭṭāi (< vārtāka -- ?), A. batā -- sarāi, B. batuibaṭuyā; Si. vaṭuvā ʻ snipe, sandpiper ʼ (ext. of *vaṭu < vartakā -- ). -- With unexpl. bh -- : Or. bhāṭoi°ṭui ʻ the grey quail Cotarnix communis ʼ, (dial.) bhāroi°rui (< early MIA. *vāṭāka -- < vārtāka -- : cf. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car.).Addenda: vartikā -- [Dial. a ~ ā < IE. non -- apophonic o (cf. Gk. o)/rtuc and early EMIA. vāṭī -- f. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car. < *vārtī -- ) (CDIAL 11361)

Rebus: paṭṭar-ai community; guild as of workmen (Ta.); pattar merchants (Ta.); perh. vartaka  (Skt.) pātharī ʻprecious stoneʼ (OMarw.) (CDIAL 8857) பத்தர் pattar, n. perh. vartaka. Merchants; வியாபாரிகள். (W.)   battuḍu. n. The caste title of all the five castes of artificers as vaḍla b*, carpenter.  वर्तक mfn. who or what abides or exists , abiding , existing , living; n. a sort of brass or steel; merchant. వర్తకము  vartakamu vartakamu. [Skt.] n. Trade, traffic, commerce. బేరము, వ్యాపారము. A sort of quail, Perdix oilvaccaవెలిచెపిట్ట, మీనవల్లంకిపిట్టవర్తకుడు vartakuḍu. n. A merchant, or trader. బేరముచేయువాడు.

Rebus: *varta2 ʻ circular object ʼ or more prob. ʻ something made of metal ʼ, cf. vartaka -- 2 n. ʻ bell -- metal, brass ʼ lex. and vartalōha -- . [√vr̥t?] Pk. vaṭṭa -- m.n., °aya -- m. ʻ cup ʼ; Ash. waṭāˊk ʻ cup, plate ʼ; K. waṭukh, dat. °ṭakas m. ʻ cup, bowl ʼ; S. vaṭo m. ʻ metal drinking cup ʼ; N. bāṭā, ʻ round copper or brass vessel ʼ; A. bāṭi ʻ cup ʼ; B. bāṭā ʻ box for betel ʼ; Or. baṭā ʻ metal pot for betel ʼ, bāṭi ʻ cup, saucer ʼ; Mth. baṭṭā ʻ large metal cup ʼ, bāṭī ʻ small do. ʼ, H. baṭṛī f.; G. M. vāṭī f. ʻ vessel ʼ.*aṅkavarta -- , *kajjalavarta -- , *kalaśavarta -- , *kṣāṇavartaka -- , *cūrṇavarta -- , parṇavartikā -- , *hiṅgulavarta -- .Addenda: *varta -- 2: Md. vař ʻ circle ʼ (vař -- han̆du ʻ full moon ʼ).(CDIAL 11347)

वर्तक a [p= 925,2] n. a sort of brass or steel वर्तः (Usually at the end of comp.) Living, liveli- hood; as in कल्यवर्त q. v. -Comp. -जन्मन् m. a cloud. -तीक्ष्णम्, -लोहम् bell-metal, a kind of brass.

Bird 2: aquatic bird or crane

Grus Virgo or Numidian or Demoiselle Crane The Demoiselle Crane breeds in C Eurasia, from Black Sea to Mongolia and NE China. It winters in Indian Subcontinent and in Sub-Saharan Africa. http://www.oiseaux-birds.com/card-demoiselle-crane.html

Hieroglyphs on Dongson bronze drum tympanums.

करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Samskrtam)కారండవము (p. 274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ]  rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy' करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. 

khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaTa ‘mint, coiner, coinage’ gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements.  Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements mint 
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa kammaṭa ‘metallic iron alloy implements, mint, coiner, coinage’.koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi)  kāraṇḍava m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ MBh. [Cf. kāraṇḍa- m. ʻ id. ʼ R., karēṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ lex.: see karaṭa -- 1]Pa. kāraṇḍava -- m. ʻ a kind of duck ʼ; Pk. kāraṁḍa -- , °ḍaga -- , °ḍava -- m. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. kānero m. ʻ a partic. kind of water bird ʼ < *kāreno.(CDIAL 3059) करढोंक or की (p. 78) karaḍhōṅka or kī m करडोक m A kind of crane or heron (Marathi) 

Bird 3: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍ 'steel' 


kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore, to smelt iron’;koṭe ‘forged (metal)(Santali) kuṭhi ‘a furnace for smelting iron ore to smelt iron’; kolheko kuṭhieda koles smelt iron (Santali) kuṭhi, kuṭi (Or.; Sad. koṭhi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kuṭire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of ēkuṭi has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kuṭhi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari) kuṭhi = a factory; lil kuṭhi = an indigo factory (koṭhi - Hindi) (Santali.Bodding) kuṭhi = an earthen furnace for smelting iron; make do., smelt iron; kolheko do kuṭhi benaokate baliko dhukana, the Kolhes build an earthen furnace and smelt iron-ore, blowing the bellows; tehen:ko kuṭhi yet kana, they are working (or building) the furnace to-day (H. koṭhī ) (Santali. Bodding)  kuṭṭhita = hot, sweltering; molten (of tamba, cp. uttatta)(Pali.lex.) uttatta (ut + tapta) = heated, of metals: molten, refined; shining, splendid, pure (Pali.lex.) kuṭṭakam, kuṭṭukam  = cauldron (Ma.); kuṭṭuva = big copper pot for heating water (Kod.)(DEDR 1668). gudgā to blaze; gud.va flame (Man.d); gudva, gūdūvwa, guduwa id. (Kuwi)(DEDR 1715). dāntar-kuṭha = fireplace (Sv.); kōti wooden vessel for mixing yeast (Sh.); kōlhā house with mud roof and walls, granary (P.); kuṭhī factory (A.); koṭhā brick-built house (B.); kuṭhī bank, granary (B.); koṭho jar in which indigo is stored, warehouse (G.); koṭhīlare earthen jar, factory (G.); kuṭhī granary, factory (M.)(CDIAL 3546). koṭho = a warehouse; a revenue office, in which dues are paid and collected; koṭhī a store-room; a factory (Gujarat) koḍ = the place where artisans work (Gujarati) 

 पोळ pōḷa, 'Zebu, bos indicus' PLUS పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] 'black drongo' PLUS dula 'two' rebus:pōlāda 'steel', pwlad (Russian) PLUS dul 'metal casting'. PLUS kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'. Thus, a dealer in bronze and steel castings.

kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛI f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) 

Allograph: fire divinity

करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed.

Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'. 
eyeidolstellbrak8
"Tell Brak, located in the Upper Khabur region of northeast Syria on the fertile plains near the Tigris river, is one of northern Mesopotamia’s largest ancient sites and among the world’s earliest cities. It was first photographed from the air by Fr Pierre Poidebard in the 1920s and was first excavated by Sir Max Mallowan in 1937-8. From 2011, archaeological research at Tell Brak was funded by a British Academy Research Development Award (BARDA).In ancient times, Tell Brak was considered an international city. It was home to several civilizations over the centuries, including the Sumerians, Babylonians, Akkadians and the Mittani’s. The city was finally abandoned in c.2000 BC.https://ancientarchives.wordpress.com/2014/04/04/unique-mysterious-figurines-with-enormous-eyes-eye-idols-of-tell-brak/
Eye Idols
igigi-eye_idols2Tell Brak 3
 qd4f8eced5UNCLEAR: Two-headed female idol, Cappadocia, late 3rd mill. BCEAN ANATOLIAN MARBLE TWO-HEADED IDOL CIRCA LATE 3RD MILLENNIUM B.C. The disk-shaped body embellished on one side with ornament, composed of rows of dotted circles divided by undulating ribbon, forming a broad V at the top with radiating sections below, the top of an inverted triangle at the lower end, indicating the pudendum, vertical lines at the base of the long necks, surmounted by two joined triangular heads, each with circular eyes under M-shaped brows merging with a wide nose4¾ in. (12.1 c )
ImageIvory comb. Turkmenistan.
h1522 (from Indus Writing Corpora) 

Note: The first known examples of writing may have been unearthed at an archaeological dig in Harappa, Pakistan. So-called 'plant-like' and 'trident-shaped' markings have been found on fragments of pottery dating back 5500 years. According to Dr Richard Meadow of Harvard University, the director of the Harappa Archaeological Research Project, these primitive inscriptions found on pottery may pre-date all other known writing. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/334517.stm 

A rebus reading of the hieroglyph is: tagarakatabernae montanaRebus: tagara ‘tin’ (Kannada); tamara id. (Skt.) Allograph: ṭagara ‘ram’.  Since tagaraka is used as an aromatic unguent for the hair, fragrance, the glyph gets depicted on a stone flask, an ivory comb and axe of Tell Abraq.

A soft-stone flask, 6 cm. tall, from Bactria (northern Afghanistan) showing a winged female deity (?) flanked by two flowers similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq.(After Pottier, M.H., 1984, Materiel funeraire e la Bactriane meridionale de l'Age du Bronze, Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations: plate 20.150). Ivory comb with Mountain Tulip motif and dotted circles. TA 1649 Tell Abraq.(D.T. Potts, South and Central Asian elements at Tell Abraq (Emirate of Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emirates), c. 2200 BC—AD 400, in Asko Parpola and Petteri Koskikallio, South Asian Archaeology 1993: , pp. 615-666). 

Tell Abraq axe with epigraph (‘tulip’ glyph + a person raising his arm above his shoulder and wielding a tool + dotted circles on body) [After Fig. 7 Holly Pittman, 1984, Art of the Bronze Age: Southeastern Iran, Western Central Asia, and the Indus Valley, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 29-30]. 
tabar = a broad axe (Punjabi). Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ tagara ‘tabernae montana’, ‘tulip’. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’. Glyph: eṛaka ‘upraised arm’ (Tamil); rebuseraka = copper (Kannada) 
So, the race is on to find the world's oldest writing. My suggestion is that Harappan find represens the world's oldest writing system. There is evidence of the system in Indus Writing Corpora of nearly 7000 inscriptions, presented in Indian Writing in Ancient Near East (Kalyanaraman, 2012).
The presence of dotted circles on ivory combs -- (together other hieroglyphs signifying tagara 'tin', tam(b)ra 'copper') -- is explained as metallurgical processing of mineral ores: dantaka (a) ʻ *having teeth ʼ. (b) in cmpd. ʻ tooth ʼ TS. (c) m. ʻ projection on a rock ʼ lex. [dánta -- ](a) K. dondu ʻ tusked ʼ; Or. dāntā ʻ having teeth ʼ; G. dã̄tɔ m. ʻ a kind of rake or harrow ʼ. -- (b) Pa. dantaka<-> m. ʻ ivory pin ʼ; S. ḍ̠ando m. ʻ tooth of an instrument ʼ; L. ḍandā m. ʻ tooth (of rake &c.) ʼ, dandī f. ʻ milk -- tooth ʼ; Or. dāntī ʻ toothlike projection ʼ; H. dã̄tā m. ʻ large tooth, tooth (of comb &c.) ʼ, dã̄tī f. ʻ tooth, cog ʼ; G. dã̄tɔ ʻ cog ʼ, dã̄tī f. ʻ wedge between the teeth of a comb ʼ; M. dã̄tā ʻ tooth (of rake &c.), cog ʼ; Si. dätta, st. däti<-> ʻ tooth (of a saw) ʼ. -- (c) L. dandī f. ʻ cliff ʼ; N. dã̄ti ʻ edge of a hole used in a game ʼ; A. dã̄ti ʻ edge ʼ; -- ext. -- r -- : L.awāṇ. dandrī ʻ edge ʼ, A. dã̄tri ʻ edge of platform ʼ. <-> S. ḍ̠andi f. ʻ selvage of a web ʼ, L. dand f. ʻ precipice ʼ < *dantī -- ?(CDIAL 6153) Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhāPa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)
Image
ImageIvory. BMAC
L
ImageImageHarappa Seals.
ImageSeal. Baror, Rajasthan.
ImageKultepe, Anatolia
themagicfarawayttree: “Early Bronze Age Stone Double-Headed Disc-Shaped Figurine and Child - PF.0310 Origin: Central/Western Anatolia Circa: 3000 BC to 2500 BC Dimensions: 6” (15.2cm) high x 5” (12.7cm) wide Catalogue: V1 Collection: Biblical Medium:...Hettite, İdol,,Kültepe type, Private Collection (Erdinç Bakla archive)Two Headed Anatolian Idol Miniature Statue,   

Six bronze stamps (a-b) circular with pin-wheel design recalling a svastika (c) square with heart-shaped pattern; broken lug on the back (d-f) broken with radiating spokes; one with broken lug.
This is comparable to the Ujjaini symbol on ancient coins.

Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, multi-symbol type
Weight: 4.22 gm., Diameter: 18 mm.
Centrally placed Ujjain symbol; svastika and Indradhvaja on right and
    railed tree on left; fish-tank above the Ujjain symbol and parts of
    chakra on top right; river at the bottom.
Double-orbed Ujjain symbol
Reference: Pieper 379 (plate specimen)
http://coinindia.com/galleries-ujjain4.html
Eran, anonymous 1/2 AE karshapana,  five punch ‘symbol type’
Weight:  5.35 gm., Dimensions: 20×19 mm.
‘Ujjain symbol’, Indradhvaja, railed tree, river.
Blank reverse
Reference:  Pieper 482 (plate coin) http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran1.html
kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'

kuṭhi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace‘; koṭe ‘forged metal’ (Santali)(Phonetic determinant of the twig on the horns of the woman ligatured to the tiger'


gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'implements''fire-altar'


Four Dotted circles: Dotted circle hieroglyph is a cross-section of a strand of rope: S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻsubstance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour)ʼ; dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ(Marathi) धवड (p. 436) [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron (Marathi).  Hence, the depiction of a single dotted circle, two dotted circles and three dotted circles (called trefoil) on the robe of the Purifier priest of Mohenjo-daro.

Six bronze stamps (a-b) circular with pin-wheel design recalling a svastika (c) square with heart-shaped pattern; broken lug on the back (d-f) broken with radiating spokes; one with broken lug.
This compares with svastika hieroglyph of Harappa (Indus) Script. Hieroglyph: sattva 'svastika' glyph Rebus: sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada)  jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. 
Six bronze stamps (a-b) circular with pin-wheel design recalling a svastika (c) square with heart-shaped pattern; broken lug on the back (d-f) broken with radiating spokes; one with broken lug.
The casting has five wide spokes with projecting rims, radiating from a circular hub also encircled by a flange. The five spokes signify five alloy metals, pancaloha.
These castings explain the significance of the symbol used on early punch-marked coins, referred to as Takshasila symbol.

Long concave silver bar, 48mm long, 9mm wide, struck with a 6-armed Gandharan symbol on each end. 11.4 grams. Rajgor 542.

Image result for punch marked coin takshasila
Source: http://www.ancientcoins.ca/gandhara/gandhara.htm

These orthographic variants from cire perdue castings and early coins, signify are two hieroglyph components: spokes and twist (of strands of rope).


 


āra 'spokes'. Rebus: āra 'brass' as in ārakūṭa (Skt.) eraka 'knave of wheel' Rebus: Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt (DEDR 866) 


In Rigveda, the derived morpheme धातु [ dhātu ], derived from root dhā- is explained as 'strand of rope' or 'element': dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf.tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā](CDIAL 6773)This hieroglyph becomes a framework for rebus-metonymy rendering of iron-worker or iron-smelter's work with  धाव [ dhāva ] m f A certain soft, red stone > धातु 'minerals or ferrite ores' which were identified in three categories: magnetite, hematite, ilmenite. hence, workers with धाव [ dhāva ], धातु were called धावड [ dhāvaḍa ] 'smelters of iron';धावडी [ dhāvaḍī ] 'relating to iron'. 

In Rigveda, the root is explained as:  धातु  [p=513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3.constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf. त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS.S3Br. &c

धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral , are (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]).

In compounds: त्रि--धातु [p= 458,3] mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6 m. (scil. पुरोड्/आश) N. of an oblation TS. ii , 3 , 6. 1 ( -त्व्/अ n. abstr.)m. गणे*श L.n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals or of the 3 humours W.

धा [ dhā ] ind (S) Time, turn, occasion. In comp. with the numerals; as एकधा, द्विधा, त्रिधा, चतुर्धा.

धावाकरी [ dhāvākarī ] m One constantly invoking a god (calling धावाधावा! run! run!)

धावडी [ dhāvaḍī ] a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. धावड [ dhāvaḍa ] m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धाव [ dhāva ] m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. धाऊ [ dhāū ] m f A certain soft and red stone. See धाव. धातु [ dhātu ] A metal or mineral; A primary or elementary substance; viz. earth, water, fire, air, आकाश. 7 A property of a primary element,--odor, flavor, color, touch, and sound. The root of a verb.धातुमय [ dhātumaya ] a (S) Composed or consisting of metal, metallic. धातुमाक्षिक [ dhātumākṣika ] n S A mineral substance, a sulphuret of iron.धातुवाद [ dhātuvāda ] m S Mineralogy or chemistry.धातुवादी [ dhātuvādī ] m S A mineralogist or a chemist; a man conversant about metals and minerals.धातुस्पर्श [ dhātusparśa ] m (S) Touch or contact of metal. A term, together with the power of neg. con., for Absolute poverty; absolute lack of metal (i. e. gold, silver, or copper). Ex. ह्याच्या घरांत धा0 नाहीं. 2 A term, with neg. con., for Utter absence of (gold or silver) trinkets. Ex. त्या बायकोच्या अंगास धा0 म्हटला तर नाहींच.

धवड [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron.

Dotted circles and three lines on the obverse of many Failaka/Dilmun seals are read rebus as hieroglyphs:

A (गोटा) gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form. (Marathi) Rebus: khoṭā ʻalloyedʼ (metal) (Marathi) खोट [khōṭa] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge (Marathi). P. khoṭ  m. ʻalloyʼ  (CDIAL 3931)

kolom ‘three’ (Mu.) Rebus: kolami ‘furnace, smithy’ (Telugu) 

Thus, the seals are intended to serve as metalware catalogs from the smithy/forge. Details of the alloyed metalware are provided by the hieroglyphs of Indus writing on the reverse of the seal.

Itihāsa. Upper-limit of the date of Rāmāyaṇa evens is 6th m. BCE says Smt. Jayashree Saranathan

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I deem it a privilege to convey to mambers a link to a youtube video wherein Smt.Jayashree Saranathan presents her Upper-limit date for the events of the Rāmāyaṇahttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JNIoZTd9Fy4&feature=youtu.be  

Oct. 6, 2019

Prof. Oak says Ramayana happened in 14th millennium BCE, Hema and D K Hari say 5110 BCE was when Rama was born. Which is correct and why? Are there other ways to arrive at the date? In this must-see discussion, Dr. Jayasree Saranathan examines scriptures and stone carvings to arrive at the date.

I will provide the link to her Kindle ebook as soon as I get it, may be, tomorrow.

Good time to start vidyābhyāsam. 

A point about the relative chronologies of R̥gveda, Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābhārata and Sarasvati Civilization; can Mahābhārata events be really dated to 2nd m.BCE,if Rāmāyaṇa is dated to the 6th m. BCE? 

Hope we will not remit the dating exercise to the Hon'ble Supreme Court, as the temple for Śri Rāma becomes a reality in our life-time.

Listen into the lucid video. Kudos to Smt. Jayashree Saranathan.

Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre

Smelter & tin blacksmithy,forge, cast equipment on Indus Script inscriptions

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https://tinyurl.com/y6zw285u

-- dhayavaḍa 'flag' rebus meḍ dhā̆vaḍ'iron smelter' Inscription on seal with antelope --kamar ranku dul khaṇḍa kole.l 'tin blacksmithy/forge, cast equipment'
Sign 1 and Sign 402 'flag' hieroglyph.dhvajapaṭa m. ʻ flag ʼ Kāv. [dhvajá -- , paṭa -- ]Pk. dhayavaḍa -- m. ʻ flag ʼ, OG. dhayavaḍa m.(CDIAL 6899) Rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' PLUS meḍ ‘body' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.).Thus, iron smelter.
Sign 4 signifies an iron smelter.
Sign 402 Ciphertext koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947) PLUS dhvajapaṭa m. ʻ flag ʼ Kāv. [dhvajá -- , paṭa -- ]Pk. dhayavaḍa -- m. ʻ flag ʼ, OG. dhayavaḍa m. Rebus: Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic (CDIAL 6773)  Thus, dhā̆vaḍ  koḍ ‘iron smelter workshop’.



Sign 184 variants

Sign 183

No photo description available.No photo description available.Text message: ranku 'antelope field symbol' PLUS Sign 184 PLUS  Sign 254

Orthography of two notches PLUS three horizontal lines: Sign 254        Two notches PLUS three horizontal lines: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) rebus: khaṇḍa 'equipment' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus dul khaṇḍa kolimi 'cast equipment smithy, forge'

The tail with three short horizontal strokes: xoli 'tail' rebus: kol 'working in iron', kolhe 'smelter', kole.l 'smithy, forge'  PLUS ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin'. Thus, the antelope with short tail signifies iron, tin smithy/forge.

The antelope looks backward: krammara'look back' rebus; kamar'blacksmith'

Thus, the text message + field symbol is read rebus as: dul khaṇḍa (kole.l) kolimi 'cast equipment smithy, forge' PLUS ranku kole.l'tin smithy/forge'


Hieroglyph: raṅku m. ʻ a species of deer ʼ Vās., ˚uka -- m. Śrīkaṇṭh.Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raṅká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .(CDIAL 10550)

Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1]
Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562)

Itihāsa. Ancient DNA study pokes holes in horse domestication theory -- Erin Blakemore

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SCIENTISTS BELIEVE THAT the domestication of the horse some 5,000 years ago was a major turning point in human history: People were suddenly able to travel long distances, spreading their languages and culture along the way. According to what's known as the "Steppe Hypothesis," a group of horse-riding pastoralists living on the steppe around the Black and Caspian Seas migrated west into Europe and east into Central and South Asia around 3,000 B.C., bringing knowledge of horse breeding and the forerunner of Indo-European languages with them. A new genetic study, however, is now throwing cold water on parts of this long-held theory.
These horse-riding pastoralists from the western steppe, known as the Yamnaya, may not have been responsible for bringing horse breeding and Indo-European languages into Asia, according to a study by an international, interdisciplinary team published today in the journal Science.
Their analysis revolves around the Botai people, who lived on grasslands in what is now Kazakhstan between about 3,500 and 3,000 B.C. When archaeologists explored the remains of Botai villages, they uncovered a horse-crazy culture. The archaeological evidence, which includes hundreds of thousands of horse bone fragments and pottery that seems to have contained horse milk, suggests that the Botai were the earliest group to tame and breed horses.
But how did they learn horse husbandry—and how did it spread?
TINY BUT MIGHTY: THIS ANCIENT GREEK HORSE STILL EXISTS TODAY
Some legends connect the small but mighty Skyrian horse with those that Achilles took to Troy, while other theories link the breed to the small horses that appear on the frieze of the Parthenon temple in Athens.

One camp has long held that the Botai figured out horse breeding themselves; another suggests that they learned it from a group of horse herders, perhaps the Yamnaya, who encountered the Botai while traveling across the steppe from west to east.
To find out, researchers pitted the competing theories against one another, combining archaeological evidence with an analysis of the genomes of 74 ancient humans. They analyzed DNA from across the ancient Eurasian steppe and studied samples that ranged from medieval times all the way back to the Mesolithic era.
It turns out that the Botai and the Yamnaya didn't share many genetic similarities at all. The Botai were most closely related to a group of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers, not people of the western steppes like the Yamnaya. Instead of getting the scoop on horse breeding from western herders, the Botai may have learned to domesticate horses on their own through hunts before transitioning to pastoral life in their horse-centered farming villages.
Further complicating the situation, a study of ancient horse DNA published earlier this year revealed that the Botai’s horses aren’t related to modern-day horses at all, blowing a hole in the decades-old idea that the Botai’s domesticated horses were the forerunners of modern-day horses.

The Przewalski's Horse is considered the closest genetic relative to the horse population of the ancient Botai.

The findings open up big questions about whose horses ended up evolving into modern-day steeds. “It’s new territory,” says Sandra Olsen, senior curator of archaeology at the University of Kansas’ Biodiversity Institute. (Olsen was not involved with the research.) "What's interesting to me is the isolation of the Botai people and their horses," says Olsen, whose research focuses on the human-horse relationship through time. "That's a little bit difficult for me to explain—something I have to work out.”
Since the archaeological record suggests a swift transition to horse domestication, she says, the lack of evidence that the Botai mixed with other cultures is even more mysterious. "We're still missing that element," she says. "Where did that transformation occur, and when?”
The ancient DNA study also challenges the idea that as the Yamnaya moved east around 5,000 years ago, they brought Indo-European languages with them deep into Asia. That argument is based on the presence of Western Eurasian ancestry in South Asian populations. However, the new genetic analysis reveals that the West Eurasian ancestry comes from a later migration of people into South Asia some 4,000 to 3,000 years ago.
“It’s new territory,” says Olsen of the findings. “A lot of what we’ve published [on horse breeding and Eurasian population shifts] is probably going to be thrown out.”
For Damgaard, the research enables a more nuanced view of the Eurasian steppes—and how horses helped humanity travel and blend. “There was never a point in time when you had a fully defined, finished version of a population or a language,” he says. “That doesn’t exist. Casting light on human history is a way to debunk those myths.”
Erin Blakemore is a freelance science writer and author of 'The Heroine's Bookshelf." Follow Erin on Twitter.

The first horse herders and the impact of early Bronze Age steppe expansions into Asia

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Science  29 Jun 2018:
Vol. 360, Issue 6396, eaar7711
DOI: 10.1126/science.aar7711

Ancient steppes for human equestrians

The Eurasian steppes reach from the Ukraine in Europe to Mongolia and China. Over the past 5000 years, these flat grasslands were thought to be the route for the ebb and flow of migrant humans, their horses, and their languages. de Barros Damgaard et al. probed whole-genome sequences from the remains of 74 individuals found across this region. Although there is evidence for migration into Europe from the steppes, the details of human movements are complex and involve independent acquisitions of horse cultures. Furthermore, it appears that the Indo-European Hittite language derived from Anatolia, not the steppes. The steppe people seem not to have penetrated South Asia. Genetic evidence indicates an independent history involving western Eurasian admixture into ancient South Asian peoples.
Science, this issue p. eaar7711

Structured Abstract

INTRODUCTION

According to the commonly accepted “steppe hypothesis,” the initial spread of Indo-European (IE) languages into both Europe and Asia took place with migrations of Early Bronze Age Yamnaya pastoralists from the Pontic-Caspian steppe. This is believed to have been enabled by horse domestication, which revolutionized transport and warfare. Although in Europe there is much support for the steppe hypothesis, the impact of Early Bronze Age Western steppe pastoralists in Asia, including Anatolia and South Asia, remains less well understood, with limited archaeological evidence for their presence. Furthermore, the earliest secure evidence of horse husbandry comes from the Botai culture of Central Asia, whereas direct evidence for Yamnaya equestrianism remains elusive.

RATIONALE

We investigated the genetic impact of Early Bronze Age migrations into Asia and interpret our findings in relation to the steppe hypothesis and early spread of IE languages. We generated whole-genome shotgun sequence data (~1 to 25 X average coverage) for 74 ancient individuals from Inner Asia and Anatolia, as well as 41 high-coverage present-day genomes from 17 Central Asian ethnicities.

RESULTS

We show that the population at Botai associated with the earliest evidence for horse husbandry derived from an ancient hunter-gatherer ancestry previously seen in the Upper Paleolithic Mal’ta (MA1) and was deeply diverged from the Western steppe pastoralists. They form part of a previously undescribed west-to-east cline of Holocene prehistoric steppe genetic ancestry in which Botai, Central Asians, and Baikal groups can be modeled with different amounts of Eastern hunter-gatherer (EHG) and Ancient East Asian genetic ancestry represented by Baikal_EN.
In Anatolia, Bronze Age samples, including from Hittite speaking settlements associated with the first written evidence of IE languages, show genetic continuity with preceding Anatolian Copper Age (CA) samples and have substantial Caucasian hunter-gatherer (CHG)–related ancestry but no evidence of direct steppe admixture.
In South Asia, we identified at least two distinct waves of admixture from the west, the first occurring from a source related to the Copper Age Namazga farming culture from the southern edge of the steppe, who exhibit both the Iranian and the EHG components found in many contemporary Pakistani and Indian groups from across the subcontinent. The second came from Late Bronze Age steppe sources, with a genetic impact that is more localized in the north and west.

CONCLUSION

Our findings reveal that the early spread of Yamnaya Bronze Age pastoralists had limited genetic impact in Anatolia as well as Central and South Asia. As such, the Asian story of Early Bronze Age expansions differs from that of Europe. Intriguingly, we find that direct descendants of Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers of Central Asia, now extinct as a separate lineage, survived well into the Bronze Age. These groups likely engaged in early horse domestication as a prey-route transition from hunting to herding, as otherwise seen for reindeer. Our findings further suggest that West Eurasian ancestry entered South Asia before and after, rather than during, the initial expansion of western steppe pastoralists, with the later event consistent with a Late Bronze Age entry of IE languages into South Asia. Finally, the lack of steppe ancestry in samples from Anatolia indicates that the spread of the earliest branch of IE languages into that region was not associated with a major population migration from the steppe.

Model-based admixture proportions for selected ancient and present-day individuals, assuming K = 6, shown with their corresponding geographical locations.
Ancient groups are represented by larger admixture plots, with those sequenced in the present work surrounded by black borders and others used for providing context with blue borders. Present-day South Asian groups are represented by smaller admixture plots with dark red borders.

Abstract

The Yamnaya expansions from the western steppe into Europe and Asia during the Early Bronze Age (~3000 BCE) are believed to have brought with them Indo-European languages and possibly horse husbandry. We analyzed 74 ancient whole-genome sequences from across Inner Asia and Anatolia and show that the Botai people associated with the earliest horse husbandry derived from a hunter-gatherer population deeply diverged from the Yamnaya. Our results also suggest distinct migrations bringing West Eurasian ancestry into South Asia before and after, but not at the time of, Yamnaya culture. We find no evidence of steppe ancestry in Bronze Age Anatolia from when Indo-European languages are attested there. Thus, in contrast to Europe, Early Bronze Age Yamnaya-related migrations had limited direct genetic impact in Asia.
The vast grasslands making up the Eurasian steppe zones, from Ukraine through Kazakhstan to Mongolia, have served as a crossroad for human population movements during the last 5000 years (13), but the dynamics of its human occupation—especially of the earliest period—remain poorly understood. The domestication of the horse at the transition from the Copper Age to the Bronze Age, ~3000 BCE, enhanced human mobility (45) and may have triggered waves of migration. According to the “steppe hypothesis,” this expansion of groups in the western steppe related to the Yamnaya and Afanasievo cultures was associated with the spread of Indo-European (IE) languages into Europe and Asia (1246). The peoples who formed the Yamnaya and Afanasievo cultures belonged to the same genetically homogeneous population, with direct ancestry attributed to both Copper Age (CA) western steppe pastoralists, descending primarily from the European Eastern hunter-gatherers (EHG) of the Mesolithic and to Caucasian groups (12) related to Caucasus hunter-gatherers (CHG) (7).
Within Europe, the steppe hypothesis is supported by the reconstruction of Proto-IE (PIE) vocabulary (8), as well as by archaeological and genomic evidence of human mobility and Early Bronze Age (3000 to 2500 BCE) cultural dynamics (9). For Asia, however, several conflicting interpretations have long been debated. These concern the origins and genetic composition of the local Asian populations encountered by the Yamnaya- and Afanasievo-related populations, including the groups associated with Botai, a site that offers the earliest evidence for horse husbandry (10). In contrast, the more western sites that have been supposed by some to reflect the use of horses in the Copper Age (4) lack direct evidence of domesticated horses. Even the later use of horses among Yamnaya pastoralists has been questioned by some (11) despite the key role of horses in the steppe hypothesis. Furthermore, genetic, archaeological, and linguistic hypotheses diverge on the timing and processes by which steppe genetic ancestry and the IE languages spread into South Asia (4612). Similarly, in present-day Turkey, the emergence of the Anatolian IE language branch, including the Hittite language, remains enigmatic, with conflicting hypotheses about population migrations leading to its emergence in Anatolia (413).

Ancient genomes inform upon human movements within Asia

We analyzed whole-genome sequence data of 74 ancient humans (1415) (tables S1 to S3) ranging from the Mesolithic (~9000 BCE) to Medieval times, spanning ~5000 km across Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and Western Asia (Anatolia) (Fig. 1). Our genome data includes 3 Copper Age individuals (~3500 to 3300 BCE) from Botai in northern Kazakhstan (Botai_CA; 13.6X, 3.7X, and 3X coverage, respectively); 1 Early Bronze Age (~2900 BCE) Yamnaya sample from Karagash, Kazakhstan (16) (YamnayaKaragash_EBA; 25.2X); 1 Mesolithic (~9000 BCE) EHG from Sidelkino, Russia (SidelkinoEHG_ML; 2.9X); 2 Early/Middle Bronze Age (~2200 BCE) central steppe individuals (~4200 BP) (CentralSteppe_EMBA; 4.5X and 9.1X average coverage, respectively) from burials at Sholpan and Gregorievka that display cultural similarities to Yamnaya and Afanasievo (12); 19 individuals of the Bronze Age (~2500 to 2000 BCE) Okunevo culture of the Minusinsk Basin in the Altai region (Okunevo_EMBA; ~1X average coverage; 0.1 to 4.6X); 31 Baikal hunter-gatherer genomes (~1X average coverage; 0.2 to 4.5X) from the cis-Baikal region bordering on Mongolia and ranging in time from the Early Neolithic (~5200 to 4200 BCE; Baikal_EN) to the Early Bronze Age (~2200 to 1800 BCE; Baikal_EBA); 4 Copper Age individuals (~3300 to 3200 BCE; Namazga_CA; ~1X average coverage; 0.1 to 2.2X) from Kara-Depe and Geoksur in the Kopet Dag piedmont strip of Turkmenistan, affiliated with the period III cultural layers at Namazga-Depe (fig. S1), plus 1 Iron Age individual (Turkmenistan_IA; 2.5X) from Takhirbai in the same area dated to ~800 BCE; and 12 individuals from Central Turkey (figs. S2 to S4), spanning from the Early Bronze Age (~2200 BCE; Anatolia_EBA) to the Iron Age (~600 BCE; Anatolia_IA), and including 5 individuals from presumed Hittite-speaking settlements (~1600 BCE; Anatolia_MLBA), and 2 individuals dated to the Ottoman Empire (1500 CE; Anatolia_Ottoman; 0.3 to 0.9X). All the population labels including those referring to previously published ancient samples are listed in table S4 for contextualization. Additionally, we sequenced 41 high-coverage (30X) present-day Central Asian genomes, representing 17 self-declared ethnicities (fig. S5), and collected and genotyped 140 individuals from five IE-speaking populations in northern Pakistan.

Fig. 1 Geographic location and dates of ancient samples.
(A) Location of the 74 samples from the steppe, Lake Baikal region, Turkmenistan, and Anatolia analyzed in the present study. MA1, KK1, and Xiongnu_IA were previously published. Geographical background colors indicate the western steppe (pink), central steppe (orange) and eastern steppe (gray). (B) Timeline in years before present (BP) for each sample. ML, Mesolithic; EHG, Eastern hunter-gatherer; EN, Early Neolithic; LN, Late Neolithic; CA, Copper Age; EBA, Early Bronze Age; EMBA, Early/Middle Bronze Age; MLBA, Middle/Late Bronze Age; IA, Iron Age.

Tests indicated that the contamination proportion of the data was negligible (14) (see table S1), and we removed related individuals from frequency-based statistics (fig. S6 and table S5). Our high-coverage Yamnaya genome from Karagash is consistent with previously published Yamnaya and Afanasievo genomes, and our Sidelkino genome is consistent with previously published EHG genomes, on the basis that there is no statistically significant deviation from 0 of D statistics of the form D(Test, Mbuti; SidelkinoEHG_ML, EHG) (fig. S7) or of the form D(Test, Mbuti; YamnayaKaragash_EBA, Yamnaya) (fig. S8; additional D statistics shown in figs. S9 to S12).

Genetic origins of local Inner Asian populations

In the Early Bronze Age, ~3000 BCE, the Afanasievo culture was formed in the Altai region by people related to the Yamnaya, who migrated 3000 km across the central steppe from the western steppe (1) and are often identified as the ancestors of the IE-speaking Tocharians of first-millennium northwestern China (46). At this time, the region they passed through was populated by horse hunter-herders (41017), while further east the Baikal region hosted groups that had remained hunter-gatherers since the Paleolithic (1822). Subsequently, the Okunevo culture replaced the Afanasievo culture. The genetic origins and relationships of these peoples have been largely unknown (2324).
To address these issues, we characterized the genomic ancestry of the local Inner Asian populations around the time of the Yamnaya and Afanasievo expansion. Comparing our ancient samples to a range of present-day and ancient samples with principal components analysis (PCA), we find that the Botai_CA, CentralSteppe_EMBA, Okunevo_EMBA, and Baikal populations (Baikal_EN and Baikal_EBA) are distributed along a previously undescribed genetic cline. This cline extends from the EHG of the western steppe to the Bronze Age (~2000 to 1800 BCE) and Neolithic (~5200 to 4200 BCE) hunter-gatherers of Lake Baikal in Central Asia, which are located on the PCA plot close to modern East Asians and two Early Neolithic (~5700 BCE) Devil’s Gate samples (25) (Fig. 2 and fig. S13). In accordance with their position along the west-to-east gradient in the PCA, increased East Asian ancestry is evident in ADMIXTURE model-based clustering (Fig. 3 and figs. S14 and S15) and by D statistics for Sholpan and Gregorievka (CentralSteppe_EMBA) and Okunevo_EMBA, relative to Botai_CA and the Baikal_EN sample: D(Baikal_EN, Mbuti; Botai_CA, Okunevo_EMBA) = –0.025 Z = –12; D(Baikal_EN, Mbuti; Botai_CA, Sholpan) = –0.028 Z = –8.34; D(Baikal_EN, Mbuti; Botai_CA, Gregorievka) = –0.026 Z = –7.1. The position of this cline suggests that the central steppe Bronze Age populations all form a continuation of the Ancient North Eurasian (ANE) population, previously known from the 24,000-year-old Mal’ta (MA1), the 17,000-year-old AG-2 (26), and the ~14,700-year-old AG-3 (27) individuals from Siberia.

Fig. 2 Principal component analyses using ancient and present-day genetic data.
(A) PCA of ancient and modern Eurasian populations. The ancient steppe ancestry cline from EHG to Baikal_EN is visible at the top outside present-day variation, whereas the YamnayaKaragash_EBA sample has additional CHG ancestry and locates to the left with other Yamnaya and Afanasievo samples. Additionally, a shift in ancestry is observed between the Baikal_EN and Baikal_LNBA, consistent with an increase in ANE-related ancestry in Baikal_LNBA. (B) PCA estimated with a subset of Eurasian ancient individuals from the steppe, Iran, and Anatolia as well as present-day South Asian populations. PC1 and PC2 broadly reflect west-east and north-south geography, respectively. Multiple clines of different ancestry are seen in the South Asians, with a prominent cline even within Dravidians in the direction of the Namazga_CA group, which is positioned above Iranian Neolithic in the direction of EHG. In the later Turkmenistan_IA sample, this shift is more pronounced and toward Steppe EBA and MLBA. The Anatolia_CA, EBA, and MLBA samples are all between Anatolia Neolithic and CHG, not in the direction of steppe samples.
Fig. 3 Model-based clustering analysis of present-day and ancient individuals assuming K = 6 ancestral components.
The main ancestry components at K = 6 correlate well with CHG (turquoise), a major component of Iran_N, Namazga_CA and South Asian clines; EHG (pale blue), a component of the steppe cline and present in South Asia; East Asia (yellow ochre), the other component of the steppe cline also in Tibeto-Burman South Asian populations; South Indian (pink), a core component of South Asian populations; Anatolian_N (purple), an important component of Anatolian Bronze Age and Steppe_MLBA; Onge (dark pink) forms its own component.

To investigate ancestral relationships between these populations, we used coalescent modeling with the momi (Moran Models for Inference) program (28) (Fig. 4, figs. S16 to S22, and tables S6 to S11). This exploits the full joint-site frequency spectrum and can separate genetic drift into divergence-time and population-size components, in comparison to PCA, admixture, and qpAdm approaches, which are based on pairwise covariances. We find that Botai_CA, CentralSteppe_EMBA, Okunevo_EMBA, and Baikal populations are deeply separated from other ancient and present-day populations and are best modeled as mixtures in different proportions of ANE ancestry and an Ancient East Asian (AEA) ancestry component represented by Baikal_EN, with mixing times dated to ~5000 BCE. Although some modern Siberian samples lie under the Baikal samples in Fig. 2A, these are separated out in a more limited PCA, involving just those populations and the ancient samples (fig. S23). Our momi model infers that the ANE lineage separated ~15,000 years ago in the Upper Paleolithic from the EHG lineage to the west, with no independent drift assigned to MA1. This suggests that MA1 may represent their common ancestor. Similarly, the AEA lineage to the east also separated ~15,000 years ago, with the component that leads to Baikal_EN and the AEA component of the steppe separating from the lineage leading to present-day East Asian populations represented by Han Chinese (figs. S19 to S21). The ANE and AEA lineages themselves are estimated as having separated approximately 40,000 years ago, relatively soon after the peopling of Eurasia by modern humans.

Fig. 4 Demographic model of 10 populations inferred by maximizing the likelihood of the site frequency spectrum (implemented in momi).
We used 300 parametric bootstrap simulations (shown in gray transparency) to estimate uncertainty. Bootstrap estimates for the bias and standard deviation of admixture proportions are listed beneath their point estimates. The uncertainty may be underestimated here, due to simplifications or additional uncertainty in the model specification.

Because the ANE MA1 sample comes from the same cis-Baikal region as the AEA-derived Neolithic samples analyzed here, we document evidence for a population replacement between the Paleolithic and the Neolithic in this region. Furthermore, we observe a shift in genetic ancestry between the Early Neolithic (Baikal_EN) and the Late Neolithic/Bronze Age hunter-gatherers (Baikal_LNBA) (Fig. 2A), with the Baikal_LNBA cluster showing admixture from an ANE-related source. We estimate the ANE related ancestry in the Baikal_LNBA to be ~5 to 11% (qpAdm) (table S12) (2), using MA1 as a source of ANE, Baikal_EN as a source of AEA, and a set of six outgroups. However, neither MA1 nor any of the other steppe populations lie in the direction of Baikal_LNBA from Baikal_EN on the PCA plot (fig. S23). This suggests that the new ANE ancestry in Baikal_LNBA stems from an unsampled source. Given that this source may have harbored East Asian ancestry, the contribution may be larger than 10%.
These serial changes in the Baikal populations are reflected in Y-chromosome lineages (Fig. 5A, figs. S24 to S27, and tables S13 and S14). MA1 carries the R haplogroup, whereas the majority of Baikal_EN males belong to N lineages, which were widely distributed across Northern Eurasia (29), and the Baikal_LNBA males all carry Q haplogroups, as do most of the Okunevo_EMBA as well as some present-day Central Asians and Siberians. Mitochondrial haplogroups show less turnover (Fig. 5B and table S15), which could either indicate male-mediated admixture or reflect bottlenecks in the male population.

Fig. 5 Y-chromosome and mitochondrial lineages identified in ancient and present-day individuals.
(A) Maximum likelihood Y-chromosome phylogenetic tree estimated with data from 109 high-coverage samples. Dashed lines represent the upper bound for the inclusion of 42 low-coverage ancient samples in specific Y-chromosome clades on the basis of the lineages identified. (B) Maximum likelihood mitochondrial phylogenetic tree estimated with 182 present-day and ancient individuals. The phylogenies displayed were restricted to a subset of clades relevant to the present work. Columns represent archaeological groups analyzed in the present study, ordered by time, and colored areas indicate membership of the major Y-chromosome and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplogroups.

The deep population structure among the local populations in Inner Asia around the Copper Age/Bronze Age transition is in line with distinct origins of central steppe hunter-herders related to Botai of the central steppe and those related to Altaian hunter-gatherers of the eastern steppe (30). Furthermore, this population structure, which is best described as part of the ANE metapopulation, persisted within Inner Asia from the Upper Paleolithic to the end of the Early Bronze Age. In the Baikal region, the results show that at least two genetic shifts occurred: first, a complete population replacement of the Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers belonging to the ANE by Early Neolithic communities of Ancient East Asian ancestry, and second, an admixture event between the latter and additional members of the ANE clade, occurring during the 1500-year period that separates the Neolithic from the Early Bronze Age. These genetic shifts complement previously observed severe cultural changes in the Baikal region (1822).

Relevance for history of horse domestication

The earliest unambiguous evidence for horse husbandry is from the Copper Age Botai hunter-herder culture of the central steppe in Northern Kazakhstan ~3500 to 3000 BCE (510233133). There was extensive debate over whether Botai horses were hunted or herded (33), but more recent studies have evidenced harnessing and milking (1017), the presence of likely corrals, and genetic domestication selection at the horse TRPM1 coat-color locus (32). Although horse husbandry has been demonstrated at Botai, it is also now clear from genetic studies that this was not the source of modern domestic horse stock (32). Some have suggested that the Botai were local hunter-gatherers who learned horse husbandry from an early eastward spread of western pastoralists, such as the Copper Age herders buried at Khvalynsk (~5150 to 3950 BCE), closely related to Yamnaya and Afanasievo (17). Others have suggested an in situ transition from the local hunter-gatherer community (5).
We therefore examined the genetic relationship between Yamnaya and Botai. First, we note that whereas Yamnaya is best modeled as an approximately equal mix of EHG and Caucasian HG ancestry and that the earlier Khvalynsk samples from the same area also show Caucasian ancestry, the Botai_CA samples show no signs of admixture with a Caucasian source (fig. S14). Similarly, while the Botai_CA have some Ancient East Asian ancestry, there is no sign of this in Khvalynsk or Yamnaya. Our momi model (Fig. 4) suggests that, although YamnayaKaragash_EBA shared ANE ancestry with Botai_CA from MA1 through EHG, their lineages diverge ~15,000 years ago in the Paleolithic. According to a parametric bootstrap, the amount of gene flow between YamnayaKaragash_EBA and Botai_CA inferred using the sample frequency spectrum (SFS) was not significantly different from 0 (P = 0.18 using 300 parametric bootstraps under a null model without admixture) (fig. S18). Additionally, the best-fitting SFS model without any recent gene flow fits the ratio of ABBA-BABA counts for (SidelkinoEHG_ML, YamnayaKaragash_EBA; Botai_CA, AncestralAllele), with Z = 0.45 using a block jackknife for this statistic. Consistent with this, a simple qpGraph model without direct gene flow between Botai_CA and Yamnaya, but with shared EHG-related ancestry between them, fits all f4 statistics (fig. S28), and qpAdm (2) successfully fits models for Yamnaya ancestry without any Botai_CA contribution (table S12).
The separation between Botai and Yamnaya is further reinforced by a lack of overlap in Y-chromosomal lineages (Fig. 5A). Although our YamnayaKaragash_EBA sample carries the R1b1a2a2c1 lineage seen in other Yamnaya and present-day Eastern Europeans, one of the two Botai_CA males belongs to the basal N lineage, whose subclades have a predominantly Northern Eurasian distribution, whereas the second carries the R1b1a1 haplogroup, restricted almost exclusively to Central Asian and Siberian populations (34). Neither of these Botai lineages has been observed among Yamnaya males (table S13 and fig. S25).
Using ChromoPainter (35) (figs. S29 to S32) and rare variant sharing (36) (figs. S33 to S35), we also identify a disparity in affinities with present-day populations between our high-coverage Yamnaya and Botai genomes. Consistent with previous results (12), we observe a contribution from YamnayaKaragash_EBA to present-day Europeans. Conversely, Botai_CA shows greater affinity to Central Asian, Siberian, and Native American populations, coupled with some sharing with northeastern European groups at a lower level than that for Yamnaya, due to their ANE ancestry.
Further toward the Altai, the genomes of two CentralSteppe_EMBA women, who were buried in Afanasievo-like pit graves, revealed them to be representatives of an unadmixed Inner Asian ANE-related group, almost indistinguishable from the Okunevo_EMBA of the Minusinsk Basin north of the Altai through D statistics (fig. S11). This lack of genetic and cultural congruence may be relevant to the interpretation of Afanasievo-type graves elsewhere in Central Asia and Mongolia (37). However, in contrast to the lack of identifiable admixture from Yamnaya and Afanasievo in the CentralSteppe_EMBA, there is an admixture signal of 10 to 20% Yamnaya and Afanasievo in the Okunevo_EMBA samples (fig. S21), consistent with evidence of western steppe influence. This signal is not seen on the X chromosome (qpAdm P value for admixture on X 0.33 compared to 0.02 for autosomes), suggesting a male-derived admixture, also consistent with the fact that 1 of 10 Okunevo_EMBA males carries a R1b1a2a2 Y chromosome related to those found in western pastoralists (Fig. 5). In contrast, there is no evidence of western steppe admixture among the more eastern Baikal region Bronze Age (~2200 to 1800 BCE) samples (fig. S14).
The lack of evidence of admixture between Botai horse herders and western steppe pastoralists is consistent with these latter migrating through the central steppe but not settling until they reached the Altai to the east (4). Notably, this lack of admixture suggests that horses were domesticated by hunter-gatherers not previously familiar with farming, as were the cases for dogs (38) and reindeer (39). Domestication of the horse thus may best parallel that of the reindeer, a food animal that can be milked and ridden, which has been proposed to be domesticated by hunters via the “prey path” (40); indeed, anthropologists note similarities in cosmological beliefs between hunters and reindeer herders (41). In contrast, most animal domestications were achieved by settled agriculturalists (5).

Origins of Western Eurasian genetic signatures in South Asians

The presence of Western Eurasian ancestry in many present-day South Asian populations south of the central steppe has been used to argue for gene flow from Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) western steppe pastoralists into the region (4243). However, direct influence of Yamnaya or related cultures of that period is not visible in the archaeological record, except perhaps for a single burial mound in Sarazm in present-day Tajikistan of contested age (4445). Additionally, linguistic reconstruction of protoculture coupled with the archaeological chronology evidences a Late (~2300 to 1200 BCE) rather than Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) arrival of the Indo-Iranian languages into South Asia (164546). Thus, debate persists as to how and when Western Eurasian genetic signatures and IE languages reached South Asia.
To address these issues, we investigated whether the source of the Western Eurasian signal in South Asians could derive from sources other than Yamnaya and Afanasievo (Fig. 1). Both Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) steppe pastoralists Yamnaya and Afanasievo and Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) Sintashta and Andronovo carry substantial amounts of EHG and CHG ancestry (127), but the latter group can be distinguished by a genetic component acquired through admixture with European Neolithic farmers during the formation of the Corded Ware complex (12), reflecting a secondary push from Europe to the east through the forest-steppe zone.
We characterized a set of four south Turkmenistan samples from Namazga period III (~3300 BCE). In our PCA analysis, the Namazga_CA individuals were placed in an intermediate position between Iran Neolithic and western steppe clusters (Fig. 2). Consistent with this, we find that the Namazga_CA individuals carry a significantly larger fraction of EHG-related ancestry than Neolithic skeletal material from Iran [D(EHG, Mbuti; Namazga_CA, Iran_N) Z = 4.49], and we are not able to reject a two-population qpAdm model in which Namazga_CA ancestry was derived from a mixture of Neolithic Iranians and EHG (~21%) (P = 0.49).
Although CHG contributed both to Copper Age steppe individuals (e.g., Khvalynsk, ~5150 to 3950 BCE) and substantially to Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) steppe Yamnaya and Afanasievo (12747), we do not find evidence of CHG-specific ancestry in Namazga. Despite the adjacent placement of CHG and Namazga_CA on the PCA plot, D(CHG, Mbuti; Namazga_CA, Iran_N) does not deviate significantly from 0 (Z = 1.65), in agreement with ADMIXTURE results (Fig. 3 and fig. S14). Moreover, a three-population qpAdm model using Iran Neolithic, EHG, and CHG as sources yields a negative admixture coefficient for CHG. This suggests that while we cannot totally reject a minor presence of CHG ancestry, steppe-related admixture most likely arrived in the Namazga population before the Copper Age or from unadmixed sources related to EHG. This is consistent with the upper temporal boundary provided by the date of the Namazga_CA samples (~3300 BCE). In contrast, the Iron Age (~900 to 200 BCE) individual from the same region as Namazga (sample DA382, labeled Turkmenistan_IA) is closer to the steppe cluster in the PCA plot and does have CHG-specific ancestry. However, it also has European farmer–related ancestry typical of Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe populations (1347) [D(Neolithic European, Mbuti; Namazga_CA, Turkmenistan_IA) Z = -4.04], suggesting that it received admixture from Late (~2300 to 1200 BCE) rather than Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) steppe populations.
In a PCA focused on South Asia (Fig. 2B), the first dimension corresponds approximately to west-east and the second dimension to north-south. Near the lower right are the Andamanese Onge, previously used to represent the Ancient South Asian component (1242). Contemporary South Asian populations are placed along both east-west and north-south gradients, reflecting the presence of three major ancestry components in South Asia deriving from West Eurasians, South Asians, and East Asians. Because the Namazga_CA individuals appear at one end of the West Eurasian/South Asian axis, and given their geographical proximity to South Asia, we tested this group as a potential source in a set of qpAdm models for the South Asian populations (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6 A summary of the four qpAdm models fitted for South Asian populations.
For each modern South Asian population, we fit different models with qpAdm to explain their ancestry composition using ancient groups and present the first model that we could not reject in the following priority order: 1. Namazga_CA + Onge, 2. Namazga_CA + Onge + Late Bronze Age Steppe, 3. Namazga_CA + Onge + Xiongnu_IA (East Asian proxy), and 4. Turkmenistan_IA + Xiongnu_IA. Xiongnu_IA were used here to represent East Asian ancestry. We observe that although South Asian Dravidian speakers can be modeled as a mixture of Onge and Namazga_CA, an additional source related to Late Bronze Age steppe groups is required for IE speakers. In Tibeto-Burman and Austro-Asiatic speakers, an East Asian rather than a Steppe_MLBA source is required.

We are not able to reject a two-population qpAdm model using Namazga_CA and Onge for nine modern southern and predominantly Dravidian-speaking populations (Fig. 6, fig. S36, and tables S16 and S17). In contrast, for seven other populations belonging to the northernmost Indic- and Iranian-speaking groups, this two-population model is rejected, but not a three-population model including an additional Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe source. Last, for seven southeastern Asian populations, six of which were Tibeto-Burman or Austro-Asiatic speakers, the three-population model with Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe ancestry was rejected, but not a model in which Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe ancestry was replaced with an East Asian ancestry source, as represented by the Late Iron Age (~200 BCE to 100 CE) Xiongnu (Xiongnu_IA) nomads from Mongolia (3). Interestingly, for two northern groups, the only tested model we could not reject included the Iron Age (~900 to 200 BCE) individual (Turkmenistan_IA) from the Zarafshan Mountains and the Xiongnu_IA as sources. These findings are consistent with the positions of the populations in PCA space (Fig. 2B) and are further supported by ADMIXTURE analysis (Fig. 3), with two minor exceptions: In both the Iyer and the Pakistani Gujar, we observe a minor presence of the Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe ancestry component (fig. S14) not detected by the qpAdm approach. Additionally, we document admixture along the West Eurasian and East Asian clines of all South Asian populations using D statistics (fig. S37).
Thus, we find that ancestries deriving from four major separate sources fully reconcile the population history of present-day South Asians (Figs. 3 and 6), one anciently South Asian, one from Namazga or a related population, a third from Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe pastoralists, and one from East Asia. They account for western ancestry in some Dravidian populations that lack CHG-specific ancestry while also fitting the observation that whenever there is CHG-specific ancestry and considerable EHG ancestry, there is also European Neolithic ancestry (Fig. 3). This implicates Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) steppe rather than Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) Yamnaya and Afanasievo admixture into South Asia. The proposal that the IE steppe ancestry arrived in the Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) is also more consistent with archaeological and linguistic chronology (44454849). Thus, it seems that the Yamnaya- and Afanasievo-related migrations did not have a direct genetic impact in South Asia.

Lack of steppe genetic impact in Anatolians

Finally, we consider the evidence for Bronze Age steppe genetic contributions in West Asia. There are conflicting models for the earliest dispersal of IE languages into Anatolia (450). The now extinct Bronze Age Anatolian language group represents the earliest historically attested branch of the IE language family and is linguistically held to be the first branch to have split off from PIE (515253). One key question is whether Proto-Anatolian is a direct linguistic descendant of the hypothesized Yamnaya PIE language or whether Proto-Anatolian and the PIE language spoken by Yamnaya were branches of a more ancient language ancestral to both (4953). Another key question relates to whether Proto-Anatolian speakers entered Anatolia as a result of a Copper Age western steppe migration (~5000 to 3000 BCE) involving movement of groups through the Balkans into Northwest Anatolia (45455) or a Caucasian route that links language dispersal to intensified north-south population contacts facilitated by the trans-Caucasian Maykop culture ~3700 to 3000 BCE (5054).
Ancient DNA findings suggest extensive population contact between the Caucasus and the steppe during the Copper Age (~5000 to 3000 BCE) (1242). Particularly, the first identified presence of Caucasian genomic ancestry in steppe populations is through the Khvalynsk burials (247) and that of steppe ancestry in the Caucasus is through Armenian Copper Age individuals (42). These admixture processes likely gave rise to the ancestry that later became typical of the Yamnaya pastoralists (7), whose IE language may have evolved under the influence of a Caucasian language, possibly from the Maykop culture (5056). This scenario is consistent with both the Copper Age steppe (4) and the Caucasian models for the origin of the Proto-Anatolian language (57).
PCA (Fig. 2B) indicates that all the Anatolian genome sequences from the Early Bronze Age (~2200 BCE) and Late Bronze Age (~1600 BCE) cluster with a previously sequenced Copper Age (~3900 to 3700 BCE) individual from Northwestern Anatolia and lie between Anatolian Neolithic (Anatolia_N) samples and CHG samples but not between Anatolia_N and EHG samples. A test of the form D(CHG, Mbuti; Anatolia_EBA, Anatolia_N) shows that these individuals share more alleles with CHG than Neolithic Anatolians do (Z = 3.95), and we are not able to reject a two-population qpAdm model in which these groups derive ~60% of their ancestry from Anatolian farmers and ~40% from CHG-related ancestry (P = 0.5). This signal is not driven by Neolithic Iranian ancestry, because the result of a similar test of the form D(Iran_N, Mbuti; Anatolia_EBA, Anatolia_N) does not deviate from zero (Z = 1.02). Taken together with recent findings of CHG ancestry on Crete (58), our results support a widespread CHG-related gene flow, not only into Central Anatolia but also into the areas surrounding the Black Sea and Crete. The latter are not believed to have been influenced by steppe-related migrations and may thus correspond to a shared archaeological horizon of trade and innovation in metallurgy (59).
Importantly, a test of the form D(EHG, Mbuti; Anatolia_EBA, Anatolia_MLBA) supports that the Central Anatolian gene pools, including those sampled from settlements thought to have been inhabited by Hittite speakers, were not affected by steppe populations during the Early and Middle Bronze Age (Z = –1.83). Both of these findings are further confirmed by results from clustering analysis (Fig. 3). The CHG-specific ancestry and the absence of EHG-related ancestry in Bronze Age Anatolia would be in accordance with intense cultural interactions between populations in the Caucasus and Anatolia observed during the late fifth millennium BCE that seem to come to an end in the first half of the fourth millennium BCE with the village-based egalitarian Kura-Araxes’ society (6061), thus preceding the emergence and dispersal of Proto-Anatolian.
Our results indicate that the early spread of IE languages into Anatolia was not associated with any large-scale steppe-related migration, as previously suggested (62). Additionally, and in agreement with the later historical record of the region (63), we find no correlation between genetic ancestry and exclusive ethnic or political identities among the populations of Bronze Age Central Anatolia, as has previously been hypothesized (64).

Discussion

For Europe, ancient genomics have revealed extensive population migrations, replacements, and admixtures from the Upper Paleolithic to the Bronze Age (12276566), with a strong influence across the continent from the Early Bronze Age (~3000 to 2500 BCE) western steppe Yamnaya. In contrast, for Central Asia, continuity is observed from the Upper Paleolithic to the end of the Copper Age (~3500 to 3000 BCE), with descendants of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers persisting as largely isolated populations after the Yamnaya and Afanasievo pastoralist migrations. Instead of western pastoralists admixing with or replacing local groups, we see groups with East Asian ancestry replacing ANE populations in the Lake Baikal region. Thus, unlike in Europe, the hunter/gathering/herding groups of Inner Asia were much less affected by the Yamnaya and Afanasievo expansion. This may be due to the rise of early horse husbandry, likely initially originated through a local “prey route” (40) adaptation by horse-dependent hunter-gatherers at Botai. Work on ancient horse genomes (32) indicates that Botai horses were not the main source of modern domesticates, which suggests the existence of a second center of domestication, but whether this second center was associated with the Yamnaya and Afanasievo cultures remains uncertain in the absence of horse genetic data from their sites.
Our finding that the Copper Age (~3300 BCE) Namazga-related population from the borderlands between Central and South Asia contains both Iran Neolithic and EHG ancestry but not CHG-specific ancestry provides a solution to problems concerning the Western Eurasian genetic contribution to South Asians. Rather than invoking varying degrees of relative contribution of Iran Neolithic and Yamnaya ancestries, we explain the two western genetic components with two separate admixture events. The first event, potentially before the Bronze Age, spread from a non-IE-speaking farming population from the Namazga culture or a related source down to Southern India. Then the second came during the Late Bronze Age (~2300 to 1200 BCE) through established contacts between pastoral steppe nomads and the Indus Valley, bringing European Neolithic as well as CHG-specific ancestry, and with them Indo-Iranian languages into northern South Asia. This is consistent with a long-range South Eurasian trade network ~2000 BCE (4), shared mythologies with steppe-influenced cultures (4160), linguistic relationships between Indic spoken in South Asia, and written records from Western Asia from the first half of the 18th century BCE onward (4967).
In Anatolia, our samples do not genetically distinguish Hittite and other Bronze Age Anatolians from an earlier Copper Age sample (~3943 to 3708 BCE). All these samples contain a similar level of CHG ancestry but no EHG ancestry. This is consistent with Anatolian/Early European farmer ancestry, but not steppe ancestry, in the Copper Age Balkans (68) and implies that the Anatolian clade of IE languages did not derive from a large-scale Copper Age/Early Bronze Age population movement from the steppe [unlike the findings in (4)]. Our findings are thus consistent with historical models of cultural hybridity and “middle ground” in a multicultural and multilingual but genetically homogeneous Bronze Age Anatolia (6970).
Current linguistic estimations converge on dating the Proto-Anatolian split from residual PIE to the late fifth or early fourth millennia BCE (5371) and place the breakup of Anatolian IE inside Turkey before the mid-third millennium (515472). In (49) we present new onomastic material (73) that pushes the period of Proto-Anatolian linguistic unity even further back in time. We cannot at this point reject a scenario in which the introduction of the Anatolian IE languages into Anatolia was coupled with the CHG-derived admixture before 3700 BCE, but note that this is contrary to the standard view that PIE arose in the steppe north of the Caucasus (4) and that CHG ancestry is also associated with several non-IE-speaking groups, historical and current. Indeed, our data are also consistent with the first speakers of Anatolian IE coming to the region by way of commercial contacts and small-scale movement during the Bronze Age. Among comparative linguists, a Balkan route for the introduction of Anatolian IE is generally considered more likely than a passage through the Caucasus, due, for example, to greater Anatolian IE presence and language diversity in the west (55). Further discussion of these options is given in the archaeological and linguistic supplementary discussions (4849).
Thus, while the steppe hypothesis, in the light of ancient genomics, has so far successfully explained the origin and dispersal of IE languages and culture in Europe, we find that several elements must be reinterpreted to account for Asia. First, we show that the earliest unambiguous example of horse herding emerged among hunter-gatherers, who had no substantial genetic interaction with western steppe herders. Second, we demonstrate that the Anatolian IE language branch, including Hittite, did not derive from a substantial steppe migration into Anatolia. And third, we conclude that Early Bronze Age steppe pastoralists did not migrate into South Asia but that genetic evidence fits better with the Indo-Iranian IE languages being brought to the region by descendants of Late Bronze Age steppe pastoralists.

Supplementary Materials

Supplementary Text
Figs. S1 to S37
Tables S1 to S17
References (74168)

References and Notes

A dictionary of the Vedic ritual -- Chitrabhanu Sen (1978)

Sign 286 signifies కంసర 'smithery', working with bell-metal, bronze, gold, copper, eraka 'metal infusion' casting

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This monograph provides Indus Script evidence to firmly anchor spoked wheel hieroglyph as arka cognate څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter's wheel' (Pashto) rebus: gold, copper. 
Field Symbol 3 (ASI 1977, Mahadevan Concordance)
Dholavira signboard on अर्क शाल 'goldsmith workshop' and Mehrgarh spoked copper alloy wheel proclaim akṣaracaṇa 'scribe' the metallurgical competence of artisans to engrave on metal https://tinyurl.com/y6fp3zkq  
څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ, s.m. (2nd) A wheel (particularly a potter's, or of a water-mill or well). 2. A grindstone. 3. Circular motion, turn, revolution, the act of turning. 4. Fortune, chance. 5. The heavens, the sphere, the celestial globe. 6. A kind of hawk or falcon, an eagle. 7. A stab, a puncture, a prick, a wound produced by a spear, an arrow, or the like. Pl. څرخرنه ṯs̱arḵẖ-ūnah; 8. adj. Punctured, pricked, pierced, stabbed; (Fem.) څرکه ṯs̱arkaʿhڅرخیدل ṯs̱arḵẖedal, verb intrans. To revolve, to turn round, to wheel. 2. To dance. Pres. څرخبږي ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕī (W.) or څرخیګي ṯs̱arḵẖegī (E.); past ؤ څرخیده wu-ṯs̱arḵẖedah or ؤ څرخیدَ wu-ṯs̱arḵẖeda; fut. ؤ به څرخیږي wu bah ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕī or ؤ به څرخیګي wu bah ṯs̱arḵẖegī; imp. ؤ څرخیږه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖej̱ẕah or ؤ څرخیګه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖegah; act. part. څرخیدونکيَ ṯs̱arḵẖedūnkaey
or څرخیدونيَ ṯs̱arḵẖedūnaey; past part. څرخید ليَ ṯs̱arḵẖedalaey; verb. n. څرخیدنه ṯs̱arḵẖedanaʿhڅرخول ṯs̱arḵẖawul, verb trans. To turn, to make revolve, to wheel round. 2. To sharpen. Pres. څرخوي ṯs̱arḵẖawī; past ؤ څرخاوه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖāwuh or ؤ څرخاوو wu-ṯs̱arḵẖāwo; fut. ؤ به څرخوي wu bah ṯs̱arḵẖawī; imp. ؤ څرخوه wu-ṯs̱arḵẖawah; act. part. څرخوونکيَ ṯs̱arḵẖawūnkaey or څرخوونيَ 
ṯs̱arḵẖawūnaey; past part. څرخوليَ ṯs̱arḵẖawulaey; verb. n. څرخونه ṯs̱arḵẖawunaʿh. (P چرخ).   څرخ کول ṯs̱arḵẖ kawul, verb trans. To pierce, to stab, to puncture. څرخ کیدل ṯs̱arḵẖ kedal, verb intrans. To enter (as a pointed instrument), to penetrate, to stab, to pierce.   څرخه ṯs̱arḵẖaʿh, s.f. (3rd) A spinning-wheel, a large reel. Pl. يْ ey. (P چرخه).

It is significant that this hieroglyp of spoked-wheel appears four times on Dholavira Signboard which is a proclamation of goldsmith, metalsmith worskhop. Duplication of spoked-wheel on Dholavira Sign proclamation is dula'pair' rebus: dul'metal casting'; thus, gold, copper metalcasting.
.For a full rebus reading, see: 

Potter's spoked wheel ligatured to the throat of 'unicorn' or 'spiny-horned young bull' on a Mohenjo-daro seal (FS 3,Mahadevan concordance). The rebus reading of the text message including the spoked wheel hieroglyph is:kanac 'corner' rebus:kancu 'bell-metal' PLUS agasala 'goldsmith workshop' (sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop') PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kole.l 'smithy, forge, temple'.






arká1 m. ʻ flash, ray, sun ʼ RV. [√arc]Pa. Pk. akka -- m. ʻ sun ʼ, Mth. āk; Si. aka ʻ lightning ʼ, inscr. vid -- äki ʻ lightning flash ʼ.(CDIAL 624)*arkavarta ʻ a sort of ornament ʼ. [Cf. arkapuṭikā -- f. ʻ a silver ornament consisting of a round disk like the sun ʼ lex.: arká -- 1, *varta -- 3]
G. akɔṭī f. ʻ earring ʼ.(CDIAL 628)

 Throat: Dm. argali ʻ throat ʼ, Gaw. hargal; Paš. orgól ʻ jaw (CDIAL 629).

The spoked wheel -- arka --څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter'swheel' -- is shown on the throat of the 'spiny-horned young bull' as a semantic determinative, because the throat is signified by a similar sounding word: Dm. argali ʻ throat ʼ, Gaw. hargal; Paš. orgól ʻ jaw'. This seal thus reinforces the rebus reading of the spoked wheel as 
   څرخه ṯs̱arḵẖaʿh 'potter's wheel', arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'gold, copper'.

It is possible that the potter's spoked wheel pre-dates the spoked wheel of a cart or chariot. The presence of cire perdue copper alloy spoked wheel shapes of a very early date ca. 4h or 5th m. BCE (called amulets by British Museum and Indus Script hypertexts by me) is also an indicator that the shape was adopted as a hieroglyph/hypertext on Indus Script inscriptions. I am speculating on the chronology of the evolution of early writing systems. See also the spoked wheels on artifact from Bhirrana which dates from 7th m BCE.

One-horned young bull hypertext/hyperimage signifies a goldsmith, lapidary: कोंद kōnda ‘young bull' कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, turner'.  कुलालादिकन्दुः f. a kiln; a potter's kiln; kō̃da कोँद 'potter's kiln'  (Kashmiri) Thus, an iron turner (in smithy/forge).Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725)

Go to "Symbolography in Indus Seals" page
Symbolography in Indus Seals (Kindle Edition) (2017)

A seal explained by Rekha Rao:


The sign, if identified as falcon, may signify thunderbolt-maker: آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith, thunderbolt-maker.(Assuming a variant sēṇa 'falcon' as a signifier of aśáni 'thunderbolt' Cognate ahan 'iron' (Pashto)

Thus,the textmessageon the sealmay be read rebus: 

Hieroglyph 1: arka 'gold, copper'PLUS 
Hieroglyph 2: kaṇḍa arka (ara) eraka kancu mũh khāṇḍā  'fire-altar (for) gold, copper, brass, moltencast copper, bell-metal ingot, implements.'PLUS
Hieroglyph 3:dhalako khanda 'ingots and equipment' PLUS
Hieroglyph4: ayo kammaTa 'alloy metal mint' OR,  آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith.or Thunderbolt-maker smith. PLUS
Field-symbol hypertext:khonda singi 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus; konda 'fire-altar' PLUS singi 'ornament gold' PLUS kunda 'lather' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa 'portable furnace' rebus: kammTa 'mint' PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus:jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure'.PLUS
Hieroglyphs: Dotted circles: dha 'strand' PLUS vaTTa 'circle' rebus: धावड   dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans.धावडी   dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.


aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., ˚nī -- f. ŚBr. [Cf. áśan -- m. ʻ sling -- stone ʼ RV.]
Pa. asanī -- f. ʻ thunderbolt, lightning ʼ, asana -- n. ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. asaṇi -- m.f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Ash. ašĩˊ ʻ hail ʼ, Wg. ašē˜ˊ, Pr. īšĩ, Bashg. "azhir", Dm. ašin, Paš. ášen, Shum. äˊšin, Gaw. išín, Bshk. ašun, Savi išin, Phal. ã̄šun, L. (Jukes) ahin, awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon; (both with n, not ), P. āhiṇ, f., āhaṇaihaṇ m.f., WPah. bhad. ã̄ṇ, bhal. ´tildemacrepsilon; f., N. asino, pl. ˚nā; Si. senaheṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ Geiger GS 34, but the expected form would be *ā̤n; -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr f. ʻ hail ʼ (X ?). -- For ʻ stone ʼ > ʻ hailstone ʼ cf. upala -- and A. xil s.v. śilāˊ -- .(CDIAL 910)

If the first sign on the left is a s'yenacit, the reading is: śyēná m. ʻ hawk, falcon, eagle ʼ RV.Pa. sēna -- , ˚aka -- m. ʻ hawk ʼ, Pk. sēṇa -- m.; WPah.bhad. śeṇ ʻ kite ʼ; A. xen ʻ falcon, hawk ʼ, Or. seṇā, H. sensẽ m., M. śen m., śenī f. (< MIA. *senna -- ); Si. sen ʻ falcon, eagle, kite ʼ.(CDIAL 12674) rebus: ahan 'iron' aśani 'thunderbolt; آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith.  P آهن āhan, s.m. (9th) Iron. Sing. and Pl. آهن ګر āhan gar, s.m. (5th) A smith, a blacksmith. Pl. آهن ګران āhan-garānآهن ربا āhan-rubā, s.f. (6th) The magnet or loadstone. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. آهن رباوي āhan-rubāwī. See اوسپنه.


څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ A kind of hawk or falcon, an eagle.(Pashto) rebus: arka 'gold, copper';eraka 'metal infusion'(for casting)

dhal 'slanted' rebus: dhalako 'large metal ingot' PLUS  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' .Thus, ingots and equipment.

Four corners: Four fire-altars:
kōṇṭu angle, corner, crook. Nk. kōnṭa corner (DEDR 2054b) G. khū̃ṭṛī  ʻangleʼ Rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'(B.) कोंद kōnda 'engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems' (Marathi)  konda 'fire-altar, furnace'

kana, kanac 'corner' (Santali); kañcu  'bronze' (Telugu) kan- 'copper work' (Tamil). 

 Sign 391 Spoked wheel    څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter'swheel' rebus: arka'gold,copper'

Rhombus-shape or oval-shape: The array of variants fromSign 270 to Sign 286) make this shape the most vivid signifier of ingot with various attributes of metallurgical description ligatured to the basic shape of the hieroglyph which is either a rhombus or oval or bun-shaped ingot:

Sign 286Variants of Sign 286 


I submit that Sign 286 signifies కంసర 'smithery', working with bell-metal, bronze, gold, copper, eraka 'metal infusion' casting of metal equipment 

gaNDA 'four'rebus: kaNDa 'equipment';thus, four corners. khɔ̃c f. ʻ corner  rebus:kancu 'bell-metal, bronze'

Sign 286 is a composite of Sign 284 four marked corners of rhombus infixed with spoked wheel. The reaiding of hypertext of Sign 286 is a comprehensive catalogue of metalwork: 

Hieroglyph: Corner: 
 (Santali)
G. khɔ̃c f. ʻcornerʼ;.*khōñcā ʻ curve, bend ʼ. [< *skuc -- beside √kuc?]P. khū̃j f., ˚jā m. ʻ corner ʼ, N. khõjkhõckhū̃j ʻ glen, ravine, depression between two hills ʼ; H. khū̃c f. ʻ tendon Achilles ʼ; (CDIAL 3930) 
Rebus:కంసాలి  or కంసాలవాడు kamsāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith or silversmith. కంసము  kamsamu [Skt.] n. Bell metal.కంచు. కంసర  or కంసలల kamsara. [Tel.] n. Smithery; working in gold: adj. Of the goldsmith caste. కంసలది a woman of that caste. కంసలపని the business of a gold-smith.

Rebus: Bronze, bell-metal    2987 kāˊṁsya ʻ made of bell -- metal ʼ KātyŚr., n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ Yājñ., ʻ cup of bell -- metal ʼ MBh., ˚aka -- n. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ. 2. *kāṁsiya -- . [kaṁsá -- 1]1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk. kaṁsa -- , kāsa -- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes) kã̄jā adj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ. kāsā ʻ jar ʼ (← E with -- s -- , not ñj); N. kã̄so ʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ, kas -- kuṭ ʻ metal alloy ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B. kã̄sā, Or. kãsā, Bi. kã̄sā; Bhoj. kã̄s ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, kã̄sā ʻ base metal ʼ; H. kās, kã̄sā m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G. kã̄sũ n., M. kã̄sẽ n.; Ko. kã̄śẽ n. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si. kasa ʻ bell -- metal ʼ.2. L. kã̄ihã̄ m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P. kã̄ssī, kã̄sī f., H. kã̄sī f.*kāṁsyakara -- , kāṁsyakāra -- , *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā -- , kāṁsyatāla -- , *kāṁsyabhāṇḍa -- .

Addenda: kāˊṁsya -- : A. kã̄h also ʻ gong ʼ, or < kaṁsá -- .   2988 *kāṁsyakara ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ. [See next: kāˊṁsya -- , kará -- 1]L. awāṇ. kasērā ʻ metal worker ʼ, P. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ (both ← E with -- s -- ); N. kasero ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; Bi. H. kaserā m. ʻ worker in pewter ʼ.   2989 kāṁsyakāra m. ʻ worker in bell -- metal or brass ʼ Yājñ. com., kaṁsakāra -- m. BrahmavP. [kāˊṁsya -- , kāra -- 1]N. kasār ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; A. kãhār ʻ worker in bell -- metal ʼ; B. kã̄sāri ʻ pewterer, brazier, coppersmith ʼ, Or. kãsārī; H. kasārī m. ʻ maker of brass pots ʼ; G. kãsārɔkas˚ m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ; M. kã̄sārkās˚ m. ʻ worker in white metal ʼ, kāsārḍā m. ʻ contemptuous term for the same ʼ.   2990 *kāṁsyakuṇḍikā ʻ bell -- metal pot ʼ. [kāˊṁsya -- , kuṇḍa -- 1]N. kasaũṛi ʻ cooking pot ʼ.   2991 kāṁsyatāla m. ʻ cymbal ʼ Rājat. [kāˊṁsya -- , tāla -- 1]
Pa. kaṁsatāla -- m. ʻ gong ʼ; Pk. kaṁsālā -- , ˚liyā -- f. ʻ cymbal ʼ, OB. kaśālā, Or. kãsāḷa; G. kã̄sāḷũ n. ʻ large bell -- metal cymbals ʼ with ã̄ after kã̄sũ ʻ bell -- metal ʼ; M. kã̄sāḷ f. ʻ large cymbal ʼ; -- Si. kastalaya ʻ metal gong ʼ (EGS 40) is Si. cmpd. or more prob. ← Pa.
   2992 *kāṁsyabhāṇḍa ʻ bell -- metal pot ʼ. [kāˊṁsya -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1]Pa. kaṁsabhaṇḍa -- n. ʻ brass ware ʼ; M. kāsã̄ḍī˚sãḍī f. ʻ metal vessel of a partic. kind ʼ.(CDIAL 2987 to 2992)
kárṇikā f. ʻ round protuberance ʼ Suśr., ʻ pericarp of a lotus ʼ MBh., ʻ ear -- ring ʼ Kathās. [kárṇa -- ]
Pa. kaṇṇikā -- f. ʻ ear ornament, pericarp of lotus, corner of upper story, sheaf in form of a pinnacle ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇiā -- f. ʻ corner, pericarp of lotus ʼ; Paš. kanīˊ ʻ corner ʼ; S. kanī f. ʻ border ʼ, L. P. kannī f. (→ H. kannī f.); WPah. bhal. kanni f. ʻ yarn used for the border of cloth in weaving ʼ; B. kāṇī ʻ ornamental swelling out in a vessel ʼ, Or. kānī ʻ corner of a cloth ʼ; H. kaniyã̄ f. ʻ lap ʼ; G. kānī f. ʻ border of a garment tucked up ʼ; M. kānī f. ʻ loop of a tie -- rope ʼ; Si. känikän ʻ sheaf in the form of a pinnacle, housetop ʼ.(CDIAL 2849) Rebus: kancu 'bronze,bellmetal'.


kaṇḍa arka (ara) eraka kancu mũh khāṇḍā  'fire-altar (for) gold, copper, brass, moltencast copper, bell-metal ingot, implements.' 


 Sign 286 variants 

See also Sign 387 which is a ligature of oval-shapre of combined left-and-right-parentheses -- with infixed rice-plant hieroglyph. Sign 390 is a ligature of oval with infixed sprout with circumscript of four short linear strokes.

 Sign 373 'oval/lozenge/rhombus' hieoglyph 


Sign 373 has the shape of oval or lozenge is the shape of a bun ingotmũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced atone time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed likea four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes andformed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt komūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). Thus, Sign 373 signifies word, mũhã̄ 'bun ingot'. Thus, hypertext Sign 403 reads: dul mũhã̄ 'metalcast ingot'. Inclined stroke is a semantic determinant to signify ingot: ḍhāḷ = a slope; the inclination of a plane (G.) Rebus: : ḍhāḷako = a large metal ingot (G.). Thus, the Sign 407 hypertext reads: dul mũhã̄ ḍhāḷako  metal casting large ingot.


Fish PLUS wings: ayo kammaTa 'alloy metal mint'

aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khamba 'wing' rebus:kammaTa 'mint' Thus, alloy metal mint.


aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS dhal 'slanted' rebus: dhalako 'large metal ingot'.. Thus the Sign 59 with an infix of slant signifies large alloy metal ingot.
अयस् n. iron , metal RV. &c; an iron weapon (as an axe , &c ) RV. vi , 3 ,5 and 47 , 10; gold; steel L. ; ([cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa ; Old Germ. e7r , iron ; Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.])(Monier-Williams)  áyas n. ʻ metal, iron ʼ RV.
Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya -- n. ʻ iron ʼ, Pk. aya -- n., Si. ya.ayaścūrṇa -- , ayaskāṇḍa -- , *ayaskūṭa -- .Addenda: áyas -- : Md. da ʻ iron ʼ, dafat ʻ piece of iron ʼ.ayaskāṇḍa m.n. ʻ a quantity of iron, excellent iron ʼ Pāṇ. gaṇ. [áyas -- , kāˊṇḍa -- ]Si. yakaḍa ʻ iron ʼ.*ayaskūṭa ʻ iron hammer ʼ. [áyas -- , kūˊṭa -- 1]Pa. ayōkūṭa -- , ayak° m.; Si. yakuḷa ʻ sledge -- hammer ʼ, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa -- ).(CDIAL 590 to 592)

Sign 65 aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS dhakka 'lid' rebus: dhakka 'bright, blasing'
ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article'
karNaka,kankha rim of pot' rebus:Karanaka 'helmsman' PLUS khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'.



barad, balad 'ox' rebusbharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)
(Punjabi) PLUS pattar 'feeding-trough' rebus:pattar 'goldsmith guild'
Text message:kuṭi 'curve; rebus: कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin)
kuTi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter
kuTharu 'warehouse'
kANDa 'water'rebus: kanda 'equipment'

kaṇḍa 'arrow' (Skt.) rebus: kaṇḍa 'equipment'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS  खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' 
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'.
barad, balad 'ox' rebusbharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)
(Punjabi) PLUS pattar 'feeding-trough' rebus:pattar 'goldsmith guild'
 Sign 254

Orthography of two notches PLUS three horizontal lines: Sign 254        Two notches PLUS three horizontal lines: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) rebus: khaṇḍa 'equipment' PLUS kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus dul khaṇḍa kolimi 'cast equipment smithy, forge'

kAru 'pincer' rebus: kAru 'artisan' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
Sign 180 Signs 180, 181 have variants. Warp-pegs kor.i = pegs in the ground in two rooms on which the thread is passed back and forth in preparing the warp (S.)Semantic determinant hypertext: Ka. gōṭu border or hem of a garment; fringe, edging, trimming. Tu. gōṭu embroidery, lace. Te. gō̃ṭu an ornamental appendage to the border of a cloth, fringe' Rebus 1: gota (laterite, ferrite ore) Rebus 2: goṭā 'gold-braid'.
Spider: kōlika m. ʻ weaver ʼ Yaśast., kaulika -- Pañcat. [EWA i 273 ← *kōḍika -- (in Tam. kōṭikar ʻ weaver ʼ) ~ Mu. word for ʻ spider ʼ in Pk. mak -- kōḍā -- s.v. markaṭa -- ]Pk. kōlia -- m. ʻ weaver, spider ʼ; S. korī m. ʻ weaver ʼ, koriaṛo m. ʻ spider ʼ; Ku. koli ʻ weaver ʼ, Or. (Sambhalpur) kuli, H. kolīkolhī m. ʻ Hindu weaver ʼ; G. koḷī m. ʻ a partic. Śūdra caste ʼ; M. koḷī m. ʻ a caste of watercarriers, a sort of spider ʼ; -- G. karoḷiyɔkarāliyɔ m. ʻ spider ʼ is in form the same as karoḷiyɔ ʻ potter ʼ < kaulālá -- .(CDIAL 3535) Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kole.l 'smithy, forge, temple'.


 सांगड sāṅgaḍa 'joined animal parts' rebus:  sangarh 'fortification'; karibha, ibha 'elephant (trunk)' rebus; karba, ib 'iron' PLUS poLa 'zebu (horns)' rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' PLUS panja 'feline paws' rebus: panja 'kiln'; kola 'tiger' rebus:kol 'working in iron' 
Front legs: young bull: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure'
meDh twist' rebus: meD 'iron' 
karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNaka 'helmsman', karNika 'scribe, supercargo'
;

karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'
Four: gaNda 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'equipment' PLUS rhombus shape: khɔ̃c f. ʻcornerʼ rebus: kancu 'bell-metal' PLUS kuṭi 'curve; rebus: कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin)
ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin (ore)'
danga 'range' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith

karNaka, kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNaka 'helmsman' karNika 'supercargo, scribe'.

karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'
kole.l 'temple' rebus; kole.l 'smithy, forge'
maid 'harrow' rebus:meD 'iron'
gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'equipment' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal'

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'.

aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'
kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
muka 'ladle' rebus: muh 'ingot' PLUS baTa 'rimless bot' rebus: baTa 'iron' bhaTa 'furnace'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'
dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'
Sign 402 'flag' hieroglyph.dhvajapaṭa m. ʻ flag ʼ Kāv. [dhvajá -- , paṭa -- ]Pk. dhayavaḍa -- m. ʻ flag ʼ, OG. dhayavaḍa m.(CDIAL 6899) Rebus: dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter' PLUS meḍ ‘body' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.).Thus, iron smelter.

polaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polaḍu 'steel'. 
barad, balad 'ox' rebusbharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin)
(Punjabi) PLUS pattar 'feeding-trough' rebus:pattar 'goldsmith guild'
meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron'
karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus:karNaka 'helmsman'
taTTal 'five' rebus:   5491 *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻ brass ʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass? -- *ṭhaṭṭh -- ]
N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ.*ṭhaṭṭhakara -- , *ṭhaṭṭhakāra -- .*ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 2. *ṭhaṭṭhakara -- . [*ṭhaṭṭha -- 1, kāra -- 1]1. Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār˚rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H. ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5492, 5493)
dula 'pair'rebus; dul 'metal casting' PLUS muh 'oval bun-ingot shape' rebus: muh 'ingot'. Thus, ingot metalcasting.
dhal 'slant' rebus: dhalako large ingot'; PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' .Thus, ingots and equipment.
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'
dula 'pair' rebus; dul 'metal casting' PLUS kaNDa 'arrow' rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' .Thus, ingots and equipment.

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'

kuTi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' PLUS karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus:karNaka 'helmsman'
muh 'oval shape' rebus: muh 'ingot' PLUS pajhar 'sprout' rebus: pasra 'smithy, forge'
 ṭaṅka2 m.n. ʻ spade, hoe, chisel ʼ R. 2. ṭaṅga -- 2 m.n. ʻ sword, spade ʼ lex.
1. Pa. ṭaṅka -- m. ʻ stone mason's chisel ʼ; Pk. ṭaṁka -- m. ʻ stone -- chisel, sword ʼ; Woṭ. ṭhõ ʻ axe ʼ; Bshk. ṭhoṅ ʻ battleaxe ʼ, ṭheṅ ʻ small axe ʼ (< *ṭaṅkī); Tor. (Biddulph) "tunger" m. ʻ axe ʼ (? AO viii 310), Phal. ṭhō˘ṅgi f.; K. ṭŏnguru m. ʻ a kind of hoe ʼ; N. (Tarai) ṭã̄gi ʻ adze ʼ; H. ṭã̄kī f. ʻ chisel ʼ; G. ṭã̄k f. ʻ pen nib ʼ; M. ṭã̄k m. ʻ pen nib ʼ, ṭã̄kī f. ʻ chisel ʼ.2. A. ṭāṅgi ʻ stone chisel ʼ; B. ṭāṅg˚gi ʻ spade, axe ʼ; Or. ṭāṅgi ʻ battle -- axe ʼ; Bi. ṭã̄gā˚gī ʻ adze ʼ; Bhoj. ṭāṅī ʻ axe ʼ; H. ṭã̄gī f. ʻ hatchet ʼ.(CDIAL 5427) Rebus; ṭaṅkaśālā -- , ṭaṅkakaś˚ f. ʻ mint ʼ lex. [ṭaṅka -- 1, śāˊlā -- ]N. ṭaksāl˚ār, B. ṭāksālṭã̄k˚ṭek˚, Bhoj. ṭaksār, H. ṭaksāl˚ār f., G. ṭãksāḷ f., M. ṭã̄ksālṭāk˚ṭãk˚ṭak˚. -- Deriv. G. ṭaksāḷī m. ʻ mint -- master ʼ, M. ṭāksāḷyā m.Addenda: ṭaṅkaśālā -- : Brj. ṭaksāḷī, ˚sārī m. ʻ mint -- master ʼ. (CDIAL 5434)
खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' .Thus, ingots and equipment.
dATu 'cross' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral ore'.

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'
khaNDa 'division' rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' PLUS dula 'two' rebus; dul 'metal casting'
Sign 65 aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS dhakka 'lid' rebus: dhalla 'bright, blasing'
ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' 
karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNaka 'helmsman', karNika 'supercargo, scribe'
khaNDa 'division' rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans'
Semantic determinative:खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans' .Thus, ingots and equipment.
koDa 'one' rebus:koD 'workshop'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'.

kaṇḍa 'arrow' (Skt.) rebus: kaṇḍa 'equipment'
aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.
maid 'harrow' rebus: meD 'iron'
ḍhaṁkaṇa 'lid' rebus dhakka 'excellent, bright, blazing metal article' PLUS खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans'.This hieroglyph is paired: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.Thus, blazing, bright metalcast equipment.
sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop''
kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bell-metal' PLUS muh 'shape of bun-ingot' rebus: muh 'ingot'. Thus,bell-metal ingot.

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'.

 arka cognate څرخ ṯs̱arḵẖ 'potter's wheel' (Pashto) rebus: gold, copper. 
 Ka. gōṭu border or hem of a garment; fringe, edging, trimming. Tu. gōṭu embroidery, lace. Te. gō̃ṭu an ornamental appendage to the border of a cloth, fringe' Rebus 1: gota (laterite, ferrite ore) Rebus 2: goṭā 'gold-braid'.
ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin (ore)' PLUS paired: dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.Thus tin metal-casting.
gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDA 'equipment' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcating'. Thus metalcst equipment.
meD 'body' rebus:meD 'iron'
kāmaṭhum = a bow; kāmaḍ, kāmaḍum = a chip of bamboo (G.) .Rebus: kammaTa 'mint'
loa 'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh 'copper,metal' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting'. Thus copper metalcasting.


Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'


Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'

Field symbol: khonda singhin 'spiny-horned young bull' rebus: kunda singi 'fine gold, ornament gold' konda 'fire-alter' PLUS singi 'ornament gold PLUS sangada 'joined parts' rebus: jangadiyo 'guard accompanying treasure' PLUS kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundan 'fine gold' PLUS kammaTa portable furnace' rebus: kammaTa 'mint'












mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper'




https://www.academia.edu/444452/Iconography_of_Protoliterate_Seals
Northwestern University
Faculty Member, Iconography of Protoliterate seals --
Visible Language

Indus Script hieroglyphs arka, mēḍhā, karba, karṣa 'wealth signifiers' on hilts of Viking swords

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https://tinyurl.com/yxuhhj6c

I submit that the following hieroglyphs on hilts of Viking swords are Indus Script rebus readings:
arka'sun' rebus: arka 'gold, copper'agasale'goldsmith workshop'అగసాలి  or అగసాలెవాడు agasāli. [Tel.] n. A goldsmith. కంసాలివాడు.
मेढा [mēḍhā] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl (Marathi). Rebus: meḍ 'iron
 

karba'stalk of millet' (holcus sorghum) rebus: karba, ib 'iron' (Compares with the symbol shown on Mari procession) Rein: káśā f. ʻ whip ʼ RV., ʻ rein ʼ Śiś., ʻ string ʼ lex., kaśa -- m. ʻ whip, thong ʼ MBh.(CDIAL 2965) Rebus: kārṣāpaṇá m.n. ʻ a partic. coin or weight equivalent to one karṣa ʼ. [karṣa -- m. ʻ a partic. weight ʼ Suśr. (cf. OPers. karša -- ) and paṇa -- 2 or āpana -- EWA i 176 and 202 with lit. But from early MIA. kā̆hā˚]
Pa. kahāpaṇa -- m.n. ʻ a partic. weight and coin ʼ, KharI. kahapana -- , Pk. karisāvaṇa -- m.n., kāhāvaṇa -- , kah˚ m.; A. kaoṇ ʻ a coin equivalent to 1 rupee or 16 paṇas or 1280 cowries ʼ; B. kāhan ʻ 16 paṇas ʼ; Or. kāhā̆ṇa ʻ 16 annas or 1280 cowries ʼ, H. kahāwankāhankahān m.; OSi. (brāhmī) kahavaṇa, Si. kahavuṇa˚vaṇuva ʻ a partic. weight ʼ.(CDIAL 3086) Thus, karṣa is a signifier of wealth
 



Drawing of the Sæbø sword and its inscription from Petersen (1919).--The sword is notable for its blade inscription, which has been interpreted as runic by George Stephens (1867), which would be very exceptional; while Viking Age sword hilts were sometimes incised with runes, inlaid blade inscriptions are, with this possible exception, invariably in the Latin alphabet.;  the blade inscription Leutfrit (+ LEUTFRIT)?
Type B sword hilt with gold "wheel" ornaments, dated c. 750–850, found in the river Meuse near Den Bosch, the Netherlands (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viking_sword Dotted circles and spoked wheels are Indus script hieroglyphs. See: 

 

Type D sword hilt with gold wire ornaments, dated c. 750–850, found in the river Meuse near Aalburg, the Netherlands (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden)


Some of the hundreds of sword parts found in Estonia.          Source: Estonia Dept for the Protection of Antiquities / ERR
2 OCTOBER, 2019 - 18:17 ED WHELAN

Huge Hoard of Viking Sword Parts Found in Estonia


Archaeologists have uncovered the fragments of about a hundred swords that once belonged to Viking warriors . They were unearthed in the Baltic country of Estonia. The experts believe that the fragments were once part of weapons used as grave markers or funerary monuments for warriors.
The fragments were uncovered in two separate although neighboring locations, near the coast in Northern EstoniaERR reports that Mauri Kiudsoo, an archaeologist and archivist from Tallinn University, stated that the “two sites were located just 80 meters apart”. “The fragments were found in the territory of the ancient Estonian county of Ravala, late last autumn” according to ERR.  This is not far from the capital of Tallinn. 

Viking-era burial monument

In the two finds were found several dozen fragments from swords and also a collection of spearheads. Researchers have established that the artifacts were of a type used by the VikingsArchaeology.org reports that they have been dated to “the middle of the tenth century AD”. Some sword hilts were recovered, and they have Viking era design motifs.
Some of the hilts bear Viking era designs. (Estonia Dept for the Protection of Antiquities / ERR)
Some of the hilts bear Viking era designs. ( Estonia Dept for the Protection of Antiquities / ERR)

Fragments of 100 Viking swords unearthed in north Estonia

It seems that the swords were deliberately destroyed by the Vikings, who would break up weapons as part of their burial customs . The fragments were parts of a memorial to a warrior or group of warriors who had died.  Archaeology.org quotes Kiudsoo as saying that “bits of broken weapons may have been cenotaphs or items left as a monument to warriors”.  They may have been commemorating Vikings who had fallen in battle or died on trading missions and been buried elsewhere. This may explain why no human remains were found at either of the two sites.
The finds were made in an area that was situated near a major Viking trade route. These fierce Scandinavian warriors often raided the area of what is now Estonia. They also established trade outposts and hill forts in the region, especially in coastal areas. However, they never managed to conquer the fierce Finnic tribes in the interior, who retreated into marshes and forests in the face of the Viking assaults.
Modern replica H-type Viking sword. (radekprocyk / Adobe Stock)
Modern replica H-type Viking sword. ( radekprocyk / Adobe Stock)

H-type Viking swords

The fragment hoard found at Ravala is the largest find of Viking weaponry parts in Estonia. They are very similar to other Viking-era swords in Northern Europe. The grips of the swords helped the experts to classify the weapon. ERR reports that Kiudsoo stated that “the grips of the swords allow us to determine which type of swords they are”.
The parts have been definitively identified as coming from swords of the H-shaped type. They were double-edged swords and were very effective weapons and gave the Vikings a real advantage over their enemies . This type of sword was widely used as is evident in the fact that some 700 have been found over a wide geographical area. These weapons were used by Vikings in their battles and raids all over Northern Europe and beyond.

Huge Hoard of Viking Sword Parts Found in Estonia

Archaeologists have uncovered the fragments of about a hundred swords that once belonged to Viking warriors . They were unearthed in the Baltic country of Estonia. The experts believe that the fragments were once part of weapons used as grave markers or funerary monuments for warriors.
The fragments were uncovered in two separate although neighboring locations, near the coast in Northern EstoniaERR reports that Mauri Kiudsoo, an archaeologist and archivist from Tallinn University, stated that the “two sites were located just 80 meters apart”. “The fragments were found in the territory of the ancient Estonian county of Ravala, late last autumn” according to ERR.  This is not far from the capital of Tallinn. 

Viking-era burial monument

In the two finds were found several dozen fragments from swords and also a collection of spearheads. Researchers have established that the artifacts were of a type used by the VikingsArchaeology.org reports that they have been dated to “the middle of the tenth century AD”. Some sword hilts were recovered, and they have Viking era design motifs.
Some of the hilts bear Viking era designs. (Estonia Dept for the Protection of Antiquities / ERR)
Some of the hilts bear Viking era designs. ( Estonia Dept for the Protection of Antiquities / ERR)

Part of the hilt of the sword of the XI-XIII centuries from Läänemaa. Picture is illustrative. Source: Department for the Protection of Antiquities

Fragments of 100 Viking swords unearthed in north Estonia

It seems that the swords were deliberately destroyed by the Vikings, who would break up weapons as part of their burial customs . The fragments were parts of a memorial to a warrior or group of warriors who had died.  Archaeology.org quotes Kiudsoo as saying that “bits of broken weapons may have been cenotaphs or items left as a monument to warriors”.  They may have been commemorating Vikings who had fallen in battle or died on trading missions and been buried elsewhere. This may explain why no human remains were found at either of the two sites.
The finds were made in an area that was situated near a major Viking trade route. These fierce Scandinavian warriors often raided the area of what is now Estonia. They also established trade outposts and hill forts in the region, especially in coastal areas. However, they never managed to conquer the fierce Finnic tribes in the interior, who retreated into marshes and forests in the face of the Viking assaults.Modern replica H-type Viking sword. (radekprocyk / Adobe Stock)
Modern replica H-type Viking sword. ( radekprocyk / Adobe Stock)

H-type Viking swords

The fragment hoard found at Ravala is the largest find of Viking weaponry parts in Estonia. They are very similar to other Viking-era swords in Northern Europe. The grips of the swords helped the experts to classify the weapon. ERR reports that Kiudsoo stated that “the grips of the swords allow us to determine which type of swords they are”.
The parts have been definitively identified as coming from swords of the H-shaped type. They were double-edged swords and were very effective weapons and gave the Vikings a real advantage over their enemies . This type of sword was widely used as is evident in the fact that some 700 have been found over a wide geographical area. These weapons were used by Vikings in their battles and raids all over Northern Europe and beyond.
Vikings in the Baltic
The latest find means that the number of H-type swords found in the Baltic country has now risen to about one hundred. They have mainly been found in the north of the country.  The find is demonstrating that the H type swords were in use by at least the mid-10 th century in the Baltic area.
The discovery of the fragments of the swords is adding to our knowledge of the Viking-era in Estonia. They  demonstrate that the northern coastal area was under the direct influence of these fierce warriors and great traders. It is possible that more finds, similar to the warriors’ burial monument could be made in the general Ravala area.
Top image: Some of the hundreds of sword parts found in Estonia.          Source: Estonia Dept for the Protection of Antiquities / ERR
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=by02E0JVlBk (2:08)

Archaeologists have discovered fragments of about a hundred Viking swords, the largest find of Viking swords in Estonia to date, in northern Estonia.
The fragments were found in two closely located sites in a coastal area of north Estonia, in the territory of the ancient Estonian county of Ravala, late last autumn. 
The finds consisted of dozens of items, mostly fragments of swords and a few spearheads. 
Mauri Kiudsoo, archaeologist and keeper of the archaeological research collection of Tallinn University, told BNS the two sites were located just 80 meters apart. The swords date from the middle of the 10th century and are probably cenotaphs, grave markers dedicated to people buried elsewhere.
The reason why the swords were not found intact, Kiudsoo said, is due to the burial customs of the time. It is characteristic of finds in Estonia from the period that weapons were put into the graves broken or rendered unusable.
While the Ravala fragments constitute the biggest find of Viking-era weapons in Estonia, more important according to Kiudsoo, is the fact that the grips of the swords allow us to determine which type of swords they are. They have been identified as H-shaped double-edged swords. This type of sword was the most common type in the Viking era and over 700 have been found in northern Europe.
Kiudsoo said that by 1991, eight more or less intact type H swords and about 20 fragments had been discovered in Estonia but the number has risen to about 100. The overwhelming majority of the Estonian finds have come to light on the country's north coast, which lies by the most important remote trade route of the Viking era. 
Since the Ravala finds date from the middle of the 10th century they prove for the first time that type H swords were in use in the territory of Estonia in the 10th century, Kuidsoo said. 

https://news.err.ee/986495/fragments-of-100-viking-swords-unearthed-in-north-estonia

Viking Sword type H made by Damian Sulowski


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https://www.ancient-origins.net/news-history-archaeology/viking-swords-0012664

Itihāsa. Jayasree Saranathan refutes the "Myth of The Epoch of Arundhati of Nilesh Nilkanth Oak"

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Wednesday, October 9, 2019

My book "Myth of The Epoch of Arundhati of Nilesh Nilkanth Oak" is published on Kindle

For long I didn't take seriously the book on Mahabharata dating by Nilesh Nilkanth Oak, precisely because I thought no one would take him seriously, particularly his proposition that Arundhati, the icon of pativratātva, transgressed her limits and went ahead of her husband Vasishtha in their celestially representative stardom in the constellation of Big Dipper. But times are such that not many know the value system epitomized by Arundhati and the various other concepts ingrained in our scriptures. It appears that not many don't even know that we do keep following a scientific calendar system that is computed right from the beginning of Kali Yuga that started 5120 years ago. Thirty five years before that Mahabharata war had happened. 

In an atmosphere of absence of knowledge of even the basic features of our culture, I find the youth of today getting excited over the thought of long past for Vedic India and modern software being put into use to establish the past. But they should not be fed with faulty understanding of texts and concepts and mindless use of simulation for establishing the meaning of even scriptural concepts. Motivated by this factor I ventured into exposing the numerous errors and mistakes in Nilesh Oak's understanding of Mahabharata and his notion of the NON-EXISTENT Epoch of Arundhati.  

This venture taken with the aim of transference from Tamas to Jyoti, seeks to achieve three-in-one over all - (1) busting the myth of Epoch of Arundhati, (2) establishing the traditional date of Mahabharata corroborated in a scientific and logical way and (3) establishing the fact that Skanda was the initiator of the first ever Vedic Homa heralding the Vedic culture thereby making irrelevant both the AIT and Tamil separatism. 

Of these the busting of the Epoch of Arundhati achieves twin objectives of demolishing both Mahabharata and Ramayana dates of Nilesh Oak. Oak has made this 'Epoch' fundamental to his 'research' saying that the 'Epoch' forms the limits of the dates of these two Epics. According to him this 'Epoch' had run for more than 6000 years, from 11091 BCE to 4508 BCE. He has placed the date of Mahabharata war within this period, in 5561 BCE and Ramayana before this period. He claims that Ramayana did not take place any time after 10,000 BCE and Mahabharata did not take place anytime after 4,500 BCE.

By demolishing the very concept of the "Epoch" which I have done in this book, both the dates of Nilesh Oak stands demolished. This is a must-read book for everyone, for I have shown why Oak is wrong for placing Mahabharata in this Epoch and thereby pulling the start of Kaliyuga also to 2000 years before the established date. 


This book titled "Myth of The Epoch of Arundhati of Nilesh Nilkanth Oak" can be read here:




The cover illustration and the date of Kali Yuga (Gregorian) by deriving the correct ayanamsa and by aligning the Year, month, tithi, star and week day are also given below. Following that, the complete list of contents of this book is furnished.



Book cover 



Kali Yuga start date. 


Contents
Introduction
  • The knotty issue of Arundhati observation
1.     No test of elimination of other descriptions of Arundhati
2.     Nimitta (Omen) nature of Arundhati observation
3.     Not testing traditional Nimitta concepts.
4.     Personal bias coming in the way of research
5.     Non-acceptance of astrology amounts to rejection of Vedanga.
  • Astronomy simulator, the only methodology of research
  • Circumpolarity of Arundhati-Vasishtha
  • Voyager- Simulation Nyaya
  • Analogies as astronomy positions
  • Analogy Nyaya
  • Manipulations and lack of fundamental knowledge
  • Plan of the critique

1.     Symbolism of Arundhati
  • Arundhati – an icon of third Purushartha.
1.     Marriage vow of firmness in the name of Arundhati
2.     The established position of Arundhati as follower of Vasishtha.
  • Meaning of the word Arundhati
1.     Earliest reference to unwavering Arundhati.
2.     Arundhati in marriage mantra.
  • Vyasa’s nuanced reference to Arundhati
  • Did Kunti wish her sons to tow behind Draupadi?
  • History of Arundhati within the history of Mahabharata.

Purva Paksha

2.     Nilesh Nilkanth Oak’s Theory of Arundhati Epoch
  • His assumptions.
  • His theory.
  • Astronomy Basics.
  • Mahabharata astronomy.
  • Methodology
  • Rejects traditional Kaliyuga date
  • The Epoch of Arundhati
  • On Omens.
  • Mystery of Arundhati explained.
  • Causes for Arundhati walking ahead of Vasishtha.

Uttara Paksha

3.     Evaluation of Assumptions of Nilesh Oak.
  • Mis-interpretation of the term ‘assumption’
1.     Accuracy of simulations. 
2.     Faulty ideas of Nakshatra system of time reckoning.
3.     Reliability of the Mahabharata text.
  • Contradictory theses.
  • Purpose of astronomy references.

4.     Flawed views on Mahabharata Astronomy.
  • Mahabharata calendar.
  • Funny concept of “Insertion” of Adhika Masa.
(1)  Why Adhika masa is calculated?
  • Oak clueless on year- beginning in Mahabharata times.
  • Astronomy observations not always visual.
  • Fundamental concept of Muhurta not understood.
  • Oak’s revolutionary discovery of the meaning of ‘Vakri’ motion
(1)  What is Vakri motion?
  • Faulty notion about Seasons.
  • Vyasa had knowledge of newly discovered outer-most planets?
  • Traditional view on the Sun’s journey in 8 directions in a solar day.
  • Nilesh Oak sees Pluto in Tivro nakshatra.

5.     Faulty concept of equinoxes and solstices.
  • Seasons never changed over millennia.
  • Understanding Precession of Equinoxes.
  • The Pendulum movement of the equinox.
  • Evidence of Precession concept of Surya Siddhanta in other texts.
  • Time factor deduced from Surya Siddhanta concept of equinoxes.
  • Deducing the equinoctial position during Mahabharata.

6.     Methodology: Flaws in application of Popper’s Falsification.
  • Nilesh Oak’s research justifies Kuhn’s criticism of Popper’s methodology that result is what one wants to see.
  • A-V observation is not a Basic Sentence in Popper’s criterion.
  • A-V observation is a subjective observation and not inter-subjective observation mandated by the theory of falsifiability.
  • Inappropriateness of Popper’s falsifiability as a methodology for proving A-V observation.
  • Criticism of adhocism leading to manipulation.
  • Falsification does not apply to astrological concepts.
  • The Mother of Ironies.

7.     Methodology: Faulty concept of Pramāna.
  • Is A-V observation a valid Shabda Pramāna?
  • Nilesh Nilkanth Oak Sutra of Pramānas.
  • A model jingled with jargons.
  • Pramāna is source of Knowledge.
  • Did Arundhati walk ahead of Vasishtha? - Mimamsa explanation
  • Did Arundhati walk ahead of Vasishtha? – Pramāna based interpretation.
  • Vyasa reports deviation in the Pole star too.

8.     Nilesh Oak’s Faulty Understanding of Prishṭha.
  • Meaning of “prishṭha” (पृष्ठ) in the A-V observation not established.

9.     Nimitta is non-falsifiable.
  • Nilesh Oak’s Nimitta concepts.
1.     The A-V observation is not a unique nimitta and it is just one among many.
2.     Nimitta is a non-regular, non-ordinary phenomenon, but scientifically explainable.
3.     Nimitta is a sign and must not be confused with ‘Bad omens’.
  • Evaluation of Nilesh Oak’s Nimitta concepts.
1.     Nilesh Nilkanth Oak is consistently inconsistent in his explanation for nimitta.
2.     Nilesh Oak has no respect for traditions and the “Indic minds” that stick to tradition.
3.     If omens are testable, why didn’t he test other omens?
4.     Why A-V observation was not at all mentioned by others as a nimitta if it was around for more than 6000 years?
5.     Can Nilesh Oak show any other omen that ran for 6000 years as A-V did?
  • What is a nimitta?
  • Mahabharata, peak time of Nimitta knowledge.
  • Nimitta is a concept of Astrology.
  • Non-regular appearance of Arundhati to be treated as nimitta – says Mahabharata.

10.  Nilesh Oak’s Kaliyuga-Dilemma.
  • The Vyasa factor.
  • Does Mahabharata give inconsistent views on Yugas?
  • Evidence for Yudhishthira Shaka.
  • Concept of Shaka is old.
  • Janamejaya’s grant refers to Yudhishthira Shaka
  • The Aryabhata-headache of Nilesh Oak.
  • Aryabhata on Yuga, Bharata and Kali Yuga
  • Kali Yuga Date derived from Aryabhatiya.
  • Kali Yuga did start on a Thursday
  • The Sapta Rishi Yuga puzzle.
  • Yudhishthira Shaka in Sapta Rishi cycle.
  • Deducing the beginning of Sapta Rishi Cycle.
  • Nilesh Oak’s faulty understanding of Siddhanta (Indian Astronomy)

11.  The Myth of the Epoch of Arundhati.
  • The strange scientific discoveries of Nilesh Oak.
1.     Did North Pole make peculiar orientation with A-V?
  • Not for 6000 years, but only for 16 hours a day – Arundhati walked in the front!
  • Simulator-Nyaya shows Arundhati lagging behind.
  • Right Ascension, not always a proof for movement ahead.
1.     Right Ascension not a valid test in non-circumpolarity too.
2.     Cassiopeia for comparison.
3.     Setting time decides the final forward position
  • Episodes of Arundhati matching with the A-V stars through the millennia.
1.     Arundhati stayed back when Sapta Rishis went away.
2.     Arundhati was part of a migration of Sapta Rishis.
3.     Arundhati insulted her husband and became smoke coloured.
  • The ‘Peculiar Orientation’ was due to change in ecliptic obliquity.
  • Scientific explanation for A-V verse of Vyasa.
  • Brief note on Atmospheric refraction.
  • Two nimittas on changed refractive index
  • Nimittas that suggest asteroid-hit.
  • Planetary nimittas in support of asteroid-hit:
1.     Saturn afflicting Prajapati’s star-planet
2.     Planet Mars wheeling backwards to Anuradha
3.     The star Chitra is afflicted by Gara.
4.     The sign on Moon’s disc had changed
5.     Rahu moved towards the Sun.
  • Planetary nimittas seen by Vyasa at the time of asteroid-hit.
1.     Shyama graha in Jyeshtha.
2.     Vyasa’s Pole star nimitta.
3.     Parusha planet pointing at middle of Citra and Swati.
4.     Two coppery red- topped planets at the time of rise of Saptarishi Mandala
5.     Arundhati had kept her husband at her Prishṭha
  • Vyasa’s nimittas in support of reversal of atmospheric density.
1.     At sun-rise flights of insects, by hundreds seen.
2.     At both twilights, the cardinal quarters seemed ablaze
3.     There was shower of blood and ash
4.     Frequent earthquakes and tectonic disturbances.
5.     Tsunamis reported
6.     The tectonic movement has caused the river to change direction.
7.     Release of rare gases from the surface fissures.
8.     Strange coloured halos around the Sun.
9.     Two 13-day phases (Paksha) of the Moon.
10.  Temporary phenomenon of Arundhati ‘walking ahead’ of Vasishtha.

12.  Date of Mahabharata from Internal Evidences.
  • The 5-year Yuga of Mahabharata times deciphered.
1.     The year of Mahabharata war in 5-year Yuga cycle.
2.     Accounting the extra six days in exile.
  • Reconstructing the start and end date of Pandava’s exile.
1.     Deciphering the month of the end of exile.
  • Ritu-calculation of Mahabharata Calendar.
  • Date of Krishna leaving Upaplavya on peace mission.
  • Proof against Varsha season proposed by Nilesh Oak for Krishna’s peace mission.
  • Sequence of Mahabharata events after the exile.
1.     Lunar Ashadha month: (Sun in Cancer)
2.     Lunar Shravana month: (Sun in Leo)
3.     Lunar Bhadrapada month: (Sun in Virgo)
4.     Lunar Ashvayuja month: (Sun in Libra)
5.     Lunar Kartika month: (Sun in Scorpio)
6.     Lunar Margashirsha month: (Sun in Scorpio / Sagittarius)
  • A brief on Balarama’s pilgrimage
1.     Lunar Margashirsha month Continued:
2.     Lunar Pushya Month (Sun in Sagittarius)
  • Lunar eclipse after the war began
  • Did Bhishma fail to judge the arrival of Uttarayana?
  • Nilesh Oak’s views on Bhishma Nirvana.
  • Three verses on Bhishma’s waiting period.
1.     Krishna assigned “remaining 56 days” for Bhishma.
2.     Yudhishthira found very ‘few days remaining’ for Bhishma.
3.     Bhishma declared that he waited for ‘58 nights’
  • Month- Tithi-Nakshatra alignment for 58 days.
1.     Points of synchronisation:
2.     Points of non-synchronisation.
  • Counting Tithi-star-month from lunar Kartika month.
1.     Krishna’s 56 days
2.     Bhishma’s 58 days
  • Sequencing the days since Bhishma started imparting knowledge to Pandavas.
1.     Day 1 of conversation with Bhishma.
2.     Day 2 of conversation with Bhishma (Bodhayana Amawasya?)
3.     Day 3 of conversation with Bhishma.
4.     Day 4 of conversation with Bhishma.
  • Did Bhishma live for 50 more nights after the conversation?
  • Sequencing the dates from end of conversation to Bhishma Nirvana.
  • Defects in Nilesh Oak’s Bhishma Nirvana research
  • Mahabharata Time-line.
  • Corroborating left-out planetary features given by Vyasa.
  • Of Sequence (Anukrama) and scientific acumen of Nilesh Oak.

13. The ‘Fall’ of Abhijit and the Rise of Vedic culture.
  • Nilesh Oak’s explanation in his book.
  • Problems with Nilesh Oak’s theory of Fall of Abhijit.
  • Contextual analysis of the Fall of Abhijit.
  • Birth of Vishakha
  • Abhijit, wives of six rishis and marriage of Svaha with Agni.
  • Catastrophe from the sky.
  • Decoding Markandeya’s narration.
  • Marriage of Svaha with Agni conducted by Skanda signals the start of Vedic Homa
  • Vedic Homa: Initiated by Skanda and carried over by Vivasvan and Manu
  • Date of Skanda from Tamil literature
  • Skanda’s location at Tiruchendur.
  • Fall of Abhijit noticed from Tiruchendur
  • Fall of Abhijit impossible for latitudes above 15 degree N until 9000 BCE
  • Early evidence of rice in Tiruchendur supports genesis of Vedic Homa around that region.
  • Abhijit was the younger sister of Rohini.
  • Dhanishtha and Rohini were foremost
  • Abhijit Muhurtha.
  • Ramayana references on Abhijit
  • 10,800 BCE witnessed ‘Fall’ of Abhijit and a comet-hit too.
1. Krittika in, Rohini away, Abhijit out and Vishakha split!
2. Krittika seemed to have fulfilled some important requirements.
3. Krittika offered new identity for the spouses of six of the sapta rishis.
4. Krittika ruled high in the Heavens when Abhijit ‘fell’ behind the forests.
5. Krittika’s inclusion to match with the shower of fire from comet-hit.
  • 10,800 BCE Comet-hit impacted India too.

Appendix I:  List of Manipulations done by Nilesh Oak to ‘corroborate’ his date of Mahabharata.
Appendix II: Mathematical calculation of relative rise and set time of stars with particular reference to Alcor (Arundhati) and Mizar (Vasishtha) in the period of Nilesh Oak’s ‘Epoch of Arundhati’ done by Harish Saranathan, PhD (Aerospace, Aeronautical and Astronautical Engineering)http://jayasreesaranathan.blogspot.com/2019/10/my-book-myth-of-epoch-of-arundhati-of.html

Itihāsa. फिर पूरे वेग से बहेगी वैदिक नदी सरस्वती -- Hindustan Dainik

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सरस्वती नदी के बारे में एक महत्वपूर्ण लेख। हिन्दुस्तान दैनिक से साभार।




Digital Library for Epigraphia Indus Script

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Digital Library for Epigraphia Indus Script

    -- Involving the children of the world to test the decipherment of Indus Script Corpora of over 8000 inscriptions as wealth-accounting ledgers

Objectives:

Objective A. To present a challenge to children of the world to identify words and their homonyms from Indian sprachbund, 'language union' or Linguistic Area.

Objective B.To present an App on mobile phones and online access to over 50,000 words – in the scripts of ancient Indian languages, e.g., Samskrtam, Kannada, Telugu, Tamil, Bengali, Oriya – which explain the hieroglyphs of Indus Script and rebus or similar sounding homonyms of words which explain wealth-creating resources and activities of an ancient civilization. Note: the choice of words from language lexicons and comparative dictionaries is ONLY related to hieroglyphs or pictographs of Indus Script; the pictographs are used in Field Symbols and also on Text messages with pictographs called ‘signs’.

 

Objective C. To present audio sounds of the words of ancient Indian languages which have yielded the decipherment. These languages constitute an Indian Linguistic Area or sprachbund, ‘language union’. Due to the variegated nature of same semantics of a word with varied pronunciations, the language family is called parole, spoken form of ancient Indian language or sprachbund is called Meluhha cognate mleccha (according to Vatsyayana who uses mlecchita vikalpa as one of the 64 arts taught to youth). This pronunciation pattern by the people of Sarasvati Civilization is called Meluhha by Akkadian speakers of Ancient Near East, as shown on Shu-ilishu cylinder seal rendered in a bilingual inscription. The field symbols are in Indus language; the inscription is in cuneiform script of Akkadian. The cuneiform text reads: 

Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). The field symbols are read on the following basis.The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin, signified by the field symbols vividly portrayed on the cylinder seal. The Meluhha merchant carries melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile: kuṭhāru 'crucible' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer' (the Akkadian merchant on whose lap sits the Meluhha interpreter, Shu-ilishu).

 

Thus, the cylinder seal signifies a trade transaction between a Mesopotamian armourer (Akkadian speaker) and Meluhhans settling a trade contract for their copper and tin. The transaction is mediated by Shu-ilishu, the Akkadian interpreter of Meluhha language.


1.      Over 1600 monographs are available on pdf format describing over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions.

2.      https://independent.academia.edu/SriniKalyanaramanDigitized pdf form of the following four volumes (amazon.com) are also available.





3.      Indian Lexicon – comparative dictionary of over 8000 semantic clusters in 25+ Ancient Languages of India https://www.academia.edu/37229973/Indian_Lexicon_--Comparative_dictionary_of_over_8000_semantic_clusters_in_25_ancient_Bharatiya_languagesThis is complemented by online resources of language lexicons of Bharatiya languages:
4.      Turner, R. L. (Ralph Lilley), Sir. A comparative dictionary of Indo-Aryan languages. London: Oxford University Press, 1962-1966. Includes three supplements, published 1969-1985. https://dsalsrv04.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/soas/
5.      Burrow, T., and M. B. Emeneau. A Dravidian etymological dictionary. 2nd ed. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Clarendon Press, 1984. https://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/burrow/
6.      David Stampe Works on Munda etyma, Computational linguistics; phonology and prosody; holistic typography and drift; Munda languages.
7.      Apte, Vaman Shivaram. Revised and enlarged edition of Prin. V. S. Apte's The practical Sanskrit-English dictionary. Poona: Prasad Prakashan, 1957-1959. 3v.
8.      Macdonell, Arthur Anthony. A practical Sanskrit dictionary with transliteration, accentuation, and etymological analysis throughout. London: Oxford University Press, 1929
9.      Molesworth, J. T. (James Thomas). A dictionary, Marathi and English. 2d ed., rev. and enl. Bombay: Printed for government at the Bombay Education Society's press, 1857.
10.  University of Madras. Tamil lexicon. [Madras], University of Madras, 1924-1936.
Brown, Charles Philip. A Telugu-English dictionary. New ed., thoroughly rev. and brought up to date ... 2nd ed. Madras: Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1903.
11.  Praharaj, G.C. Purnnacandra Odia Bhashakosha. Cuttack: Utkal Sahitya Press, 1931-1940. https://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/praharaj/
The decipherment of the Epigraphia Indus Script is presented in two segments:
1.      Decipherment of Field Symbols (e.g. pictures of one-horned young bull (so-called ‘unicorn’), tiger, rhinoceros, buffalo, standard device mostly in front of the ‘unicorn’ etc.
2.      Decipherment of Text messages (composed of hieroglyphs or pictographs) (e.g. rim-of-jar, rimless pot, svastika etc.

3.      khaṇḍa kanka 'pot, rim'Daimabad seal.(Santali) कर्णकm. (ifc. f().) a prominence or handle or projection on the side or sides (of a vessel &c ) , a tendril  (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण, कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)

4.      कर्ण   kárna â, î) ear; handle; rudder; N. of several men, esp. of a son of Kuntî; a. having ears or handles; long-eared (also á) (Macdonell)

5.       कर्णिन््   karn-ín having ears; barbed; m. helmsman (Macdonell)

6.      कारणिक judge Pan5cat.(पञ्चतन्त्र); a teacher (महाभारत ii , 167).

7.      कर्णिकm. a steersman 

कारणी or कारणीक   kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. (Marathi)

Rebus:  karuṇīkaṉ கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ , n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகையொருமலையாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன்கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும்ஒருசாதி.

కరణము  karaṇamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. వాడుకూతకరణముగానివ్రాతకరణముకాడు he has talents for speaking but not for writing. స్థలకరణము the registrar of a district. కరణము n. Instrument, means.

8.      खोंड khōṇḍa 'young bull', 'holcus sorghum', 3) khōṇḍa 'sack, pannier' Rebus: konda 'furnace', kunda ‘fine gold’ PLUS karba 'stalk of millet' (holcus sorghum) rebus: karba 'iron'.kunda 'fine gold' singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'ornament gold'.

"The figure in the middle of the top register is the king, drawn larger than the other men to signify his greater importance. He holds a battle ensign featuring a bull statuette. The king’s soldiers are lined up behind him, and in front of him are more soldiers and a few prisoners. The bottom register is a confusing array of soldiers, prisoners, a chariot, and a clay pot (!?). The standard was found in the temple of Ishtar, in pieces scattered on the floor, which would account for the arbitrary arrangement of the figures...It's very possible that the Standard of Mari is not just a decorative mosaic panel, as is commonly supposed, but an actual royal standard like Standard of Ur, the kind carried aloft during processions of the king http://sumerianshakespeare.com/312101/




One-horned young bull held up on a flagstaff of holcus sorghum with rein-rings by a priest at Mari.
Hieroglyph 1: rein: káśā f. ʻ whip ʼ RV., ʻ rein ʼ Śiś., ʻ string ʼ lex., kaśa -- m. ʻ whip, thong ʼ MBh. (CDIAL 2965) Hieroglyph 2: millet: Pa. Pk. kāsa -- m.; Kt. kāċɔ ʻ millet ʼ(CDIAL 3113) Rebus: kañcu = bronze (Telugu) bell-metal. 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk. kaṁsa -- , kāsa -- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes) kã̄jā adj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ. kāsā ʻ jar ʼ (← E with -- s -- , not ñj); N. kã̄so ʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ, kas -- kuṭ ʻ metal alloy ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B. kã̄sā, Or. kãsā, Bi. kã̄sā; Bhoj. kã̄s ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, kã̄sā ʻ base metal ʼ; H. kāskã̄sā m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G. kã̄sũ n., M. kã̄sẽ n.; Ko. kã̄śẽ n. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si. kasa ʻ bell -- metal ʼ.2. L. kã̄ihã̄ m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P. kã̄ssīkã̄sī f., H. kã̄sī f.(CDIAL 2987). Thus, this is a proclamation – in a victory procession -- of metallurgical innovation of an alloy called bell-metal.
(Santali) शृङ्गिन्   śṛṅgin शृङ्गिन् a. (-णी f.) [शृङ्गमस्त्यस्यइनि1 Horned. –(Apte) Rebus: शृङ्गी   śṛṅgī शृङ्गी 1 Gold used for ornaments.
 कुन्दone of कुबेर's nine treasures (N. of a गुह्यक -- Demetrius Galanos's Lexiko: sanskritikes, anglikes, hellenikes )

குந்தனம் kuntaṉam , n. < T. kundanamu. 1. Interspace for enchasing or setting gems in a jewel; இரத்தினம்பதிக்கும்இடம். குந்தனத்திலழுத்தின . . . ரத்தினங்கள் (திவ். திருநெடுந். 21, வ்யா. பக். 175). 2. Gold, fine gold; தங்கம். (சங். அக.) Kundana ‘fine gold’: Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu. kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725)

He wears a bead as a fillet. *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá – (CDIAL 8403)

Rebus: पोतृ   pōtṛ पोतृ m. 1 One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). -2 An epithet of Viṣṇu. (Apte)
போத்தி (p. 2962) pōtti போத்தி pōtti , n. போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple-priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ளகோயிலருச்சகன்.(Tamil Lexicon)
पोतदार   pōtadāra m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith.
पोतदारी   pōtadārī f ( P) The office or business of पोतदार: also his rights or fees.
पोतनिशी   pōtaniśī f ( P) The office or business of पोतनीस.
पोतनीस   pōtanīsa m ( P) The treasurer or cash-keeper.(Marathi)

The fillets worn by the priest on his forehead and right shoulder signify his professional competence: dhāī 'strand' PLUS vata, 'string'; together, the expression is:a dotted circle + string which signifies dhā̆vaḍ ''iron-smelter'. His beard is neatly trimmed signifying that he may have used a metal razor or similar toiletry instrument to trim the beard. These pragmantics are reinforced by the dotted circles decorated on the potti 'cloth' he wears as a shawl.

कंस   kaṃsa m A segment of a circle as a parenthesis: also a bracket of any form, (, [, { &c. 2 An arc. Rebus 1: कस   kasa (कष S) The quality of gold or silver as determined by its appearance on the touchstone. Rebus 2: Rebus: kañcu = bronze (Telugu) bell-metal. 1. Pa. kaṁsa -- m. (?) ʻ bronze ʼ, Pk. kaṁsa -- , kāsa -- n. ʻ bell -- metal, drinking vessel, cymbal ʼ; L. (Jukes) kã̄jā adj. ʻ of metal ʼ, awāṇ. kāsā ʻ jar ʼ (← E with -- s -- , not ñj); N. kã̄so ʻ bronze, pewter, white metal ʼ, kas -- kuṭ ʻ metal alloy ʼ; A. kã̄h ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, B. kã̄sā, Or. kãsā, Bi. kã̄sā; Bhoj. kã̄s ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, kã̄sā ʻ base metal ʼ; H. kāskã̄sā m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, G. kã̄sũ n., M. kã̄sẽ n.; Ko. kã̄śẽ n. ʻ bronze ʼ; Si. kasa ʻ bell -- metal ʼ.2. L. kã̄ihã̄ m. ʻ bell -- metal ʼ, P. kã̄ssīkã̄sī f., H. kã̄sī f.(CDIAL 2987)

The tributes to Shalamaneser III included a monkey dressed like a woman, an Indus Script hieroglyph.






Translation of the Cuneiform inscription on the obelisk
  
Black obelisk of Shalamaneser III, King of Assyria (ca. 827 cent. BCE) Monkey dressed like a woman (as one of the tributes, together with other animals). रत्नी   ratnī f (रत्न) In monkey-sports. A term given to the female monkey habited as a woman (Marathi) Rebus: रत्नम्   ratnam रत्नम् [रमते$त्ररम्-तान्तादेशः Uṇ.3.14] 1 A gem, jewel, a precious stone; किंरत्नमच्छामतिः Bv.1.86; रत्नमन्विष्यतिमृग्यतेहितत् Ku.5.45. (The ratnas are said to be either five, nine or fourteen; see the words पञ्चरत्न, नवरत्न, and चतुर्दशरत्न respectively.) -2 Anything valuable or precious, any dear treasure. -3 Anything best or excellent of its kind; (mostly at the end of comp.); जातौजातौयदुत्कृष्टंतद्रत्नमभिधीयते Malli; कन्यारत्नमयोनिजन्मभवतामास्तेवयंचार्थिनः Mv.1.3; अग्रेसरीभवतुकाञ्चनचक्ररत्नम्Nāg.5.37; so पुत्र˚, स्त्री˚ V.4.25; अपत्य˚ &c. (Apte) रत्न n. ( √1. रा) a gift , present , goods , wealth , riches RV. AV. S3Br.; a jewel , gem , treasure , precious stone (the nine jewel are pearl , ruby , topaz , diamond , emerald , lapis lazuli , coral , sapphire , गोमेद ; hence रत्न is a N. for the number 9 ; but accord. to some 14) Mn. MBh. &c (Monier-Williams) रतन   ratana n (Corr. from रत्न S) A gem or jewel (Marathi)




Mohenjo-daro Seals m1118 and Kalibangan 032, glyphs used are: Zebu (bos taurus indicus), fish, four-strokes (allograph: arrow).ayo ‘fish’ (Mu.) + kaṇḍa ‘arrow’ (Skt.) ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent  iron’ (Pāṇ.gaṇ) aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) gaṆḌa, ‘four’ (Santali); Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar’, ‘furnace’), arrow read rebus in mleccha (Meluhhan) as a reference to a guild of artisans working with ayaskāṇḍa ‘excellent quantity of iron’ (Pāṇini) is consistent with the primacy of economic activities which resulted in the invention of a writing system, now referred to as Indus Writing. poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'.

पोळ   pōḷa m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. 2 Hence, fig. A fat, lazy, good-for-nothing fellow.पोळा   pōḷā m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. (Marathi)
See the painting of the pot with zebu and black drongo. These signify, magnetite ferrite ore and steel.




పోలడు  , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.) Rebus: पोलाद pōlāda, 'steel' = ukku 'wootz steel' derived from Vedic utsa 'spring'; eraka, urku 'moltencast'.

Three tin ingots of Haifa shipwreck with Indus (Sarasvati) hieroglyphs reinforce the Meluhha rebus reading ranku dhatu mũh, ‘tin mineral-ore ingot’ https://tinyurl.com/yxckubfd

See: The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies Volume 1: Number 11 (2010), pp. 47-74.)
This article of 2010 had present rebus readings of inscriptions on the following two tin ingots
Tin ingots in the Museum of Ancient Art of the Municipality of Haifa, Israel (left #8251, right #8252). The ingots each bear two inscribed “Cypro-Minoan markings”. (Note: I have argued that the inscriptions were Meluhha hieroglyphs (Indus or Sarasvati writing) denoting ranku ‘antelope’ (on left ingot) ranku ‘liquid measure’ (on right ingot) datu ‘cross’ read rebus as: ranku 'tin' dhatu 'ore'. 
Another tin ingot with comparable Indus writing has been reported by Artzy:



Fig. 4 Inscribed tin ingot with a moulded head, from Haifa (Artzy, 1983: 53). (Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, BASOR 250, pp. 51-55) https://www.academia.edu/5476188/Artzy-1983-Tin-Ignot This figure indicates the head of a woman as a hieroglyph. Some scholars have suggested that this signifies Arethusa.
The author Michal Artzy (opcit., p. 55) who showed these four signs on the four tin ingots to E. Masson who is the author of Cypro-Minoan Syllabary. Masson’s views are recorded in Foot Note 3: “E. Masson, who was shown all four ingots for the first time by the author, has suggested privately that the sign ‘d’ looks Cypro-Minoan, but not the otherthree signs.”
If all the signs are NOT Cypro-Minoan Syllabary, what did these four signs, together, incised on the tin ingots signify?
The two hieroglyphs incised which compare with the two pure tin ingots discovered from a shipwreck in Haifa, the moulded head can be explained also as a Meluhha hieroglyphs without assuming it to be the face of goddess Arethusa in Greek tradition: Hieroglyph:  mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Santali). The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali). = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhānā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). [The 'cross' or X hieroglyph is incised on both ingots.]
All these hieroglyphs on the three tin ingots of Haifa are read rebus in Meluhha:
Hieroglyph: ranku  = liquid measure (Santali)
Hieroglyph: raṅku m. ʻa species of deerʼ Vās.,  rankuka  id., Śrīkaṇṭh. (Samskrtam)(CDIAL 10559). raṅku m. ʻ a species of deer ʼ Vās., °uka -- m. Śrīkaṇṭh.Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ? -- more prob. < raṅká-<-> s.v. *rakka -- .*raṅkha -- ʻ defective ʼ see *rakka -- .RAṄG ʻ move to and fro ʼ: ráṅgati. -- Cf. √riṅg, √rikh2, √*righ.(CDIAL 10559)
Rebus: ranku ‘tin’ (Santali) raṅgan. ʻ tin ʼ lex. Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m.ʻpewter, tinʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ. (CDIAL 10562) 
Hieroglyph: dāṭu = cross (Telugu)
Rebus: dhatu = mineral ore (Santali) Rebus: dhāṭnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (Hindi)(CDIAL 6771).
Hieroglyph: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali)
Indus Script hypertexts thus read: Hieroglyphs: ranku 'liquid measure' or raṅku ʻa species of deerʼ PLUS dāṭu = cross  rebus: plain text: ranku 'tin' PLUS dhatu 'cast mineral' Thus, together, the plain text reads: tin mineral casting. The fourth ingot with the hieroglyph of a moulded head reads: mũh 'a face' Rebus: mũh, 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time from the furnace’ (Santali).Thus, together, the message on the three tin ingots discovered in the Haifa shipwreck is: ranku dhatu mũh 'tin mineral-ore ingot'.




Itihāsa. Ancient links between Tamil traders and a Chinese port city

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Ancient links between Tamil traders and a Chinese port city

The staggered discovery threw up proof that Tamil sea traders had made Quanzhou an important port-of-call, approximately a thousand years ago.

INDIA Updated: Oct 09, 2019 20:19 IST
Sutirtho Patranobis
Sutirtho Patranobis
Hindustan Times, Beijing
Hundreds of sculptures and carvings were excavated in the city and surrounding areas in the middle of the last century.Hundreds of sculptures and carvings were excavated in the city and surrounding areas in the middle of the last century.(File photo)
Quanzhou, a port city in Fujian province is possibly the only city in this country with existing evidence that ancient trade links existed between coastal China and southern India.
Hundreds of sculptures and carvings were excavated in the city and surrounding areas in the middle of the last century.
The staggered discovery threw up proof that Tamil sea traders had made Quanzhou an important port-of-call, approximately a thousand years ago.
The famous Kaiyuan temple – a major tourist destination – in Quanzhou also has carvings that historians say were influenced by Hindu/Buddhist styles.
Many of these artifacts are now kept at the Quanzhou Maritime Museum – also called the Museum of Overseas Communication History – which also houses relics including old ships, which sunk near the coast and inscriptions of Christian and Islamic origin.
An introduction to the museum says that “…Hindu stone carvings exhibited in it include more than 100 square stones, including stone sarcophagi, stone pillars, vertical statues, column foundations, pedestals and other building infrastructure components.”
Among the exhibits are Vishnu and Lakshmi idols; the stone pillar of the Hindu temple is currently standing on the back porch of the famous Buddhist temple Kaiyuan Temple, says the introduction.
“The Hindu Vishnu stone statues are preserved in the Quanzhou Sea Museum, depicting the god of protection, Vishnu, one of the three Hindu gods. It is a prototype of Vishnu and is a common form in a Hindu temple,” it adds.
The research into the origins of the relics continues but there seems to be a consensus that the Hindu art-influenced artifacts originated in the southern part of India.
“In the late thirteenth century, a Tamil-speaking community in southern China’s coastal city of Quanzhou built a temple devoted to the Hindu god Siva. The temple is no longer intact, but over 300 carvings are still within the city, on display in the collection of the local museum, and rebuilt into the walls of the city’s main Buddhist temple,” writes art historian and curator, Risha Lee.
“The known carvings are distinguishable by their South Indian style, with its closest parallels in thirteenth-century temples constructed in the Kaveri Delta region in Tamil Nadu, and are dispersed across five primary sites in Quanzhou and its surroundings,” Lee wrote in her dissertation – later published as a book -- for Columbia University.
For an approximate date when the temple would have been built, Lee deciphered the inscriptions written both in Chinese and Tamil on a stone block.
“What little we know of the community of Siva worshippers in Quanzhou comes directly from the carvings themselves; apart from the material remains of a Siva temple, history has not documented or referenced its creators,” she wrote, adding: “The strongest evidence for its construction date is a bilingual inscription found in Quanzhou, written in both Chinese and Tamil on a block of diabase stone, which records the consecration of a Siva temple in 1281.”
President Xi Jinping worked in Fujian for several years in various capacities, and finally, as the governor for two years between 2000 and 2002 – he also visited the maritime museum in Quanzhou more than once.
https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/ancient-links-between-tamil-traders-and-a-chinese-port-city/story-3jFGUOd4dmz7RHvNNVIEtK.html

dāya 'one in dice' + boṭṭu 'dot' tadbhava of vrtta 'circle', rebus bhaṭṭhā 'kiln',dhāvaḍa 'iron smelter'

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धावड   dhāvaḍa m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धावडी   dhāvaḍī a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron.

That  boṭṭu tadbhava of vrtta 'circle', is evidenced by the following etyma cited in CDIAL 12069) Prakrit word vaṭṭa 'passed' is spelt as buto ʻhe wasʼ(Kashmiri). baṭṭa 'that is round, circular' (Kannada) Rebus:  bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj]Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., ˚ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhībhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v. bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- . Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.(CDIAL 9656)



vr̥ttá ʻ turned ʼ RV., ʻ rounded ʼ ŚBr. 2. ʻ completed ʼ MaitrUp., ʻ passed, elapsed (of time) ʼ KauṣUp. 3. n. ʻ conduct, matter ʼ ŚBr., ʻ livelihood ʼ Hariv. [√vr̥t1]1. Pa. vaṭṭa -- ʻ round ʼ, n. ʻ circle ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ round ʼ; L. (Ju.) vaṭ m. ʻ anything twisted ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ round ʼ, vaṭa -- ya ʻ circle, girth (esp. of trees) ʼ; Md. va'ʻ round ʼ GS 58; -- Paš.ar. waṭṭəwīˊkwaḍḍawik ʻ kidney ʼ ( -- wĭ̄k vr̥kká -- ) IIFL iii 3, 192? 2. Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- ʻ passed, gone away, completed, dead ʼ; Ash. weṭ -- intr. ʻ to pass (of time), pass, fall (of an avalanche) ʼ, weṭā -- tr. ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Paš. wiṭīk ʻ passed ʼ; K.ḍoḍ. buto ʻ he was ʼ; P. batāuṇā ʻ to pass (time) ʼ; Ku. bītṇo ʻ to be spent, die ʼ, bitauṇo ʻ to pass, spend ʼ; N. bitāunu ʻ to pass (time), kill ʼ, butāunu ʻ to extinguish ʼ; Or. bitibā intr. ʻ to pass (of time), bitāibā tr.; Mth. butāb ʻ to extinguish ʼ; OAw. pret. bītā ʻ passed (of time) ʼ; H. bītnā intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, butnā ʻ to be extinguished ʼ, butānā ʻ to extinguish ʼ; G. vĭ̄tvũ intr. ʻ to pass (of time) ʼ, vatāvvũ tr. ʻ to stop ʼ. 3. Pa. vatta -- n. ʻ duty, office ʼ; Pk. vaṭṭa -- , vatta -- , vitta -- , vutta -- n. ʻ livelihood ʼ; P. buttā m. ʻ means ʼ; Ku. buto ʻ daily labour, wages ʼ; N. butā ʻ means, ability ʼ; H. oūtā m. ʻ power ʼ; Si. vaṭa ʻ subsistence, wages ʼ.(CDIAL 12069)
Ta. poṭṭu drop, spot, round mark worn on forehead. Ma. poṭṭu, poṟṟu a circular mark on the forehead, mostly red. Ka. boṭṭu, baṭṭu drop, mark on the forehead. Koḍ. boṭṭï round mark worn on the forehead. Tu. boṭṭa a spot, mark, a drop; (B-K.) buṭṭe a dot. Te. boṭṭu a drop, the sectarian mark worn on the forehead. Kol. (SR.) boṭla drop. Pa. boṭ id. Ga. (P.) boṭu drop, spot. Konḍa boṭu drop of water, mark on forehead. Kuwi (F.) būttū, (Isr.) buṭu tattoo.(DEDR 4492) பொட்டு¹ poṭṭu , n. [T. K. boṭṭu, M. poṭṭu.] 1. Round mark, red, white or black, worn on the forehead; நெற்றியிலிடுந் திலகம். பொட்டணியா னுதல் (திருக்கோ. 303). 2. Gold ornament in the shape of small metal cups strung together and worn round the neck; பொன்னாற்செய்த ஒருவகைத் தாலி. அரக்கியர் கட்டிய பொட்டுகள் தொட்டறுபட்டிடும் (இராமநா. சுந். 18). 3. A kind of jewel; ஒருவகை யணி. திருக்கைப் பொட்டு (S. I. I. ii, 16). 4. Temple of the head; கன்னத்தின் மேற்பொருத்து. 5. Trifle; அற்பம். பொட்டான வேர்களும். (இராமநா.). 6. Dot, spot, mark; வட்டவடிவான குறி. 7. Drop; துளி. மழை ஒருபொட்டுக்கூட விழவில்லை. 8. Worm; புழு. (பிங்.) 9. Moth; பூச்சிவகை. பொட்டரித்த வஸ்தி ரம். 10. See பொட்டுப்பூச்சி. (W.) 11. Dot, representing one; ஒன்று என்னும் எண்ணைக் குறிக்கும் புள்ளிCant. 12. Repute or esteem obtained by imposing on others; தகுதியின்றிப் பிறரை ஏமாற்றிப் பெறும் நன்மதிப்பு. (W.) 13. Hole or opening to creep through, as in a hedge; நுழைவழி. (W.)
Image may contain: one or more peopleMauryan era.. Terracotta. Head hair locks with dotted circles. Dotted circle as tilaka on forehead. Kol. kan boṭṭa eyebrow. Ga. (Oll.) poṭa eyelash.(DEDR 4486) PLUS kola 'woman' rebus:kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kole.l 'smithy, forge, temple'.

Itihāsa. Dr. Chaubey busting the myths about Indian ancestry & pre-history. (28:04, 11:40)

Itihāsa. Craniofacial reconstruction of Sarasvati Civilization people -- Won Joon Lee et al

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NEW DELHI: In a first, scientists have generated an accurate ..

Video of the craniofacial reconstruction of the Rakhigarhi male (7.2 A1 BR02 ,16–18 years of age & height 177.28 ± 3.24 centimeters) .
Source: Craniofacial reconstruction of the Indus Valley Civilization individuals found at 4500-year-old Rakhigarhi cemetery, Won Joon Lee et al. 2019
https://link.springer.com/arti…/10.1007%2Fs12565-019-00504-3


Craniofacial reconstruction of the Indus Valley Civilization individuals found at 4500-year-old Rakhigarhi cemetery

Authors
  • Won Joon Lee
  • Vasant ShindeEmail author
  • Yong Jun Kim
  • Eun Jin Woo
  • Nilesh Jadhav
  • Pranjali Waghmare
  • Yogesh Yadav
  • Avradeep Munshi
  • Amrithavalli Panyam
  • Malavika Chatterjee
  • Chang Seok Oh
  • Jong Ha Hong
  • Caroline M. Wilkinson
  • Christopher Rynn
  • Dong Hoon Shin

Abstract

Despite academic efforts to study the Indus Valley Civilization (IVC), there have as yet been no successful attempts to unveil the IVC people’s craniofacial appearance. We investigated the IVC cemetery area of Rakhigarhi site, which was estimated to be of 2273 ± 38 and 2616 ± 73 years BCE. By craniofacial reconstruction (CFR) procedure using computed tomography (CT) data of two Rakhigarhi skulls (A1 BR02 and A2 BR36), we successfully reconstructed the faces of the IVC individuals who were buried about 4500 years ago. This is the first attempt to unveil scientifically accurate representations of IVC people’s actual facial morphology.

Keywords

Indus Valley Civilization Craniofacial reconstruction Rakhigarhi cemetery Computed tomography India 

Itihāsa. Xi-NaMo Informal Summit in Mamallapuram, 2019 -- Brahma Chellaney

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Xi wants Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) dispute to be resolved as per "relevant" UN resolutions. The resolutions call for Pakistan to first fully withdraw from all occupied areas. It refuses to do so. China, meanwhile, has gutted the UN resolutions by seizing control of one-fifth of J&K --
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