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Amaravati Bronze Age Indus Script Śrīvatsa hypertexts: tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper', kambāra 'blacksmith', kammaṭa 'mint', phaḍā 'metals manufactory'

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https://tinyurl.com/y9m323w8


What is the Meluhha word to signify the Amaravati pillar, an Indus Script hypertext? 

Śrīvatsa khambhaṛā, paṭṭaḍiphaḍā 'smithy, forge, mint, metals manufactory for wealth'.Related imageWorshippers of a fiery pillar, Amaravati stupa. 


श्री--वत्स [p= 1100,1] m. " favourite of श्री " N. of विष्णु L.partic. mark or curl of hair on the breast of विष्णु or कृष्ण (and of other divine beings ; said to be white and represented in pictures by a symbol resembling a cruciform flower) MBh. Ka1v. &c; the emblem of the tenth जिन (or विष्णु's mark so used) L.
श्री śrī :-वत्सः 1 an epithet of Viṣṇu.-2 a mark or curl of hair on the breast of Viṣṇu; प्रभानुलिप्त- श्रीवत्सं लक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणम् R.1.1.-

Atharva Veda (X.8.2) declares that Heaven and Earth stand fast being pillared apart by the pillar. Like the pillar, twilight of the dawn and dusk split apart the originally fused Heaven and Earth.

 

Light of dawn ‘divorces the coterminous regions – Sky and Earth – and makes manifest the several worlds. (RV VII.80; cf. VI.32.2, SBr. IV 6.7.9).

‘Sun is spac, for it is only when it rises that the world is seen’ (Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana I.25.1-2). When the sun sets, space returns into the void (JUB III.1.1-2).


Indra supports heavn and earth by ‘opening the shadows with the dawn and the sun’. (RV I.62.5). He ‘extends heaven by the sun; and the sun is the prp whereby he struts it.’ (RV X.111.5).

‘He who knows the Brahman in man knows the Supreme Being and he who knows the Supreme Brahman knows the Stambha’. (AV X. 7.17).


Linga-Purana (I.17.5-52; 19.8 ff.) provides a narrative. Siva appeared before Brahma and Vishnu as a fiery linga with thousands of flames. As a Goose, Brahma attempted to fly to the apex of the column; Vishnu as a Boar plunged through the earth to find the foot of the blazing column. Even after a thousand years, they couldn’t reach the destination, bow in homage to the Pillar of the Universe as the Paramaatman.
He is the ‘Pillar supporting the kindreds, that is, gods and men’. (RV I.59.1-2). He is the standard (ketu) of the yajna (equivalent of the dawn), the standard which supports heaven in the East at daybreak. (RV I.113.19; III.8.8).

The same spectra of meanings abound in Bauddham, as a symbolic continuum. So it is, the Buddha is a fiery pillar, comprising adorants at the feet marked with the Wheel of Dharma and the apex marked by a Śrīvatsa (pair of fishes tied together by a thread, read as hieroglyph composition: ayira (metath. ariya) dhama, mandating norms of social, interpersonal conduct). Just as Agni awakens at dawn, the Buddha is the awakened.



Related image
Male devotees around a throne  with a turban(note feet below the throne). paa 'throne, turban' PLUS a'feet' rebus: paṭṭaḍ'mint workshop'.

Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed:3ft. by 3ft.2in. Outer circle 2nd. H.H. March 8th 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.


Image result for amaravati album
The hypertexts are: kambha 'pillar' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' pair atop rebus: aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' PLUS kammaa 'mint,l coiner, coinage' PLUS feet PLUS throne, turban: ayo kammaṭa 'metal mint' PLUS paṭa aḍi 'throne, turban, slab' PLUS 'anvil' = hypertext, paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop'.

ayo kammaṭa dvāra 'entrance to metal mint' is an expression used in Mahāvamsa. XXV, 28,
The expression has been wrongly translated as iron-studded gate. It is indeed a reference to the entrance to metal mjint workshop, as signified by the 'Śrīvatsa ayo kammaṭa hypertext adorning the torana of the gateways of Bharhut and Sanchi.
Related image
Image result for amaravati pillar huntington
Image result for amaravati pillar huntington
khambhā, thãbharā, khambhaṛā 'pillar, fish-fin' rebus tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' rebus kammaṭa 'mint' kambāra 'blacksmith'. These are Bronze Age Indus Script hypertexts.

Four streams of Indus Script cipher on hieroglyphs/hypertexts are seen in the following rebus readings; the streams are: 

tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 
kambāra 'blacksmith'
kammaṭa 'mint' 

Itihāsa  of Bhārata bronze-age, ayo kammaṭa dvāra, 'metals mint workshop entrance' (Mahāvamsa. XXV, 28); paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop' based on Amaravati, Bharhut, Begram, Sanchi, Bodh Gaya ancient sculptural friezes (ca. 3rd cent. BCE), Indus Script (4th millennium BCE) & Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta(AV X.7)(undated, Bronze_Age).

The monograph demonstrates the signifiers of two Indus Script hypertexts on iconographs of Amaravati, Bharhut, Sanchi sculptural friezes.


The hypertexts are:

ayo kamma
a dvāra, 'entrance mint workshop'  
paṭṭaḍi 'metal anvil workshop'. 

See: 

 https://tinyurl.com/y94jt7ah


paṭṭaḍi cognate phaḍā 'smithy, metals manufactory' is cognate phaḍā 'metals manufactory' 









Hieroglyph: फडा (p. 313phaḍā f (फटा S) The hood of Coluber Nága &c. Ta. patam cobra's hood. Ma. paṭam id. Ka. peḍe id. Te. paḍaga id. Go. (S.) paṛge, (Mu.) baṛak, (Ma.) baṛki, (F-H.) biṛki hood of serpent (Voc. 2154). / Turner, CDIAL, no. 9040, Skt. (s)phaṭa-, sphaṭā- a serpent's expanded hood, Pkt. phaḍā- id. For IE etymology, see Burrow, The Problem of Shwa in Sanskrit, p. 45.(DEDR 47) Rebus: phaḍa फड ‘manufactory, company, guild, public office’, keeper of all accounts, registers.
फडपूस (p. 313) phaḍapūsa f (फड & पुसणें) Public or open inquiry. फडफरमाश or  (p. 313) phaḍapharamāśa or sa f ( H & P) Fruit, vegetables &c. furnished on occasions to Rajas and public officers, on the authority of their order upon the villages; any petty article or trifling work exacted from the Ryots by Government or a public officer. 
फडनिविशी or सी (p. 313) phaḍaniviśī or sī & फडनिवीस Commonly फडनिशी & फडनीसफडनीस (p. 313) phaḍanīsa m ( H) A public officer,--the keeper of the registers &c. By him were issued all grants, commissions, and orders; and to him were rendered all accounts from the other departments. He answers to Deputy auditor and accountant. Formerly the head Kárkún of a district-cutcherry who had charge of the accounts &c. was called फडनीस
फडकरी (p. 313) phaḍakarī m A man belonging to a company or band (of players, showmen &c.) 2 A superintendent or master of a फड or public place. See under फड. 3 A retail-dealer (esp. in grain). 
फडझडती (p. 313) phaḍajhaḍatī f sometimes फडझाडणी f A clearing off of public business (of any business comprehended under the word फड q. v.): also clearing examination of any फड or place of public business. 
फड (p. 313) phaḍa m ( H) A place of public business or public resort; as a court of justice, an exchange, a mart, a counting-house, a custom-house, an auction-room: also, in an ill-sense, as खेळण्याचा फड A gambling-house, नाचण्याचा फड A nach house, गाण्याचा or ख्यालीखुशालीचा फड A singing shop or merriment shop. The word expresses freely Gymnasium or arena, circus, club-room, debating-room, house or room or stand for idlers, newsmongers, gossips, scamps &c. 2 The spot to which field-produce is brought, that the crop may be ascertained and the tax fixed; the depot at which the Government-revenue in kind is delivered; a place in general where goods in quantity are exposed for inspection or sale. 3 Any office or place of extensive business or work, as a factory, manufactory, arsenal, dock-yard, printing-office &c. 4 A plantation or field (as of ऊसवांग्यामिरच्याखरबुजे &c.): also a standing crop of such produce. 5 fig. Full and vigorous operation or proceeding, the going on with high animation and bustle (of business in general). v चालपडघालमांड. 6 A company, a troop, a band or set (as of actors, showmen, dancers &c.) 7 The stand of a great gun. फड पडणें g. of s. To be in full and active operation. 2 To come under brisk discussion. फड मारणेंराखणें-संभाळणें To save appearances, फड मारणें or संपादणें To cut a dash; to make a display (upon an occasion). फडाच्या मापानें With full tale; in flowing measure. फडास येणें To come before the public; to come under general discussion. 

 பட்டரை¹ paṭṭarai n. See பட்டறை¹. (C. G. 95.) பட்டறை¹ paṭṭaṟai n. < பட்டடை¹. 1. See பட்டடை, 1, 3, 5, 7, 8, 12, 14. 2. Machine; யந்திரம். 3. Rice-hulling machine; நெல்லுக் குத்தும் யந்திரம். Mod. 4. Factory; தொழிற்சாலை. Mod. 5. Beam of a house; வீட்டின் உத்திரம். 6. Wall of the required height from the flooring of a house; வீட்டின் தளத்திலிருந்து எழுப்ப வேண்டும் அளவில் எழுப்பிய சுவர். வீடுகளுக்குப் பட்டறை மட்டம் ஒன்பதடி உயரத்துக்குக் குறை யாமல் (சர்வா. சிற். 48). பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai , n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம். (Tamil)

Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236)





A pair of fish-fin ligatured to the face of a dwarf, kharva, gaṇa

skabha 13638 *skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?).
SKAMBH ʻ make firm ʼ: *skabdha -- , skambhá -- 1, skámbhana -- ; -- √*chambh.


skambhá 13639 skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambhkhambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi)khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmh,khāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khāmm. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- Xgambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛoʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ. Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.

skambha 13640 *skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.

skambhaghara 13641 *skambhaghara ʻ house of posts ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, ghara -- ]B. khāmār ʻ barn ʼ; Or. khamāra ʻ barn, granary ʼ: or < *skambhākara -- ?13641a †skámbhatē Dhātup. ʻ props ʼ, skambháthuḥ RV. [√skambh]
Pa. khambhēti ʻ props, obstructs ʼ; -- Md. ken̆bum ʻ punting ʼ, kan̆banī ʻ punts ʼ?
skambhadaṇḍa 13642 *skambhadaṇḍa ʻ pillar pole ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, daṇḍá -- ]
Bi. kamhãṛkamhaṛkamhaṇḍā ʻ wooden frame suspended from roof which drives home the thread in a loom ʼ.



skambhākara 13643 *skambhākara ʻ heap of sheaves ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, ākara -- ]Mth. khamhār ʻ pile of sheaves ʼ; -- altern. < *skambhaghara -- : B. khāmār ʻ barn ʼ; Or. khamāra ʻ barn, granary ʼ.Addenda: skámbhana -- : S.kcch. khāmṇo m. ʻ bed for plants ʼ.skámbhana 13644 skámbhana n. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV., skambhanīˊ -- f. VS. [√skambh]M. khã̄bṇī f. ʻ small post ʼ; -- G. khāmṇiyũ n. ʻ one of the ropes with which bucket is let down a well ʼ (i.e. from the post?); -- Or. khamaṇa ʻ pit, hole, waterchannel, lowland at foot of mountain ʼ; G. khāmṇũ n. ʻ small depression to stand round -- bottomed vessel in, basin at root of a tree for water ʼ: semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1 and skambhá -- 
*kūpakastambha ʻ stem of a mast ʼ. [kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403)  *ṭhōmba -- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514)
 *ut -- stambha ʻ support ʼ. [Cf. údastambhīt RV., Pk. uṭṭhaṁbhaï ʻ supports ʼ: √stambh]
OG. uṭhaṁbha m.(CDIAL 1897) upastambha m. ʻ support ʼ Car., ʻ stay, prop ʼ Hit. 2. upaṣṭambha -- . [√stambh] 1. Pa. upatthambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ, °aka -- ʻ supporting ʼ; Paš. ustūˊm, obl. ustumbāˊ ʻ tree, mulberry tree ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 18 < stambha -- ); M. othãbā m. ʻ stake planted as a support ʼ; Si. uvatam̆ba ʻ aid, support ʼ. 2. Pk. uvaṭṭhaṁbha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Dm. uṣṭúm ʻ yoke ʼ, Kal. urt. hūṣṭhum, Phal. uṣṭúm f.; OG. oṭhaṁbha m. ʻ support ʼ. upastambhayati ʻ supports, stiffens ʼ Suśr. [úpa- stabhnāti ŚBr., upastámbhana -- n. ʻ prop ʼ TS.: √stambh] Pa. upatthambhēti ʻ supports ʼ, °bhana -- n.; M. othãbṇẽ ʻ to lean upon or from, climb upon, press down ʼ.(CDIAL 2266, *kastambha ʻ small stem ʼ. [kastambhīˊ -- f. ʻ prop for supporting carriage -- pole ʼ ŚBr.: ka -- 3, stambha -- ] M. kāthãbā m. ʻ plantain offshoot, sucker, stole ʼ.(CDIAL 2983)
stambha m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ Kāṭh., °aka -- m. Mahāvy. [√stambh]Pa. thambha -- m. ʻ pillar ʼ, Aś.rum. thabhe loc., top. thaṁbhe, ru. ṭha()bhasi, Pk. thaṁbha -- , °aya -- , taṁbha -- , ṭhaṁbha -- m.; Wg. štɔ̈̄ma ʻ stem, tree ʼ, Kt. štom, Pr. üštyobu; Bshk. "ṭam"ʻ tree ʼ NTS xviii 124, Tor. thām; K. tham m. ʻ pillar, post ʼ, S. thambhu m.; L. thammthammā m. ʻ prop ʼ, (Ju.)tham°mā, awāṇ. tham, khet. thambā; P. thamb(h), thamm(h) ʻ pillar, post ʼ, Ku. N. B. thām, Or. thamba; Bi. mar -- thamh ʻ upright post of oil -- mill ʼ; H. thã̄bhthāmthambā ʻ prop, pillar, stem of plantain tree ʼ; OMarw. thāma m. ʻ pillar ʼ, Si. ṭäm̆ba; Md. tambutabu ʻ pillar, post ʼ; -- ext. --  -- : S.thambhiṛī f. ʻ inside peg of yoke ʼ; N. thāṅro ʻ prop ʼ; Aw.lakh. thãbharā ʻ post ʼ; H. thamṛā ʻ thick, corpulent ʼ; -- -- ll -- ; G. thã̄bhlɔthã̄blɔ m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ. -- X sthūˊṇā -- q.v. S.kcch. 
thambhlo m. ʻ pillar ʼ, A. thām, Md. tan̆bu.


stámbhatē ʻ supports, arrests ʼ Dhātup., stambhant<-> ʻ supporting ʼ Hariv., stambhayati ʻ supports ʼ MBh. [Cf. ástabhnāt imperf., tastámbha perf. RV.; -- úpa stabhāyati RV., pratistabdha -- MBh., Pa. upatthambhēti ʻ makes firm ʼ, paṭitthambhati ʻ stands firm against ʼ. <-> √stambh]Pk. thaṁbhaïṭhaṁbhaï tr. ʻ stops ʼ, intr. ʻ is stopped ʼ; K. thamunthāmun ʻ to be stopped, be at rest ʼ; S. thambhaṇu ʻ to support ʼ, thamaṇu ʻ to stop, subside ʼ, ṭhambhaṇu ʻ to numb, make torpid ʼ; L. (Ju.) thannaṇ ʻ to make firm by pressing in ʼ (X tunnaṇ < *tundati), awāṇ. thammuṇ ʻ to hold ʼ; P.thambhṇāthambṇāthammhṇā ʻ to support, restrain ʼ; WPah.jaun. thã̄bhṇō̃ ʻ to catch, hold, conceive ʼ, (Joshi) thāmbhṇu ʻ to hold ʼ; Ku. thã̄bhṇothāmṇoʻ to prop, hold, stop ʼ (whence intr. thamṇo ʻ to stop) ʼ; N. thāmnu ʻ to support, hold, stop, wait ʼ; A. thamā -- dai ʻ solid curd ʼ; B. thāmā ʻ to stop, be silent ʼ; Or. thāmibā ʻ to stop ʼ (whence intr. thambibāthamibā ʻ to come to a stop ʼ); Bhoj. thām(h)ab tr. ʻ to hold up ʼ, intr. ʻ to stop ʼ; H. thã̄bhnā,thã̄bnāthām(h) ʻ to prop, stop, resist ʼ (whence intr. thambhnā ʻ to stand still ʼ); G. thãbhvũ ʻ to stand firm ʼ; M. thã̄bṇẽ
thāmṇẽthamṇẽ intr. ʻ to stop ʼ; Si. tabanavā ʻ to fix, place, preserve ʼ, tibanavā (X tiyanavā< sthitá -- ). -- Ext. -- kk -- : A. thamakiba ʻ to come to a sudden stop ʼ; B. thamkāna ʻ to stand still from surprise ʼ.WPah.kṭg. ṭhɔ́mbhṛu m. ʻ jostling, a partic. game ʼ (Him.I 82), thámbhṇõ ʻ to hold, support ʼ, J. thāmbhṇu ʻ to hold, catch ʼ; Md.tibenī ʻ waits ʼ, tibbanī ʻ places, clips ʼ (absol. tibbā ʻ while being ʼ), bētibbanī ʻ sets, detains ʼ ( -- ?).(CDIAL 13682, 13683)
stambhana ʻ stopping ʼ MBh., n. ʻ stiffening ʼ Suśr., ʻ means of making stiff ʼ Hcat. [√stambh]
Pa. thambhanā -- f. ʻ firmness ʼ; Pk. thaṁbhaṇa -- n., °ṇayā -- f. ʻ act of stopping ʼ; S. thambhaṇu m. ʻ glue ʼ, L. thambhaṇ m.(CDIAL 13684)

தாம்பிரம் tāmpiram n. < tāmra. 1. Copper. See தாமிரம். (சூடா.) 2. Red; சிவப்பு. (இலக். அக.)தாம்பிரகாரன் tāmpira-kāraṉ , n. < id. + kāra. Coppersmith; செம்புகொட்டி. (யாழ். அக.) தாம்பிரசபை tāmpira-capai , n. < id. +. Dancing hall of Naṭarāja at Tinnevelly, as roofed with copper; [தாம்பிரத்தால் வேய்ந்த சபை] திருநெல்வேலியில் நடராசமூர்த்தி எழுந்தருளி யிருக்கும் சபை.தாம்பிரகம் tāmpirakam , n. < tāmraka. See தாமிரம். (யாழ். அக.) தாம்பரம் tāmparam , n. < tāmra. See தாமிரம். (பதார்த்த. 1170.)
தாம்பாளம் tāmpāḷam, n. [T. tāmbāḷamu, K. tāmbāḷa.] Salver of a large size; ஒருவகைத் தட்டு. தளிகை காளாஞ்சி தாம்பாளம் (பிர போத. 11, 31).

<tamba>(ZA)  {N} ``^copper''.  *Or.  #33740.<ta~ba>  {N} ``^copper''.  *De.<tama>(M),,<tamba>(G).  @N0527.  #23581.tāmrá ʻ dark red, copper -- coloured ʼ VS., n. ʻ copper ʼ Kauś., tāmraka -- n. Yājñ. [Cf. tamrá -- . -- √tam?] Pa. tamba -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ copper ʼ, Pk. taṁba -- adj. and n.; Dm. trāmba -- ʻ red ʼ (in trāmba -- lac̣uk ʻ raspberry ʼ NTS xii 192); Bshk. lām ʻ copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< ʻ *red wood ʼ?); Phal. tāmba ʻ copper ʼ (→ Sh.koh. tāmbā), K. trām m. (→ Sh.gil. gur. trām m.), S. ṭrāmo m., L. trāmā, (Ju.)tarāmã̄ m., P. tāmbā m., WPah. bhad. ṭḷām n., kiũth. cāmbā, sod. cambo, jaun. tã̄bō, Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A. tām, B. tã̄bātāmā, Or.tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tāmtāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H. tām in cmpds., tã̄bātāmā m., G. trã̄bũtã̄bũ n.;M. tã̄bẽ n. ʻ copper ʼ, tã̄b f. ʻ rust, redness of sky ʼ; Ko.tāmbe n. ʻ copper ʼ; Si. tam̆ba adj. ʻ reddish ʼ, sb. ʻ copper ʼ, (SigGr) tamtama. -- Ext. -- ira -- : Pk. taṁbira -- ʻ coppercoloured, red ʼ, L. tāmrā ʻ copper -- coloured (of pigeons) ʼ; -- with -- ḍa -- : S. ṭrāmiṛo m. ʻ a kind of cooking pot ʼ, ṭrāmiṛī ʻ sunburnt, red with anger ʼ, f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; Bhoj. tāmrā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; H. tã̄bṛātāmṛā ʻ coppercoloured, dark red ʼ, m. ʻ stone resembling a ruby ʼ; G. tã̄baṛ n., trã̄bṛītã̄bṛī f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; OM. tāṁbaḍā ʻ red ʼ. -- X trápu -- q.v. tāmrá -- [< IE. *tomró -- T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 65]  S.kcch. trāmo,
 tām(b)o m. ʻ copper ʼ, trāmbhyo m. ʻ an old copper coin ʼ; WPah.kc. cambo m. ʻ copper ʼ, J. cāmbā m., kṭg. (kc.) tambɔ m. (← P. or H. Him.I 89), Garh. tāmutã̄bu. (CDIAL 5779)

tāmrakāra m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ lex. [tāmrá -- , kāra -- 1]Or. tāmbarā ʻ id. ʼ.(CDIAL 5780)

 tāmrakuṭṭa m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ R. [tāmrá -- , kuṭṭa -- ] N. tamauṭetamoṭe ʻ id. ʼ.Garh. ṭamoṭu ʻ coppersmith ʼ; Ko. tāmṭi. (CDIAL 5781)



*tāmraghaṭa ʻ copper pot ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 1] Bi. tamheṛī ʻ round copper vessel ʼ; -- tamheṛā ʻ brassfounder ʼ der. *tamheṛ ʻ copper pot ʼ or < next?(CDIAL 5782)

*tāmraghaṭaka ʻ copper -- worker ʼ. [tāmrá -- , ghaṭa -- 2] Bi. tamheṛā ʻ brass -- founder ʼ or der. fr. *tamheṛ see prec.(CDIAL 5783)

tāmracūḍa ʻ red -- crested ʼ MBh., m. ʻ cock ʼ Suśr. [tāmrá -- , cūˊḍa -- 1]Pa. tambacūḷa -- m. ʻ cock ʼ, Pk. taṁbacūla -- m.; -- Si. tam̆basiluvā ʻ cock ʼ (EGS 61) either a later cmpd. (as in Pk.) or ← Pa.(CDIAL 5784)

*tāmradhāka ʻ copper receptacle ʼ. [tāmrá -- , dhāká -- ] Bi. tamahā ʻ drinking vessel made of a red alloy ʼ.(CDIAL 5785)

tāmrapaṭṭa m. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ Yājñ. [Cf. tāmrapattra -- . -- tāmrá -- , paṭṭa -- 1] M. tã̄boṭī f. ʻ piece of copper of shape and size of a brick ʼ.(CDIAL 5786)

tāmrapattra n. ʻ copper plate (for inscribing) ʼ lex. [Cf. tāmrapaṭṭa -- . -- tāmrá -- , páttra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoti ʻ copper plate ʼ.(CDIAL 5787)

tāmrapātra n. ʻ copper vessel ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , pāˊtra -- ] Ku.gng. tamoi ʻ copper vessel for water ʼ.(CDIAL 5788)



 *tāmrabhāṇḍa ʻ copper vessel ʼ. [tāmrá -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Bhoj. tāmaṛātāmṛā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; G. tarbhāṇũ n. ʻ copper dish used in religious ceremonies ʼ (< *taramhã̄ḍũ).(CDIAL 5789)

tāmravarṇa ʻ copper -- coloured ʼ TĀr. [tāmrá -- , várṇa -- 1] Si. tam̆bavan ʻ copper -- coloured, dark red ʼ (EGS 61) prob. a Si. cmpd.(CDIAL 5790)

tāmrākṣa ʻ red -- eyed ʼ MBh. [tāmrá -- , ákṣi -- ]Pa. tambakkhin -- ; P. tamak f. ʻ anger ʼ; Bhoj. tamakhal ʻ to be angry ʼ; H. tamaknā ʻ to become red in the face, be angry ʼ.(CDIAL 5791)

tāmrika ʻ coppery ʼ Mn. [tāmrá -- ] Pk. taṁbiya -- n. ʻ an article of an ascetic's equipment (a copper vessel?) ʼ; L. trāmī f. ʻ large open vessel for kneading bread ʼ, poṭh. trāmbī f. ʻ brass plate for kneading on ʼ; Ku.gng. tāmi ʻ copper plate ʼ; A. tāmi ʻ copper vessel used in worship ʼ; B. tāmītamiyā ʻ large brass vessel for cooking pulses at marriages and other ceremonies ʼ; H. tambiyā m. ʻ copper or brass vessel ʼ.(CDIAL 5792)

Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light, Sivalinga. Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 
The semantics of stambha, thãbharā as hieroglyphs and of tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira as 'copper' using phonetic variants of Vedic chandas and Meluhha speech are evidenced by Meluhha glosses (Indian sprachbund) provided in the Annex.
Dholavira excavation report has provided evidence for the locations of a pair of pillars fronting a 8-shaped temple signifying a kole.l 'smithy, temple' (Kota)(See: DEDR 2133). 
A smithy-forge was the temple.
Smithy as temple signifies the gestalt (structure, configuration, or pattern of physical, biological, or metaphysical phenomena) of Sarasvati's children, the artisans, Bhāratam Janam, 'lit. metalcaster folk' (expression used in Rigveda) of the civilization. 
Ta. kol working in iron, lacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë 
blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133) go f., gollɔ m. ʻ devotee of a goddess ʼ(Gujarati)(CDIAL 4325) Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kol ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe ʼ.(CDIAL 3532). kolhe 'kol, smelters' (Santali) kaula -- m. ʻ worshipper of Śakti according to left -- hand ritual ʼ(Samskritam)
The evidence from Indian sprachbund, Meluhha speech and archaeological artifacts of the civilization, is that the pillars of the Bronze Age were worshipped as s'ivalinga while signifying the location as a smithy, forge. 
Annex provides evidence from Rigveda associating Rudra (often linked with S'iva in ancient texts) with weapons (e.g. RV 6.74.4).
The association of a smithy-forge with a temple is consistent with the celebration of khaṇḍōbā Rudra-s'iva and the semantics of लोखंड [lōkhaṇḍa] 'metalware' discussed in the context of hieroglyphs of Indus Script Corpra
Temple: खंडेराव [ khaṇḍērāva ] m (खंड Sword, and राव) An incarnation of Shiva. Popularly खंडेराव is but dimly distinguished from भैरव. खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेराव. खंडोबाचा कुत्रा [ khaṇḍōbācā kutrā ] m (Dog of खंडोबा. From his being devoted to the temple.) A term for the वाघ्या or male devotee of खंडोबा.

Hieroglyph: खंडोबाची काठी [ khaṇḍōbācī kāṭhī ] f The pole of खंडोबा. It belongs to the temples of this god, is taken and presented, in pilgrimages, at the visited shrines, is carried about in processions &c. It is covered with cloth (red and blue), and has a plume (generally from the peacock's tail) waving from its top.
The cultural link of metalwork with Rudra-Siva iconically denoted by 1) orthographic variants of linga, 2) ekamukhalinga evidences of Ancient Far East and 3) the presence of linga in the context of a metal smelter in a Bhuteshwar artifact of 2nd cent. BCE is thus an area for further detailed investigation in archaeometallurgy and historical linguistics of Indian Sprachbund.
Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). 
In Atharva Veda stambha is a celestial scaffold, supporting the cosmos and material creation.
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/skambha-sukta-atharva-veda-x-7-pair-of.html Full text of Atharva Veda ( X - 7,8) --- Stambha Suktam with translation (with variant pronunciation as skambha). See Annex A List of occurrences of gloss in Atharva Veda.
avs.8.6[0800605] The black and hairy Asura, and Stambaja and TundikaArayas from this girl we drive, from bosom, waist, and parts below.
Archaeological finds: cylindrical stele in Kalibangan, a pair of polished stone pillars in Dholavira, s'ivalinga in Harappa, Kalibangan



A Terracotta Linga from Kalibangan (2600 BC)
Evidence for Sivalinga is provided in other sites (Mohenjodaro and Harappa) of the civilization:

Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218.
Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. 




Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats,MS,  Excavations at Harappa, p. 370)
Cylindrical clay steles of 10 to 15 cms height occur in ancient fire-altars (See report by BB Lal on Kalibangan excavations).
A number of polished stone pillars were found in Dholavira. (See April 2015 published Dholavira excavation report: http://asi.nic.in/pdf_data/dholavira_excavation_report_new.pdf
These evidences of sivalinga and pillars evoke the imageries of a festival which is celebrated even today by Lingavantas, particularly in Karnataka. The festival is a continuum of the tradition which started in Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) Civilization during the Bronze Age, given the evidences of the worship states in which the pillars and sivalingas are found in Dholavira and Harappa and the presence of cylindrical steles as hieroglyphs in fire-altars of Kalibangan and other archaeological sites of the civilization.
It is, thus, possible to hypothesise that the religious practices of the people of the civilization at Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Kalibangan (where a terracotta Sivalinga has been found) and Dholavira are represented by the continuum of koṇḍahabba festivals celebrated by Lingavantas.


”Within the group of religious buildings that remain in Hampi , highlighting the numerous temples , in front of which are these Shiva lingam . It is very common for Shiva lingam rock be excavated outside if there is a nearby temple , given its ritual , but here are carved on the granite rock of the hill. Its religious significance is emphasized by the appearance of small channels on which water is poured to perform rituals and offerings to Shiva . They were carved in succession during the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries , and are pieces of variable size and composition more or less complex. Centerpiece normally appears a larger lingam environment that provides a small bowl , around it a mesh peqrfecta organized lingams appear smaller and leave room for a small channel which runs central to the bowl surrounds the lingam greater. The pieces usually have a diameter of about 25cm and a height of 10 to 15cm . In some cases are screened lingam simpler or smaller, or their component parts are smaller .” (Translated from French). http://tectonicablog.com/?p=34419 


Galaganatha is a village south of Varada-Tungabhadra Sangama in Haveri district. In ancient inscriptions Galaganatha is referred to as Palluni.
Galagesvaragudi is a unique experiment of Kalyani Chalukyan temple architecture. The temple is east facing and situated on the bank of river Tungabhadra. The temple tapers right from its base to the top of the Shikhara. This temple is under the care of Archaeological Survey of India.





The temple can be entered from 3 sides.

Galagesvara temple of Galaganatha.

A pillar close to temple's southern entrance. If this pattern of temple design situating skambha lingas close to the temples can be extrapolated to Dholavira times, it is possible to explain the presence of two skambhas on the Dholavira 'theatre' as memorials close to the circules of stones which may have constituted menhir-stones in memory of the departed ancestors; and hence, the two pillars might have constituted two memorial pillars venerating the departed ātman, the pitṛ-s.

 

A hero-stone leaning on a Shivalinga.


A collection of Shivalinga. In the back ground is river Tungabhadra river in Bellary district.
I suggest that these are hieroglyphs signifying pillars of light: tã̄bṛā, tambira (Prakritam) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund)
See: three stumps on Sit Shamshi bronze. [kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403)  *ṭhōmba -- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund) Numeral three: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
The entire message of Sit Shamshi is bronze is worship of the sun. The message signifies copper metalwork. It is significant that one of the meanings to the Meluhha gloss sūrya is: copper: சூரியன் cūriyaṉ n. < sūrya. Mountain containing copper; செம்புமலை. (W.)
arte de la mesopotamia
Sit-Shamshi (Musée du Louvre, París). Tabla de bronce que parece resumir sabiamente el ritual del antiguo Elam. Los zigurats recuerdan el arte mesopotámico, el bosque sagrado alude a la devoción semita por el árbol verde, la tinaja trae a la mente el “mar de bronce”. Los dos hombres en cuclillas hacen su ablución para celebrar la salida del Sol. Una inscripción, que lleva el nombre del rey Silhak-in-Shushinak, permite fijar su datación en el siglo XII a.C.
"The texts mention the "temples of the grove," cave sanctuaries where ceremonies related to the daily renewal of nature were accompanied by deposition of offerings, sacrifice and libations. The Sit Shamshi is perhaps a representation. It is also possible that this object is a commemoration of the funeral ceremonies after the disappearance of the sovereign. Indeed, this model was found near a cave, and bears an inscription in Elamite where Shilhak-Inshushinak remember his loyalty to the lord of Susa, Inshushinak. The text gives the name of the monument, the Sit Shamshi, Sunrise, which refers to the time of day during which the ceremony takes place.Source: http://www.3dsrc.com/antiquiteslouvre/index.php?rub=img&img=236&cat=10
Kalibangan fire-altars. In one pit, a cylindrical clay stele was found. Could such steles located in many ancient archaeological sites, denote skambha of Atharvaveda? Such stele were 30-40 cms. in height and 10-15 cms. in diameter, and formed the centrepoint of the hearths (Lal, BB 1984, Some reflections on the structural remains at Kalibangan in inIndus civilization: New perspectives, AH Dani ed.: 57).

Dholavira Excavation Report (April 2015) provides details of the finds of six polished stone pillars with two illustrations and a write-up:

Fig. 8.304. Freestanding columns in situ

"8.9.2.2 Free standing columns. At least six examples of freestanding columns were discovered from the excavations. Three freestanding columns are tall and slender pillars with circular cross-section and with a top resembling a phallus or they are phallic in nature. That is why most of them were found in an intentionally damaged and smashed condition. The phallus is depicted realistically with even the drawing of foreskin shown clearly. Two of these freestanding columns are found near eastern end of high street of Castle. These columns measure nearly 1.5m in height and are found at the strategic location of entering into the high street from the east gate of Castle. These two columns are placed in such a manner at the beginning of high street that they divide the street into three equal parts. The other freestanding columns of the same variety and typology, numbering four were found in a completely smashed and broken condition. Two of such columns were found in a secondary condition, fitted as a masonry of Tank A while the other one was found in a masonry in a later period structure near the western fortification of Castle. Two more examles, completely smashed and destroyed ones were also found, one near the western end of Ceremonial Ground and the second near the north gate of Castle. The destruction and desecration of these columns can be equated with that of the damage caused to the stone statue, which clearly indicates a change in ideology and traditions, customs after the Harappan phase."(pp. 589-591)  http://asi.nic.in/pdf_data/dholavira_excavation_report_new.pdf



A pair of Skambha in Dholavira close to kole.l'smithy, temple' ( (8-shaped stone structure): Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy.(DEDR 2133).
Hieroglyph: tamba 'pillar'; tambu id. (Sindhi) Rebus: tambatã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' (Prakritam)
 One side of a Mohenjo-daro prism tablet (Full decipherment of the three sided inscription is embedded). What was the cargo carried on the boat? I suggest that the cargo was Meluhha metalwork -- castings and hard copper alloy ingots. Together with the pair of aquatic birds, the metalwork is with hard alloys (of copper).
karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) Alternative: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo' rebus: pōlaḍu, 'steel'. 



Hieroglyph: tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) 



dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali) Thus, together, dul tam(b)ra 'copper casting'.



Śrīvatsa, an abiding cultural, metallurgical wealth continuum
Śrīvatsa
Silver coin of the Kuninda Kingdom, c. 1st century BCE. Obv: Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended byLakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script, from left to right): Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas"). Rev: Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Legend in Kharoshti script, from righ to left: Rana Kunidasa Amoghabhutisa Maharajasa, ("Great King Amoghabhuti, of the Kunindas").

Kuninda (or Kulinda in ancient literature) was an ancient centralHimalayan kingdom from around the 2nd century BCE to the 3rd century, located in the modern state of Uttarakhand and southern areas of Himachal in northern India.

Triratna symbol on the reverse (left field) of a coin of the Indo-Scythian king Azes II (r.c. 35-12 BCE):
Triratna (Srivatsa) symbol on the reverse (left field) of a coin of the Indo-Scythian king Azes II (r.c. 35-12 BCE

Coin of Zeionises (c. 10 BCE – 10 CE). Obv: King on horseback holding whip, with bow behind. Corrupted Greek legend MANNOLOU UIOU SATRAPY ZEIONISOU "Satrap Zeionises, son of Manigul". Buddhist Triratna symbol. Rev:King on the left, receiving a crown from a city goddess holding a cornucopia. Kharoshthi legend MANIGULASA CHATRAPASA PUTRASA CHATRAPASA JIHUNIASA "Satrap Zeionises, son of Satrap Manigul". South Chach mint.

Chukhsa was an ancient area of Pakistan, probably modern Chachh, west of the city of Taxila.

Zeionises was an Indo-Scythian satrap of the area of southern Chach (Kashmir) for king Azes II.
Necklaces with a number of pendants

aṣṭamangalaka hāra

aṣṭamangalaka hāra  depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Haracarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62] The hāra  or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifsindicating weapons (cakra,  paraśu,an:kuśa), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull. 
(cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher,The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27).The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala,1977, Bhāraya Kalā , Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as:sun,śukra,  padmasara,an:kuśa, vaijayanti, pan:kaja,mīna-mithuna,śrīvatsa, paraśu,
darpaṇa and kamala. "The axe (paraśu) and an:kuśa pendants are common at sites of north India and some oftheir finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur."(Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sanchi: A cultural Study , Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma,1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and S'un:ga Periods,Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125). 



Coin of the Chutu ruler Mulananda c. 125-345. Lead Karshapana 14.30g. 27 mm. Obv.: Arched hill/stupa with river motif below. Rev.: Tree within railed lattice, triratana to right.


[CBK001] Karshapana of Chutus - Mulananda


, Lead karshapana. Zebu. Brahmi legend: Maharathi putasa sudakana (kanhasa) Krishna Six arched hill with crescent, wavy line below, nandipada, 

poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ferrite ore'
meTTu 'mound' rebus: meD 'iron' 
kuThAru 'crucible' rebus: kuThAru 'armourer'
kANDa 'water' rebus: kaNDa 'implements'
kammaṭa 'mint'
sattva 'svastika' rebus: jasta 'zinc'

Taxila, Uninscribed die-struck Coin (200-150 BC), MIGIS-4 type 578, 3.94g. Obv: Lotus standard flanked by banners in a railing, with two small three-arched hill symbols on either side. Rev: Three-arched hill with crescent above a bold 'open cross' symbol.


FIG. 20. ANCIENT INDIAN COIN. (Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)Fig. 20. Ancient Indian Coin.




The Migration of Symbols, by Goblet d'Alviella, [1894




(Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)






kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'


Ayagapatta, Kankali Tila, Mathura.


An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura
 The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum. 

An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura
An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura. "Photograph taken by Edmund William Smith in 1880s-90s of a Jain homage tablet. The tablet was set up by the wife of Bhadranadi, and it was found in December 1890 near the centre of the mound of the Jain stupa at Kankali Tila. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum." http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/photocoll/a/largeimage58907.html
View of the Jaina stupa excavated at Kankali Tila, Mathura.
Manoharpura. Svastika. Top of āyāgapaṭa. Red Sandstone. Lucknow State Museum. (Scan no.0053009, 0053011, 0053012 ) See: https://www.academia.edu/11522244/A_temple_at_Sanchi_for_Dhamma_by_a_k%C4%81ra%E1%B9%87ik%C4%81_sanghin_guild_of_scribes_in_Indus_writing_cipher_continuum


Ayagapata (After Huntington)

Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

Kushana period, 1st century C.E.From Mathura Red Sandstone 89x92cm



"Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].

2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html



Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika
(hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.


Related image
śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura] Pl. 27, Svastika symbol: distribution in cultural periods] The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE).  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa  glyph,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph.

(After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)


Section of a coping rail. 30.5x122 cm. 2nd cent. BCE Sunga. Bharhut. Note the tablet held between the hypertexts of fish-fins; it is a definitive semantic determinant of sippi who has the competence to write on, sculpt with metal.
Stupa-1 North Torana, East pillar showing Triratna motif. Sanchi, Dist Raisen, Madhya Pradesh India

Bharhut stupa torana replicated on a Bharhut frieze. The centerpiece mollusc hypertext is flanked by two srivatsa hypertexts. The gateway entrance is adorned with a garland.


Bharhut gateway, Gateway model in ivory of Begram, Sanchi gateway (all three adorned with 
ayo kammaṭa )

The hypertexts of the following frieze signify a mint:

Related image

Amaravati. British Museum. Throne under the tree. Coins in the bottom register. kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'

meD 'step' rebus: meD 'iron'.



पट n. a thatch or roof (= पटलL.


పటహము (p. 695) paṭahamu paṭahamu. [Skt.] n. A kettle drum, a war drum. తప్పెట. पटह [p= 579,2]m. (rarely n. or f(ई).) a kettledrum , 



Hieroglyph: Hood of a serpent: 


పటము (p. 695) paṭamu paṭamu. [Skt.] n. A cloth, వస్త్రము. A picture. గెరిపటము a paper kite, పతంగి. 



paṭṭaḍi signifies 'workshop' . The hypertext is composed of paṭṭa, paṭa slab + aḍi'foot' hieroglyphs which recur oj many sculptural friezes of Amaravati, Sanchi, Bharhut.



Vikalpa: پاتا pātā پاتا pātā, s.f. (6th) The funeral service (from A فاتحه) (E.) Sing. and Pl.; (W.) Pl. پاتاوي pātāwī. پاتا کول pātā kawul, or پاتا ویل pātā wa-yal, verb trans. To offer up prayers for the dead, to perform the funeral service, to make an exordium.


khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metalcasting' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal'. Thus, the hypertext message is: dul aya kammaṭa 'cast metal mint' 




Naga King
Drawing of two medallions (probably the front and back of the same piece) showing (a) Naga king surrounded by women (b) lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 77]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: 6ft.1.5in. by 3ft.3in. No.59. H.H. August 1817


The wheel on Amaravati pillar signifies dhamma cakra. The rebus word is dhmā 'bellows blower'. The lotus flower in the lower register is tāmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tāmra 'copper'.
Image result for Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45] amaravati
Sanchi torana.
धम [p= 509,3] mfn. blowing , melting (ifc. ; cf. करं- , खरिं- , जलं- &c )
धमक [p= 509,3] m. " a blower " , blacksmith (as blowing the forge) Un2. ii , 35 Sch.
धम-धम [p= 509,3]m. " blower " , N. of a demon that causes disease Hariv.
धम-धमा ind. blowing repeatedly or the sort of sound made by blowing with a bellows or trumpet MW.

धम्मल [p= 510,1] m. the breast ornamented with gold or jewels (cf. °मिल्लW. (This semantics explain why Srivatsa is shown on the chest of Vishnu, Tirthankara).


ध्मा a[p= 509,3] or धम् cl.1 P. ध्/अमति (A1. °ते Up. MBh. p. ध्मान्तस् = धमन्तस् BhP. x , 12 , 7 ; perf. दध्मौ , 3. pl. A1. °मिरे MBh. ;aor. अध्मासीत् Ka1v. ; Prec. ध्मायात् or ध्मेयात् Gr. ; fut. धमिष्यति MBh. ध्मास्यति,ध्माता Gr. ; ind.p. -ध्म्/आय Br. ) to blow (either intrans. as wind [applied also to the bubbling सोम RV. ix , 73] or trans. as, to blow a conch-shell or any wind instrument) RV. &c  ; 
to blow into (loc.MBh. l , 813  ; 
to breathe out , exhale RV. ii , 34 , 1 MBh. xiv , 1732  ; 
to kindle a fire by blowing RV. ii , 24 , 7 MBh. ii , 2483  ; 
to melt or manufacture (metal) by blowing RV. &c  ; 
to blow or cast away MBh. v , 7209 : Pass. धम्यते , ep. also °ति , ध्माय्/अते , °ति ( S3Br. MBh. ) to be blown&c : Caus. ध्मापयति MBh. (aor. अदिध्मपत् Gr. ; Pass. ध्माप्यते MBh. ) to cause to blow or melt  ; 
to consume by fire , reduce to cinder MBh. Sus3r. Desid. दिध्नासति Gr.Intens. देध्मीयते Pa1n2. 7-4 , 31  ; 


दाध्मायते , p. °यमान being violently blown (conch-shell) BhP. i , 11 , 2. [cf. Slav. dumo " smoke "]

Location: India
Site: India
Monument/Object: architectural fragment, lintel and pillars
Current Location: Sarnath Site Museum, Uttar Pradesh, India
Photo Depicts: left pillar, side 1 (arbitrary), upper half
Period: Sunga and Related Periods
Date: 2nd - 1st century BCE
Material: sandstone, pink
Scan Number: 11614
Photo Date: 1984
Image Source: Huntington Archive

On this pillar, the two fish-fins are attached to a makara clearly signifying in Indus Script cipher, adhmakara 'forge-blower' dhamaka 'blacksmith' of akammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
.



Location: India
Site: India
Monument/Object: architectural fragment
Current Location: Amaravati Site Museum, Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, India
Subject: winged lion
Period: Satavahana
Date: 1st century BCE - 1st century CE
Material: stone
Scan Number: 21348
Photo Date: 1984
Image Source: Huntington Archive

kambha 'wing' rebus: kammata 'mint, coiner, coiinage' kola 'tiger' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kole.l 'smithy, forge' kol 'working in iron'

Amaravati. British Museum. Throne under the tree. Coins in the bottom register. kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
meD 'step' rebus: meD 'iron'.


paṭa 'slab, turban, throne' PLUS aḍi  'foot' rebus: anvil PLUS dula 'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting'. 

Thus the hypertext paṭṭaḍi  is a metalcasting anvil, workshop.

Ta. aṭi foot, footprint, base, bottom, source, origin; aṭimai slavery, servitude, slave, servant, devotee; aṭitti, aṭicci maidservant; aṭiyavaṉ, aṭiyāṉ, aṭiyōṉ slave, devotee. Ma. aṭi sole of foot, footstep, measure of foot, bottom, base; aṭima slavery, slave, feudal dependency; aṭiyān slave, servant; fem. aṭiyātti. Ko. aṛy foot (measure); ac place below; acgaṛ place beneath an object, position after the first in a row; ac mog younger son. To.oṛy foot. Ka. aḍi foot, measure of foot, step, pace, base, bottom, under; aḍime slavery; aḍiya slave. Koḍ. aḍi place below, down. Tu. aḍi bottom, base; kār aḍi footsole, footstep; aḍi kai palm of the hand. Te. aḍugu foot, footstep, footprint, step, pace, measure of a foot, bottom, basis; aḍime slavery, slave, bondman; aḍiyãḍu slave, servant; aḍi-gaṟṟa sandal, wooden shoe. Ga. (S.2aḍugu footstep (< Te.). Go. (G.) aḍi beneath; (Mu.) aḍit below; aḍita lower; aṛke below; (Ma.) aḍita, aḍna lower; (M.) aḍ(ḍ)i below, low; (L.) aḍī down; (Ko.) aṛgi underneath; aṛgita lower (Voc. 33). Konḍa aḍgi below, underneath; aḍgiR(i) that which is underneath; aḍgiRaṇḍ from below, from the bottom (DEDR 72)

paṭa 'slab, throne' rebus: పటసాల (p. 695) paṭasāla paṭa-sāla. [Tel.] n. A hall or courtyard. Rebus: paṭṭaḍi 'workshop'  


aḍi 'feet' (Note the feet shown below the fiery pillar on Amaravati sculptural frieze).
paṭa पट । शासनपत्रम्, परिणाहः m. a slab, tablet, plate (of metal, for inscription or engraving of royal edicts, grants, etc.); a deed, a title-deed (of land), a deed of lease; a superficies, the width (of a board, piece of cloth, or the like); ˚ -- a chair, a throne; a tiara, a diadem; i.q. paṭh in all its senses. -boḍu -; । विस्तृतपरिणाहः adj. (f. -büdü ;), of great width, very wide. -holu ; । वक्रपरिणाहः adj. (f. -hüjü -ह;), (of something flat) having a crooked, or uneven, width. paṭa-rönī पट-रा&above;नी । महिषी(महाराज्ञी) f. a queen (decorated with a tiara), the principal wife of a king (K. 73, 1132). paṭuku paṭuku पटुकु; । परिणाहसंबन्धी, दानपत्रादिसंबन्धी adj. (f. paṭücü), of, or belonging to, a title-deed; of, or belonging to, width.  (Kashmiri)


.పట్టము (p. 696) paṭṭamu paṭṭamu. [Skt.] n. A gold band or fillet tied on the forehead of one at the time of his coronation 
as king, పట్టాభిషేక కాలమున నొసటకట్టెడుపట్టె. A diadem. 
Silk thread, పట్టుమాలు. The bark of a tree, చెట్టుమీదిపట్ట. A grant or lease granted by asking to the ryots, రాజు రైతులకిచ్చు పట్టా. 
A title, బిరుదు. 
A grade or step in genealogy. A kingdom, రాజ్యము. అతనికి ప్రతాప సింహుడనే పట్టము 
పట్టడ (p. 696) paṭṭaḍa paṭṭaḍu. [Tel.] n. A smithy, a shop. కుమ్మరి వడ్లంగి మొదలగువారు పనిచేయు చోటు. 
పటకారు (p. 695) paṭakāru paṭakāru. [Tel. పట్టు+కారు.] n. Tongs, great pincers. 
கொல்லன்பட்டடை kollaṉ-paṭṭaṭai

, n. < கொல்லன் +. Anvil; அடைகல். (C. G.) சேகரம்பட்டடை cēkaram-paṭṭaṭai


, n. < சேகரம்¹ +. 1. Village granary of a big land- lord; நிலச்சுவான்தாருக்குரிய கிராமக்களஞ்சியம். Rd. 2. The heap of grain gathered from the various threshing-floors of a landlord; ஒருவருக்குச் சொந்த மான பல களத்திலிருந்து ஒன்றுகூட்டிய நெற்குவியல். Tj.
பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai
, n. prob. படு¹- + அடை¹-. 1. [T. paṭṭika, K. paṭṭaḍe.] Anvil; அடைகல். (பிங்.) சீரிடங்காணி னெறிதற்குப் பட்ட டை (குறள், 821). 2. [K. paṭṭaḍi.] Smithy, forge; கொல்லன் களரி. 3. Stock, heap, pile, as of straw, firewood or timber; குவியல். (W.) 4. Corn-rick, enclosure of straw for grain, wattle and daub, granary; தானியவுறை. (W.) 5. Layer or bed of olas for grain; தானியமிடுற்கு ஓலைகளாலமைத்த படுக்கை. (W.) 6. Anything held against another, as a support in driving a nail; prop to keep a thing from falling or moving; ஆணி முதலியன செல்லுதற்கு அடியிலிருந்து தாங்குங் கருவி. (W.) 7. Frame of timbers to place under a dhoney when ashore, to keep it from the ground; கரையிலிருக்கும்போது பூமி யிற் பதியாதபடி அடியில் வைக்குந் தோணிதாங்கி. (W.) 8. Support for the head in place of a pillow; தலையணையாக உதவும் மணை. (W.) 9. Piece of board temporarily used as a seat; உட் காரும் பலகை. (W.) 10. Plank used for crossin a channel; கால்வாய் கடத்தற்கு உதவும் பலகை. (W.) 11. The platform of the car that carries the idol; வாகனத்தட்டு. Loc. 12. Block of wood provided with iron-tubes for explosion of gun-powder; அதிர்வேட்டுக் குழாய்கள் பதிக்கப்பட்ட கட்டை. Loc. 13. Repeated explosion of gun-powder stuffed in iron-tubes; தொடர்ந்து வெடிக்கும் அதிர்வேட்டு. 14. A layer or course of earthwork, as in raising mud-wall; சுவரிலிடும் மண்படை. Loc. 15. Portion allowed to ploughmen from the proceeds of a harvest; குடிவாரம். Loc. 16. Cultivation, irrigation; சாகுபடி செய்கை. பட்டடைக்குத் தண்ணீர் இறைக்க. (W.) 17. Plot of wet land cultivated mainly by lift-irrigation; இறைப்புப் பாசனமுள்ள நன் செய்த் தாக்கு. Loc. 18. (Mus.) The fifth note of the gamut; ஐந்தாம் சுரமாகிய இளியிசை. வண்ணப் பட்டடை யாழ்மேல் வைத்து (சிலப். 3, 63). 19. One of the movements in playing a lute; ஓர் இசைக்கரணம். (குறள், 573, அடிக்குறிப்பு.)

பட்டடைகட்டு-தல் paṭṭaṭai-kaṭṭu-, v. < id. +. (W.) intr. 1. To store up grain in an enclosure of straw; தானியவுறை கட்டுதல். 2. To set a prop or support; முட்டுக்கொடுத்தல். 3. To erect a workshop; தொழிற்சாலை ஏற்படுத்துதல். 4. To be avaricious; பேராசைப்படுதல்.--tr. To steal; களவுசெய்தல்.

பட்டடையார் paṭṭaṭaiyār , n. < id. (W. G.) 1. Master of a shop; கடையின் எசமானர். 2. Overseer; மேற்பார்ப்போர்.














https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/236x/ed/6a/05/ed6a05aab1c88975596f07a1f877f2b7--bodhi-tree-british-museum.jpg

Photograph of the ancient railing around the Mahabodhi Temple, Bodh Gaya, from the Archaeological Survey of India Collections, taken by Henry Baily Wade Garrick in 1880-81. The Mahabodi Temple complex is one of the holy sites related to the life of Buddha

Bodhgaya pillar friezes with Indus Script hypertexts:


karabha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron'


Composite animal, an anthropomorph: Artisan ligatured to body of a bovine:


dhangar 'bull' rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'









Hieroglyph: fish
Indian mackerel Ta. ayirai, acarai, acalai loach, sandy colour, Cobitis thermalis; ayilai a kind of fish. Ma. ayala a fish, mackerel, scomber; aila, ayila a fish; ayira a kind of small fish, loach (DEDR 191) Munda: So. Ayo `fish'. Go. ayu `fish'. Go <ayu> (Z), <ayu?u> (Z),, <ayu?> (A) {N} ``^fish''. Kh. kaDOG `fish'. Sa. Hako `fish'. Mu. hai(H) ~ haku(N) ~ haikO(M) `fish'. Ho haku `fish'. Bj. hai `fish'. Bh.haku `fish'. KW haiku ~ hakO |Analyzed hai-kO, ha-kO (RDM). Ku. Kaku`fish'.@(V064,M106) Mu. ha-i, haku `fish' (HJP). @(V341) ayu>(Z), <ayu?u> (Z)  <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish''. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish''. #3612. <kukkulEyO>,,<kukkuli-yO>(LMD) {N} ``prawn''. !Serango dialect. #32612. <sArjAjyO>,,<sArjAj>(D) {N} ``prawn''. #32622. <magur-yO>(ZL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. *Or.<>. #32632. <ur+GOl-Da-yO>(LL) {N} ``a kind of ^fish''. #32642.<bal.bal-yO>(DL) {N} ``smoked fish''. #15163. Vikalpa: Munda: <aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.#10171. So<aDara>(L) {N} ``^scales of a fish, sharp bark of a tree''.



Rebus:

Āyasa Āyasa (adj.) [Sk. āyasa, of ayas iron] made of iron S ii. 182; A iii.58; Dh 345; J iv.416; v.81; Vv 845 (an˚? cp. the rather strange expln. at VvA 335); Ayo & Aya (nt.) [Sk. ayaḥ nt. iron & ore, Idg. *ajes -- , cp. Av. ayah, Lat. aes, Goth. aiz, Ohg. ēr (= Ger. Erz.), Ags. ār (= E. ore).] iron. The nom. ayo found only in set of 5 metals forming an alloy of gold (jātarūpa), viz.ayo, loha (copper), tipu (tin), sīsa (lead), sajjha (silver) A iii.16 = S v.92; of obl. cases only the instr. ayasā occurs Dh 240 (= ayato DhA iii.344); Pv i.1013 (paṭikujjita, of Niraya). -- Iron is the material used kat)e)coxh/nin the outfit & construction of Purgatory or Niraya (see niraya & Avīci & cp. Vism 56 sq.). -- In compn. both ayo˚ & aya˚ occur as bases.   I. ayo˚: -- kapāla an iron pot A iv.70 (v. l. ˚guhala); Nd2 304 iii. d 2 (of Niraya). -- kūṭa an iron hammer PvA 284. -- khīla an iron stake S v.444; M iii.183 = Nd2 304 iii. c; SnA 479. -- guḷa an iron ball S v.283; Dh 308; It 43 = 90; Th 2, 489; DA i.84. -- ghana an iron club Ud 93; VvA 20. -- ghara an iron house J iv.492. -- paṭala an iron roof or ceiling (of Niraya) PvA 52. -- pākāra an iron fence Pv i.1013 = Nd2 304 iii. d 1-- maya made of iron Sn 669 (kūṭa); J iv.492 (nāvā); Pv i.1014 (bhūmi of N.); PvA 43, 52. -- muggara an iron club PvA 55. -- sanku an iron spike S iv.168; Sn 667.   II. aya˚: -- kapāla = ayo˚ DhA i.148 (v. l. ayo˚). -kāra a worker in iron Miln 331. -- kūṭa = ayo˚ J i.108; DhA ii.69 (v. l.). -- nangala an iron plough DhA i.223; iii.67. -- paṭṭaka an iron plate or sheet (cp. loha˚) J v.359.-- paṭhavi an iron floor (of Avīci) DhA i.148. -- sanghāṭaka an iron (door) post DhA iv.104. -- sūla an iron stake Sn 667; DhA i.148. (Pali)  அகி² aki , n. cf. ayas. Iron; இரும்பு. (பிங்.)*அயசு ayacu , n. < ayas. Iron; இரும்பு. (சி. சி.. 4, 8, சிவாக்.)அயம்&sup6; ayam , n. < ayas. 1. Iron; இரும்பு. (பிங்.) 2. Iron filings; அரப்பொடி. (தைலவ. தைல. 6.)அயில்¹ ayil , n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; இரும்பு அயிலாலே போழ்ப வயில் (பழமொ. 8). 2. Surgical knife, lancet; சத்திரம் வைக்குங் கத்தி. அயிலரி யிரலை விழுப்புண் (ஞானா. 30). 3. Javelin, lance; வேல். அயில்புரை நெடுங்கண் (ஞானா. 33). 4. Sharpness; கூர்மை. ஆண்மகன் கையி லயில்வாள் (நாலடி. 386). 5. Sedge; கோரை. (W.)அயோற்கம் ayōṟkam , n. < ayas. Iron filings; அரப்பொடி. (W.) అయస్కాంతము (p. 76) ayaskāntamu ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. సూదంటురాయి అయస్కారుడు ayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. కమ్మరి. అయస్సు ayassu. n. Iron. ఇనుము., 


aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). Ta. ayil javelin, lance, surgical knife, lancet.Ma. ayil javelin, lance; ayiri surgical knife, lancet. (DEDR 193). aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Ka. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya’ Śastri’s new interpretation of the AmarakoŚa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Ta.); ayir – iron dust, any ore (Ma.) Kur. adar the waste of pounded rice, broken grains, etc. Malt. adru broken grain (DEDR 134).  Ma. aśu thin, slender;ayir, ayiram iron dust.Ta. ayir subtlety, fineness, fine sand, candied sugar; ? atar fine sand, dust. அய.³ ayir, n. 1. Subtlety, fineness; நணசம. (__.) 2. [M. ayir.] Fine sand; நணமணல. (மலசலப. 92.) ayiram, n.  Candied sugar; ayil, n. cf. ayas. 1. Iron; 2. Surgical knife, lancet; Javelin, lance; ayilavaṉ, Skanda, as bearing a javelin (DEDR 341).Tu. gadarů a lump (DEDR 1196)  kadara— m. ‘iron goad for guiding an elephant’ lex. (CDIAL 2711). অয়সঠন [ aẏaskaṭhina ] a as hard as iron; extremely hard (Bengali) अयोगूः A blacksmith; Vāj.3.5. अयस् a. [-गतौ-असुन्] Going, moving; nimble. n. (-यः) 1 Iron (एति चलति अयस्कान्तसंनिकर्षं इति तथात्वम्नायसोल्लिख्यते रत्नम् Śukra 4.169.अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43. -2 Steel. -3 Gold. -4 A metal in general. ayaskāṇḍa 1 an iron-arrow. -2 excellent iron. -3 a large quantity of iron. -_नत_(अयसक_नत_) 1 'beloved of iron', a magnet, load-stone; 2 a precious stone; ˚मजण_ a loadstone; ayaskāra 1 an iron-smith, blacksmith (Skt.Apte) ayas-kāntamu. [Skt.] n. The load-stone, a magnet. ayaskāruḍu. n. A black smith, one who works in iron. ayassu. n. ayō-mayamu. [Skt.] adj. made of iron (Te.) áyas— n. ‘metal, iron’ RV. Pa. ayō nom. sg. n. and m., aya— n. ‘iron’, Pk. aya— n., Si. ya. AYAŚCŪRṆA—, AYASKĀṆḌA—, *AYASKŪṬA—. Addenda: áyas—: Md. da ‘iron’, dafat ‘piece of iron’. ayaskāṇḍa— m.n. ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ Pāṇ. gaṇ. viii.3.48 [ÁYAS—, KAA ́ṆḌA—]Si.yakaḍa ‘iron’.*ayaskūṭa— ‘iron hammer’. [ÁYAS—, KUU ́ṬA—1] Pa. ayōkūṭa—, ayak m.; Si. yakuḷa‘sledge —hammer’, yavuḷa (< ayōkūṭa) (CDIAL 590, 591, 592). cf. Lat. aes , aer-is for as-is ; Goth. ais , Thema aisa; Old Germ. e7r , iron ;Goth. eisarn ; Mod. Germ. Eisen.

Skambha, the Pillar or Fulcrum of all existence (Atharva Veda Skambha Suka AV X.7)



Skambha Sukta ( Atharva Veda X-7 )





kásminn áṅge tápo asyā́dhi tiṣṭhati kásminn áṅga r̥tám asyā́dhy ā́hitam


kvà vratáṃ kvà śraddhā́sya tiṣṭhati kásminn áṅge satyám asya prátiṣṭhitam 1





kásmād áṅgād dīpyate agnír asya kásmād áṅgāt pavate mātaríśva


kásmād áṅgād ví mimīté 'dhi candrámā mahá skambhásya mímāno áṅgam 2





kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhati bhū́mir asya kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhaty antárikṣam


kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhaty ā́hitā dyáuḥ kásminn áṅge tiṣṭhaty úttaraṃ diváḥ 3





kvà prépsan dīpyata ūrdhvó agníḥ kvà prépsan pavate mātaríśvā


yátra prépsantīr abhiyánty āvŕ̥taḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 4





kvā̀rdhamāsā́ḥ kvà yanti mā́sāḥ saṃvatsaréṇa sahá saṃvidānā́ḥ


yátra yánty r̥távo yátrārtavā́ḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 5



kvà prépsantī yuvatī́ vírūpe ahorātré dravataḥ saṃvidāné
yátra prépsantīr abhiyánty ā́paḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 6

yásmint stabdhvā́ prajā́patir lokā́nt sárvām̐ ádhārayat
skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 7

yát paramám avamám yác ca madhyamáṃ prajā́patiḥ sasr̥jé viśvárūpam
kíyatā skambháḥ prá viveśa tátra yán ná prā́viśat kíyat tád babhūva 8

kíyatā skambháḥ prá viveśa bhūtám kíyad bhaviṣyád anvā́śaye 'sya
ékaṃ yád áṅgam ákr̥ṇot sahasradhā́ kíyatā skambháḥ prá viveśa tátra 9

yátra lokā́mś ca kóśāṃś cā́po bráhma jánā vidúḥ
ásac ca yátra sác cāntá skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 10

yátra tápaḥ parākrámya vratáṃ dhāráyaty úttaram
r̥táṃ ca yátra śraddhā́ cā́po bráhma samā́hitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 11

yásmin bhū́mir antárikṣaṃ dyáur yásminn ádhy ā́hitā
yátrāgníś candrámāḥ sū́ryo vā́tas tiṣṭhanty ā́rpitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 12

yásya tráyastriṃśad devā́ áṅge sárve samā́hitāḥ
skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 13

yátra ŕ̥ṣayaḥ prathamajā́ ŕ̥caḥ sā́ma yájur mahī́
ekarṣír yásminn ā́rpitaḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 14

yátrāmŕ̥taṃ ca mr̥tyúś ca púruṣé 'dhi samā́hite
samudró yásya nāḍyàḥ púruṣé 'dhi samā́hitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 15

yásya cátasraḥ pradíśo nāḍyàs tíṣṭhanti prathamā́ḥ
yajñó yátra párākrāntaḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 16

yé púruṣe bráhma vidús té viduḥ parameṣṭhínam
yó véda parameṣṭhínaṃ yáś ca véda prajā́patim
jyeṣṭháṃ yé brā́hmaṇaṃ vidús te skambhám anusáṃviduḥ 17

yásya śíro vaiśvānaráś cákṣur áṅgirasó 'bhavan
áṅgāni yásya yātávaḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 18

yásya bráhma múkham āhúr jihvā́ṃ madhukaśā́m utá
virā́jam ū́dho yásyāhúḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 19

yásmād ŕ̥co apā́takṣan yájur yásmād apā́kaṣan
sā́māni yásya lómāny atharvāṅgiráso múkhaṃ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 20

asaccākhā́ṃ pratíṣṭhantīṃ paramám iva jánā viduḥ
utó sán manyanté 'vare yé te śā́khām upā́sate 21

yátrādityā́ś ca rudrā́ś ca vásavaś ca samā́hítāḥ
bhūtáṃ ca yátra bhávyaṃ ca sárve lokā́ḥ prátiṣṭhitāḥ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 22

yásya tráyastriṃśad devā́ nidhíṃ rákṣanti sarvadā́
nidhíṃ tám adyá kó veda yáṃ devā abhirákṣatha 23

yátra devā́ brahmavído bráhma jyeṣṭhám upā́sate
yó vái tā́n vidyā́t pratyákṣaṃ sá brahmā́ véditā syāt 24

br̥hánto nā́ma té devā́ yé 'sataḥ pári jajñiré
ékaṃ tád áṅgaṃ skambhásyā́sad āhuḥ paró jánāḥ 25

yátra skambháḥ prajanáyan purāṇáṃ vyávartayat
ékaṃ tád áṅgaṃ skambhásya purāṇám anusáṃviduḥ 26

yásya tráyastriṃśad devā́ áṅge gā́trā vibhejiré
tā́n vái tráyastriṃśad devā́n éke brahamvído viduḥ 27

hiraṇyagarbhám paramám anatyudyáṃ jánā viduḥ
skambhás tád ágre prā́siñcad dhíraṇyaṃ loké antarā́ 28

skambhé lokā́ḥ skambhé tápaḥ skambhé 'dhy r̥tám ā́hitam
skámbha tvā́ veda pratyákṣam índre sárvaṃ samā́hitam 29

índre lokā́ índre tápa índre 'dhy r̥tám ā́hitam
índraṃ tvā́ veda pratyákṣaṃ skambhé sárvaṃ prátiṣṭhitam 30

nā́ma nā́mnā johavīti purā́ sū́ryāt puróṣásaḥ
yád ajáḥ prathamáṃ saṃbabhū́va sá ha tát svarā́jyam iyāya yásmān nā́nyát páram ásti bhūtám 31

yásya bhū́miḥ pramā́ntárikṣam utódáram
dívaṃ yáś cakré mūrdhā́naṃ tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 32

yásya sū́ryaś cákṣuś candrámāś ca púnarṇavaḥ
agníṃ yáś cakrá āsyàṃ tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 33

yásya vā́taḥ prāṇāpānáu cákṣur áṅgirasó 'bhavan
díśo yáś cakré prajñā́nīs tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 34

skambhó dādhāra dyā́vāpr̥thivī́ ubhé imé skambhó dādhārorv àntárikṣam
skambhó dādhāra pradíśaḥ ṣáḍ urvī́ḥ skambhá idáṃ víśvaṃ bhúvanam ā́ viveśa 35

yáḥ śrámāt tápaso jātó lokā́nt sárvānt samānaśé
sómaṃ yáś cakré kévalaṃ tásmai jyeṣṭhā́ya bráhmaṇe námaḥ 36

katháṃ vā́to nélayati katháṃ ná ramate mánaḥ
kím ā́paḥ satyáṃ prépsantīr nélayanti kadā́ caná 37

mahád yakṣáṃ bhúvanasya mádhye tápasi krāntáṃ salilásya pr̥ṣṭhé
tásmin chrayante yá u ké ca devā́ vr̥kṣásya skándhaḥ paríta iva śā́khāḥ 38

yásmai hástābhyāṃ pā́dābhyāṃ vācā́ śrótreṇa cákṣuṣā
yásmai devā́ḥ sádā balíṃ prayáchanti vímité 'mitaṃ skambháṃ táṃ brūhi katamáḥ svid evá sáḥ 39

ápa tásya hatáṃ támo vyā́vr̥ttaḥ sá pāpmánā
sárvāṇi tásmin jyótīṃṣi yā́ni trī́ṇi prajā́patau 40

yó vetasáṃ hiraṇyáyaṃ tiṣṭhantaṃ salilé véda
sá vái gúhyaḥ prajā́patiḥ 41

tantrám éke yuvatī́ vírūpe abhyākrā́maṃ vayataḥ ṣáṇmayūkham prā́nyā́ tántūṃs tiráte dhatté anyā́ nā́pa vr̥ñjāte ná gamāto ántam 42

táyor aháṃ parinŕ̥tyantyor iva ná ví jānāmi yatarā́ parástāt
púmān enad vayaty úd gr̥ṇanti púmān enad ví jabhārā́dhi nā́ke 43

imé mayū́khā úpa tastabhur dívaṃ sā́māni cakrus tásarāṇi vā́tave 44


1Which of his members is the seat of Fervour: Which is the base
   of Ceremonial Order? p. 21
  Where in him standeth Faith? Where Holy Duty? Where, in
   what part of him is truth implanted?
2Out of which member glows the light of Agni? Form which
   proceeds the breath of Mātarisvan?
  From which doth Chandra measure out his journey, travelling
   over Skambha's mighty body?
3Which of his members is the earth's upholder? Which gives the
   middle air a base to rest on?
  Where, in which member is the sky established? Where hath
   the space above the sky its dwelling?
4Whitherward yearning blazeth Agni upward? Whitherward
   yearning bloweth Mātarisvan?
  Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom with long-
   ing go the turning pathways?
5Whitheward go the half-months, and, accordant with the full
   year, the months in their procession?
  Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom go seasons
   and the groups of seasons?
6Whitherward yearning speed the two young Damsels, accordant,
  Day and Night, of different colour?
  Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom the Waters
   take their way with longing?
7Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha,
  On whom Prajāpati set up and firmly stablished all the worlds?
8That universe which Prajāpati created, wearing all forms,, the
   highest, midmost, lowest,
  How far did Skambha penetrate within it? What portion did
   he leave unpenetrated?
9How far within the past hath Skambha entered? How much of
   him hath reached into the future?
  That one part which he set in thousand places,—how far did
  Skambha penetrate within it?
10Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha in whom men
   recognize the Waters, Brahma,
  In whom they know the worlds and their enclosures, in whom
   are non-existence and existence?
11Declare that. Skambha, who is he of many,
  In whom, exerting every power, Fervour maintains her loftiest
   vow; p. 22
  In whom are comprehended Law, Waters, Devotion and Belief
12Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
  On whom as their foundation earth and firmament and sky are
   set;
  In whom as their appointed place rest Fire and Moon and Sun
   and Wind?
13Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
  He in whose body are contained all three-and-thirty Deities?
14Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha.
  In whom the Sages earliest born, the Richas, Sāman, Yajus,
  Earth, and the one highest Sage abide?
15Who out of many, tell me, is the Skambha.
  Who comprehendeth, for mankind, both immortality and death,
  He who containeth for mankind the gathered waters as his
   veins?
16Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha,
  He whose chief arteries stand there, the sky's four regions, he irk
   whom Sacrifice putteth forth its might?
17They who in Purusha understand Brahma know Him who is.
  Supreme.
  He who knows Him who is Supreme, and he who knows the
  Lord of Life,
  These know the loftiest Power Divine, and thence know Skam-
   bha thoroughly.
18Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
  Of whom Vaisvānara became the head, the Angirases his eye,
   and Yātus his corporeal parts?
19Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
  Whose mouth they say is Holy Lore, his tongue the Honey-
   sweetened Whip, his udder is Virāj, they say?
20Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha
  From whom they hewed the lichas off, from whom they
   chipped the Yajus, he
  Whose hairs are Sāma-verses and his mouth the Atharvāngi-
   rases?
21Men count as 'twere a thing supreme nonentity's conspicuous
   branch;
  And lower man who serve thy branch regard it as an entity.
22Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha p. 23
  In whom Ādityas dwell, in whom Rudras and Vasus are
   contained,
  In whom the future and the past and all the worlds are firmly
   set;
23Whose secret treasure evermore the three-and thirty Gods
   protect?
  Who knoweth now the treasure which, O Deities ye watch and
   guard?
24Where the Gods, versed in Sacred Lore, worship the loftiest
  Power Divine
  The priest who knows them face to face may be a sage who
   knows the truth.
25Great, verily, are those Gods who sprang from non-existence
   into life.
  Further, men say that that one part of Skambha is nonentity.
26Where Skambha generating gave the Ancient World its shape
   and form,
  They recognized that single part of Skambha as the Ancient
  World,
27The three-and-thirty Gods within his body were disposed as
   limbs:
  Some, deeply versed in Holy Lore, some know those three-and-
   thirty Gods.
28Men know Hiranyagarbha as supreme and inexpressible:
  In the beginning, in the midst of the world, Skambha poured
   that gold.
29On Skambha Fervour rests, the worlds and Holy Law repose on
   him.
  Skambha, I clearly know that all of thee on Indra is imposed.
30On Indra Fervour rests, on him the worlds and Holy Law
   recline.
  Indra, I clearly know that all of thee on Skambha findeth rest.
31Ere sun and dawn man calls and calls one Deity by the other's
   name.
  When the Unborn first sprang into existence he reached that
   independent sovran lordship; than which aught higher never
   hath arisen.
32Be reverence paid to him, that highest Brahma, whose base is
  Earth, his belly Air, who made the sky to be his head. p. 24
33Homage to highest Brahma, him whose eye is Sūrya and the
  Moon who groweth young and new again, him who made
  Agni for his mouth.
34Homage to highest Brahma, him whose two life-breathings were
   the Wind,
  The Angirases his sight: who made the regions be his means of
   sense.
35Skambha set fast these two, the earth and heaven, Skambha
   maintained the ample air between them.
  Skambha established the six spacious regions: this whole world
  Skambha entered and pervaded.
36Homage to highest Brahma, him who, sprung from Fervour and
   from toil,
  Filled all the worlds completely, who made Soma for himself
   alone.
37Why doth the Wind move ceaselessly? Why doth the spirit take
   no rest?
  Why do the Waters, seeking truth, never at any time repose?
38Absorbed in Fervour, is the mighty Being, in the world's centre,
   on the waters' surface.
  To him the Deities, one and all betake them. So stand the tree-
   trunk with the branches round it.
39Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha.
  To whom the Deities with hands, with feet, and voice, and ear,
   and eye.
  Present unmeasured tribute in the measured hall of sacrifice?
40Darkness is chased away from him: he is exempt from all dist-
   ress.
  In him are all the lights, the three abiding in Prajāpati.
41He verily who knows the Reed of Gold that stands amid the
   flood, is the mysterious Lord of Life.
42Singly the two young Maids of different colours approach the
   six-pegged warp in turns and weave it.
  The one draws out the threads, the other lays them: they break
   them not, they reach no end of labour.
43Of these two, dancing round as 'twere, I cannot distinguish
   whether ranks before the other.
  A Male in weaves this web, a Male divides it: a Male hath
   stretched it to the cope of heaven p. 25
44These pegs have buttressed up the sky. The Sāmans have turned
   them into shuttles for the weaving.
http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/av/av10007.htm

The Amaravati Album

Medallions



Although the pictures below show only a portion of each drawing, they lead into pop-up images of entire drawings. Detailed scans of each folio can be accessed through the links, but will take some time to download.

Two Medallions

Drawing of two medallions (perhaps the inner and outer face of the same piece). [WD1061, folio 45]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed:3ft. by 3ft.2in. Outer circle 2nd. H.H. March 8th 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Men Running Through a Crowd
Drawing of railing medallion carved with scene of men running through a crowd. [WD1061, folio 49]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed:3ft.1.8in. across (height not given). H.H. 14th March 1817.Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Devotees Around a Stupa
Drawing of medallion showing devotees around a stupa. [WD1061, folio 63].
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed:2ft.11.5in. by 3ft.3.3in. The best finished sculpture in Depaldinna. Outer gate. .H. April 1817.
Location of Sculpture: The British Museum, Knox (1992) catalogue number 27; Barrett (1954) catalogue number 85; BM8.
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Adoration of the Buddha Begging Bowl
Drawing of medallion showing a man holding a begging bowl surrounded by devotees.[WD1061, folio 65]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: 2ft.11in. by 3ft.2.6in. Outer circle No.18 (No.19 drawn by Newman) Principal figure horse. H.H. April 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Madras Government Museum, Chennai. Accession number 132. See Sivaramamurti catalogue (1998), plate number XXVI.
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Dancers and Musicians
Drawings of both sides of a medallion. The front is carved with dancers and musicians and the back with a lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 66]
Copyright © The British Library Board
Inscribed: 2ft.llin. by 3ft.3in. Outer Circle 16 (17 drawn by Newman). T. A.15th April 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Male Devotees Around a Throne
Drawing of two medallions (probably the front and back of the same piece) showing (a) male devotees surrounding a throne (b) lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 76]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: No.61. H.H. August 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Naga King
Drawing of two medallions (probably the front and back of the same piece) showing (a) Naga king surrounded by women (b) lotus medallion. [WD1061, folio 77]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: 6ft.1.5in. by 3ft.3in. No.59. H.H. August 1817.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Seated Couple
Drawing of a medallion with seated couple surrounded by attendants. [WD1061, folio 85]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: 2ft.6.5in. by 2ft.6.5in. T.A.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Elephant and Riders
Drawing of medallion with elephant and riders. [WD1061, folio 86]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: 2ft. 11.5in. by 2ft.11.5in. The situation of this stone is to the south of the stones Mr. Hamilton drew last. T.A.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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Lotus Pattern
Drawing of medallion with lotus pattern. [WD1061, folio 87]
Copyright © The British Library Board

Inscribed: Ground.
Location of Sculpture: Unknown.
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http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/features/amaravati/medallions.html





Two Medallions


Discovery of Copper axes of Sakatpur, Ganga-Yamuna culture of Sarasvati Civilization. Copperhoard sites and nearby Hulas Indus Script hypertext signify tin-bronzes

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https://tinyurl.com/y8wexm7s
Location of Sakatpur, Uttar Pradesh
Saharanpur is in the region of copperhoard sites of Ganga-Yamuna doab. Included in the hoards is an Indus Script hypertext which is called an anthropomorph of copper from Sheorajpur inscribed on the chest of the ram with curved horns, with a 'fish' hieroglyph.  This artifact with Indus Script hypertext is conclusive proof that the Indus Script documentation tradition continued in the copperhoards of Ganga-Yamuna copper hoard culture. See:  http://tinyurl.com/zgzv5e5


Type I Anthropomorph, Standing with fish inscription
Sheorajpur (Inv. No O.37a, State Museum of Lucknow. 
ayo 'fish' mẽḍhā 'curved horn' meḍḍha 'ram' rebus: ayo meḍh 'metal merchant' ayo mēdhā 'metal expert' karṇika 'spread legs' rebus: karṇika कर्णिक 'steersman'.
Thus, Type I anthropomorph signifies a steersman (of seafaring vessel), metals expert, metals merchant.

Almost all known techniques of a copper-bronze technology used in Sarasvati Civilization: intersection of art-sciences of archaeology and of metallurgy

As CC Lamberg-Karlovsky rightly notes: “It is evident that the use of and advantages of low-tin bronze were known in this area. A chisel from Nevasa contained 2.72 percent tin, with traces of lead and nickel, while an assorted copper bangle and bead were made of native copper. The techniques used to produce these objects were found out through metallographic analysis: although there was evidence for dendritic segregation in the chisel, as there is in all cast alloys, the dendrites had been broken up by hot forging after casting and finishing just above the recrystallization temperature (ca. 500 degrees C); both the bangle and the bead were worked by hot-hamering at a relatively high temperature. The distribution of these techniques, as well as that of the hoards, is still imperfectly known. A recently found hoard at Khurdi in Rajasthan brought to light flat-axes, long bar celts, and a channel-spouted bowl with similarities to distant Sialk and Navdatoli types. The possibility that these objects found in hoards represent the scattered remains of indigenous northern tribes, i.e., Nishadas, Pulindas, Savaras, or possibly a fusion of these, has been suggested by Sankalia. The rather extensive inventory of the metallic implements found in India and Pakistan covers almost all known techniques of a copper-bronze technology. The dearth of stratified metal objects, howevere, makes a study of its developmental processes almost impossible…The common heritage of metallurgy of Baluchistan of northern India, has been noted and offered as an explanation for the complex interrelationships that are found in these areas. The importance of diffusion from the west has been emphasized, possibly more the diffusion of ideas and techniques than the diffusion of forms. As might be expected with the examination of the complex art-science of metallurgy by the complex art-science of archaeology, the results can be only tentative and the quest for new data continued.”(CC Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1967, Archeology and Metallurgical ‘Technology in Prehistoric Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan, in: American Anthropologist, 69, 1967, p.160).

Sakatpur Copper axes point to an ancient culture story




Ancient tools: The copper axes, thought to belong to 2000 BC, from Sakatpur.  

Archaeologists excited, as discovery may shine light on a 4,000-year-old Ganga-Yamuna culture

Six copper axes and some pieces of pottery discovered in Sakatpur of Saharanpur district in Uttar Pradeshcould point to a separate culture that straddled the Ganga and Yamuna, coinciding with the Indus Valley Civilisation, say archaeologists.
The Archaeological Survey of India is excavating the site at Rampur Maniharan, hoping to discover more artefacts.

In fertile plains

When the Indus Valley civilisation flourished in what is today Punjab, Haryana and parts of Pakistan, a parallel culture is thought to have co-existed in the fertile plains between the Ganga and the Yamuna in western Uttar Pradesh.
The copper axes and pottery sherds found last week may be related to the Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) culture in the doab (plains) of the two rivers in the late Harappan period, around 2000 BC.
The Superintending Archaeologist, ASI (Agra circle) Bhuvan Vikrama, told The Hindu that going by what had been found, it could well be related to the OCP culture. OCP marked the last stage of the North Indian Copper Age.

Found by chance

Workers of a brick kiln in Sakatpur found the axes when they were digging to collect soil. The ASI then sent a team to excavate.
The people who used ochre pottery and their culture are specific to the doab region.
The first remnants of OCP culture were found in Hastinapur, in Meerut district, in 1951 and later in Atranjikhera in Eta district.

Direct evidence

“We are excited because this is the first time we have discovered remnants of the OCP culture directly,” Mr. Vikrama said.
“We have done three days of excavation and found only pottery. Since excavation is a slow process we expect to find more remains like habitat dispositions in the depth of the soil. We are not yet calling it a proper civilisation and terming it only as a culture, because unlike the Harappan civilisation, we still do not know much about OCP culture. But this time we are hopeful that we will unearth interesting details,” he added.
Scholars differ in their interpretation of the nature of OCP culture. Those like V.N. Misra see it as “only a final and impoverished stage of the late-Harappan,” while others view it as completely unrelated to Harappa.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/copper-axes-point-to-an-ancient-culture-story/article17383808.ece

Image result for sakatpur archaeology
Excavation work underway in Sakatpur village ofSaharanpur district .

4,000-year-old copper axes point to an ancient culture story
  


https://archaeologynewsnetwork.blogspot.in/2017/03/4000-year-old-copper-axes-point-to.html#rxk6oVGSRMvfetGC.97

Sakatpur excavation may reveal startling facts


Swati Sharma | Meerut | 
The excavation in village Sakatpur of Saharanpur might reveal many startling facts related to the history of this area. A grinding stone set has been recovered by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in the excavation besides pottery and copper axes which are related to the human existence.
An ASI team has been put on the task for excavation from Friday at village Sakatpur of Rampur Maniharan in Saharanpur district. This excavation is being led by Bhuwan Vikram, Supervising archaeologist of Agra Circle of ASI. Three trenches of 2X2 meters have been made at the site where the excavation has started in which some pottery has also been recovered as well as a grinding stone set which has been sent to the lab for testing.
In fact, the area caught attention of the ASI when six copper axes were found by labourers of brick kiln while digging the mud. They immediately brought this to the notice of the owners of the kiln who approached ASI through different channels. "The discovery of copper axes sounded interesting and we decided to excavate the land in order to study the historical and archaeological significance of the region," said Vikram, who is himself supervising the excavation work.
Although the excavation is a very  slow process, there is a hope in the archaeologists  to encounter more of  pottery and habitat deposition deep in the  soil which might add to the history on the old civilization of this doab(Land between two rivers Ganga and Yamuna) area.
"Use of copper axes and potteries found here were quite prevalent in the region of Ganga valley," Vikram said, adding that it, however, could be interlinked only after encountering  with the habitat deposition beneath the layers of the soil after few more days of excavation".
Vikram  admitted that  old civilizations flourished in doab of Ganga and Yamuna. The existence of old civilizations in the area was also proved by excavations in some other parts of western UP, including Hastinapur of Meerut and Sinauli of Baghpat district. Earlier, the ASI had excavated at village Sinauli on Baraut-Chaprauli road where some graveyards, axes , and stone jewellery were discovered, giving clues of existence of ancient civilizations.
A similar excavation was done by B Lal, a well-known archaeologist of the country in 1951 in Hastinapur where pottery, stones , beads and a structure like of a grand house was discovered . In his report, Lal had concluded that  ancient civilization flourished in Hastinapur.

http://www.thestatesman.com/science/sakatpur-excavation-may-reveal-startling-facts-1488025107.html



Key to why Harappans moved east lies in excavations



Artefactsalt AMRITA MADHUKALYA | Updated: Oct 5, 2017, 06:45 AM IST, DNA
Pottery and other cultural material, dating back to over 2000 BC that was found at an excavation site in Uttar Pradesh's Sakatpur village by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) between January and March this year could help archaeologists understand why people from the late Harappan civilisation moved eastwards as the civilisation disintegrated.
During the excavation, officials of the Agra Circle of the ASI found a host of materials, including six copper axes, over four kilns, pottery, beads and stone material.
Superintendent Archaeologist of the Agra Circle, Dr Bhuvan Vikrama, says that the ASI carried out the excavation at the site after construction workers stumbled upon dated brick material. He adds that the findings could point at either a late Harappan civilisation, which ranges from 1800 BCE to 1700 BCE, or at the 2nd millennium BC Ochre Coloured Pottery culture (OCP).
"The stone material and beads that we found at the site is typologically different from the Harappan civilisation, and is yet contemporary to the late Harappan period. The findings could also reveal a culture along the Yamuna with linkages to Harappan civilisation," said Dr Vikrama. He added that the ASI has now sent material from the site for carbon dating, and while 2000 BC is a tentative date, it could also be pushed back further.
Dr. Mayank Vahia, a scientist at the department of Astronomy and Astrophysics at the TATA Institute of Fundamental Research, says that the findings could help archaeologists study why the late Harappan Civilisation moved eastwards. "Sakatpur will not be the first finding from the period, and there have been several findings in Central Maharashtra dating to periods between 1700 and 1900 BCE. Yet, the study is significant because little is known about why people moved towards Eastern India when the Harappan Civilisation was in its last days," said Dr Vahia.

ASI finds 4,000-year-old pottery, terracotta figurine in Saharanpur

TNN | Updated: May 7, 2017, 10:28 IST
AGRA: A small plot of land in Sakatpur Must village under Rampur Maniharan tehsil of Saharanpur district continues to surprise Archaeological Survey of India officials with its rich deposit of 4000-year-old pottery, probably belonging to the Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) period. Last year, the archaeological body had found six copper axes from the same spot in a chance discovery.


Following their director general's permission, ASI's Agra circle is carrying out an excavation here, which will continue for a month or so. The department chief said they would try to determine the exact age of the finds using carbon dating. "This excavation aims at establishing the link between the Copper Hoard and the OCP culture in the area and also to search for the antecedent cultures of the land," said ASI superintending archaeologist Bhuvan Vikrama.



"We are finding good materials from the site which is 425 sq metres in size. We will continue our excavation for some more time. There are terracotta figurines, toy cart wheels, balls, painted pottery which are being found just 30 cm below the ground and continuing up to 1.3 metre. The pottery may date back to 2000 BC, but exact dates are yet to be ascertained. The discovery may be prior to the OCP culture, but it will only be known after the carbon dating," Vikrama added.




It was a chance discovery last year as a brick kiln owner who owned the land was digging earth in the area when he found them. ASI officials received a call from the Saharanpur administration about the axes recovered from the brick-kiln owner. Subsequently, a two-member ASI team visited the site and brought the artefacts with them here for further study.




"Six axes were in the form of a hoard and kept one over the other. It is a prized discovery and would help us know more about that period. In the same area, bits and pieces of OCP were also found," an official said who had visited the site.


After Saharanpur, ASI plans to focus on Bijnor where it had found a cauldron filled with copper utensils dating back to the Harappan era last year.
The discovery was made in July last year by a farmer while he was levelling his field in Harinagar village under Chandpur tehsil of Bijnor district. The cauldron, two feet in diameter and three feet in height, was filled with mud up to the brim. Suspecting that it might have valuable items, villagers removed the mud only to find utensils and small tools, all made of copper. Subsequently, the sub-divisional magistrate of Chandpur handed it over to the ASI for further study.


This village may hold key to a bygone civilisation



Excavation work underway in Sakatpur village ofSaharanpur district .(HT Photo)

A chance discovery of six copper axes and some pieces of pottery has spurred the Archaeological Survey of India into excavating a site in Sakatpur village of Rampur Maniharan area in Saharanpur district, in the hope of recovering more remains of an old civilization that once flourished in the doab (plains) of Ganga and Yamuna rivers.
A team of archaeologists began the excavation on Friday under the supervision of Dr Bhuvan Vikram, supervising archaeologist, ASI Agra Circle. Vikram, who believes that the excavation may unearth many interesting facts, said, “Excavation is a very slow process and we hope to find pottery and habitat deposition in the depths of the soil.”
Dr Vikram said that a chance discovery of six copper axes attracted the attention of historians and archaeologists towards this tiny village. Some labourers of a nearby brick kiln were digging to collect soil to manufacture bricks and they found six copper axes. They reported the matter to their owner and it was eventually reported to the ASI while passing through different routes. “It sounded interesting and we decided to excavate the land to ascertain the historical and archaeological significance of the region’, said Dr Vikram, who has been camping here to supervise the excavation.
He said the use of copper axes and the type of pottery found here was quite prevalent in the Ganga valley civilisation. Locals very often came across remains of pottery and other things in their fields.
Earlier, the ASI had excavated a site at Sinauli village on Baraut-Chaprauli Road and discovered graveyards and other archaeological remains, including stone jewellery and axes. The site is still an attraction for students of history and archaeology. The then Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s daughter had also visited the site and collected inputs about it.
source: http://www.hindustantimes.com / Hindustan Times / Home> Cities> Lucknow / by S Raju, Meerut, Hindustan Times / February 26th, 2017

 

Ochre Coloured Pottery culture(OCP)3000-2300BCE

Click the image to open in full size.

OCP and copper hoard culture overlap showing its more or less a successive culture of OCP 2300 to 1600 BCE



Hulas is situated some 140 km north-east of Delhi across the Jamuna river in Saharanpur. 

A hypertext of seal impression (also repeated on over 80 inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora) discovered at this site has been deciphered and indicates the significant role played by Meluhha artisans/seafaring merchants in handling tin cargo on the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi (Ancient Far East) to Haifa (Ancient Near East).

It is a challenge to delineate the routes which enabled the seafaring trade along the navigable river channels (Ganga-Yamuna Doab, Sarasvati-Sindhu Doab), Persian Gulf, Tigris-Euphrates and Mediterranean Sea beyond Mari.
Hulas: Late Harappan inscribed terracotta sealing.Zebu figurine. poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'. 
ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account' 

If a leafy branch is signified on the middle hieroglyph, the rebus reading could be: dALa 'leafy branch' rebus: dALa 'large (oxhide) ingot'. Thus, the inscription signifies tin ingot cargo for shipment.
Hulas, Saharanpur Dist., Uttar Pradesh. Seal impression. (Excavator: KN Dikshit, ASI) See: http://asi.nic.in/pdf_data/hulas_excavation_report_new.pdf KN Dikxhit, ed., 1983, Excavations at Hulas (1978-1983) (From Harappan times to Early Medieval), Delhi, ASI (265 pages)

“The geographical horizon of Harappan civilization extended even into the Ganga-Yamuna doab on the east and to Gujarat and Maharashtra in the southeasterly direction. The end was not abrupt and final as thought earlier, but like its genesis it is still a vexed issue…A survey of some of the excavated sites and other field data in north India, viz., Manda in Jammu and Kashmir, Kotla Nihan Khan, Ropar,Chandigarh,Bara, Dher Majra, Sanghol, Katpalon, Nagar and Dadheri in Panjab, Mitathal, Banawali, Balu, Mirzabpru, Daulatpur and Bhagwanpura in Haryana and Alamgirpur, Barrgaon and Hulas in Uttar Pradesh, have provided sufficient material for understanding the settlement pattern and other social and cultural aspects including the chronological framework of Harappan vis-à-vis Late Harappan cultures. In north India the migration took place along the river system but in Gujarat and Saurashtra, it was also possibly along the coastal belt…The annual floods also helped in irrigation and this may be the reason that even the banks of the smallest streams in Panjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh were directly occupied. The migratory pressures of Harappans to Gujarat and further south and to Panjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh appears to be not only for agricultural produce but were possibly coupled with some other needs such as exploitation of timber from the forest hills of Himalayas, copper from Khetri area and more clayey alluvial plains for the cultivating of cotton. The Babylonian and Greek names for cotton, Sindhu and Hindon respectively point to the Indus valley as the home of cotton…The pottery of Late Harappan period in Upper Ganga-Yamuna doab revealed a typological affinity with the Ochre Coloured Ware which Is also circumstantially associated with the Copper Hoards in western Uttar Pradesh…” (Chapter IX. Comparison and Conclusion. pp.233-235).

I suggest that Hulas is a continuum of the epicentre of the civilization which was the Sarasvati River Basin accounting for over 2000 sites, that is, 80% of all sites of the civilization.

Hulas, located in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab; shown in relation to Sanauli on the South and Bahadarabad on the north (on an eastern tributary of Yamuna River)
Cluster of sites including Rakhigarhi, close to and west of Hulas.

KN Dikshit notes the following devolutionary phases: A.      Early mature Harappa: Rakhigarhi, Banawali, Balu, Kotla Nihang Khan and Ropar B.      Late mature Harappa: Ropar, Chandigarh, Bara, Mitathal IIA Mirzapur, Alamgirpur and Hulas C.      Late Harappa: Mitathal IIB, Sanghol I, Bhagwanpura IA and Bargaon D.      Overlap (Late Harappa PGW): Bhagwanpura IB, Dadheri IB, Nagar I and Katpalon I

Ochre coloured pottery (OCP) copper hoard sites. "About the cultural association of the Hoards with OCP, however, three major theories are common among the scholars, which are: (i) they represent the traces of Vedic Aryans; (ii) they were Harappan refugees on the move; and (iii) they are the original inhabitants of the upper Ganga valley." (AK Singh, 2015, p.130)

“There is another and I dare say, a no less important aspect of the problem of the Ochre Colour Ware. At a number of places such as Bahadrabad, Nasirpur, Jhinjhana, Hastinapur, Noh, Ahichchatra, Atranjikhera, etc., these wares have been noticed to occur sporadically. Otherwise clean plain, which imperceptibly merge into natural soil. Indications are that these deposits may be water-laid. Are we then faced here with a huge deluge covering hundreds of miles of the Ganga-Yamuna basin? Chronologically, this deluge may have to be placed some time about the middle of the second millennium BCE. Again, though there is strong circumstantial evidence that this ware may have associated with the Copper Hoards.” (AK Singh, 2015, pp.130-131). http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/36863/5/chapter%204.pdf

Selected hoard artefacts from 1-2 South Haryana, 3-4 Uttar Pradesh, 5 Madhya Pradesh, 6-8 South Bihar-North Orissa-Bengalen
Recorded Indian Copper hoards objects, statistic

2600 (Mackay, EJH, 1938, Further Excavations at Mohenjodaro, Delhi : No. 600 Mohenjo-daro)

Obverse and Reveerse of Copper Tablet m1452 Mohenjo-daro
2912 
Pictorial motif: Could be a short-tailed antelope looking back: ranku 'antelope' rebus: ranku 'tin' PLUS krammara 'look back' rebus: kamar 'smith, artisan'.

Line 1: kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze'. Thus, bronze smithy
ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' PLUS dhALa 'slope' rebus: dhALa 'large (oxhide) ingot'. Thus oxhide ingot of metal (copper)
baraḍo 'spine' rebus:  bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' 
kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNika 'scribe, account'

Thus, bronze smithy, oxhide ingot of metal, alloy of pewter, copper, tin (handed to) supercargo.

Line 2: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kanka, karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.' rebus: karNika 'scribe, account'. 

Thus, cargo of tin for smithy(handed over to supercargo)
5404 Text (Vats 1940 : No. 124 1 Harappa)
4650 (Vats, MS, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Calcutta: 650 Harappa) Middle hieroglyph a variant of the middle hieroglyph on 5404 Text
Chanhudaro 2
5404 (Mackay, EJH, 1943, Chanhu-daro Excavations 1935-36, American Oriental Society, New Haven: Pl. 1.1.28 Chanhudaro)

The inscription on the Chanhudaro 2 seal signifies cargo of tin for smithy handed over to supercargo for transport on koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' and 

sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.


Pictorial motifs: young bull PLUS standard signify: 

kōḍiya 'young bull' rebus: koTiya 'dhow, seafaring vessel' PLUS sãgaḍ, 'lathe' Rebus:  sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.


One-horned young bull and the standard device signified: కోడియ (p. 326) kōḍiya Same as kode కోడె (p. 326) kōḍe kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు"రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు.  కారుకోడె (p. 275) kārukōḍe karu-kode. [Tel.] n. A bull in its prime. 

Hieroglyph 1: kōḍiya 'young bull' Hieroglyph 2: koiyum 'ring on neck' (Gujarati) Rebus: koṭiya 'dhow seafaring vessel'


sãgaḍ, 'lathe' Rebus:  sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.


There are also a large number of texts (about 80) in which the Hulas inscription occurs as part of longer hypertexts (Mahadevan, I,1977 Indus Script, Texts Concordance and Tables, New Delhi,ASI : pI. 624.- 627). See: http://www.rmrl.in/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/papers/10b.pdf
See: https://www.scribd.com/document/360661090/Archaeology-and-metallurgical-technology-in-prehistoric-Afghanistan-India-and-Pakistan-CC-Lamberg-Karlovsky-1967 This is an excellent summary of ancient metallurgy in Ancient India prepared by CC Lamberg-Karlovsky for his PhD dissertation in University of Pennsylvania, 1965. This summary appeared in American Anthropologist, 69, 1967, pp. 145 to 162.

A challenge to ASI and a tribute to Mary-Helen Warden Schmidt and Aurel Stein for their Civilization studies

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https://tinyurl.com/y9hjmhxr

A Survey of Ancient Sites along the "Lost" Sarasvati River


Aurel Stein
The Geographical Journal
Vol. 99, No. 4 (Apr., 1942), pp. 173-182 Published by: geographicalj http://www.jstor.org/stable/1788862
https://tinyurl.com/ydggljo2 (Full text pdf document)
Cave 16 of the Kailasanatha Temple, viewed from the top of the rock

This splendour of Ancient Akhaṇḍa Bhāratam can be captured by aerial photography supported by satellite imagery.

The challenge to ASI is to document the ancient civilization sites of Akhaṇḍa Bhāratam with such pictorial evidence..

In the narration of the itihāsa of civilization studies, two names are outstanding: Mary-Helen Warden Schmidt and Aurel Stein.

Mary-Helen Warden Schmidt did an aerial documentation of certain Ancient Cities of Iran.

Aurel Stein did a field exploration of Central Asia and Sarasvati Civilization sites.

The contributions made by these two savants is extraordinary, they blazed  new trail in exploratory studies of civilizations. Their works will endure the test of time.

Eric Schmidt has documented the aerial flights of Mary Helen Warden in his 1940 publication as detailed below.

Susan Whitfield, Victoria and Albert Museum celebrate the contributions of Aurel Stein as detailed below.

Such studies should be done for all ancient cities of Eurasia with particular reference to the thousands of ancient cities of Ancient Bhāratam. Thest studies should extend from Ancient Far East (Mekong delta) to Ancient Near East (Fertile Crescent).

New tools are available such as Google Earth which can provide very detailed maps of Ancient Cities and Ancient Settlements as guide posts for future excavation and archaeological studies.

Is Archaeological Survey of India ready to take up this task of documentation using tools for aerial documentation of Ancient Greater India -- Akhaṇḍa Bhāratam? This is a challenge to ASI.


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Centre

Eric Schmidt, 1940, Flights over Ancient Cities of Iran, Oriental Institute, Univ. of Chicago





Standing portrait of Sir Aurel Stein and his dog Dash. © The British Library
Standing portrait of Sir Aurel Stein and his dog Dash. © The British Library
Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862-1943) was born in Budapest in 1862. He studied Sanskrit, Old Persian, Indology and philology at the universities of Vienna, Leipzig and Tübingen, and map-making as part of his military service in Budapest, before setting out for a career in India. His formal positions from 1888 onwards were as registrar of Punjab University and principal of the Oriental College, Lahore and principal of the Calcutta Madrasah. But his real passion was the exploration of Central Asia, China, India and the Middle East.
Stein carried out three expeditions (the fourth was aborted) to the western regions of China between 1900 and 1916, where he not only conducted archaeological excavations, but also geographical and ethnographical surveys and photographing. Today, he is especially famous for 'discovering' the library cave at the Mogao Grottoes, Dunhuang.
Stein adopted British nationality in 1904 and he was knighted for his contribution to Central Asian studies. In 1943, when he was in his 80s, Stein embarked on his long-awaiting expedition to Afghanistan, but died in Kabul a week after his arrival in the country.
Stein at his plane table surveying in the Taklamakan Desert. © The British Library
Sir Aurel Stein at his plane table surveying in the Taklamakan Desert. © The British Library
Stein's Silk Road expeditions were funded by various institutions for which he promised to collect archaeological and textual artefacts. The intention was that the finds would eventually be allocated proportionately to the funders. Stein's first expedition (1900-01) was funded by the Government of India and the Government of Punjab and Bengal, and it was agreed that the finds should be studied in London and allocated to specific museums later.
The second expedition (1906-08) was funded 60% by the Government of India and 40% by the British Museum, and the finds were to be allocated accordingly. The third expedition (1913-16) was funded entirely by the Government of India. The intention was that the majority of finds from this expedition should be the foundation of a new museum in New Delhi, and that representative specimen and 'literary remains' should be presented to the British Museum.
Being an indefatigable scholar, he published extensively on his explorations, such as own personal narratives and extensive scholarly report. Based on his diaries, he published Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan (1903) and Ruins of the Desert Cathay (1912). Then, after extensive study and cataloguing of the finds, he would publish a more scholarly 'scientific report' which also included work by specialists in different disciplines. These are well-known titles: Ancient Khotan (1907), Serindia (1921) and Innermost Asia (1928), all including an exhaustive array of photographs, plates and maps.
Group at Ulugh-mazar. © The British Library
Group at Ulugh-mazar. Sir Aurel Stein in the centre with his dog Dash. © The British Library
The Victoria and Albert Museum did not contribute financially to any of Stein's expeditions, but recognised the importance of the finds, and applied for a long term deposit to the Museum. Close to 600 textile fragments were given on permanent loan by the Government of India in three instalments (1923, 1932 and 1933). Most of these were recovered in the second expedition, but also some from his third expedition. By contrast, the over seventy ceramic and Buddhist objects stem from Stein's second expedition only.
Many of the textile fragments appear to be scraps, cut-offs from larger pieces, or rejects, but closer examination reveals that most of them once formed part of votive and secular objects and garments.
The Stein Collection at the V&A does not include any of the larger banners and beautiful silk paintings such as may be found in the British Museum and the National Museum of India in New Delhi. Nevertheless, the V&A loan collection offers a fascinating insight into the scope of fabrics being produced in, as well as imported into, China before the early 1200s. It is also a marvellous resource for the study of weaving.
The V&A Stein collection demonstrate the intensity of trade and cross-cultural exchanges between East and West in north western China during the first millennium AD.
STEIN, Sir (Marc) Aurel, Hungarian–British archeologist and explorer (b. in Pest, Hungary, 26 November 1862; d. Kabul, 28 October 1943). In the words of a younger contemporary, Stein was “the most prodigious combination of scholar, explorer, archaeologist and geographer of his generation” (Owen Lattimore, quoted in Mirsky, 1998, p. ix.) The fruits of his extremely busy and long life continue to occupy scholars from Europe to China. He wrote his doctoral dissertation on Old Iranian (see below), carried out four expeditions in Persia and Central Asia, and had a particular interest in the interface between the Indian and Iranian worlds. It is therefore ironic that he is probably best known now for his explorations and writings on Chinese Central Asia.
Stein was the third and unexpected child of Nathan and Anna Stein. His sister and brother were his elders by twenty-one and nineteen years, respectively, and his brother took on the paternal role, aided by their uncle, Professor Ignaz Hirschler, a famous eye surgeon. The Stein family was Jewish, but both Aurel Stein and his elder brother were baptized into the Lutheran Church, giving them political and civil rights which were not accorded to the Jews of the Austro-Hungarian empire until 1867. At home, the Stein family spoke both Hungarian and German, and Aurel became fluent in both. He was first educated at Lutheran and Catholic schools in Budapest and later at the famous Lutheran Kreuzschule in Dresden, Germany, where he furthered his linguistic skills, studying Greek, Latin, French, and English.
He returned to Budapest at the age of fifteen to complete his schooling at the Lutheran gymnasium and then went to university at Vienna, studying Sanskrit and comparative philology. A year later he transferred to Leipzig and, after a further year, to Tübingen to study for his doctorate in Old Iranian [not limited to Old Persian] and Indology under Rudolph von Roth (1821-95), Professor of Sanskrit. There he earned his degree in 1883, with a dissertation “Nominalflexion im Zend” (see the von Roth correspondence in Zeller, 1998).
Stein received a grant from the Hungarian government for postdoctoral studies in England, thus starting a long association with the country of which he became a subject in 1904. He studied Punjabi at the Oriental Institute in Woking before returning to Hungary for his obligatory military service. This may have been an interruption to his studies, but, as with everything else in Stein’s life, the experience was not wasted, since he received training in geography and surveying. The paper presented by Stein at the 1886 Congress of Orientalists in Vienna (“Hindu Kush and Pamir in Ancient Iranian Geography”) concerned the region which was to remain central to his studies and explorations and which had informed his article, “Afghanistan in Avestic Geography” (1885); thanks also to this training, he was able to map his later explorations. Back in England, he studied coins at the British Museum, resulting in “Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins” (1887). These themes—the interaction of the history, geography, and religion of the Indo-Iranian sphere—formed the core of his research.
Stein’s time in England was not only devoted to study: he impressed important and influential people, another skill at which he excelled. Henry Rawlinson and Henry Yule both became mentors, securing Stein his first employment in India in 1887, as Principal of the Oriental College, Lahore, and Registrar of Punjab University. He traveled there after a stop in Budapest following his mother’s death (in October 1887). His father died in the following year and his uncle, who had been so influential in encouraging him on a scholarly path, two years later in 1891. But by this time Stein was fully independent, although never forgetful, of the family that had nurtured him so carefully. He had also met several men who were to prove dear friends and colleagues over the coming years: Fred Andrews, Vice-Principal of the Lahore College of Art, Percy Allen, Professor of History at the Oriental College and later President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and Thomas Arnold, Professor of Philosophy at the College from 1898.
Two years after his arrival in India, Stein secured the loan of a manuscript of the 12th-century Kashmiri chronicles, the Rājataraṅgiṇī of Kalhaṇa, in the original Sharada script. His holidays were spent in Kashmir trying to collate the topography he saw with that described in the text. His work was helped by the Kashmiri scholar, Pandit Govind Kaul—another characteristic of Stein was his eagerness to collaborate—and he published an edition of the text in 1892 and a translation with notes, maps, and geographical comments in two volumes in 1900. This was his first major work.
His duties at Lahore were punctuated with frequent travels and long hours of writing in his summer camp in Kashmir; he also spent time gaining greater familiarity with the travels of two “old friends”: Alexander the Great and Xuanzang, the famous Chinese Buddhist pilgrim monk of the 7th century CE. The historical accounts on the former drew him to the routes between India and Iran: he succeeded in reaching the Swat valley in 1896 and 1898, and in 1902 he made the first of many unsuccessful attempts to visit Afghanistan. The accounts of the latter drew his interests further into Central Asia, and in 1898 he presented a proposal to the Punjab government to retrace some part of Xuanzang’s journey and explore the meeting at Khotan of the Iranian, Indian, and Chinese cultural spheres.
Stein did not come from a wealthy family and, in his early years, was neither well known nor particularly well connected, but his success in Kashmir had given him confidence and, most importantly, taught him the worth of preparation, persistence, and patronage. He continued to make important contacts: that with Rudolf Hoernle secured him the post of Principal of Calcutta Madrasah on Hoernle’s retirement in 1898. His appetite for the expedition to Central Asia was only reinforced there by the Indian birch bark manuscripts brought to Calcutta from the northern Silk Road by Captain Hamilton Bower in 1890 and Sven Hedin’s 1898 expedition, reported in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.
Nothing but determined and an organizational genius, Stein managed to bring everything together and, in 1900, set off from his summer camp high in the Kashmiri hills at Mohand Marg, through Gilgit and Hunza, and then over the Pamirs and down into the Taklamakan Desert at Kashgar, in Chinese Turkestan. From here he moved eastwards to the ancient settlements around Khotan, south of the Taklamakan. His excavations confirmed his hypothesis about this being an area with a rich mix of traditions, from west, east, and south. He found manuscripts—on wood, paper, leather, and other materials—in Prakrit, written in a script particular to Central Asia (Kharoṣṭhī), in the local Khotanese (an Iranian language), and in Chinese and Tibetan.
At Niya and the Loulan sites in the Lop Nor region, he uncovered carved architectural features and mummies in simple wooden coffins desiccated by the desert sands. He also unmasked the Khotanese forger, Islam Akhun, whose indecipherable manuscripts and block-prints had occupied the attention of Hoernle for several years. The finds were sent to the British Museum to be sorted, numbered, and then divided between the Archaeological Survey of India in Delhi and the India Office and Museum in London. Stein himself followed, having traveled across Russia and Hungary to visit family, and unpacked the finds.
Stein continued working in India, by this time an Inspector of schools in the Punjab (which allowed him greater freedom to travel), taking regular trips to Europe to visit family and friends, work on the finds, confer with his publishers, and present lectures. This became the pattern of his life. He had no private income and, in these early years, was forced to continue work that was not always congenial.
Always alert to the value of publicity, his first mention in The Times was in March 1901, starting a long association in which he sent the paper regular expedition dispatches. His translation of the Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir was reviewed in April, and in October he was interviewed on his expedition. His popular expedition account Sand-Buried Ruins of Ancient Khotan, published in 1903 (London: Fischer and Unwin), was followed in 1907 by Ancient Khotan (Oxford: Clarendon Press), the full scholarly report.
Stein’s association with Chinese Central Asia was to engage most of his energies for the next three decades and was to make him famous. In 1904, he started an association with the Archaeology Department in India as Surveyor of North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan and acknowledged the Department later in life for the flexibility it offered its staff to carry out explorations. He took British nationality the same year. The following year, he was already engaged on preparations for his second, more ambitious, expedition.
He set out in April 1906, traveling through Chitral and the Wakhan corridor in Afghanistan and across the Pamirs into China. He again followed the southern branch of the Silk Road, revisiting sites near Khotan but continuing further on to Dunhuang, where he was keen to excavate along the limes or defensive frontier of the Han Dynasty. He had originally heard about Dunhuang and its Buddhist caves from his countryman, Count Lóczy, who had been there with a Hungarian expedition in the 1880s. However, since then there had been an amazing discovery: a small side cave, hidden for 900 years, was uncovered in summer 1900 by the resident Daoist priest, Wang Yuanlu. It was full of paintings on silk, manuscripts on paper, with some printed material and in several languages, Chinese and Tibetan dominating. Wang Yuanlu was most interested in using this hoard as a means of providing funds for his restoration work on the caves, and he presented several paintings to local officials in the hope of gaining patronage. But this was not forthcoming, and when, in 1907, Stein arrived and they realized that had a common admiration for Xuanzang, Wang Yuanlu eventually agreed to sell, for a small sum, many thousands of manuscripts and paintings.
One of the signs of Stein’s greatness is the reaction his work caused, both in his lifetime and thereafter, both positive and negative. The Dunhuang manuscripts became, and continue to be, the find for which Stein is best known and for which he remains infamous in China. He is regularly reviled as an “imperialist thief” and scoundrel who acquired material “through the destruction and plundering of the important sites” (Meng Fanren, quoted in Wang, 2002, p. 150), but the Chinese translation of his five-volume account of this second expedition, Serindia (Oxford, 1921), was greeted with enthusiasm by scholars in the field. It was not only Chinese scholars who, deploring the “colonial ways of thinking,” criticized Stein and his methods; recently an American journalist published a well-researched and critical account of Stein’s fourth Central Asian expedition (Brysac, 1997).
Although a product of his time and certainly derogatory of Chinese bureaucracy, Stein was well aware of the contribution of ancient China to human civilization. His overriding concern was to further scholarship by providing a haven for his finds where they would be accessible for present and future scholarship. It is a lasting testament to this that all of his finds are now in public collections with clear provenance.
Stein’s second expedition took two years, and his discoveries included letters from Sogdian merchants in the Dunhuang limes, mummies in Loulan (which he photographed and reburied), Hellenized paintings at Miran, and the source of the Khotan river. Apart from tens of thousands of paintings, manuscripts, and objects, he returned with surveys of the Southern Mountains (Qilian Shan, Gansu province), thousands of photographs, and notebooks filled with anthropomorphic measurements, but missing several toes after suffering frostbite.
Readers had been kept up to date with his travels thorough his regular dispatches to The Times and, back in England, he started a busy schedule of lecturing. Lord Curzon’s letter of congratulation, read after Stein’s lecture to the Royal Geographical Society in March 1909, noted: “We read with unfeigned sorrow of his hardship and his sufferings. But even though he left some of his toes behind him, he brought back a reputation greatly enhanced and ... a treasure-store for our museums...” (quoted in “Dr Stein’s Travels in Central Asia: Archaeological Discoveries,” The Times, 9 March 1909, p. 10 a-2, and reproduced in Wang, 2002, p. 52).
His research on his return was comprehensive and insightful and in many cases remains useful today. One modern scholar of the Miran murals notes that “Stein’s analyses remain the most complete and often are surprisingly valid, considering the comparative material at his command” (Bromberg, 1991, p. 45), while another praises his work as “the greatest study of Khotanese art” (Williams, 1973, p. 109).
Accolades followed: honorary degrees from Oxford and Cambridge; medals from the Asiatic Society, the Royal Geographical Society, the Académie des Inscriptions, and the University of Pennsylvania, among others. In June 1912, Stein received a KCIE (Knight Commander of the Indian Empire) from King George V. (r. 1910-36). By this time, he had already been promoted to the post of Superintendent of Archaeology in the North-West Frontier Province and Honorary Curator of Peshawar Museum, giving him the opportunity to pursue his exploration, scholarship and writing.
His third major expedition (1913-16) saw him retrace his steps on the Southern Silk Road before trekking north to the Mongolian steppes, retrieving manuscripts left by Russian explorers at Karakhoto, a city of the Tangut people. After further excavations near Turfan, he traveled west through Russian Wakhan in the Pamirs, to ancient Sogdiana and thence south into eastern Persia, where he was the first European to carry out excavations in Sistān (Stein, 1916). Here he found Buddhist murals, the first discovered in Persia, along with pre-historic and post-Islamic finds. Further archaeological work was not carried out here until the 1960 Italian Archaeological Mission (Lamberg-Karlovsky and Tosi, 1973). The next decade encompassed numerous articles (Erdélyi, 1999), including several on one of his particular interests—“Innermost Asia: Its Geography as a Factor in History” (Stein 1925)—and the publication of his third expedition report (Stein, 1928). He made two visits to the Middle East and carried out further exploration in northwest India following in Alexander the Great’s footsteps. This resulted in the identification of the mountain Pir-Sar (in Swat district, North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan) as the Aornos, where Alexander conducted a major siege operation (327 BCE); it is discussed by Stein in another major work (Stein, 1929)This subject was a lifetime passion for Stein. Apart from Aornos, he also identified the site of the “Persian Gates” and later that of the battle of the Hydaspes (326 BCE) where Alexander fought against the Indian king Porus (Stein, 1937). Although several scholars have disputed these, most especially the site of Aornos (Tucci, 1977, pp. 52-55; Eggermont, 1984, pp. 191-200; Badian, 1987, p. 117 n. 1) and Hydaspes (Smith, 1914, pp. 78-85; Breloer, 1933, pp. 21-47; Bosworth, 1995, pp. 265-69), none traveled the ground as extensively as Stein. Bosworth (1995, pp. 178) agrees with most of Stein’s identifications, calling his work on identifying Pir-Sar a “classic piece of topographical investigation” (1995, pp. 178). More recent work on the ground by Wood (1997, and private communication) suggests that Stein’s original identifications, even that of the base camp at Hydaspes, were correct.
Stein’s fourth expedition (1930-31) into Chinese Turkestan was not a success. Although he obtained official papers, his excavations were curtailed by bureaucracy and a change in attitude among Chinese scholars. He eventually had to cut short his stay and leave his few finds in Kashgar. Fortunately he took photographs of some manuscripts, these remaining their only record (Wang, 1998).
In August 1930, when he embarked on this expedition, Stein was in his sixty-eighth year, having finally taken retirement two years before. For the first time he had traveled with another westerner, a Yale postgraduate, Milton Bramlette, who, half his age, was forced to retreat from Kashgar because of an upset stomach and the conditions. Stein regretted this expedition, in that it deprived him of some of the precious limited time he had remaining, but he did not consider retiring from the field. The effort was not entirely wasted: Paul Sachs and Harvard University continued to support Stein when he turned his attention to the western part of Central Asia.
Between 1932 and 1936, he carried out four expeditions to Persia. Persia was not entirely new geographical territory for Stein. He had first visited the country in 1916 on his third expedition and again in 1924 on his way back to Europe, disembarking at Port Said for a sightseeing tour of Petra, Haifa, Tripolis, and a trip to Aleppo and Antioch. Persia was also very familiar to him through the accounts on Alexander the Great, whose routes he had followed in India, although not, to his continued regret, in Bactria. Of course, it was also familiar through his early studies and through the traces of Persian influence he had found in the arts and manuscripts of Chinese Central Asia.
Stein thus returned to his first field of interest—Greek influence on Persian culture. He traveled, as usual, with an Indian surveyor, Muhammad Ayub Khan, having received permission to map unsurveyed areas. He was also accompanied by Persian officials (a condition of the permission to travel), and Stein found that they were “useful and pleasant company” (Bodleian MSS, Stein 23/7V, Stein to Percy Allen, 21 January 1932). On his first four-month tour in early 1932, he traveled through the Persian part of Makrān, and, when it proved empty of ancient settlements, moved northwards through Geh and Bint in Persian Baluchistan to the Bampur trough. As an ancient line of communication between Fārs and India, this proved a more fruitful focus for excavations, but, with the heat of the summer threatening, he moved up the Iranian plateau to Bam and thence to Kermān. From here he started on a six-day lorry-ride with cases of antiquities to Bushire (Bušehr), and from there, by road and rail, to Istanbul.
After a summer break in Europe, he returned to Kermān via Baghdad, Kermānšāh, and Tehran and continued his explorations of the Makrān, to the Boluk valley, the Rudān river, and thence to the Gulf coast and Bandar(-e) ʿAbbās, where he received seventieth-birthday greetings from friends. He continued along the coast to Tāheri, the once-thriving market and harbor town of Ṣirāf, then inland to Varavi (Fārs) and, encountering problems with transport and support, back along the coast. These two expeditions were recorded in an article in the Geographical Journal (Stein, 1934).
While there were rumors that further explorations might be forbidden by the Iranian government, Stein did not give up hope. The next expedition was to be his first expedition without external funds, but a lifetime of saving and natural thrift enabled him to set out without too many qualms. News of a small grant from the British School of Archaeology in Iraq was, nevertheless, welcome. In 1933-34, he traveled in Fārs, the ancient Persis, starting from Shiraz and covering about 1,300 miles, visiting each oasis in turn (Stein, 1935).
The fourth and longest of his expeditions in Iran started in November 1935 and lasted a year. It led him from western Fārs to Iranian Kurdistan, and one of his Iranian traveling companions was the young Inspector of Antiquities, Mirzā ʿAziz-Allāh Bahman Khan Karimi, who kept his own account of the expedition. He noted: “It would take a young man of iron to endure all these hardships in a damp, cold climate” (Karimi, fourth report) but, unlike Bramlette (see above), Karimi did not give up. However, he made clear his continued discomfort: “Before finishing this report I must inform you of the following: one cannot call this tour a promenade. It should be called a journey of difficulty, of pain, of bitterness, of danger and illness” (Karimi, quoted in Whitfield, 2004, p. 106). Stein, on the contrary, wrote that “compared with the Taklamakan and the Kun-lun, travel both in these valleys and across the mountains, seems very ‘tame’ work” (Bodleian MSS. Stein 27/149V, Stein to Helen Allen, 14 November 1936). The difference between them was summed up in Stein’s final comments at the end of their journey: “My jovial fat Persian ‘Inspector’ beams with joy at the prospect of soon being relieved from the further hardships of travels ... I find myself it a little hard to take leave of it” (ibid.).
Stein’s flair for identifying interesting archeological sites continued to serve him well, and his excavations on these expedition uncovered finds from the Neolithic (although he did not use this term himself) onwards at sites including Bampur, Dunkha Tepe (Dinḵā Tappe), Ḥasanlu, Tall-e Eblis, and Ṣirāf. He returned with thousands of items, the largest part being pottery sherds (Stein, 1938). The greater part from the first two expeditions went to Harvard (now at the Peabody Museum), with the rest divided between the Iranian government and the British Museum. Finds from the final two expeditions, largely self-funded by Stein, mainly went to the British Museum. He published articles on each expedition (listed above) and two expedition reports (Stein, 1937 and 1940). Dispatches were also sent to The Times, and he gave several lectures on his return to Europe. His Persian expeditions have been discussed by Apor (1989).
In 1937, he suffered a fall (reported in The Times) and also underwent a prostate operation, but neither stopped him planning his next foray into the field. In 1929, he had traveled on a Royal Air Force transport plane, and, as always, Stein was quick to realize the potential of this technology in his archeological explorations. After field studies of defensive structures marking the western boundaries of the Chinese empire near Dunhuang in one of his earliest expeditions, he decided to carry out aerial surveys of the eastern boundaries of the Roman Empire in the Syrian desert. Père A. Poidenbard’s account of his own aerial explorations in 1925-32 enthused him; and, after meeting Poidenbard in 1938, he set out to extend the survey eastwards. In his fur-lined flying suit he was as perfectly at home on a plane as on a camel, and he carried out two such explorations in 1938-39 (Stein, 1939 and 1940). His full reports were published posthumously (Gregory and Kennedy, 1985). In May 1939, he was back in England, where he remained until the outbreak of World War II in September, before setting out again for Asia in November.
Although he was not directly involved in the war, Stein was always aware of political events and their effects on his family, friends, and colleagues. His inter-war correspondence with his Italian friend, Count Filippo de Filippi, shows both men’s concern about the growth of fascism in Europe and its implications for several Jewish scholars in their field.
Back in India, Stein continued his explorations in Rajasthan, Indus Kohistan, and other local sites throughout the next three years, passing his eightieth birthday in Kashmir between tours to Chilas and Las Belas.
Stein had long tried to get permission to visit Afghanistan, but the invitation in April 1943 from the American Consul there, Cornelius van Heinert Engert, an old friend, was entirely unexpected. Despite his constant gastritis and periods of faintness, he was given a clean bill of health to travel and reached Kabul in October 1943. Sir Aurel Stein died a week after his arrival, on 26 October, and was buried in the Gora Kabur (“white graveyard”) in Kabul. Obituaries were carried in British, Indian, Hungarian, and American newspapers and scholarly journals (for a list, see Wang, 1999, p. 60). After the death of his niece and nephew, the capital left from his estate went to the British Academy to form the Stein-Arnold Exploratory Fund, which continues to provide small grants for research in the field.
In addition to his published works, a considerable archive of Stein’s papers survives. His family correspondence and school notebooks are in the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Budapest, while the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, holds his expedition diaries, notebooks, account books, letters, and other papers relating to his expeditions and working life. A summary of Stein collections in the UK is given in Wang, 1999. Correspondence of Stein relating to the Iranian expeditions is in the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Karimlu, 2003).

Bibliography:
Major expedition reports and accounts of Stein’s work in Persia (fuller bibliographies can be found in Erdeleyi, 1999 and Wang 1999, listed below).
“Afghanistan in Avestic Geography,” The Academy 27/680, 16 May 1885, pp. 348-49 and The Indian Antiquary 15, 1886, pp. 21-23.
“Az óperzsa vallásos irodalomról” (On the Old Persian religious literature), Budapesti Szemle 44/108, December 1885, pp. 365-83.
“Hindu Kusch und Pamir in der iranischen Geographie,” in Berichte des VII. Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, gehalten in Wien im Jahre 1886 II, Vienna, 1886, pp. 1080-84.
“Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins,” in Oriental and Babylonian Record, London, 1887 and The Indian Antiquary 17, 1888, pp. 89-98.
Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, Bombay, 1892.
“Zur Geschichte der Cahis von Kabul,” in Festgruss an Rudolph von Roth zum Doktor-Jubiläum, 24. August 1893, ed. Ernst Kuhn, Stuttgart, 1893, pp. 196-206; tr. Gustav Glaesser, “A Contribution to the History of the Sahis of Kabul,” East and West 23/1-2, 1973, pp. 13-20.
Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, London, 1900.
Ruins of Desert Cathay: Personal Narrative of Explorations in Central Asia and Westernmost China, London, 1912.
“Sir Aurel Stein in Eastern Persia,” Geographical Journal 47, 1916, p. 313.
“Innermost Asia: Its Geography as a Factor in History,” Geographical Journal 65, 1925, pp. 377-403 and 473-501.
Innermost Asia: Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia, Kansu, and Eastern Iran, Oxford, 1928.
On Alexander’s Track to the Indus: Personal Narratives on the North-West Frontier of India, London, 1929; repr. London, 2001.
“The Site of Alexander’s Passage of the Hydaspes and the Battle with Poros,” Geographical Journal 80/1, 1932, pp. 31-46.
“Archaeological Reconnaissances in Southern Persia,” Geographical Journal 83/2, 1934, pp. 119-34.
“An Archaeological Tour in the Ancient Persis,” Geographical Journal 84/6, 1936, pp. 489-97.
Archaeological Reconnaissances in North-Western Iran and South-Eastern Iran Carried out and Recorded with the Support of Harvard University and the British Museum, London, 1937.
“An Archaeological Journey in Western Iran,” Geographical Journal 92/4, 1938, pp. 313-42.
“The Ancient Roman Limes in Syria and the Provincia Arabia,” Naft Magazine 15, 1939, pp. 5-7.
“Surveys on the Roman Frontier in Iraq and Trans-Jordan,” Geographical Journal95, 1940, pp. 428-38.
Old Routes of Western Iran. Narrative of an Archaeological Journey Carried Out and Recorded by Sir Aurel Stein, K.C.I.E. Antiquities examined, described and illustrated with the assistance of Fred. H. Andrews, O.B.E., London, 1940; repr., New York, 1969, and Budapest, 1994.
Literature and studies on Stein and his work. Les Anciennes Routes d l’Iran: voyage en compagnie et pour la surveillance des opérations de Sir Aurel Stein … de Shiras jusqu’à la dernière frontière des Kurdes de l’azerbaidjan. Iran, Banque Melli, n.d.Éva Apor, “Stein Aurél kutatásai Perzsiában” (Explorations of Aurel Stein in Persia), Földrajzi Múzeumi Tanulmányok 6, 1989, pp. 6-7.
Éva Apor and Helen Wang, eds., Catalogue of the Collections of Sir Aurel Stein in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Keleti Tanulmányok Oriental Studies 2, Budapest, 2002.
E. Badian, “Alexander at Peucelaotis,” Classical Quarterly 371, 1987, pp. 117-28.
Laszlo Bardi, “Chinese Assessment of Sir Aurel M. Stein’s Work,” in Erdélyi, 1999, pp. 44-60.
A. B. Bosworth, A Historical Commentary of Arrian’s History of Alexander II, Commentary on Books IV-V, Oxford, 1995.
B. Breloer, Alexanders Kampf gegen Poros, Bonner Orientalische Studien 3, Stuttgart, 1933.
Carol A. Bromberg, “An Iranian Gesture at Miran,” Bulletin of the Asia Institute, N.S. 5, 1991, pp. 45-58.
Shareen Blair Brysac, “Last of the Foreign Devils,” Archaeology 50/6, Nov.-Dec. 1997, pp. 53-59.
P. H. L. Eggermont, “Ptolemy, the Geographer and the People of the Dards,” Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 15, 1984, pp. 191-233.
István Erdélyi, Sir Aurel Stein Bibliography, Arcadia Bibliographica Virorum Eruitorum, fasc. 17, Bloomington, 1999.
László Ferenczy, “A Saljuk Bronze from Iran – A Present from Sir Aurel Stein,” Annuaire du Musée des Arts Décoratifs et du Musée d’Art d’Extrème Orient Ferenc Hopp (Budapest) 8, 1965, pp. 131-44.
Shelagh Gregory, and David Kennedy, eds., Sir Aurel Stein’s Limes Reports: The Full Text of M. A. Stein’s Unpublished Limes Reports (his Aerial and Ground Reconnaissances in Iraq and Transjordan in 1938-9), Oxford, 1985.
John Hansman, “Elamites, Achaemenians and Anshan,” Iran 10, 1972, pp. 101-25.
Bahman Karimi, Rahhā-ye bāstāni va paytaḵthā-ye qadimi-ye ḡarb-e Irān(Ancient routes and old capitals of western Iran), Tehran, 1950.
Davud Karimlu, ed., “Heyyat-e ingilisi-ye Aurel Stein, AH 1317-SH 1318 barabar ba 1899-1939,” in Tāriḵ-e miras-e melli III, Tehran, 2003.
C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and Maurizio Tosi, “Shahr-i Sokhta and Tepe Yahya: Tracks on the Earliest History of the Iranian Plateau,” East and West, N.S. 23/1-2, 1973, pp. 21-58.
Jeannette Mirsky, Sir Aurel Stein: Archaeological Explorer, Chicago, 1998.
Vincent Smith, The Early History of India, Oxford, 1914.
Henry Speck, “Alexander at the Persian Gates. A Study in Historiography and Topography,” American Journal of Ancient History, N.S. 1/1, 2002, pp. 15-234.
Guiseppe Tucci, “On Swat, the Dards and Connected Problems,” East and West, N.S. 27, 1977, pp. 9-104.
Annabel Walker, Aurel Stein: Pioneer of the Silk Road, London, 1995.
Idem, “Stein, Sir (Marc) Aurel (1862-1943),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford and New York, 2004 (available online at http://www.ox forddnb.com/view/article/36266, accessed on 4 February 2005).
Helen Wang, ed., Handbook to the Stein Collections in the UK, British Museum Occasional Papers 129, London, 1999.
Eadem, Sir Aurel Stein in The Times, London, 2002.
Wang Jiqing, “Photographs in the British Library of Documents and Manuscripts from Sir Aurel Stein’s Fourth Central Asian Expedition,” The British Library Journal 24/1, 1998, pp. 23-74.
Susan Whitfield, Aurel Stein on the Silk Road, London, 2004.
Joanna Williams, “The Iconography of Khotanese Painting,” East and West, N.S. 23/1-2, 1973, pp. 109-54.
Michael Wood, In the Footsteps of Alexander the Great, London, 1997.
Gabriele Zeller, “Sir Aurel Stein’s Early Years : Setting Himself on the Track,” in IAOL [International Association of Orientalist Librarians] Bulletin 43, 1998; online at http://wason.library.cornell.edu/iaol/Vol.43/zeller.htm (accessed 21 July 2005).
(Susan Whitfield)
Originally Published: July 20, 2005
Susan Whitfield, “STEIN, (Marc) Aurel,” Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2005, available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/stein-marc-aurel (accessed on 20 September 2016).

On Alexander's Track to the Indus: Personal Narrative of Explorations on the North-West Frontier of India Carried Out under the Orders of H.M. Indian ... (Cambridge Library Collection - Archaeology) 6 Nov 2014 by M. Aurel Stein (Author)

Map of Qing dynasty Silk Road. Source: R. Bradeen

Bhāratīya Itihāsa, Rich history of India’s contributions to science

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 Bhāratīya Itihāsa, Rich history of India’s contributions to science

 Quartz India
India's Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV-C25), carrying the Mars orbiter, lifts off from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre in Sriharikota, about 100 km (62 miles) north of the southern Indian city of Chennai November 5, 2013. India launched its first rocket to Mars on Tuesday, aiming to put a satellite in orbit around the red planet at a lower cost than previous missions and potentially positioning the emerging Asian nation as a budget player in the global space race. REUTERS/Babu

There’s perhaps no better time to celebrate India’s real contributions to science.
Over the past few months, superstitious beliefs and myths about India’s past have become increasingly pervasive, particularly promoted by local leaders. At the same time, funding for genuine research is drying up, and despite protests from the scientific community, things seem to only be getting worse.
But at the Science Museum in London, the emphasis is on what India has done right, going as far back as the Indus Valley Civilisation. As part of its Illuminating India exhibition to mark the country’s 70th year since Independence, the museum is highlighting Indian innovation with a collection of key objects from the past, including the Bakhshali manuscript, which was recently found to be the oldest record of the zero symbol, and Jagadish Chandra Bose’s oscillating plate phytograph, which was used for the scientist’s revolutionary research on the movement of plants.
Besides telling the stories of inspiring scientists and thinkers from the region, the exhibition also features several of India’s more recent innovations, from the Indian Space Research Organisation’s (ISRO) Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle to the affordable Micromax smartphone.
Here are some of the objects that will be on display:

Ancient weights




A selection of 14 polished stone (Chert) weights from excavations at Mohenjodaro, Northern India, c.B.C.3000.
A selection of 14 polished stone (Chert) weights from excavations at Mohenjodaro, Northern India, c.B.C.3000. (Representative collection)

These weights date back to the Indus Valley Civilisation, which is belived to have existed at around the same time as Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. Archaeologists believe that the weights were used to measure everything from food to precious gems. Together with the linear measures and masonry tools found at excavation sites in what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and north west India, they suggest that the people of this ancient civilisation had the mathematical tools and knowledge to build complex cities.

The Bakhshali manuscript




70 page Bakhshali manuscript, 224-383 CE © Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford
The 70 page Bakhshali manuscript, 224-383 CE. (© Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford)

This ancient manuscript was found buried in a village called Bakhshali near Peshawar (now in Pakistan) in 1881. Consisting of 70 fragile leaves of birch bark, the Bakhshali manuscript contains hundreds of zeros denoted by dots, and has been housed at the University of Oxford’s Bodleian Libraries since 1902. In September 2017, it was revealed that the manuscript was much older than previously believed, indicating that ancient Indians had pioneered the revolutionary idea of using zero as a placeholder number as early as the 3rd or 4th century Common Era.

The Bhugola




Bhugola_or_Earth-Ball_by_Ksema_Karna,_India,_1571_[Inv.51703]_-®_Museum_of_the_History_of_Science,_University_of_Oxford[1]
Bhugola or Earth-Ball by Ksema Karna, India, 1571. (© Museum of the History of Science, University of Oxford)

Dating back to the 16th century, the Bhugola, or “Earth ball,” is a container made from brass that has a map of the world depicted on its outer surface. But this map combines two very different ideas of what the world is supposed to look like: one is the traditional Hindu idea that the universe is egg-shaped and divided across the middle by the flat disc of the Earth, while the other is the Ptolemaic idea of the Earth as a sphere, which came to India from Greece via the Islamic civilisation.

The oscillating plate phytograph




JC_Bose_Oscillating_Plate_Phytograph,_early_1900s_-®_J_C_Bose_Science_Heritage_Museum,_courtesy_of_Science_Museum_Group[1]
Jagdish Chandra Bose’s oscillating plate phytograph, early 1900s (® JC Bose Science Heritage Museum, courtesy of Science Museum Group)

Born in 1858 in what is now part of Bangladesh, Jagadish Chandra Bose went on to become one of India’s most iconic scientists, pioneering research into radio and microwave optics, besides investigating the movement of plants, and even dabbling in a bit of science fiction writing.
Bose created the oscillating plate phytograph to study the effects of environmental factors on plants, and made groundbreaking contributions to the understanding of tropismthe movement of a plant towards or away from stimuli such as light, warmth, or gravity. His research into the responsiveness of organic and inorganic matter helped develop the field of biophysics.

Jaipur foot prosthesis




Jaipur foot prosthesis, 1968
Jaipur foot prosthesis, 1968. (® Science Museum Group)

The Jaipur foot prosthesis is a prosthetic limb developed in 1968 by the craftsman Ram Chander Sharma and orthopaedic surgeon Dr PK Sethi. Made with a combination of rubber, plastic, and wood, the prosthesis was designed to be both cost-effective and more flexible than traditional Western versions that were made with metal or carbon fibre.
Since 1975, the charity Bhagwan Mahaveer Viklang Sahayata Samiti has been manufacturing and distributing the prosthesis to people in need around the world. Its design has been refined over the years, notably in 2009 with help from Stanford University.

ISRO’S Polar satelite launch vehicle




Model_of_Polar_Satellite_Launch_Vehicle,_2017_-®_Indian_Space_Research_Organisation,_courtesy_of_Science_Museum_Group[1]
Model of Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle. (® Indian Space Research Organisation, courtesy of Science Museum Group)

Developed by ISRO in the early 1990s, the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) is the most iconic Indian rocket, a mark of the country’s rapidly advancing but still frugal space programme. Though its very first mission in 1993 wasn’t a success, the PSLV has since gone on to successfully launch a number of satellites for countries such as the US, UK, and Canada, too. And earlier this year, the PSLV launched a record-breaking 104 satellites in a single effort.

The Micromax smartphone




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Micromax mobile phone. (Courtesy of Science Museum Group)

Gurugram-based Micromax started out in 2000 by selling extremely affordable phones with features such as dual SIM capabilities and longer-lasting batteries. By pricing its products for as little as Rs900, the company provided innovative technology that would have otherwise been out of reach for a large segment of India’s rapdily growing mobile phone subscriber base. Over the years, it has roped in Hollywood stars such as Hugh Jackman to endore its products, and evolved into one of the country’s largest smartphone makers.

The Mars colour camera




Model_of_Mars_colour_camera,_2013_-®_Indian_Space_Research_Organisation,_courtesy_of_Science_Museum_Group[1]
Model of Mars colour camera, 2013. (® Indian Space Research Organisation, courtesy of Science Museum Group)

In 2014, Indians celebrated the success of Mangalyaan, the Mars Orbiter Mission, which reached the red planet on its first attempt. At a cost of just $74 million, the entire mission came in cheaper than the 2013 Hollywood science fiction thriller Gravity.
One of the instruments used was the Mars Colour Camera, which took detailed colour images of the mountain ranges, fracture systems, and dust storms on the planet and its moons. These images were used to compile India’s first Mars Atlas.
https://qz.com/1091628/an-exhibition-in-london-explores-the-rich-history-of-indias-contributions-to-science/

Bakhshali, Jambudvipa and India’s role in science


Zeroing in: A page from the Bakhshali manuscript seen at the Bodleian Libraries, Universy of Oxford.   | Photo Credit: HANDOUT

London museum’s new exhibition traces India’s part in shaping the world’s scientific landscape

London’s Science Museum on Tuesday unveiled a new exhibition that traces India’s contribution to science and technology over the past 5,000 years. Bringing together pieces from scientific institutes and museums across India as well as those held by British institutions, the Indian High Commission and the museum hope to be able to bring the exhibition to India too.
The highlight is a folio from the Bakhshali manuscript, loaned to the exhibition by the Bodleian Library in Oxford, which contains the oldest recorded origins of the symbol “zero”.

Dated to 3rd century

In September, the Bodleian revealed that new carbon dating research into the manuscript revealed it to be hundreds of years older than originally thought and that it could be dated back to the third or fourth century.
Another remarkable piece is an 1817 version of Jambudvipa, or Jain map of the world, and a spectrometer from 1928 designed by Nobel Prize winner C.V. Raman. The exhibition also covers significant recent contributions — from the Jaipur foot that has been used across 27 countries to the Intel Pentium processor and the Embrace Nest Neonatal pouch. The exhibition also highlights writings by some of the most influential figures, including letters from S.N. Bose to Albert Einstein, held by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and selected papers of Srinivasa Ramanujan, held by Trinity College Cambridge.
It also includes an index chart of the great trigonometrical survey of India from 1860, which it says “no map in the world at that time could rival” for scale, detail and accuracy.
“It encapsulates what India has gone through in terms of science and technology in the past five thousand years,” said India’s Deputy High Commissioner to the U.K. Dinesh Patnaik, who hopes to work with the museum to take the exhibition to India.
“We wanted to tell that story of India’s role in science and technology which is an incredibly difficult and complex thing to do— - we wanted to capture just how far reaching it has been in shaping science and technology,” said the exhibition’s head of content Matt Kimberly, pointing in particular to the spectrometer and the influence it had in shaping industries from forensics to art conservation.

Growth of photography

A separate exhibition charts the growth of photography in India. One section of it focusses on 1857 and includes the bizarre growth of what it refers to as “mutiny tourism”, which led to sites of conflict and suffering getting turned into “postcards, stereocards and prints for a burgeoning British tourist industry”.
It also includes works by artists like Ahmad Ali Khan, the court photographer to the last king of Avadh, and Felice Beato. The exhibition also focuses on 1947, and includes works by photojournalists Henri Cartier Bresson and Margaret Bourke-White.
http://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/science/bakhshali-jambudvipa-and-indias-role-in-science/article19792057.ece
From some of the earliest cities to interplanetary exploration, Indian innovation in science, technology and mathematics has dramatically shaped the world we live in today.
5000 Years of Science and Innovation reveals how the Mughal emperors conserved nature in the 16th century, how 20th century mathematical genius Srinivasa Ramanujan revolutionised mathematics, and how the Indian Space Research Organisation sent a camera to Mars for less than the cost of the film Gravity.
Let us take you on a journey through the remarkable history of Indian innovation and discovery, which has been influencing and changing people's lives for 5000 years.
There will be tours throughout the duration of the exhibition.


Hero image: A section of the Bakhshali manuscript, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford

Replica Ayurvedic surgical instruments  c.1900-1930

On 3 October 2017 the Science Museum opened new season Illuminating India to VIP guests.
Two exhibitions and an ambitious events programme that celebrate the remarkable impact of Indian civilisation on science, technology and mathematics were unveiled last night at a Science Museum launch event featuring dhol drummers, the aroma of incense and dance.
The launch of the Illuminating India season marked the opening of two exhibitions – 5000 Years of Science and Innovation; and Photography 1857-2017 – which have drawn together extraordinary scientific objects and photographs from public and private collections in India and Britain, along with France and Israel.
Ian Blatchford, Director of the Science Museum Group, told the 600 guests:
“Many photographs and objects are being seen in these exhibitions for the very first time, and to allow as many people as possible to relish the cultural significance of this double bill both exhibitions will be free,”
Guests exploring ‘Illuminating India: Photography 1857-2017’
The Times hailed Illuminating India: 5000 Years of Science and Innovation as a “beautifully assembled show” which has at its heart the concept of jugaaad, which means the ‘art of creatively but parsimoniously solving problems for yourself.’
The oldest objects on display belong to the Science Museum Group, a set of weights and measures from the Indus Valley civilisation. The newest are artworks commissioned by the museum from the British Indian artist Chila Kumari Burman. “I originally asked Chila for one modest painting inspired by India but she was so inspired by the exhibition she presented us with 29 pieces of artwork and created a glittering tuk-tuk that welcomes visitors as they enter the museum.” said Blatchford (who added he dreams of driving it down Exhibition Road).
Guests exploring Chila Kumari Burman’s work
The most sensational object on show is a folio from the Bakhshali manuscript from the Bodleian Libraries, which contains the earliest written record in Indian mathematics of the concept of zero.
Recent radiocarbon dating by the University of Oxford instigated by mathematician and museum adviser Prof Marcus du Sautoy has proved that parts of the manuscript are more ancient than previously thought and that it contains the world’s oldest recorded origin of the zero symbol that we use today, underlining India’s pioneering development of profound mathematical concepts that include infinity and algorithms.
When Prof du Sautoy made TV series The Story of Maths he travelled to Gwalior in India to see a zero carved on a 9th century temple. Thanks to this ground-breaking research by the university, “we now know Marcus could have crossed the road from his office in Oxford and seen a 3rd Century one in the local library,” said Blatchford.
Illuminating India: Photography 1857 –2017 is an ambitious survey of the technological and cultural development of the medium in India, examining how photography charted the recent history of the country, from the beginnings of photography in India in the mid-19th century partition, independence and the present day.
As Illuminating India celebrates taking a fresh look at ancient ideas and familiar objects what better event to herald the beginning of a new visual identity and branding for the Science Museum. This follows the launch earlier this year of the new look at another museum in the Science Museum Group – the National Science and Media Museum in Bradford.
Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport. Karen Bradley, sent a recorded message to the launch from the Conservative Party Conference in Manchester, to “convey my congratulations and those of the entire UK Government…It is especially fitting that tonight the Science Museum, which is the most visited museum in the UK by school groups, celebrates India’s contribution to science, technology and mathematics.”
The Secretary of State went on to thank the British High Commission and British Council, notably Baroness Prashar, Deputy Chairman; Alan Gemmell OBE, Director, British Council India; and highlighted key supporters, notably the Bagri Foundationthe Helen Hamlyn Trust and the John S Cohen Foundation.
She extended a warm welcome to the Indian High Commissioner, His Excellency Mr Yashvardhan Sinha, who told the guests that it was important that the people of his country and the UK connect and share, “not just what we did in the past but what we are going to do in the future.”
He praised the Illuminating India exhibitions and referenced India’s recent Moon and Mars missions, the Indian Space Agency’s recent record breaking deployment of 104 satellites by a dedicated group of scientists and highlighted the diversity of the team involved.
Chairman of the Board of Trustees Dame Mary Archer, thanked Shivprasad Khened, Director of the Nehru Science Centre, Mumbai, in coordinating negotiations; the help of fellow Trustee Lopa Patel; and the distinguished historians, cultural commentators and scientists, such as Sir Venki Ramakrishnan, President of the Royal Society, who sat on the Illuminating Indiaproject board.
L-R: Alan Gemmell, Sir Venki Ramakrishnan, Yashvardhan Sinha, Dame Mary Archer, Baroness Prasha, Dinesh K. Patnaik, Ian Blatchford
Sir Venki, Alan Gemmell, Yashvardhan Sinha, Baroness Prasha and Dinesh K. Patnaik, India’s Deputy High Commissioner, joined Ian Blatchford and Dame Mary on stage to cut a ribbon to declare the exhibition open. “Our aspiration,’ she said, “is to develop a skills and knowledge exchange programme with Indian museums and to work far more closely with India’s industrial powerhouses from the Indian Space Research Organisation to Tata.”
Dame Mary added:
“It is our dearest hope that – with the support of people in this room tonight – we might see both these exhibitions heading to India once its six-month stay at this museum draws to a close.”
A series of public events, presented in partnership with the Bagri Foundation, will run alongside the Illuminating India season, including film screenings, workshops, panel discussions and live performances.
In his personal thanks, Ian Blatchford said he “would not have reached the finishing line” without Dinesh Patnaik, Deputy Indian High Commissioner. “On my many visits to India House, he and his team sustained my team with wise advice, gallons of tea and the best chocolate biscuits in London.” Ian finished his speech by thanking the Surveyor-General of India and his team:
 “The Survey of India is one of the most venerable scientific bodies in the world, and 250 years old this year. Despite their own celebrations they have lent generously to us and so let’s wish them a very Happy Birthday!”
Members of the Illuminating India team from the Science Museum present last night at the launch included Zoe Few, Project Management Support Assistant, Matt Kimberley, Head of Content, 5000 Years of Science and Innovation, Shasti Lowton, Assistant Curator, Photography 1857 –2017, and Susan Mossman, Project Lead. The team were also joined by Rahaab Allana, the guest curator of Photography 1857 –2017 from the Alkazi Foundation.
https://blog.sciencemuseum.org.uk/illuminating-india-celebrates-five-millennia-of-creativity/

'Zero' is a number, says Brahmagupta (628 CE). This was realized earlier than 224 CE in India -- Roger Highfield

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The dot--a zero--serves as a placeholder in the bottom line of the page above. [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]

https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=171&v=pV_gXGTuWxY 

A Big Zero: Research uncovers the date of the Bakhshali manuscript


Published on Sep 14, 2017

The Bakhshali manuscript is an ancient Indian mathematical manuscript written on more than 70 leaves of birch bark, found in 1881. It is notable for having a dot representing zero in it. The date of the manuscript has intrigued scholars for years, with many believing it dated from the 9th century, as does the oldest known example of a zero in India, in Gwailor temple. Now a team of researchers at the University of Oxford and the Bodleian Libraries have carbon dated the manuscript and found that it dates from between the second and fourth centuries! The Bakhshali manuscript therefore contains the oldest recorded example of the symbol that we use for zero today.  This symbol would then grow into something that exists in its own right to capture the concept of nothing.


Exploring the first realisation that zero is a number
The invention of zero, or rather the realisation that it was a number just like any other, was one of the greatest conceptual leaps in the history of mathematics, one that would spur the rise of modern science.
Today it was announced that the written record of zero, in the region which discovered this influential digit, dates back four centuries further than most scholars had thought, thanks to carbon dating of an ancient manuscript, written on 70 leaves of birch bark, held at the University of Oxford’s Bodleian Libraries.
Oxford’s dating project has been surprisingly revealing about the origins of the delicate and fragmented Bakhshali manuscript, one of the star objects in a forthcoming exhibition about Indian science and technology over the past five millennia, that will form part of the Museum’s Illuminating India season from October.


Section of the Bahkshali manuscript
Section of the Bakhshali manuscript

This carbon dating of the manuscript, shows that it is formed of leaves that are nearly 500 years apart in age, with some pages dating from as early as the 3rd to 4th century and others dating from the 8th and 10th centuries.
The field of mathematics provides the logical fabric of modern life – today’s society would falter without zero – so it is hard to imagine a time when zero was, well, zero and mathematics was expressed not by numerals but in verse.
When a written version of zero crystallised from verse in its birthplace in South Asia, it appeared in Sanskrit (not standard Sanskrit, but features of what is called Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit), as well as other Middle-Indo Aryan languages (Prakrit and Apabhraṃśa) and Old Kashmiri.
Dots in a manuscript, found in a field in 1881 by a farmer in Bakhshali, located near modern Peshawar, Pakistan, mark the earliest written record in the location where zero was first incorporated into the system of numbers we know today, a remarkable moment in the history of mathematics and the development of modern thinking.
Not only is it the only known Indian document on mathematics from such an early period, it also shows all 10 decimal digits which included a dot for zero, and might have been used by Buddhist merchants in trading.
Other ancient peoples were by no means blank when it came to zero: the Babylonians and Mayans realised it was handy to have a placeholder to signal something was absent, using a double wedge or a shell shape.
But in India the symbol grew into a numeral that exists in its own right. You could add it, subtract it, multiply it. Division remains a bit trickier, but that challenge spurred the development of a gloriously strange field of mathematics as these mathematical pioneers wrestled with infinities. By comparison, zero happened with the Babylonian or Mayan placeholder zeroes.
“Why it is so exciting is that this zero in India is the seed from which the concept of zero as a number in its own right, represented by the same dot or circle, will emerge some centuries later, something many regard as one of the of the great moments in the history of mathematics,” comments Marcus du Sautoy, Professor of Mathematics at the University of Oxford.
The age of the Bakhshali manuscript, and thus the dot notation for zero, has been the subject of much scholarly debate. Before this new research, most would say that the manuscript dates back to somewhere between the 8th and 12th century, according to Camillo Formigatti, John Clay Sanskrit Librarian at the Bodleian.

Earlier this year the manuscript was carbon dated for the first time by a team including Formigatti; David Howell, Head of Heritage Science at the Bodleian Libraries; Gillian Evison, Head of the Bodleian Libraries Oriental Section; Virginia Llado-Buisan, Head of Conservation and Collection Care at the Bodleian Libraries and David Chivall, Chemistry Laboratory Manager at the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit, which has worked on many significant projects, notably dating the Turin Shroud.
Each sample – between 1.4 mg and 1.8 mg of bark – was taken from an unmarked area of different birch folios. The team measured levels of radioactive carbon-14, compared to stable carbon-12 in each folio, which is continually produced in the upper atmosphere as cosmic rays strike the Earth. Plants and trees incorporate the radiocarbon, in the form of carbon dioxide via photosynthesis and lock up the carbon in their structures, for instance in the birch bark on which the manuscript was written, because radiocarbon decays with a half-life of 5,730 years, once the bark is formed, the amount of radiocarbon within it continually decreases, while the amount of stable carbon remains constant. In this way, the Oxford team could work out how long ago the bark was formed by measuring the ratio of radiocarbon to stable carbon.
The first surprise was that the results reveal that the three samples date from different centuries, one (Folio 33) dated from 885-993 CE, the expected date, but another (Folio 17) dated from 680-779 CE and another (Folio 16) dated from 224-383 CE. That was the biggest surprise of all.
Previous dating methods had been estimated based on the style of writing and the literary and mathematical content and, though a 3rd/4th century date was not totally unprecedented among some scholars, it had not been considered realistic by most of the academic community. The emergence of proto-zero in 200-400 BC comes a long time before the 7th Century, when the astronomer Brahmagupta became the driving force behind zero’s ascendance to greatness. His text, Brahmasphutasiddhanta, The Opening of the Universe, written in 628 CE, is the first to treat zero as a number in its own right and to include a discussion of the arithmetic of zero.
In fact, even more remarkable, the story of zero must date back even further than the Bakhshali manuscript since it is likely a recording of earlier manuscripts, which in turn were based on even earlier verbal representations of mathematics.


A further section of the Bakhshali manuscript
A further section of the Bakhshali manuscript


Around the time of Christ, scholars in south Asia probably realised the importance of zero and this makes sense because this abstraction thrived on local religious and spiritual beliefs. Jain mathematicians were not intimidated by the idea of the void, or of infinite space, unlike those in the West. The reason is that zero echoed ‘Sunyata’, a Buddhist concept of emptiness.
There was a democratic dimension to this number too: zero gave people power as they could do calculations without the need for an abacus. The story goes that when they did their sums in the sand, early mathematicians came to realise that as they removed stones that represented something, they left a hole behind, which is how we ended up with an empty circle as a zero.
From South Asia, zero migrated into the Middle East, where it was championed by Islamic scholars. In the 8th century the great Arab mathematician al-Khawarizmi adopted it. If only the sixth-century monk, Dionysius Exiguus (“Dennis the Short” from what today is Dobruja, in Romania and Bulgaria), had known about zero when he devised Anno Domini, year of the Lord. By his reasoning, 1 CE immediately followed 1 BC, and his omission of zero would cause much confusion.
Eventually zero arrived in Europe, where it exerted an extraordinary influence. For example, it allowed Isaac Newton in the mid-17th century to invent calculus, which charts change by focusing on “instantaneous” change, changes over tiny intervals that, effectively, are zero.
That is how Newton found that acceleration could be modelled by simple laws of motion. The rise of calculus helped to drive the rise of modern science which in turn has been applied through myriad technologies and generated even more unsettling insights into the nature of zero, not least the ultimate zero, the Big Bang, which saw the birth of space, time and the universe 13.8 billion years ago.
‘The Bakhshali manuscript helps to illustrate how vibrant mathematics has been in India and the east for centuries,’ says Prof du Sautoy. ‘It is also testament to the way mathematics crosses cultural, historical and political boundaries.’
The Professor of Mathematics adds that it is ‘deeply moving to see this dot on an ancient piece of birch bark and recognise how much I have to thank those mathematicians of the past who built the mathematical edifice I now stand on top of.’
Written by Roger Highfield and Matt Kimberley, curator of Illuminating India: 5000 Years of Science and Innovation.

A folio from the Bakhshali manuscript will go on public display at the Science Museum as a centrepiece of the major exhibition Illuminating India: 5000 Years of Science and Innovation, opening 4 October 2017.


Discovery of the Earliest Zero Symbol Reshapes the History of Mathematics


2017-09-16 


The ancient Bashkali manuscript has been confirmed to hold the earliest zero symbol on record, putting the history of mathematics in a new light.

The dot--a zero--serves as a placeholder in the bottom line of the page above. [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]


In 1881, a farmer found the manuscript buried in a field in his native Bashkali, a village in what was then Pakistan. Indologist Rudolf Hoernle acquired the manuscript and later presented it to the Bodleian Libraries at Oxford in 1902. Scholars at the Bodleian Libraries struggled to date the manuscript because it had 70 pages made of birch bark, with material that came from three different time periods. Earlier research found that the manuscript dated from the 8th and 12thcenturies. However, carbon dating has proven these findings false.

It turns out that the manuscript is much older than previously thought. Scientists now believe that the manuscript dates back to the 3rd or 4th century. This means that the zero symbol has been around centuries earlier than mathematicians thought.


Revolutionizing the History of Mathematics


How the manuscript is organized today [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]


India wasn't the only country to have a civilization that used a zero symbol. Ancient civilizations such as the Mayans and Babylonians used a zero symbol as well. What sets the Indian zero symbol apart, however, is what it looks like. As shown in the manuscript, dots indicated zeroes. This dot eventually evolved into the hollow circle or oval that we use today. The Bodleian Libraries also say that in the ancient times, it was only in India that zero was considered to be a number in itself.

In the Bashkali manuscript, however, zero did not yet function as a number. Instead, the zero symbol functioned as a placeholder, as in the number 101. It was the Indian astronomer and mathematician Brahmagupta who first described zero as a number in a document called Brahmasphutasiddhanta. The Bashkali manuscript, containing the earliest zero symbol, sowed the seeds of considering zero to be a number in its own right. Outside of India, especially in the Western world, this precipitated an important revolution in the history of mathematics.

The concept of zero—signifying nothingness—took longer to take hold in Europe. Mathematicians think that cultural differences between India and the West may have been the cause of this.


The Philosophy and Culture of Mathematics


The front page of the Bashkali manuscript [Photo by the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford]


The fact that culture and cultural differences influenced the ancient days of mathematics isn't surprising. At the time, math wasn't the universal language it is today. According to Marcus du Sautoy, professor of mathematics at the University of Oxford, the culture in India was more comfortable contemplating the concept of the void to “conceive of the infinite” in philosophical tradition. “That is exciting to recognize, that culture is important in making big mathematical breakthroughs,” du Sautoy says. “The Europeans, even when it was introduced to them, were like ‘Why would we need a number for nothing?’” du Sautoy continues. “It’s a very abstract leap.”

This is an exciting new aspect to the history of mathematics. Today, the notion and number of zero are important in several fields. It's therefore amazing that the earliest known zero symbol came from an ancient trading manual for merchants plying the Silk Road.
https://wowscience.io/article/5269/Discovery+of+the+Earliest+Zero+Symbol+Reshapes+the

Female sphinx, Tell Tayinat, Turkey, ca. 1800 BCE is an Indus Script hypertext

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This Female from Syro-Anatolia was probably the arm of a throne.

This can be explained as a hypertext artistic expression to signify an iron smelter: Hieroglyph: kola ‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus: kolimi ‘smithy’ (Te.)

The paws of the sphinx appear to be feline paws. panja'feline paw' rebus: panja 'furnace' PLUS kola'tiger' rebus: kol'working in iron'kolhe'smelter'. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ. khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)

The sphinx is also adorned with a scarf on the neck. This is a hieroglyph. dhatu'scarf' rebus: dhatu'mineral ore'.

The use of Meluhha words to explain this throne fragment from Anatolia dated to ca. 1800 BCE is justified because Syro-Anatolia was -- at this time of 2nd millennium BCE-- a region known to have been a region with Proto-Indo-Aryan speakers evidenced by Mitanni treaties and Kikkuli's horse-training manual with Proto-Indo-Aryan (i.e., Meluhha speech) words.

Comparable to this artistic expression on a throne is the depiction of feline paws on a stool. On this stool, a lady spinner is seated in front of another stool with a platter of 'fish ligatured with 6 blobs'. This lady spinner sculptural frieze from Susa is dated to 6th cent. BCE.
Image result for lady spinner louvre bharatkalyan97
"Hieroglyphs of a spinner bas-relief fragment from Susa dated to 8th cent. BCE (now in Louvre Museum) are identified. The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim). The hieroglyphs are read rebus using lexemes of Indian sprachbund given the archeological evidence of Meluhha settlers in Susa."
H. 9 cm. W. 13 cm. Bituminous stone, a matte, black sedimentary rock. With her arms full of bracelets, the spinner holding a spindle is seated on a stool with tiger-paw legs. Elegantly coiffed, her hair is pulled back in a bun and held in place with a headscarf crossed around her head. Behind the spinner is an attendant holding a square wickerwork(?) fan. In front is a table with tiger-paw legs, a fish with six bun ingots. Susa. Neo-elamite period. 8th to 6th century BCE. The bas-relief was first cited in J, de Morgan's Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, 1900, vol. i. plate xi Ernest Leroux. Paris. Current location: Louvre Museum Sb2834 Near Eastern antiquities, Richelieu, ground floor, room 11.

Reviewing eight volumes of Délégation en Perse, Memories publiès sous la direction de M. J. de Morgan, délégué-général (quarto, Leroux, editeur, Paris) and noting that a ninth volume was in print (1905), Ernst Babelon offers the following comments on the ‘bas-relief of the spinner’ of the Elamite Period (3400 - 550 BCE): “Again Chaldæan in origin, although of far later date, is a small diorite fragment of bas-relief called the bas-relief of the Spinner. It represents a woman sitting on a stool, her legs crossed and feet behind in the tailor's attitude. She is holding her spindle with both hands; in front of her is a fish lying on a table, and behind her a slave is waving the fly-flap.The round chubby faces of the figures recall the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad, which represent the eunuchs of the Ninevite palace.” (Ernst Babelon, 1906, Archaeological discoveries at Susa, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica.) http://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/Archaeology/susa.htm

Hieroroglyphs/hypertext: 

panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace'
aya'fish' Rebus: aya'iron' (Gujarati) ayas'alloy metal' (gveda)
kola'tiger' Rebus: kolle'blacksmith'kol'working in iron'; kolhe'smelter'kole.l 'smithy, temple'; kolimi 'smithy, forge' Hieroglyph: bhaṭa 'six' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 

karttr̥2 m. ʻ spinner ʼ MBh. [√kr̥t2]H. kātī f. ʻ woman who spins thread ʼ; -- Or. kãtiā ʻ spinner ʼ with  from verb kã̄tibā (CDIAL 2861) See: khātrī m. ʻ member of a caste of Hindu weavers ʼ.(Gujarati)(CDIAL 3647) kātī 'spinner' Rebus: khātī m. ʻ member of a caste of wheelwrights ʼ(Hindi) kṣattŕ̊ m. ʻ carver, distributor ʼ RV., ʻ attendant, door- keeper ʼ AV., ʻ charioteer ʼ VS., ʻ son of a female slave ʼ lex. [√kṣad]Pa. khattar -- m. ʻ attendant, charioteer ʼ (CDIAL 3647)

A fragment called 'spinner' is a relief of bitumen mastic from Susa. This relief has remarkable Indus Script hieroglyphs and has been called a Rosetta Stone of Indus Script cipher. One characteristic feature of the hieroglyph-multiplex is the use of a numerical semantic determinative. Six round objects are shown on a fish. In this pictorial, fish is a hieroglyph. Numeral six is a hieroglyph. Together, the Indus Script cipher is: aya 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metalgoṭ 'round' Rebus: khoṭ 'alloy' PLUS  bhaṭa 'six' Rebus:  bhaṭa'furnace.' Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex proclaims the message: aya khoṭ bhaṭa 'metal (alloy) furnace'. Similar examples of the significance of 'six' numeral as a cipher from Ancient Near East are presented to signify phrases such as: meḍ bhaṭa 'iron furnace'.  करडा karaḍā bhaṭa 'hard alloy furnace'.

It has been shown that this entire sculptural frieze is an Indus Script Hypertext to signify a cartwright working with ayas 'alloy metal' and producing wrought iron: goṭa 'round pebble stone' rebus: khoṭaʻingot forged, alloyʼ(Marathi) PLUS bhaṭa 'six' rebus: baṭa'iron'baṭha'furnace'.

The fish on a stool in front of the spinner with head-wrap can be read rebus for key hieroglyphs:

Hieroglyph: small ball: *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722]K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H. goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔm. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭā m. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ.*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Addenda: *gōṭṭa -- : also Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271) Rebus:  L. khoṭ f. ʻ alloyʼ,°ṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼG. khoṭũ ʻ alloyedʼ; M. khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ(CDIAL 3931)
khuṭoʻleg, footʼ. khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)
kāti ‘spinner’ rebus: ‘wheelwright.’ 
vēṭha’head-wrap’. Rebus: veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’.
sāi kol ayas kāṇḍa baṭa ‘friend+tiger+fish+stool+six’ rebus: association (of) iron-workers’ metal stone ore kiln. 
The Elamite lady spinner bas-relief is a composition of hieroglyphs depicting a guild of wheelwrights or ‘smithy of nations’ (harosheth hagoyim).

khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus:kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

1. Six bun ingots. bhaṭa ‘six’ (Gujarati). Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati.Santali) 

2. ayo ‘fish’ (Munda). Rebus: ayas ‘metal’ (Sanskrit) aya ‘metal’ (Gujarati)

3. kātī ‘spinner’ (G.) kātī ‘woman who spins thread’ (Hindi). Rebus: khātī ‘wheelwright’ (Hindi). kāṭi = fireplace in the form of a long ditch (Ta.Skt.Vedic) kāṭya = being in a hole (VS. XVI.37); kāṭ a hole, depth (RV. i. 106.6) khāḍ a ditch, a trench; khāḍ o khaiyo several pits and ditches (G.) khaṇḍrun: ‘pit (furnace)’ (Santali) kaḍaio ‘turner’ (Gujarati) 

4. kola‘woman’ (Nahali). Rebus: kolimi‘smithy’ (Te.) 

5. Tiger’s paws. panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'furnace'. kola ‘tiger’ (Telugu); kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.). Rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) Glyph: ‘hoof’: Kumaon. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ, °ṭī ʻgoat's legʼ; Nepalese. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ(CDIAL 3894). S. khuṛī f. ʻheelʼ; WPah. paṅ. khūṛ ʻfootʼ. (CDIAL 3906). Rebus: khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali) 

6. Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ ‘fire-altar, furnace’ (Santali) kāṇḍa ’stone ore’.
7. meḍhi, miḍhī, meṇḍhī = a plait in a woman’s hair; a plaited or twisted strand of hair (P.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) 
8. ‘scarf’ glyph: dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (Wpah.) (CDIAL 6707) Rebus: dhatu ‘minerals’ (Santali)
9. Glyph 'friend': Assamese. xaï ʻfriendʼ, xaiyā ʻpartner in a gameʼ; Sinhala. saha ʻfriendʼ (< nom. sákhā or < sahāya -- ?). sákhi (nom. sg. sákhā) m. ʻfriendʼ RigVeda. 2. sakhī -- f. ʻwoman's confidanteʼ (Sanskrit), ʻa mistressʼ VarBrS. 1. Pali. sakhā nom. sg. m. ʻfriendʼ, Prakrit. sahi -- m.; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < svāmín -- ); 2. Pali. sakhī -- , sakhikā -- f. ʻwoman's female friendʼ, Prakrit. sahī -- , °hiā -- f., Bengali. sai, Oriya. sahi, saï, Hindi. poet. saïyo f., Gujarati. saï f., Marathi. say, saī f. -- Ext. -- ḍ -- : OldMarwari. sahalaṛī f. ʻwoman's female friend’; -- -- r -- : Gujarati. sahiyar, saiyar f.; -- -- ll -- (cf. sakhila -- ): Sindhi. Lahnda. Punjabi. sahelī f. woman's female friendʼ, N. saheli, B. saylā, OAw. sahelī f.; H. sahelī f. ʻ id., maidservant, concubineʼ; OldMarwari. sahalī, sahelī ʻwoman's female friendʼ, OldGujarati. sahīlī f., Marathi. sahelī f. (CDIAL 13074). Apabhramśa. sāhi 'master'-- m.; Gypsy. pal. saúi ʻ owner, master ʼ, Sindhi. sã̄ī˜ m., Lahnda. sã̄i, mult. (as term of address) sāi; Punjabi. sāī˜, sāīyã̄ m. ʻmaster, husbandʼ; Nepalese. saiyã̄ ʻlover, paramour, friendʼ (or < sákhi -- ); Bengali. sã̄i ʻmasterʼ, (used by boys in play) cã̄i; Oriya. sāĩ ʻlord, king, deityʼ; Maithili. (ETirhut) saĩẽ ʻhusband (among lower classes)ʼ, (SBhagalpur) sã̄ĩ ʻhusband (as addressed by wife)ʼ; Bhojpuri. sāī˜ ʻGodʼ; OldAwadhi. sāīṁ m. ʻlord, master , lakh. sāī ʻsaintʼ; Hindi. sã̄ī m. ʻmaster, husband, God, religious mendicantʼ; Gujarti. sã̄ī m. ʻfaqirʼ, sã̄ ʻterm of respectful addressʼ; Marathi. sāī ʻtitle of respect, term of addressʼ; Sinhala. sāmi -- yā, hä° ʻhusbandʼ, himi -- yā ʻmaster, owner, husbandʼ (Perh. in Marathi. -- s affix to names of relationship (see śrī -- Add.). WPahari.poet. saĩ m. (obl. saĩ) ʻ friend, lover, paramour '. (CDIAL 13930). Rebus: 'association': Oriya. sāhi, sāi ʻ part of town inhabited by people of one caste or tribe '; sākhiya (metr.), sākhyá -- n. ʻ association, party ʼ RigVeda., ʻfriendshipʼ Mahāv. [sákhi] Pa. sakhya -- n. ʻ friendship ʼ (< sākhyá -- ? -- acc. sg. n. sakkhi and sakkhī -- f. from doublet sakhyaṁ ~ *sākhiya: cf. type sāmagrī -- ~ sāmagrya -- ) (CDIAL 13323). 10. Glyph: 'head-wrap': veṭha [fr. viṣṭ, veṣṭ] wrap, in sīsa˚ head-- wrap, turban M i.244; S iv.56. (Pali) Prakrit. veṭṭhaṇa -- n. ʻwrappingʼ, °aga -- n. ʻturbanʼ (CDIAL 12131). vēṣṭá m. ʻband, nooseʼ ʻenclosureʼ (Sanskrit), °aka- m. ʻfenceʼ, n. ʻturbanʼ lex. [√vēṣṭ] Marathi. veṭh, vẽṭh, veṭ, vẽṭ m.f. ʻroll, turn of a ropeʼ; Sinhala. veṭya ʻenclosureʼ; -- Pali. sīsa -- vēṭha -- m. ʻhead -- wrapʼ,vēṭhaka -- ʻsurroundingʼ; Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; Sindhi. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ(CDIAL 12130). Rebus: 'territorial unit': veṭa , veṭha, veṇṭhe ‘a small territorial unit’ (Ka.IE8-4) (Pali) Assamese. Beran ʻact of surroundingʼ; Oriya. beṛhaṇa, °ṇi ʻgirth, circumference, fencing, small cloth worn by womanʼ. (CDIAL 12131). Pushto: باره bāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) ‘A fortification, defence, rampart, a ditch, palisade, an entrenchment, a breastwork’. Pl. يْ ey. (Pushto). Prakrit. vēḍha -- m. ʻwrapʼ; S. veṛhu m. ʻencirclingʼ; Lahnda. veṛh, vehṛ m. ʻfencing, enclosure in jungle with a hedge, (Ju.) blockadeʼ, veṛhā,vehṛā m. ʻcourtyard, (Ju.) enclosure containing many housesʼ; Punjabi. veṛhā, be° m. ʻenclosure, courtyardʼ; Kumaon. beṛo ʻcircle or band (of people)ʼ WesternPahari.kṭg. beṛɔ m. palaceʼ, Assamese. also berā ʻ fence, enclosure ʼ (CDIAL 12130). Hindi. beṛhnā ʻ to enclose, surround ʼ; Marathi. veḍhṇẽ ʻto twist, surroundʼ; (CDIAL 12132). kharoṣṭī 'blacksmith lip, carving' and harosheth 'smithy' kharoṣṭī the name of a script in ancient India from ca. 5th century BCE is a term cognate with harosheth hagoyim of the Old Bible. kharoṣṭī (khar + oṣṭa ‘blacksmith + lip’ or khar + uṣṭa – ‘blacksmith’ + ʻsettledʼ) is a syllabic writing system of the region where Indian hieroglyphs were used as evidenced by Indus Script corpora. The word –goy- in hagoyim is cognate with goy ‘gotra, clan’ (Prakrit). (Details in S. Kalyanaraman, 2012, Indian Hieroglyphs). gōtrá n. ʻ cowpen, enclosure ʼ RigVeda., ʻ family, clan ʼ1. Pali. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Prakrit. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.(CDIAL 4279). http://tinyurl.com/79nm28f Etymology of harosheth is variously elucidated, while it is linked to 'chariot-making in a smithy of nations'. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harosheth_Haggoyim. Harosheth Hebrew: חרושת הגויים‎; is pronounced khar-o-sheth? Most likely, (haroshet) a noun meaning a carving. Hence, kharoṣṭī came to represent a 'carving, engraving' art, i.e. a writing system. Harosheth-hagoyim See: Haroshet [Carving]; a forest; agriculture; workmanship; harsha [Artifice: deviser: secret work]; workmanship; a wood http://tinyurl.com/d7be2qh Cognate with haroshet: karṣá m. ʻ dragging ʼ Pāṇ., ʻ agriculture ʼ Āp.(CDIAL 2905). karṣaṇa n. ʻ tugging, ploughing, hurting ʼ Manu (Sanskrit), ʻ cultivated land ʼ MBh. [kárṣati, √kr̥ṣ] Prakrit. karisaṇa -- n. ʻ pulling, ploughing ʼ; Gujarati. karsaṇ n. ʻ cultivation, ploughing ʼ; OldGujarati. karasaṇī m. ʻ cultivator ʼ, Gujarati. karasṇī m. -- See *kr̥ṣaṇa -- .(CDIAL 2907). 

A precise note on cuneiform script as an early writing system is provided by Massimo Maiocchi (2015). This note has to be expanded for comparison with the contemporary writing system of Indus Script since Meluhha traders and artisans were in contact with this region with cuneiform script writers. While early cuneiform was used on tablets to signify and document mostly quantitative records of grains, rations and other issues to workers, Indus Script hypertexts (earliest evidence dates to ca. 3300 BCE based on a potsherd found by HARP Project) were accounting ledgers used to signify and document the nature of metallurgical products and techniques to produce wealth through trade transactions. 

While cuneiform script is syllabic, the Indus Script is logographic and logo-semantic.

Massimo Maiocchi, 2015, Early writing, cuneiform script and the origin of the oldest writing systems in comparative perspective, News and Notes, Members Magazine,Issue 227, Autumn 2015, oi.uchicago.edu







https://oi.uchicago.edu/sites/oi.uchicago.edu/files/uploads/shared/docs/nn227.pdf

Researchers to revisit Harappan tech for modern use

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Researchers to revisit Harappan tech for modern use

The researchers claim that the Harappans had perfected most of the technologies of their time which are still being used.

 Updated: Oct 07, 2017 19:29 IST
Sanjeev K Ahuja
The researchers will relook at the science, technology and innovations that happened in ancient India in 3,000–4,500 BC or 5,000-6,000 years ago.The researchers will relook at the science, technology and innovations that happened in ancient India in 3,000–4,500 BC or 5,000-6,000 years ago.(Saumya Khandelwal/HT FILE PHOTO)
A group of researchers from across the country are revisiting 5,000-year-old technologies used by Harappans, including water management, in a bid to learn from the lost Indus Valley civilisation for use in modern times.
The researchers claim that the Harappans had perfected most of the technologies such as stone-beading, crafts production, Indus ceramic technologies, metal and metallurgy, which are still used.
The researchers from Deccan College Pune, Banaras Hindu University (BHU) Varanasi, M S University Baroda, Allahabad University, JRN Rajasthan Vidyapeeth Jodhpur, Archaeological Survey of India and Indian National Science Academy recently gathered in New Delhi for the purpose.
Prof D Balasubramanian, chairman of research council for history of science, said the researchers will relook at the science, technology and innovations that happened in ancient India in 3,000–4,500 BC or 5,000-6,000 years ago.
“Everybody talks about Italy having viaducts but we had it earlier than them,” he said, recalling that people in in Gujarat had Baori or step-wells that were interconnected through viaducts 6,000 years ago.
Prof Vasant Shinde, vice-chancellor, Deccan College of Post Graduate Research & Training, Pune, said certain technologies continued from 5,000 years to modern times, “till 30 years back”.
He highlighted the continuation of pottery-making, stone-making in Khambat region of Gujarat besides the cold hammering technique in metallurgy.
On water harvesting, Prof Shinde said the present generation is doing a lot to deal with water scarcity but are not learning “from Harappan ancestors who had devised simple and effective tech”.
“We can use water harvesting the way they did it. They dug underground water wells which were interconnected,” he said.
The researchers said they would not require foreign collaborations and huge funding from abroad as they have access to better technologies and funds to conduct in-depth studies.

New light on Vedic Sarasvati River as navigable waterway, Binjor discoveries of Indus Script hypertexts

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This monograph reports on two findings of great significance related to the site Binjor 4MSR on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati, near Anupgarh, Rajasthan. 

The two findings reported from Binjor reported on three seasons' work between 2015 an 2017 by the team led by Archaeologist Sanjay Manjul of Archaeological Survey of India are:

1. Optically Simulated Laser (OSL) techniques used on soil samples taken from palaeo-channel river embankments near 4MSR and nearby mound 43GB site evidence that the Vedic River Sarasvati (now seen as a palaeo-channel) was a flowing channel between the periods 15–10 ka or 5 ka (i.e. 13th to 3rd millennium BCE) with high moisture content seen in the sand mobilization processes of the Thar Desert area along the river basin.

2. The discovery of 5 seals with Indus Script hypertexts and of metalwork and lapidary activities at the site provide hints that Binjor is an industrial site of Sarasvati Civilization Bronze Age.

These are reports of extraordinary significance because they evidence the existence of Vedic River Sarasvati as a navigable waterway by seafaring merchants with transactions across the Persian Gulf into contact areas of Ancient Near East and validate the documentation of metalwork in over 8000 inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora.
Locations on banks of Vedic River Sarasvati near Anupgarh, from which flood-silt samples were taken for Optically Simulated Luminiscence (OSL) investigations

The OSL investigations demonstrate that the palaeo-channels seen on this satellite (LANDSAT) image which shows a wide (approx 6 km. wide) channel constituted a navigable waterway during periods between 13th and 3rd millennium BCE.

These two findings complement the earlier stunning discovery of a yajña kuṇḍda with an octagonal brick pillar. Such an octagonal pillar is referred to as aṣṭāśri yupa in ancient Vedic texts. Binjor Yupa of  Sarasvati Vaidika civilization is yajñasya ketu (RV 3.8.8), a proclamation emblem of performance of a Soma Samsthā yajña. Such a yajña yields bahusuvarṇakam; 'many gold pieces' and thus, a wealth-producing metallurgical enterprise performed with śraddhā, 'dedication, devotion' and prayers.

caṣāla is a unique metallurgical technique documented in the Veda texts to infuse carbon into metal in furnaces to harden the metal or to produced hardened alloys. caṣāla is godhūma, fumes of wheat chaff which infuse angāra, 'carbon'. The expression caṣāla 'wheat chaff fume' is signified by the sacred hieroglyph of caṣāla 'snout of varāha.'

The yupa is a conclusive evidence of Veda culture in the Binjor (4MSR) site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. This is specially described in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa & Rigveda.

An exposition by Sadhashiv A Dange: “the yūpa is described as being the emblem of the sacrifice (RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu). Though it is fixed on the terrestrial plane at the sacrifice, it is expected to reach the path of the gods. Thus, about the many sacrificial poles (fixed in the Paśubandha, or at the Horse-sacrifice) it is said that they actually provide the path for reaching the gods (ib., 9 devānām api yanti pāthah). They are invoked to carry the oferings to the gods (ib., 7 te no vyantu vāryam devatrā), which is the prerogative of the fire-god who is acclaiemd as ‘messenger’ (dūta); cf. RV I.12.1 agrim dūtam vṛṇimahe). In what way is the yūpa expected to carry the chosen offering to the gods? It is when the victim is tied to the sacrificial pole. The prallelism between the sacrificial fire and the yūpa is clear. The fire carries it through the smoke and flames; the yūpa is believed to carry it before that, when the victim is tied to it, as its upper end is believed to touch heaven. A more vivid picture obtains at the yajapeya. Here the yūpa is eight-angled, corresponding to the eight qurters. (śat. Br. V.2.1.5 aṣṭāśrir yūpo bhavati; the reason given is that the metre Gayatri has eight letters in one foot; not applicable here, as it is just hackneyed. At Taitt.Sam. I.7.9.1, in this context a four-angled yūpa is prescribed.) The one yūpa is conceived as touching three worlds: Heaven, Earth and the nether subterranean. The portion that is above the caṣāla (ring) made of wheat-dough (cf.śat. Br. V.2.1.6 gaudhūmam caṣālam bhavati) represents Heaven. This is clear from the rite of ascending to the caṣāla, made of wheat-dough, in the Vajapeya sacrifice. The sarificer ascends to it with the help of a ladder (niśrayaṇī); and, while doing so, calls upon his wife, ‘Wife, come; let us ascend to Heaven’. As soon as he ascends and touches the caṣāla, he utters, ‘We have reached Heavven, O gods’ (ib., 12). According to Sāyaṇa on the Taiit.Sam. I.7.9.1, the sacrificer stretches his hands upwards when he reaches the caṣāla and says, ‘We have reached the gods that stay in heaven’ (udgṛhītābhyām bāhubhyām). Even out of the context of the Vajapeya, when the yūpa is erected (say in the Paśubandha), it is addressed, ‘For the earth you, for the mid-region you, for heaven you (do we hoist you)’ (Taitt. Sam. I.3.6.1-3; cf. śat. Br. III.7.1.5-6). The chiselled portion of the yūpa is above the earth. So, from the earth to heaven, through the mid-region the yūpa represents the three-regions. The un-chiselled portion of the yūpa is fixed in the pit (avaṭa) and the avaṭa, which represents the subterranean regions, is the region of the ancestors (ib.4).The yūpa, thus, is the axis mundi…Then, it gave rise to various myths, one of them being that of the stūpa of Varuṇa, developing further into Aśvattha tree, which is nothing but a symbol of a tree standing with roots in the sun conceived as the horse (aśva-stha = aśvattha), a symbol obtaining at varius places in the Hindu tradition. It further developed into the myth of the churning staff of the mountain (Amṛta-manthana); and yet further, into the myth of Vasu Uparicara, whom Indra is said to have given his yaṣṭi (Mb.Adi. 6y3.12-19). This myth of the yaṣṭi was perpetuated in the ritual of the Indra-dhvaja in the secular practice (Brhatsamhita, Chapter XLII), while in the s’rauta practice the original concept of the axis mundi was transformed into the yūpa that reached all regions, including the under-earth. There is another important angle to the yūpa. As the axis mundi it stands erect to the east of the Uttaravedi and indicates the upward move to heaven. This position is unique. If one takes into account the position of the Gārhapatya and the āhavaniya fireplaces, it gets clear that the march is from the earth to heaven; because, the Gārhapatya is associated with this earth and it is the household fire (cf. gṛhā vai gārhapatyah, a very common saying in the ritual texts), and the seat of the sacrificer’s wife is just near it, along with the wives of the gods, conceptually. From this fire a portion is led to the east, in the quarter of the rising sun (which is in tune with such expressions as prāñcam yajñam pra nayatā sahāyah, RV X.101.2); where the Ahavaniya fireplace is structured. As the offerings for the gods are cast in the Ahavaniya, this fire is the very gate of heaven. And, here stands, the yūpa to its east taking a rise heavenwards. This is, by far, the upward rise. But, on the horizontal plane, the yūpa is posted half-inside, half-outside the altar. The reason is, that thereby it controls the sacred region and also the secular, i.e. both heaven and earth, a belief attested by the ritual texts. (Tait. Sam. VI.6.4.1; Mait. Sam. III.9.4).”(Dange, SA, 2002, Gleanings from Vedic to Puranic age, New Delhi, Aryan Books International, pp. 20-24).
The Sukta RV X.101 reads, explaining the entire yajña as a metaphor of golden-tinted soma poured into a wooden bowl, a smelting process yielding weapons of war and transport and implements of daily life (Translation of RV X.101):
10.101.01 Awake, friends, being all agreed; many in number, abiding in one dwelling, kindle Agni. I invoke you, Dadhikra, Agni, and the divine Us.as, who are associated with Indra, for our protection. [In one dwelling: lit., in one nest; in one hall].
10.101.02 Construct exhilarating (hymns), spread forth praises, construct the ship which is propelled by oars, prepare your weapons, make ready, lead forth, O friends, the herald, the adorable (Agni).
10.101.03 Harness the ploughs, fit on the yokes, now that the womb of earth is ready, sow the seed therein, and through our praise may there be abundant food; may (the grain) fall ripe towards the sickle. [Through our praise: sow the seed with praise, with a prayer of the Veda; s’rus.t.i = rice and other different kinds of food].
10.101.04 The wise (priests) harness the ploughs, they lay the yokes apart, firmly devoted through the desire of happiness. [Happiness: sumnaya_ = to give pleasure to the gods].
10.101.05 Set up the cattle-troughs, bind the straps to it; let us pour out (the water of) the well, which is full of water, fit to be poured out, and not easily exhausted.
10.101.06 I pour out (the water of) the well, whose cattle troughs are prepared, well fitted with straps, fit to be poured out, full of water, inexhaustible.
10.101.07 Satisfy the horses, accomplish the good work (of ploughing), equip a car laden with good fortune, pour out (the water of) the well, having wooden cattle-troughs having a stone rim, having a receptable like armour, fit for the drinking of men.
10.101.08 Construct the cow-stall, for that is the drinking place of your leaders (the gods), fabricate armour, manifold and ample; make cities of metal and impregnable; let not the ladle leak, make it strong.
10.101.09 I attract, O gods, for my protection, your adorable, divine mine, which is deserving of sacrifice and worship here; may it milk forth for us, like a large cow with milk, giving a thousand strreams, (having eaten) fodder and returned.
10.101.10 Pour out the golden-tinted Soma into the bowl of the wooden cup, fabricate it with the stone axes, gird it with ten bands, harness the beast of burden to the two poles (of the cart).
10.101.11 The beast of burden pressed with the two cart-poles, moves as if on the womb of sacrifice having two wives. Place the chariot in the wood, without digging store up the Soma.
10.101.12 Indra, you leaders, is the giver of happiness; excite the giver of happiness, stimulate him, sport with him for the acquisition of food, bring down here, O priests, Indra, the son of Nis.t.igri_, to drink the Soma. [Nis.t.igri_ = a name of Aditi: nis.t.im ditim svasapatni_m girati_ti nis.t.igri_raditih].
Thus, what has been discovered in Binjor is in Rigveda tradition of a yupa topped by caṣāla (godhuma, wheat chaff smoke) to carburize metal in furnace, fire-altar. The yupa is RV III.8.8 yajñasya ketu, the signature tune of the prayer, the signifier. Hieroglyph for caṣāla is the snout of varāha, the Veda Purusha. caṣāla and yupa are the vajra, which yield the adamantine glue, sanghgāta which is signified by the hieroglyphs: sangaDa, 'chain, lathe-portable furnace' in Indus Script tradition of data archiving. The Binjor seal with inscription is a data archive of metalwork by the artisans of Binjor (4MSR) who are engaged in a Cosmic process of creating wealth out of mere stone and rock mediated by fire and yaj, 'prayer'.

aṣṭāśri octagonal yupa found in Binjor 4MSR. Śivalinga found in Vizhinjam 1st cent. CE? 

The octagonal shape of Rudra bhāga of Vizhinjam Śivalinga compares with the aṣṭāśri octagonal yupa found in Binjor Yajna kunda (ca. 2500 BCE). 
After Plate 8 in Kumar et al opcit. Ajit Kumar* Rajesh S.V.* Abhayan G.S.*Vinod V.* and Sujana Stephen**, 2013, Indian Ocean Maritime Trade: Evidences fromVizhinjam, South Kerala, Indiain:  Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No. 9, 2013 | 195-201 and 31-33 (Plates).

A s'ivalinga is meḍhā -- with a unique octagonal/quadrangular shape as prescribed in Vedic texts -- rebus medha 'yajña'. Scores of s'ivalingas are found in India, Nepal, Laos, Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand with such s'ivalinga and ekamukha s'ivalinga of octagonal shape in rudra bhAga (middle). Images of such lingas of octagonal shape in rudra bhAga are presented for ready reference.
On some linga-s mukha 'face' is ligatured in the middle of the linga -- the rebus Meluhha reading is: mũh 'face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot' rebus: muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' PLUS meḍhā 'stake, yupa' rebus: medha 'yajña'.
चषालः caṣāla on Yupa, is an Indus Script hieroglyph like a crucible to carburize ores into steel/hard alloys (vajra), i.e. calcine metals.
From Binjor (4MSR) on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati, a yajña kuNDa with an अष्टाश्रि 'having eight corners' (Vedic) yupa (brick pillar) was discovered in April 2015 by a young team of students from Institute of Arcaheology, National Museum, New Delhi led by Dr. Sanjay Manjul.
The yupa is a conclusive evidence of Veda culture in the Binjor (4MSR) site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. This is specially described in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa & Rigveda.
The key expressions on the Mulavarman Yupa inscription (D.175) are in Samskritam and one fragment reads: yaṣṭvā bahusuvarṇakam; tasya yajñasya yūpo ‘yam. This means "from yaṣṭi to possess many gold pieces; this Yupa is a commemoration of that yajna."

A remarkable discovery is the octoganal brick which is a yaṣṭi.in a fire-altar of Bijnor site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. Thi yaṣṭi attests to the continuum of the Vedic tradition of fire-altars venerating the yaṣṭi as a baton, skambha of divine authority which transforms mere stone and earth into metal ingots, a manifestation of the cosmic dance enacted in the furnace/smelter of a smith.

Vajapeya is one of 7 samstha (profession) for processing/smelting soma (a mineral, NOT a herbal): सोमः [सू-मन् Uṇ.1.139]-संस्था a form of the Soma-sacrifice; (these are seven:- अग्निष्टोम, अत्यग्निष्टोम, उक्थ, षोढशी, अतिरात्र, आप्तोर्याम and वाजपेय). The Vajapeya performed in Binjor and Balibangan should have been related to the Soma-samstha: सोमः संस्था specified as वाजपेय with the shape of the yupa with eight- or four-angles.

सं-√ स्था a [p=1121,2]A1. -तिष्ठते ( Pa1n2. 1-3 , 22 ; ep. and mc. also P. -तिष्ठति ; Ved. inf. -स्थातोस् A1pS3r. ) , to stand together , hold together (pf. p. du. -तस्थान्/ए , said of heaven and earth) RV.  ; to build (a town) Hariv.  ; to heap , store up (goods) VarBr2S. 
occupation , business , profession W.

At the Vājapeya, the yūpa is eight-angled (as in Binjor), corresponding to the eight quarers (Sat.Br. V.2.1.5 aSTās'rir yūpo bhavatiअश्रि [p= 114,2] f. the sharp side of anything , corner , angle (of a room or house) , edge (of a sword) S3Br. Ka1tyS3r.often ifc. e.g. अष्टा*श्रि , त्रिर्-/अश्रि , च्/अतुर्-श्रि , शता*श्रि q.v. (cf. अश्र) ;([cf. Lat. acies , acer ; Lith. assmu3]).

The shape seen commonly in all the shapes of yupa of Isapur is that they are octagonal (eight angles). The shape matches with the drawing based on Vedic texts by Madeleine Biardeau (See slide image given below).

The vedic text which specifies the octagonal shape of the yupa is Satapatha Brahmana.

Sbr. V.2.1.9: While setting up the ladder, the yajñika says to his wife, 'Come, let us go up to Heaven'. She answers, 'Let us go up'. (Sbr V.2.1.9) and they begin to mount the ladder. At the top, while touching the head of the post, the yajñika says: 'We have reached Heaven' (Taittiriya Samhita, SBr. Etc.) 'I have attained to heaven, to the gods, I have become immortal' (Taittiriya samhita 1.7.9) 'In truth, the yajñika makes himself a ladder and a bridge to reach the celestial world' (Taittiriya Samhita VI.6.4.2)

Eggeling' translation of Sbr. Pt III, Vol. XLI, Oxford, 1894, p.31 says:
“The post is either wrapped up or bound up in 17 cloths for Prajapati is 17-fold.' The top of the Yupa carries a wheel called cas'Ala in a horizontal position. The indrakila too is adorned with a wheel-ike object made of white cloth, but it is placed in a vertical position.

The metalwork evidences reported from Binjor by Sanjay Manjul and his team of students from the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, attest to the wealth-producing activities at this industrial site of Binjor of the Bronze Age on the Sarasvati River Basin.

Considering that the Vedic River Sarasvati together with River Sindhu were navigable water-ways, the links and interactions with Mesopotamia and Ancient Near East can be explained as trade transactions by seafaring Meluhha merchants and artisans. The five seals which document the metalwork and trade transactions are as follows:


Comparison with Kalibangan discoveries

Kalibangan also shows an agnikunda with a quadrangular yupa base and a terracotta cake with Indus Script hieroglyphs. The Kalibangan terracotta cake hieroglyphs constitute a catalogue of metalwork. Together with the agnikunda excavated at the site, the evidence points to a vajapeya yajna performed at Kalibangan.

Note that  the Isapur post is square at the bottom, octagonal in the middle. Kalibangan yupa shown in the agnikuNDA is square in shape signifying the bottom portion of the yupa meant for Vajapeya Soma samsthA.
Kalibangan. Fire-altar with stele 'linga' and terracotta cakes. Plate XXA. "Within one of the rooms of amost each house was found the curious 'fire-altar', sometimes also in successive levels, indicating their recurrent function." (p.31)

Pl. XXII B. Terracotta cake with incised figures on obverse and reverse, Harappan. On one side is a human figure wearing a head-dress having two horns and a plant in the centre; on the other side is an animal-headed human figure with another animal figure, the latter being dragged by the former. 

Decipherment of hieroglyphs on the Kalibangan terracotta cake:

bhaa 'warrior' rebus: bhaa 'furnace'
kolmo'rice plant' rebus: kolimi'smithy, forge'
ko 'horn' rebus: ko 'workshop'
kola'tiger' rebus: kolle'blacksmith', kolhe'smelter'kol'working in iron'
The tiger is being pulled to be tied to a post, pillar.
Hieroglyph: Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post. (DEDR 1723) Rebus: (agni) kuṇḍa 'fire-altar, vedi'. kundaṇa'fine gold'
Hieriglyph: meṛh rope tying to post, pillar: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī,meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319) Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' (Slavic)
Note the Isapur yupa which show ropes in the middle and on the top to tie an animal as shown on the Kaibangan terracotta cake. In the case of the Kalibangan terracotta cake, the hieroglyph shows a kola, 'tiger' tied to the rope. The rebus reading is kol 'working in iron'. The work in iron is signified by the post, yupa: meḍ(h), 'post, stake' rebus: me 'iron', med 'copper' (Slavic). 

Thus, the terracotta cake inscription signifies a iron workshop smelter/furnace and smithy. 

Indus Script epigraphs/inscriptions of Binjor

Hundreds of oblong (popular qamong archaeologists as idli-shaped), triangular terracotta cakes have been found at 4MSR and the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Haryana, 340 km away. While the oblong cakes were used to retain heat in domestic hearths and chulas for keeping milk and water warm, the painted triangular cakes were embedded as decorative pieces on walls and floors of houses. Photo:ASI

 



Shahr-i Sokhta, terracotta cakes, Periods II and III, I, MAI 1026 (front and rear); 2. MAI 376 (front and rear); 3. MAI 9794 (3a, photograph of front and read; 3b, drawing -- After Fig. 12 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008)
Inventory of terracotta cakes Shahr-i Sokhta. After Salvatori and Vidale, 1997-79. Table 1 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008)
Number nd percentages of terracotta cakes found t Shahr-i Sokhta, total 31. (After Table 2 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008).

"Terracotta cakes. Variously called 'terracotta tablets', 'triangular plaques' or 'triangular terracotta cakes' these artifacts (fig. 12, tables 2 and 3), made of coarse chaff-tempered clay, are a very common find in several protohistoric sites of the Subcontinent from the late Regionalization Era (2800-2600 BCE) to the Localization Er (1900-1700 BCE). In this latter time0-span they frequently assume irregular round shapes, to finally retain the form of a lump of clay squeezed in the hand. Despite abudant and often unnecessary speculation, archaeological evidence demonstrates tht they were used in pyrotechnological activities, both in domestic and industrial contexts. The most likely hypothesis is tht these objets, in the common kitchen areas, were heated to boil water, and used as kiln setters in other contexts. Shahr-i Sokhta is the only site in the eastern Iranian plateau where such terracotta cakes, triangular or more rarely rectangular, are found in great quantity. Their use, perhaps by families or individuals having special ties with the Indus region, might have been part of simple domestic activities, but this conclusion is questioned by the fact that several terracotta cakes, at Shahr-i Sokhta, bear stamp seal impressions or other graphic signs (in more than 30% of the total cases). In many cases the actual impressions are poorly preserved, and require detailed study. Perhaps these objects used in some form of administrative practice. Although many specimens are fired or burnt, a small percentge of the 'cakes' found at Shahr-i Sokhta is unfired (table 2). On the other hand, their modification in the frame of one or more unknown semantic contexts is not unknown in the Indus valley. At Kalibangan (Haryana, India), for example, two terracotta cake fragments respectively bear a cluster of signs of the Indus writing system and a possible scene of animal sacrifice in front of a possible divinity. While a terracotta cake found at Chanhu-Daro (Sindh, Pakistan) bears a star-like design, anothr has three central depressions. The most important group of incised terracotta cakes comes from Lothal, where the record includes specimens with vertical strokes, central depressions, a V-shaped sign, a triangle, and a cross-like sign identical to those found at Shahr-i Sokhta. Tables 2 and 3 shows a complete inventory of these objects (most so far unpublished), their provenience and proposed dating, and finally summarize their frequencies across the Shahr-i Sokhta sequence. The data suggest that terracotta cakes are absent from Period I. This might be due to the very small amount of excavated deposits in the earliest settlement layers, but the almost total absence of terracotta cakes in layers dtable to phases 8-7, exposed in some extention both in the Eastern Residential Area and in the Centrl Quarter, is remarkable. The majority of the finds belong to Period II, phases 6 and 5 (mount together to about 60% of the cases). As the amount of sediments investigated for Period III in the settlement areas, for various reasons, is much less than what was done for Period II, the percentage of about 40% obtained for Period III (which, we believe, dates to the second hald of the 3rd millennium BCE) actually demonstrates that the use of terracotta cakes at Shahr-i Sokht continued to increase." (E. Cortesi, M. Tosi, A. Lazzari and M. Vidale, 2008, Cultural relationships beyond the Iranian plateau: the Helmand Civilization, Baluchistan and the Indus Valley in the 3rd millennium, pp. 17-18)

Indus terracotta nodules. Source: "Terra cotta nodules and cakes of different shapes are common at most Indus sites. These objects appear to have been used in many different ways depending on their shape and size. The flat triangular and circular shaped cakes may have been heated and used for baking small triangular or circular shaped flat bread. The round and irregular shaped nodules have been found in cooking hearths and at the mouth of pottery kilns where they served as heat baffles. Broken and crushed nodule fragments were used instead of gravel for making a level foundation underneath brick walls."Terracotta cake. Mohenjo-daro Excavation Number: VS3646. Location of find: 1, I, 37 (near NE corner of the room)."People have many different ideas about how these triangular blocks of clay were used. One idea is that they were placed inside kilns to keep in the heat while objects were fired. Another idea is that they were heated in a fire or oven, then placed in pots to boil liquids." Source: http://www.ancientindia.co.uk/indus/explore/nvs_tcake.html
These terracotta cakes are like Ancient Near East tokens used for accounting, as elaborated by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her pioneering researches.
The context in which an incised terracotta cake was found at Kalibangan is instructive. I suggest that terracotta cakes were tokens to count the ingots produced in a 'fire-altar' and crucibles, by metallurgists of Sarasvati civilization. This system of incising is found in scores of miniature incised tablets of Harappa, incised with Indus writing. Some of these tablets are shaped like bun ingots, some are triangular and some are shaped like fish. Each shape should have had some semantic significance, e.g., fish may have connoted ayo 'fish' as a glyph; read rebus: ayas 'metal (alloy)'. A horned person on the Kalibangan terracotta cake described herein might have connoted: kōṭu 'horn'; rebus: खोट khōṭa 'A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Hence 2 A lump or solid bit'; खोटसाळ khōṭasāḷa 'Alloyed--a metal'(Marathi) A stake associated with the fire-altar was ढांगर [ ḍhāṅgara ] n 'A stout stake or stick as a prop to a Vine or scandent shrub]' (Marathi); rebus:ḍhaṅgar 'smith' (Maithili. Hindi)
Harppa. Two sides of a fish-shaped, incised tablet with Indus writing. Hundreds of inscribed texts on tablets are repetitions; it is, therefore, unlikely that hundreds of such inscribed tablets just contained the same ‘names’ composed of just five ‘alphabets’ or ‘syllables’, even after the direction of writing is firmed up as from right to left.
Humped bulls, made of terracotta, found in the trenches at 4MSR. Photo:ASI
poḷa 'bos indicus, zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore'
kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 
'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'kundana 'fine gold'. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu.kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation' sangara 'trade'. bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of) gold, 'furnace workshop'. 
meḍ 'body' rebus: meḍ 'iron'; PLUS kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇika 'scribe, account' karṇi 'supercargo' PLUS bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. 
A terracotta seal with three Harappan signs showing two human figures on both sides of a jar with a double handle. It belongs to the Mature Harappan period. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) koDi 'flag' rebus: koD 'workshop'. Thus metal casting workshop. kanka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNaka 'scribe, account'.
dhāu 'strand(cross-section view) rebus: dhāū 'red stone minerals' PLUSkolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
Binjor seal.

Decipherment:

Field symbol: kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'kundana 'fine gold'. Ta. kuntaṉam interspace for setting gems in a jewel; fine gold (< Te.). Ka. kundaṇa setting a precious stone in fine gold; fine gold; kundana fine gold. Tu.kundaṇa pure gold. Te. kundanamu fine gold used in very thin foils in setting precious stones; setting precious stones with fine gold. (DEDR 1725) Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara'proclamation' sangara 'trade' Rebus: 

jangaḍ 'wealth in treasury' See:


Explanatory significance of a rebus rendering: 

 https://tinyurl.com/yaanmbpa

Text of inscription

Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) cognate ancu 'iron' (Tocharian) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal alloy (Rgveda) Vikalpa 1: khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner. (DEDR 1236) Vikalpa 2: badho ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: bahoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)


gaṇḍa 'four' Rebus: khaṇḍa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements. 
Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaṇḍa 'metallic iron alloy implements'.

koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

pōlaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel. See painted Nausharo pot with zebu + black drongo. (Note: It is possible that the octagonal brick pillar discovered in Binjor might have been used with a caṣāla on top to carburize iron to realize steel -- metallurgical transformation process of producing steel from magnetite ore, i.e., from 1. Hieroglyph: poḷa 'bos indicus, zebu' rebus: poḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore' to 2. Hieroglyph: pōlaḍu 'black drongo' rebus: polad 'steel.
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite. The hieroglyphs are: Squirrel, wild ass, goat.
 *śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723) Rebus: guild master khāra, 'squirrel', rebus: khār खार् 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1] Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ? (CDIAL 12723) Rebus: śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ] Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ,seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ.

khara Equus hemionus, 'Indian wild ass' Rebus: khā‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)
mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' mlecha ‘copper’
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite.
A seal-cum-pendant, made out of steatite, found in the "key trench" at 4MSR. One one side are engravings of figures of a dog, a mongoose and, perhaps, a goat. On the other are the figures of a frog and a deer. The pendant belongs to the Early Harappan period (3000-2600 BCE). The pendant, with a knob-like projection at the top, had a hole too for a cord to pass through so that it could be worn around the neck [Credit: V. Vedachalam]
Hieroglyph: Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot'. muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.'.
miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.). med ‘copper’ (Slavic)
Santali glosses.

Binjor. Potsherd with painted saffloweer. karaḍā 'safflower'.करडी [ karaḍī ] id. rebus: kaaraḍā 'hard alloy' (Marathi) Allograph: The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa  करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'
dāṭu 'cross' rebus: dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā 'to send out, pour out, cast (metal)' PLUS koḍa 'one' Rebus: ko 'workshop'. Thus, mineral (metal) casting workshop.

Geochronometria
September 2012, Volume 39, Issue 3, pp 221–226 | Cite as
Quartz OSL dating of sand dunes in Ghaggar Basin, northwestern India 
Yorinao Shitaoka, Hideaki Maemoku,Tsuneto Nagatomo

Abstract

Several studies have used luminescence dating to investigate sand mobilization activity in extreme western areas and the southern margin of the Thar Desert, India. However, room exists for a chronology of sand profiles for the northern margins of the Thar Desert. The Ghaggar River flood plain at Rajasthan, northwestern India, in the northern margin of the Thar Desert, is bordered by sand dunes. Elucidation of the environmental changes of the Ghaggar Basin requires knowledge of many aspects of sand dune formation.
We measured optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) using the single aliquot regenerative-dose (SAR) protocol for sand of eight palaeo-dunes and two flood silts of both sides ofOpti the present Ghaggar Basin and Chautang Basin flood plains. Their OSL ages were obtained respectively, as 15–10 ka or 5 ka, and 9–8 ka. Results of this study reinforce the hypothesis that sand dune deposition had started or had already been completed by 15‐10 ka. Aeolian deposition was subdued by enhanced moisture during 9–8 ka. Our interpretation is that, at least since 5 ka, the scale of the flood plain of the Ghaggar River has remained equivalent to that of the present day.







An oval furnace with a hub in the middle for keeping the crucible where artisans kept the copper ingots before fashioning them into artefacts. The furnace has holes for aeration and for inserting tuyeres to work up the flames. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
The star discovery of the year at 4MSR, the Archaeological Survey of India's site in Rajasthan, was this oval-shaped furnace lined with mud bricks. It was in furnaces such as these that the laborious process of making copper artefacts began. The furnace was used to smelt copper from the copper ore. It had a hole for inserting the tuyere for fanning the flame and holes on its sides for aeration. Beside the furnace is an anvil where the sheeted ore was hammered into ingots. Photo:T.S. Subramanian
Sanjay Kumar Manjul, ASI’s director of excavation, studying storage jars adjacent to furnaces build on brick platforms. Photo: V.V. Krishnan
In 4MSR, trench after trench threw up furnaces and hearths in different shapes, clearly indicating that it was a thriving industrial centre. The picture shows a long, oval-shaped furnace and a circular furnace built on a mud-brick platform. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
A circular hearth with charcoal pieces and ash. Harappans made beads out of steatite, agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and so on here. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
A yoni-shaped furnace found at 4MSR. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
This terracotta vessel with a pronounced knob at the centre has engaged the attention of archaeologists as a "unique find" and is probably used in rituals or ceremonies. Similar vessels have been depicted on Harappan seals and copper plates. Photo:ASI
The copper plate with the engraving of the knobbed ceremonial vessel similar to the one found in the 2017 round of excavations. Photo:VASANT SHINDE
At the ASI's 43GB site, Sanjay Kumar Manjul (right) and K. Rajan, professor of history, Pondicherry University. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
An inverted pot, probably of the Mature Harappan period, found in situ in a trench at 4MSR. Photo:V.V. KRISHNAN
A portion of the enclosure wall that has been excavated in different areas around the mound. The wall, made of mud bricks, is thought to run around the settlement, and this one is in the south-east corner. Photo:ASI
A painted vase that was probably baked in one of the many kilns at the 4MSR site, which also yielded baked pots, storage jars, perforated jars, beakers and so on. Photo:ASI
A painted terracotta pot. Photo:ASI
A view of the sunset from the mound at 4MSR surrounded by wheat fields. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

Harappan beakers for measuring liquids. Photo: V.V. KRISHNAN
Boards announcing the names of 4MSR village near Bijnor. 4MSR is, as the crow flies, 7 km from the border with Pakistan. After Partition, Rajasthan Irrigation Department officials gave names such as 4MSR, 43GB and 86GB to newly created settlements for refugees from across the border. Photo:T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
The ASI's Arvin Manjul (third from left), co-director of the excavation at 4MSR, 43GB and 68/2GB, and other archaeologists examine a human skeleton found in the trench at 68/2GB. Photo:ASI
On the mound at 43GB around 50 km from 4MSR. Unlike 4MSR, the mound is heavily built up with houses and other structures, making excavation a real challenge. People of the Mature Harappan period settled on a big sand dune at 43GB, which became a mound after they abandoned it. Photo: T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
The trial trench at 68/2GB near 4MSR. It yielded Early Harappan ceramics, beads made of semi-precious stones, terracotta bangles and pestles. Photo:ASI
Gold rings, pieces and foils found in the 2017 excavations testified to the fact that the 4MSR Harappans made gold products too. They sourced gold from present-day Karnataka. Photo:ASI
The seal with a perfectly carved figure of a unicorn-it has been scooped out with precision on a thin slate of white steatlite-belongs to the Mature Harappan period. The ceremonial vessel in front of the unicorn is a puzzle. The seal has one Harappan sign on top and other signs that seem to have been scraped off. It has a perfectly made knob with a hole on the reverse and is a good example of seals of the Mature Harappan period. Photo:ASI
Seven different seals were found at 4MSR in the 2017 round of excavations and they provided insights into the gradual development in the production of seals. The seal with triangular designs and a crudely made knob, with a hole through which to string a thread, belongs to the transitional phase between the Early Harappan and Mature Harappan phases. Photo:ASI
Seven different seals were found at 4MSR in the 2017 round of excavations and they provided insights into the gradual development in the production of seals. The triangular seal with three concentric circles and no motifs on the other side belongs to the Early Harappan phase (c.3000 BCE-2600 BCE). Photo:ASI
Arrowheads, spearheads, celts and fish hooks, all made of copper, were found in the trenches at 4MSR, affirming to the industrial nature of the site. Archaeologists found copper bangles, rings, beads, and so on. Photo:ASI
The shell of a tortoise in one of the trenches. Two such shells were found in different trenches along with charred bones, indicating that the Harappans consumed tortoise meat. Photo:ASI

The latest round of the Archaeological Survey of India’s excavations at 4MSR in Rajasthan gives valuable insights into how the Harappans made the transition from an agricultural society into an industrial one. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

A CIRCULAR flat-bottomed terracotta vessel with a pronounced knob at the centre is among the artefacts that are engaging the attention of archaeologists at 4MSR, a Harappan site about 10 kilometres from Anupgarh town in Rajasthan. They found not one but two such vessels, but in the second one the knob had broken off. “This is a unique find,” says Sanjay Kumar Manjul, director of the excavation for the 2017 field season, the third so far, at 4MSR. (No one seems to know what 4MSR stands for.) “It is probably a ritualistic vessel. Similar type of pot depictions have been found on seals from Harappan sites in India and Pakistan,” he added. The vessel has been depicted on Harappan seals, placed in front of a unicorn, and on copper plates along with a seated “yogi” with a horned headdress. Manjul, who is also Director of the Institute of Archaeology, the academic wing of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), New Delhi, and other scholars make intelligent guesses that it may be a ritual/ceremonial vessel, an incense burner, or a massive dish that is placed on a stand.
The bowl takes pride of place in the huge tent pitched on the dry bed of the Ghaggar river near 4MSR that houses all artefacts excavated at the site. Another exciting find was two tortoise shells amid charred bones of the tortoises. This suggested that tortoises formed an important part of the food of the Harappans who lived at 4MSR about 5,000 years ago.
Among the artefacts discovered were seals; fragments of gold foils and gold beads; miniature beakers probably used for measuring liquids; painted pottery; perforated jars; goblets and storage pots; beads made of steatite, agate, jasper, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and other semi-precious stones; earrings; fish hooks; spear-heads and arrowheads made of copper; bangles made of conch shells; and terracotta figurines. The trenches also yielded hundreds of terracotta cakes in shapes that ranged from oblong (popular among archaeologists as idli-shaped) to triangle and similar to a clenched fist (mushtika). They also yielded 10 pieces of weights made of banded chert stones.
But the most important discovery this year was a massive wall built of mud bricks stacked to a width of 8 metres, in the south-eastern corner of the excavation mound. The wall showed clear evidence of having been built during two successive phases of the Harappan civilisation, and it turns right at one point perhaps indicating that it could have run around the settlement, thus demolishing the assumption that 4MSR did not have a fortification or enclosure wall. In fact, the remains of the wall have been found on the western and northern sides of the mound.
K. Rajan, professor of history, Pondicherry University, who gave a series of lectures to students of the Institute of Archaeology at the site, confirmed that it was an enclosure wall, a feature found in many Harappan sites. The paleo-channels of the Ghaggar river were just 500 metres away from the site, to the north and the south. The wall could have been built to prevent flooding of the site. While fortification/enclosure walls at Harappan sites in Gujarat were made of stones, as one travelled towards Mohenjo-daro or Harappa (both in Pakistan now) they began to be made of burnt bricks. In Rajasthan, the walls, be they at 4MSR or Kalibangan, were built of mud bricks that were made with fine clay, which gave the bricks a fine texture, that is, they had been well levigated, as Disha Ahluwalia, a superviser at 4MSR, explained.
Besides the wall, the lower levels of this Harappan industrial complex showed evidence of streets having been there, belying the assumption that the settlement had no organised streets.
Industrial secrets
The trenches excavated in 2015, 2016 and 2017 revealed the industrial secrets of 4MSR, which lasted from circa 4000 BCE to circa 2000 BCE through what is called the Early Harappan (3000-2600 BCE) and the Mature Harappan (2600-2000 BCE) phases. Possibly the Late Harappan phase settlements may also be visible. At the time Frontline visited the mound in March, more than 15 trenches, each 10 metre x 10 metre, had been dug jointly by students of the Institute of Archaeology and archaeologists of the Excavation Branch-II of the ASI. Arvin Manjul, Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch-II was the co-director of the excavation.
The mound itself offered a spectacular sight, with trench upon trench bristling with furnaces, hearths and kilns that confirmed the industrial nature of the site. The furnaces, hearths and kilns were situated on mud-brick platforms at various levels and presented insights into the activity during the various periods. Close to the furnaces and hearths were big storage pots, twin pots and broken perforated jars. Beads lay scattered on a few furnace floors. In the kilns, there were terracotta beads and broken terracotta bangles. This year’s excavation threw up furnaces and hearths of different shapes: oval, circular, yoni-shaped and even a squarish one.
One of the trenches had a big, oval-shaped furnace lined with mud bricks. It had a short mud-brick wall, with the inner side of the bricks blackened from the searing heat of the furnace and the furnace floor rammed with mud. The furnace had a hole for blowing air into it with tuyeres to fan the flames. There was a central hub too for placing crucibles in which to smelt copper from the copper ore. “This furnace was for extracting copper from the copper ore. It was periodically plastered. That meant it was used for a long time,” Manjul said.
In a furnace in a nearby trench, copper ingots recovered from the copper ore in the previous furnace had been converted into workable pieces. This furnace had a passage for blowing air with bellows and charcoal pieces were found strewn on the furnace floor. An anvil was found nearby, which was obviously the place where the copper ingots were beaten into workable pieces. There was also a channel for bringing fresh water that the smiths used for strengthening the workable pieces.
In the third furnace, the Harappan artisans converted the copper ingots into tools and artefacts Manjul summed up the process: “The first furnace was probably for smelting copper from the ore. Here, high temperature was required. In the second, normal temperature was required because the smiths had already made copper. In the third, the artisans made a variety of copper artefacts such as bangles, beads, rings, fish hooks, arrowheads, spear heads, and so on.”
In one trench was a big, circular kiln, with potsherds lying on its floor. There were white patches on the floor, which had apparently resulted from the intense heat worked up in the kiln. Explaining the difference between a furnace and a kiln, Rajan said: “If you are working a metal like copper, it is called a furnace. If you are firing/baking ceramic products, it is called a kiln.” It is in these kilns that the Harappans fired a variety of pottery, including storage pots, big jars, perforated jars, goblets, beakers, dish-on-stands and terracotta figurines.
With such a variety of furnaces, hearths and kilns, it was not surprising that Manjul called 4MSR “an important industrial settlement” that is “at present the only example in the Harappan context which shows a major industrial activity”. The series of furnaces in trench after trench and at different levels indicated that multiple artisans had worked simultaneously and that the site had been occupied continuously and industrial activity was also continuous, he said. There were many sites of a similar nature in the vicinity. Manjul added: “The region was a major industrial hub. There is no doubt about it. These varieties of artefacts cannot be consumed here itself. This was one of the industrial centres that catered to urban settlements such as Kalibangan, Rakhigari and Ganweriwala.”
Indeed, the three seasons of excavation have provided a tremendous insight into how 4MSR evolved from an agricultural settlement into a major industrial centre that manufactured copper artefacts, beads from semi-precious stones and a wide variety of terracotta products and exported them to Harappan sites nearby and far away.
Manjul said: “In the lower levels [of trenches], there is evidence of agriculture because there are domestic hearths within residential complexes. In the transitional phase from Early Harappan to Mature Harappan, there are furnaces within house complexes. Later, during the Mature Harappan phase, there was a complete transformation into an industrial site. Thus, there was a gradual transformation from agriculture to industry.”
The third season of excavation at 4MSR had a clear objective: to understand the nature of the industrial activity that had been observed during the second field season in 2016. Manjul said: “In this season, we have some clear evidence of copper smelting, melting and craftsmen working on the metal. Along with that, we have excavated anvils, storage jars, dish-on-stand, etc. We have found copper slag, terracotta crucibles and terracotta moulds and finished copper artefacts such as fish-hooks, spearheads, arrowheads, beads, copper strings, copper rings and bangles. It was observed that the entire process of copper working, from smelting to making finished products, was done here. This site revealed manufacturing of artefacts from steatite. In the smaller hearths, along with steatite we noticed charcoal and ash.
“The industrial activity started during the transitional stage from the Early Harappan phase to the Mature Harappan stage. Full-fledged industrial activity took place during the Mature Harappan stage and the late Mature Harappan phase.” Shubha Majumdar, Deputy Superintending Archaeologist, ASI, said that at least four major structural phases were noticed during the Mature Harappan phase.
There were signs of agricultural activity in the lower levels of the trenches because the weather at that point of time was conducive to farming. When the weather changed for the worse, the region became semi-arid. “So people switched over from agriculture to industrial activity to sustain themselves,” Manjul said.
What facilitated the change to industrial activity in a big way was the availability of copper ore, possibly from the Khetri belt situated about 150 km away, in Rajasthan. Similarly, gypsum, which was used in the flooring of homes, was available in the nearby area, while steatite, which was used for making beads, was available in plenty within a 200 sq km area. On the other had, lapis lazuli, gold, shell and semi-precious stones were not available nearby, and artefacts made from them showed clear evidence of 4MSR’s linkage with distant shores and contemporary settlements, Manjul said.
The Harappans at 4MSR exploited a variety of stones available in the Aravalli hill range for making pestles, mortars and anvils. Chert stones were available in the Rohri hills in Pakistan. The artisans made both small and big chert blades. The chert blades were used for manifold purposes, including skinning of animals and making sickles. The Harappans also fashioned modular chert blades for making different tools, besides tools of copper, bones, antlers and stone. Stone-hammers were made with a wooden handle. In the early stages of development, the Harappans made tools by driving the stone inside the wood. In subsequent stages, they drove the wood inside metal for they had learnt the art of metal working.
The settlement pattern 10 to 20 km around 4MSR showed that there were separate Early Harappan sites, Mature Harappan sites and sites with the late phase of the Mature Harappan civilisation. “After that, in this same region, we had painted grey ware (PGW) settlements, and they continued up to post-Gupta period followed by the Rang Mahal culture. This is the complete cultural sequence of this area,” Manjul said.
Seals
Another important feature of the latest round of excavation is the discovery of seven seals, which confirmed that 4MSR belonged to the Early Harappan, then transitional and the Mature Harappan phases.The seal that belonged to the transitional phase has a geometric design on the one side and a little knob on the other side. Since it has a knob on the obverse side, it could have been used to stamp the geometric pattern on a piece of clay tied to a bag to signal that duty had been paid on the goods kept in the bag. Of the two seals that belong to the Mature Harappan phase, one had the engraving of a unicorn with a ceremonial vessel in front of it. There is a Harappan sign above the unicorn. There were more Harappan characters, but they had been scraped off. This seal showed superb workmanship because the artisan had not merely carved the unicorn on the tiny steatite slab but had unerringly scooped out the outline of the entire animal within the narrow confines of the seal.
This seal has a knob on the obverse with a hole in it for a string to pass through. Perhaps, the owner of the seal wore it around his neck. Another seal portrays a unicorn, but the seal’s top portion is broken off. It was found embedded in the mud and the impression of the unicorn can still be seen on the mud.
Animal treasures
What excited the archaeologists was the discovery of two tortoise shells amid charred remains of tortoises. Vijay Sathe, a professor in the Deccan College Post-graduate and Research Institute, Pune, who studied the tortoise shells, antlers and other animal remains, said: “This site has a good representation of skeletal evidence of animals. They include cattle, sheep, goat, antelope and similar small-sized mammalian fauna. The inhabitants of 4MSR used a good blend of wild and domesticated animals for food and farming. An interesting thing noticed here was the inhabitants’ preference for animals such as tortoise and fish. The presence of a couple of varieties of tortoises was noticed in the form of their carapace and their charred bones, which are potential indicators of the food habits of the inhabitants. That is, they roasted and consumed the tortoise. Besides tortoises, the remains of a variety of freshwater fish have been found in charred condition.”
If one were to look at the composition of both wild and domesticated animals that the Harappans of 4MSR ate, it appears that a variety of animals, especially small-sized animals, such as chinkara, antelope and barking deer, besides cattle, goat and sheep, did have their share in their food economy, Sathe said. The science of archaeo-zoology had important role in archaeology, he added. Once a detailed analysis was completed, it would be possible to talk about the animal population found around 4MSR, the contribution of the cattle to agricultural and other practices and the attitude of the Harappans towards these animals as a whole.

Published: June 7, 2017 12:30 IST | Updated: June 6, 2017 16:14 IST
Contrasting mounds
Published: June 7, 2017 12:30 IST | Updated: June 6, 2017 16:12 IST
A complete sequence

COMMENTS:

Being an Archaeologist particularly involved in the study of the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization, I am keen on knowing about the important discoveries in the excavations at Binjor.
from:  A. Sundara
Posted on: Jun 18, 2017 at 04:05 IST

Excerpts Shahr-i Sokhta and Tepe Yahya Tracks on the Earliest History of the Iranian Plateau

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Shahr-i Sokhta and Tepe Yahya: Tracks on the Earliest History of the Iranian Plateau

C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and Maurizio Tosi
East and West
Vol. 23, No. 1/2 (March-June 1973), pp. 21-57
Page Count: 115





















































Rama and Hanuman carvings in Silemania, Iraq

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Researchers Found 6000 Years old Lord Rama and Hanuman carvings in Silemania, Iraq

Oct. 6, 2017


One of the major triumphs of modern archaeology was the hair-raising discoveries of Sir Leonard Woolley at Ur. Amidst the ruins of Ur, he unearthed a Ram-chapel but totally missed its relevance in world history. This crucial finding not only bridges the wide gaps between Indian tradition and archaeology but also unfolds the historic bonds that once united ancient India, Iran and Sumer.
Ram-Sin of (Larsa) to whose memory this chapel was dedicated must have been Rama of Valmiki. The name Ararama of Larsa may be an echo of Rama. This Ram-Chapel of Ur is the earliest known memorial to the great Rama and may have been erected by Dilmun merchants who resided nearby. Dilmun was always mentioned in the Sumerian texts together with Magan and Melukkha and it is possible that these three states were somehow allied to each other.
AN ANCIENT RAM-CHAPEL IN SUMER
The reason behind Why the Liberal Indian sections of Media are keeping absolutely silent on this issue is that Many of them are funded either by Radical Sheikh Lobby of Saudi Arabia who wish to turn India into Middle East and also some Marxist/ communist Chinese investors who wish to destroy our nation’s identity and sense of National and Cultural Pride in order to rule us.
RAMA, BHARATA & LAKSHMANA IN SUMER : The Cambridge Ancient History[xvi][iii] which is usually not considered as a sourcebook for Indian history by writers like Romila Thapar contains priceless information relevant to Indian ancient history. In the highly authentic Sumerian king list appears such hallowed names as Bharat (Warad) Sin and Ram Sin.
As Sin was the Moon god Chandra Ram Sin can be seen to be same as Rama Chandra. Bharat Sin ruled for 12 years (1834-1822 BC), exactly as stated in the Dasaratha Jataka. The Jataka statement, “Years sixty times hundred, and ten thousand more, all told, / Reigned strong-armed Rama”, only means that Rama reigned for sixty years which agrees exactly with the data of Assyriologists.
Ram Sin was the longest reigning monarch of Mesopotamia who ruled for 60 years. The mention of the father in the inscriptions of both Warad Sin and Ram Sin is noteworthy and may point to a palace intrigue. Joan Oates is not aware of the Ramayana but writes with great insight (p. 61) that Warad sin was manoeuvred to the throne by his father. In Mesopotamia, a prince normally became king only after the death of his father. Lakshmana, mentioned the Bible as Lakhamar, ruled as a great king.
http://mailonnews.com/2017/10/06/researchers-found-6000-years-old-lord-rama-and-hanuman-carvings-in-silemania-iraq/

http://www.vina.cc/2015/09/28/6000-year-old-lord-rama-and-hanuman-carvings-in-silemania-iraq/

RAMA, THE GREAT KING OF SUMER, ELAM AND INDUS

 By Ranajit Pal

“Rama, Lakshmana and Sita are truer to Indians than even their own family members. ... If we can cherish and nurture the ideals of brotherly love, truthfulness, chastity and loyalty described in the Epic, then our homes and work-places would remain freshened by zephyrs from the great sea”.
                    Rabindranath Tagore

"The caprice of discovery plays a large part in writing the history of a man's early past" wrote Margaret S. Drower in the Cambridge Ancient History and this is more than true in the case of Rama whose true history remains largely unknown. The recent Sethusamudram fiasco [i] is a stark reminder that dust is yet to settle over the so-called Rama Janmabhumi at Ayodhya [ii]. It is a sad irony of fate that this mordant dispute involves Rama, the greatest hero of Indian myth. No God uniquely symbolizes the spirit of Hinduism but the deified Rama comes closest to a single visible embodiment of the Indian ethos. Rama’s self-sacrifice, piety, righteousness, and valour has enthralled Indians for ages. The fact that some of the greatest Indians like Mahatma Gandhi,[iii] Swami Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tagore [iv] were inspired by Rama shows how deeply ingrained he is in Indian culture. Hinduism generally denies the sanctification of rigid written codes, yet the Bhagavad-Gita and the Ramayana are the closest equivalents of Hindu scriptures [v]. In Buddhist doctrine, ignorance is at the root of all evil. While the claim of the Hindus is archaeologically absurd, the Muslims have also forgotten that Rama was once their much-adored hero.
‘Build Rama in your heart’, enjoin Rama’s ardent devotees, totally unaware that Rama belongs to the world and cannot be circumscribed within any single country or sectarian creed. The Ramayana once influenced a greater part of humanity than any other Epic. It was also popular in Iran, Central Asia, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, China, Japan and even the Philippines [vi]. The learned British Sanskritist, J. L. Brockington terms the Ramayana a classic of world literature. An Epic is no history yet its impact on posterity is often moulded by its historical nuance. The worldwide appeal of the Ramayana implies that Rama must have been a great historical figure.

The Colonial Assault On History

Myths and miracles are integral parts of all great religious literature but clearly without a historical kernel the Ramayana would never have become a world classic. At the root of the problems with Rama Janmabhumi lies glaring historical ignorance. Writers of the London school like R. Thapar and R. L. Basham overlook that Rama’s India was a far wider territory than British India. Urbanism in Gangetic India or South India did not begin much earlier than the Mauryan age which makes it absurd to seek the historical Rama in these regions. The great antiquity of Rama can be sensed from the fact that even in the age of the Vishnu Purana his figure had receded to the distant horizon [vii]and he was likened to a God. The historicity of Rama was stressed by elder scholars like R. S. Tripathi and R. C. Majumdar but is denied by writers of the London (SOAS) school [viii]. This highly distorted view in effect denigrates Rama and has had a very damaging effect on Indian society [ix]After the discovery of the Indus cities it was hoped that archaeology would unearth figures like Rama and Arjuna [x] but this was made impossible by Jones’ false [xi] discovery which in stroke shifted the centre of early India far to the east. This shallow standpoint has deluded many unwary scholars [xii] and relegated not only Rama but many other famous Indian figures like Manu, the Nandas, Chandragupta etc. to the backyard of history. Central to Basham's thesis is an ignorance of not only Mesopotamian history but regrettably also that of neighbouring Iran. Jones had a great respect for India’s heritage and culture and his error was inadvertent but there were others in the government who had sinister motives. T. A. Phelps has highlighted the attempt of the colonial administration to fraudulently justify Jones’ decrepit theory [xiii] by moving artifacts and re-inscribing.
Rama, A Hero Of The Medians And Iranians
As the Ramayana shows, there cannot be any doubt about Rama's presence in Haryana, Punjab, Sindh and Afghanistan but due to the difficulty of deciphering Indus writing Rama’s presence in the Indus area remains unknown. However, that Rama was far from a mere ‘tribal hero’ as described by Basham and Thapar can be seen from many ancient documents. The famous Orientalist I. M. Diakonoff gave the significant clue that names of ancient Medians often included the affix Rama, [xiv] in preference to common deities like Mitra, Ahura Mazda etc.. T. Cuyler Young, an eminent Iranologist who has written on the history and archaeology of early Iran in the Cambridge Ancient History and the encyclopedia Britannica, writes [xv] that one can look for early Hindu and Sanskrit connection outside of the sub-continent. `Ram' was a sacred name in pre-Islamic Iran; Arya Ram-anna was an early ancestor of Darius-I whose gold tablet is an early document in Old Persian; Ram is an important name in the Zoroastrian calendar; the Ram Yast is devoted to Rama and Vayu, possibly an echo of Hanuman; many Rama-names occur in Persepolis tablets. Ram Bazrang is the name of a Kurdish tribe of Fars. Frye lists [xvi] many Sasanian cities with Ram-names: Ram Ardashir, Ram Hormuzd, Ram Peroz, Rema and Rumagam. Ram-Sahristan was the famed capital of the Surens. Ram-alla is a town on the Euphrates and also in Palestine.

Rama and Bharata in the Highly Authentic Sumerian King-List

Fortunately, a study of Sumerian history provides a fairly vivid flesh-and-blood picture of Rama. The highly authentic Sumerian King-list appear such hallowed names as Bharat (Warad) Sin and Rim Sin. Sin was the Moon god Chandra and as the cuneiform symbol for ‘Rim’ can also be read as ‘Ram’, Rim Sin is the same as Rama Chandra. In the Sumerian texts Ram-Sin is said to be from Elam which links him to Indo-Iran. Rama was the longest reigning monarch of Mesopotamia who ruled for 60 years. Bharat Sin ruled for 12 years (1834-1822 BC), exactly as stated in the Dasaratha Jataka. The Jataka statement, "Years sixty times hundred, and ten thousand more, all told, / Reigned strong-armed Rama", only means that Rama reigned for sixty years which agrees exactly with the data of Assyriologists. Ayodhya may be Agade the capital of Sargon which has not yet been identified. It is possible that Agade was near Der or the Heart near Harayu or Sarayu. Learned scholars like D. P. Mishra were aware that Rama could be from the Herat area. The noted linguist Sukumar Sen also noted that Rama is a sacred name in the Avesta where he is mentioned together with Vayu. Rama is called Rama Margaveya in some texts from which Dr. Sen concluded that he hailed from Margiana. The Cambridge Ancient History contains priceless information relevant to Indian ancient history. The Sumerian records furnish the first date of the Indus era - the war with Ravana took place in 1794 BC. The significance of the fact Ram-Sin's reign (60 years) was the longest in Sumerian history has been lost on most writers. There are two Ram-Sins in Sumerian history.
Raghupati Rama in the Old Testament of the Bible
Although, according to historians like R. Thapar, the Bible is irrelevant in Indian history, a careful study of it provides invaluable information about Raghupati Rama (Laghumal) that help in unraveling the 'dark backward and abysm of time'. A Genesis story in the Old Testament runs as follows:
 "At that time  Amraphel king of Shinar, Arioch king of Ellasar, Kedorlaomer king of Elam, and Tidal, king of Goyim went to war against Bera king of Sodom, Birsha king of Gomorrah, Shinab king of Admah, Shemeber king of Zeboiim, and the king of Bela (that is, Zoar). "
Amraphel is interpreted by most scholars as a contraction of Hammurabi-ilu but the names of Arioch king of Larsa and Kedorlaomer king of Elam need careful study. The name seems to correspond to Kudur-lahgumal  which occurs in three late Babylonian legends, one of which is in poetical form. Besides Kudur-lahgumal, two of these tablets also mention Eri-Aku, son of Durmah-ilani, and one of them refers to Tudhul(a) or Tidal which prove the veracity of the Biblical tradition. The name Durmah is an echo of Dharma and cannot but be related to Indian history. 
Durmah-ilani Of The Babylonian Texts Was Dasaratha, Father of Rama
Kudur Mabuk is frequently described in the literature as a tribal Shaikh which is sadly inappropriate. The term Shaikh should more appropriately be replaced by Saka which links him to the Indo-Iranians or Indo-Aryans. This is related to the fact that Gotama Buddha was called a Shakya. This must be the reason why the Buddhists considered Rama as their hero although scholars like Sir Harold Bailey have ascribed this to pure opportunism. The term Mabuk also appears to be related to the epithet Mahabhaga. It may be mentioned that Gotama was called a Bhagava which corresponds to the Babylonian title of Bagapa. This sheds light on the significance of the name Durmah-ilani. The name Tusratta of some later Mitannian kings appears to be an echo of Dasaratha. Margaret S. Drower translates Tusratta's name 'owner of terrible chariots' but it may in fact be 'Owner of Ten Chariots' or 'Ten-fold Chariots', echoing Dasratha's name. Dasaratha may have led a confederacy of ten kings. The name has echoes in the later names like Aryaratha. 
 Sita, a Highly Respected Figure of the RigVeda
The RigVeda [xvii] refers to an Asura (powerful king) named Rama but makes no mention of Kosala. In fact the name Kosala was probably Khas-la and may correspond to Mar-Khase (Bar-Kahse) of the Sumerian records. The RigVeda also refers to Sita (IV,57.6) with singular respect; `Auspicious Sita, come thou near, we venerate and worship thee'.Warad-Sin’s sister was consecrated as the high-priestess of the moon-god at Ur under the Sumerian name Enanedu [xviii]. The first known chief priestess of Ur was Hedu-anna, sister of Rimush [xix]. There survives a number of hymns composed by her in fluent Sumerian which makes her the first literary figure of history. Her enormous prestige in Mesopotamia can be gauged from the fact that 1500 years later King Nabonindus recorded how he had searched for and recovered her memorial. This lamentation speaks of her exile (from Ur) and exile is an important theme of Valmiki though not of the Jataka, which suggests accretion. Did the first poetess of history inspire the first poet of India?
Unidentified Rock-Cut Relief Near Sutala - Rama and Sita?
"The rock carvings of Iran, in spite of a century of study, are still inadequately published.", wrote N. C. Debevoise in 1942. The fact is that even after 150 years of study these are still being interpreted from a very primitive perspective that ignores that the Indian and Iranian traditions are inextricably linked. This was known to great scholars like Sir Aurel Stein and Sir Charles Eliot but modern scholars have generally overlooked it.
One of the best preserved ancient reliefs is one near the ancient site of Kurangun on a high cliff which can be seen from afar. In the main scene, which is enclosed in a rectangular frame, a god sits on a throne formed by the coils of a serpent which he holds by the neck. He also holds a vessel from which two streams of water flow. One stream forms a canopy over the god and a goddess behind him and is probably caught
                       
Picture courtesy Prof. Mark Garrison
in a vessel held by an attendant. The other stream flows toward the long-robed slender worshippers approaching the deities. A large number of squat pig-tailed figures in short kilts are carved on the rock as if descending toward the principal scene. There is a considerable difference in style between these figures and those of the main scene, which has been explained by assuming that this scene was re-cut at a later time than the procession of worshippers. [xx] 
The throne formed by the coils of a serpent is reminiscent of Hanuman seated on his coiled tail which is a common theme in later Indian art. The large number of squat pig-tailed figures may be a representation of the Vanaras (Amorites). 
It has to be remembered that during Elamite rule Kurangun was a dual capital with Susa, That Ram-Sin was an Elamite is known from the Sumerian records but where in Elam was his capital? His father came from Der which resembles the name of Mohenjodaro (probably Maha-Anga-Dvara). Did Elam of the Sumerians include the lands further East ?  Although the standard texts on Iran do not mention it, the most sacred figure of ancient Iran was Rama. Writers like R. N. Frye have missed that an early ancestor of Darius-I was Arya Ram-anna whose name bears a clear echo of  `Ram' and that the name of the first Sasanian king Ram Behist is also a remembrance of Rama. Ram-Sahristan (Suryasthana?) was the famous capital of the Surens of Seistan and many Sasanian city-names echo Rama. 
The answer to many questions is provided by the name of Sih-talu or Sutala near Kurangun. Sutala was the capital of Bali, an enemy of Rama, but after his death it must have been taken over by kings who were loyal to Ram-Sin. That Bali was a king of Iran has been forgotten. In Sumerian myth, Balih, son of Etana ruled Kish for 400 years. In the Ramayana also Kishkindhya (Kish-Khanda?) was the capital of Sugreeva, brother of Bali.  
Ilu-Ma-Ilu, the Hanuman of the Epic, was a Marut or Amorite
As the cuneiform symbol for 'ilu' can also be read as 'an', the name Ilu-ma-ilu who was an adversary of the Hammurabi dynasty can also be read as Hanuman. Jona Oates also writes the name as Iliman which supports this. Hanuman leader of the Vanaras, is called Maruti which may link him to the Martus or Maruts of the Sumerian texts. The Martus were the Amorites of modern writers. The best known Amorite was Hammurabi who must have been a distant kin of Iliman or Hanuman. The original character of the Maruts, the chief among the Vedic Indra's personal attendants is vague and shadowy in early Vedic literature. The Maruts were associated with the vedic god Rudra and were said to be the messengers of death, their name being derived from the root √mar, to die. The Maruts were said to be storm-gods. 
Ravana Was The Great Law-Maker Hammuravi, son of Mubalit 
If Ram-Sin is identified as Rama his greatest Amorite enemy Hammurabi must be Ravana or Ravi-anna. This presents some difficulties although Valmiki's version of the the abduction of Sita probably has more to do with poetic imagination than history. However, that she was the chief priestess of the moon-temple at Ur may have been at the root of some events of the politically turbulent era. There is a possibility that at some stage Ur was captured by Hammurabi. The chief-priestess of Ur was inviolable under Sumerian law and the fact that Ravana did not dishonour Sita may show his regard for law. The Battle between Khammu-ravi and Ram-Sin who led a group of Ten-Kings was one of the most famous events of Sumerian history. Whether the name Sin-Mubalit of Hammu-rabi's father links him with Mahabali, a name of Bali, is uncertain but this may even be true. The Ramayana describes Ravana's clashes with Bali which are clearly poetic in nature. Even here the fact that Bali carries Ravana in his lap may reveal his true relationship. Much has been written about Khammuravi that is undoubtedly true but in a sense Ram-Sin’s contribution has been underplayed. The great Assyriologist C. J. Gadd, however, termed Ram-Sin’s reign as the golden age of Sumer.  

Bandar-e Lengeh In The Persian Gulf

The fact that Khammu-ravi’s palace has not been found in Babylon may be due to the presence of an older city named  Babil in Eastern Iran. Although this is denied by the presently available archaeological evidence is likely that future excavations would unearth Hammu-rabi's link with the Seistan area. Learned archaeologists like H. D. Sankalia of the Deccan College, Pune, were not aware of Jones’ blunder but wrote in clear terms that modern Sri Lanka cannot be the Lanka of Valmiki. Reference may be made here to Bandar-e Lengeh in the Laristan area of the Persian gulf. According to E. A. Speiser, many Sumerian city-names were echoes of the names of earlier cities in Elam. Thus Larsa may be an echo of Lar in the Gulf area. Lar was once the name of Gujrat. There may also have been an earlier Kish near Sih-talu.  It may be Lanka of the Ramayana was near Bandar-e Lengeh. There is a small island near Lengeh which may also be significant.  Some other names like Hetumant in the Helmand area remind one of Setuband. Dandanakan near Merv was on the Silk route and resembles Dandakavana.
Rama in the Indus Seals?
Some German scholars dated Valmiki in twelfth century BC and there is no reason for not searching for him in the ruins of the Indus cities. Once the Jonesian stumbling blocks are removed it may be possible to read Rama’s history in the Indus seals. Although it is not easy to pinpoint relics of Rama and Arjuna it is just possible that the symbol of the bowman in the Indus seals stands for Rama.
The Arrival of the Indo-Iranians in Sumer
That Rama was an Indo-Aryan or an Indo-Iranian but Hammu-ravi was not so appears to be fairly certain and this adds an extra dimension to the clashes between them. Furthermore the presence of Indo-Aryans in Sumer in the early second millennium BC disproves some of the old assumptions about the arrival of the Indo-Iranians in the middle east. 

[i] The Archaeological Survey of India's affidavit in the Supreme Court stating that the so-called Rama-Bridge is in no way related to Rama may have been politically motivated but there is nothing to disprove it scientifically. Even  Konraad Elst, a staunch proponent of ‘Hindutva’, agrees that the so-called Rama-Setu is not a man-made construct.
[ii] In a sense, historicity of Rama, or the Ram-temple, concerns only a small minority of truth-seekers. It is distressing to realize that even for some educated Indians the crux of the matter is not the historical truth but what most people believe to be true. See Tharoor, S., ‘India’, Penguin, 1997, p. 58.
[iii] Even when struck by an assassin’s bullet Gandhi’s last words are said to have been  ‘Hey Ram’.
[iv] Tagore warned about the ill effects of false history at a very early stage.
[v] Rama is a greatly respected, if not properly understood figure of the sub-continent. Even the MQM chief of Pakistan has recently expressed his veneration for Rama. 
[vi] In the third millennium BC, the Gilgamesh Epic swayed the whole of the civilized world from the Indus valley to Egypt.
[vii] "I have given this history. The existence of these kings will in future become a matter of doubt and speculation. Emperors become mere legends in the current of time - the Emperors who thought and think that `India is mine'." Vishnu Purana (iv,Ch.24 vv.64-77).
[viii] Jacobi and Winternitz considered the Epics to be allegories. A. L. Basham of SOAS London held that the main story must have existed in a form similar to Valmiki's tale around the beginning of the Christian era. According to him Rama was considered as an incarnation of Vishnu but was still a minor figure in the Gupta age (4th to 6th cent. AD). From this he concluded that Rama and his father were minor chieftainswhose exploits were `chance remembered'. Basham’s thesis has been faithfully repeated by R. Thapar of SOAS who has a large following among gullible politicians and media barons.
[ix] The recent spate of journalistic writing betrays a pathetic ignorance of the fundamental points of history and archaeology. To use a vulgar usage, Rama has become a “political football’ kicked by ignorant political leaders.
[x] Even after rejecting Jones it is not easy to pinpoint relics of Rama and Arjuna. See ante
[xi] The eminent scholar Prof. N.G. L. Hammond admits that ‘Patna is too far east’. Personal communication.
[xii] Even such a keen observer of the Indian scene as Amartya Sen sees Rama mainly through tinted Jonesian glasses.
[xiv] Diakonoff, Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 2, p. 140.
[xv] “Your piece in the Sunday Statesman on Ram is most interesting. Unfortunately, I do not have either Sanskrit or Sumerian, so I am not able to follow your argument in any detail. Nevertheless, it seems to me quite reasonable to look for early Hindu and Sanskrit connection outside of the sub-continent. After all, we know that the early speakers of Sanskrit were not native to India, and so it is logical to consider early connections with Western Asia. Congratulations on a most stimulating article.” Personal communication to Dr. Ranajit Pal, dated January 14, 1992.  
[xvi] Frye, R. N., `The Heritage of Persia', London, p. 291.
[xvii] This to Duḥśīma Pṛthavāna have I sung, to Vena, Rama, to the nobles, and the King. They yoked five hundred, and their love of us was famed upon their way.
[xviii] Joan Oates, 'Babylon', p. 62
[xix] Gadd, C.J., `Cambridge Ancient History', vol. 1, pt.2, p. 435.
[xx]  Edith Porada writes, “There is a considerable difference in style between these figures and those of the
main scene, which has been explained by assuming that this scene was re-cut at a later time than the procession
of worshippers. It is not possible to be definite about this, however, or to fix the date of the main scene with any
certainty. One can merely say that a god with a flowing vase first occurs in the Akkad period (c. 2370-2230 BCE)
but that the motif of the flowing vase survived in varied and extended form in the Middle Elamite period, as shown
by the examples on the stele of Untashgal. It is not impossible therefore 
that the relief of Kurangun was made in the middle or even in the latter half of the second millennium BCE.”                                                                                  
http://www.ranajitpal.com/rama.html
Mirror: https://kalyan97.wordpress.com/2007/10/08/988/
598jgf18


Hindu tradition of Yezdiz preserved in Today's Iraq.
http://creative.sulekha.com/rock-carvings-of-raam-hanuman-in-iraq-hindu-traditions-of-yezidis-in-iraq_625568_blog


The King List.jpg
King List,Sumeria 
https://ramanan50.wordpress.com/2014/12/08/lord-rama-was-a-king-of-sumeria-king-list/



Meluhha artifacts in Ancient Near East, Indus Script hypertext evidence from Gonur Depe, Tell Abraq, Mohenjo-daro

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https://tinyurl.com/ycfaahgv


Indus Script hypertext evidence from Gonur Tepe, Tell Abraq, Mohenjo-daro include the following; both relate to documented accounting ledgers of Tin-Bronze Age metalwork:

 

1.Hieroglyph of tabernae montana on an ivory comb, on a bronze axe

2.Hieroglyph of dotted circles on ivory combs and on ivory artifacts


It is clear from the evidence that there was diffusion of metallurgical technologies between Meluhha artisans and Ancient Near East artisans.

 

The hypertexts signify: 

tabar = a broad axe (Punjabi). Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ tagara ‘tabernae montana’, ‘tulip’. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’.

 

 

m1654 Ivory cube with dotted circles Dotted circle hieroglyphs on each side of the cube (one dotted circle surrounded by 7 dotted circles): dhātu 'layer, strand'; dhāv 'strand, string' Rebus: dhāu, dhātu 'ore'.(smelter). 

dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters'. 

See: 


Dotted circles, tulips and tin-bronze revolution of 4th millennium BCE documented in Harappa Script 

http://tinyurl.com/z3x7zev


In the course of my studies on hieroglyphs of ancient Near East 3rd and 2nd millennium BCE, and the Tin Road of the Bronze Age, I have come across the use of a flower used for perfume oil:tabernae montana as a hieroglyph. I find that this hieroglyph is deployed on hair combs and also on a metal, shaft-hole axe. 

In interaction areas, tabernae montana glyph appears: 1. on an ivory comb discovered at Oman Peninsula site of Tell Abraq, 2. on a Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex stone flask and, 3. on a copper alloy shaft-hole axe-head of (unverified provenance) attributed to Southeastern Iran, ca. late 3rd or early 2nd millennium BCE 6.5 in. long, 1980.307 Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

The ivory comb found at Tell Abraq measures 11 X 8.2 X .4 cm. Both sides of the comb bear identical, incised decoration in the form of two long-stemmed flowers with crenate or dentate leaves, flanking three dotted circles arranged in a triangular pattern. The occurrence of wild tulip glyph on the  ivory comb can be explained.

The spoken word tagaraka connoted a hair fragrance from the flower tagaraka  These flowers are identified as tulips, perhaps Mountain tulip or Boeotian tulip (both of which grow in Afghanistan) which have an undulate leaf. There is a possibility that the comb is an import from Bactria, perhaps transmitted through Meluhha to the Oman Peninsula site of Tell Abraq.

At Mundigak, in Afghanistan, only one out of a total of five shaft-hole axes analysed contained as much as 5% Sn. Such shaft-hole implements have also been found at Shah Tepe, Tureng Tepe, and Tepe Hissar in level IIIc (2000-1500 BCE).

Tell Abraq axe with epigraph (‘tulip’ glyph + a person raising his arm above his shoulder and wielding a tool + dotted circles on body) [After Fig. 7 Holly Pittman, 1984, Art of the Bronze Age: Southeastern Iran, Western Central Asia, and the Indus Valley, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 29-30]. 
tabar = a broad axe (Punjabi). Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ tagara ‘tabernae montana’, ‘tulip’. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’. Glyph: eaka ‘upraised arm’ (Tamil); rebus: eraka = copper (Kannada) 
A rebus reading of the hieroglyph is: tagarakatabernae montanaRebus: tagara ‘tin’ (Kannada); tamara id. (Skt.) Allograph: agara ‘ram’.  Since tagaraka is used as an aromatic unguent for the hair, fragrance, the glyph gets depicted on a stone flask, an ivory comb and axe of Tell Abraq.
 
The glyph is tabernae montana, ‘mountain tulip’. A soft-stone flask, 6 cm. tall, from Bactria (northern Afghanistan) showing a winged female deity (?) flanked by two flowers similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq.(After Pottier, M.H., 1984, Materiel funeraire e la Bactriane meridionale de l'Age du Bronze, Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations: plate 20.150) Two flowers are similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq. Ivory comb with Mountain Tulip motif and dotted circles. TA 1649 Tell Abraq. [D.T. Potts, South and Central Asian elements at Tell Abraq (Emirate of Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emirates), c. 2200 BC—AD 400, in Asko Parpola and Petteri Koskikallio, South Asian Archaeology 1993: , pp. 615-666] Tell Abraq comb and axe with epigraph After Fig. 7 Holly Pittman, 1984, Art of the Bronze Age: Southeastern Iran, Western Central Asia, and the Indus Valley, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 29-30].

"A fine copper axe-adze from Harappa, and similar bronze examples from Chanhu-daro and, in Baluchistan, at Shahi-tump, are rare imports of the superior shaft-hole implements developed initially in Mesopotamia before 3000 BC. In northern Iran examples have been found at Shah Tepe, Tureng Tepe, and Tepe Hissar in level IIIc (2000-1500 BC)...Tin was more commonly used in eastern Iran, an area only now emerging from obscurity through the excavation of key sites such as Tepe Yahya and Shahdad. In level IVb (ca. 3000 BCE)at Tepe yahya was found a dagger of 3% tin bronze. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C. and M., 1971, An early city in Iran, Scientific American, 1971, 224, No. 6, 102-11; Muhly, 1973, Appendix 11, 347); perhaps the result of using a tin-rich copper ore." (Penhallurick, R.D., 1986, Tin in Antiquity, London, Institute of Metals, pp. 18-32) 

Diffusion of Metallurgy: Meluhha and western Afghanistan sources of tin

"...In the later 4th and early 3rd millennia, greater tin values occur--5.3% in a pin from Susa B; and 5% in an axe from Mundigak III in Afghanistan; but these are still exceptional in a period characterized by the use of arsenical copper ...arond 270 BC, during Early Dynastic III in Mesopotamia...eight metal artifacts of forty-eight in the celebrated 'vase a la cachette' of Susa D are bronzes; four of them -- three vases and one axe -- have over 7% tin. The analyses of objects from the Royal Cemetery at UR present an even clearer picture: of twenty-four artifacts in the Iraq Museum subjected to analysis, eight containing significant quantities of tin and five with over 8% tin can be considered true bronzes in the traditional sense.a contemporary shaft-hole axe from Kish contains 4% tin, and significant amounts were detected in a few artifacts from Tepe Giyan and Tepe Yahya IVB in Iran, and Hili in Oman. Thus, we see an increasing pattern of tin usage......Gudea of Lagash (2150-2111BCE)speaks of the tin of Meluhha...the geographer Strabo (XV.2.10) who, in referring to the inhabitants of Drangiana (modern Sistan), says that they have 'only scanty supplies of wine, but they have tin in their country'...this passage..does accord well with the discoveris in the area of Herat...There are two possible routes from Afghanistan to Mesopotamia. One crosses the northern part of the Iranian plateau, along the Elburz mountains, then through the passes in the Zagros descends to Babylonia and Assyria. In the 1st millennium it was one of the principal supply routes of eastern goods to Assyria. In the 2nd millennium the tin that Assur exported to Anatolia might have followed this route. Along it are found such sites as Tepe Sialk (where the use of tin is attested in the 4th millennium), Tepe Giyan and Tepe Hissar, wehre other finds (such as lapis lazuli at Hissar) implicate them in long-distance commerce in the 3rd millennium...Recently Oman has yielded the first signs of the use of tin in the region. The analysis of a sword from Hili, dated to the mid-3rd millennium, shows a tin content of 6.5%, and a mold of a tap hole (?) associated with the remains of a furnace held metal with a tin content of 5%...At Umm an-Nar artifacts with tin contents on the order of 2% were recovered; the tin must have been mixed with the local copper...Meluhha...the use of tin is attested already in the late 4th or early 3rd millennium at Mundigak III in southern Afghanistan. Tin appears only in small quantities in artifacts from Sahr-i-Sokhta in eastern Iran and at Tepe Yahya in southern Iran...In the Indus Valley, the copper-tin alloy is known at Mohenjodaro...The discoveries of tin in artifacts at Hili, though singular, are important because the site lies in an area clearly involved in long-distance trade. However, there is no clear evidence that the site was a way-station on the route which brought tin from Afghanistan to Mesopotamia. Therefore the presence of tin at Hili indicates only that it was transported in the Gulf area, where it was also used to fill local needs. The collective indications are that western Afghanistan ws the zone able to provide the tin used in Southwest Asia in the 4th and 3rd millennia...In order to elucidate the questions raised by our findings, a project aimed specifically at tin-- its sources and metallurgy-- should be organized." (Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud, Early Tin in the Near East, in: Expedition, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1982, pp. 14-19). cf. R.J.Forbes, 1954, Extracting, smelting and alloying, in: Charles Singer, E.J.Holmyard and AR Hall (eds.), 1954, A History of Technology, Oxford, Clarendon Press. Knox, Robert, 1994, A new Indus Valley Cylinder Seal, pp. 375-378 in: South Asian Archaeology 1993, Vol. I, Helsinki. Ibid., p. 377; cf. Lamberg- Karlovsky and Tosi 1973: pl. 137. 

It is likely that the sources of tin can also extend the Tin Road of Meluhha into the river beds of Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers and associated tributary rivers and water channels for panned tin obtained by prospectors.
An unresolved problem in the study of Bronze Age civilizations has been the identification of sources of tin. Arsenical bronzes of the millennia earlier to the 5th millennium were replaced by tin-bronzes creating a veritable revolution in the march of civilization.

John Muhly has highlighted and contributed significantly to the resolution of this problem. Many cuneiform texts do point to Meluhha as the major source of tin, reaching through the transit points of Magan and Dilmun along the Persian Gulf region and west of Mehergarh.

A possible scenario is presented by a geologist, TM Babu (2003) in: Advent of the bronze age in the Indian subcontinent In Mining and metal production: through the ages, eds. P. Craddock and J. Lang, London, British Museum Press, pp175-180. In this article, Babu starts with the traditions in ancient India of making idols for worship using pancha-loha (lit. five metals), creating an alloy of copper, tin, lead, zinc, arsenic and less commonly, silver and gold. A word in Tamil denoting this alloy is kol which also means ‘working in iron’. This lexeme is denoted by the hieroglyphs: tiger (kola), woman (kola), rice-plant (kolom). Similar rebus readings of hundreds of hieroglyphs on Indus writing point to the Indian sprachbund, a linguistic union which explains the presence, for example, Munda words in ancient Sanskrit texts.

Papagudem boy wearing a bangle of tin

“Bronze articles such as ornamental mirrors, arrowheads, pins, bangles and chisels, of both low tin and high tin content, have been recovered from Lothal, the Harappn port on the Gujarat coast, which has been dated earlier than 2200 BCE. The tin content in these articles range from 2.27% to 11.82%; however, some of the articles contain no tin. Tin is said to have been brought as tablets from Babylon and mixed with copper
 to make an alloy of more pleasing colour and luster, a bright golden yellow. The utilization of bronze is essential only for certain articles and tools, requiring sharp cutting edges, such as axes, arrowheads or chisels. The selection of bronze for these items indicates the presence of tin was intentional…Recent discoveries of tin occurrences in India are shown in…Fig. 11.2. However, none of these occurrences shows evidences of ancient mining activity. This is because, unlike copper ores, the mining and metallurgy of the tin ore cassiterite is simple, and leaves little permanent trace…tin ore is usually recovered by simple panning of surface deposits, often contained in gravel, which soon collapse, leaving little evidence of having once been worked. Cassiterite is highly resistant to weathering, and with its high specific gravity, it can be easily separated from the waste minerals. The simple mining and metallurgical methods followed even now by Bastar and Koraput tribals in Chattisgarh and Orissa, central India, could be an indication of the methods used in the past. These tribal people produce considerable quantities of tin without any external help, electric power or chemical agents, enough to make a modern metallurgist, used to high technology, wonder almost in disbelief. Clearly though, the technology practiced has a considerable importance for those studying early smelting practices. The history of this process is poorly known. Back in the 1880s Ball (1881) related the story of a Bastar tribal from the village of Papagudem, who was observed to be wearing a bangle of tin. When questioned as to where the metal had come from, he replied that black sands, resembling gunpowder were dug in his village and smelted there. Thus it is very likely that the present industry is indigenous, and may have a long history. That being said, neither the industry or its products appear in any historical document of any period, and thus is unlikey to have been a significant supplier of metal…The tin content of cassiterite ranges from 74.94% (mean 64.2%), showing that pebbles contain about 70% to 90% of the tin oxide, cassiterite…The ore is localized in gravel beds of the black pebbles of cassiterite which outcrop in stream beds etc. and there are other indicators, in the vegetation. The leaves of the Sarai tree (Shoria robusta) growing on tin-rich ground are often covered in yellow spots, as if suffering from a disease. (The leaves were found to contain 700 ppm of tin on analysis!) Wherever the tribals find concentrations of ore in the top soil, the ground all around the area is dug up and transported to nearby streams, rivers or ponts…The loose gravelly soil containing the tin ore is dug with pick and shovel, and carried to the washing sites in large, shoulder-strung bamboo baskets. The panning or washing of the ore is carrie out using round shallow pans of bamboo. The soil is washed out, leaving the dense casiterite ore at the bottom of the pan…The ore is smelted in small clay shaft furnaces, heating and reducing the ore using charcoal as the fuel…The shft furnaces are square at the base and of brick surmounted by a clay cylindrical shaft…The charcoal acts as both the heating and reducing agent, reducing the black cassiterite mineral into bright, white tin metal…a crude refining is carried out by remelting the metal in an iron pan at about 250 degrees C. The molten tin is then poured into the stone-carved moulds to make square- or rectangular-shaped tin ingots for easy transportation.  (Babu, TM, 2003, Advent of the bronze age in the Indian subcontinent in: Craddock, PT and J. Lang, Mining and Metl production through the ages, British Museum,  pp.174-180). 


South Turkmenistan Mugrab delta and oasis



Murgab delta and oasis (circled) in the south of Turkmenistan
The Murgab river spreads out and disappears into the Kara Kum desert to the north



Map of major routes and sites of Meluhha (mleccha) interaction areas, location of Tell Abraq (adapted from Potts DT. 1994 fig.5 http://tinyurl.com/yljaqdu) 

Dennys Frenez's analysis of Gonur Tepe (Margiana, Turkmenistan) ivory

Manufacturing and trade of Asian elephant ivory in Bronze Age Middle Asia. Evidence from Gonur Depe (Margiana, Turkmenistan) by Dennys Frenez (2017)

Abstract


This paper presents the detailed stylistic and functional analysis of a large collection of artifacts made from Asian elephant ivory discovered at the Oxus Civilization site of Gonur Depe in southern Turkmenistan. Artifacts in ivory of Asian elephant from Bronze Age sites in Middle Asia have usually been considered as evidence for the import of finished items from the greater Indus Valley. The detailed study of the Gonur Depe ivories has instead proven that there are significant morphological and stylistic differences between these artifacts and those found at contemporaneous sites in the Indus Valley. This evidence raises important questions about the provenance of the raw material and about the origin and training of the craftsmen who manufactured the objects. Detailed research in textual sources about traditional arts and crafts in South Asia and in classical and medieval commentaries about ivory carving, integrated with ethnographic data about skilled crafting in traditional societies, has led to propose new hypotheses about the complex socioeconomic and cultural organization of manufacturing and trade of Asian elephant ivory during the Bronze Age.
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352226716301131
An exceptionally interesting paper that traces the path of ivory carving from the ancient Indus civilization up north to Gonur Depe in southern Turkmenistan, north of Afghanistan. It shows how complicated it is to ascribe provenance of things to a place, or to some other more complex, and revealing connections as Dennys Frenez's paper shows. Clearly ivory made its was from Indian elephants to Central Asia, and there are some objects found at Gonur Depe like combs with Indus motifs that could have come from Harappa or Mohenjo-daro. But other ivories are more unique to that Oxus Civilization, or the so-called BMAC or Margiana culture that flourished in the region during the Bronze Age. Was it local craftsmen hired by elites? Was it traveling Indus ivory carvers? Frenez presents evidence on both sides of the issue.
Frenez concludes that: "A few ivory objects may have occasionally arrived in Central Asia from the greater Indus Valley as finished items. However, considering the sources of elephant ivory available for Gonur Depe, the discovery on site of the large unworked section of an elephant tusk, and the evidence for reworking of ivory objects at Gonur Depe and possibly also at other sites in the Oxus basin, it seems more likely that tusks of male Asian elephants were traded to Central Asia, whole or in large sections, by merchants who might have provided also the skilled craftsmanship necessary to transform them into finished objects. The highly specialized skills and expertise required to carve ivory objects comparable to the ones found at Gonur Depe suggest that they were manufactured by local wood carvers or most likely by Indus-trained ivory carvers."
The facts and correspondences along a wide area into Iran and Mesopotamia and the Gulf between game boards and seals and so many more items along the way are fascinating in their own right, and testify once again to the way ancient civilizations must have propped each other up through trade and exchange of beliefs and ideas and designs (the dot in circle again!); it seems they flourished better together.
Images
1. Indus and other civilization sites and Gonur Depe
2. Ivory Combs from Gonur Depe, Photography by Dennys Frenez
3. Stamp Seals depicting the Indian bison.
4. Gaming Boards from the Royal Cemetery of Ur, Shahr-i-Sokhta, Iran and Dholavira, India.

https://www.harappa.com/content/manufacturing-and-trade-asian-elephant-ivory-bronze-age-middle-asia-evidence-gonur-depe

Was the trade relationship between the Harappans and the Mesopotamians a direct one?



Terracotta sealing from a unicorn seal, Mohenjo-daro.

Or were there any mediators in Iran (which had a civilization in ancient periods which was located in the southwestern part of fertile cresent region)? As you know, the Rosetta Stone was issued by Ptolemy \/ - which was due to interactions between the Greeks and Egyptians. This interaction started with settling of Ionians and Cretans as per by Herodotus. Could it be that these mediators would have used both the cuneiform and Indus valley script? What are the possibilities of finding a bilingual according to you? Submitted by Arthur Evans

Jane McIntosh
The trade relationship during the later 3rd millennium was a direct one: ships from Meluhha (the Indus) docked in Mesopotamian ports; some Meluhhans settled in Sumer; and there is a seal belonging to a Mesopotamian whose job it was to act as an interpreter of the Meluhhan language. On the other hand, there is nothing to suggest that people from Mesopotamia reached the Indus, so it is clear that the Harappans conducted the trade between the two civilizations. Mesopotamian ships sailed the length of the Gulf, as far as the western coast of Magan (Oman peninsula), trading directly with Magan and with Dilmun (Bahrain); ships from Magan and Dilmun also docked in Mesopotamian ports. Trade also took place across the Gulf, between Elam and the city-states on the Iranian plateau in the east and Mesopotamia, Dilmun and Magan in the north and west.
Dilmun operated as a middleman between Mesopotamia and the Indus in some of this trade, and after the Ur III state collapsed its role in this grew: in the early 2nd millennium BC both Harappan and Mesopotamian ships sailed only to Bahrain, which acted as an entrepot between them. This would be the place one might expect to find a bilingual, but it hasn't happened yet: there are local seals with Harappan inscriptions, but the local seals are otherwise uninscribed. It seems probable that the Harappans used perishable materials for their records, and presumably this would have applied to records of their transactions in Dilmun too. A cuneiform tablet with a Harappan bilingual text might turn up here but I think it unlikely.
Richard Meadow
There is archaeological evidence for maritime relations between the Harappans and Arabia and some textual and iconographic evidence that Mesopotamians knew about the Harappan world (Meluhha) and for at least a few Indus people in Mesopotamia – including what has been identified as an Indus translator. There is a bit of Indus-like material in eastern Iran and southern Central Asia, but contact across Iran may have been more indirect while that through maritime means more direct, although the evidence for such a scenario is not particularly rich.
Asko Parpola
In the beginning of the Mature Harappan period, around 2400 BCE, the Harappans sailed all the way to Mesopotamia, but soon thereafter, the Dilmun culture of the Gulf seems to have become a mediator of this sea trade. In Early Harappan times, the trade was overland, with the Proto-Elamite people as the partners/mediators. There is a chance that a cuneiform tablet is found, which has the impression of an Indus seal and which mentions in cuneiform the name of the Indus seal owner (cf. my book Deciphering the Indus script, 1994, p. 273-274, quoting a parallel with the impression of a Dilmun seal).
Rita Wright
About trade relationships and how that will yield a Rosetta Stone; there were so-called “language turners” in Mesopotamia who tried to translate the Indus script, at least that’s what some specialists in Mesopotamia have said – (see my box entry in my book where I discuss the Indus script). Perhaps one of them finally did it! If so, there may be a Mesopotamian text in which this was accomplished. I hope so but am not holding my breath. We need to continue to find ways, using scientific and humanistic analyses, to get at the sorts of questions we need answers to without texts to rely on.
Shereen Ratnagar
The Ptolemies were Greek-speaking rulers (Pharoahs, if you like) of Egypt. In any case, we don’t need middlemen to give us hopes of a bilingual. There could have been agreements drawn up by Mesopotamians and Indus people that needed to be written in the languages of each.
Iravatham Mahadevan
At the earliest stage the Harappans traded directly with the Akkadian city, states. At a much later period, there are some intermediaries from the Gulf region. You may like refer to the writings by Simo and Asko Parpola and R. Brunswig (1977), Daniel Potts 1982, Asko Parpola 1994 and Gregory Possehl 1996, 1997 & 2008, dealing with this matter.

https://www.harappa.com/answers/was-trade-relationship-between-harappans-and-mesopotamians-direct-one

Manufacturing and trade of Asian elephant ivory in Bronze Age Middle Asia. Evidence from Gonur Depe (Margia... by Srini Kalyanaraman on Scribd

Makara Indus Script hypertext found in the lost dhow of Belitung shipwreck

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https://tinyurl.com/y9llmwlh


Indus Script hypertext tradition, makara is a hypertext read rebus in Meluhha dhmakara ‘forge-blower, blacksmith’ who is a divine signifier of wealth, nidhi. This abiding metaphor explains the recurrent theme of makara motif on architectural monuments and also on metal artifacts such as ewers. The metaphor of makara goes back to the days of a veda text, वाजसनेयि-संहिता Vājasneyi Samhitā. मकर [p= 771,2] m. a kind of sea-monster (sometimes confounded with the crocodile , shark , dolphin &c ; regarded as the emblem of काम-देव [cf. मोकर-केतन &c below] or as a symbol of the 9th अर्हत् of the present अवसर्पिणी ; represented as an ornament on gates or on head-dresses) VS. &c; one of the 9 treasures of कुबेर L. (Monier-Williams).


The exhibitors in Singapore Museum claim this artifact with makara motif on the ewer has been made in the Gongxian kilns of China. Considering the makara motif which is dominant topping the handle of the ewer, the object is likely to have been made in Belitung, Indonesia. I suggest this possibility in view of the recurrent makara motifs which are found on many Hindu temples of Ancient Far East, which are architectural monuments influenced by the Ancient Bhāratīya tradition. This object may have been loaded at Belitung as the ship which started its journey had a port of call at Belitung for loading Indonesian artifacts before the ship started its fateful onward journey to the Arabian or Persian Gulf. Some examples of makara motifs on artifacts of Ancient Far East are presented. I further suggest that the Chinese models using the makara motif might have acquired this from their trade contacts with Vietnam. An ewer from Nepal called dhalacha, also shows the makara motif. See:

Makara dhvaja is an Indus Script hypertext to signify puruṣārtha, human effort https://tinyurl.com/ydbsod8e

 

Indus Script hypertext makara rebus dhmakara‘forge-blower, blacksmith’ is a divine signifier of wealth, nidhi 

https://tinyurl.com/yb2nabnf



Bronze Ewer (Dhalacha)
Nepal 18th/19th century height: 25 cm

This ewer, known as a dhalacha, of footed, bulbous form is surmounted by a curved, ridged neck and flaring rim, the spout issuing from a collared head of a makara; makaras being sea monsters that balance the universe on their backs as they move through the cosmic ocean, in Indian-Tibetan cosmology. They have the jaws of a crocodile, the paws of a lion and the trunk of an elephant.

Ewers such as this one were used in Nepal to serve wine or local beer, and to offer alcohol to religious images.

The word dhalacha is cognate with:  jvālá m. ʻ light, torch ʼ Kauś., ʻ flame ʼ MBh., jvālā -- f. KātyŚr. 2. *juvāla -- . [~ *jvāra -- . -- √jval] 1. Pa. jāla -- m. ʻ glow, blaze ʼ, °lā f. ʻ flame ʼ; Pk. jāla -- , °laya -- m. ʻ flame, fire ʼ, °lā -- f. ʻ flame ʼ; Paš. ar. ǰiāel ʻ flame ʼ; K. zāl f. ʻ fever ʼ; A. zāl ʻ heat of fire for cooking, heat, ray of light ʼ; B. jāl ʻ flame of a fire ʼ; Or. jā̆ḷā ʻ burning sensation, inflammation ʼ; M. j̈āḷ m. ʻ flame, fire, fever, passion ʼ; Si. dalayadaluvadalla ʻ flame, effulgence ʼ.2. Bshk. ǰūl ʻ iron lamp ʼ; Ku. jwālo ʻ flame ʼ, N. juwālojwālo (ND 226 b 26 wrongly ← Sk.).(CDIAL 5312)
Celadon green-blue glazed Pottery Ewer 19th, Molded as Makara Dragon-Fish,liao Dynasty(907-1125)
Elément d'échiffre, dragon-makara Vietnam, Thap Mam, province de Binh Makara. Vietnam. Stone Sculptural fragment.
Image result for vietnam makara ewerStone DragonHue GraveyardVietnam Stone Dragon in graveyard near the Imperial Tomb of Emperor Tu Doc. Hue, Vietnam. Monarch of the Nguyen dynasty, ruling from 1848-83. 
Makara Sculpture at Jain Museum, Khajuraho
Image result for vietnam makara ewerTibetan Makara, Gilded and Pierced, 13th century. 

Ewer in the form of a dolphin Vietnam, Tran-Le dynasty, 14th–15th century Stoneware with white wash, pale green and brown glaze, carved and painted decoration, 14.5 x 18.8  Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 2007.397Ewer in the form of a dolphin Vietnam, Tran-Le dynasty, 14th–15th century Stoneware with white wash, pale green and brown glaze, carved and painted decoration, 14.5 x 18.8 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 2007.397
Bronze ewer, ornamented at its base by the head of a makara. Vietnam, Giao Chi Period, 2nd-3rd century. 12.7 x 11 inches (32.5 x 28 cm).. Asia Week New York | Christophe HiocoBronze ewer, ornamented at its base by the head of a makara. Vietnam, Giao Chi Period, 2nd-3rd century. 12.7 x 11 inches (32.5 x 28 cm).. Asia Week New York | Christophe Hioco
Ewer with spout in the form of an elephant head and trunk Vietnam, Han Viet périod, 1st - 2nd century AD (AD 1 - 200) Bronze, 31,9 x 31,7 x 20,2 cm Ashmolean Museum, EA2000.116 The spout of this ewer is in the form of an elephant head and trunk (restored). This Kushan period ewer was reportedly found in South Vietnam.
Ewer with spout in the form of an elephant head and trunk Vietnam, Han Viet périod, 1st - 2nd century AD (AD 1 - 200) Bronze, 31,9 x 31,7 x 20,2 cm Ashmolean Museum, EA2000.116 The spout of this ewer is in the form of an elephant head and trunk (restored). This Kushan period ewer was reportedly found in South Vietnam.
China, Five Dynasty, Hutian ware ewer, in a mottled green-brown hue, with formed elephant head spout, decorative ears, incised floral motifs across the body, and a high shine, smooth surface. Height 10 1/2 in.
China, Five Dynasty, Hutian ware ewer, in a mottled green-brown hue, with formed elephant head spout, decorative ears, incised floral motifs across the body, and a high shine, smooth surface. Height 10 1/2 in.
Ewer with elephant-head spout Vietnam, Han-Viet period, 1st–3rd century, Thanh Hoa, Stoneware with ash glaze, molded, incised, and applied decoration, 26.9 x 22.9 cm MFA, 1991.988
Ewer with elephant-head spout Vietnam, Han-Viet period, 1st–3rd century, Thanh Hoa, Stoneware with ash glaze, molded, incised, and applied decoration, 26.9 x 22.9 cm MFA, 1991.988
Ewer with Elephant-Headed Spout Period: period of Chinese Han occupation Date: late 2nd–3rd century Culture: Vietnam Medium: Bronze Dimensions: H. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm); W. 11 3/8 in. (28.9 cm) Classification: Metalwork Credit Line: Purchase, Friends of Asian Art Gifts, 2004 Met 2004.59
Ewer with Elephant-Headed Spout Period: period of Chinese Han occupation Date: late 2nd–3rd century Culture: Vietnam Medium: Bronze Dimensions: H. 11 3/4 in. (29.8 cm); W. 11 3/8 in. (28.9 cm) Classification: Metalwork Credit Line: Purchase, Friends of Asian Art Gifts, 2004 Met 2004.59

File:Monumental ewer from the Belitung shipwreck, ArtScience Museum, Singapore - 20110319.jpghttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Monumental_ewer_from_the_Belitung_shipwreck,_ArtScience_Museum,_Singapore_-_20110319.jpg

Part of the collection of artifacts from the Belitung shipwreck owned by the Sentosa Leisure Group and the Government of Singapore, photographed while displayed at an exhibition called Shipwrecked: Tang Treasures and Monsoon Winds at the ArtScience MuseumMarina Bay SandsSingapore, from  to .

A monumental ewer with incised floral lozenges and clouds, made ofglazed stoneware with copper-green splashes over a white slip. Probably from the Gongxian kilns,Henan.

Monumental ewer with incised floral lozenges and clouds China, probably Henan province, Gongxian kilns Tang dynasty c. 825-50. H. 104 cm. Made of glazed stoneware with copper-green splashes over a white slip. 

https://i.pinimg.com/736x/30/b8/1a/30b81a41661f240bd849c3e793052a29--china-china-white-slip.jpgThe Lost Dhow: A Discovery from the Maritime Silk Route

Paperback – January 27, 2015

Secrets of the Sea: A Tang Shipwreck and Early Trade in Asia


Published on Feb 23, 2017

SUBSCRIBE 38K

NEW YORK, February 23, 2017 — Asia Society Vice President Tom Nagorski and Boon Hui Tan, vice president of global arts and cultural programs, discuss the story behind Asia Society Museum's upcoming exhibition Secrets of the Sea: A Tang Shipwreck and Early Trade in Asia. (15 min., 24 sec.

Indus Script font from mohenjodaroonline.net

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This font resource from mohenjodaroonline.net is gratefully acknowledged. 
This resource available for free (subject to acknowledgement of the website). The details recorded herein are obtained from the website https://www.mohenjodaroonline.net/index.php/indus-script/corpus-by-asko-parpola

Mohenjo-daro, The Great Bath and Stupa Mound in the background

February 8, 2017

 HOW TO USE THE INDUS SCRIPT FONT
For using specific sign of Indus Script font in word document, please follow these instructions:
  1. Install NFM Indus Script font. Download
  2. Find the value code of the required sign from table; vertical value & horizontal number: (For example the sign  
    has value E07 horizontal and number in vertical. So the value code will be E075.)
  3. Just type this code and then press Alt+X, without space.
  4. A rectangle symbol will appear. Just select that rectangle symbol.
  5. In formatting toolbar, select “NFM Indus Script” font. Required sign of Indus Script will appear at document in text format. 
NFM-Indus Script Signs with the table of codes:
















ABOUT INDUS SCRIPT FONT

The Indus signs have been under constant analysis and study. These have been subjected to various examinations where these were identified as primary and composite signs.
Asko Parpola has made a continuing contribution to research on the Indus writing system. He collected and critically edited the Indus signs as he attempted at structural analysis. His objectives were to find out the number of graphemes, and the word length. His search for primary signs and identifying composite signs resulted in preparation of the sign list of the Indus script, with principle graphic variants, each with one reference.
The Indus signs have been largely used as drawing images in computational analysis and studies. Present effort is to create the Indus signs in Scalable Vector Graphics (SVG) based font for installing in computers.
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Two unique Indus Script hypertexts signify kāraṇī, ‘supercargo-s’ kol ‘smelters’ of two ores bica 'haematite', loh 'copper'

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https://tinyurl.com/y9fwkcmy

In Indus Script Corpora, there are two hypertexts 'having (two) ears' as superscripts on Sign 51, Signs 325, 326 and 327. The two 'ears' superscripted have unique and distinctive orthography. One ear is shaped like an arrow or ear of a mammal. The other ear is shaped with three short linear strokes in a cartouche. 

The arrow superscript signifies कारणी or कारणीक kāraṇīkāraṇīka 'supercargo'. The three linear strokes signify kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi, 'smithy, forge'.

Sign 51
Signs325, 326, 327 and variants


The superscript hieroglyph shaped like an arrow or ear is hieroglyph: कर्णि, 'a kind of arrow'. 
The superscript hieroglyph shaped with three short linear strokes in a cartouche is like a fish til or an antelope's short tail: xolā 'fish-tail' rebus: kol 'working in iron'kolle'blacksmith'kolhe'smelter'.  Hieroglyph 'three short liner strokes' (as shown on the tail of antelope on Kalibangan Seal K-34A): kolom'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, the two superscript hieroglyphs signify 1. kol,'smith, forge-blower and smelter'; and 2.  कारणी or कारणीक 'supercargo'.
Related image

Thus, together with the superscript hieroglyphs, the hypertext of the hieroglyph-compositions read: 1. copper smelter, copper supercargo; 2. haematite smelter, haematite supercargo.

Hieroglyph: कर्णि [p= 257,2] m. a kind of arrow (the top being shaped like an ear) L. (cf. कर्णिक n.); the act of splitting , breaking through T.

Hieroglyph: कर्णिक [p= 257,2] mfn. having ears , having large or long ears W.

Rebus: कर्णिक having a helm W.; m. a steersman W. karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836)

The Meluhha word for the expression, 'having ears' is: कर्णिक. Thus, I suggest that Signs 51 and 327 (Mahadevan Sign List with comparable Sign Lists of Parpola) have to be read rebus with this suffix treating the 'ears' as superscript, as कर्णिक 'steersman, helmsman'. Precise responsibilities are that of supercargo, a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.कारणी or कारणीक (p. 91) kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c. (Marathi)

The basic signs 'having ears' are: hieroglyph 'scorpion' and hieroglyph 'ficus (leaf)'. The Meluhha words which signify these hieroglyphs are: bicha 'scorpion' rebus: bica'haematite, ferrite ore'loa'ficus glomerata' rebus: loh'copper ore'. That bica signifies a ferrite ore is signified by the expression: meed bica‘iron stone ore’, wherein the word meed signifies 'ferrite ore'.  bica 'stone ore' (Mu.); hematite ore. meṛed-bica = 'iron (hematite) stone ore' (Santali) 


The two hypertexts indicate that there are two distinct supercargo's: one responsible for the 'scorpion' cargo and the other responsible for the 'ficus' cargo -- that is, haematite ore cargo and copper ore cargo, respectively.
Orthographically, Sign 51 glyph is a ‘scorpion’; Sign 327 glyph is a ‘ficus glomerata leaf’. The glosses for the ‘sound values’ are, respectively: bica ‘scorpion’ (Santali), lo ‘ficus’ (Santali). 
V326 (Mahadevan Orthographic variants of Sign 326) V327 (Orthographic variants of Sign 327)
 Parpola Sign variants
Sign 51 Variants.
 Parpola Sign variants.

karṇín ʻ having ears ʼ AV., karṇika -- W. [kárṇa -- ] N. kāne, Or. kāniã̄; -- ext. with -- la -- : S. kaniru. (CDIAL 2850)kárṇa -- : S.kcch. kann m. ʻ ear ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (kc.) kān, poet. kanṛu m. ʻ ear ʼ, kṭg. kanni f. ʻ pounding -- hole in barn floor ʼ; J. 'n m. ʻ ear ʼ, Garh. kān; Md. kan -- in kan -- fat ʻ ear ʼ < karṇapattraka -- , kan -- huḷi (+ cūḍa -- 1) ʻ side -- burns ʼ. kárṇa m. ʻ ear, handle of a vessel ʼ RV., ʻ end, tip (?) ʼ RV. ii 34, 3. [Cf. *kāra -- 6Pa. kaṇṇa -- m. ʻ ear, angle, tip ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇa -- , °aḍaya<-> m. ʻ ear ʼ, Gy. as. pal. eur. kan m., Ash. (Trumpp) karna NTS ii 261, Niṅg. kō̃, Woṭ. kanə, Tir. kana; Paš. kankaṇ() -- ʻ orifice of ear ʼ IIFL iii 3, 93; Shum. kō̃ṛ ʻ ear ʼ, Woṭ. kan m., Kal. (LSI) kuṛō̃, rumb. kuŕũ, urt. kŕãdotdot; (< *kaṇ), Bshk. kan, Tor. k*l, Kand. kōṇi, Mai. kaṇa, ky. kān, Phal. kāṇ, Sh. gil. ko̯n pl. ko̯ṇím. (→ Ḍ kon pl. k*lṇa), koh. kuṇ, pales. kuāṇə, K. kan m., kash. pog. ḍoḍ. kann, S. kanu m., L. kann m., awāṇ. khet. kan, P. WPah. bhad. bhal. cam. kann m., Ku. gng. N. kān; A. kāṇ ʻ ear, rim of vessel, edge of river ʼ; B. kāṇ ʻ ear ʼ, Or. kāna, Mth. Bhoj. Aw. lakh. H. kān m., OMarw. kāna m., G. M. kān m., Ko. kānu m., Si. kaṇakana.(CDIAL 2830)

m0370 2138
(lozenge) Split parenthesis: mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' PLUS kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. Thus, ingot forge. 
kamaḍha 'crab' Rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'. ḍato = claws of crab (Santali) Rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore'.
ayo, aya'fish' rebus: aya'iron'ayas 'metal alloy' (Rigveda) PLUS Hieroglyphढाळ (p. 204) ḍhāḷa Slope, inclination of a plane. Rebus: ḍhālako = a large metal ingot . Thus, large metal or metal alloy ingot.
loa 'ficus glomerata' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'.   PLUS karNI ‘ears’ rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribe'
मेंढाmēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron
kanka, karṇika 'rim of jar' rebus: karṇī 'supercargo, scribeकर्णिक 'steersman, helmsman'
kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass'  Old English ār 'brass, copper, bronze' Old Norse eir 'brass, copper', German ehern 'brassy, bronzen'. kastīra n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. 2. *kastilla -- .1. H. kathīr m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; G. kathīr n. ʻ pewter ʼ.2. H. (Bhoj.?) kathīl°lā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; M. kathīl n. ʻ tin ʼ, kathlẽ n. ʻ large tin vessel ʼ(CDIAL 2984) कौटिलिकः kauṭilikḥ
कौटिलिकः 1 A hunter.-2 A blacksmith  PLUS dula ‘duplicated’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’. Thus, bronze castings.
mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' PLUS खांडा khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon) rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'.

The inscription on the seal starts with 'scorpion' hieroglyph on modern impression of seal M-414 from Mohenjo-daro. After CISI 1:100. This sign is followed by a hieroglyph multiplex signifyinjg: rimledss pot PLUS ficus leaves PLUS infixed crab hieroglyphs. The terminal sign is 'fish' hieroglyph. 

Rebus-metonymy readings in Meluhha cipher (mlecchita vikalpa) are of the three sets of hieroglyph multipexes: 1. meed-bica 'iron (hematite) stone ore' 2. bhaTa loh kammaṭa 'furnace copper mint, coiner' 3. aya 'alloy metal'.

Note: The 'ficus' hieroglyph is signified by two glosses: vaTa 'banyan' loa 'ficus glomerata'. Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' loha 'copper, iron'.

m-857 Seal. Mohenjo-daro The four hieroglyph multiplex on Mohenjo-daro seal m-857 signifies: 1. meed-bica = 'iron (hematite) stone ore' 2. dhatu karava kāraṇī  'supercargo of mineral ore', scribed. (The one-horned young bull PLUS standard device is deciphered as: kondh 'young bull' Rebus: kondh 'turner', kundaṇa'fine gold'; ko 'horn' Rebus: ko 'workshop'; sangaDa 'lathe' Rebus: sangAta 'collection of materials, i.e. consignment or boat load. 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/a-four-hieroglyph-multiplex-of.html

On Mohenjo-daro seal m-414, the 'scorpion' sign is followed by a hieroglyph multiplex which is explained by Asko Parpola: 


Many variants of Sign 123 (Parpola corpus) are identified signifying, according to Parpola [quote] a three-branched 'fig-tree' and of its ligature with the 'crab' sign, where the middlemost branch has been omitted to accommodate the inserted 'crab' sign. (After Parpola, Asko, 1994, Deciphering the Indus Script, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 235).

Parpola illustrates the 'crab' hieroglyhph with the following examples from copper plate inscriptions (Note: there are 240 copper plates with inscriptions from Mohenjo-daro):


Copper tablets from Mohenjo-daro providing a 'pictorial translation' of the Indus sign 'crab inside fig tree' (After Parpola 1994: 234, fig. 13.13)


Variants of 'crab' hieroglyph (After Parpola 1994: 232, cf. 71-72)

The hieroglyph-multiplex, thus orthographically signifies two ficus leaves ligatured to the top edge of a wide rimless pot and a crab hieroglyph is inscripted. In this hieroglyph-multiplex three hieroglyph components are signified: 1. rimless pot, 2. two ficus leaves, 3. crab. baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'; loa 'ficus' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'; kamaDha 'crab' Rebus: kammaTa 'coiner, mint'.

Examples are:

Modern impression of Harappa Seal h-598
Modern impression of seal L-11 Lothal


The third sign is a 'fish' hieroglyph.

(http://www.harappa.com/script/script-indus-parpola.pdf Asko Parpola, 2009k,'Hind leg' + 'fish': towards further understanding of the Indus Script, in: SCRIPTA, volume 1 (September 2009): 37-76, The Hummn Jeongeum Society)

Annex A: loa 'ficus glomerata' Rebus: loha 'copper, iron'



Parpola also presents a figure of a pot with ficus leaves hieroglyph. A painted goblet with the 'three-branched fig tree' motif from Nausharo I D, transitional phase between the Early and Mature Harappan periods (c. 2600-2550 BCE) (After Samzun 1992: 250, fig.29.4 no.2)

vaṭa1 m. ʻ the banyan Ficus indica ʼ MBh. Pa. vaṭa -- m. ʻ banyan ʼ, Pk. vaḍa -- , °aga -- m., K. war in war -- kulu m., S. baṛu m. (← E); P. vaṛbaṛ m., 
vohṛbohṛ f. ʻ banyan ʼ, vaṛoṭāba° m. ʻ young banyan ʼ (+?); N. A. bar ʻ banyan ʼ, B. baṛ, Bi. bar (→ Or. bara), H. baṛ m. (→ Bhoj. Mth. baṛ), G. vaṛ m., M. vaḍ m., Ko. vaḍu. *vaṭapadra -- , *vaṭapātikā -- .Addenda: vaṭa -- 1: Garh. baṛ ʻ fig tree ʼ. 11215 *vaṭapātikā ʻ falling from banyan ʼ. [vaṭa -- 1, pāta -- ] G. vaṛvāī f. ʻ hanging root of banyan tree ʼ. (CDIAL 11211)


Allograph: vaṭa 'string': vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭivaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.vaṭāraka -- , varāṭaka -- m. ʻ string ʼ MBh. [vaṭa -- 2]Pa. sa -- vaṭākara -- ʻ having a cable ʼ; Bi. baral -- rassī ʻ twisted string ʼ; H. barrā m. ʻ rope ʼ, barārā m. ʻ thong ʼ. (CDIAL 11212, 11217)

lo 'nine', loa 'ficus religiosa' Rebus: loh 'copper'; kunda 'young bull' Rebus: kundār, kũdār 'turner'; firs hieroglph from r. on the text: eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast'; arA 'spoke' Rebus: Ara 'brass'; kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'.


lo = nine (Santali) [Note the count of nine fig leaves on m0296]
loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali.lex.)
loha lut.i = iron utensils and implements (Santali.lex.)

lauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S’r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali); lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper (VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.)

Ficus glomerata: loa, kamat.ha = ficus glomerata (Santali); rebus: loha = iron, metal (Skt.) kamat.amu, kammat.amu = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.) kammat.i_d.u = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Te.) kampat.t.tam coinage coin (Ta.);kammat.t.am kammit.t.am coinage, mint (Ma.); kammat.a id.; kammat.i a coiner (Ka.)(DEDR 1236)


Sumerian cylinder seal showing flanking goats with hooves on tree and/or mountain. Uruk period. (After Joyce Burstein in: Katherine Anne Harper, Robert L. Brown, 2002, The roots of tantra, SUNY Press, p.100)Hence, two goats + mountain glyph reads rebus: meḍ kundār 'iron turner'. Leaf on mountain: kamaṛkom 'petiole of leaf'; rebus: kampaṭṭam 'mint'. loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata, the fruit of ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo ‘iron’ (Assamese, Bengali); loa ‘iron’ (Gypsy). The glyphic composition is read rebus: meḍ loa kundār 'iron turner mint'. kundavum = manger, a hayrick (G.) Rebus: kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) This rebus reading may explain the hayrick glyph shown on the sodagor 'merchant, trader' seal surrounded by four animals.Two antelopes are put next to the hayrick on the platform of the seal on which the horned person is seated. mlekh 'goat' (Br.); rebus: milakku 'copper' (Pali); mleccha 'copper' (Skt.) Thus, the composition of glyphs on the platform: pair of antelopes + pair of hayricks read rebus: milakku kundār 'copper turner'. Thus the seal is a framework of glyphic compositions to describe the repertoire of a brazier-mint, 'one who works in brass or makes brass articles' and 'a mint'. 

Etyma from Indo-Aryan languages: lōhá 'copper, iron'

11158 lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃u n., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. *lōhala -- , *lōhila -- , *lōhiṣṭha -- , lōhī -- , laúha -- ; lōhakāra -- , *lōhaghaṭa -- , *lōhaśālā -- , *lōhahaṭṭika -- , *lōhōpaskara -- ; vartalōha -- .Addenda: lōhá -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ.†*lōhaphāla -- or †*lōhahala -- . lōhakāra 11159 lōhakāra m. ʻ iron -- worker ʼ, °rī -- f., °raka -- m. lex., lauhakāra -- m. Hit. [lōhá -- , kāra -- 1] Pa. lōhakāra -- m. ʻ coppersmith, ironsmith ʼ; Pk. lōhāra -- m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, S. luhā̆ru m., L. lohār m., °rī f., awāṇ. luhār, P. WPah.khaś. bhal. luhār m., Ku. lwār, N. B. lohār, Or. lohaḷa, Bi.Bhoj. Aw.lakh. lohār, H. lohārluh° m., G. lavār m., M. lohār m.; Si. lōvaru ʻ coppersmith ʼ. Addenda: lōhakāra -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lhwāˋr m. ʻ blacksmith ʼ, lhwàri f. ʻ his wife ʼ, Garh. lwār m.

lōhaghaṭa 11160 *lōhaghaṭa ʻ iron pot ʼ. [lōhá -- , ghaṭa -- 1]
Bi. lohrā°rī ʻ small iron pan ʼ. 
11160a †*lōhaphāla -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , phāˊla -- 1] WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl m. ʻ an agricultural implement ʼ Him.I 197; -- or < †*lōhahala -- . lōhala 11161 lōhala ʻ made of iron ʼ W. [lōhá -- ] G. loharlohariyɔ m. ʻ selfwilled and unyielding man ʼ.

lōhaśālā 11162 *lōhaśālā ʻ smithy ʼ. [lōhá -- , śāˊlā -- ]
Bi. lohsārī ʻ smithy ʼ. 
lōhahaṭṭika 11163 *lōhahaṭṭika ʻ ironmonger ʼ. [lōhá -- , haṭṭa -- ] P.ludh. lōhṭiyā m. ʻ ironmonger ʼ. 11163a †*lōhahala -- ʻ ploughshare ʼ. [lōhá -- , halá -- ] WPah.kṭg. lhwāˋḷ m. ʻ ploughshare ʼ, J. lohāl ʻ an agricultural instrument ʼ; rather < †*lōhaphāla -- . lōhi 11164 lōhi ʻ *red, blood ʼ (n. ʻ a kind of borax ʼ lex.). [~ rṓhi -- . -- *rudh -- ] Kho. lei ʻ blood ʼ (BelvalkarVol 92 < *lōhika -- ), Kal.rumb. lū˘i, urt. lhɔ̈̄i. lṓhita 11165 lṓhita ʻ red ʼ AV., n. ʻ any red substance ʼ ŚBr., ʻ blood ʼ VS. [< rṓhita -- . -- *rudh -- ] Pa. lōhita -- in cmpds. ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ blood ʼ, °aka -- ʻ red ʼ; Pk. lōhia -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ blood ʼ; Gy. eur. lolo ʻ red ʼ, arm. nəxul ʻ blood, wound ʼ, pal. lúḥră ʻ red ʼ, inhīˊr ʻ blood ʼ, as. lur ʻ blood ʼ, lohri ʻ red ʼ Miklosich Mund viii 8; Ḍ. lōya ʻ red ʼ; Ash. leu ʻ blood ʼ, Wg. läi, Kt. lūi, Dm. lōi; Tir. ləwī, (Leech) luhī ʻ red ʼ, lọ̈̄i ʻ blood ʼ; Paš.  f. ʻ blood ʼ, Shum. lúī, Gmb. lūi, Gaw. ; Bshk. lōu ʻ red ʼ (AO xviii 241 < *lohuta -- ); S. lohū m. ʻ blood ʼ, L. lahū m., awāṇ. làū; P. lohī ʻ red ʼ, lohūlahū m. ʻ blood ʼ; WPah.jaun. loī ʻ blood ʼ, Ku. loilwe, B. lau, Or. lohunohula(h)una(h)ulaa, Mth. lehū, OAw. lohū m., H. lohūlahūlehū m., G. lohī n.; OM.lohivā ʻ red ʼ Panse Jñān 536; Si. lehe ʻ blood ʼ, le ʻ red ʼ SigGr ii 460; Md.  ʻ blood ʼ. -- Sh. lēl m. ʻ blood ʼ, lōlyŭ ʻ red ʼ rather < *lōhila -- . lōhitaka -- . Addenda: lṓhita -- : Kho. lei ʻ blood ʼ BKhoT 70, WPah.kṭg. lóu m., Garh. loi, Md. leilē.

lōhitaka 11166 lōhitaka ʻ reddish ʼ Āpast., n. ʻ calx of brass, bell- metal ʼ lex. [lṓhita -- ] K. lŏy f. ʻ white copper, bell -- metal ʼ. lōhittara 11167 *lōhittara ʻ reddish ʼ. [Comp. of *lōhit -- ~ rōhít -- . - *rudh -- ] Woṭ. latúr ʻ red ʼ, Gaw. luturá: very doubtful (see úparakta -- ) lōhila 11168 *lōhila ʻ red ʼ. [lōhá -- ] Wg. lailäi -- štä ʻ red ʼ; Paš.chil. lēle -- šiṓl ʻ fox ʼ; Sv. lohĩló ʻ red ʼ, Phal. lohíluləhōilo; Sh.gil. jij. lēl m. ʻ blood ʼ, gil. lōlyŭ, (Lor.)loilo ʻ red, bay (of horse or cow) ʼ, pales. lēlo swã̄ṛə ʻ (red) gold ʼ. -- X nīˊla -- : Sh.gil. līlo ʻ violet ʼ, koh. līlṷ, pales. līˊlo ʻ red ʼ. -- Si. luhullūlā ʻ the dark -- coloured river fish Ophiocephalus striatus ʼ? -- Tor. lohūrlaūr, f. lihīr ʻ red ʼ < *lōhuṭa<-> AO xviii 241? lōhiṣṭha 11169 *lōhiṣṭha ʻ very red ʼ. [lōhá -- ] Kal.rumb. lohíṣṭ, urt. liūṣṭ ʻ male of Himalayan pheasant ʼ, Phal. lōwīṣṭ (f. šām s.v. śyāmá -- ); Bshk. lōīˊṭ ʻ id., golden oriole ʼ; Tor.lawēṭ ʻ male golden oriole ʼ, Sh.pales. lēṭh.

lōhī 11170 lōhī f. ʻ any object made of iron ʼ Kāv., ʻ pot ʼ Divyāv., lōhikā -- f. ʻ large shallow wooden bowl bound with iron ʼ,lauhā -- f. ʻ iron pot ʼ lex. [lōhá -- ]
Pk. lōhī -- f. ʻ iron pot ʼ; P. loh f. ʻ large baking iron ʼ; A. luhiyā ʻ iron pan ʼ; Bi. lohiyā ʻ iron or brass shallow pan with handles ʼ; G.lohiyũ n. ʻ frying pan ʼ.


lōhōpaskara 11171 *lōhōpaskara ʻ iron tools ʼ. [lōhá -- , upaskara -- 1]
N. lokhar ʻ bag in which a barber keeps his tools ʼ; H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ). laúkika -- , laukyá -- see *lōkíya -- . 
laulāha 11172 laulāha m. ʻ name of a place ʼ Stein RājatTrans ii 487.
K. lōlav ʻ name of a Pargana and valley west of Wular Lake ʼ.


11172a laúha -- ʻ made of copper or iron ʼ Gr̥Śr., ʻ red ʼ MBh., n. ʻ iron, metal ʼ Bhaṭṭ. [lōhá -- ] Pk. lōha -- ʻ made of iron ʼ; L. lohā ʻ iron -- coloured, reddish ʼ; P. lohā ʻ reddish -- brown (of cattle) ʼ. lauhabhāṇḍa -- , *lauhāṅga -- .
lauhakāra -- see lōhakāra -- . Addenda: laúha -- [Dial. au ~ ō (in lōhá -- ) < IE. ou T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 74]

lauhabhāṇḍa 11173 lauhabhāṇḍa n. ʻ iron pot, iron mortar ʼ lex. [laúha -- , bhāṇḍa -- 1] Pa. lōhabhaṇḍa -- n. ʻ copper or brass ware ʼ; S. luhã̄ḍ̠iṛī f. ʻ iron pot ʼ, L.awāṇ. luhã̄ḍā; P. luhã̄ḍālohṇḍā, ludh. lō̃hḍā m. ʻ frying pan ʼ; N. luhũṛe ʻ iron cooking pot ʼ; A. lohorā ʻ iron pan ʼ; Bi. lohãṛā ʻ iron vessel for drawing water for irrigation ʼ; H. lohaṇḍāluh° m. ʻ iron pot ʼ; G. loḍhũ n. ʻ iron, razor ʼ, pl. ʻ car<-> penter's tools ʼ, loḍhī f. ʻ iron pan ʼ. -- X *lōhōpaskara<-> q.v.
lauhāṅgika 11174 *lauhāṅgika ʻ iron -- bodied ʼ. [láuha -- , áṅga -- 1]
P. luhã̄gī f. ʻ staff set with iron rings ʼ, H. lohã̄gī f., M. lohã̄gīlavh°lohãgī f.; -- Bi. lohãgālahaũgā ʻ cobbler's iron pounder ʼ, Mth.lehõgā.


A variant orthography for sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' is displayed on m0296 Mohenjo-daro seal.

m0296 See: https://sites.google.com/site/induswriting/epigraphs?pli=1 Decoding of a very remarkable set of  glyphs and a 5-sign epigraph on a seal, m0296, together with a review of few other pictographs used in the writing system of Indus script. This seal virtually defines and prefaces the entire corpus of inscriptions of mleccha (cognate meluhha) artisans of smithy guild, caravan of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. The center-piece of the orthography is a stylized representation of a 'lathe' which normally is shown in front of a one-horned young bull on hundreds of seals of Indus Script Corpora. This stylized sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' is a layered rebus-metonymy to denote  'collection of implements'sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage, and so on. This device of a stylized 'lathe' is ligatured with a circular grapheme enclosing 'protuberances' from which emanate a pair of 'chain-links'. These hieroglyphs are also read as rebus-metonymy layers to represent a specific form of lapidary or metalwork: goī 'lump of silver' (Gujarati); goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ(Kashmiri). Thus, a collection of hieroglyphs are deployed as rebus-metonymy layered encryptions, to convey a message in Meluhha (mleccha) speech form.

Hieroglyph: gö̃ṭh 1 अर्गलम्, चिन्हितग्रन्थिः f. (sg. dat. gö̃ṭhi गाँ&above;ठि), a bolt, door-chain; a method of tying up a parcel with a special knot marked or sealed so that it cannot be opened by an unauthorized person. Cf. gã̄ṭh and gö̃ṭhü. -- dyunu --  m.inf. to knot, fasten; to bolt, fasten (a door) (K.Pr. 76). *gōṭṭa ʻ something round ʼ. [Cf. guḍá -- 1. -- In sense ʻ fruit, kernel ʼ cert. ← Drav., cf. Tam. koṭṭai ʻ nut, kernel ʼ, Kan. goṟaṭe &c. listed DED 1722] K. goṭh f., dat. °ṭi f. ʻ chequer or chess or dice board ʼ; S. g̠oṭu m. ʻ large ball of tobacco ready for hookah ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ small do. ʼ; P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; N. goṭo ʻ piece ʼ, goṭi ʻ chess piece ʼ; A. goṭ ʻ a fruit, whole piece ʼ, °ṭā ʻ globular, solid ʼ, guṭi ʻ small ball, seed, kernel ʼ; B. goṭā ʻ seed, bean, whole ʼ; Or. goṭā ʻ whole, undivided ʼ, goṭi ʻ small ball, cocoon ʼ, goṭāli ʻ small round piece of chalk ʼ; Bi. goṭā ʻ seed ʼ; Mth. goṭa ʻ numerative particle ʼ; H.goṭ f. ʻ piece (at chess &c.) ʼ; G. goṭ m. ʻ cloud of smoke ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ kernel of coconut, nosegay ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver, clot of blood ʼ, °ṭilɔ m. ʻ hard ball of cloth ʼ; M. goṭām. ʻ roundish stone ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ a marble ʼ, goṭuḷā ʻ spherical ʼ; Si. guṭiya ʻ lump, ball ʼ; -- prob. also P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ. Rebus:  °ṭī f. ʻ lump of silver*gōḍḍ -- ʻ dig ʼ see *khōdd -- .Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ.(CDIAL 4271).Rebus: goī f. ʻ lump of silver (Gujarati).

Hieroglyph: kaḍī a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaḍiyaṇa, kaḍiyeṇa a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (Gujarati)

Why nine leaves? lo = nine (Santali); no = nine (Bengali) [Note the count of nine ‘ficus’ leaves depicted on the epigraph.] 

lo, no ‘nine’ phonetic reinforcement of Hieroglyph: loa ‘ficus’  loa = a species of fig tree, ficus glomerata (Santali) Rebus: lo ‘copper’ (Samskritam) loha lut.i = iron utensils and implements (Santalilauha = made of copper or iron (Gr.S’r.); metal, iron (Skt.); lo_haka_ra = coppersmith, ironsmith (Pali); lo_ha_ra = blacksmith (Pt.); lohal.a (Or.); lo_ha = metal, esp. copper or bronze (Pali); copper (VS.); loho, lo_ = metal, ore, iron (Si.)


Interlocking bodies: ca_li (IL 3872); rebus: s’a_lika (IL) village of artisans. [cf. sala_yisu  = joining of metal (Ka.)]

kamaḍha = ficus religiosa (Skt.); kamar.kom ‘ficus’ (Santali) rebus: kamaṭa = portable furnace for melting precious metals (Te.); kampaṭṭam = mint (Ta.) Vikalpa: Fig leaf ‘loa’; rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’. loha-kāra ‘metalsmith’ (Sanskrit). loa ’fig leaf; Rebus: loh ‘(copper) metal’ The unique ligatures on the 'leaf' hieroglyph may be explained as a professional designation: loha-kāra 'metalsmith'kāruvu  [Skt.] n. 'An artist, artificer. An agent'.(Telugu)
sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' is a signifier and the signified is: सं-घात sãghāta 'caravan consignment' [an assemblage, aggregate of metalwork objects (of the turner in workshop): metals, alloys]. sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage, and so on. -- karun -- करुन् । सामग्रीसंग्रहः m.inf. to collect the ab. (L.V. 17).(Kashmiri). 
Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)

kot.iyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; kot. = neck (G.lex.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull]. ko_d.iya, ko_d.e = young bull; ko_d.elu = plump young bull; ko_d.e = a. male as in: ko_d.e du_d.a = bull calf; young, youthful (Te.lex.)


Glyph:  ko_t.u = horns (Ta.) ko_r (obl. ko_t-, pl. ko_hk) horn of cattle or wild animals (Go.); ko_r (pl. ko_hk), ko_r.u (pl. ko_hku) horn (Go.); kogoo a horn (Go.); ko_ju (pl. ko_ska) horn, antler (Kui)(DEDR 2200). Homonyms: kohk (Go.), gopka_ = branches (Kui), kob = branch (Ko.) gorka, gohka spear (Go.) gorka (Go)(DEDR 2126).


kod. = place where artisans work (Gujarati) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) got.ho [Skt. kos.t.ha the inner part] a warehouse; an earthen 


Rebus: kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’(B.) कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi) koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’ (Kuwi) koḍ  = place where artisans work (G.) ācāri koṭṭya ‘smithy’ (Tu.) कोंडण [kōṇḍaṇa] f A fold or pen. (Marathi) B. kõdā ‘to turn in a lathe’; Or.kū̆nda ‘lathe’, kũdibā, kū̃d ‘to turn’ (→ Drav. Kur. Kū̃d ’ lathe’) (CDIAL 3295)  A. kundār, B. kũdār, ri, Or.Kundāru; H. kũderā m. ‘one who works a lathe, one who scrapes’, rī f., kũdernā ‘to scrape, plane, round on a lathe’; kundakara—m. ‘turner’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3297). कोंदण [ kōndaṇa ] n (कोंदणें) Setting or infixing of gems.(Marathi) খোদকার [ khōdakāra ] n an engraver; a carver. খোদকারি n. engraving; carving; interference in other’s work. খোদাই [ khōdāi ] n engraving; carving. খোদাই করা v. to engrave; to carve. খোদানো v. & n. en graving; carving. খোদিত [ khōdita ] a engraved. (Bengali) खोदकाम [ khōdakāma ] n Sculpture; carved work or work for the carver. खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving: also sculptured or carved work. खोदणावळ [ khōdaṇāvaḷa ] f (खोदणें) The price or cost of sculpture or carving. खोदणी [ khōdaṇī ] f (Verbal of खोदणें) Digging, engraving &c. 2 fig. An exacting of money by importunity. V लाव, मांड. 3 An instrument to scoop out and cut flowers and figures from paper. 4 A goldsmith’s die. खोदणें [ khōdaṇēṃ ] v c & i ( H) To dig. 2 To engrave. खोद खोदून विचारणें or –पुसणें To question minutely and searchingly, to probe. खोदाई [ khōdāī ] f (H.) Price or cost of digging or of sculpture or carving. खोदींव [ khōdīṃva ] p of खोदणें Dug. 2 Engraved, carved, sculptured. (Marathi).

5,300-year old Epigraphia Indus Script of Meluhha, 3,200-year-old Anatolian hieroglyphs of Sea People

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Anatolian hieroglyphs from stone reliefs at Hattusa of Hittites recorded conquests by the Great King of Mira.

Epigraphia Indus Script documents accounting/trading entries of Tin-Bronze Age metalwork wealth-creating activities of artisans and seafaring Meluhha merchants. See: Epigraphia Indus Script – Hypertexts & Meanings (3 Volumes) by S. Kalyanaraman (2017)

The earliest evidence of Indus Script is found on a potsherd from Harappa (HARP Report) dated to ca. 3300 BCE.

Excerpted below are frames related to Indus Valley Language and Script, Sea People, Proto-Elamite and Cypro-Minoan, from livescience.com:

Indus Valley language

The Indus Valley civilization (sometimes called the Harappan civilization) flourished in what is now Pakistan, India, Afghanistan and Iran around 4,000 years ago and declined during a period of ancient climate change. People who lived in Mesopotamia had an active trading relationship with them and referred to them as "Meluhhans" in some Mesopotamian texts.
The writing system used by the people of the Indus Valley civilization is undeciphered, but makes use of a series of signs. Scholars hope that one day a text will be found that is written in both the Indus Valley language and a Mesopotamian language that is already known. If such a text does exist, it may be found in Iraq or on the coasts of Arabia where trading between Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley civilization occurred.

What does the Indus Valley Script say?

The Indus Valley civilization (sometimes called the Harappan civilization, after one of its largest cities) flourished more than 4,000 years ago in what is now Pakistan, India, Afghanistan and Iran. Climate change appears to have played an important role in its collapse. The people of the Indus Valley civilization wrote with a script that remains undeciphered.
Sizable numbers of people from the Indus Valley lived in Mesopotamia; these people were called Meluhans in ancient Mesopotamian texts. Archaeologists are currently excavating sites in the Gulf States and Iraq that may reveal more information on the interaction between the people of Mesopotamia and the people of Meluha. It is hoped that one day a bilingual text, written in both the Indus Valley script and a Mesopotamian language (most ancient Mesopotamian languages can be read), will be discovered. If such a text is found, it may allow for the language of the Indus Valley civilization to be deciphered. 

Who were the Sea People


Proto-Elamite

A writing system which scholars call Proto-Elamite was used in what is now Iran around 5,000 years ago. One of the earliest writing systems used by humans, it remains undeciphered.

Many of the surviving texts are now in the Louvre Museum and in 2013 an agreement was reached between the Louvre Museum and the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative to digitize all the museum’s Proto-Elamite texts. It is hoped that the digitization initiative will make it easier for scholars to gain access to the surviving texts.

Cypro-Minoan

A writing system that scholars call Cypro-Minoan was widely used on Cyprus between the late 16th and early 11th centuries B.C. Only about 200 Cypro-Minoan texts still survive, of which "most are very short," wrote Nicolle Hirschfeld, a classical studies professor at Trinity University in San Antonio, in an article published in "The Oxford Handbook of the Bronze Age Aegean" (Oxford University Press, 2010). 

The small number of surviving Cypro-Minoan texts and the short length of many of those texts make decipherment difficult, Hirschfeld wrote. "Decipherment is not possible unless substantial archives are uncovered or a bilingual [text] is discovered," Hirschfeld wrote.

3,200-Year-Old Stone Inscription Tells of Trojan Prince, Sea People




Nahal Mishmar evidence of cire perdue metal casting, R̥gveda evidence of cupellation of mākṣika 'pyrites' to gain amśu, ancu 'iron' in Ancient Pyrotechnology

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https://tinyurl.com/ybd3lyux
See:

Gobekli Tepe pictograms signify heat treatment of mineral stones in Ancient Pyrotechnology; a hypothesis posited from Indus Script hypertexts 
https://tinyurl.com/y9bjhkpa

Gobekli Tepe (12k ya) and Nahal Mishmar (8k ya) Indus Scrript hypertexts relate to Ancient pyrotechnology https://tinyurl.com/y8ly57kh

Did the metallurgical techniques (in Ancient Pyrotechnology) of Gobekli Tepe artisans include cire perdue techniques and cupellation?

Some evidences from Nahal Mishmar artifacts and R̥gveda texts are discussed in this monograph. Both categories of evidence may be relevant to identify or hypothesise on techniques of Ancient Pyrotechnology of Gobekli Tepe Pre-pottery neolithic period (ca. 10th millennium BCE).


NahalMishmar evidences of cire perdue metal casting artifacts are dated to 6th millennium BCE. R̥gveda textual evidences relate to metalworking processes of a period earlier than 7th millennium BCE. This note claims that aspects of metalwork related to Ancient Pyrotechnology are: 1 cire perdue technique of metal casting and 2. use of cupellation to obtain purified metals from working with pyrites and mineral ores in furnaces, kilns or fire-altars.


R̥gveda 1.119.9, 10 speaks of the 'mystic science' of using mākṣikā, bees' and Dadhyãc bones. I suggest that this is a pun on the word: Hieroglyph: माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका mākṣikā) coming from or belonging to a bee Ma1rkPRebus: माक्षिक n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh.


The metaphor used in R̥gveda 1.119.9 to produce madhu, i.e. Soma is a reference to use of pyrites to produce electrum Soma which is also referred to in R̥gveda as amśu cognate ancu 'iron' (Tocharian) अंशु [p= 1,1] a kind of सोम libation S3Br. (Monier-Williams)


I suggest that the references to pyrites and horse bones (of Dadhyc) in RV 1.119.9 is a narrative of metallurgical process of cupellation to remove lead ores from pyrite ores --मक्षिका mākṣikā-- to realize pure metals such as gold, silver or copper.


Many conjectures have been made on the role of the horse bones of Dadhyc in Soma processing. I suggest that the use of bones is for cupellation process to oxidise lead iin pyrites, as 'litharge cakes of lead monoxide', thus removing lead from the mineral ores. A cupel which resembles a small egg cup, is made of ceramic or bone ash which was used to separate base metals from noble metals --  to separate noble metals, like gold and silver, from base metals like leadcopperzincarsenicantimony or bismuth, present in the ore. "The base of the hearth was dug in the form of a saucepan, and covered with an inert and porous material rich in calcium or magnesium such as shells, lime, or bone ash.The lining had to be calcareous because lead reacts with silica (clay compounds) to form viscous lead silicate that prevents the needed absorption of litharge, whereas calcareous materials do not react with lead.[7]Some of the litharge evaporates, and the rest is absorbed by the porous earth lining to form "litharge cakes".

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cupellation
Brass moulds for making cupels.Mixture of bones and wood ashes are used, together with clay, to create the cupels for cupellation.

The ability to work with bees'wax to create metal artifacts by the cire perdue (lost-wax) method of metal castings is clearly evidenced in Nahal Mishmar artifacts (5th millennium BCE).

Image resultAkkadian head from Nineveh, 2300-2159 BCE (from Iraq 3 pl. 6) Lost-wax casting of large-scale statuary was well developed in Mesopotamia in the second half of the 3rd millennium BCE. The objec was mjade of copper. X-radiographs confirm tha the hair lines were chased onto the object after casting. Only the last stage of 'sloshing' was yet to be developed. (Davey, Christopher J., 2009, The early history of lost-wax casting, in J. Mei and Th. Rehren, eds., Metallurgy and civilisation: Eurasia and beyond archetype, London 2009, p.150) 
http://www.aiarch.org.au/bios/cjd/147%20Davey%202009%20BUMA%20VI%20offprint.pdf
Mehergarh. Cire perdue method used to make spoked wheel of copper/bronze. 4th millennium BCE.https://www.harappa.com/blog/mehrgarh-wheel-amulet-analysis-yields-many-secrets

Image result for cire perdue lead weight shahi tump3rd millennium BCE. Cire perdue technique used for leopard weight. Shahi Tump. H.16.7cm; dia.13.5cm; base dia 6cm; handle on top.The shell has been manufactured by lost-wax foundry of a copper alloy (12.6%b, 2.6%As), then it has been filled up through lead (99.5%) foundry. 



Sayana/Wilson Trans.
1.119.09 That honey-seeking bee also murmured your praise; the son of Usij invokes you to the exhilaratin of Soma; you conciliated the mind of Dadhyc, so that, provided with the head of a horse, he taught you (the mystic science). 
1.119.10 Aśvins, you gave to Pedu the white (horse) desired by many, the breaker-through of combatants, shining, unconquerable by foes in battle, fit for every work; like Indra, the conquerer of men.

Griffith Trans.

RV 1.119.09 To you in praise of sweetness sang the honeybee-: Ausija calleth you in Soma's rapturous joy.
Ye drew unto yourselves the spirit of Dadhyãc, and then the horses' head uttered his words to you.
RV 1.119.10 A horse did ye provide for Pedu, excellent, white, O ye Aśvins, conqueror of combatants,
Invincible in war by arrows, seeking heaven worthy of fame, like Indra, vanquisher of men.

Ramayanas of South and South-east Asia -- Benoy Behl

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Published: November 23, 2016 12:30 IST | Updated: December 21, 2016 13:07 IST

Ramayanas of South and South-east Asiaa and SitaRama and Sita. Ramayana Ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta, Indonesia Photo:BENOY BEHL
It is the most important cultural tradition of Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Nepal and India. Text & photographs by BENOY K. BEHL
Imagine a figure who has been loved and worshipped by hundreds of millions of people in many countries for untold generations, a personality upon whom countless kings have modelled themselves, a story which has been central to the culture of many countries cutting across a spectrum of religions, an epic which has shaped the lives and daily behaviour of millions of people and provided them an ethical framework on which to build their understanding of their duties in the world.
We are speaking of the Ramayana, one of the great stories of the world. The story of the Ramayana is enacted more often than any other story in the world. It is performed by Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims. It is the most important cultural tradition of Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Nepal and India. It is also widely prevalent in Bhutan, Singapore, Malaysia and Vietnam.
The Ramayana is a great epic of ethics that teaches the values of life to men and women across South and South-East Asia. Scores of generations of children have watched these performances over 1,500 years, to learn the importance of leading an ethical life. The Ramayana has been the cornerstone of the life of South and South-East Asia. Many kings in these countries have taken the name of Rama, and cities and islands have been named after persons and places in the epic. Symbols of Vishnu (whose incarnation is Rama) have been royal emblems across the region.
This photo feature in two parts carries stills from Benoy K. Behl’s recent film made for the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. He was assisted in the shooting and research by Sujata Chatterji.
Benoy K Behl is a film-maker, art historian and photographer who is known for his prolific output of work over the past 40 years. He has taken over 50,000 photographs of Asian monuments and art heritage and made 138 documentaries, which are regularly screened at major cultural institutions worldwide. His photographic exhibitions have been warmly received in 58 countries around the world. He is in Limca Book of Records as the most travelled photographer.
Published: December 21, 2016 12:30 IST | Updated: December 21, 2016 13:03 IST Published: December 21, 2016 12:30 IST | Updated: December 21, 2016 13:03 IST
RAMAYANA
An epic tale in many forms

Rama and Sita, Sacred Dancers of Angkor (all-female cast), Siem Reap, Cambodia. Photo:Benoy K. Behl

Puppets, paintings, sculptures and reliefs are among the ways in which the Ramayana has been depicted across Asia. Text & photographs by BENOY K. BEHL

THE story of the great epic Ramayana is fascinating and simple. It centres on Rama, the Prince of Ayodhya in India. He is exiled by his father and sent to the forest for 14 years. His faithful wife, Sita, and his loyal brother Lakshmana follow him to the forest, where they live. Sita is tricked and abducted by the powerful and evil King Ravana. He takes her off to Lanka and keeps her in captivity there.
Rama searches for Sita and becomes friends with the powerful monkey leader Hanuman. Together, with an army of monkeys, they go to Lanka to rescue her. Ravana is killed and Sita is brought back. That is the essential outline of the story. The focus is on four of the principal characters, who continue to fascinate people to this day: Rama, Sita, Hanuman and Ravana. These are characters who dominate the imagination of vast populations.
The Ramayana has been the most popular story told to little children by grandparents across South and South-East Asia. Puppets and shadow puppets have been used to tell this tale. Some of the finest paintings, sculptures and reliefs across Asia have been based on the Ramayana.
From ancient times to the present day, the Ramayana has been the best-known story of billions of people. It is found today in comic books and in the most-watched TV serials of the region. The Ramayana portrays ethics in life, family values and even ethical rule by sovereigns. To this day, the Asian people speak about being guided by the characters in the Ramayana in their daily life.

COMMENTS:

Yes,There is no mention of Sri Lanka for the good reason that Ramayana story has never existed there in its long history. One should read Gottingon University's Prof Heinz Berchart's analysis of the reasons. Unlike in the rest of South East Asia where Buddhism was a late arrival, Sri Lanka a came under Buddhist influence over millenium earlier. Stories like Ramayana (Hindu version)were considered desultory ones, whatever the Indians might think of it. Besides, Lanka of Ravana was not Sri Lanka.Buddhist Jataka stories have a different version of Ramayana.
from:  Bandu de Silva
Posted on: Dec 2, 2016 at 08:47 IST
It is perhaps the best example to universalization of parochial forms. Ramayana is a 'great traditional' text but it owes a lot to the more localized 'Ram Kathas'. Perhaps it can be said that the origin of Ramayana in the textual form is the result of a compilation made by great saints and scholars of the oral 'Ram Kathas'.
from:  Prashant Khattri
Posted on: Nov 30, 2016 at 15:51 IST
Ravana, the King of Sri Lanka is the most important character in the Epic Ramayana. We may be the descendants of Ravana, we are proud of it. There is no mention of Sri Lanka in your story.
from:  Joseph Ratnsingham
Posted on: Nov 25, 2016 at 01:17 IST
Great composition and very well written.Thanks Benoy.
from:  christel pilz
Posted on: Nov 23, 2016 at 18:13 IST
Benoy Behl is simply superb! Congrats and best wishes!
from:  Arun Kumar
Posted on: Dec 28, 2016 at 13:27 IST
Benoy Behl has been taking great photos of monuments, both famous and obscure, across the globe for decades. Much to be thankful for!
from:  R Kapadia
Posted on: Dec 27, 2016 at 09:44 IST
Bendy Behl's relentless exploration and sustained hard work have brought to the fore amazing reach of Indian culture and civilisation in countries of Asia pointing to its lasting influence over the centuries.
from:  Kailash Chaurasia
Posted on: Dec 26, 2016 at 09:13 IST
Contribution of Mr. Behal in exploring the links of Indian cultural heritage in different parts of globe is appreciable in transferring knowledge to the present generations who very much miss the fairy tales in this era of nucleus families although in Globalised world. Many of us lack the exposures of such universalisation of such epics and its characters as inherited in past.
from:  shambhoo sharan
Posted on: Dec 22, 2016 at 20:00 IST
Benoy Behl is an artistic comet in the Indian sky and it has been our privilege to have known him.
from:  Bulu Imam
Posted on: Dec 21, 2016 at 16:12 IST  
Captions of Photographs
Rama at Sita's swayamvara, Jyotipunja Sign Theatre, Kathmandu, Nepal. Photo:Benoy K.. Behl
Rama in the court of King Janaka, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance, India. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama with great bow and King Janaka, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Ravana and King Janaka, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance, India. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama and Sita, Apsaras Arts, Singapore. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama and Sita, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance, India. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama and Sita, Malya Raja Shanthiya, Sri Lanka. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
King and Queen (Rama and Sita), Lhayee Lugar Performing Arts, Bhutan. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama, Sita and Lakshmana, Jyotipunja Sign Theatre, Kathmandu. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Surpanakha (as Sundari) and Lakshmana, Jyotipunja Sign Theatre, Kathmandu. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Ravana, Phralak Phralam Theatre, Luang Prabang, Lao PDR. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Golden deer and Ravana, Khon Ramakien, Thailand. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama and Sita, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Sita and Lakshmana, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Rama, Malya Raja Shanthiya, Sri Lanka. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Hanuman, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Ravana, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Ravana defeated, Aru Sri Art Theatre. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
Victorious Rama, Aru Sri Art Theatre, Sri Lanka. Photo:Benoy K. Behl


Rama Relief. Prambanan Temple, ninth century, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL

Ravana in disguise and Sita. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL

Ravana and Sita. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Death of Jatayu. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Burning of Lanka. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Ravana being killed. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Rama and Lakshmana. Wat Xieng Thong, Luang Prabang, Lao People's Democratic Republic. Photo:BENOY K. BEH
Ravana. Guru Ammanoor Madhava Chakyar, Koodiyattam, Sanskrit dance drama. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Ravana, Wayang shadow puppet. Museum Wayang, Jakarta, Indonesia. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Death of Ravana. Lav Kush Ramlila Committee, New Delhi. Photo:BENOY K. BEH
Ravana. Lav Kush Ramlila Committee. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Ravana, Odissi dance. Kiran Sehgal & Sahitya Kala Parishad (all female cast), New Delhi. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Statue of Bali. The island of Bali is named after the character in Ramayana. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Victorious Rama. Sala Chalermkrung Royal Theatre, Thailand. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Rama and Sita, Odissi dance. Kiran Sehgal &Sahitya Kala Parishad (all female cast). Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Rama, Odissi dance. Kiran Sehgal & Sahitya Kala Parishad (all female cast). Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
Sita and Ravana. Kecak dance, Uluwatu Temple, Bali. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Rama at Sita's swayamvara, Jyotipunja Sign Theatre, Kathmandu, Nepal. Photo:Benoy K.. Behl
  • Rama in the court of King Janaka, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance, India. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama with great bow and King Janaka, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Ravana and King Janaka, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance, India. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama and Sita, Apsaras Arts, Singapore. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama and Sita, Saroja Vaidyanathan performance, India. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama and Sita, Malya Raja Shanthiya, Sri Lanka. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • King and Queen (Rama and Sita), Lhayee Lugar Performing Arts, Bhutan. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama, Sita and Lakshmana, Jyotipunja Sign Theatre, Kathmandu. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Surpanakha (as Sundari) and Lakshmana, Jyotipunja Sign Theatre, Kathmandu. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Ravana, Phralak Phralam Theatre, Luang Prabang, Lao PDR. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Golden deer and Ravana, Khon Ramakien, Thailand. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama and Sita, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Sita and Lakshmana, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama, Malya Raja Shanthiya, Sri Lanka. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Hanuman, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Ravana, Khon Ramakien. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Ravana defeated, Aru Sri Art Theatre. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Victorious Rama, Aru Sri Art Theatre, Sri Lanka. Photo:Benoy K. Behl
  • Rama and Sita. Ramayana Ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta, Indonesia Photo:BENOY BEHL
  • Rama Relief. Prambanan Temple, ninth century, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana in disguise and Sita. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana and Sita. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Death of Jatayu. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Burning of Lanka. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana being killed. Ramayana ballet, Prambanan Temple, Yogyakarta. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Rama and Lakshmana. Wat Xieng Thong, Luang Prabang, Lao People's Democratic Republic. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana. Guru Ammanoor Madhava Chakyar, Koodiyattam, Sanskrit dance drama. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana, Wayang shadow puppet. Museum Wayang, Jakarta, Indonesia. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Death of Ravana. Lav Kush Ramlila Committee, New Delhi. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana. Lav Kush Ramlila Committee. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Ravana, Odissi dance. Kiran Sehgal & Sahitya Kala Parishad (all female cast), New Delhi. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Statue of Bali. The island of Bali is named after the character in Ramayana. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Victorious Rama. Sala Chalermkrung Royal Theatre, Thailand. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Rama and Sita, Odissi dance. Kiran Sehgal &Sahitya Kala Parishad (all female cast). Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Rama, Odissi dance. Kiran Sehgal & Sahitya Kala Parishad (all female cast). Photo:BENOY K. BEHL
  • Sita and Ravana. Kecak dance, Uluwatu Temple, Bali. Photo:BENOY K. BEHL

Meluhha Indus Script hypertexts signify ancient pyrotechnology of Gobekli Tepe monuments, ekamukha jaṭalinga

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1st cent. CE.


ttps://tinyurl.com/y8ume8dg

This monograph posits a thesis that ancient pyrotechnology processes involving minerals, metals, alloys are signified on Gobekli Tepe pictograms of ca. 12k ya, on Nahal Mishmar crown of ca. 8k ya, on hypertexts of Indus Script Corpora of ca. 5k ya and on jaalinga, mukhalinga carburization signifiers to produce hardened metal ingots. cf. Ekamukha linga atop a kiln, smelter. Mathura Museum sculpture 1st cent. CE. 

Meluhha cognate mleccha, 'copper', mleccha mukha 'copper'.The 'mukha' sememe in the compound text is a rebus signifier of mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'. (Santali)

See: Gobekli Tepe pictograms signify heat treatment of mineral stones in Ancient Pyrotechnology; a hypothesis posited from Indus Script hypertexts https://tinyurl.com/y9bjhkpa

Image result for gobekli tepe human faceHuman face pictogram on Gobekli Tepe pillars.

Indus Script hypertexts  and meanings: mũh 'face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot', mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'. (Santali)

mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus:


 Indus Script hypertext and meaning: फड, phaḍa, 'cobra hood' rebus: फड, phaḍa'arsenal of metal manufactory guild'.
Göbekli Tepe 22 Indus Script hypertexts and meanings: 

Hieroglyph: eruvai 'kite' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. pajhar 'eagle' rebus: pasra 'smithy, forge'

Hieroglyph: eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'. 

kola'tiger' rebus: kol'working in iron'kolle'blacksmith'panja 'paw of feline' rebus: panja'kiln, furnace'

Indus Script hypertexts and meanings: badhi 'boar' rebus: badhi 'worker in wood and iron'kanku 'crane, egret, heron' rebus: kangar 'portable furnace'panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace' bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite stone ore'daur̥ā 'rope' rebus: dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi)

Gobekli Tepe pictograms (Pillar 43)Related imageranku'liquid measure' rebus: ranku'tin'
Jiroft. Vase. Basket-shaped wallet. http://antikforever.com/Perse/Divers/jiroft.htm

Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N. ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra kamar 'cire perdue, lost-wax casting metalworker'.

āre 'lion' rebu: āra 'brass' PLUS dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.

pōḷa 'zebu' rebus: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrite ore)
pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel'


Hieroglyph: eruvai 'kite' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. pajhar 'eagle' rebus: pasra'smithy, forge'

Hieroglyph: eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'.
Hieroglyph: dhangar 'bull' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'

Hieroglyph: bica 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'hematite'


The word dhāv is derived from dhātu which has two meanings: 'strand of rope' (Rigveda)(hieroglyph) and 'mineral' (metalwork ciphertext of Indian sprachbund.)

dhāī  wisp of fibers added to a rope (Sindhi) Rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore' (Samskritam) dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi)
dhāv 'a red stone ore' is identified in the gloss: dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelters'.

daürā 'rope' Rebus dhāvḍā 'smelter';

Hieriglyph: meṛh rope tying to post, pillar: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī,meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319) Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' (Slavic)

Fig. 11 Cylinder seal. 2 seated lions. Twisted rope. Louvre AO7296


  • Fig. 9 Fragment of an Iranian Chlorite Vase. 2500-2400 BCE
  • Decorated with the lion headed eagle (Imdugud) found in the temple of Ishtar during the 1933 - 1934 fieldwork by Parrot. Dated 2500 - 2400 BCE. Louvre Museum collection AO 17553. 
  • Bharhut sculptural frieze venerating cobra hood and tree (Indus Script hypertexts).
  • Image result for bhuteshwar mathura museum
  • Workship-of-Śiva-Linga-by-the-kharva, dwarfs, 1st cent. BCE Bhuteśvar.
  • Ekamukha linga atop smelter with GaNa, kharva ‘dwarf’ ‘cups baked in fire’ rebus: kharva ‘Kubera’s nidhi’
    kuTi ‘tree’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’ dAma ‘garland’ rebus: dhAv ‘element, mineral’.

  • Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE. This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda)मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usually मेढ q. v.) मेडका m A stake, esp. as bifurcated. मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. मेढा (p. 665) [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. मेढी (p. 665) [ mēḍhī ] f (Dim. of मेढ) A small bifurcated stake: also a small stake, with or without furcation, used as a post to support a cross piece. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post.) A term for a person considered as the pillar, prop, or support (of a household, army, or other body), the staff or stay. मेढेजोशी (p. 665) [ mēḍhējōśī ] m A stake-जोशी; a जोशी who keeps account of the तिथि &c., by driving stakes into the ground: also a class, or an individual of it, of fortune-tellers, diviners, presagers, seasonannouncers, almanack-makers &c. They are Shúdras and followers of the मेढेमत q. v. 2 Jocosely. The hereditary or settled (quasi fixed as a stake) जोशी of a village.मेंधला (p. 665) [ mēndhalā ] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi)

    मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda) 
  • jaalinga, mukhalinga carburization signifiers to produce hardened metal ingots

  • File:Jatalinga sur cuve à ablution (musée Guimet) (5153565239).jpg


  • Jatalinga sur cuve à ablution Vietnam, Thap Banh It (Tours d'argent), province de Binh Dinh (?) Style de Thap Mam, XIIème siècle Or et argent repoussé Salle sur la culture Cham (Vietnam) www.flickr.com/photos/dalbera/sets/72157623402022149/
    "..the linga is the most sacred form of the god Shiva, here it is marked by the stylized drawing of the ascetic bun of which this god is usually capped.The channel which surrounds it, provided with a channel of flow, is intended to collect the lustral water..."extrait du cartel du musée Guimet www.guimet.fr/spip.php?page=recherche&recherche=linga
    voir une autre cuve à ablution : www.flickr.com/photos/dalbera/2416473091/            Related image

    Mukhalinga, Oc Eo, An Giang, 6th-7th century AD, sandstone - Museum of Vietnamese History - Ho Chi Minh City.

  •  Eight-angled Rudrabhāga signifies aṣṭāśri Yupa of R̥gveda and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa topped with wheat chaff to infuse carbon into soft metal in fire-altar to harden the molten metal. Hence, jaṭalinga.


dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo (Assamese) rebus: dhAv'mineral ore'. skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?)skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambh,khambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmhkhāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ.*skambhaghara -- , *skambhākara -- , *skambhāgāra -- , *skambhadaṇḍa -- ; *dvāraskambha -- .Addenda: skambhá -- 1: Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.(CDIAL 13638, 13639) கம்பம் kampamn. < Pkt. kambastam- bha. Mast; பாய்மரம். (யாழ். அக.).Thamhhaka (=thambha 3) a clump of grass VvA 276 (=gumba).Thambha a clump of grass M i.324; cp. thambhaka (Pali) M. kã̄b f. bar of iron or other metal ʼʻ longitudinal division of a bamboo &c., kambi f. ʻ branch or shoot of bamboo ʼ lex. [See kamaṭha -- ]Pk. kaṁbi -- , °bī -- , °bā -- f. ʻ stick, twig ʼ, OG. kāṁba (CDIAL 2774) தம்பம்¹ tampam
n. < Pkt. tambasthambha. 1. Pillar, column; தூண். தம்பத்தி னனக மாநர மடங்கலா யவதரித்து (பாகவத. 1, 1, 31). 2. Post to which elephants, etc. are tied; யானை முதலியன கட்டுந் தறி. 3. Lamp-post; விளக்குத் தண்டு. (திவா.) 4. Flagstaff, mast, temple flag- pole; துவசத்தம்பம். நின்றிருவாயிற் றனித்தம்பமே (திருநூற். 22). 5. Support; பற்றுக்கோடு. தம்ப மில்லை நமக்கு (உத்தரரா. இராவணன்பிற. 31). 6. See தம்புகை. (L.) 7. See தம்பனம். அக்கினித்தம்பம்.
Thambha [see etym. under thaddha; occasionally spelt thamba, viz. A i.100; M i.324; PvA 186, 187] 1. a pillar, a post Vin i.276; D i.50 (majjhimaŋ ˚ŋ nissāya); ii.85 (id.); Sn 214; Vv 782 (veḷuriya˚, of the pillars of a Vimāna); Pv iii.31 (id.); DhA iv.203; VvA 188 (+tulā -- gopānasī); PvA 186. (Pali)

Rebus: 

oinage'.


Demoiselle Cranes at Tal Chappar.jpg
"The demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo) is a species of crane found in central Eurasia, ranging from the Black Sea to Mongolia and North Eastern China. There is also a small breeding population in Turkey. These cranes are migratory birds. Birds from western Eurasia will spend the winter in Africa whilst the birds from Asia, Mongolia and China will spend the winter in the Indian subcontinent. The bird is symbolically significant in the culture of North India, where it is known as thekoonj." (R. K. Gaur, Indian birds, Brijbasi Printers, 1994, ... The smallest member of the crane family, the demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo ) is a distinctive looking bird, with ashy grey ... The local name for this crane — koonj — is onomatopoeic, deriving from the Sanskrit 'kraunch', the origin of the word crane itself ...)

Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To. košk heron. Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane. Pa. kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle (pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi, (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane. Br. xāxūr demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595. (DEDR 2125)  2595 kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko]Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).CDIAL 2595) कोकणघार [ kōkaṇaghāra ] f (Nashik &c.) Konkan̤-kite. A term for the Damoiselle crane or Ardea virgo. Commonly करकोची.(Marathi)
280 *kuk; *kuək egret. A: (Khmer, South Bahnaric) Khmer kok heron, egret, Biat kok egret.
B: (Bahnaric) Chrau kɔːʔ cattle egret, Bahnar [klaːŋ] kɔːk generic term for egrets &c. (GUILLEMINET 1959-63); probably → Cham kɔːʔ; Vietnamese cò. 
Sidwell, Paul, 2007, Proto-Mon-Khmer vocalism: moving on from short's 'alternances', Centre for Research in computational linguistics & Australian National University  http://sealang.net/monkhmer/sidwell2007proto.pdf

So. koDa(R)/ kol `the long-legged crane'.
Kh. kOlE? `heron, parrot'.
Sa. kereO'd `screamingly (of fowls), to scream'.
Mu. kea'd(H)
  ~ kerea'd(N) `the Roseringed Paroquet (%Palaeornis_torquatus)'.
@(C010)

Rebus: kang कंग् । आवसथ्यो &1;ग्निः m. the fire-receptacle or fire-place, kept burning in
 former times in the courtyard of a Kāshmīrī house for the benefit of guests, etc., and 
distinct from the three religious domestic fires of a Hindū; (at the present day) 
a fire-place or brazier lit in the open air on mountain sides, etc., for the sake of warmth 
or for keeping off wild beasts. nāra-kang, a fire-receptacle; hence, met. a shower of 
sparks (falling on a person) (Rām. 182). Cf. kã̄gürü, which is the fem. of this word in
 a dim. sense (Gr.Gr. 33, 37).







Hieroglyphs of kanka 'heron' on Dong Son bronze drums.







Bird, boat hieroglyphs on Dong Son drums 



Hieroglyph: कंकर [ kaṅkara ](Commonly कांकर) A brace of a drum. (Marathi)
Hieroglyph: kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS


Rebus: kāgni m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop. [ka -- 3 or kā -- , agní -- ]K. kang m. ʻ brazier, fireplace ʼ?(CDIAL 2999) *kāṅgārikā ʻ poor or small brazier ʼ. [Cf. kāgni -- m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop.: ka -- 3 or kā -- , aṅgāri -- ]K. kã̄gürükã̄gar f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ whence kangar m. ʻ large do. ʼ (or < *kāṅgāra -- ?); H. kã̄grī f. ʻ small portable brazier ʼ.(CDIAL 3006)












Jaṭāmaṇḍalam & Rudrabhāga of Śivalinga pratimā signify yūpa and caṣāla (vajra) of R̥gveda, Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa

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Veda, a world heritage oral chandas and samhitā texts, commentaries, recited, practised and venerated for millennia, is an ādhyātmikā enquiry into the Supreme Being.            
ādidaivika levels of enquiry: Jaṭāmaṇḍalam & Rudrabhāga of Śivalinga pratimā signify yūpa and caṣāla (vajra) of R̥gveda, Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. 
ādibhautika levels of enquiry: Ancient pyrotechnology and archaeometallurgy, life-activities of artisans, seafaring merchant guilds for shaed Wealth of a Nation; śreṇi, 'guilds' as trusteeship, Commonwealth.
मुख [p= 819,3] on Śivalinga pratimā is hieroglyph:'the Veda', (in geom.) the side opposite to the base , the summit; rebus 1: (in dram.) the original cause or source of the action (दशरूप; प्रतापरुद्रीय); muha -- ʻmouth, faceʼ (Old Gujarati.Prākr̥tam), mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus 2: mũhe 'ingot', mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'.  
Primā lakṣaṇāam (image/token attributes) of Śivalinga are clear from early examples. The features are: 1.Shaped like a pillar; 2. The pillar has three parts: and  Brahmabhāga (caturaśri 'quadrangular'),Viṣṇubhāga (aṣṭāśri, 'octagonal') and Rudrabhāga (cylindrical); 3. Hieroglyphs or hypertexts are signified on Rudrabhāga; the hypertext/hieroglyph signifiers are: either जटा-मण्डलम् jaṭāmaṇḍalam to signify a flaming pillar or one mukha or multiple mukha-s to signify hieroglyph: mũh'human face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot', mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'. (Santali) There are Śivalinga pratimā with multiple faces -- from two to five faces as evidenced on Bhita Śivalinga pratimā of 1st century BCE -- to signify pancaloha, 'five metals'. There are also examples of Śivalinga pratimā with a human face PLUS जटा-मण्डलम् jaṭāmaṇḍalam as seen on Jaṭālingam of Cham and Jaṭālingam of Bangkok. The recurring emphasis on Jaṭālingam on Śivalinga is to signify  yūpa, 'pillar' and caṣāla,'fumes of gaudhuma, wheat chaff'  as detailed in  1. R̥gveda to signify a ketu,'proclamation' of soma yajña, 2. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to infuse -- through the fumes of wheat chaff --carbon element into the metal in the yajña kuṇḍa to harden the metal or to produce a hard metal alloy.

the
 वेद L.';the side opposite to the base , the summit' rebus: (in dram.) the original cause or source of the action Das3ar. Prata1p.
Aṣṭāśri eight-cornered shape of Viṣṇubhāga and jaṭāmaṇḍalam on Rudrabhāga of Śivalinga pratimā signify yūpa and caṣāla described in R̥gveda and Śatapatha rāhmaṇa. The fiery pillar of light which Śivalinga so adorned with hypertexts is described in stunning ādhyātmikā enquiries in two Skambha Sūkta-s of Atharva Veda (AV X.7,8 Hymns of Supreme Being and Cosmogony) which are as proud as the Nāsad īya Sūkta of R̥gveda (RV X.129 Hymn of Creation).
The profound metaphors. of the Skambha Sūkta-s of Atharva Veda (AV X.7,8 Hymns of Supreme Being and Cosmogony) are an enquiry into the cosmic dance which the fiery, flaming pillar creates by transforming mere earth and stones into products of exchange value and wealth. The tāṇḍava nr̥tyam, 'cosmic dance' of Śivalinga as Yūpa Skambha is paralleled by the sculptors signifying the phenomena in sculptures of Somaskanda and Naṭarāja. Consistent with the structural form of the pillar in three parts of Brahmabhāga (caturaśri 'quadrangular'), Viṣṇubhāga (aṣṭāśri, 'octagonal') and Rudrabhāga (cylindrical), sculptors signify on Somaskanda;sculptures and sculptural friezes 1. hamsa (signifying Brahma) on top of the pillar searching for the heaven or the destination point of the pillar; 2. varāha (signifying Viṣṇu searching for the roots or bottom point of the pillar; 3. as the Supreme Being Mahādeva emerges out of the Śivalinga, the pillar. The emergence of the Supreme Being is a narrative related to cosmogony and the enquiry into the cosmic-conscious sensation phenomena to enquire into the nature of the products of exchange value and wealth emerging out of the processes in the Soma yajña, mdiated by the fiery pillar of flame and light -- as an allegory of Pilgrim's Progress into dharma -- abhyudayam,'wealth, welfare' and nihśreyas, 'unity of the .ātmā,  'sensation of life' and paramātmā 'Supreme Being'..In summary, the form and function of Śivalinga including caṣāla (with Vajra of Vajrabāhu Rudra; Cakrāyudha-, vajra-wielding viśvarūpam of Viṣṇu; and  Viṣṇu as Varāha, the yajña-/vedapuruṣa or personification of all Veda, all knowledge systems. Brahma as hamsa is a flight to reach the heavens, into the infinite cosmos, into ādhyātmikā enquiries

Griffith translation of Skambha Sūkta of Atharva Veda HYMN VII (7)

Skambha, the Pillar or Fulcrum of all existence
[1000701] Which of his members is the seat of Fervour: Which is the base of Ceremonial Order? [p. 21] Where in him standeth Faith? Where Holy Duty? Where, in what part of him is truth implanted?
[1000702] Out of which member glows the light of AgniForm which proceeds the breath of Matarisvan? From which doth Chandra measure out his journey, travelling over Skambha s mighty body?
[1000703] Which of his members is the earth s upholder? Which gives the middle air a base to rest on? Where, in which member is the sky established? Where hath the space above the sky its dwelling?
[1000704] Whitherward yearning blazeth Agni upward? Whitherward yearning bloweth Matarisvan? Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom with long ing go the turning pathways?
[1000705] Whitheward go the half months, and, accordant with the full year, the months in their procession? Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambhato whom go seasons and the groups of seasons?
[1000706] Whitherward yearning speed the two young Damsels, accordant, Day and Night, of different colour? Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha to whom the Waters take their way with longing?
[1000707] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha, On whom Prajapati set up and firmly stablished all the worlds?
[1000708] That universe which Prajapati created, wearing all forms,, the highest, midmost, lowest, How far did Skambha penetrate within it? What portion did he leave unpenetrated?
[1000709] How far within the past hath Skambha entered? How much of him hath reached into the future? That one part which he set in thousand places, how far did Skambha penetrate within it?
[1000710] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha in whom men recognize the WatersBrahma, In whom they know the worlds and their enclosures, in whom are non existence and existence?
[1000711] Declare that.
Skambha, who is he of many, In whom, exerting every power, Fervour maintains her loftiest vow; [p. 22] In whom are comprehended LawWatersDevotion and Belief
[1000712] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha On whom as their foundation earth and firmament and sky are set; In whom as their appointed place rest Fire and Moon and Sun and Wind?
[1000713] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha He in whose body are contained all three and thirty Deities?
[1000714] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha.
In whom the Sages earliest born, the RichasSamanYajusEarth, and the one highest Sage abide?
[1000715] Who out of many, tell me, is the Skambha.
Who comprehendeth, for mankind, both immortality and death, He who containeth for mankind the gathered waters as his veins?
[1000716] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha, He whose chief arteries stand there, the sky s four regions, he irk whom Sacrifice putteth forth its might?
[1000717] They who in Purusha understand Brahma know Him who is.
Supreme.
He who knows Him who is Supreme, and he who knows the Lord of Life, These know the loftiest Power Divine, and thence know Skambha thoroughly.
[1000718] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha Of whom Vaisvanara became the head, the Angirases his eye, and Yatus his corporeal parts?
[1000719] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha Whose mouth they say is Holy Lore, his tongue the Honey sweetened Whip, his udder is Viraj, they say?
[1000720] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha From whom they hewed the lichas off, from whom they chipped the Yajus, he Whose hairs are Sama verses and his mouth the Atharvangirases
[1000721] Men count as it were a thing supreme nonentity s conspicuous branch; And lower man who serve thy branch regard it as an entity.
[1000722] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha [p. 23] In whom Adityas dwell, in whom Rudras and Vasus are contained, In whom the future and the past and all the worlds are firmly set;
[1000723] Whose secret treasure evermore the three and thirty Gods protect? Who knoweth now the treasure which, O Deities ye watch and guard?
[1000724] Where the Gods, versed in Sacred Lore, worship the loftiest Power Divine The priest who knows them face to face may be a sage who knows the truth.
[1000725] Great, verily, are those Gods who sprang from non existence into life.
Further, men say that that one part of Skambha is nonentity.
[1000726] Where Skambha generating gave the Ancient World its shape and form, They recognized that single part of Skambha as the Ancient World,
[1000727] The three and thirty Gods within his body were disposed as limbs: Some, deeply versed in Holy Lore, some know those three and thirty Gods.
[1000728] Men know Hiranyagarbha as supreme and inexpressible: In the beginning, in the midst of the world, Skambha poured that gold.
[1000729] On Skambha Fervour rests, the worlds and Holy Law repose on him.
Skambha, I clearly know that all of thee on Indra is imposed.
[1000730] On Indra Fervour rests, on him the worlds and Holy Law recline.
Indra, I clearly know that all of thee on Skambha findeth rest.
[1000731] Ere (once) sun and dawn man calls and calls one Deity by the other s name.
When the Unborn first sprang into existence he reached that independent sovran lordship; than which aught higher never hath arisen.
[1000732] Be reverence paid to him, that highest Brahma, whose base is Earth, his belly Air, who made the sky to be his head. [p. 24]
[1000733] Homage to highest Brahma, him whose eye is Surya and the Moon who groweth young and new again, him who made Agni for his mouth.
[1000734] Homage to highest Brahma, him whose two life breathings were the Wind, The Angirases his sight: who made the regions be his means of sense.
[1000735] Skambha set fast these two, the earth and heaven, Skambha maintained the ample air between them.
Skambha established the six spacious regions: this whole world Skambha entered and pervaded.
[1000736] Homage to highest Brahma, him who, sprung from Fervour and from toil, Filled all the worlds completely, who made Soma for himself alone.
[1000737] Why doth the Wind move ceaselessly? Why doth the spirit take no rest? Why do the Waters, seeking truth, never at any time repose?
[1000738] Absorbed in Fervour, is the mighty Being, in the world s centre, on the waters surface.
To him the Deities, one and all betake them.
So stand the tree trunk with the branches round it.
[1000739] Who out of many, tell me, is that Skambha.
To whom the Deities with hands, with feet, and voice, and ear, and eye.
Present unmeasured tribute in the measured hall of sacrifice?
[1000740] Darkness is chased away from him: he is exempt from all dist ress.
In him are all the lights, the three abiding in Prajapati.
[1000741] He verily who knows the Reed of Gold that stands amid the flood, is the mysterious Lord of Life.
[1000742] Singly the two young Maids of different colours approach the six pegged warp in turns and weave it.
The one draws out the threads, the other lays them: they break them not, they reach no end of labour.
[1000743] Of these two, dancing round as it were, I cannot distinguish whether ranks before the other.
Male in weaves this web, a Male divides it: a Male hath stretched it to the cope of heaven [p. 25]
[1000744] These pegs have buttressed up the sky.
The Samans have turned them into shuttles for the weaving.
[p. 26]
[p. 27]

Griffith translation of Skambha Sūkta of Atharva Veda HYMN VII (8)

Speculations on the Supreme Being and Cosmogonical and theological subjects
[1000801] Worship to loftiest BrahmaLord of what hath been and what shall be, To him who rules the universe, and heavenly light is all his own!
[1000802] Upheld by Skambha s power these two, the heaven and the earth, stand fast.
Skambha is all this world of life, whatever breathes or shuts an.
eye.
[1000803] Three generations have gone by and vanished and others near have entered into sunlight.
There stood on high he who metes out the region into green, plants hath passed the Golden coloured.
[1000804] One is the wheel, the tires are twelve in number, the naves are three What man hath understood it? Three hundred spokes have thereupon been hammered, and sixty pins set firmly in their places. [p. 28]
[1000805] Discern thou this, O Savitar.
Six are the twins, one singly born.
They claim relationship in that among them which is born alone.
[1000806] Though manifest, it lies concealed in the vast place they call the old: Therein is firmly stationed all the moving, breathing universe.
[1000807] Up, eastward downward in the west, it rolleth, with countless elements, one wheeled, single fellied.
With half it hath begotten all creation.
Where hath the other half become unnoticed?
[1000813] In front of these the five horsed car moves onward: side horses, harnessed with the others draw it.
No one hath seen its hither course untravelled; the height sees it more near, the depth more distant.
[1000809] The bowl with mouth inclined and bottom upward holds stored within it every form of glory.
Thereon together sit the Seven Rishis who have become this mighty One s protectors
[1000810] The Verse employed at opening and conclusion, the Verse employed in each and every portion; That by which sacrifice proceedeth onward.
I ask thee which is that of all the Verses.
[1000811] That which hath power of motion, that which flies, or stands, which breathes or breathes not, which, existing, shuts the eye Wearing all forms that entity upholds the earth, and in its close consistence still is only one.
[1000812] The infinite to every side extended, the finite and the infinite around us, These twain Heaven s Lord divides as he advances, knowing the past hereof and all the future
[1000813] Within the womb Prajapati is moving: he, though unseen, is born in sundry places.
He with one half engendered all creation.
What sign is there to tell us of the other?
[1000814] All men behold him with the eye, but with the mind they know not him.
Holding aloft the water as a water bearer in her jar.
[1000815] With the full vase he dwells afar, is left far off what time it fails, A mighty Being in creation s centre: to him the rulers of the realms bring tribute. [p. 29]
[1000816] That, whence the Sun arises, that whither he goes to take his rest, That verily I hold supreme: naught in the world surpasses it.
[1000817] Those who in recent times, midmost, or ancient, on all sides.
greet the sage who knows the Veda, One and all, verily discuss Aditya, the second Agni, and the threefold Hansa.
[1000818] This gold hued Hamsa s wings, flying to heaven, spread over a thousand days continued journey.
Supporting all the Gods upon his bosom, he goes his way behol ding every creature.
[1000819] By truth he blazes up aloft by Brahma, he looks down below: He breathes obliquely with his breath, he on whom what is.
highest rests.
[1000820] The sage who knows the kindling sticks whence by attrition wealth is drawn, Will comprehend what is most high, will know the mighty Brahmana.
[1000821] Footless at first was he produced, footless he brought celestial light.
Four footed grown, and meet for use, he seized each thing enjoyable.
[1000822] Useful will he become, and then will he consume great store of food The man who humbly worshippeth the eternal and victorious God.
[1000823] Him too they call eternal; he may become new again to day.
Day and Night reproduce themselves, each from the form the other wears.
[1000824] A hundred, thousand, myriad, yea a hundred million stores of wealth that passes count are laid in him.
This wealth they kill as he looks on, and now this God shines bright therefrom.
[1000825] One is yet finer than a hair, one is not even visible.
And hence the Deity who grasps with firmer hold is dear to me.
[1000826] This fair one is untouched by age, immortal in a mortal s house.
He for whom she was made lies low, and he who formed her hath grown old.
[1000827] Thou art a woman, and a man; thou art a damsel and a boy. [p. 30] Grown old thou totterest with a staff, new born thou lookest every way.
[1000828] Either the sire or son of these, the eldest or the youngest child.
As sole God dwelling in the mind, first born, he still is in the womb.
[1000829] Forth from the full he lifts the full, the full he sprinkles with the full.
Now also may we know the source from which the stream is sprinkled round.
[1000830] Brought forth in olden time, the everlasting, high over all that is was she, the Ancient.
The mighty Goddess of the Morn, refulgent with one eye, looketh round with one that winketh,
[1000831] Known by the name of Guardian Grace the Deity sits girt by Right.
The trees have taken from her hue, green garlanded, their robe of green.
[1000832] When he is near she leaves him not, she sees him not though he is near.
Behold the wisdom of the God; he hath not died, he grows not old.
[1000833] Voices that never were before emitted speak as fitteth them.
Whither they go and speak, they say there is the mighty Brahmana.
[1000834] I ask thee where the waters flower by wondrous magic art was placed, Thereon the Gods and men are set as spokes are fastened in the nave.
[1000835] Who gave command unto the wind that blowet! Who ranged the five united heavenly regions? Who were the Gods who cared not for oblations! Which of them brought the sacrificial waters?
[1000836] One God inhabiteth the earth we live on; another hath encom passed air s mid region.
One, the Supporter, takes the heaven and bears it: some keep ing watch guard all the quarters safely.
[1000837] The man who knows the drawn out string on which these crea tures all are strung, The man who knows the thread s thread, he may know the mighty Brahmana. [p. 31]
[1000838] I know the drawn out string, the thread whereon these creatures all are strung.
I know the thread s thread also, thus I know the mighty Brahmana.
[1000839] When Agni passed between the earth and heaven devouring with his flame the all consumer, Where dwelt afar the spouses of one husband, where at that moment, where was Matarisvan? 40.
Into the floods had Matarisvan entered, the deities had past in to the waters.
There stood the mighty measurer of the region: into the ver dant plants went Pavamana.
[1000841] Over the Gayatri, above the immortal world he strode away.
Those who by Song discovered Song where did the Unborn see that thing?
[1000842] Luller to rest, and gatherer up of treasures, Savitar like a God whose laws are constant, hath stood like Indra in the war for riches.
[1000843] Men versed in sacred knowledge know that living Being that abides.
In the nine portalled Lotus Flower, enclosed with triple bands and bonds.
[1000844] Desireless, firm, immortal, self existent, contented with the es sence, lacking nothing, Free from the fear of Death is he who knoweth that Soul cou rageous, youthful, undecaying.
[p. 32]
[p. 33]

Hence, जटाधरः is an epithet of Śiva; जटा is the hair twisted together (as worn by ascetics , by शिव , and persons in mourning) Parāśara Gr̥hyasūtra. ii , 6 Mn. vi , 6 MBh. (ifc.f(आ). , iii , 16137) and जटा-मण्डलम् jaṭāmaṇḍalam is braided hair forming a coil on the top of the head.(Monier-Williams). 


Jatalinga (musée Cham, Da Nang) 

Tra Kieu period 10th century Gray sandstone. This linga placed on the ablation bowl is related to the worship of Shiva Built by the French School of the Far East in 1915, the museum was initially named Henri Parmentier Museum (name of one of the first explorers of the sites of the Kingdom of Champa). The works are classified by origin and period, which allows to follow, from room to room, the evolution of cham art at the level of sculpture. The majority of the objects come from the sites of Tra Kieu (former administrative capital of the Kingdom of Champa), My Son, Dong Duong (Buddhist center) and Thap Man. Jean-Pierre Dalbéra from Paris, France - Jatalinga sur cuve à ablution (musée Guimet)Jatalinga sur cuve à ablution Vietnam, Thap Banh It (Tours d'argent), province de Binh Dinh (?) Style de Thap Mam, XIIème siècle Or et argent repoussé Salle sur la culture Cham

चतुर्श्रि, अष्टाश्रि quadrangular, octagonal yupa skambha or pillars are attested ca. 2500 BCE, archaeologically in Kalibangan and Binjor respectively, both on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. Hieroglyphs skambha, stambha signify tã̄bā copper', and hieroglyph garland signifies dhāu 'red ore'. (perhaps hematite, ferrite ore). 
Image result for jaiya lingaEkamukhalinga from JaiyA, National Museum, Bangkok 

O'Connor notes: “...the JaiyA emblem is the only one to bear a face (ekamukhalinga)...is divided into three parts in accodance with the prescriptions in the Siva Agamas. The base, the BrahmabhAga, is cubic in form and is 47.8 cms. High. The middle section, the ViSNubhAga, is octagonal in shape and is approximately 43 cms. High. The topmost section, the RudrabhAga, is cylindrical and is approximatey 51 cms. High, while the superimposed face measures 29.5 cms from the bottom of the chin to the top of the jaTA...Professor Malleret would date the most realistic lingas from the Transbassac area from the end of the fifth century to the beginning of the sixth century... It would thus seem that some Gupta ekamukhalinga, such as the early fifth century and very simple emblem from the cave temple at Udayagiri, is the ultimate prototype behind the JaiyA emblem and other somewhat similar ekamukhalingas of Cambodia and Borneo...It is not possible to offer an exact date for the JaiyA emblem but seventh through the eighth centuries would seem a reasonable guess.” (opcit., pp.43-49)
Three views of the Bhita pancamukha lingam: stone. ca. 1st cent. BCE. Signifies pancaloha, 'five metals'.
mũh 'face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot', mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'. (Santali)  Thus, competence of smelters, artisans to work with five types of metal ingots.

Procedure fo vājapeya soma yaga
SBr. 5.1.2.12-18
12. He then touches the wheat (top-piece)[8], with,
[Page 33] 'We have gone to the light, O ye gods!' for he who offers the Vājapeya, indeed goes to the light.
13. And as to why he touches the wheat: wheat is food, and he who offers the Vājapeya, wins food, for vāja-peya is the same as anna-peya (food and drink): thus whatever food he has thereby won, therewith now that he has gone to that supreme goal, he puts himself in contact, and possesses himself of it,--therefore he touches the wheat (top-piece).
14. He then rises by (the measure of) his head over the post, with, 'We have become immortal!' whereby he wins the world of the gods.
15. Thereupon, while looking in the different directions, he mutters (Vāj. S. IX, 22), 'Ours be your power, ours your manhood and intelligence ours be your energies!' For he who offers the Vājapeya wins everything here, winning as he does Prajāpati, and Prajāpati being everything here;--having appropriated to himself the glory, the power, and the strength of this All, he now lays them within himself, makes them his own: that is why he mutters, while looking in the different directions.
16. They throw up to him bags of salt; for salt means cattle, and cattle is food; and he who offers theVājapeya wins food, for vāja-peya is the same as anna-peya: thus whatever food he thereby has gained, therewith now that he has gone to the supreme goal, he puts himself in contact, and makes it his own,--therefore they throw bags of salt up to him.
17. They (the pieces of salt) are done up in aśvattha [Page 34] (ficus religiosa) leaves: because Indra on that (former) occasion called upon the Maruts staying on the Aśvattha tree[9], therefore they are done up in aśvattha leaves. Peasants (viś) throw them up to him, for the Maruts are the peasants, and the peasants are food (for the nobleman): hence peasants throw them up. There are seventeen (bags), for Prajāpati is seventeenfold: he thus wins Prajāpati.
18. Thereupon; while looking down upon this (earth), he mutters, Homage be to the mother Earth! homage be to the mother Earth!' For when Bṛhaspati had been consecrated, the Earth was afraid of him, thinking, 'Something great surely has he become now that he has been consecrated: I fear lest he may rend me asunder[10]!' And Bṛhaspati also was afraid of the Earth, thinking, 'I fear lest she may shake me off!' Hence by that (formula) he entered into a friendly relation with her; for a mother does not hurt her son, nor does a son hurt his mother.
http://www.wisdomlib.org/hinduism/book/the-%C5%9Batapatha-br%C4%81hma%E1%B9%87a-part-iii/d/doc63270.html#note-t-36191
Yūpa skambha of Bijnor fire-altar signifies performance of Soma Samsthā yajña. (3rd millennium BCE)

Binjor attests Vedic River Sarasvati as a Himalayan navigable channel en route to Persian Gulf 

The fire altar, mahavedi for vajapaya shows an octagonal brick as detailed in the Satapatha Brahmana for Vajapeya and other Soma yaga.
A terracotta cake is a piṇḍa पिण्ड [p=625,2] m. (rarely n.) any round or roundish mass or heap , a ball , globe , knob , button , clod , lump , piece (cf. अयः-. , मांस- &c ) RV. (only i , 162 , 19 and here applied to lumps of flesh) TS. S3Br.&c; n. ( L. ) iron; steel (Monier-Williams. Samskritam). 
What archaeometallurgical functions were served by the terracotta cakes offered as piṇḍa पिण्ड in fire-altars? One possibility is that the terracotta cakes (of circular and triangular shapes) served the functions of piṇḍikawhich is a support base for the Sivalinga which is a divine impeller of the cosmic dance of transmutation occurring in a fire-altar.  

9.074.02 The supporter of heaven, the prop (of the earth), the Soma-juice who, widely spreading, filling (the vessels), flows in all directions-- may he unite the two great worlds by his own strength; he has upheld them combined; (may he) the sage (bestow) food upon (his worshippers). [The prop of the earth: cf. RV. 9.089.06; may he unite: yaks.at = sam.yojayatu; a_vr.ta = by its own unaided strength].9.089.06 The prop of heaven, the support of earth-- all beings (are) in his hands; may (Soma) the fountain (of desires) be possessed of horses for you (his) adorer; the filament of the sweet-flavoured (Soma) is purified for (the sake of winning) strength.  

Yupa is a kunda, a pillar of bricks. This kunda signifies a fire-altar or agnikunda in Vedic tradition. A signifier of the pillar is a चषालः caṣāla as its top piece. This चषालः caṣāla (Rigveda) is made of wheat straw for pyrolysis to convert firewood into coke to react with ore to create hard alloys, e.g. iron reacting with coke to create crucible steel or carburization of wrought iron in a crucible to produce steel. 

.

The Hindu deity Vishnu - 13th Century - Indian Art - Asian Art Museum of San Francisco | Flickr - Photo Sharing!: Vishnu - 13th Century - Indian Art - Asian Art Museum of San Francisco |
caṣāla चषाल This is a Rigveda word which signifies the top-piece of the Yūpa.

Rendering of जटा  jaṭā on ekamukhalinga is a unique orthographic/ iconographic metaphor signified by sculptors to denote the nature of चषालः caṣāla and its role in the pyrolysis process to carburize metal into hard alloys during smelting
चषालः caṣāla is vajra, 'thunderbolt weapon' of both Rudra and Indra. One metaphor is to render orthographically, an octagonal hour-glass shaped artifact carried by Vajrapani. Another is to depict the vajra as the cutting edge of the  विष्णु- víṣṇu-cakra (as shown on the eight-spoked wheel of Vedisa coin). 

A statue of Shiva New Delhi.jpg

Hoysala stone sculpture.jpg
Hoysala carving of Śiva pratimā from a Belur-Halebid temple.
The ekamukha linga signified on such pillars atop a kiln or smelter on Bhuteswar sculptural friezes refer to mũh 'face' rebus: mũhe 'ingot', mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes, 'smelters'. (Santali) A garland is carried by a dwarf, to signify dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ rebusPk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (Red ochre is Fe2O3, takes its reddish color from the mineral hematite, which is an anhydrous iron oxide.)

Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE.Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html H. dām m.f. ʻ rope, string, fetter ʼ, dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ(CDIA Si. dama ʻ chain, rope ʼ, (SigGr) dam ʻ garland ʼ.L 6283) rebus: dhAu 'metal; (Prakrtam) dhAI 'wisp of fibres' (S.) dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]
Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whenceḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)
File:Worship of Shiva Linga by Gandharvas - Shunga Period - Bhuteshwar - ACCN 3625 - Government Museum - Mathura 2013-02-24 6098.JPG
Worship of Shiva Linga by Gandharvas - Shunga Period - Bhuteshwar - ACCN 3625 - Government Museum - Mathura 

kuThi 'smelter' lokhaNDa 'metal implements' (lo 'penis' -- Munda)
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2). This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda)मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usually मेढ q. v.) मेडका m A stake, esp. as bifurcated. मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. मेढा (p. 665) [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. मेढी (p. 665) [ mēḍhī ] f (Dim. of मेढ) A small bifurcated stake: also a small stake, with or without furcation, used as a post to support a cross piece. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post.) A term for a person considered as the pillar, prop, or support (of a household, army, or other body), the staff or stay. मेढेजोशी (p. 665) [ mēḍhējōśī ] m A stake-जोशी; a जोशी who keeps account of the तिथि &c., by driving stakes into the ground: also a class, or an individual of it, of fortune-tellers, diviners, presagers, seasonannouncers, almanack-makers &c. They are Shúdras and followers of the मेढेमत q. v. 2 Jocosely. The hereditary or settled (quasi fixed as a stake) जोशी of a village.मेंधला (p. 665) [ mēndhalā ] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi)

मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda) 

Since Sivalinga as aniconic forms are also signified by  चतुर्श्रि, अष्टाश्रि quadrangular, octagonal components and as iconic connotations appear with ekamukha linga (linga with one face ligatured), it is surmised that Sivalinga are Yupa skambha, as a multi-layered, metallurgical metaphor. One layer relates to the rebus reading of the ekamukha. The surmise of Sivalinga as Yupa Skambha is framed on the extraordinary metaphors of the philosophical tractus in Atharva veda called Skambha Sukta (AV X.7).

Skambhayupaskambha 'pillar' and kangar, 'brazier' respectively are attested as hieroglyphs on Indus Script inscriptions and on early punch-marked/cast coins of Ancient Bharatam. A variant pronunciation stambha is read rebus in Pali and Bihari: tã̄bā 'copper' (Bihari) Tamba (nt.) [Sk. tāmra, orig. adj.=dark coloured, leaden; cp. Sk. adj. taŋsra id., to tama] copper ("the dark metal"); usually in combinations, signifying colour of or made of (cp. loha bronze), e. g. lākhātamba (adj.) Th 2, 440 (colour of an ox); ˚akkhin Vv 323 (timira˚) Sdhp.86; ˚nakhin J vi.290; ˚nettā (f.)ibid.; ˚bhājana DhA i.395; ˚mattika 
DhA iv.106; ˚vammika DhAiii.208; ˚loha PvA 95 (=loha). tāmrá ʻ dark red, copper -- coloured ʼ VS., n. ʻ copper ʼ Kauś., tāmraka -- n. Yājñ. [Cf. tamrá -- . -- √tam?]Pa. tamba -- ʻ red ʼ, n. ʻ copper ʼ, Pk. taṁba -- adj. and n.; Dm. trāmba -- ʻ red ʼ (in trāmba -- lac̣uk ʻ raspberry ʼ NTS xii 192); Bshk. lām ʻ copper, piece of bad pine -- wood (< ʻ *red wood ʼ?); Phal. tāmba ʻ copper ʼ (→ Sh.koh. tāmbā), K. trām m. (→ Sh.gil. gur. trām m.), S. ṭrāmo m., L. trāmā, (Ju.) tarāmã̄ m., P. tāmbā m., WPah. bhad. ṭḷām n., kiũth. cāmbā, sod. cambo, jaun. tã̄bō, Ku. N. tāmo (pl. ʻ young bamboo shoots ʼ), A. tām, B. tã̄bātāmā, Or. tambā, Bi tã̄bā, Mth. tāmtāmā, Bhoj. tāmā, H. tām in cmpds., tã̄bātāmā m., G. trã̄bũtã̄bũ n.;M. tã̄bẽ n. ʻ copper ʼ, tã̄b f. ʻ rust, redness of sky ʼ; Ko. tāmbe n. ʻ copper ʼ; Si. tam̆ba adj. ʻ reddish ʼ, sb. ʻ copper ʼ, (SigGr) tamtama. -- Ext. -- ira -- : Pk. taṁbira -- ʻ coppercoloured, red ʼ, L. tāmrā ʻ copper -- coloured (of pigeons) ʼ; -- with -- ḍa -- : S. ṭrāmiṛo m. ʻ a kind of cooking pot ʼ, ṭrāmiṛī ʻ sunburnt, red with anger ʼ, f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; Bhoj. tāmrā ʻ copper vessel ʼ; H. tã̄bṛātāmṛāʻ coppercoloured, dark red ʼ, m. ʻ stone resembling a ruby ʼ; G. tã̄baṛ n., trã̄bṛītã̄bṛī f. ʻ copper pot ʼ; OM. tāṁbaḍā ʻ red ʼ. -- X trápu -- q.v.tāmrika -- ; tāmrakāra -- , tāmrakuṭṭa -- , *tāmraghaṭa -- , *tāmraghaṭaka -- , tāmracūḍa -- , *tāmradhāka -- , tāmrapaṭṭa -- , tāmrapattra -- , tāmrapātra -- , *tāmrabhāṇḍa -- , tāmravarṇa -- , tāmrākṣa -- .Addenda: tāmrá -- [< IE. *tomró -- T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 65]S.kcch. trāmotām(b)o m. ʻ copper ʼ, trāmbhyo m. ʻ an old copper coin ʼ; WPah.kc. cambo m. ʻ copper ʼ, J. cāmbā m., kṭg. (kc.) tambɔ m. (← P. or H. Him.I 89), Garh. tāmutã̄bu.(CDIAL 5779)


Vikalpa: *skambhākara ʻ heap of sheaves ʼ. [skambhá -- 1, ākara -- ]Mth. khamhār ʻ pile of sheaves ʼ; -- altern. < *skambhaghara -- : B. khāmār ʻ barn ʼ; Or. khamāra ʻ barn, granary ʼ.Addenda: skámbhana -- : S.kcch. khāmṇo m. ʻ bed for plants ʼ.(CDIAL 13643) Haystack shaped like octagonal yupa skambha, on the platform of Mohenjo-daro seal m0304 (so-called Pasupati seal with a seated person in penance) The hands are like कर्णिका f. the tip of an elephant's trunk L.rebus: कर्णिका 'scribe, helmsman' mlekh 'goat' (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.) rebus: milakkhu 'copper' (Pali) 

*skabha ʻ post, peg ʼ. [√skambh]Kal. Kho. iskow ʻ peg ʼ BelvalkarVol 86 with (?)skambhá1 m. ʻ prop, pillar ʼ RV. 2. ʻ *pit ʼ (semant. cf. kūˊpa -- 1). [√skambh]1. Pa. khambha -- m. ʻ prop ʼ; Pk. khaṁbha -- m. ʻ post, pillar ʼ; Pr. iškyöpüšköb ʻ bridge ʼ NTS xv 251; L. (Ju.) khabbā m., mult. khambbā m. ʻ stake forming fulcrum for oar ʼ; P. khambh,khambhākhammhā m. ʻ wooden prop, post ʼ; WPah.bhal. kham m. ʻ a part of the yoke of a plough ʼ, (Joshi) khāmbā m. ʻ beam, pier ʼ; Ku. khāmo ʻ a support ʼ, gng. khām ʻ pillar (of wood or bricks) ʼ; N. khã̄bo ʻ pillar, post ʼ, B. khāmkhāmbā; Or. khamba ʻ post, stake ʼ; Bi. khāmā ʻ post of brick -- crushing machine ʼ, khāmhī ʻ support of betel -- cage roof ʼ, khamhiyā ʻ wooden pillar supporting roof ʼ; Mth. khāmhkhāmhī ʻ pillar, post ʼ, khamhā ʻ rudder -- post ʼ; Bhoj. khambhā ʻ pillar ʼ, khambhiyā ʻ prop ʼ; OAw. khāṁbhe m. pl. ʻ pillars ʼ, lakh. khambhā; H. khām m. ʻ post, pillar, mast ʼ, khambh f. ʻ pillar, pole ʼ; G. khām m. ʻ pillar ʼ, khã̄bhi°bi f. ʻ post ʼ, M. khã̄b m., Ko. khāmbho°bo, Si. kap (< *kab); -- X gambhīra -- , sthāṇú -- , sthūˊṇā -- qq.v.
2. K. khambürü f. ʻ hollow left in a heap of grain when some is removed ʼ; Or. khamā ʻ long pit, hole in the earth ʼ, khamiā ʻ small hole ʼ; Marw. khã̄baṛo ʻ hole ʼ; G. khã̄bhũ n. ʻ pit for sweepings and manure ʼ.
*skambhaghara -- , *skambhākara -- , *skambhāgāra -- , *skambhadaṇḍa -- ; *dvāraskambha -- .
Addenda: skambhá -- 1: Garh. khambu ʻ pillar ʼ.(CDIAL 13638, 13639)
கம்பம் kampamn. < Pkt. kambastam- bha. Mast; பாய்மரம். (யாழ். அக.).Thamhhaka (=thambha 3) a clump of grass VvA 276 (=gumba).Thambha a clump of grass M i.324; cp. thambhaka (Pali) M. kã̄b f. bar of iron or other metal ʼʻ longitudinal division of a bamboo &c., kambi f. ʻ branch or shoot of bamboo ʼ lex. [See kamaṭha -- ]Pk. kaṁbi -- , °bī -- , °bā -- f. ʻ stick, twig ʼ, OG. kāṁba (CDIAL 2774) தம்பம்¹ tampam
n. < Pkt. tambasthambha. 1. Pillar, column; தூண். தம்பத்தி னனக மாநர மடங்கலா யவதரித்து (பாகவத. 1, 1, 31). 2. Post to which elephants, etc. are tied; யானை முதலியன கட்டுந் தறி. 3. Lamp-post; விளக்குத் தண்டு. (திவா.) 4. Flagstaff, mast, temple flag- pole; துவசத்தம்பம். நின்றிருவாயிற் றனித்தம்பமே (திருநூற். 22). 5. Support; பற்றுக்கோடு. தம்ப மில்லை நமக்கு (உத்தரரா. இராவணன்பிற. 31). 6. See தம்புகை. (L.) 7. See தம்பனம். அக்கினித்தம்பம்.
Thambha [see etym. under thaddha; occasionally spelt thamba, viz. A i.100; M i.324; PvA 186, 187] 1. a pillar, a post Vin i.276; D i.50 (majjhimaŋ ˚ŋ nissāya); ii.85 (id.); Sn 214; Vv 782 (veḷuriya˚, of the pillars of a Vimāna); Pv iii.31 (id.); DhA iv.203; VvA 188 (+tulā -- gopānasī); PvA 186. (Pali)

A further elaboration --an explanatory process related to the function -- of Yupa occurs from Vedic times, with चषालः caṣāla, wheat-chaff as vajra. This semantic elaboration (which bristles with metaphors) signifies pyrolysis to carburize hard alloy metal. The infusion of carbon is explained by thekangar 'brazier' which uses charcoal: 

*kāṅgārikā ʻ poor or small brazier ʼ. [Cf. kāgni -- m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop.: ka -- 3 or kā -- , aṅgāri -- ]K. kã̄gürükã̄gar f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ whence kangar m. ʻ large do. ʼ (or < *kāṅgāra -- ?); H. kã̄grī f. ʻ small portable brazier ʼ.(CDIAL 3006)

áṅgāra m. n. ʻ glowing charcoal ʼ RV., °aka -- lex. 2. *iṅgāra -- , iṅgāla -- m. Vāsav. com.1. Pa. aṅgāra -- m. ʻ charcoal ʼ, Pk. aṁgāra -- , °aya -- , aṁgāla -- , °aya -- m., Gy. eur. angár ʻ charcoal ʼ, wel. vaṅār m. (v -- from m. article), germ. yangar (y -- from yag, s.v. agní -- 1); Ash. aṅāˊ ʻ fire ʼ, Kt. aṅǻ, Gmb. aṅāˊ, Pr. anéye, Dm. aṅgar (a < ā NTS xii 130), Tir. Chilis Gau. K. nār (n <  -- , not ← Psht. nār ← Ar. AO xii 184), Paš. aṅgāˊr, Shum. ã̄r (← Paš. NOGaw 59), Gaw. Kal. Kho. aṅgāˊr, Bshk. äṅgāˊr, Tor. aṅā, Mai. agār, Phal. aṅgṓr, Sh. agāˊrha° m.; S. aṅaru m. ʻ charcoal ʼ (a < ā as in Dm.), L. aṅgār m., P. aṅgyār°rā m., EP. ãgeār (y or e from MIA. aggi < agní --1?), WPah. bhid. aṅgāˊrõ n., pl. -- , Ku. aṅār (ḍaṅār id. X ḍājṇo < dahyátē), N. aṅār, A. āṅgāreṅgār, B. āṅgārāṅrā, Or. aṅgāra; Bi. ãgarwāh ʻ man who cuts sugar -- cane into lengths for the mill ʼ (=pakwāh); OMth. aṁgāra, Mth. ãgor, H. ãgār°rā m., G. ãgār°rɔ m., M. ãgār m., Si. an̆gura. -- Wg. ãdotdot;řã̄īˊ ʻ fire ʼ (as opp. to aṅarīˊk ʻ charcoal ʼ, see aṅgāryāˊ -- ) poss. < agní -- 1, Morgenstierne NTS xvii 226.2. Pa. iṅghāḷa -- ʻ glowing embers (?) ʼ, Pk. iṁgāra -- , iṁgāla°aya -- ; K. yĕngur m. ʻ charcoal ʼ, yĕnguru m. ʻ charcoal -- burner ʼ; M. ĩgaḷĩgḷā m., Ko. ĩgḷo. -- Deriv. M. ĩgḷā m. ʻ a kind of large ant ʼ, ĩgḷī f. ʻ a large black deadly scorpion ʼ.aṅgāraka -- , aṅgāri -- , aṅgāryāˊ -- ; aṅgāradhānī -- , *aṅgāravarta -- , *aṅgārasthāna -- , *aṅgr̥ṣṭha -- .Addenda: áṅgāra -- : Md. an̆guru ʻ charcoal ʼ.(CDIAL 125)
Kalibangan Yajnakunda with square pillar. Terracotta cake with Indus Script inscription of a tiger tied to a rope. 

Binjor Yajnakunda with octagonal brick. Seal with Indus Script inscription, a metalwork catalogue
Kalibangan yajnakunda evidence

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                     Decipherment of hieroglyphs on the Kalibangan terracotta cake:
It is unclear if the horned person is an archer. If an archer, the reading is: kamaDha 'archer' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
koD 'horn' rebus: koD 'workshop'

kola 'tiger' rebus: kolle 'blacksmith', kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron'

The tiger is being pulled to be tied to a post, pillar. Hieroglyph: Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post. (DEDR 1723) Rebus: (agni)kuNDA 'fire-altar, vedi'.
Hieriglyph: meṛh rope tying to post, pillar: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī,meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- . mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ] Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10317 to, 10319) Rebus: meD 'iron' (Ho.); med 'copper' (Slavic)
Binjor yajnakunda evidence
Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badho ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: bahoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali) kamhaRA 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'coiner, mint' ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'

*skambha2 ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, plumage ʼ. [Cf. *skapa -- s.v. *khavaka -- ]
S. khambhu°bho m. ʻ plumage ʼ, khambhuṛi f. ʻ wing ʼ; L. khabbh m., mult. khambh m. ʻ shoulder -- blade, wing, feather ʼ, khet. khamb ʻ wing ʼ, mult. khambhaṛā m. ʻ fin ʼ; P. khambh m. ʻ wing, feather ʼ; G. khā̆m f., khabhɔ m. ʻ shoulder ʼ.(CDIAL 13640)

gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements. Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaNDa 'metallic iron alloy implements'.

koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa 

करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) 
Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'

Thus, the text of Indus Script inscription on the Binjor Seal reads: 'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' PLUS
the hieroglyphs of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device in front read rebus:

kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'.

Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation.
Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of)  'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' .

Rigveda text on Rudra, vajrabāho and Satapatha Brahmana signifiers चतुर्श्रि, अष्टाश्रि quadrangular, octagonal yupa



Reference to a thunderbolt weapon made of metal occur in Rigveda:                                                           

Rigveda describes Rudra is vajrabāho, wielder of the thunderbolt weapon signified by yupa which is चतुर्श्रि, अष्टाश्रि quadrangular, octagonal with a चषालः caāla on top of the yupa post

The metaphors of Rigveda point to a metallurgical process. 

Soma Yaga is signified by a Yupa. All 19 Yupainscriptions are octagonal shaped and refer to Soma Yaga (of specific descriptions). See an an account of Yupa inscriptions, most of which were found on sites on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati mostly in Rajasthan. Yupa inscriptions were also found in Indonesia ascribed to the reign of King Mulavarman in Kutai kingdom. 


The earliest recorded Yupa inscription was discovered in April 2015 in Binjor, Rajasthan (close to Anupgarh on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati). The octagonal brick pillar (yupa) was discovered in a yajna-kunda at Binjor. A complementary discovery was an Indus Script seal documenting the processes performed (metalwork) at Binjor.http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/binjor-indus-script-seal-mulavarman.html

Tvastr maker of instruments, vajra


त्वष्टा वज्रम् अतक्षद आयसम् मयि देवासो वृजन्नपि क्रतुम् 

मामानीकम् सूर्यस्ये वादुष्टरम् माम् आर्यन्ति कृत्येन कर्त्वेनच 

Translation. Griffith: 3 For me hath Tvastar forged the iron thunderbolt: in me the Gods have centred intellectual power.

Translation: Sayana, Wilson: 10.048.03 For me Tvas.t.a_ fabricated the metal thunderbolt; in me the gods have concentrated pious acts; my lustre is insurmountable, like that of the Sun; men acknowledge me as lord in consequence of what I have done, and of what I shall do. [My lustre is the Sun: my army is hard to overcome, like the sun's lustre; ani_ka = lit., face].

2 He slew the Dragon lying on the mountain: his heavenly bolt of thunder Tvastarfashioned. (RV 1.32.2).
6 Even for him hath Tvastar forged the thunder, most deftly wrought, celestial, for the battle,(RV 1.61.6)
9 When Tvastar deft of hand had turned the thunderbolt, golden, with thousand edges, fashioned(RV 1.85.9)
10 Yea, Strong One! Tvastar turned for thee, the Mighty, the bolt with thousand spikes and hundred(RV 6.17.10)


Tvastr is the maker of divine instruments."Tvastr made it for him from the bones of the seer Dadhica: it is hundred-jointed, thousand-pointed. ...'' (Rigveda) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/vajra-ayasam-vajram-metal-weapon-rv.html

It appears that the orthographic shapes chosen during the Bronze Age to denote a metallic thunderbolt weapon use the wavy lines or streaks of lightning as a metaphor. Now that it is evident that iron forging is dated to the 3rd millennium BCE, the use of hardened or carbide ferrous metal weapons cannot be ruled out. The ancient word which denoted such a metallic weapon is vajra in Rigveda, specifically described asAyasam vajram, metallic weapon or metallic thunderbolt.

I suggest that the association of the gloss vajra with lightning becomes a metaphor to further define vajrasangAta 'adamantine glue' which creates a steel metallic form with nanotubes or cementite.

The samAsa used by Varahamihira is vajrasanghAta, an adamantine glue. In archaeometallurgical terms, this is defined as a mixture consisting of eight parts of lead, two of bell-metal and one of iron dust.

Vajra with octagonal bases. Indra. Visvantara Jataka. Great Stupa. Northern Torana, Sanchi, 1st half of 1st cent. CE (After Marshall, J. & A. Foucher, 1940, The monuments of Sanchi, Calcutta, vol. .II, pl. 29)







Sivalinga, Lelei, Dist.Sundergarh. A full (Square base the (brahmabhaga), octagonal in the middle (vishnubhaga), cylindrical on top (rudrabhaga signifying the projecgting flame of the fiery pillar of light). I suggest that this is a signifier of wealth, nidhi, padma nidhi: tAmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tAmra 'copper'. Sivapurana explains Lingodbhava in a variant narrative with Brahma (Hamsa) searching for the end of the pillar and Vishnu (Varaha) searching for bottom of the endless pillar of light, so depicted in the Mahesvara temple, Tiruvatturai. Lotus is the centerpiece on the top decorative ring. bloomed lotus is carved as yonipitha, on the base of Sivalinga                                     

Paramesvara tempe, Tiruvatturai. Lingodbhava

                  



Malwa, clay sealing. Weight: 4.48 gm., Dimensions: 20x15 mm. Railed yupa (sacrificial post) with side decorations and a Brahmi legend below reading khadasa kanda 'pillar' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'. Rebus 1: kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., °uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ.Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk.kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ. (CDIAL 2726) *kandukara ʻ worker with pans ʼ. [kándu -- , kará -- 1]Rebus 2: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans,metal-ware' (Marathi) H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H.lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ).(CDIAL 11171)
K. kã̄darkã̄duru dat. °daris m. ʻ baker ʼ.(CDIAL 2728)

ujjain333






 



                                                                                    






















Vidarbha, Sebaka, 100 BC, Copper, 1.70g, 12mm, Bull with Yupa.


















Obv: Standing bull to right facing yupa-in-railing; swastika below sattva 'svastika hieroglyph' rebus: jasta 'zinc' muh 'face' rebus: muh 'ingot' PLUS readings as on the Ujjain coin:  dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral ore' gaNDa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'. Thus together, dhAvaD 'smelter'. kangar 'portable furnace, brazier'. poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ferrite ore'.

Ujjain coin with yupa post. Brazier. Four dotted circles joined o + (fire-altar) dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral ore' gaNDa 'four' rebus: kanda 'fire-altar'. Thus together, dhAvaD 'smelter'. kangar 'portable furnace, brazier'. poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ferrite ore'.Rev: Double-orbed Ujjain symbol with swastika and nandi-pad above
http://www.worldofcoins.eu/forum/index.php?topic=33313.0
Eran-Vidisha AE 1/2 karshapana, Narayanamitra, five punch type
Weight:  5.02 gm., Dimensions: 20x17 mm.
Railed Indradhvaja in centre; elephant on right; taurine fixed in open railing on left
     river at the bottom and legend punch on top reading rajno narayanamitasa
Blank reverse
Reference: S. Tiwari collection, p.182, type 1 / Pieper 488 (plate coin)
Hieroglyphs, rebus readings:
Taurine (nandipAda) is a twist: meDh 'curl' rebus: meD 'iron'
Yupa (Indradhvaja) is a vajra, caSAla: sangaDa 'lathe, portable furnace' rebus: sangATha 'adamantine glue, vajra'.kanga 'portable furnace, brazier'
Vidisha, die-struck AE, wheel type
Weight:  1.18 gm., Dimensions: 13 mm.
Obv.: Eight-spoked wheel
Rev.: Brahmi legend reading vedisa
Reference: Pieper collection This civic type first came to light in 1961 and has since been reported in small numbers from time to time. In 'Numismatic Gleanings', 2012, by Devendra Handa and Major M.K.Gupta, pl.VI, coins 1-3 and p.48, Handa links the wheel symbol on this coin to the prevalence of the Bhagavata cult at Vidisha. This cult found expression in several ways, among them in the erection of a Garuda-dhvaja in front of a temple of Vasudeva at the ancient site of Vidisha: "...It is therefore not unlikely that this wheel may have represented the emblem of Vasudeva Vishnu." The occurrence of this chakra-like wheel symbol on other coin types of Vidisha as well adds to the reliability of Handa's suggestion. http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran2.html

The pillar of light/fire is the central idea of the work in kole.l 'smithy'; the manifestation is kole.l 'temple' in awe at what the earth and oceans have yielded as minerals which transmute into material resources produced by a cultural group called bharatam janam, 'metalcasters'

Three stone Siva Lingas found in Harappa. Plate X [c] Lingam in situ in Trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta): ‘In the adjoining Trench Ai, 5 ft. 6 in. below the surface, was found a stone lingam [Since then I have found two stone lingams of a larger size from Trenches III and IV in this mound. Both of them are smoothed all over]. It measures 11 in. high and 7 3/8 in. diameter at the base and is rough all over.’ (Vol. I, pp. 51-52)." In 1940, MS Vats discovered six Shiva Lingas at Harappa. This is an archival photo of one linga. Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats, EH, p. 370)

Worship of Śiva lingam is an abiding Hindu tradition -- for millenia -- evidenced by the finds at Harappa.

Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. 

Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994.


The sivalinga of Harappa are NOT octagonal. The hieroglyph of trefoil is an indicator of the metalwork related to the linga hieroglyph. tri-dhAtu 'three strands of rope' Rebus: tri-dhAtu 'three minerals'. It is possible that the trefoil hieroglyph signified production of an alloy involving three minerals (dhAtu).

Rendering of जटा  jaṭā on ekamukhalinga is a unique orthographic/ iconographic metaphor signified by sculptors to denote the nature of चषालः caṣāla and its role in the pyrolysis process to carburize metal into hard alloys during smelting"Pyrolysis has been used since ancient times for turning wood into charcoal on an industrial scale. Besides wood, the process can also use sawdust and other wood waste products...Pyrolysis is used on a massive scale to turn coal into coke for  metallurgy, especially steelmaking.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyrolysis Rudra, in his fiery matted hair has been depicted beautifully in the Ekamukha linga of Lord Shiva at Udayagiri in the 4th cent. CE? This artistry of showing wavy lines denotes that linga is a pillar of light, pillar of fire. Rudra was a Rigvedic asura, a form of Agni and associated with the 'roar' of wind or storm.
mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- ,mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur) mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhīmeri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ. (CDIAl 10317).mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- .mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.(CDIAL 10318).

mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ]Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10319).

The pillar of light, pillar of fire is relatable to the gloss semant. 'post, pillar': meḍ(h), meḍhī f., 
meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ. (Marathi) 

मृदु mṛdu '(soft) iron' मृदु mṛdu : (page 1287) A kind of iron.-कार्ष्णायसम्,-कृष्णायसम् soft-iron, lead. (Apte. Samskritam) This gloss could link with the variant lexis of Indian sprachbund with the semantics 'iron': Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'. Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M). mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) 


Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.) Rebus: med. iron, iron implements (Ho.) me~rhe~t ‘iron’; me~rhe~t icena ‘the iron is rusty’; ispat me~rhe~t ‘steel’, dul me~rhe~t ‘cast iron’; me~rhe~t khan.d.a ‘iron implements’ (Santali) (Santali.lex.Bodding)  mer.ed, me~r.ed iron; enga mer.ed soft iron; sand.i mer.ed hard iron; ispa_t mer.ed steel; dul mer.ed cast iron; imer.ed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bicamer.ediron extracted from stone ore; balimer.ed iron extracted from sand ore; mer.ed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) pasra mer.ed, pasa_ra mer.ed = syn. of kot.e mer.ed = forged iron, in contrast to dul mer.ed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) me~r.he~t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron; kolhe m. iron manufactured by the Kolhes (Santali); mer.ed (Mun.d.ari); med. (Ho.)(Santali.lex.Bodding)  me~r.he~t idena = the iron is rusty; dal me~r.he~t = cast iron; me~r.he~t khan.d.a = iron implements (Santali) Sa. mE~R~hE~’d `iron’.  ! mE~RhE~d(M).Ma. mErhE’d `iron’.Mu. mERE’d `iron’.  ~ mE~R~E~’d `iron’.  ! mENhEd(M).Ho meD `iron’.Bj. merhd(Hunter) `iron’.KW mENhEd@(V168,M080)
Substantive: med.o  merchant’ clerk (Hem.Dec.); mehto a schoolmaster, an accountant, a clerk, a writer (G.) med.h = the helper of a merchant (Pkt.lex.) me_t.i, me_t.ari = chief, head, leader, the greatest man (Te.lex.) ?med.i (EI 9), also called meli, a kidnapper of victims for sacrifices (IEG). mehara = (EI 33) a village headman (IEG). mehto [Hem. Des. med.ho = Skt. Van.ik saha_ya, a merchant’s clerk, fr. mahita, praised, great] a schoolmaster; an accountant; a clerk; a writer (G.lex.) mel. = tallying, balancing of accounts; a cash book; mel.van. = a mixture, a composition; mixing (G.lex.) me_r..iyar = pu_vaiciyar, ve_l.a_l.ar, i.e. agriculturists, traders (Ta.lex.)   
 (Santali dictionary, Campbell, p. 420).
The ligature of a face on the linga is a Meluhha hieroglyph denoting: mũh 'face' is: mũh 'ingot' (Santali).mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/02/a-ligatured-metal-artifact-found-in.html
Gupta, Linga with One Face of Shiva, India, early 5th century CE
Ekamukhalinga, 600s-800s East India, Bihar,

Sandstone Mukhalingam

Pre-Angkor period, 7th century, Cambodia

Height: 69 cm 27.17 inches; Width 21.7 cm 8.54 inches

Ekamukhalinga 

Nui Ba The, An Giang, 6th-7th century CE Museum of Vietnamese History, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam

Linga, cổ vật được khai quật tại Ba Thê, thị trấn Óc Eo, huyện Thoại Sơn, tỉnh An Giang (Bảo tàng An Giang, Long Xuyên).


Jatalinga période de Tra Kieu Xè siècle Grès gris Ce linga posé sur la cuve à ablations est lié au culte de Shiva Construit par l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient en 1915, le musée fut initialement baptisé Musée Henri Parmentier (nom de l’un des premiers explorateurs des sites du Royaume du Champa). Les oeuvres sont classées par provenance et par période, ce qui permet de suivre, de salle en salle, l’évolution de l’art cham au niveau de la sculpture. La majorité des objets proviennent des sites de Tra Kieu (ancienne capitale administrative du Royaume du Champa), de My Son, de Dong Duong (centre bouddhiste) et de Thap Man.cambogia khmer, mukha-linga,7th-8th c. Art Gallery, New South Wales.
A remarkable evidence is provided by a 6 ft. tall Phetchabun Province, Si Thep, Thailand S'ivalinga which combines both चतुर्श्रि,अष्टाश्रि quadrangular and octagonal components with a चषालः caṣāla topping the aniconic sculpture with a 'face' hieroglyph: mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali)  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/casala-on-octagonal-sivalinga-as-yupa.html. Thus, the  चतुर्श्रि,अष्टाश्रि s'ivalinga is a metalwork catalogue recording the iron smelted in a smelter. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post) Rebus: meḍ, mẽṛhẽt 'iron' (Ho. Santali) अश्रि [p= 114,2]f. the sharp side of anything , corner , angle (of a room or house) , edge (of a sword) S3Br.Ka1tyS3r.often ifc. e.g. अष्टा*श्रि , 
त्रिर्-/अश्रि, च्/अतुर्-श्रि , शता*श्रि q.v. (cf. अश्र) ; ([cf. Lat. acies , acer ; Lith.assmu3]). (Monier-Williams) अस्रिः asriḥअस्रिः 1 An angle; अष्टास्रयः सर्व एव श्लक्ष्णरूपसमन्विताः Rām.1.14.26.-2 Ten million; see अश्रि. -अश्र, -अस्र a. (for अश्रि-स्रि) 1 four cornered, quardran- gular; R.6.1. A quality of gems; Kau. A.2.11. -2 symmetrical, regular or handsome in all parts; बभूव तस्याश्चतुरस्रशोभि वपुः Ku.1.32. (-श्रः, स्रः) 1 a square. -2 a quardrangular figure. -3 (in astr.) N. of the fourth and eighth lunar mansions अश्रिः aśriḥ श्री śrīअश्रिः श्री f. [अश्यते संहन्यते अनया अश् वङ्क्यादि˚ क्रि; cf. Uṇ.4.137] 1 A corner, angle (of a room, house &c. changed to अश्र at the end of comp. with चतुर्, त्रि, षट् and a few other words; see चतुरस्र); अष्टाश्रिर्वै वज्रः Ait. Br. -2 The sharp side or edge (of a weapon &c.); वृत्रस्य हन्तुः कुलिशं कुण्ठिताश्रीव लक्ष्यते Ku.2.2. -3 The sharp side of anything. अश्रिमत् a. 
Cornered, angular. (Apte. Samskritam)-

Linga with One Face of Shiva (Ekamukhalinga), Mon–Dvaravati period, 7th–early 8th century
Thailand (Phetchabun Province, Si Thep)
Stone; H. 55 1/8 in. (140 cm)
Linga with one face (Ekamukhalinga), Shahi period, 9th century. Afghanistan Marble; H. 22 7/16 in. (56.8 cm) Rogers Fund, 1980 (1980.415)
File:Ekamukhalinga (Shiva linga with one face), Jammu and Kashmir or Afghanistan, Shahi Period, 9th century - Royal Ontario Museum - DSC09652.JPGEkamukhalinga. Jammu and Kashmir or Logar district, Afghanistan. Shahi period. ca. 7th or 9th cent. Royal Ontario Museum.Toronto, Canada. Note. the motif of 'flames' in the hairdo and on the wavy hairs of flames behind the ears.
The ligature of a face on the linga is a Meluhha hieroglyph denoting: mũh 'face' is: mũh 'ingot' (Santali). Read with the Meluhha reading of the 'penis' hieroglyph: loj 'penis' (Munda) rebus: loh 'copper, red metal' (Pali. Samskritam) Thus, together, the ekamukha linga denotes: loh mũh, 'metal ingot'.

Rebus reading of the ‘face’ glyph: mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).
 (Santali dictionary, Campbell, p. 420).
See glosses: <lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.  #43901. So<lO?Oj>(D),,<AlAj>(L)//<lAj>(DL)  {N} ``^penis''.Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj @(M084) .(Munda etyma) Rebus: So<loaG>,,<lOaG>,,<luaG>//<laG>(L)  {N} ``^iron''.

The pillar of light, pillar of fire is relatable to the gloss semant. 'post, pillar': meḍ(h), meḍhī f., 
meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.)

Rebus:  d ʻ boatman, fisher- man ʼ. (Note: It is reasonable to infer that the 'pillar' shape of the linga is related to a rebus reading of this gloss semant. 'boatman' inferring that the artifact of 'metal ingot' is for maritime seafaring trade.

mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- ,mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur) mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhīmeri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ. (CDIAl 10317).mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- .mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.(CDIAL 10318).

mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ]Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10319).

mēda m. ʻ a mixed caste, any one living by a degrading occupation ʼ Mn. [→ Bal. d ʻ boatman, fisher- man ʼ. -- Cf. Tam. metavar ʻ basket -- maker ʼ &c. DED 4178]Pk. mēa -- m., mēī -- f. ʻ member of a non -- Aryan tribe ʼ; S. meu m. ʻ fisherman ʼ (whence miāṇī f. ʻ a fishery ʼ), L.  m.; P. meũ m., f. meuṇī ʻ boatman ʼ. -- Prob. separate from S. muhāṇo m. ʻ member of a class of Moslem boatmen ʼ, L. mohāṇā m., °ṇī f.: see *mr̥gahanaka -- .(CDIAL 10320).

Thus, three hieroglyphs and related rebus readings are seen on the sculpture of Gudimallam or Ekamukhalinga: 1. post/pillar 2. membrum virile 3. face: d boatman; meḍ 'iron' (i.e. iron/metal trader); loh 'copper';  mũh metal ingot. together, the phrase reads  meḍ loh mũh, 'metal copper ingot' as a descriptive metalwork catalog -- orthographed as a pillar membrum virile ligatured to a face (of a boatman). Such an interpretation means that the linga form is neither aniconic nor iconic but a hieroglyph read rebus in the underlying lingua franca, Meluhha of Indian sprachbund. In a metallurgical context, the four faces or five faces ligature to the pillar of light/fire can also be explained as four or five metals alloyed to create a hard metal needed for utsava bera, tools, weapons, pots and pans, i.e. utilitarian products of types with characteristics of desired hardness, sharpness of edge (temper) and shine/color of the alloyed product when forged into metalware. The pillar of light/fire is the central idea of the work in kole.l 'smithy'; the manifestation is kole.l 'temple' in awe at what the earth and oceans have yielded as minerals which transmute into material resources produced by a cultural group called bharatam janam, 'metalcasters'.
Image result for gudimallamImage result for gudimallam
Details of ornaments in the Gudimallam Sculpture. (After Pl. IV in TA Gopinatha Rao, 1914, Elements of Hindu Iconography, Madras, The Law Printing House) .
Image result for gudimallamRelated image

Divinely sculpted:A second century BC idol of Lingodbhava, Mahadeva Shiva, the first of its kind found in South India, at Gudimallam temple in Chittoor district. Such a form of linga as a pillar of light, a pillar of fire is the Gudimallam sculpture. This sculpture superimposes or ligatures a human form of Rudra to a linga, a pillar of stone. The form of the sculpture is anthropomorphic and seems to be a narrative of a person standing on the shoulders of an 'elephant' ligatured dwarf, gaaibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron'. This metallurgical intimation is reinforced by the symbols of three 'oxhide ingots' on the ornament shown on the sculpture and also a set of oxhide ingot symbols on the fillet or armlet worn on the right shoulder of the standing person carryin an axe on the left hand and a ram on the right hand. mēṇḍha m. ʻram' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) The oxhide ingot gloss read rebus: mũh 'face' Rebus: mũhe 'ingot'. Thus, the face of the anthropomorph, hunter, standing person is mũh 'face' a reinforcement of mũhe 'ingot' shown as ornaments on the person.

Thus, the hieroglyphs on the anthropomorphic sculpture of Gudimallam may be viewed as a layered text with Indus writing hieroglyphs in Meluhha language, which was the Indian sprachbund--Indian Meluhha-speaking area.
One-Faced Linga (Ekamukhalinga), 600s-800s East India, Bihar, Medieval Period, Pala Dynasty, 7th-8th Century(Ekamukhalinga), 600s-800s East India, Bihar, Medieval Period, Pala Dynasty, 7th-8th Century
http://www.asianart.com/exhibitions/mukhalinga/mukhalingas.html Mukhalinga
Ekamukhalinga
Northwestern India
6th-7th century
White marble

चषालः caṣāla atop the yupa which is metaphored as locks of hair of Rudra on ekamukhalinga of JaiyA.

jaṭa जट a. [जट्-अच्; जन् उणा˚ टन् अन्त्यलोपश्च] Wearing twisted locks of hair. -टा [Uṇ.5.3] 1 The hair matted and twisted together, matted or clotted hair; जटाधरणसंस्कारं द्विजातित्वमवाप्य च Mb.12.61.3. अंसव्यापि शकुन्तनीडनिचितं बिभ्रज्जटामण्डलम् Ś.7.11; जटाश्च बिभृयान्नित्यम् Ms.6.6; Māl.1.2. -2 A fibrous root; यत्र मुञ्जावटे रामो जटाहरणमादिशत् Mb.12.122.3. -3 A particular manner of reciting Vedic texts; thus the words नभः रुद्रेभ्यः repeated in this manner would stand thus :-- नमो रुद्रेभ्यो रुद्रेभ्यो नमो नमो रुद्रेभ्यः जट [p=409,1] mfn. wearing twisted locks of hair g. अर्श-आदि; जटा f. the hair twisted together (as worn by ascetics , by शिव , and persons in mourning) Pa1rGr2. ii , 6 Mn. vi , 6 MBh. (ifc. f(आ). , iii , 16137) &cf.; a fibrous root , root (in general) Bhpr. v , 111 S3a1rn3gS. i , 46 and 58; f. N. of a पाठ or arrangement of the Vedic text (still more artificial than the क्रम , each pair of words being repeated thrice and one repetition being in inverted order) Caran.(
चरण-व्यूह)

In this semantic structure, the जटा is orthographed to signify fibrous roots of the wheat straw which constitute the annam in pyrolisis for the smelting process. Pyrolysis is a thermochemical decomposition of organic material to caburize -- to produce hard alloy metal, to transform wrought iron into steel.

Thus, the चषालः caṣāla is orthographed as the जटा as seen in the JaiyA s'ivalinga. caṣāla चषाल This is a Rigveda word which signifies the top-piece of the Yūpa. (RV 1.162)

1.162.01 Let neither Mitra nor Varun.a, Aryaman, A_yu, Indra, R.bhuks.in,nor the Maruts, censure us; when we proclaim in the sacrifice the virtus of the swift horse sprung from the gods. [a_yu = va_yu (a_yuh satataganta_ va_yuh, vaka_ralopo va_); r.bhuks.in = Indra; but,here Praja_pati, he in whom the r.bhus,or the devas, abide (ks.iyanti); sprung from the gods: devaja-tasya = born as the type of various divinities, who are identified with different parts (e.g. us.a_ va_ as'vasya medhyasya s'irah: Br.hada_ran.yaka Upanis.ad 1.1.1); legend: the horse's origin from the sun, either direct, or through the agency of the Vasus: sura_d as'vam vasavo niratas.t.a].
1.162.02 When they, (the priests), bring the prepared offering to the presence (of the horse), who has been bathed and decorated with rich (trappings), the various-coloured goat going before him, bleating, becomes an acceptable offering to Indra and Pu_s.an. [The prepared offering: ra_tim-gr.bhi_ta_m = lit. the seized wealth; the offering to be made for the horse; pu_s.an = Agni; the goat is to be tied to the front of the horse at the sacrificial post, such a goat, black-necked, kr.s.nagri_va (a_gneyah kr.s.n.agri_vah: Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 5.5.22), being always regarded as an a_gneya pas'u, or victim sacred to Agni, and to be offered to him (Ka_tya_yana Su_tra 98). A black goat is also dedicated to pu_s.an, along with soma (Yajus. xxix.58; but, he is also to be attached to the na_bhi or middle of the horse (Yajus. xxiv.1)].
1.162.03 This goat, the portion of Pu+s.an fit for all the gods, is brought first with the fleet courser, to that Tvas.t.a_ may prepare him along with the horse, as an acceptable preliminary offering for the (sacrificial) food. [The portion of Pu_s.an: he is to be offered in sacrifice to Pu_s.an or Agni; Tvas.t.a_ = sarvasyotpa_daka, the producer of all forms; tvas.t.a_ ru_pa_n.i vikaroti (Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 1.5.92); or, identified wiith Agni;preliminary offering purod.a_s'am = offering of cakes and butter; purasta_d-da_tavyam, that which is to be first offered].
1.162.04 When the priests at the season (of the ceremony), lead forth the horse, the offering devoted to the gods, thrice round (the sacrificial fire); then the goat, the portion of Pu_s.an, goes first, announcing the sacrificer to the gods. [The goat is to be first immolated]. 1.162.05 The invoker of the gods, the minister of the rite, the offerer of the oblation, the kindler of the fire, the bruiser of the Soma, the director of the ceremony, the saage (superintendent of the whole); do you replenish the rivers by this well-ordered, well-conducted, sacrifice. [The invoker of the gods: designations applied to eight of the sixteen priests employed at a solemn rite: the two first are: hota_ and adhvaryu; avaya_j = pratiprastha_ta_, who brings and places the offering; agnimindha = agni_dh, the kindler of the fire; gra_vagra_bha = the praiser of the stones that bruise the Soma,or he who applies the stones to that purpose; s'am.sta_ = pras'a_sta_; suvipra = Brahma_ (brahmaiko ja_te ja_te vidya_m vadatibrahma_ sarvavidyah sarva veditumarhati: Nirukta 1.8); replenish the rivers: vaks.an.a_ apr.n.adhvam, nadi_h pu_rayata, fill the rivers; the consequence of sacrifice being rain and fertility; or, it may mean, offer rivers of butter, milk, curds, and the like].

RV 1.162.06 Whether they be those who cut the (sacrificial) post, or those who bear the post, or those who fasten the rings on the top of the post, to which the horse (is bound); or those who prepare the vessels in which the food of the horse is dressed; let the exertions of them all fulfil our expectation. [The post: twenty-one posts, of different kinds of wood, each twenty-one cubits long, are to be set up, to which the different animals are to be fastened, amounting to three hundred and forty-nine, besides two hundred and sixty wild animals, making a total of six hundred and nine (Ka_tya_yana); the text seems to refer to a single post: cas.a_lam ye as'vayu_pa_ya taks.ati: cas.a_la = a wooden ring, or bracelet, on the top of the sacrificial post; or, it was perhaps a metal ring at the foot of the post]
Satapatha Brāhmana describes this as made of wheaten dough (gaudhūma).

गौधूम [p= 369,3] mf(ई g. बिल्वा*दि)n. made of wheat MaitrS. Hcat. i , 7 (f(आ).) made of wheat straw S3Br. v , 2 , 1 , 6 Ka1tyS3r. xiv , 1 , 22 and 5 , 7.

"Pyrolysis has been used since ancient times for turning wood into charcoal on an industrial scale...Pyrolysis is used on a massive scale to turn coal into 
coke for metallurgy, especially steelmaking."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pyrolysis In archaeometallurgical terms, the use of wheat straw to prepare the चषालः caṣāla fixed atop a Yupa may relate to such pyrolysis process to convert charcoal used in the fire-altar (furnace) into charcoal/coke to react with the dhAtu in the earth subjected to smelting/melting process (e.g. iron reacting with coke in a crucible to be transmuted as steel).

చషాలము [ caṣālamu ] chashālamu. [Skt.] n. A chalice, or cup used in sacrifice. A ring attached to the sacrificial post in a horse sacrifice. రాజ మాయము నందు యూపస్తంభమునకు అడుగున తగిలించే కడియము.څليَ ṯs̱alaey, s.m. (1st) A ring for the finger. 2. A pillar of mud or stones as a mark for land. 3. A butt or mark for arrows. 4. A mound or platform for watching a field. 5. A temporary building or shed. Pl. يِ ī. See منا (Pashto)

चषाल [p= 391,2]mn. (g. अर्धर्चा*दि) a wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post RV. i , 162 , 6 TS. vi Ka1t2h.xxvi , 4 (चशाल) S3Br. &c चषालः caṣālḥचषालः 1 A wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post; चषालं ये अश्वयूपाय तक्षति Rv.1.162.6; चषालयूपत- च्छन्नो हिरण्यरशनं विभुः Bhāg.4.19.19.-2 An iron ring at the base of the post.-3 A hive.

In lokokti, the yupa is associated with potaraju. The word pota signifies casting or smelting of metal.

పోతురాజు or పోతరాజు pōtu-rāḍsu. n. The name of a rustic god, like Pan, worshipped throughout the Telugu, Canarese and Mahratta countries. He represents the male principle associated with the village goddesses Gangamma, Peddamma, &c. A proverb says పాడుఊరికి మంచపుకోడుపోతురాజు in a ruined village the leg of a cot is a god. cf., 'a Triton of the minnows' (Shakespeare.) పోత [ pōta ] pōta. [Tel. from పోయు.] n. Pouring, పోయుట. Casting, as of melted metal. Bathing, washing. Eruption of the small pox. ఆకుపోత putting plants into the ground. పెట్టుపోతలు శాశ్వతములుకావు meat and drink (literally, feeding and bathing) are not matters of eternal consequence. పోత pōta. adj. Molten, cast in metal. పోతచెంబు a metal bottle or jug, which has been cast not hammered.

పోతము [ pōtamu ] pōtamu. [Skt.] n. A vessel, boat, ship. ఓడ. The young of any animal. పిల్ల. శిశువు. An elephant ten years old, పదేండ్ల యేనుగు. A cloth,వస్త్రము. శుకపోతము a young parrot. వాతపోతము a young breeze, i.e., a light wind. పోతపాత్రిక pōta-pātrika. n. A vessel, a ship, ఓడ. "సంసార సాగరమతుల ధైర్యపోత పాత్రికనిస్తరింపుముకు మార." M. XII. vi. 222. పోతవణిక్కు or పోతవణిజుడు pōta-vaṇikku. n. A sea-faring merchant. ఓడను కేవుకు పుచ్చుకొన్నవాడు, ఓడ బేరగాడుపోతవహుడు or పోతనాహుడు pōta-vahuḍu. n. A rower, a boatman, a steersman. ఓడనడుపువాడు, తండేలు.

Yūpa skambha of Bijnor fire-altar signifies performance of Soma Samsthā yajña. (3rd millennium BCE)

Yūpa skambha on Kudurru of Marduk-zâkir-šumi signifies a smelter to produce steel. (10th cent. BCE)

Yūpa skambha on Amaravati sculptural friezes and 5 Yūpa skambha inscriptions of East Borneo (Mulavarman) signify Soma Samsthā yajña and iron mintwork. (5th cent. BCE)

Yūpa skambha (Indra dhvaja) on Ancient Indian coins attest to sacredness of the hieroglyph in mintwork (4th cent. BCE)

These evidences of Bronze Age are presented in two sections of this monograph: 

Section A: Yūpa skambha on Kudurru of Marduk-zâkir-šumi
Section B: Yūpa skambha on Amaravati sculptural friezes

Both the sections demonstrate that the Yūpa skambha proclaims performance of a Soma Samsthā yajña of Veda tradition -- sacred memories of which are cherished in Babylonia (Ancient Near East) and Amaravati (Ancient Far East). 

The 820 BCE evidence of Yūpa skambha on Kudurru of Marduk-zâkir-šumi attests a sacred memory of the performance of of Soma Samsthā yajña of Veda tradition by the Marut ancestors of Marduk-zâkir-šumi

The 5th cent. BCE evidence of Five Yūpa skambha inscriptions in East Borneo of Mūlavarman attest the performance of Soma Samsthā yajña of Veda tradition. 

The 5th cent. BCE evidence of Yūpa skambha sculptural friezes of Amaravati attest the performance of Soma Samsthā yajña of Veda tradition. 

The 3rd millennium BCE evidence of an octagonal Yūpa skambha in Binjor (4MSR) attests the performance of Soma Samsthā yajña of Veda tradition. 

Numismatic evidences attest to the sacredness attached to Yūpa skambha by depicting symbols of Indra dhvaja of Veda tradition, on ancient Indian coins (ca. 300 BCE).

Thus, the Veda tradition of millennia prior to 3rd millennium BCE of performance of yajña explain the divine status of Rudra-bhāga which is of octagonal shape fiery Yūpa skambha.

See: https://tinyurl.com/z2q2rk6  Binjor Indus Script Seal & Mulavarman yupa inscription, relate to yajna for बहुसुवर्णक, bahusuvarṇaka, 'to possess many gold piecess'.

Section A: Yūpa skambha on Kudurru of Marduk-zâkir-šumi
File:AO 6684 deed of gift of Marduk-zākir-šumi.jpg
Kudurru of the 2nd year of the reign of Marduk-zākir-šumi I recording a religious bequest to the Eanna temple in Uruk.
The kudurru[grants Ibni-Ištar, a kalû-priest of the temple of Eanna in Uruk, land by Marduk-zâkir-šumi, is dated to the second year.of Marduk-zâkir-šumi, inscribed PA-za-kir-MU in a reconstruction of two kinglists, a king of Babylon 855-819 BCE. 
AO_6684_deed_of_gift_of_Marduk-zākir-šumi.jpg ‎Revue d'Assyriologie vol. 16 F. Thureau-Dangin
Marduk zakir Sumi and Ibni Ishtar are shown on the Kudurru:
http://www.etana.org/sites/default/files/coretexts/20257.pdf Babylonian boundary stones and memorial tablets in the British Museum, 1912.

Kudurrru are entitlement narûs (steles or stone monuments) in association with the temple. These are sculpted stone monuments documenting entitlements, not boundary markers.

The hieroglyphs on the Kudurru are: 1. Fire altar and black drongo; 2. Arrow; 3. Numeral 2 strokes; 4. Yūpa skambha; 5. Aquatic bird atop a pillar 

These are Indus Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts with meanings as given below 

I suggest that the tradition of Indus Script cipher continues as a sacred memory venerated among the Assur and Maruttta (gveda marut, asur) lineage in Ancient Near East. 
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2017/07/indus-script-hypertext-makara-rebus.html Mirror: https://tinyurl.com/yb2nabnf 


1. Fire altar and black drongo kanda 'fire-altar'; also, वेदि f. (later also वेदी ; for 1. 2. » col.2) an elevated (or according to some excavated) piece of ground serving for a sacrificial altar (generally strewed with कुश grass , and having receptacles for the sacrificial fire ; it is more or less raised and of various shapes , but usually narrow in the middle , on which account the female waist is often compared to it) RV. &c

Image result for Dicrurus aterHieroglyph: Black drongo bird: పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)(Telugu) పసి (p. 730) pasi pasi. [from Skt. పశువు.] n. Cattle. పశుసమూహము, గోగణము. The smell of cattle, పశ్వాదులమీదిగాలి, వాసన. పసిపట్టు pasi-paṭṭu. To scent or follow by the nose, as a dog does a fox. పసిగొను to trace out or smell out. వాసనపట్టు. మొసలి కుక్కను పసిపట్టి when the crocodile scented the dog. పసులు pasulu. n. plu. Cattle, గోవులు. పసిగాపు pasi-gāpu. n. A herdsman, గోపకుడు పసితిండి pasi-tinḍi. n. A tiger, పెద్దపులి. పసులపోలిగాడు pasula-pōli-gāḍu. n. The Black Drongo or King crow, Dicrurusater. (F.B.I.) ఏట్రింత. Also, the Adjutant. తోకపసులపోలిగాడు the Raquet-tailed Drongo shrike. Jerdon. No. 55. 56. 59. కొండ పనులపోలిగాడు the White bellied Drongo, Dicrurus coerulescens. వెంటికపనుల పోలిగాడు the Hair-crested Drongo, Chibia hottentotta. టెంకిపనుల పోలిగాడు the larger Racket-tailed Drongo, Dissemurus paradiseus (F.B.I.) పసులవాడు pasula-vāḍu. n. A herdsman, గొల్లవాడు. 

"With short legs, they sit upright on thorny bushes, bare perches or electricity wires. They may also perch on grazing animals."(Whistler, Hugh (1949). Popular handbook of Indian birds (4th ed.). Gurney and Jackson, London. pp. 155–157.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_drongo
Rebus: Bolad (alternatively spelled PuladPulatPolat, or Polad in Persian and Turkic languages) is common given name among the Inner Asian peoples. The meaning of the word Bolad is "steel". In Khalkha Mongolian form of the word is Boldhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolad_(given_name)

pōladu 'black drongo bird' rebus: pōḷad 'steel'  पोलाद [ pōlāda ] n ( or P) Steel. पोलादी a Of steel. (Marathi) ولاد polād, s.m. (6th) The finest kind of steel. Sing. and Pl. folād P فولاد folād or fūlād, s.m. (6th) Steel. Sing. and Pl. folādī P فولادي folādī or fūlādī, adj. Made of steel, steel. (Pashto) pŏlād प्वलाद् or phōlād फोलाद्  मृदुलोहविशेषः m. steel (Gr.M.; Rām. 431, 635, phōlād).pŏlödi pōlödi  phōlödi (= )
 लोहविशेषमयः adj. c.g. of steel, steel (Rām. 19, 974, 167, pōo) pŏlāduwu  शस्त्रविशेषमयः adj. (f. pŏlādüvü made of steel (H. v, 4).(Kashmiri). Polad, bulat crucible steel: 'Schrader gives a list of names for 'steel' related to Pers. pulAd; Syr. pld; Kurd. pila, pola, pulad; Pehl. polAwat; Armen. polovat; Turk. pala; Russ. bulat; Mizdzhegan polad, bolat; Mongol. bolot, bulat, buriat. He is unable to suggest an origin for these words. Fr. Muller pointed out that the Pehlevi and Armenian should be polapat and suggested Greek 'much-beaten' as the original word...not all the countries of Asia had been exhausted in search for similar names...by adding Tibetan p'olad, Sulu bAlan, Tagalog patalim, Ilocano paslip, we at once see that the origin of the word may lie to the east. Naturally one thinks of China as the possible point of issue, for there steel was known in the third millenium before our era and we have the positive reference to steel in a Chinese writer of the fifth century BCE...Cantonese dialect fo-lim, literally 'fire-sickle'..."(Wiener, Leo, 2002, Contributions toward a history of Arabico-Gothc culture, vol.4, Gorgias Press LLC, pp. xli-xlii). "There are many variations of this term ranging from the Persian ‘polad’, the Mongolian ‘bolat’ and ‘tchechene’, the Russian ‘bulat’, the Ukrainian and Armenian ‘potovat’, Turkish and Arab ‘fulad’, ‘farlad’ in Urdu and ‘phaulad’ in Hindi. It is this bewildering variety of descriptions that was used in the past that makes a study of this subject so challenging." https://www.scribd.com/doc/268526061/Wootz-Steel-Indian-Institute-of-Science Wootz Steel, Indian Institute of Science
2. kaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus:khaṇḍa 'implements'
3. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'metal casting'
4, Yūpa skambha, with the ligature of a 'tiger' at the top of the pillar.  kola 'tiger' kole.l 'smithy, forge' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' kol 'working in iron' kole.l 'temple'. The animal could also be a ram as on the Mel Shipak kudurru. In this case, the reading is: miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.), mRdu 'iron' (Samskrtam)  मृदा--कर [p= 830,2] m. a thunderbolt W. Thus, the hypertext signifies an iron smelter. mṛdu

मृदु 'a kind of iron' (Apte)

'Indra dhvaja, fiery flaming pillar' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236) 
5. करण्ड, कारण्ड [p= 274,3] m. a sort of duck R. vii , 31 , 21 Rebus:करण्ड m. a sword L.; करडा karaḍā Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.; The arrangement of bars or embossed lines (plain or fretted with little knobs) raised upon a तार of gold by pressing and driving it upon the अवटी or grooved stamp. Such तार is used for the ornament बुगडी, for the hilt of a पट्टा or other sword &c. Applied also to any similar barform or line-form arrangement (pectination) whether embossed or indented; as the edging of a rupee &c. ;  खरड (p. 113) kharaḍa f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch; खरडणें (p. 113) kharaḍaṇēṃ v c To scrape or rub off roughly: also to abrade or graze. 2 To rub up; to grub up; to root out (grass, weeds &c.) by pushing the instrument along. 3 To shave roughly, to scrape: also to write roughly, to scrawl: also to jot or note down; to make brief memoranda: also to draw roughly; to plough roughly; to grind roughly &c. &c; खरडा (p. 113) also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap. 




http://www.bu.edu/asor/pubs/jcs/52/slanski.pdf Kathryn E. Slanski, "Classification, historiography and monumental authority: the Babylonian entitlement narus (kudurrus)"
Kathryn E. Slanski, 2003, The Babylonian Entitlement Narus: A Study in Form and Function (ASOR Books) 
File:Marduk-nadin-apli.jpg
Marduk-apla-iddina I – Detail from a kudurru of Marduk-apla-iddina I. 
 Marduk-apla-iddina I – Kudurru of Marduk-apla-iddina I 
"Marduk-apla-iddina I, contemporarily written in cuneiform as dAMAR. UTU-IBILA-SUM-na and meaning in Akkadian, Marduk has given an heir, was the 34th Kassite king of Babylon ca. There is evidence of thriving commerce in woolen garments with Assyrian traders, the Chronicle of the Market Prices references his 21st year, but neither king with this name ruled longer than 13 years. Like his two predecessors, some of the economic texts show a curious double-dating formula which has yet to be satisfactorily explained. The Synchronistic King List gives his Assyrian contemporary as Ninurta-apal-Ekur, which is unlikely as he is shown against the earlier two Kassite kings, despite his short reign. Several inscribed kudurrus, or boundary stones, survive which document large donations of land, marduk-zākir-šumi, the bēl pīḫati, or provincial governor, was the beneficiary of a piece of land as a perquisite from the king. His responsibilities included inspector of temple and land and controller of forced labor, one of the witnesses was Nabû-šakin-šumi, also described as “son of” Arad-Ea. Another stele records that Ina-Esağila-zēra-ibni, “son of” Arad-Ea, measured a field, the symbol of the stylus, representing the god of writing and wisdom, Nabû, makes its first appearance on one of his kudurrus. Around eighteen kudurrus could be assigned to his reign based upon the art-history of their iconography, the following lists those which actually identify him as the monarch in their texts."

"The Land grant to Marduk-zākir-šumi kudurru is an ancient Mesopotamiannarû, or entitlement stele, recording the gift (irīmšu) of 18 bur 2 eše[1] (about 120 hectares or 300 acres) of corn-land by Kassite king of Babylon Marduk-apla-iddina I (ca. 1171–1159 BC) to his bēl pīḫati (inscribed EN NAM and meaning "person responsible"), or a provincial official.[2] The monument is significant in part because it shows the continuation of royal patronage in Babylonia during a period when most of the near East was beset by collapse and confusion, and in part due to the lengthy genealogy of the beneficiary, which links him to his illustrious ancestors."
The monument is a large rectangular block of limestone with a base of 51 by 30.5 cm and a height of 91 cm, or around 3 foot, with a broken top making it the tallest of the extant kudurrus[3]and has intentionally flattened sides.[4]It was recovered from the western bank of the Tigris opposite Baghdad[5] and acquired by George Smith for the British Museum while on his 1873–74 expedition to Nineveh sponsored by the Daily Telegraph. It was originally given the collection reference D.T. 273 and later that of BM 90850. The face has three registers featuring eighteen symbolic representations of gods (listed below identifying the corresponding deity) and the back has three columns of text (line-art pictured right).
First register:
Second register:

  • Bird on a perch, the Kassite deitiesŠuqamuna & Šumalia
  • Reclining ox beneath lightning fork, Adad
  • Spear-head behind horned dragon, Marduk
  • Wedge supported by horned dragon before shrine, Nabû
Third register:
  • Horned serpent spanning register, uncertain
  • Turtle, uncertain
  • Ram-headed crook above goat-fish, Ea
  • Winged dragon stepping on hind part of serpent, uncertain
The land grant was situated west of the river Tigris in the province of Ingur-Ištar, one of perhaps twenty-two pīḫatus or provinces known from the Kassite period,[6] and was bordered by estates belonging to the (house of) Bīt-Nazi-Marduk and Bīt-Tunamissaḫ, perhaps Kassite nobility.

Cast of characters

  • Marduk-apla-iddina, the king, donor
  • Marduk-zākir-šumi, bēl-pīḫati, beneficiary. His secondary titles included ˹pa˺-˹]-id ÉRIN giDUSU: officer of the troops of the charioteers[7]
His ancestors:
  • Nabû-nadin-aḫḫē, his father
  • Rimeni-Marduk, grandfather
  • Uballissu-Marduk, great-grandfather, an accountant during the reign of Kurigalzu II, whose cylinder seals shed further light on his ancestors, naming his forebears Uššur-ana-Marduk as šandabakku or governor of Nippur and Usi-ana-nuri-? as viceroy of Dilmun (ancient Bahrain)
  • Arad-Ea, patriarchal figure of the clan and his great-great-grandfather
Witnesses:
  • Ninurta-apla-iddina, son of Adad-naṣir šakin or governor of the province of Engur-Ištar
  • Nabû-naṣir, son of Nazi-Marduk, sukallu a court official, messenger or vizier[8]
  • Nabû-šakin-šumi, son of Arad-Ea, DU.GAB, “charioteer”
http://wikivisually.com/wiki/Land_grant_to_Marduk-z%C4%81kir-%C5%A1umi_kudurru

Section B: Yūpa skambha on Amaravati sculptural friezes

Fiery yajñasya ketu, Yūpa skambhaIndra dhvaja, flagstaff proclaims Soma Samsthā yajña

The skambha is an Indus Script hypertext variously depicted as Indra dhvaja on sculptures and ancient coins.

The Skambha is Rudra-śiva. The Skambha is octagonal in shape and hence the Rudra-bhāga of amocpmoc śivalinga is octagonal in shape. 

The ruśantam ketum = jvalantam ketum is an attribute of Yūpa skambha which is a blazing flame as depicted iconographically on Amaravati friezes.
Naga worshippers of fiery pillar, Amaravati stup  Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light, Sivalinga. 
Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 

meḍ 'to dance' (F.)[reduplicated from me-]; me id. (M.) in Remo (Munda)(Source: D. Stampe's Munda etyma) meṭṭu to tread, trample, crush under foot, tread or place the foot upon (Te.); meṭṭu step (Ga.); mettunga steps (Ga.). maḍye to trample, tread (Malt.)(DEDR 5057) మెట్టు (p. 1027) [ meṭṭu ] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు, నడుచు, త్రొక్కు. "మెల్ల మెల్లన మెట్టుచుదొలగి అల్లనల్లనతలుపులండకు జేరి." BD iv. 1523. To tread on, to trample on. To kick, to thrust with the foot.మెట్టిక meṭṭika. n. A step , మెట్టు, సోపానము (Telugu) rebus: मृदु mṛdu, mẽṛhẽtmeḍ 'iron,copper' (Samskrtam.Ho.Mu.Santali.Slavic)
स्कम्भ [p= 1257,1] m. a prop , support , pillar , buttress , fulcrum , the Fulcrum of the Universe (personified in AV. x , 7 and x , 8 , and identified with ब्रह्मन् , the Supreme Being , as well as with पुरुष ; » Muir's Sanskrit Texts , v , 378RV. AV. (Monier-Williams)

skambha, 'flaming pillar' (Atharvaveda), rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.
Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Buddha, , Great Stupa of Amaravati

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html
Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Divine.

The descriptive expression in RV 10.1.5 refers to the  Yūpa as ruśantam ketum. The word ruśantam is explained as: jvalantam derived from ज्वलत् [p= 428,2] m. blazing fire , flame Ka1m.;  ज्वल [p= 428,2] [L=80891]m. ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 140) flame W.; ज्वल्[p= 428,2] cl.1 P. ज्व्/अलति (ep. also A1. ; p. °लत् ; aor. अज्वालीत् Pa1n2. 7-2 , 2 ; 3. pl. अज्वलिषुर् Bhat2t2. xv , 106) to burn brightly , blaze , glow , shine TS. i S3Br. Gobh. MBh. &c  ; to burn (as a wound) Sus3r. : Caus. ज्वलयति or ज्वाल्° , to set on fire , light , kindle , make radiant , illuminate GopBr. ii , 5 , 5 (A1.) MBh. &c : Intens. जाज्वलति ( MBh. ) or °ल्यते ( Pa1n2. 3-1 , 22 Ka1s3. ; p. °ल्यमान) to flame violently , shine strongly , be brilliant MBh. R. VP. iii , 2 , 10 Ra1jat. i , 154. Thus, the synonym of jvalantam in RV 10.1.5 which is ruśantam is cognate with रुशना [p= 885,1] f. N. of one of the wives of रुद्र BhP.  रुशन्तम्-केतुम् is a descriptive epithet of the Yūpa skambha which is a metaphor for Rudra-śiva.

होता॑रं
 चि॒त्रर॑थमध्व॒रस्य॑ य॒ज्ञस्य॑यज्ञस्य के॒तुं रुश॑न्तम्  प्रत्य॑र्धिं दे॒वस्य॑देवस्य म॒ह्ना श्रि॒या त्व१॒॑ग्निमति॑थिं॒जना॑नाम् 
hotāra citraratham adhvarasya yajñasya-yajñasya ketu ruśantam | pratyardhi devasya-devasya mahnā śriyā tv agnim atithi janānām || (RV 10.1.5)

अन्वयार्थः
(अध्वरस्य यज्ञस्य-यज्ञस्य होतारम्) अहिंसनीयस्य-अबाध्यस्य यज्ञमात्रस्य जीवनयज्ञस्य होमयज्ञस्य च सम्पादयितारम् 
(रुशन्तम्-केतुम्) ज्वलन्तं सर्वप्रेरकं सूर्यम् 
(चित्ररथम्) दर्शनीयमण्डलवन्तं तथा 
(देवस्य देवस्य प्रत्यर्धिम्) द्योतमानस्य ग्रहनक्षत्रादिकस्य “देवः-द्युस्थानो भवतीति वा” [निरुo ७।१६] दिव्यपदार्थस्य ज्ञानिनो जनस्य च प्रतिवर्धकम् 
(जनानां मह्ना श्रिया तु-अतिथिम्) जन्यमानानां प्राणिनां स्वमहत्या कान्त्या दीप्त्या क्षिप्रं निरन्तरं गमनशीलं प्रवेशकर्त्तारम् 
(अग्निम्) सूर्यरूपं बृहन्तमग्निं वयं सेवेमहि 

Wilson/Sāyaṇa: (We worship) Agni for prosperity, you, who are the invoker of the gods, the many-coloured conveyance of the offering, the brilliant banner of every offering, the surpasser of every other deity in might, the guest of men. 

Griffith translation: Priest of the holy rite, with car that glitters, refulgent banner of each act of worship, Sharing every God through might and glory, even Agni guest of men I summon hither.

Rudra is the octagonal rudrabhāga of Śivalinga which is a skambha or Yūpa (also called Indra dhvaja) topped by a caṣāla. 

caṣāla is signified by the 'snout of a boar' as metonymy, metaphor for yajña puruṣa and all Veda-s (See the snout of a boar with the frieze of Sarasvati, vāk divinity).  

Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa describes caṣāla as godhūma, 'wheat chaff'. Fumes of the wheat chaff from the fiery pillar of light are intended to infuse carbon to harden the smelted metal in a furnace.

Metallurgical association with the ādhyātmikā metaphors of Gaṇeśa, Rudra-Śiva are echoed in ancient texts and ādhyātmikā traditions.

In Indian iconography, sons of Rudra are marut-s disgorged by makara ‘composite animal’.  https://tinyurl.com/yb2nabnf 

Ancient Coins - INDIA, ERIKACHHA: Mitrasena copper coin. Very Rare.
Erich (Erikachha) city state
Mitrasena, c. 2nd century BC
AE coin (16 mm, 3.49 g)
Obverse: Brahmi legend in two lines Rajno Mitasenasa
Reverse: Yupa (sacrificial altar) in a railing
Ref: Pieper 520 Erikachha was an ancient Indian city state famous for issuing copper coins using three different manufacturing techniques: punchmarked (as in this specimen), cast and die-struck. King Mitrasena is known only from his coins. This specimen is boldly struck with his name Mitasenasa clearly visible.

A variant of this hypertext pictorial motif occurs on punch-marked coins:

Malwa, clay sealing
Weight:  4.48 gm., Dimensions: 20×15 mm.
Railed yupa (sacrificial post) with side decorations and a Brahmi legend below reading khadasa
Reference: Pieper collection “Thanks to Shailendra Bhandare for the correct reading. According to Bhandare the legend refers to the worship of Skanda; similar objects pertaining to the Skanda cult have been reported from regions of Malwa, Vidarbha and the Deccan.”
Yupa, caṣāla is signified. M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f.,meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(CDIAL 10317)  rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho) med 'copper' (Slavic languages) mdu 'soft iron' (Samskrtam)

khANDa 'divisions' rebus:kaNDa 'implements'
http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran2.html 

Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/2 karshapana, multi-symbol type
Weight: 4.22 gm., Diameter: 18 mm.
Centrally placed Ujjain symbol; svastika and Indradhvaja on right and
    railed tree on left; fish-tank above the Ujjain symbol and parts of
    chakra on top right; river at the bottom.
Double-orbed Ujjain symbol
Reference: Pieper 379 (plate specimen)
http://coinindia.com/galleries-ujjain4.html
 [Pl. 39, Indra dhvaja and Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many Indus script tablets and seals.] Source for the tables of symbols on punchmarked coins: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian Symbols, Numismatic Evidence, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan.] 

Shapes of bowl variants compare with the bottom bowl (portable furnace) of sã̄gāḍ, 'standard device' as variants of Indra-dhavaja on ancient coins, Karur seal and Ujjain glass sealings (After Figurres 39.6 to 39.9 in  Mahadevan, The sacred filter standard facing the unicorn,in:Asko Parpola, ed., 1993, South Asian Archaeology, Vol. 2, Helsinki, pp. 435-445 http://45.113.136.87/wp-content/uploads/19-The-Sacred-filter-standard-facing-the-unicorn.-more-evidence.-In-South-Asian-Archaeology-1993..pdf)
Coin. Vidarbha region. Bos indicus, zebu,  in front of Yūpa skambha. पोळ [ pōḷa ] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. पोळी [ pōḷī ] dewlap. पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'zebu, bos indicus taurus' rebus: पोळा [ pōḷā ] 'magnetite, ferrite ore: Fe3O4' skambha 'pillar' rebus: Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mintKa. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner (DEDR 1236) Thus, iron and steel mint.
Ujjain, AE 1/6 karshapana, bull type

Weight: 1.37 gm., Diameter: 11x10 mm.
Obv.: Bull to right with Indradhvaja above; railed yupa (sacrifical post)
          on right.
Rev.: Double-orbed Ujjain symbol.

I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus:kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'

Hieroglyph:  धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf.त्रिविष्टि- सप्त- , सु-RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

Rebus: M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam) Harappa (Indus) script hieroglyphs signify dhAtu 'iron ore', Dharwar, Ib names of places in India in the iron ore belt.

Image result for yupa ancient coins
Samudragupta, gold dinar, c. 335-375 CE
Weight: 7.46 gm, Diameter: 21 mm.
Sacrificial horse standing left, yupa (sacrificial post) before, 
     circular Brāhmī legend around and si (for siddham) below horse /
Queen standing left, holding towel in left hand, flywhisk in right over her shoulder
     needle before, Brāhmī legend at right: Ashvamedhaparākrama
Samudragupta, gold dinar, c. 335-375 CE
Weight: 7.37 gm, Diameter: 23 mm.
Sacrificial horse standing left, yupa (sacrificial post) before, 
     circular Brāhmī legend around and si (for siddham) below horse /
Queen standing left, holding towel in left hand, flywhisk in right over her shoulder
     needle before, Brāhmī legend at right: Hayamedhaparākrama 

Like the flag that will be raised in honour of Indra during the month of ashvin on a full-moon day, but thrown onto earth along with its flagstaff after the festival, Vali with depleted energy and dissipated vitality slowly fell onto ground, and with tears blocking throat he moaned piteously. [Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa 4-16-37]
This indra dhvaja ustava , festival of Indra's flagstaff will be undertaken after the sixth lunar month of year, usually after summer in order to appease Indra to cause rains. On full-moon day in Ashvayuja month [October-November] this will be performed and after the ritual the flag / flagstaff will be thrown to ground.
ध्वज [p= 522,1]  ध्वज्) a banner , flag , standard (ifc. f(आ).RV. &c. Brhat Samhitā calls the dvhaja  Indra-dhvaja sampad,'glory of Indra's flag'(BS 43). MBh 1.57 calls the dhvaja as yaṣṭi (iṣṭapradānam), refers to Indra’s festival as maha (v.23),utsava śakrasya (v.26).

Nāṭyaśāstra 1.54 to 1.59:

The Banner festival of Indra and the first production of a play
1.53-55. On these words, Brahman said, ‘A vey suitble time for the production of a play has come: the Banner Festival of Indra has just begun; make use of the Nāṭyaveda now on this occasion.”

1.55-58. I then went to that festival in honour of Indra’s victory which took place after the Dānavas and the Asuras (enemies of the gods) were killed. In this festival where jubilant gods assembled in great numbers I performed for their satisfaction the holy Benediction (nāndi) consisting blessings with words in their eightfold aspects (aṣṭānga, lit. of eight limbs). Afterwards I devised an initiation of the situation in which the Daityas were defeated by gods (and), which represented (sometimes) an altercation and tumult and (sometimes) mutual cutting off and piercing (of limbs or bodies).
1.58-61. Then Brahman as well as other gods were pleased with the performance and gave us all sorts of gifts as a token of joy that filled their mind. First of all the pleased Indra (Sakra) gave his auspicious banner, then Brahman a blacksmith's forge (Kuṭilaka) and Varuṇa a golden pitcher (bhṛngāra), Surya (the sun-god) gave an umbrella, Siva success (siddhi), and Vāyu (the wind-god) a fan. Viṣṇu gave us a lion-seat (simhāsana), Kuvera a crown, and the goddess Sarasvati gave visibility as well as audibility. (NOTE: Does Indra-dhvaja signify  कुटिलिका f. a tool used by a blacksmith Pa1n2. 4-4 , 18 Ka1s3.? Or is it a signifier of a forge?) कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl 'curve' kuṭila 'bent' (CDIAL 3230) Rebus:kuṭila  'bronze' (8 parts copper, 2 parts tin).

This Indra makha festival occurred on the twelfth day of the bright half of the moon in the month of Bhādra. Dhvaja-maha is a Prakrt form of makha ‘yajña’. मख 1 [p= 772,1] m. a feast , festival , any occasion of joy or festivity RV. S3a1n3khGr2.m. a sacrifice , sacrificial oblation S3Br. &c ( Naigh. iii , 17); m. (prob.) N. of a mythical being (esp. in मखस्य शिरः , " मख's head ") RV. VS. S3Br. (cf. also comp.)l mfn. (prob. connected with √1. मह् or √ मंह्) jocund , cheerful , sprightly , vigorous , active , restless (said of the मरुत्s and other gods) RV. Br.

(The Nāṭyaśāstra, a treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics ascribed to Bharata Muni, tr. By Manomohan Ghosh, 1950, Royal Asiatic Society, Kolkata.)


Gaṇeśais tri त्रि  -धातुः an epithet of Gaṇeśa; -तुम् 1 the triple world. -2 the aggregate of the 3 minerals or humours. त्रि--धातु [p= 458,3]  mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6; m. (scil. पुरोड्/आश) N. of an oblation TS. ii , 3 , 6. 1 ( -त्व्/अ n. abstr.); n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals or of the 3 humours W.; m. गणे*श L.

Rudra-Śiva is  शर्व name of of one of the 11 रुद्रs VP. (विष्णु-पुराण); शर्व [p= 1057,1] m. (fr. श्/उरु) N. of a divine hunter who kills with arrows (mentioned together with भव and other names of रुद्र-शिव).


An ādi-bhautika metaphor relates to the Yupa, the flagstaff. 


Yupa is a divine metaphor.


 (Octagoal flagstaff) is yajñasya ketu (RV3.8.8), a proclamation of the performance of a Soma Samsthā yajña.

In a remarkable Sukta (RV 3.8) Viśvāmitra offers prayers to the Yupa divinity.





3.008.01 Vanaspati, the devout anoint you with sacred butter at the sacrifice; and whether you stand erect, or your abode be on the lap of this your mother (earth), grant us riches. [Vanaspati = lit. forest lord; here, the reference is to the post of wood to which the victim is tied; the hymn is cited in Aitareya Bra_hman.a 2.2; cf. Nirukta 8.18]. 
3.008.02 Standing on the east of the kindled (fire), dispensing food (as the source) of undecaying (health) and excellent progeny, keeping off our enemy at a distance, stand up for great auspiciousness. 
3.008.03 Be exalted, Vanaspati upon this sacred spot of earth, being measured with careful measurement, and bestow food upon the offerer of the sacrifice. 
3.008.04 Well clad and hung with wreaths comes the youthful (pillar); most excellent it is as soon as generated; steadfast and wise venerators of the gods, meditating piously in thei rminds, raise it up. 
3.008.05 Born (in the forest), and beautified in the sacrifice celebrated by men, it is (again) engendered for the sanctification of the days (of sacred rites); steadfast, active and intelligent (priests) consecrate it with intelligence, and the devout worshipper recites its praise. 
3.008.06 May those (posts) which devout men have cut down, or which, Vanaspati, the axe has trimmed, may they standing resplendent with all their parts (entire) bestow upon us wealth with progeny. 
3.008.07 May those posts which have been cut down upon the earth, and which have been fabricated by the priests, those which are the accomplishers of the sacrifice, convey our acceptable (offering) to the gods. 
3.008.08 May the leaders of the rite, the divine A_dityas, Rudras, Vasus, Heaven and Earth, the Earth, the firmament, well pleased, protect our sacrifice; let them raise aloft the standard of the ceremony. 
3.008.09 Arrayed in bright (garments), entire (in their parts), these pillars ranging in rows like swans, have come to us erected by pious sages on the east( of the fire); they proceed resplendent on the path of the gods. 
3.008.10 Entire in all parts and girded with rings, they appear upon the earth like the horns of horned cattle; hearing (their praises) by the priests; may they protect us in battles. 
3.008.11 Vanaspati, mount up with a hundred branches, that we may mount with a thousand, you whom the sharpened hatchet has brought for great auspiciousness.



यूप [p= 856,1] signifies yajña; is sign , mark , ensign , flag , banner RV. AV. MBh. &c; m. (prob. fr. √ युप् ; but according to Un2. iii , 27 , fr. √2. यु) a post , beam , pillar , (esp.) a smooth post or stake to which the sacrificial victim is fastened , any sacrificial post or stake (usually made of bamboos or खदिर wood ; in R. i , 13 , 24 ; 25, where the horse sacrifice is described , 21 of these posts are set up , 6 made of बिल्व , 6 of खदिर , 6 of पलाश , one of उडुम्बर , one of श्लेष्मातक , and one of देव-दारुRV. &c; Yupa is अष्टा* श्रि [p= 117,1] mfn. having eight corners S3Br. yupa is associated with चषाल [p= 391,2] mn. (g. अर्धर्चा*दि) a wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post RV. i , 162 , 6 TS. vi Ka1t2h. xxvi , 4 (चशालS3Br. &c. The hieroglyphs are: चषालm. a hive L.; n. the snout of a hog MaitrS. i , 6 , 3.
चषालः, पुं, (चष्यते वध्यतेऽस्मिन् । चष + “सानसि-वर्णसीति ।” उणां । ४ । १०७ । इति आलप्रत्ययेन निपातनात् साधुः ।) यूपकटकः । इत्य-मरः । २ । ७ । १८ ॥ यज्ञसमाप्तिसूचकं पशु-बन्धनाद्यर्थं यज्ञभूमौ यत् काष्ठमारोप्यते स यूपःतस्य शिरसि वलयाकृतिर्डमरुकाकृतिर्व्वा यःकाष्ठविकारः सः । यूपमूलेविहितलोहवलयश्च ।इति केचित् । इति भरतः ॥ मधुस्थानम् । इतिसंक्षिप्तसारे उणादिवृत्तिः ॥ https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
चषालः [caṣālḥ], 1 A wooden ring on the top of a sacrificial post; चषालं ये अश्वयूपाय तक्षति Rv.1.162.6; चषालयूपत- च्छन्नो हिरण्यरशनं विभुः Bhāg.4.19.19. An iron ring at the base of the post. A hive. (Apte)

चषाल पु० न० चष--आलच् अर्द्धर्च्चादि । यूपकटके यज्ञिय-पशुबन्धनार्थे यूपमध्येदेये बलयाकारे काष्ठमयेलौहमये वा पदार्थे अमरः । तल्लक्षणादिकमुक्तं का० श्रौ०६ । १ । २८ । सूत्रादौ“अग्राच्चषालं पृथमात्रमष्टाश्रि मध्यसंगृहीतम्” २८ सू०“यूप परिवासनानन्तरं यदवशिष्टं पृथक्कृतमग्रम् ततश्चषा-लं कर्त्तव्यम् प्रसारिताङ्गुलिः पाणिरामणिवन्धनान् पृथक्इत्युच्यते चषालमिति संज्ञा सं व्यवहारार्था “आ चषाले-क्षणात्” इत्यादौ । अष्टाश्रि अष्टकोणम् तदपि तक्षणेनाष्ट-कोणं कुर्य्यात् तक्षैव । उलूखलवन्मध्ये संकुचितम्” कर्कः ।“ऊर्द्धमग्रे प्रतिमुञ्चति” २९ सू० “तच्चषालं यूपस्याग्रे ऊर्द्ध्वंप्रतिमुञ्चति अतएवोर्द्धप्रतिमोकविधानाच्चषालस्य तथाबेधः कार्यः । प्रतिमुञ्चतीति वचनाच्च चूड़ाग्रो यूपःचषालं च ससुषिरमिति गम्यत इति हरिस्वामिनःतथा चाहापस्तम्बः “मूलतोऽतष्टमुपरम् अष्टाश्रिरनुपूर्वोऽग्रतोऽणीयान् प्रज्ञाताष्टाश्रिरिति” कर्क०“द्व्यङ्गुलं त्र्यङ्गुलं वां तर्द्मातिक्रान्तं यूपस्य” ३० सू०“यूपस्य यूपाग्रस्य द्व्यङ्गुलं त्र्यङ्गुलं वा चषालं तर्द्माति-क्रान्तं चषालच्छिद्राग्रवेधादतिक्रान्तं भवति अतिक्रम्योर्द्ध्वंनिःसृतं भवति तथा चषालस्योर्द्धं प्रवयणं कर्त्तव्यम्यथा चषालो यूपाग्रादधो द्व्यङ्गुले त्र्यङ्गुले वा तिष्ठ-तीत्यर्थः” कर्कः “भूश्चषालतुलिताङ्गुलीयकम्” माघः https://sa.wikisource.org/wiki/वाचस्पत्यम्
In one passage of the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa[२] it is directed to be made of wheaten dough (gaudhūma): चषाल न. मूंठ, ऋ.वे. 3.8.1० (चषालवन्तः स्वरवः पृथिव्याम्); मा.श्रौ.सू. 5.2.12.4, यज्ञीय यूप पर एक काष्ठीय वलय लगा देना चाहिए, कुछ के मतानुसार, ऊपर से दो या तीन आंगुल की दूरी पर। उसे यज्ञीय यूप के शिखर को ‘चषाल’ के ऊपर ही रहने देना चाहिए (ताकि यह) लम्बाई में उपरी अंगुलास्थि के बराबर (होवे)। ‘चषाल’ का निर्माण चरव्य चषाल 229 भी उसी वृक्ष से किया जाता है, जिससे यज्ञिय यूप (स्तम्भ) तैयार किया जाता है। यदि अध्यर्वु यह चाहता हो कि यजमान के धन का उपयोग दूसरा कोई करे, तो उसे ‘स्वरु’ एवं ‘चषाल’ का निर्माण ‘यूप’ की लकड़ी से भिन्न काष्ठ से करना चाहिए। उसे ‘चषाल’ पर ‘ऐन्द्रमसि’ से सभी तरफ लेप करना चाहिए, ओर इसे यूप पर ‘सुपिप्पलाभ्यस्त्वा’ इस मन्त्र से स्थिर कर दे (लगा दे), श्रौ.को. (अं) I.796। उसे यूप के लेपन के लिए चषाल को हटा लेना चाहि और इसका शोधन करना चाहिए, श्रौ.को. (अं.) 1.799. इसे लगाने के पहले वह इसे यूप के उत्तर की ओर रखे, (श्रौ.को (अं.) I.8०1), (का.श्रौ.सू.) (6.2.2-3.15)। यदि यज्ञ की पूर्णता के पहले कोई पक्षी चषाल पर बैठ जाय, तो ‘सर्वप्रायश्चित्त’- संज्ञक कृत्य का अनुष्ठान करना पड़ता है, श्रौ.को. (अं.) I.86०. यदि ‘उपर’ के ऊपर दो शाखाओं वाला ‘यूप’ अनुमत हो, तो उन्हें दो तनों पर दो चषाल लगाने चाहिए, श्रौ.को. (अं) I.885. चषालवलय एक बीता (दश अंगुल) ऊँचा, बीच में संकीर्ण (उलूखलवत्) एवं आकृत में अष्टकोणीय (आठ कोणों वाला, अष्टाश्रि) होता है, श्रौ.को. (अं.) I.ii 781 (भा.श्रौ.सू. 7.1.1-4.4)। चि.भा.से. के मतानुसार यह यूप का एक काष्ठीय शिरःखण्ड है। यह आठ कोनों वाला, बीच में संकुचित, किसी के हाथ की कलाई से अंगुलियों के अग्रभाग के बराबर एवं खोखली निर्मित होती है। इसे ‘यूप’ के शिखर पर पगड़ी के समान इस तरह लगाया जाता है कि यूप का दो अथवा तीन अंगुल (भाग) चषाल के ऊपर उभरा रहे, का.श्रौ.सू. 6.1.28.3० (पशुबन्ध)। यदि यजमान ज्ञानेन्द्रियों की शक्ति की कामना वाला है, तो ‘यूपों’ को खड़ा करना चाहिए ताकि ‘चषाल’ एक समान रहें (तै.सं. 6.6.4.1). कहने का अभिप्राय है कि ‘यूपों’ के भागों की परिधि, जिसपर चषालों को लगाना है, समान रहें, बौ.श्रौ.सू. 17.11-13. ‘पात्नीवत यूप’ पर कोई भी चषाल नहीं लगाया जाता है, श्रौ.को. (अं) II.85०.
  1. ऊपर जायें Rv. i. 162, 6;
    Taittirīya Saṃhitā, vi. 3, 4, 2, 7;
    Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xxvi. 4, etc.;
    Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, i. 11, 8, etc.
  2. ऊपर जायें v. 2, 1, 6.

    Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 168, n. 1;
    41, 31, n. 1.
Cylinder seal impression rendering Ea/Enki in a more "CUBULAR" apsu/abzu "sea House." Two Lahmu, naked except for a thong belt they wear, guard the portals. The two faced god is Izimud, Ea's vizier. Ea holds in his had an irrigation pot with two streams of water (rivers ?). He was the god who sent up freshwater for rivers from springs in the earth from his abzu house (for the below photo cf. p. 13. Diane Wolkenstein & Samuel Noah Kramer. Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth, Her Stories and Hymns From Sumer. New York. Harper & Row. 1983. ISBN 0-06-090854-8 paperback).
An impression from an ancient cylinder seal of Ea/Enki standing within his rectangular abzu shrine or sea-house within the abyss (the underground freshwater ocean, or abzu/apsu). The schematized portals or door hinges to the shrine are guarded by two Lahmu "hairy [ones]" naked except for a thong belt they wear. Note the wavy lines about the shrine symbolizing the watery abyss (for the photo cf. p. 98. "Ea." Piotr Bienkowski & Alan Millard. Dictionary of the Ancient Near EastPhiladelphia. University of Pennsylvania Press. 2000. ISBN 0-8122-3557-6)

kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements' PLUS Indhradhvaja or Yūpa: skambha, 'flaming pillar' (Atharvaveda), rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage'.

Gaṇeśa, saptamātṝkāh, सप्तमातृका:, 'seven mothers', Lingodbhava, Jyotirlinga, aniconicskambha, fiery pillar of light, rebus kammaṭa 'mint'

1. Gaṇeśa is called tri-dhātu
2. Rudra is called वज्र--बाहु vajrabāhu
3. vajra is an adamantine metallic glue
4. áṅgāra m. n. ʻ glowing charcoal ʼ RV., °aka -- lex. 2. *iṅgāra -- , iṅgāla -- m. Vāsav. com.
1. Pa. aṅgāra -- m. ʻ charcoal ʼ, Pk. aṁgāra -- , °aya -- , aṁgāla -- , °aya -- m., Gy. eur. angár ʻ charcoal ʼ, wel. vaṅār m. (v -- from m. article), germ. yangar (y -- from yag, s.v.; agní -- 1); Ash. aṅāˊ ʻ fire ʼ, Kt. aṅǻ, Gmb. aṅāˊ, Pr. anéye, Dm. aṅgar (a < ā NTS xii 130), Tir. Chilis Gau. K. nār (n <  -- , not ← Psht. nār ← Ar. AO xii 184), Paš. aṅgāˊr, Shum. ã̄r (← Paš. NOGaw 59), Gaw. Kal. Kho. aṅgāˊr, Bshk. äṅgāˊr, Tor. aṅā, Mai. agār, Phal. aṅgṓr, Sh. agāˊrha° m.; S. aṅaru m. ʻ charcoal ʼ (a < ā as in Dm.), L. aṅgār m., P. aṅgyār°rā m., EP. ãgeār (y or e from MIA. aggi < agní -- 1?), WPah. bhid. aṅgāˊrõ n., pl. -- , Ku. aṅār (ḍaṅār id. X ḍājṇo < dahyátē), N. aṅār, A. āṅgāreṅgār, B. āṅgārāṅrā, Or. aṅgāra; Bi. ãgarwāh ʻ man who cuts sugar -- cane into lengths for the mill ʼ (= pakwāh); OMth. aṁgāra, Mth. ãgor, H. ãgār°rā m., G. ãgār°rɔ m., M. ãgār m., Si. an̆gura. -- Wg. ãdotdot;řã̄īˊ ʻ fire ʼ (as opp. to aṅarīˊk ʻ charcoal ʼ, see aṅgāryāˊ -- ) poss. < agní -- 1, Morgenstierne NTS xvii 226. 2. Pa. iṅghāḷa -- ʻ glowing embers (?) ʼ, Pk. iṁgāra -- , iṁgāla°aya -- ; K. yĕngur m. ʻ charcoal ʼ, yĕnguru m. ʻ charcoal -- burner ʼ; M. ĩgaḷĩgḷā m., Ko. ĩgḷo. -- Deriv. M. ĩgḷā m. ʻ a kind of large ant ʼ, ĩgḷī f. ʻ a large black deadly scorpion ʼ. aṅgāraka -- , aṅgāri -- , aṅgāryāˊ -- ; aṅgāradhānī -- , *aṅgāravarta -- , *aṅgārasthāna -- , *aṅgr̥ṣṭha -- . Addenda: áṅgāra -- : Md. an̆guru ʻ charcoal ʼ.; aṅgāraka ʻ *red like embers ʼ, m. ʻ charcoal; name of various plants ʼ (aṅgārikā -- f. ʻ stalk of sugar -- cane, flower of Butea frondosa ʼ). 2. m. ʻ the planet Mars ʼ. [áṅgāra -- ]1. Pa. aṅgāraka -- ʻ red like charcoal ʼ; S. aṅārī f. ʻ smut in wheat ʼ; WPah. bhal. aṅāˊri f. ʻ a plant with red flowers ʼ.
2. Pa. aṅgāraka -- m. ʻ Mars ʼ, Pk. aṁgāraya -- m.; S. aṅāro m. ʻ Tuesday ʼ; aṅgāri f., aṅgāritā -- f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ lex. [áṅgāra -- ]
H. ãgārī f.Addenda: aṅgāri -- : †*aṅgāriṣṭha -- .*aṅgāriṣṭha -- ʻ portable brazier ʼ. [aṅgāri -- , stha -- : cf. agniṣṭhá -- ]
WPah.kṭg. garṭhɔ m. ʻ charcoal ʼ; J. gārṭhā m. ʻ a small burning coal ʼ.aṅgāryāˊ -- , *aṅgāriyā -- , f. ʻ heap of embers ʼ. [Cf. aṅgā- rīya -- ʻ fit for making charcoal ʼ, aṅgārikā -- f., angāritā -- f. ʻ portable fireplace ʼ lex.: áṅgāra -- ] g. aṅarīˊkaṅgríč ʻ charcoal ʼ; Paš. aṅgerík ʻ black charcoal ʼ, Shum. ãdotdot;gerík; Phal. aṅgerīˊ ʻ charcoal ʼ, aṅgerīˊṣi f. ʻ black charcoal ʼ; Ku. aṅāri ʻ sparks ʼ; G. ãgārī f. ʻ small hearth with embers in it ʼ..(CDIAL 125, 126, 130, 131) aṅgārīya अङ्गारीय a. [अङ्गारेभ्यः एतानि; अङ्गार-छ] To be used for preparing coal; ˚याणि काष्ठानि P.V.1.12. Sk.;  āṅgāra आङ्गार [अङ्गाराणां समूहः अण्] A multitude of fire- brands, charcoal.; अङ्गारः aṅgārḥ रम् ram अङ्गारः रम् [अङ्ग्-आरन् Uṇ.3.134.] 1 Charcoal (whether heated or not); घृतकुम्भसमा नारी तप्ताङ्गारसमः पुमान्; उष्णो दहति चाङ्गारः शीतः कृष्णायते करम् H.1.8; नालास्त्रार्थाग्निचूर्णे तु गन्धाङ्गारौ तु पूर्ववत् Śukra.4.135; अङ्गारकः aṅgārakḥ कम् kam अङ्गारकः कम् [अङ्गार स्वार्थे कन्]  Charcoal; śiva शिव -धर्मजः the planet Mars; cf. पुरा दक्षविनाशाय कुपितस्य त्रिशूलिनः । अपतद् भीमवक्त्रस्य स्वेदबिन्दु- र्ललाटजः ॥ शान्तिप्रदानात् सर्वेषां ग्रहाणां प्रथमो भव । अङ्गारक इति ख्यातिं गमिष्यसि धरात्मज ॥ Matsya P.  aṅgārikā अङ्गारिका [अङ्गारं विद्यते अस्याः मत्वर्थे ठन् कप् च] 1 A portable fire-pan;  aṅgāriḥ अङ्गारिः f. [अङ्गार मत्वर्थे ठन् पृषोद˚ कलोपः] A portable fire-pan, brazier. अङ्गिरः aṅgirḥ अङ्गिरस् aṅgiras अङ्गिरः अङ्गिरस् m. [अङ्गति-अङ्ग् गतौ असि इरुट्; Uṇ 4. 235; according to Ait. Br. अङ्गिरस् is from अङ्गार; ये अङ्गारा आसंस्ते$ङ्गिरसो$भवन्; so Nir.; अङ्गारेषु यो बभूव सो$ङ्गिराः] N. of a celebrated sage to whom many hymns of the Rigveda (ix) are ascribed. Etymologically Aṅgira is connected with the word Agni and is often regarded as its synonym (शिवो भव प्रजाभ्यो मानुषीभ्यस्त्व- मङ्गिरः; अङ्गिरोभिः ऋषिभिः संपादितत्वात् अङ्गसौष्ठवाद्वा अङ्गिरा अग्निरूपः) According to Bhārata he was son of Agni. When Agni began to practise penance, Aṅgiras him- self became Agni and surpassed him in power and lustre, seeing which Agni came to the sage and said:- निक्षिपाम्यहमग्नित्वं त्वमग्निः प्रथमो भव । भविष्यामि द्वितीयो$हं प्राजा- पत्यक एव च ॥ Aṅgiras said :- कुरु पुण्यं प्रजासर्गं भवाग्निस्तिमि- रापहः । मां च देव कुरुष्वाग्ने प्रथमं पुत्रमञ्जसा ॥ तत्श्रुत्वाङ्गिरसो वाक्यं जातवेदास्तथा$करोत्. He was one of the 1 mind-born sons of Brahmā. His wife was Śraddhā, daughter of Kardama and bore him three sons, Bṛhaspati, Uta- thya and Saṁvarta, and 4 daughters Kuhū, Sinīvālī, Rākā and Anumati. The Matsya Purāṇa says that Aṅgiras was one of the three sages produced from the sacrifice of Varuṇa and that he was adopted by Agni as his son and acted for some time as his regent. Another account, however, makes him father of Agni. He was one of the seven great sages and also one of the 1 Prajāpatis or progenitors of mankind. In latter times Aṅgiras was one of the inspired lawgivers, and also a writer on Astronomy. As an astronomical personification he is Bṛhaspati, regent of Jupiter or Jupiter itself. शिष्यैरुपेता आजग्मु: कश्यपाङ्गिरसादयः (Bhāg. 1.9.8.) He is also regarded as the priest of the gods and the lord of sacrifices. Besides Śraddhā his wives were Smṛti, two daughters of Maitreya, some daughters of Dakṣa, Svadhā and Satī. He is also regarded as teacher of Brahmavidyā. The Vedic hymns are also said to be his daughters. According to the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Aṅgiras begot sons possessing Brahmanical glory on the wife of Rāthītara, a Kṣatriya who was childless and these persons were afterwards called descendants of Aṅgiras. The prin- cipal authors of vedic hymns in the family of Aṅgi- ras were 33. His family has three distinct branches केवलाङ्गिरस, गौतमाङ्गिरस and भारद्वाजाङ्गिरस each branch having a number of subdivisions. - (pl.) 1 Descendants of Aṅgiras, [Aṅgiras being father of Agni they are considered as descendants of Agni himself who is called the first of the Aṅgirasas. Like Aṅgiras they occur in hymns addressed to luminous objects, and at a later period they became for the most part personi- fications of light, of luminous bodies, of divisions of time, celestial phenomena and fires adapted to pecu- liar occasions, as the full moon and change of the moon, or to particular rites, as the अश्वमेध, राजसूय &c.] -2 Hymns of the Atharvaveda. -3 Priests, who, by using magical formulas of the Atharvaveda, pro- tect the sacrifice against the effects of inauspicious accidents. aṅgirasvat अङ्गिरस्वत् a. [अङ्गिराः अग्निः सहायत्वेन विद्यते$स्य; मतुप् मस्य वः] Accompanied by Aṅgiras, epithet of wind; aṅgirasāmayanam अङ्गिरसामयनम् [अलुक् स.] A Sattra sacrifice.

रुद्र a[p= 883,1] mfn. (prob.) crying , howling , roaring , dreadful , terrific , terrible , horrible (applied to the अश्विन्s , अग्नि , इन्द्र , मित्र , वरुण , and the स्प्/अशःRV. AV. (accord. to others " red , shining , glittering " , fr. a √ रुद् or रुध् connected with रुधिर ; others " strong , having or bestowing strength or power " , fr. a √ रुद् = वृद् , वृध् ; native authorities give also the following meanings , " driving away evil " ; " running about and roaring " , fr. रु द्र =  2. द्रु ; " praiseworthy , to be praised " ; " a praiser , worshipper " = स्तोतृ Naigh. iii , 16); m. " Roarer or Howler " , N. of the god of tempests and father and ruler of the रुद्रs and मरुत्s (in the वेद he is closely connected with इन्द्र and still more with अग्नि , the god of fire , which , as a destroying agent , rages and crackles like the roaring storm , and also with काल or Time the all-consumer , with whom he is afterwards identified ; though generally represented as a destroying deity , whose terrible shafts bring death or disease on men and cattle , he has also the epithet शिव , " benevolent " or " auspicious " , and is even supposed to possess healing powers from his chasing away vapours and purifying the atmosphere ; in the later mythology the word शिव , which does not occur as a name in the वेद , was employed , first as an euphemistic epithet and then as a real name for रुद्र , who lost his special connection with storms and developed into a form of the disintegrating and reintegrating principle ; while a new class of beings , described as eleven [or thirty-three] in number , though still called रुद्रs , took the place of the original रुद्रs or मरुत्s: in VP. i , 7रुद्र is said to have sprung from ब्रह्मा's forehead , and to have afterwards separated himself into a figure half male and half female , the former portion separating again into the 11 रुद्रs , hence these later रुद्रs are sometimes regarded as inferior manifestations of शिव , and most of their names , which are variously given in the different पुराणs , are also names of शिव ; those of the Va1yuP. are अजैकपाद् , अहिर्-बुध्न्य , हर , निरृत , ईश्वर , भुवन , अङ्गारक , अर्ध-केतु , मृत्यु , सर्प , कपालिन् ; accord. to others the रुद्रs are represented as children of कश्यपand सुरभि or of ब्रह्मा and सुरभि or of भूत and सु-रूपा ; accord. to VP. i , 8रुद्र is one of the 8 forms of शिव ; elsewhere he is reckoned among the दिक्-पालs as regent of the north-east quarter) RV. &c (cf. RTL. 75 &c )

वज्र--बाहु [p= 913,3] mfn. (व्/अज्र-) " thunderbolt-armed " , wielder of a thunderbolt (said of इन्द्र , अग्नि and रुद्रRV. (Monier-Williams). 
Image result for vajra varahamihira
The ancient word which denoted such a metallic weapon is vajra in Rigveda, specifically described as Ayasam vajram, metallic weapon or metallic thunderbolt.

I suggest that the association of the gloss vajra with lightning becomes a metaphor to further define vajrasangAta 'adamantine glue' which creates a steel metallic form with nanotubes or cementite.


The samAsa used by Varahamihira is vajrasanghAta, an adamantine glue. In archaeometallurgical terms, this is defined as a mixture consisting of eight parts of lead, two of bell-metal and one of iron dust.

Reference to thunderbolt weapon made of metal:

त्वष्टा वज्रम् अतक्षद आयसम् मयि देवासो वृजन्नपि क्रतुम्

मामानीकम् सूर्यस्ये वादुष्टरम् माम् आर्यन्ति कृत्येन कर्त्वेनच

Translation. Griffith: 3 For me hath Tvastar forged the iron thunderbolt: in me the Gods have centred intellectual power.

Translation: Sayana, Wilson: 10.048.03 For me Tvas.t.a_ fabricated the metal thunderbolt; in me the gods have concentrated pious acts; my lustre is insurmountable, like that of the Sun; men acknowledge me as lord in consequence of what I have done, and of what I shall do. [My lustre is the Sun: my army is hard to overcome, like the sun's lustre; ani_ka = lit., face].

2 He slew the Dragon lying on the mountain: his heavenly bolt of thunder Tvastarfashioned. (RV 1.32.2).
6 Even for him hath Tvastar forged the thunder, most deftly wrought, celestial, for the battle,(RV 1.61.6)
9 When Tvastar deft of hand had turned the thunderbolt, golden, with thousand edges, fashioned(RV 1.85.9)
10 Yea, Strong One! Tvastar turned for thee, the Mighty, the bolt with thousand spikes and hundred(RV 6.17.10)

Tvastr the maker of divine instruments makes Vajra for Indra, notes Rigveda."Tvastr made it for him from the bones of the seer Dadhica: it is hundred-jointed, thousand-pointed. ...'' Samudramanthanam narrative in Bhagavata Purana.
Indra Holding Thunderbolt VajraIndra Holding Thunderbolt Vajra – Keshava Temple, Somnathpur

Image result for vajra thunderboltVajra with octagonal bases. Detail of the stele with Buddha, Vajrapani and Padmapani, Ahichchatra, Uttar Pradesh, years 32 of Kanishka era.

Panchalas of Ahichhatra, 75-50 BC, Indramitra, 5.92g, 17mm, Indra holding 'Vajra' (Thunderbolt) http://www.coinnetwork.com/profiles/blogs/hindu-deities-of-indian-coins

"The vajra is the Indian representative of the thunderbolt, and a comparison of corresponding ideas with other Indo-European peoples leads to the conclusion that even in the Indo-European period there was some idea of a vaguely personified independent wielder of the thunderbolt. With the Germanic tribes he became the "Thunderer," the porr of Old Norse mythology, in Hellas and Rome he was associated with Zeus-Jupiter, and in India he became Indra. But a vague recollection of his original independence had left its impression on the religious mind of the Aryans, and he was never quite absorbed by Indra. Even in the Rigveda, our chief document for the period when Indra, rose to the rank of supreme god, we also find Rudra designated as vajrabahu (II, 33. 3); in the Atharvaveda Bhava and Sarva are asked to use their Vajra against evil-doers (IV.28.6), and Soma smites with the vajra (VI. 6. 2), &c.; in the Bhagavatapurana (X. 159. 20) Visnu wields the thunderbolt, and so forth." pp. 316-317 in Note on Vajrapani-IndraSten Konow, Acta Orientalia, 1930.

''Vajra
     The Vajra, thunderbolt, which Usana Kavya is said to have fashioned, as also Tvastri in RV 1 .32.2, was Indra's exclusive weapon and on account of his skill in wielding it, he is called in RV Vajrabhrit, bearing the bolt, Vajrivat, armed with the bolt. Vajradaksina, holding the bolt in his right hand, Vajrabahu orVajrahasta, holding the Vajra in his hand, or Vajrin, armed with the bolt, which is the commoner epithet of them all. Not much information about the shape of Vajra is available in the RV. However, it is said that it was made of iron, and that it belonged to the category of the weapons called the astras i.e. those weapons which are operated by throwing.
     In RV V.34.2 cited earlier where Uiani is said to have presented a weapon with thousand bhristis to Indra. Geldner has translated bhristis as spike. The meaning of the word, however, is doubtful. It also occurs in RV 1.133.5 in the context of the picaci who is described as pisangabhristi. Geldner thinks that the weapon is Soma.
      JB 1.97 narrates the story of the birth of Vajra: The devas and the asuras were contesting. Those devas created a sharp-edged thunderbolt (which was) as if a man. (They through) him (? tam) warded off the asuras. Having pushed them away, he returned to the devas. The devas were frightened. They attacked him, and broke him into three. Broken into three, he remained the same ...
     It seems likely that the vajra was similar to trisula. A double trisula is found on some of the Assyrian bas-reliefs [see picture below: 4.0 Thunderbolts (vajras) in Mesopotamia], where it is depicted as having the three edges on each side with the handle in between.
Before acquiring the thunderbolt, the devas and the asuras were fighting with the staves and bows (dandairdhanubhisca) and did not succeed in defeating each other. Thereupon they started pairing the masculine and feminine words with a view to ending the battle conclusively.
     AiBr. II.31 states in the ritual language the reason of the balance in the strength of the devas and the asuras: "The Asuras performed at the sacrifice all that the Devas performed. The Asuras became thus of equal power (with the Devas) and did not yield to them (in any respect). Thereupon the Devas saw (by their mental eyes) the tusnim samsa i.e. silent praise. The Asuras (not knowing it) did not perform this (ceremony) of the Devas. This "silent praise" is the silent (latent) essence (of the mantras). Whatever weapon (Vajra) the Devas raised against the Asuras, the latter got aware of them . The Devas then saw the silent praise as their weapon; they raised it, but the Asuras did not become aware of it. The Devas aimed it at the Asuras and defeated the latter who did not perceive (the weapon aimed at them). Thereupon the Devas became the masters of the Asuras...""
     This may simply be interpreted as suggesting that the asuras were alert every time they were attacked, but when taken unawares, they succumbed to the attack.
     The discussion of archaeological material shows that this original double trisula was transformed by the asuras into a weapon which could perform two kinds of functions. It could be thrown and could be held as well.''
Source: Shendge, Malati J.: The civilized Demons: The Harappans in the Rigveda. Pgs. 79-80.

वज्र[p= 913,1] a kind of hard mortar or cement (कल्क) VarBr2S. (cf. -लेप) mn. " the hard or mighty one " , a thunderbolt (esp. that of इन्द्र , said to have been formed out of the bones of the ऋषि दधीच or दधीचि [q.v.] , and shaped like a circular discus , or in later times regarded as having the form of two transverse bolts crossing each other thus x ; sometimes also applied to similar weapons used by various gods or superhuman beings , or to any mythical weapon destructive of spells or charms , also to मन्यु , " wrath " RV. or [with अपाम्] to a jet of water AV. &c ; also applied to a thunderbolt in general or to the lightning evolved from the centrifugal energy of the circular thunderbolt of इन्द्र when launched at a foe ; in Northern Buddhist countries it is shaped like a dumb-bell and called Dorje ; » MWB. 201 ; 322 &c RV. &c a diamond (thought to be as hard as the thunderbolt or of the same substance with it) , Shad2vBr. Mn. MBh. &c n. a kind of hard iron or steel L. mfn. adamantine , hard , impenetrable W. mfn. shaped like a kind of cross (cf. above ) , forked , zigzag ib. [cf. Zd. vazra , " a club. "](Monier-Williams)

Note: In Rigveda, vajra refers to something hard or mighty compared to a thunderbolt or a jet of water. At what stage of semantic evolution, the gloss was expanded to mean 'adamaentine, glue' is unclear. This is the stage when the artisans might have recognized the feature of cementite, as a nanotube which forms when carbon combines with iron. It is clear that in VarAhamira's time, the gloss vajra meant an adamantine glue: sanghAta. It is possible that this gloss was signified by the sangaDa 'lathe' which is a device most commonly deployed on Indus Script Corpora.

Vajradhara (Adi-Buddha) is he thunderbolt-bearer. rdo-rje-hc'an 'he who holds a thunderbolt'; ocirdara (corruption of vajradhara), or Vacir bariqci (he who holds a thunderbolt); Symbols: vajra 'thunderbolt'; ghaNTa 'bell'; MudrA: vajra-hUmkAra. Colour: dark blue; S'akti: PrajnApaaramita; Other names: Karmavajra, dharmavajra. Vajradhara, the 'indestructible', lord of all mysteries, master of all secrets, is an exoteric representation of Adi-Buddha and in this form is believed to reign over the Eastern Quarter...Certain Lamaist sects identified Vajradhara with Vajrasattva, while others looked upon Vajrasattva as an active form of Vajradhara, who was too lost in divine quietude to occupy himself directly with the affairs of sentient beings. Others again worshipped Vajradhara as a supreme deity distinct and apart from Vajrasattva...Vajradhara was thus looked upon as Adi-Buddha by the two greatest sects of the MahAyAna schoo; the dKar-hGya-pa (Red-caps) and the dGe-lugs-pa (Yellow-caps)...He has the UrNA and ushNIsha. His arms are crossed on his breast in the vajrahUmkAra mudrA holding the vajra and ghaNTA. These two symbols may, however, be supported by flowering branches on either side, the stems being held in the crossed hands, which is his special mystical gesture." (Getty, Alice, 1988, The gods of Northern Buddhism: their history and iconography, Courier Corporation;1914, Oxford, Clarendon Press, p.ix).
Vajrasatva with vajra Khmer style, NE-Thailand 13th century, Vajrayana, Tantric Buddhism.
Vajrapani?
Museum No. 1858. Gandhara Peshawar Museum.
Vajrapāṇi in the Narrative Reliefs, in: Migration, Trade and Peoples, Part 2: Gandharan Art, ed. C. Fröhlich, The British Association for South Asian Studies, (Proceedings of the 18th International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists in London 2005) pp. 73-83.
Bas-relief of Phnom Kulen in Cambodia, IX century.Indra holds double-vajra, seated on a column.
Śivalinga found in Vizhinjam, 1st cent. CE?
Sivalinga, Lelei, Dist.Sundergarh. A full (Square base the (brahmabhaga), octagonal in the middle (vishnubhaga), cylindrical on top (rudrabhaga signifying the projecgting flame of the fiery pillar of light). I suggest that this is a signifier of wealth, nidhi, padma nidhi: tAmarasa 'lotus' rebus: tAmra 'copper'. Sivapurana explains Lingodbhava in a variant narrative with Brahma (Hamsa) searching for the end of the pillar and Vishnu (Varaha) searching for bottom of the endless pillar of light, so depicted in the Mahesvara temple, Tiruvatturai. Lotus is the centerpiece on the top decorative ring. bloomed lotus is carved as yonipitha, on the base of Sivalinga  
Paramesvara. Tiruvatturai temple.  
The pillar of light/fire is the central idea of the work in kole.l 'smithy'; the manifestation is kole.l 'temple' in awe at what the earth and oceans have yielded as minerals which transmute into material resources produced by a cultural group called bharatam janam, 'metalcasters'.

Rudra, in his fiery matted hair has been depicted beautifully in the Ekamukha linga of Lord Shiva at Udayagiri in the 4th cent. CE? This artistry of showing wavy lines denotes that linga is a pillar of light, pillar of fire. Rudra was a Rigvedic asura, a form of Agni and associated with the 'roar' of wind or storm.
mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- ,mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), mihomiyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽhmẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. mehmehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur) mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīrmīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛhamehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhīmeri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut) mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ. (CDIAl 10317).mēthika -- ; mēthiṣṭhá -- .mēthika m. ʻ 17th or lowest cubit from top of sacrificial post ʼ lex. [mēthí -- ]Bi. mẽhiyā ʻ the bullock next the post on threshing floor ʼ.(CDIAL 10318).

mēthiṣṭhá ʻ standing at the post ʼ TS. [mēthí -- , stha -- ]Bi. (Patna) mĕhṭhā ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, (Gaya) mehṭāmẽhṭā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ.(CDIAL 10319).

The pillar of light, pillar of fire is relatable to the gloss semant. 'post, pillar': meḍ(h), meḍhī f., 
meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ. (Marathi) 

मृदु mṛdu '(soft) iron' मृदु mṛdu : (page 1287) A kind of iron.-कार्ष्णायसम्,-कृष्णायसम् soft-iron, lead. (Apte. Samskritam) This gloss could link with the variant lexis of Indian sprachbund with the semantics 'iron': Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'. Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M). mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) 
Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.) Rebus: med. iron, iron implements (Ho.) me~rhe~t ‘iron’; me~rhe~t icena ‘the iron is rusty’; ispat me~rhe~t ‘steel’, dul me~rhe~t ‘cast iron’; me~rhe~t khan.d.a ‘iron implements’ (Santali) (Santali.lex.Bodding)  mer.ed, me~r.ed iron; enga mer.ed soft iron; sand.i mer.ed hard iron; ispa_t mer.ed steel; dul mer.ed cast iron; imer.ed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bicamer.ediron extracted from stone ore; balimer.ed iron extracted from sand ore; mer.ed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) pasra mer.ed, pasa_ra mer.ed = syn. of kot.e mer.ed = forged iron, in contrast to dul mer.ed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) me~r.he~t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron; kolhe m. iron manufactured by the Kolhes (Santali); mer.ed (Mun.d.ari); med. (Ho.)(Santali.lex.Bodding)  me~r.he~t idena = the iron is rusty; dal me~r.he~t = cast iron; me~r.he~t khan.d.a = iron implements (Santali) Sa. mE~R~hE~’d `iron’.  ! mE~RhE~d(M).Ma. mErhE’d `iron’.Mu. mERE’d `iron’.  ~ mE~R~E~’d `iron’.  ! mENhEd(M).Ho meD `iron’.Bj. merhd(Hunter) `iron’.KW mENhEd@(V168,M080)
Substantive: med.o  merchant’ clerk (Hem.Dec.); mehto a schoolmaster, an accountant, a clerk, a writer (G.) med.h = the helper of a merchant (Pkt.lex.) me_t.i, me_t.ari = chief, head, leader, the greatest man (Te.lex.) ?med.i (EI 9), also called meli, a kidnapper of victims for sacrifices (IEG). mehara = (EI 33) a village headman (IEG). mehto [Hem. Des. med.ho = Skt. Van.ik saha_ya, a merchant’s clerk, fr. mahita, praised, great] a schoolmaster; an accountant; a clerk; a writer (G.lex.) mel. = tallying, balancing of accounts; a cash book; mel.van. = a mixture, a composition; mixing (G.lex.) me_r..iyar = pu_vaiciyar, ve_l.a_l.ar, i.e. agriculturists, traders (Ta.lex.)   
 (Santali dictionary, Campbell, p. 420).
The ligature of a face on the linga is a Meluhha hieroglyph denoting: mũh 'face' is: mũh 'ingot' (Santali).mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking (Bi.); ingot (Santali) mũh metal ingot (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali)


Jatalinga période de Tra Kieu Xè siècle Grès gris Ce linga posé sur la cuve à ablations est lié au culte de Shiva Construit par l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient en 1915, le musée fut initialement baptisé Musée Henri Parmentier (nom de l’un des premiers explorateurs des sites du Royaume du Champa). Les oeuvres sont classées par provenance et par période, ce qui permet de suivre, de salle en salle, l’évolution de l’art cham au niveau de la sculpture. La majorité des objets proviennent des sites de Tra Kieu (ancienne capitale administrative du Royaume du Champa), de My Son, de Dong Duong (centre bouddhiste) et de Thap Man.
jaṭa जट a. [जट्-अच्; जन् उणा˚ टन् अन्त्यलोपश्च] Wearing twisted locks of hair. -टा [Uṇ.5.3] 1 The hair matted and twisted together, matted or clotted hair; जटाधरणसंस्कारं द्विजातित्वमवाप्य च Mb.12.61.3. अंसव्यापि शकुन्तनीडनिचितं बिभ्रज्जटामण्डलम् Ś.7.11; जटाश्च बिभृयान्नित्यम् Ms.6.6; Māl.1.2. -2 A fibrous root; यत्र मुञ्जावटे रामो जटाहरणमादिशत् Mb.12.122.3. -3 A particular manner of reciting Vedic texts; thus the words नभः रुद्रेभ्यः repeated in this manner would stand thus :-- नमो रुद्रेभ्यो रुद्रेभ्यो नमो नमो रुद्रेभ्यः जट [p=409,1] mfn. wearing twisted locks of hair g. अर्श-आदि; जटा f. the hair twisted together (as worn by ascetics , by शिव , and persons in mourning) Pa1rGr2. ii , 6 Mn. vi , 6 MBh. (ifc. f(आ). , iii , 16137) &cf.; a fibrous root , root (in general) Bhpr. v , 111 S3a1rn3gS. i , 46 and 58; f. N. of a पाठ or arrangement of the Vedic text (still more artificial than the क्रम , each pair of words being repeated thrice and one repetition being in inverted order) Caran2.

In this semantic structure, the जटा is orthographed to signify fibrous roots of the wheat straw which constitute the annam in pyrolisis for the smelting process. Pyrolysis is a thermochemical decomposition of organic material to caburize -- to produce hard alloy metal, to transform wrought iron into steel.

Thus, the चषालः caṣāla is orthographed as the जटा as seen in the JaiyA s'ivalinga. caṣāla चषाल This is a Rigveda word which signifies the top-piece of the Yūpa. (RV 1.162)

1.162.01 Let neither Mitra nor Varun.a, Aryaman, A_yu, Indra, R.bhuks.in,nor the Maruts, censure us; when we proclaim in the sacrifice the virtus of the swift horse sprung from the gods. [a_yu = va_yu (a_yuh satataganta_ va_yuh, vaka_ralopo va_); r.bhuks.in = Indra; but,here Praja_pati, he in whom the r.bhus,or the devas, abide (ks.iyanti); sprung from the gods: devaja-tasya = born as the type of various divinities, who are identified with different parts (e.g. us.a_ va_ as'vasya medhyasya s'irah: Br.hada_ran.yaka Upanis.ad 1.1.1); legend: the horse's origin from the sun, either direct, or through the agency of the Vasus: sura_d as'vam vasavo niratas.t.a].
1.162.02 When they, (the priests), bring the prepared offering to the presence (of the horse), who has been bathed and decorated with rich (trappings), the various-coloured goat going before him, bleating, becomes an acceptable offering to Indra and Pu_s.an. [The prepared offering: ra_tim-gr.bhi_ta_m = lit. the seized wealth; the offering to be made for the horse; pu_s.an = Agni; the goat is to be tied to the front of the horse at the sacrificial post, such a goat, black-necked, kr.s.nagri_va (a_gneyah kr.s.n.agri_vah: Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 5.5.22), being always regarded as an a_gneya pas'u, or victim sacred to Agni, and to be offered to him (Ka_tya_yana Su_tra 98). A black goat is also dedicated to pu_s.an, along with soma (Yajus. xxix.58; but, he is also to be attached to the na_bhi or middle of the horse (Yajus. xxiv.1)].
1.162.03 This goat, the portion of Pu+s.an fit for all the gods, is brought first with the fleet courser, to that Tvas.t.a_ may prepare him along with the horse, as an acceptable preliminary offering for the (sacrificial) food. [The portion of Pu_s.an: he is to be offered in sacrifice to Pu_s.an or Agni; Tvas.t.a_ = sarvasyotpa_daka, the producer of all forms; tvas.t.a_ ru_pa_n.i vikaroti (Taittiri_ya Sam.hita_ 1.5.92); or, identified wiith Agni;preliminary offering purod.a_s'am = offering of cakes and butter; purasta_d-da_tavyam, that which is to be first offered].
1.162.04 When the priests at the season (of the ceremony), lead forth the horse, the offering devoted to the gods, thrice round (the sacrificial fire); then the goat, the portion of Pu_s.an, goes first, announcing the sacrificer to the gods. [The goat is to be first immolated]. 1.162.05 The invoker of the gods, the minister of the rite, the offerer of the oblation, the kindler of the fire, the bruiser of the Soma, the director of the ceremony, the saage (superintendent of the whole); do you replenish the rivers by this well-ordered, well-conducted, sacrifice. [The invoker of the gods: designations applied to eight of the sixteen priests employed at a solemn rite: the two first are: hota_ and adhvaryu; avaya_j = pratiprastha_ta_, who brings and places the offering; agnimindha = agni_dh, the kindler of the fire; gra_vagra_bha = the praiser of the stones that bruise the Soma,or he who applies the stones to that purpose; s'am.sta_ = pras'a_sta_; suvipra = Brahma_ (brahmaiko ja_te ja_te vidya_m vadatibrahma_ sarvavidyah sarva veditumarhati: Nirukta 1.8); replenish the rivers: vaks.an.a_ apr.n.adhvam, nadi_h pu_rayata, fill the rivers; the consequence of sacrifice being rain and fertility; or, it may mean, offer rivers of butter, milk, curds, and the like].

RV 1.162.06 Whether they be those who cut the (sacrificial) post, or those who bear the post, or those who fasten the rings on the top of the post, to which the horse (is bound); or those who prepare the vessels in which the food of the horse is dressed; let the exertions of them all fulfil our expectation. [The post: twenty-one posts, of different kinds of wood, each twenty-one cubits long, are to be set up, to which the different animals are to be fastened, amounting to three hundred and forty-nine, besides two hundred and sixty wild animals, making a total of six hundred and nine (Ka_tya_yana); the text seems to refer to a single post: cas.a_lam ye as'vayu_pa_ya taks.ati: cas.a_la = a wooden ring, or bracelet, on the top of the sacrificial post; or, it was perhaps a metal ring at the foot of the post]
Satapatha Brāhmana describes this as made of wheaten dough (gaudhūma).

गौधूम [p= 369,3] mf(ई g. बिल्वा*दि)n. made of wheat MaitrS. Hcat. i , 7 (f(आ).) made of wheat straw S3Br. v , 2 , 1 , 6 Ka1tyS3r. xiv , 1 , 22 and 5 , 7.

Three stone Siva Lingas found in Harappa. Plate X [c] Lingam in situ in Trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Excavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta): ‘In the adjoining Trench Ai, 5 ft. 6 in. below the surface, was found a stone lingam [Since then I have found two stone lingams of a larger size from Trenches III and IV in this mound. Both of them are smoothed all over]. It measures 11 in. high and 7 3/8 in. diameter at the base and is rough all over.’ (Vol. I, pp. 51-52)." In 1940, MS Vats discovered six Shiva Lingas at Harappa. This is an archival photo of one linga. Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats, EH, p. 370)

Worship of Śiva lingam is an abiding Hindu tradition -- for millenia -- evidenced by the finds at Harappa.

Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. 

Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994.


The sivalinga of Harappa are NOT octagonal. The hieroglyph of trefoil is an indicator of the metalwork related to the linga hieroglyph. tri-dhAtu 'three strands of rope' Rebus: tri-dhAtu 'three minerals'. It is possible that the trefoil hieroglyph signified production of an alloy involving three minerals (dhAtu).

Rendering of जटा  jaṭā on ekamukhalinga is a unique orthographic/ iconographic metaphor signified by sculptors to denote the nature of चषालः caṣāla and its role in the pyrolysis process to carburize metal into hard alloys during smelting"Pyrolysis has been used since ancient times for turning wood into charcoal on an industrial scale. Besides wood, the process can also use sawdust and other wood waste products...Pyrolysis is used on a massive scale to turn coal into coke for  metallurgy, especially steelmaking.       
Rigveda (IX 102.4) speaks of a group of seven Mothers who control the preparation of Soma.

9.102.01 Performing (sacred rites) the child of the great (waters) sending forth the lustre of the sacrifice (Soma) produces all acceptable (oblations) and (abides) in the two worlds. 

9.102.02 When the Soma has been taken the secret station of the grinding stones (at the sacrifice) of Trita, then with the seven supports of the sacrifice (the priests praise) the conciliating (Soma). [With the seven supports of the sacrifice: i.e., with the seven metres; or, deriving sapta from. sr.p, they effuse the Soma with the vasati_vari_ water]. 
9.102.03 (Support, Soma) with your stream Trita's three (oblations); cause the giver of riches (Indra) to come to the sacred songs. The intelligent (praiser) of this (Indra) measures out hymns. [i.e., yojana_ni which may also mean, roads or stages; in RV.1.018.05, yojana_ = a means for inducing the gods to yoke their horses, i.e., a hymn]. 
9.102.04 The seven mothers instruct the (Soma) the institutor (of the sacrifice) when born for the prosperity (of the worshippers) to that this firm Soma is cognizant of riches. [The seven mothers: i.e., the seven rivers; or, the seven metres; yat = because, tasma_d... dhana_disamr.ddhir bhavati]. 
9.102.05 The universal gods, devoid of malice, assembled together at his rite, are to be envied if being delighted they take pleasure (in the Soma). 
9.102.06 The germ which the augmenters of the rite brought forth at the sacrifice lovely to look upon intelligent, most adorable, desired by many. 
9.102.07 He of his own will approaches the great united parents of the sacrifice (heaven and earth) when (the priests) conducting the ceremony anoint him in due order with the sacred waters. 
9.102.08 Soma, by your act drive away with your brilliant organs the darkness from the sky, effusing into the sacrifice (your juice) the lustre of the rite. [di_dhitim is deried from dhr., the supporter of the rite].

Mantras to the Aṣṭamātṛkās (MS Add.1338) Cambridge Univ. Library. 955 Nepāla / 1835 CE. Folio height: 10 cm, width: 20 cm. http://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-ADD-01338/6

Saptamatrika with Ganesha, at Panchalingeshvara temple in Karnataka
Nataraja–Shiva (left) with Virabhadra and the first three Matrikas. Matrikas are depicted with children – Ellora
Bronze group with (from left) Ganesha; Brahmi, Kumari, Vaishnavi – the 3 Matrikas, and Kuberataken at the British Museum; Originally from Eastern India, Dedicated in 43rd year of reign of Pala king Mahipala I (about CE 1043)
Stone sculpt NMND -20.JPG
Shiva (leftmost) with the Matrikas: (from left) BrahmaniMaheshvariKaumariVaishnaviVarahiIndraniChamunda

The Goddess Ambika (here identified with: Durga or Chandi) Leading the Eight Matrikas in Battle Against the Demon Raktabija, Folio from a Devi Mahatmya – (top row, from the left) NarasinhmiVaishnaviKaumariMaheshvariBrahmani. (bottom row, from left) VarahiAindri and Chamunda or Kali, Ambika. on the right, demons arising from Raktabija's blood

"Three panels of Saptamatrikas appear near the Shiva cave at Udayagiri, Bhopal. They are also depicted in the Shaiva caves of Elephanta and Ellora (Caves 21, 14, 16 and 22).In sixth century Rameshvara cave (Cave 21) at Ellora, "With the terrific aspect repressed entirely, the matrikas are depicted as benign and are worshipped in adulation. Sensuous, elegant, tender, beautiful adolescents, they are yet haughty and grand, quintessentially the creatrix." Karrtikkeyi (Kumari) is depicted with a child on her lap and even Varahi is depicted with a human head, rather than the usual boar one. In Ravana-ka-kai cave (Cave 14), each of the matrikas is with a child. In eighth century Kailash Temple (cave 16) – dedicated to Shiva – of Rashtrakuta period, the Matrikas appear on the southern boundary of the temple.As the influence of Tantra rose, the fertility area and upper parts of body in the Matrika sculptures were stressed." (Berkson, Carmel (1992). Ellora, Concept and Style. Abhinav Publications.)



Lingodbhavamurti. Chola dynasty, c. 900 AD; Tamil Nadu, India; Grey Granite; Room 33, South and Southeast Asia Gallery; The British Museum.
Source:http://collection.britishmuseum.org/id/object/RRI9624 Figure of Śiva as the 'image appearing from the liṅga' or liṅgodbhavamūrti. Carved in granite.
"The iconography is explained by a narrative of competition for status among the gods. Brahma and Vishnu were arguing over who was the most powerful, when a huge shaft of fire appeared between them, that appeared to have no top or bottom. They went to investigate. Vishnu in his boar incarnation dug down into the earth, seen at the base of the sculpture. Meanwhile, Brahma flew into the sky on his vehicle, the Hamsa bird, seen at the top. When neither could find either top or bottom they realized that the column of fire was more powerful than either of them. Its identity was revealed to them when Siva appeared out of the shaft, and they bowed down to Siva as the most powerful deity. Siva stands in an oval of flames wearing a tall crown and holding his distinctive attributes, the deer and axe. This image combines the aniconic form of Siva as a linga with the human image of the god with multiple arms, such as Nataraja or Dakshinamurti. Images of Lingodbhava are popular in Tamil Nadu and Shaiva temples normally have an image of this deity on the exterior of the rear or west wall of the main sanctum."

"The sculptural programme of Chola-period temples often includes this popular image of Shiva, within a niche, on the exterior wall of the shrine. Another favourite image of Shiva for an outside position is the god as 'dakshinamurti' (see BM 1961.0410.1). Although the South Indian images of this scene of Shaiva supremacy are the most well-known, a 10th-century fragment preserved in Benares shows the 'linga' of light surrounded by flames and with the figures of the astonished gods on either side of it. Unlike the Chola version, the god does not actually appear within the shaft of the 'linga'. It is tempting to connect the imagery of a fiery pillar with an earlier, but Buddhist, image which refers to the appearance of the Buddha as a pillar surrounded by flames. A representation of this scene, where such a pillar is enthroned and venerated, is recorded in the sculpture from the Buddhist site of Amaravati and is dated to the 2nd-3rd century CE...Stone statue of Shiva as Lingodbhava Shiva appears from a column of fire and declares his supremacy over Brahma and Vishnu Chola dynasty, around AD 900 From Tamil Nadu, India This stone statue is of the powerful Hindu god Shiva, in his manifestation as Lingodbhava. It comes from the exterior decoration of a south Indian temple, probably in the region of the Kaveri delta in central Tamil Nadu. The iconography is explained by a narrative of competition for status among the gods. Brahma and Vishnu were arguing over who was the most powerful, when a huge shaft of fire appeared between them, that appeared to have no top or bottom. They went to investigate. Vishnu in his boar incarnation dug down into the earth, seen at the base of the sculpture. Meanwhile, Brahma flew into the sky on his vehicle, the Hamsa bird, seen at the top. When neither could find either top or bottom they realized that the column of fire was more powerful than either of them. Its identity was revealed to them when Shiva appeared out of the shaft, and they bowed down to Shiva as the most powerful deity. Shiva stands in an oval of flames wearing a tall crown and holding his distinctive attributes, the deer and axe. This image combines the aniconic form of Shiva as a linga with the human image of the god with multiple arms, such as Nataraja or Dakshinamurti. Images of Lingodbhava are popular in Tamil Nadu and Shaiva temples normally have an image of this deity on the exterior of the rear or west wall of the main sanctum. T. R. Blurton, Hindu art (London, The British Museum Press, 1992) Width: 42 cm. Height: 138.000 cm Gift of P.T. Brooke Sewell Asia OA 1955.10-18.1 Room 33: Asia".
File:Lingodbhava Shiva.jpg
Lingodbhava Shiva Kailashanathar Kovil Kanchipuram, TN

Siva as Lingodbhava, with Vishnu worshipping him. Thanjavur Brihadisvara TempleImage result for lingodbhava
Lingodbhava. Thanjavur. Brihadisvara.
Image result for lingodbhava
"Lingodbhavamurthy is an iconic representation of Shiva, installed in the rear devakoshta (niche) of the garbagriha (sanctum) of all Shiva temples. The story of Lingodbhavar is that of the attempts of Vishnu and Bhrama to discover the origins (the beginning Aadi and the end Antha) of Shiva, as stated in three of the puranas - the Kurma Purana, the Vayu Purana and Shiva Purana.
Vishnu was engaged in his yoganidhra - the slumber of yoga - at the end of a kalpa, in the waters of the great deluge, when there appeared before him, Bhrama emerging from a great illumination. Bhrama introduced himself to Vishnu as the Creator of the Universe, to which Vishnu replied that he was the architect of the Universe. An argument ensued between both as to their superiority over one another, when there appeared before them - a huge lingam of fire - with tongues of flames blazing out of it.
Curious to trace the origins of this column of fire, Bhrama assumed the form of a swan and flew upwards, while Vishnu assumed the form of a boar, and burrowed down into the earth. Days of search in either direction proved futile, and hence the duo surrendered to this column of fire with prayers. Shiva then appeared out of this column of fiery lingam, with a thousand arms and legs, with the sun, moon and fire as his three eyes, bearing the pinaka bow, wearing the hide of an leephant, bearing the trishul, and addressed Vishnu and Bhrama in a thunderous voice, explaining that the two were born out of him, and that the three were then separated out into three different aspects of divinity.
The non-anthropomorphic form Shivalingam is a representation of this infinite cosmic column of fire, whose origins were not tracable by Bhrama or Vishnu. The Shivalingam is the center of reverence and worship in all Saivite temples. 
The manifestation of Shiva in this column of fire in front of Bhrama and Vishnu, is carved in stone, as the Lingodbhavamurthy manifestation of Shiva, and is always enshrined in the rear niche of the sanctum enshring a Shivalingam. Since most temples face east, Lingodbhavar faces West.
This legend described above  is held at the vast Arunachaleswara temple complex at Tiruvannamalai, where the sacred Annamalai hill itself, is considered to be a manifestation of this cosmic column of fire. Tiruvannamalai, is one of the Pancha Bhoota Stalas, representing the primordial element fire.
There is another interesting aspect to this legend. While Bhrama was flying upwards in the guise of a swan, he saw the petals of a ketaki flower drifting down. Tired by the futility of his efforts to reach the top of the mysterious column of fire, Bhrama requested the flower to acquiese to his lie that he had seen the top of the column where the flower had previously resided. Accompanied by his accomplice, Bhrama confronted Vishnu and asserted that he had indeed discovered the origin of the cosmic column. An enraged Shiva appeared out of the fiery column and cursed Bhrama so that he would not be worshipped in temples on earth. This legend relates to the fact that there are hardly any temples dedicated to Bhrama in India. There is a shrine to Bhrama at Uttamar Koyil in Tamilnadu, and Bhrama is also represented in the devakoshtas (niches) in Shiva temples; there are thus no Bhrama temples of any significance in India." http://www.templenet.com/beliefs/lingod.htm
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Brahma flying up to find the top of the Column of Ligh
Vishnu burrowing downwards to find the bottom of the Column of Light
http://arunachalagrace.blogspot.in/2006/07/lingodbhava.html
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 Lingodbhava in the Airavatesvara Temple at Darasuram, 10th century CE
Lingodbhava Murthy - Shiva Inside Linga

Lingodbhavamurti. Stone. Lingodbhavamurti. Stone. Kailasanathaswamin Temple, Conjeevaram (After TA Gopinatha Rao, 1997, Elements of Hindu iconography, Vol.2, Pt.1, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, Plate XIII, Fig.1, p. 109)

Lingodbhavamurti. Stone. Ambar-Magalam. (After TA Gopinatha Rao, 1997, Elements of Hindu iconography, Vol.2, Pt.1, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, Plate XIV, Fig.2, p. 109)

Ellora
Lingodbhavamurti. Stone. Dasavatara cave, Ellora. (After TA Gopinatha Rao, 1997, Elements of Hindu iconography, Vol.2, Pt.1, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, Plate XIV, Fig.1, p. 109)
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Shiva, Lingodbhava Story (Cave 16 Ellora)
Lingodbhava, the god appears as a pillar of fire in the ocean; Brahma and Vishanu search its end and beginning.

Lingodbhava. Early Chola. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4422848

Lingodbhava, Swarga Brahma temple, Alampur, Andhra Pradesh.

Siva Lingodbhavamurti. The Lingodbhavamurti, in which Siva is represented as Candrakasekhara emerging out of fiery Skambha  Early Cola period (c. 850-1014CE. 

Rajasimhesvara (Kailasanatha) Temple: ca. 730. West wall: Lingodbhava (Shiva emerging from the linga) & Linga installed in sanctum
Emerging from Jyotirlingam, Skambha of Light. 
Lingodbhava. Tirumayam. Pudukkottai. Tamil Nadu
Lingodbhava, Virupaksha Temple, Pattadakal, Karnataka 

Lingodbhava.
Siva Lingodbhavamurti, Shiva apperaing in the falming linga, Tamil Nadu, Chola period, 12th-13th century, basalt. Musee Guimet.mg07 100112181 j r

Some scholars have advanced erroneous arguments suggesting non-Aryan phallus worship to explain the traditions of linga worship. Such arguments run counter to the references to jyotirlinga temples for worship of Sivalinga as fiery pillar of light as detailed in the Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta. Archaeological evidence, iconograhic evidence from scores of temples and evidence from Indus Script cipher  to decipher the Candi Suku Sivalinga are presented to counter such fallacious arguments.

The chronology of Hindu tradition from the days of Atharva Veda is that iconic form of Mahesvara Siva emerges out of the aniconic Skambha (linga) or pillar of light and fire. What we find in the seven Sivalingas of Harappa is the aniconic form. Sivalinga appeared as a flame. Brahma, as hamsa, searches for the end in the heavens. Vishnu, as Varaha, searches for the beginning in the bowels of the earth. This Lingodbhava narrative is in many Puranas. 

Appar, Shaiva saint of the 7th century, provides a similar narrative for this Lingodbhava. Tirugnana Sambandar refers to Brahma and Vishnu who set out on a search and comprehend Siva as the nature of light. 

I submit that the most abiding form of worship is that which is displayed architecurally in Amaravati where Naga venerate the Skambha, the fiery pillar of light with the adornment of Srivatsa as the capital. The Srivatsa is a Indus Script hieroglyph of a pair of fish-tails: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'  Kur. xolā tail. Malt. qoli id. (DEDR 2135) The hooded snake which adorns as headgear is also read rebus: kula 'hooded snake' M. khoḷ f. ʻ hooded cloak ʼ(CDIAL 3942) A. kulā ʻ winnowing fan, hood of a snake ʼ(CDIAL 3350) Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith' kolhe 'smelters'. 

The iconographic signifiers of linga are consistent with the early semantics of linga which relate to: लिङ्ग[p= 901,3] n. (once m. in Nr2isUp.;  ifc. f(आ).f(ई). only in विष्णु-लिङ्गी ; prob. fr. √ लग् ; cf. लक्ष , लक्षण) a mark , spot , sign , token , badge , emblem , characteristic (ifc. = तल्-लिङ्ग , " having anything for a mark or sign ") Up. MBh. &c. Linga as meaning 'organ of generation' occurs in Mn. Hariv. Pur. &c. The context of Atharva Veda Skambha Sukta is NOT in reference to linga but as a pillar of light, jyotis or a लक्षण of light or fire. The linga as an Indus Script hieroglyph has been explained in the context of Candi Suku iconography of four balls at the tip of a 6 ft. tall linga as a cipher for lokhāṇḍā, 'metal tools, pots and pans of copper'.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/bronze-age-lokhnda-metal-tools-pots.html Some scholars cite RV 7.21.5 and RV 10.99.3 references to s'is'nadeva as a reference to 'phallus worshippers'. This view is in error and will be explained based on Sayana's translations of the Rigvedic rica-s.

RV 7.021.05 Let not th ra_ks.asas, Indra, do us harm; let not the evil spirits do harm to our progeny, most powerful (Indra); let the sovereign lord, (Indra), exert himself (in the restraint) of disorderly beings, so that the unchaste may not disturb our rite. [Let not the ra_ks.asas: na vandana vedyabhih = vandana_ni, ra_ks.a_m.si, prajabhyah; the unchaste: s'is'nadevah, abrahmacharya ityarthah (Yaska 4.19)].

RV 10.099.03 Going to the battle, marching with easy gait, desiring the spoil, he set himself to the acquisition of all (wealth). Invincible, destroying the licentious, he won by his prowess whatever wealth (was concealed in the city) with the hundred gates. [s'is'nadeva_n is a tatpurus.a compound; hence, the meaning would perhaps be: incontinent or licentious]. 

Gopinatha Rao erroneously interprets s'is'na as non-aryans, phallus-worshippers "The worship of the Phallus which the non-Aryans of India shared with other nations who inhabited on the borders of the Mediterranean sea, has survived in India to this day. The Dhruvaberas in all Siva temples is the Linga surmounted upon the Yoni or the piNDika (pedestal). It is only in very rare instances we meet with the anthropomorphic representations of Siva set up as the principal deity in Siva temples. This non-Aryan phallic emblem seems to have been identified at a later period with Skambha of the Vedas, wherein Skambha is conceived as co-extensive with the universe and comprehends in him the various parts of the material universe, as also the abstract qualities, such as tapas, faith, truth and divisions of time. He is distinct from Prajapati, who founds the universe upon him...The gods who form part of him do homage to him."(pp.55-56 opcit.)  This interpretation is based on the meaning given to s'is'na: शिश्न [p= 1076,3] m. n. (cf. शिशन् ; said to be fr. √ श्नथ् , " to pierce ") a tail , (esp.) the male generative organRV. &c.

Gopinatha Rao has erred because, following Yaska, Sayana interprets s'is'nadeva of both these ricas as unchaste men. Durgacharya also applies the word to those who dally carnally with prostitutes, forsaking Vedic observances. The veneration of Skambha an aniconic form of Mahesvara is NOT related to Skambha as a शिश्न  but the jyotirlinga, the pillar of fire and light as the primordial explanation for the phenomena of the Universe like an axis Mundi linking earth and heaven. 

'Skambha in the beginning shed forth that gold (hiraNya, out of which HiraNyagarbha arose) in the midst of the world.' This passage in the Skambha Sukta of Atharva Veda DOES NOT 'pour forth his golden seen in begetting Prajapati' as interpreted wrongly by Gopinatha Rao but explains the term HiraNyagarbha in relation to Skambha. The word vetasa used in the Sukta refers to a reed and NOT to a membrum virile, vetasa does NOT refer to an identity of the Linga, as wrongly interpreted by Gopinatha Rao who further adds: "At a later time a sort of philosophical clothing is given to the primitive Linga: by a section of scholars the LInga and its pedestal are viewed, with some justification, as the representation of the araNis, the two pieces of wood which were rubbed together by the Vedic Indian in making fire." I submit that this view of Gopinatha Rao is speculative with no basis in philology or tradition. Skambha is a pillar of light and fire and hence, the appellation Jyotirlinga given to the 12 holy sites of Siva temples in ancient India.

Sudh in Javanese means 'thought'; Gangga sudhi (expression used on the Linga inscription of Candi-Sukuh) in Javanese literally means 'Mother-river thought'. The  imagery of linga and 4 spheres is paralleled on a 1.82m. tall linga of Candi Sukuh temple together with an inscription in Javanese and hieroglyphs of: kris sword-blade flanked by hieroglyphs of sun and crescent-moon. The lingga has the feature that all of the phalluses on the temple have; balls ligatured just below the tip of the phallus.  These are representative of a custom of the time, that Majapahit sculptors would have marble or gold balls implanted under the tip of the penis.  On top of the Mt.Lawu fortification of Candi Sukuh stood this 1.82m. tall linga.

The Lingga discovered at Candi Sukuh on the slopes of Mt. Lawu in Central Java and now in the  National Museum in Jakarta; note the keris. (from c.j. van der Vlis report of 1843).



Candi Cetho. Lingga shows a pair of balls at the top of the penis -- to be read rebus as Meluhha hieroglyph composition: lo-khaNDa, penis + 4 balls; Rebus: iron, metalware.

The four balls of the penis are also clearly shown on a 6 ft. tall linga inscribed with 1. a sword; and 2. inscription in Javanese, referring to 'inauguration of the holy ganggasudhi...'

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html Histoire ancienne des Etats hindouises along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi. NaMo, Obama, announce United Indian Ocean States.

lo 'penis' Rebus: loh 'copper, metal'

Hieroglyphs: gaṇḍa 'swelling' gaṇḍa 'four' gaṇḍa 'sword'
Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

Together, hieroglyphs: lo + gaṇḍa. Rebus: लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metalwork'

(गोटा)gōṭā Spherical or spheroidal, pebble-form; 'round pebble' rebus: goṭa 'laterite, ferrite ore'; खोट (p. 121khōṭa f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. 
 Thus, the hypertext expression is:  goṭa 'spheroidal pebble' PLUS lo 'linga' rebus: loh 'copper, redd ore' PLUS goṭa 'laterite, ferrite ore', khōṭa 'ingot or wedge'. The linga may also signify kambha 'pillar' rebus: kammaa 'mint, coiner, coinage'

Metaphor: Sh. K.ḍoḍ.  m. ʻ light, dawn ʼ; L. awāṇ.  ʻ light ʼ; P. lo f. ʻ light, dawn, power of seeing, consideration ʼ; WPah. bhal. lo f. ʻ light (e.g. of moon) ʼ.(CDIAL 11120). + kaṇṭa 'manliness'. Metaphorical rendering of the effulgence (sun and moon) associated with the pillar of light yielding the imagery of an representation of a fiery pillar with unfathomable beginning, unreachable end, thus of infniity of Mahadeva representing the paramaatman for the aatman in search of nihs'reyas (moksha), from Being to Becoming, the way earth and stones transmute into metal in the smelter and smithy, kole.l 'smithy, temple'. The gloss gaṇḍu 'manliness' (Kannada); 'bravery, strength' (Telugu) is a synonym of the expression on Candi Suku linga inscription: 'sign of masculinity is the essence of the world'. Thus, the gloss lokhaṇḍa which is a direct Meluhha speech form related to the hieroglyph composition on Candi Suku inscription is the sign of masculinity. The rebus renderings of khandoba or kandariya mahadeva are elucidations of the rebus gloss: kaṇḍa, 'mahadeva S'iva or mahes'vara.' The hieroglyphs deployed on the 1.82m. tall stone sculpture of linga with the inscription and hieroglyphs of sword, sun, moon and four balls deployed just below the tip of the phallus are thus explained as Meluhha speech: lokhaṇḍa. The rebus rendering of the phrase is: lo 'light' and kaṇṭa 'manliness'. These attributes constitute the effulgence of the linga as the fiery pillar, skambha venerated in Atharva Veda Skambha sukta as the cosmic effulgence as the cosmic essence.

gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ four' (Munda) गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

gaṇḍa -- m. ʻswelling, boil, abscessʼ(Pali)

Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended. खांडाईत [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)

लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron.लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron. लोखंडाचे चणे खावविणें or चारणें To oppress grievously. 
लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron. 2 fig. Hardy or hard--a constitution or a frame of body, one's हाड or natal bone or parental stock. 3 Close and hard;--used of kinds of wood. 4 Ardent and unyielding--a fever. 5 लोखंडी, in the sense Hard and coarse or in the sense Strong or enduring, is freely applied as a term of distinction or designation. Examples follow.
लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] f (लोखंड) An iron boiler or other vessel. 2 A large scandent shrub, Ventilago Maderaspatana. Grah.
लोखंडी काव [ lōkhaṇḍī kāva ] f A red ochre or earth.
लोखंडी चुना [ lōkhaṇḍī cunā ] m A term for strong and enduring chunam-work.
लोखंडी छाप [ lōkhaṇḍī chāpa ] m (Iron type.) A term, according to popular apprehension, for Leaden types and for Printing; in contrad. from दगडछाप Lithography.
लोखंडी जर [ lōkhaṇḍī jara ] m (लोखंड & जर) False brocade or lace; lace &c. made of iron.
The 1.8 metre lingga of Candi Sukuh has four such balls and also has an inscription (representing the vein of the phallus) that reads: ‘Consecration of the Holy Gangga sudhi in … the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world’
लोह  [ lōha ] n S Iron, crude or wrought.

खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended.


खांडेकरी  [ khāṇḍēkarī ] m A man armed with the sword called खांडा.

खेंड [ khēṇḍa ] f A sort of sword with a rounded and weighty extremity.
खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेरावसोळा गुणांचा खं0 (Marathi)

गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

Psht. guṇḍ ʻ round ʼ, Pers. gunda ʻ ball of leaven ʼ, gund ʻ testicle ʼ < *gr̥nda -- NTS xii 263. -- See also gaḍu -- 1, gaṇḍu -- , *giḍa -- , *gilla -- , kanda -- ]1. Pa. gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ swelling, boil, abscess ʼ; Pk. gaṁḍa<-> m.n. ʻ goitre, boil ʼ, NiDoc. gaṁḍa(CDIAL 3997)

Cognate expression: gaṅgā शुद्धि  gaṅgā is signified by the hypertext dhmakara 'makara' hieroglyph rebus: dhmakara 'blacksmith, forge-blower'. Thus, Gangga sudhi on the Candi-Sukuh inscription can be interpreted as purification process to obtain pure metal/ore from a smelter.

शुद्धि [p= 1082,2] f. cleansing , purification , purity (lit. and fig.) , holiness , freedom from defilement , purificatory rite (esp. a partic.श्राद्ध performed at the cost of a person who needs purification) TBr. &c (Monier-Wiliams) 

gaṅgā गङ्गा [गम्-गन्; Uṇ.1.12] 1 The river Ganges, the most sacred river in India; अधोधो गङ्गेयं पदमुपगता स्तोकमथवा Bh.2.1; R.2.26;13.57; (mentioned in Rv.1.75.5, along with other rivers considered sacred in India). -2 The Ganges personified as a goddess. [Gaṅgā is the eldest daughter of Himavat. It is said that a curse of Brahmā made her come down upon earth, where she became the first wife of King Śantanu. She bore him eight sons, of whom Bhīṣma, the youngest, became a well-known personage, renowned for his valour and life-long celibacy. According to another account she came down on earth being propitiated by Bhagīratha; see भगीरथ and जह्नु also; and cf. Bh.2. 1]. इमं मे गङ्गे यमुने सरस्वति Mahānār. Up.5.4. -Comp. -अम्बु, -अम्भस् n. 1 water of the Ganges. -2 pure rain-water (such as falls in the month of आश्विन). -अवतारः 1 the descent of the Ganges on the earth; भगीरथ इव दृष्टगङ्गावतारः K.32 (where गङ्गा˚ also means 'descent into the Ganges' for ablution). -2 N. of a sacred place. -अष्टकम् a collection of eight verses addressed to the Ganges; गङ्गाष्टकं पठति यः प्रयतः प्रभाते वाल्मीकिना विरचितं शुभदं मनुष्यः । -उद्भेदः the source of the Ganges. -क्षेत्रम् the river Ganges and the district two Koss on either of its banks. -चिल्ली Gangetic kite. -जः, -सुतः 1 N. of Bhīṣma. -2 of Kārtikeya; गङ्गासुतस्त्वं स्वमतेन देव स्वाहामहीकृत्तिकानां तथैव Mb.3.232.15. -जलम् the holy water (by which it is customary to administer oaths). -दत्तः an epithet of Bhīsma. -द्वारम् the place where the Ganges enters the plains (also called हरिद्वार); गङ्गाद्वारं प्रति महान्बभूव भगवानृषिः Mb.1.13.33. -धरः 1 an epithet of Śiva. -2 the ocean. ˚पुरम् N. of a town. -पुत्रः 1 N. of Bhīṣma. -2 of Kārtikeya. -3 a man of a mixed and vile caste whose business is to remove dead bodies. -4 a Brāhmaṇa who conducts pilgrims to the Ganges. -भृत् m. 1 N. of Śiva. -2 the ocean. -मध्यम् the bed of the Ganges. -यात्रा 1 a pilgrimage to the Ganges. -2 carrying a sick person to the river-side to die there. -लहरी N. of poem by Jagannātha Paṇḍita. -सप्तमी the 7th day in the light half of वैशाख. -सागरः the place where the Ganges enters the ocean. -सुप्तः 1 an epithet of Bhīsma. -2 of Kartikya. -ह्रदः N. of a तीर्थ.(Apte)

मूष vāhana of  gaṇeśa signifies a crucible and a bellows, fire-blower. gaṇeśa with the head of an elephant as an Indus Script hypertext metaphor, is associated with and works with iron smelter.

Dance-step of 

 gaṇeśa in Candi-Sukuh sculptural frieze. meḍ 'dance-step' rebus: meḍ 'iron,copper' (Mu.Ho.Slavic)

RV 10.53.9: Tvastar, most deft of workmen, knew each magic art, bringing most blessed bowls that hold the drink of Gods. His axe, wrought of good metal, he is sharpening now, wherewith the radiant Brahmanaspati will cut. Note: Brahman.aspati is gaṇeśa fashioned by Tvastar. gaṇeśa is fashioned with the head replaced by the head and trunk of an elephant. gaṇeśa is Indus Script hypertext expression. karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' ibbo 'merchant'. His vāhana is  मूष [p= 827,2] 

m. f(आ and ई). a rat , mouse Pan5cat. L. rebus: मूष a crucible Ma1rkP. Kull. L.  मूषा 'round window, airhole'. Thus, the vāhana of gaṇeśa and elephant head of evoke the crucible and air-hole of a forge-bloweer, an iron-worker, blacksmith, working with an iron smelter. On the Candi-Sukuh sculptural frrieze, Bhima is the blacksmith taking out a sword from the furnace, Arjuna is the dhamaka, dhmakara bellows-fire blower working with the bellows. The tiled hut on the Candi-Sukuh sculptural frieeze is the smelter as shown on Bhutesvar sculptural hypertext expressions with a tree PLUS smelter: kuṭhi 'tree' rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. The ekamukha linga is the octagonal yupa described in R̥gveda and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇaas a ketu (topped by a caṣāla, godhuma to infuse carbon fumes) of Soma Samsthā yajña. mũh 'a face' in Indus Script Cipher signifies mũh, muhã 'ingot' or muhã 'quantity of metal produced at one time in a native smelting furnace.' 


RV 2.23.1







2.023.01 We invoke the Brahman.aspati, chief leaderof the (heavenly) bands; a sage of sage; abounding beyond measure in (every kind of) food; best lord of prayer; hearing our invocations, come with your protections, and sit down in the chamber of sacrifice. [Brahman.aspati = brahman.o annasya parivr.d.hasya karman.o va_ pa_layita_, the protector or cherisher of food,or of any great or solemn acts of devotion; he has other attributes in the text, as, gan.a_na_m gan.apatih, chief of the gan.as (inferior deities); jyes.t.hara_jam brahman.a_m, the best lord of mantras, or prayers: pras'asyam sva_minam mantra_n.a_m]. 
2.023.02 Br.haspati, destroyer of the asuras, through you the intelligent gods have obtained the sacrificial portion; in like manner as the adorable sun generates the (solar) rays by his radiance, so are you the generator of all prayers. [Br.haspati = Brahman.aspati; perhaps Br.haspati is of a more martial character; his protection is souhght for against enemies and evil spirits; perhaps, br.hata_m veda_na_m pa_lakah: br.hat = mantra, br.hato mantrasya, sva_min]. 
2.023.03 Having repelled revilers and (dispersed) the darkness you stand Br.haspati, on the radiant chariot of sacrifice, (which is) formidable (to foes), the humiliator of enemies, the destroyer of evil spirits, the cleaver of the clouds, the attainer of heaven. 
2.023.04 You lead men, Br.haspati, by virtuous instructions; you preserve them (from calamity); sin will never overtake him who presents (offerings) to you; you are the afflicter of him who hates (holy) prayers; you are the punisher of wrath; such is your great mightiness. [Him who hates holy prayers: brahmadvis.ah = those who hate either the bra_hman.as,or the mantras or prayers]. 
2.023.05 The man whom you, Brahman.aspati, a kind protector, defend, neither sorrow nor sin, nor adversaries nor dissemblers ever harm, for you drive away from him all injurious (things). 
2.023.06 You, Br.haspati, are our protector and the guide of (our) path; (you are) the discerner (of all things); we worship with praises for your adoration; may his own precipitate malice involve him (in destruction) who practises deceit against us. 
2.023.07 Turn aside from (the true) path, Br.haspati, the arrogant and savage man who advances to injure us, although unoffending and keep us in the right way for (the completion of) this offering to the gods. 
2.023.08 Br.haspati, defender (from calamity), we invoke you, the protector of our persons, the speaker of encouraging words and well disposed towards us; do you destroy the revilers of the gods; let not the malevolent attain supreme felicity. 
2.023.09 Through you, Brahman.aspati, (our) benefactor, may we obtain desirable wealth from men destroy those (our) unrighteous enemies, whether nigh or far off, who prevail against us. 
2.023.10 Through you, Br.haspati, (who are) the fulfiller of our desires; pure, and associated (with us), we possess excellent food; let not the wicked man who wishes to deceive us be our master; but let us, excelling in (pious) praises, attain (prosperity). 
2.023.11 You, Brahman.aspati, who have no requiter (of your bounty), who are the showerer (of benefits), the repairer to combat, the consumer of foes, the victor in battles, you are true, the discharger of debts, the humiliator of the fierce and of the exulting. 
2.023.12 Let not, Br.haspati, the murderous (weapon) of that man reach us, who, with unrighteous mind, seeks to harm us; who, fierce and arrogant, designs to kill (your) worshippers; may we baffle the wrath of the strong evil-doer]. 
2.023.13 Br.haspati is to be invoked in battles; he is to be approached with reverence; he who moves amidst combats, the distributor of repeated wealth; the lord Br.haspati has verily overturned all the assailing malignant (hosts), like chariots (overturned in battle). 
2.023.14 Consume with your brightest (weapon) the ra_ks.asas, who have held your witnessed prowess in disdain; manifest, Br.haspati, your glorified (vigour), such as it was (of old), and destroy those who speak against you. 
2.023.15 Br.haspati, born of truth, grant us that wonderful treasure, wherewith the pious man may worship exceedingly; that (wealth) which shines amongst men; which is endowed with lustre, (is) the means of (performing holy) rites, and invogirates (its possessor) with strength. [dravin.am citram = lit., various or wonderful wealth; in the Bra_hman.as it is interpreted as brahma varcas or tejas, brahmanical virtue or energy (cf. Yajus. 26.3; dravin.am = dhanam (Aitareya Bra_hman.a 4.11)]. 
2.023.16 Deliver us not to the thieves, the enemies delighting in violence, who seize ever upon the food (of others); those who cherish in their hearts the abandonment (of the gods); (they), Br.haspati, who do not know the extent of (your) power (against evil spirits). [Who do not know the extenf of your power: na parah sa_mno viduh = ye puma_msah sa_mnah sa_maya_t tvattah parah parasta_d anyadukr.s.t.am sa_ma yad raks.oghnam na ja_nanti, those men who do not know anything greater than the faculty of destroying ra_ks.asas, derived from you made up of that faculty; sa_ma vai raks.oha = sa_ma is the killer of ra_ks.asas]. 
2.023.17 Tvas.t.a_ engendered you (chief) amongst all beings, (whence) you are the reciter of many a holy hymn: Brahman.aspati acknowledges a debt to the performer of a sacred rite; he is the acquitter (of the debt), and the destoyer of the oppressor. [When you are the reciter: sa_mnah sa_mnah kavih, the reicter or another of every sa_ma, sarvasya sa_mnah ucca_rayita_ karta_si; or kavi refers to tvas.t.a_, further explained as the sage who created Brahman.aspati by the efficacy of the sa_ma: sa_mnah sa_ren.a tvam aji_janat; acknowledges a debt: r.n.acit stotr.ka_mam r.n.am iva cinoti, he takes the intention of the praiser as if it was a debt, or obligation; acquitter of the debt: r.n.aya is explained as the discharger or remover of the debt which is of the nature of sin: pa_paru_pasya r.n.asya pr.thak karta_]. 
2.023.18 When Br.haspati, descendant of An:giras, for your glory, Parvata had concealed the herd o fkine, you did set them free, and with thine associate, Indra, did send down the ocean of water which had been enveloped by darkness. 
2.023.19 Brahman.aspati, who are the regulator of this (world), understand (the purport) of (our) hymn, and grant us posterity; for all is prosperous that the gods protect; (and therefore) may we blessed with excellent descendants, glorify you at this sacrifice. [Yajus. 34.58; vadema = may we declare or glorify you; or, let us speak, let what we ask be given to us;let it be enjoyed by us: di_yata_m bhujyata_m ucca_rayema].

Griffith translation:
1. WE call thee, Lord and Leader of the heavenly hosts, the wise among the wise, the famousest of all, The King supreme of prayers, O Brahmanaspati: hear us with help; sit down in place of sacrifice. 2 Brhaspati, God immortal! verily the Gods have gained from thee, the wise, a share in holy rites. As with great light the Sun brings forth the rays of morn, so thou alone art Father of all sacred
prayer.
3 When thou hast chased away revilers and the gloom, thou mountest the refulgent car of sacrifice; The awful car, Brhaspati, that quells the foe, slays demons, cleaves the stall of kine, and findsthe light.
4 Thou leadest with good guidance and preservest men; distress overtakes not him who offers gifts to thee. Him who hates prayer thou punishest, Brhaspati, quelling his wrath: herein is thy great mightiness.
5 No sorrow, no distress from any side, no foes, no creatures doubletongued- have overcome the man, Thou drivest all seductive fiends away from him whom, careful guard, thou keepest Brahmanaspati.
6 Thou art our keeper, wise, preparer of our paths: we, for thy service, sing to thee with hymns of praise. Brhaspati, whoever lays a snare for us, him may his evil fate, precipitate, destroy.
7 Him, too, who threatens us without offence of ours, the evilminded, arrogant, rapacious man, Him turn thou from our path away, Brhaspati: give us fair access to this banquet of the Gods.
8 Thee as protector of our bodies we invoke, thee, saviour, as the comforter who loveth us. Strike, O Brhaspati, the Gods revilers down, and let not the unrighteous come to highest bliss.
9 Through thee, kind prosperer, O Brahmanaspati, may we obtain the wealth of Men which all desire:And all our enemies, who near or far away prevail against us, crush, and leave them destitute.
10 With thee as our own rich and liberal ally may we, Brhaspati, gain highest power of life.Let not the guileful wicked man be lord of us: still may we prosper, singing goodly hymns of praise.
11 Strong, never yielding, hastening to the battlecry-, consumer of the foe, victorious in the strife, Thou art sins' true  avenger, Brahmanaspati, who tamest even the fierce, the wildly passionate.
12 Whoso with mind ungodly seeks to do us harm, who, deeming him a man of might mid lords, would slay, Let not his deadly blow reach us, Brhaspati; may we humiliate the strong illdoers-' wrath.
13 The mover mid the spoil, the winner of all wealth, to be invoked in fight and reverently adored,Brhaspati hath overthrown like cars of war all wicked enemies who fain would injure us.
14 Burn up the demons with thy fiercest flaming brand, those who have scorned thee in thy manifested might.
Show forth that power that shall deserve the hymn of praise: destroy the evil speakers, O Brhaspati.
15 Brhaspati, that which the foe deserves not which shines among the folk effectual, splendid, That, Son of Law I which is with might refulgentthat- treasure wonderful bestow thou on us.
16 Give us not up to those who, foes in ambuscade, are greedy for the wealth of him who sits at ease, Who cherish in their heart abandonment of Gods. Brhaspati, no further rest shall they obtain.
17 For Tvastar, he who knows each sacred song, brought thee to life, preeminent over all the things that be. Guiltscourger-, guiltavenger- is Brhaspati, who slays the spoiler and upholds the mighty Law.
18 The mountain, for thy glory, cleft itself apart when, Angiras! thou openedst the stall of kine. Thou, O Brhaspati, with Indra for ally didst hurl down waterfloods- which gloom had compassed round.
19 O Brahmanaspati, be thou controller of this our hymn and prosper thou our children. All that the Gods regard with love is blessed. Loud may we speak, with heroes, in assembly.

Indus Script hieroglyphs on Eran_Vidhisha coins deciphered:
yupa Skambha as mEDha ‘pillar, stake’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic) dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ kadasa kanda? rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’ Thus, fire-altar for cast copper/iron.
bhagila text: rebus: गर्भगळीत, गर्भगिळीत, गर्भगीळ (p. 225) [ garbhagaḷīta, garbhagiḷīta, garbhagīḷa ] a (गर्भ & गळणें) That has dropped or cast the womb. भागी (p. 607) [ bhāgī ] c भागीदार or भागीलदार c A partner, an associate in a joint concern. 2 A sharer or partaker; a shareholder.
DAng ‘hill range’ rebus: dhangar ‘blacksmith’ PLUS kuThara ‘crucible’ rebus: kuThAru ‘armourer’
Vedi in Vedisa: vedi ‘fire-altar’ rebus: vetai ‘alchemy, transmutation of base metals into precious metals’ vedha ‘pierced hole’ rebus: vedi ‘fire-altar’ वेदिका f. a sacrificial ground , altar VarBr2S
kulyA ‘hood of snake’ rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ kolle ‘blacksmith’ kolhe ‘smelter’ nAga ‘snake’ rebus: nAga ‘lead (ore)’.eraka ‘knave of wheel’ rebus: eraka ‘moltencast, copper’
poLa ‘zebu’ rebus: poLa ‘magnetite ore’
tAmarasa ‘lotus’ rebus: tAmra ‘copper’
kANDa ‘water’ rebus: khaNDa ‘metal implements’
gaNDa ‘four’ rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’ (see Ujjain symbol)
kariba ‘elephant trunk’ ibha ‘elephant’ rebus: karb ‘iron’ ib ‘iron’ kanga ‘brazier’ sangaDa ‘brazier’ rebus: kanka ‘gold’ karNI ‘supercargo’
kuTi ‘tree’ rebus: kuThi ‘smelter’ kuThara ‘crucible’ rebus: kuThAru ‘armourer’ koThAri ‘warehouse’ dhAv ‘strand of rope’ rebus: dhAtu ‘ore’ kandit ‘bead’ rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’.
Eran, anonymous 1/2 AE karshapana,  five punch ‘symbol type’
Weight:  5.35 gm., Dimensions: 20×19 mm.
‘Ujjain symbol’, Indradhvaja, railed tree, river.
Blank reverse
Reference:  Pieper 482 (plate coin) http://coinindia.com/galleries-eran1.html
kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
Eran-Vidisha, 300-200 BCE, Copper, 8.63g, 4 symbols type http://www.worldofcoins.eu/forum/index.php?topic=30019.0
I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
Eran-Vidisha, 200 BCE, Copper (2), 1.98g & 2.43g, Swastika with Taurine armswww.coinnetwork.com

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc' PLUS kāca 'loop' rebus:kāsa 'bronze' 


sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.
kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
karabha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' 
Six spokes emanating from 'dotted circle' are topped with multiple counts (2 or 3 each) of ligatured hieroglyphs: arrow, loop (with variants of ovals, buds, fish, hour-glass, one-horned young bull). dula 'two' rebus; dul'metal casting' kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' kaṇḍa 'arrow' rebus: kaṇḍa 'implements' kāca 'loop' rebus:kāsa 'bronze' mũh 'oval shape' rebus: mũh 'ingot' ayo 'fish' rebus: ayas 'metal alloy' aya 'iron' vajra (octagonal)samghāta 'adamantine glue', samgraha, samgaha 'arranger, manager'

I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
“Vidisha, Sanchi and Udayagiri complex, together with Dhar, Mandu and Eran, all in Madhya Pradesh, have yielded ancient metallic objects (exemplified by the Delhi iron pillar)…”  http://www.harekrsna.com/sun/features/12-14/features3372.htm

 पोळ [pōḷa], 'zebu'  पोळ [pōḷa], 'magnetite, ferrite ore'

Indus script hieroglyphs: karaDi ‘safflower’ rebus: karaDa ‘hard alloy’; poLa ‘zebu’ rebus: poLa ‘magnetite’; jasta ‘svastika’ rebus: sattva ‘zinc, spelter’ kariba ‘trunk of elephant’ ibha ‘elephant’ rebus: karb ‘iron’ ib ‘iron’; kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ sangaDa ‘brazier, standard device’ rebus: sangaTas ‘collection of implemnts’ dhAV ‘ strand of rope, dotted circle’ rebus: dhavaD ‘smelter’; dhAtu ‘mineral ore’; kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'
 Infixed within the ‘standard device’ is a ‘twist’ hieroglyph: meDha ‘twist’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic)

tAmrasa 'lotus' rebus: tAmra 'copper'

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
Billon drachm of the Indo-Hephthalite King Napki Malka(Afghanistan/Gandhara, c. 475–576). Obverse shows a fire altar with a spoked wheel on the left kanda ‘fire-altar’ eraka ‘knave of wheel’ rebus: eraka ‘moltencast, copper’. Eraka! this is the source for the name of Erakina. Eraka is also the appellation of Subrahmanya in Swamimalai, a place renowned for cire perdue castings of pancaloha murti-s and utsava bera-s. Eraka is an emphatic semantic indicator of copper metalwork and metalcastings.
We have been that a Mihirakula coin showed a fire-altar. Toramana’s coins are also found in plenty in Kashmir. (J F Fleet, Coins and history ofToramanaIA,1889 26.) See:  “Notes on the Yuezhi – Kushan Relationship and Kushan Chronology”, by Hans Loeschner. Journal of Oriental Numismatic Society 2008, p.19
Erakina has a fort in ruins attributed to the Dangis who are kshatriyarajput,  in Bundelkhand region, Rajasthanand spread across the statesMadhya PradeshUttar PradeshBiharHimachal PradeshHaryana(in Haryana and Panjab they are called kshatriya Jat) , GujaratUttrakhand,Maharashtra,ChhattisgarhJharkhandPunjab, and Nepal. Dangi is a dialect of Braj Bhasha.
Eran was a coin-minting centre. Semi-circle on Eran coins may have signified a crucible: kuThAra ‘crucible’ Rebus: kuThAri ‘warehouse keeper’ kuThAru ‘armourer’.
Eran was on the Bharruch (Bhragu Kachha), Ujjain to Kaushambi, Mathura, Taxishila trade route.
Pushkalavati, 300-100 BCE, Cast Copper, Hollow Cross / Chaitya

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 

metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
Mahasenapatis-Andhra, Kondapur,Sagamana Chutukula, 100 BCE, Bronze, 4.8g, Swastika

kola 'woman' rebus: kol 'blacksmith'

satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'

metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.
Kuninda, Amogabhuti, 200-100 BCE, Silver Drachm, 2.1g, Swastika on Reverse

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'.

Chutus of Banavasi / Anandas of Karwar, Mulananda, 78-175 CE, Lead, 9.55g, Swastika to left of Tree-in-railing

karabha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ib 'iron' 

metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS khANDa 'division' rebus: kaNDa 'implements'. satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'.

gaNDa 'four' rebus:kaNDa 'fire-altar' PLUS dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral ore'.

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 

Vidarbha, 200 BCE, Cast Copper, 3.86g, Swastika with Taurine symbol

gaNDa 'four' rebus:kaNDa 'fire-altar' PLUS dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral ore'.

satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc.
eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus:erako 'moltencast, copper' āra 'six' rebus: arā 'brass' kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kunda 'turner' kundār turner (A.)
kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
Vidarbha, Pavani and Bhandara region, 300-100 BCE, Cast Copper,Tri-Kakani, 10.95g

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’  metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS khANDa 'division' rebus: kaNDa 'implements'. satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'.
Taxila, 185-160 BCE, Bronze, 2.3g, Swastika in reverse direction

satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'

metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS khANDa'division' rebus: kaNDa 'implements'. satthiya 'svastika' rebus: svastika 'pewter' jasta 'zinc'.

eraka 'nave of wheel' rebus:erako 'moltencast, copper' āra 'six' rebus: arā 'brass' kund opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali) Rebus: kunda 'turner' kundār turner (A.)

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 

Taxila, 300-100 BCE, Copper, 1.5 Karshapana, 21mm, 12.43g, Elephant / Lion

gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'fire-altar', 'implements'

metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)  PLUS baṭa 'rimless pot' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. gaNDa 'four' rebus: kaNDa 'fire-altar'

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 



Obv: Tree-in-railing (center); Elephant (left); Swastika (top right); Indra-dhwaja-in-railing ie triangle headed standard (right); River with swimming fish/turtles (bottom)



Rev: blank/uniface

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 



Eran-Vidisha, 300-200 BCE, Copper, 8.63g, 4 symbols type


bhagila495Bhagila, AE 3/8 karshapana,  four punch 'bull type''

Weight:  3.11 gm., Dimensions: 19x19 mm.
Bull on the left, railed tree on right; river at the bottom; legend punch at the top
    reading bhagilaya which is followed by a lotus flower.
Blank reverse
Reference:  S. Tiwari collection, p.161, type 1,var.2 / Pieper 495 (plate coin)

kui ‘tree’ rebus: kuhi ‘smelter’ 
kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'

Vidarbha, 300-100 BCE, Copper, 0.92g, 6-arm Wheel / Ujjaini symbol

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui 'tree' Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'.
dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
eranvidarbha
Vidarbha, anonymous uniface die-struck AE

Weight:  1.50gm., Dimensions: 14x12 mm.
Railed tree in centre; taurine fixed in open railing on the left with a nandipada on top left; on the
     right is an Indradhvaja and at the bottom a river.
Blank reverse
Reference: Mitchiner (MATEC) 4775-4780
kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'

sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui 'tree' Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'.
dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.
kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'
eran481
Eran, anonymous 3/4 AE karshapana,  three punch 'symbol type'

Weight:  6.10 gm., Dimensions: 22x22 mm.
Obv.: Indradhvaja, railed tree and 'Ujjain symbol'.
Rev.: Worn traces of obverse design of Ujjain undertype depicting 'bull facing railed
Indradhvaja'.
Reference: BMC, pl.XVIII, no.16 / Pieper 481 (plate coin)
sangaDa ‘lathe’ sanghaṭṭana ‘bracelet’ rebus 1: .sanghāṭa ‘raft’ sAngaDa ‘catamaran, double-canoe’rebusčaṇṇāḍam (Tu. ജംഗാല, Port. Jangada). Ferryboat, junction of 2 boats, also rafts. 2  jangaḍia 'military guard accompanying treasure into the treasury' ചങ്ങാതം čaṇṇāδam (Tdbh.; സംഘാതം) 1. Convoy, guard; responsible Nāyar guide through foreign territories. rebus 3: जाकड़ ja:kaṛ जांगड़ jāngāḍ‘entrustment note’ जखडणें tying up (as a beast to a stake) rebus 4: sanghāṭa ‘accumulation, collection’ rebus 5. sangaDa ‘portable furnace, brazier’ rebus 6: sanghAta ‘adamantine glue‘ rebus 7: sangara ‘fortification’ rebus 8: sangara ‘proclamation’ 9: samgraha, samgaha 'manager, arranger'.

kui 'tree' Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'.
dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'

I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
Eran, anonymous 1/8 AE karshapana,  two punch 'symbol type'

Weight:  1.15 gm., Dimensions: 11x9 mm.
Railed tree on the left and Ujjain symbol on the right.
Blank reverse
Reference:  Pieper 477 (plate coin)

 kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'.
dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'

I suggest that the so-called Ujjaini symbol with four dotted circles orthographed on a + glyph refer to  dhātu 'strand' rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore', thus four mineral ores: copper PLUS magnetite, haematite and laterite (all red ores). Hence, the hypertext is read rebus as: dhāvaḍ 'smelter'. gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar. Thus, a fire-altar for dhātu 'mineral ores'.'
Eran, anonymous AE karshapana,  five punch 'horse type'

Weight:  10.25 gm., Dimensions: 23x22 mm.
Horse on the left, railed tree in centre,elaborate Ujjain symbol on the right, railed
     Indradhvaja on top, river at the bottom.
Blank reverse
Reference: BMC, pl. XVIII, no.14/ Pieper 467 (plate coin)

Horse:ghōṭa m. ʻ horse ʼ ĀpŚr., °ṭī -- f. Aśvad., °ṭaka -- m. Pañ- cat., °ṭikā -- f. lex. [Non -- Aryan, prob. Drav., origin EWA i 361 with lit.]
Pa. ghōṭaka -- m. ʻ poor horse ʼ; Pk. ghōḍa -- , °ḍaya -- m., °ḍī -- f. ʻ horse ʼ, Gy. as (Baluči) gura, pers. gôrá, pal. gṓri f., arm. khori ʻ horse ʼ, eur. khuro m., °rī f. ʻ foal ʼ, boh. pol. khuro ʻ stallion ʼ; Ash. g&otodacutemacr;ṛu m. ʻ horse ʼ, gọ̈̄räˊ f., Wg. g&otodacutemacr;ṛa, Pr. irí, Dm. gọŕɔ m., guŕi f., Paš. gōṛāˊ, Niṅg. guṛə́, Shum. gṓṛo, Woṭ. gōṛ m., gēṛ f., Gaw. guṛɔ́ m., guṛīˊ f., Kal. urt. ghɔ́̄ŕ*l, Bshk. gór m., gēr f., Tor. ghō m., ghəē f. (aspirate maintained to distinguish from  ʻ bull ʼ J. Bloch BSL xxx 82), Mai. ghå m., ghwī f., Chil. Gau. gho, Sv. ghuṛo m., g'uṛia f., Phal. ghūṛu m., °ṛi f., Sh. *gōu (→ Ḍ. gōwá), K. guru m., °rü f., (Islamābād)guḍü, rām. pog. ghōṛŭ, kash. ghuṛŭ, ḍoḍ. ghōṛō, S. ghoṛo m., °ṛī f., L. P. ghoṛā m., °ṛī f., in cmpds. ghoṛ -- , WPah. ghoṛo m., °ṛī f., °ṛu n. ʻ foal ʼ, Ku. ghoṛo, A.ghõrā, in cmpds. ghõr -- , B. ghõṛā m., ghũṛi f. (whence Chittagong ghunni ODBL 695), Or. ghoṛā°ṛī, Bi. ghor°rā, OAw. ghora, H. ghoṛghoṛā m., ṛī f. (→ N. Bhoj. ghoṛā, N. °ṛi, Bhoj. °ṛī), Marw. ghoṛo m., G. ghoṛɔ m., °ṛī f., °ṛũ n. ʻ poor horse ʼ, M. ghoḍā m., °ḍī f., Ko. ghoḍo.
*ghōṭakarūpa -- , *ghōṭāgāra -- . Addenda: ghōṭa -- : S.kcch. ghoṛo m. ʻ horse ʼ, WPah.kṭg. (kc.) ghòṛɔ, m. ʻ horse ʼ, kṭg. ghòṛu m. ʻ small horse, colt ʼ, Garh. ghoṛū m. ʻ horse ʼ, Brj. ghoṛoghorom., ghoṛīghorī f. (CDIAL 4516) Rebus: goṭī f. ʻlump of silver' (G.) goṭi = silver (G.) koḍ ‘workshop’ (Gujarati).P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); M. goṭ ʻ hem of a garment, metal wristlet ʼ(CDIAL 4271)

kui 'tree' Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'.
kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'

Eran-Vidisha AE 1/2 karshapana, Bhumidata, six punch type
Weight:  5.10 gm., Dimensions: 21x21 mm.
Railed tree in centre; elephant on left and railed Indradhvaja on right;
     river at the bottom; on top right taurine in fixed railing and on top left legend
     punch reading rajno bhumidatasa
Blank reverse
Reference: S. Tiwari collection, p. 196, var.3 / Pieper 489 (plate coin).

kui 'tree' Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'.
kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: kāṇḍā 'implements'




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New route via Gulbarga from Bengaluru to Delhi will reduce the distance by 380 km. and save upto 6 hrs travel time
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