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Iconographic Links between Indic and Ancient West Asian Storm Gods -- Robert Miller (2016)

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Chabahar port agreement with Iran. Big brotherr, US is watching

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US lawmakers question India’s Chabahar port agreement with Iran

  • Reuters, Washington
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  • Updated: May 25, 2016 10:04 IST
  • Iran's foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif (R), shakes hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as he stands next to Iran's President Hassan Rouhani in Tehran. (REUTERS File)

    US senators questioned on Tuesday whether India’s development of a port in southern Iran for trade access risked violating international sanctions, while a State Department official assured them the administration will closely examine the project.
    Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday pledged up to $500 million to develop the Iranian port of Chabahar, to try to give his country trade access to Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia. The route is currently all but blocked by Pakistan, long at odds politically with India.
    “We have been very clear with the Indians (about) continuing restrictions on activities with respect to Iran,” Nisha Desai Biswal, assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asian Affairs, said on Tuesday.
    “We have to examine the details of the Chabahar announcement to see where it falls in that place,” she testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
    Developing the Chabahar port was seen as crucial for India because it will not only allow New Delhi to bypass Pakistan and access global markets but also counter China’s expanding influence in the Indian Ocean region.
    The United States and Europe lifted sanctions in January under a deal with Iran to limit its nuclear programme, but some restrictions to trade remain, tied to issues such as human rights and terrorism.
    Biswal said she believed India’s relationship with Iran was primarily focused on economic and energy issues, and said the administration recognised India’s need for a trade route.
    “From the Indian perspective, Iran represents for India a gateway into Afghanistan and Central Asia,” she said. “It needs access that it doesn’t have.”
    Biswal said she had not seen any sign of Indian engagement with Iran in areas, such as military cooperation, that might be of concern to the United States.
    Modi is due to visit the United States next month and will address a joint meeting of Congress, a rare honour.
    Senator Ben Cardin, the committee’s top Democrat, asked if Biswal expected formal security cooperation agreements to be signed during that visit.
    She noted that India and the United States have already strengthened their security cooperation in several areas. “We’re looking at what additional areas we can engage in to deepen that cooperation,” Biswal said.
    Washington sees its relationship with India as critical, partly to counterbalance China’s rising power. President Barack Obama has called it “one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century.”

    Primadonna SoniaG Agusta scam: why target ex-Air Chief Tyagi while letting off the Babus and Netas?Jay Bhattacharjee,

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    Agusta scam: why target ex-Air Chief Tyagi while letting off the Babus and Netas?

    Jay Bhattacharjee, May 25, 2016






      SNAPSHOT
    • One does not have to hold a brief for Tyagi to note that one man could not have tweaked the Agusta deal all on his own. 
    • The investigative agencies can surely check Tyagi’s involvement, but can they afford to presume everyone else is squeaky clean?
    At the very outset, I have to enter this caveat, because it is the right and proper thing to do, and also because the protagonist in this essay would want me to do it.
    I have had the pleasure of knowing Air Chief Marshal SP Tyagi (Retd), the former IAF chief (CAS) for about 11 years. During this period, ever since we held out our hands of friendship to each other, I have developed a distinct liking for this air warrior and he has reciprocated in full measure. At our very first meeting, he introduced himself as “Bundle” or “Shashi”. Either would do.
    That is how it has been over the last decade. So, in this essay, he will be either the former CAS or SPT or either of the two names by which he is addressed by his friends.
    I mentioned to SPT during our first interface that I had been his guest on a couple of occasions at the annual Air Force Day parade and fly-past. With some trepidation, I told him I admired a CAS who arrived at the function by doing a para-jump from a chopper.
    He accepted my compliment with the usual understatement of our warriors, by telling us how he had butterflies in his stomach before he jumped from the helicopter.
    When the Agusta storm broke out in early 2013, and Bundle was sought to be incriminated, I contacted him and told him how sorry I felt for him. Like the typical soldier that he is, he said he had absolutely no doubt that his name would be cleared and his reputation restored.
    He casually asked me whether I would go through some papers he had and requested me to assess the picture for him. Some of the documents were in Italian and had to be translated into English, a task I requested a friend of mine in Europe to do. As I went through the documents, I was convinced that my air warrior friend was being unfairly targeted, set up and framed.
    I wrote a piece for the lay reader and it was published in early April 2013. Even some of his former comrades told me that it had helped clear their nagging doubts and unease about the entire issue Therein lies the tragedy in an episode like this. It takes just one accusation and a lifetime’s reputation and honour lie in tatters.
    The sad part is that the IAF top brass at that point of time and their counterparts in the other two services did nothing tangible to extend a helping hand to their former comrade. It is, of course, possible that they took up cudgels in private, but we will never know for sure.
    For many decades, the higher echelons in the Indian armed forces have not displayed any noticeable spine in any of their confrontations with the netas and babus.
    The relevant points that needed to be understood at that juncture (March-April 2013) were the following. The Government of India (GOI) had ordered a CBI investigation into this matter primarily on the basis of information provided by the Italian government. The CBI, with an admirable promptness not usually displayed in most of its other cases, filed a Preliminary Enquiry (PE) against SPT, some cousins of his and some other persons.
    Under the provisions of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, that governs the CBI, the PE is the first step in any investigation process. The PE was soon converted into a regular FIR. I ventured to write in my 2013 essay that “not a single bureaucrat in the Ministry of Defence (MOD) or other branches of the GOI has been charged. Neither has any politician been investigated or charged”.
    This sad travesty continues even now. The difference is that the ante has been upped and so have the decibels in the public debates (or what passes for them). The political atmosphere has become surcharged, with the usual suspects screaming to high heavens on the idiot box.
    While Bundle displays his usual sangfroid and dignity in the course of his rounds of interrogation by the CBI sleuths, I am left wondering about the ghosts that are lurking just off-stage.
    The country’s investigating agencies are fully entitled to scrutinise the acts of commission or omission of a CAS, former or present, and it is my duty to emphasise this point unequivocally. However, there is something glaringly wrong when the bureaucrats and politicians, who played pivotal roles in the entire saga and whose footprints are clearly traceable, get away scot-free.
    The many powerful eminence-grises and the shadowy oligarchs, who showed a clean pair of heels in this instance, include people like the former Defence Secretary and current Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), Shashi Kant Sharma, former National Security Advisor (NSA) M.K. Narayanan (later West Bengal Governor), former SPG Chief B.V. Wanchoo (later Governor of Goa), and former Defence Secretary Ajai Vikram Singh.
    There were other relatively junior functionaries, including an Audit & Accounts Services officer of Joint Secretary rank, who was sent on a highly sought-after deputation to the UN by Sharma after the latter had become CAG.
    Admittedly, all these are grey areas, but the issue is why these people have not been investigated and probed. Surely, the rules of transparency and probity would require that everyone who may have played a role in the commission of an offence must be put under the scanner and investigated with the same rigour as others.
    This is the stage to summarise the critical stages of decision making. These facts and the time table are all in the public domain and have not been challenged.
    • In March 2005, the operational height requirement for the helicopters was reduced from 6 km to 4.5 km, although this had been rejected earlier by the IAF. This meeting was chaired by the then NSA Narayanan, and attended by the Director SPG and the Dy Chief of the IAF. SPT was not present. This decision was incorporated in the Operational Requirements (ORs) of the tender. A week later, SPT approved the ORs finalised at the earlier meeting and this was forwarded to the top Defence Ministry civilian babu in charge of acquisitions.
    • In May 2005, Defence Secretary Ajai Singh chaired a meeting where again SPT was not present. Shashi Kant Sharma, then JS (Air), was. All ORs were discussed, including increasing the cabin height.
    • Thereafter, the ORs were locked in October 2005, after the number of helicopters to be ordered was increased from 8 to 12 for so-called security reasons. Again Shashi Tyagi was not present, but Sharma was. The MOD finally issued the request for proposals (RFP) in September 2006 to six companies, out of which only three, including Agusta-Westland (AW), responded.
    • Interestingly, the ORs of September 2006 were cleverly tweaked to increase the internal cabin height and this made the French Eurocopter ineligible to compete in the contract, although it could have done so earlier. This is another mystery that needs to be looked into and the instigators for this need to be identified.
    • One of the bidders, a Russian company, withdrew, leaving only AW and the American Sikorsky in the arena. This is now late 2007; Bundle had hung up his boots and his flying overalls on 31st March.
    • Interestingly, the field trials took place in Europe and this is another rip-off. The elementary rule for field trials is that they should be conducted in the terrain and climate of the purchasing country that will use the hardware.
    • The AW chopper was still under development; therefore, the trials were conducted on representative planes and not the actual plane! Reportedly, SPG top honcho BV Wanchoo went to Europe to participate in the trials.
    • The final icing on the cake was when the MOD (read the GOI) increased the order number from 8 to 12 in February 2010, with a resultant increase in the contract price to US$770 million. The gravy train was finally rolling. Bundle was already in his happy golfing grounds for three years by then.
    • The acquisition price per chopper agreed to by India worked out to slightly more than $64 million. This was highway robbery in the classic sense. Even a schoolboy would say that the persons responsible for this Indian bonanza to Italy must be investigated.

    Even though SPT was not around, there were some familiar faces still ruling the corridors of power in South Block.
    A key bureaucrat one can’t ignore is Shashi Kant Sharma (SKS), now the CAG. A Bihar-cadre IAS official, SKS came to the MOD in 2003 as Jt. Secretary (Air), a stint that lasted till 2007. He moved up to Additional Secretary and finally Defence Secretary in July 2011. SKS was around during all the high-profile incidents that rocked the country in the next two years. From managing the date of birth controversy of the then Army Chief, General VK Singh, to the infamous “coup” incident, to the Gorshkov acquisition and the dissolution of the Army’s Technical Services Division, SKS was in the thick of it.
    One does not have to hold a brief for Tyagi to note that one man could not have tweaked the Agusta deal all on his own. The investigative agencies can surely check Tyagi’s involvement, but can they afford to presume everyone else is squeaky clean?


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      It is important to know the other side of the story. Thanks to the author for raising some queries.
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          Why is this Bongali Babu spreading hatred against the competence of Modi's investigation agencies?
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              Indian politicians and the bureaucracy are synonymous with malfeasance.
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                  The BABUS and the NETAS always get off the hook. This is 'INCREDIBLE INDIA'. And, I bet my pension that the CBI and ED will NEVER ENSURE CLOSURE TO THIS SCAM. Their investigative abilities are suspect. They know how to harass the innocent. Shame on the Nation for having such a unprofessional investigative machinery.
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                      Fairly courageous .... good part is that it is backed with some supporting documents.
                      AW offcourse has many cooks and it is "system" which protects the cooks has to be targetted. 
                      Hope investigating agencies take a leaf out of the blog and verify facts and go close to corrupt.
                      One must note that the corrupt people do not leave any trail or they make all the efforts to cover the trail and it is not easy to really prove the crime. We all know who is the culprit and excellent job is done by Swamy in that regard.
                      About Tyagi, we like it or not for investigating agency ..... the person available is targeted suspect.
                    Jay Bhattacharjee is a policy and corporate affairs analyst based in Delhi.http://swarajyamag.com/blogs/agusta-scam-why-target-ex-air-chief-tyagi-and-letting-off-the-babus-and-netas

                    Tantra yukti deciphers Indus Script

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                    Tantra yukti deciphers Indus Script

                    Tantra can be termed as that which discusses and details subjects and concepts; yukti is  “… that which removes blemishes like impropriety, contradiction, etc., from the intended meaning and thoroughly joins the meanings together.”.

                    Tantra-yukti thusdenotes those devices that aid the composition of a text in a systematic manner to convey intended ideas clearly. UpamAnam (or dRSTanta or analogy), vAkyavis’eSa (completion of a sentence meaningfully even in the absence of a word which is understood), pUrvapakSa (objections, primafacie or provisional view), uttarapakSa (correct view or answers) are included as among 32 devices in Arthas’Astra list of Tantra yukti.

                    स्फुटता न पदैरपाकृता  न च न स्वीकृत मर्थगौरवम् ‘Crispness (of an expression) is not obliterated by verbosity, nor is the depth of meaning that is intended to be conveyed is compromised (to attain crispness).

                    Caraka notes: तंत्रे समासव्यासोक्ते भवन्त्येता हि क्रत्स्नशः एकदेशने दृश्यन्ते समासाभिहिते तथा ‘all these tantrayukti-s occur in a scientific work in brief and in detail. But only some of them occur in a work written in brief.”

                    Tantrayukti devices will be elaborated by decipherment of Indus Script Corpora.
                    1.      Adhikaraṇa (subject matter) The subject matter of Indus Script Corpora relates to metalwork in the Bronze Age across Eurasia, from Hanoi, Vietnam to Haifa, Israel
                    2.      Yoga (arrangement) The Corpora is arranged in about 7000 inscriptions presented on seals, tablets, copper plates, metal implements, ivory rods, potsherds or as writing on pendants or sculptures in the round (e.g. gold pendant with inscription painted and statue of ‘priest’ with Indus script hieroglyphs of dotted circle and uttarIyam)
                    1. Hetvārtha (extension of argument) The purpose achieved by the Corpora is to covey messages about the technical specifications of products (packages or cargo) which are authenticated by the messages
                    2. Padārtha (import of words) The import of words conveyed by the hieroglyphs read rebus is to specify the resources used: e.g. minerals, furnaces or smelters used in creating the product (either an ingot or alloy of minerals or implement or weapon or a cire perdue casting in metal)
                    3. Pradeśa (poetic adumbration) Some inscriptions are composed of narratives as semantic determinants (e.g. a tiger looking backwards connotes kola ‘tiger’ rebus: kol ‘working in iron’ PLUS krammara ‘look backwards’ rebus: kamar ‘artisan, smith’; thus signifying an artisan working in iron).
                    4. Uddheśa (concise statement) Some inscriptions are just composite heads of animals joined to an animal or bovine body. The concise statement intends to signify three minerals which compose the product or package or cargo (e.g. combined animal with bovine body and heads of antelope, one-horned young bull, ox each signifying ranku ‘antelope’ rebus: ranku ‘tin’ PLUS 'konda 'young bull' Rebus: kondar 'turner' PLUS barad, barat ‘ox’ rebus: bharat ‘alloy of pewter, copper, tin’).
                    5. Nirdeśa (amplification) Some inscriptions contain phonetic or semantic orthographic deteminatives to amplify the message conveyed (e.g. body of a person with legs spread out signifies two rebus renderings: meD ‘body’ rebus: meD ‘iron, copper’ karNika ‘legs spread out’ rebus: karNI ‘supercargo, engraver, scribe, account’ A Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale. Thus, the Supercargo is signified as in control of iron/metal merchandise on a seafaring ship.
                    6. Vākyaśeṣa (supply of ellipsis -- the omission from speech or writing of a word or words that are superfluous or able to be understood from contextual clues.) Some inscriptions signify ‘fish’ as a hieroglyph. In the context of Supercargo’s responsibility, the ‘fish’ hieroglyph may have orthographic accent on ‘fins’ of fish which signify:  'khambhaṛā'‘fish fin’ rebus: kammaṭa‘portable furnace to melt metals, mint, coiner, coinage’ PLUS ayo, aya ‘fish’ rebus: aya ‘iron’ ayas ‘metal’.
                    7. Prayojana (purpose) The purpose of the entire Indus Script Corpora is to document the products which are merchandise for exchange with contact areas and provide explanatory messages to the trade representatives such as Meluhha colonies in Ancient Near East or along the Persian Gulf metalwork sites.
                    8. Upadeśa (instruction) An example may be cited to explain how the instruction is achieved on Indus Script Corpora. A statue of a priest of Mohenjo-daro is shown wearing a fillet (dotted circle PLUS string) on the forehead and on right-shoulder. The message signified is: dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter' with Indus script hieroglyphs signifies पोतृ,'purifier' of dhāū, dhāv 'red stone minerals'. The compound phrase is broken up into two segments: dhā̆v ‘strand’ rebus: dhā̆v, dhAtu ‘mineral’ PLUS  -vaḍ ‘string’ rebus:వటగ'clever, skilful' i..e. a person skilled in smelting minerals, hence an iron (red ore) smelter.
                    9. Apadeśa (advancement of reason) The choice of hieroglyphs in Indus Script Corpora is to avoid ambiguities in expressions. Thus, hieroglyphs such as elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, buffalo, fish are incorporated in inscriptions to signify: karibha ‘trunk of elephant’ rebus: karba ‘iron’ ibha ‘elephant’ rebus: ib ‘iron’, gaNDa ‘rhinoceros’ rebus: khaNDA ‘implements’, kola ‘tiger’ rebus: kol ‘working in iron’, kolle ‘blacksmith’ kolhe ‘smelter’, ranga ‘buffalo’ rebus: ranga ‘pewter’, ayo, aya ‘fish’ rebus: aya ‘iron’ ayas ‘metal’. These are further complemented by other hieroglyphs such as standing person with legs spread, rim-of-jar to signify meD ‘body’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ PLUS karNika ‘legs spread out’ rebus: karNIka ‘Supercargo, engraver, scribe, account’; kanka, karNika ‘rim of jar’ rebus: karNI ‘Supercargo’ karNIka ‘engraver, scribe, account’ PLUS kanda ‘pot’ rebus: kanda ‘fire-altar’ khaNDa ‘implements’.
                    10. Atideśa (indication or application) On some inscriptions, an additional orthographic device is used to indicate that a metal implement is the product being managed by a Supercargo. Thus, on a Chanhudaro seal, the double-axe signifies a metal axe. 
                    Double-axe found in a Mesopotamian site. Comparable to the double-axe shown on Chanhudaro seal C-23.  Pictorial motif of a double-axe is a Sarasvati hieroglyph (Pict-133). 
                    1. Arthāpatti (implication)
                       
                      The fact that these hieroglyph compositions occur on bronze artifacts imply that the bronze metalwork is signified.
                    2. Nirṇaya (decision) 
                      A simple seal of Daimabad which merely shows the ‘rim of jar’ hieroglyph is a decisive signifier of the rebus message: kanka ‘rim of jar’ rebus: karNika ‘Supercargo’.
                    15.  Prasaṅga (restatement) A remarkable device in orthography on Indus Script Corpora is duplication.For example, a markhor is reduplicated back-to-back on a gold artifact. 
                     Fig. 96f: Failaka no. 260  Double antelope at the belly in the Levant similar doubling occurs for a lion   


                    1. Ekānta (categorical statement or invariable rule) 
                      On this pectoral, the categorical emphasis is on the overflowing pot (in addition to other hieroglyphs such as standard device and one-horned young bull). The categorical message relates to lo ‘overflowing’ kaNDa ‘pot’ rebus: lokhanda ‘metal implements’. The invariable rule of Indus Script Corpora is that inscriptions are metalwork catalogues, metalwork proclamations.
                    2. Naikānta / anekānta / anekārtha (comprising statement) Using the pectoral example this tantrayukti can be demonstrated. The message conveyed: kan.d. kan-ka 'rim of jar'(Santali)karn.aka 'ear or rim of jar' (Sanskrit) kan.d. 'pot' (Santali)Rebus: karan.ika 'writer' (Telugu). kan.d.'fire-altar' (Santali). করণিক [karaṇika] n an office-clerk, a clerk. কারণিক [kāraṇika] a pertaining to cause, causal; ex amining, judging. n. an examiner; a judge; a clerk (Bengali). खनक [Monier-Williams lexicon, p= 336,3]m. one who digs , digger , excavator MBh. iii , 640 R.
                    18.  Apavarga / apavarja (exception or restriction of a pervasive rule) While many seals and tablets are incised, the writing also occurs in paint (perhaps ferrous oxide on metal) on a gold pendant. 
                     This 2.5 inch long gold pendant has a 0.3 inch nib; its ending is shaped like a sewing or netting needle. It bears an inscription painted in Indus Script. This inscription is deciphered as a proclamation of metalwork competence.


                    19.  Viparyaya (opposite) I would not to elaborate on the objections raised by over 150 decipherment claims. My submission is that the orthography is NOT intended to signify syllables but full words, hence the script is logographic. Second point is that it is an error to exclude pictorial motifs from the decipherments and focus only on ‘signs’. Both signs and pictorial motifs have to signify TOGETHER a message of the Bronze Age. Most decipherments prejudge that names or titles should be signified by ‘signs’. This prejudgement leads to erroneous results. The possibility that all hieroglyphs (both signs and pictorial motifs) signify metalwork catalogues should NOT be ruled out because of the imperative created by the Bronze Age revolution which resulted in surplus goods which were bartered by seafaring merchants.
                    20.  Pūrvapakṣa (objection) The previous arguments also relate to this device of tantra yukti. There are, in Indus Script Corpora words which signify functionaries like Supercargo and also minerals such magnetite (poLa ‘zebu’ rebus:poLa ‘magnetite ferrous ore’).
                    21.  Vidhāna (right interpretation) The right interpretation should relate to the Bronze Age economic imperative. Wealth was created by metalwork and mintwork and artifacts were created like the Nahal Mishmar cire perdue artifacts which were proclaimed in processions (as evidenced by Jasper cylinder seal). 
                    22.  Anumata (concession or agreement) There is general consensus that Indus Script Corpora is related to trade since many seals also had exact replicas as seal impressions. So, the logical extension is to review the Corpora as metalwork catalogues for trade transactions.
                    23.  Vyākhyāna (explanation) The explanation is provided in the decipherment of almost all 7000 inscriptions in 16 volumes which also include explanations of some pictorial motifs as Indus Script hieroglyphs on Ancient Near East and Persian Gulf (Dilmun) seals.
                    24.  Samśaya (doubt) There are linguistic arguments which raise doubts about the Meluhha (Mleccha) language. It is possible that this was the spoken version of Prakrtam which co-existed with the chandas which is the literary version of Samskrtam or Vedic diction. There is general consensus that Ancient India was a sprachbund (language union or linguistic area) wince many features of languages of ancient Bharatam Janam ‘metalcaster folk’ as self-identification by Visvamitra in Rigveda (3.53.12) are common, such as the feature of reduplication to convey semantics, e.g. kandAnmuNDAn ‘bits and pieces’.
                    25.  Atītāpekṣaṇa / atītavekṣaṇa (retrospective reference; atikrAntAveksana ‘reference to a past statement’) The occurrence of Indus Script hieroglyphs on Dong Son bronze drums is also explained by the occurrence of Yupa inscriptions in East Borneo and occurrence of S’ivalingas in the Ancient Far East. This suggests the possibility of a Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa because the largest tin belt of the globe is in the Far East, along the Mekong delta.
                    26.  Anāgatāvekṣaṇa (prospective reference) The continued use of Indus Script hieroglyphs on early punch-marked coins from Takshasila to Karur to Anuradhapura are indicative of an Age of Symbols coterminous with the Bronze Age. The hieroglyphs signify metalwork catalogues and in many cases together with Brahmi or Kharoshthi inscriptions which signify names or titles using the syllabic scripts which are distinct from the logographic Indus Script hieroglyphs.
                    27.  Svasaṁjñā (technical nomenclature) The entire Indus Script Corpora of about 7000 inscriptions provide many examples of technical nomenclature such as poLa (zebu) ‘magnetite ore’, maraka (peacock) ‘a type of steel’, rango (buffalo) ‘pewter, an alloy of copper, zinc and tin’, sattva ‘svastika hieroglyph’ rebus: sattva, jasta ‘zinc’.
                    28.  Ūhya (deduction or what is understood) When a string of, say, five hieroglyphs signify minerals and operations in a furnace, the inference is that the signified is the metalworker or artisan working with such minerals and furnaces (in a workshop or mint).
                    29.  Samuccaya (specification or combination, collection of ideas) A typical example of collection of related messages occurs in hieroglyph-multiplexes or hypertexts, say, of a composite animal. 
                    Orthographic components explained by Dennys Frenez and Massimo Vidale.

                    30.  Nidarśana (illustration) The illustration of the devices of tantra yukti used occurs on a cylinder seal from Ancient Near East, the seal of Sharkali-Sharri. 
                    Cylinder Seal of Ibni-Sharrum Agade period, reign of Sharkali-Sharri (c. 2217-2193 BCE)Mesopotamia Serpentine H. 3.9 cm; Diam. 2.6 cm Formerly in the De Clercq collection; gift of H. de Boisgelin, 1967 AO 22303 http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/continuity-in-hieroglyph-motifs-from.htmlThe signifiers: rango ‘buffalo’ rebus: rango ‘pewter’ lo ‘overflow’ kanda ‘pot’ rebus: lokhanda ‘metal implements’ baTa ‘six’ rebus: bhaTa ‘furnace’ meD ‘curl’ rebus: meD ‘iron’. Thus, Sharkali-Sharri is a smelter working with pewter and metal implements.
                    31.  Nirvacana (definition or derivation or etymology of terms) An Indian Lexicon provides etyma which include most of the 25+ ancient languages of Indian sprachbund. Many metalwork terms used in Indus Script Corpora are traceable to one or more of the etyma of the sprachbund.
                    32.  Niyoga / sanniyoga (injunction) The occurrence of Indus Script hieroglyphs on 21 stoneware ceramic bangles is a pointer to the 21 types of functions identified during the Bronze Age for metalwork.
                    33.  Vikalpana (option) It is possible to indicate alternative rebus readings for some select inscriptions. Thus, a standing person may signify meD ‘body’ rebus: meD ‘iron’ and also ‘legs spread out’: karNika rebus: ‘Supercargo’ or karNaka ‘scribe, engraver’
                    34.  Pratyutsāra / pratyucāra (rebuttal) The decipherment of Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogues is a rebuttal of arguments spuriously made that the people who created the writing system were ‘illiterates’ and hence, suggesting that the hieroglyphs are indicative of some rituals. The stronger argument is that the writing system was necessitated by the Bronze Age revolution which resulted in the production of surplus metal artifacts for exchange or barter transactions.
                    35.  Uddhāra (reaffirmation) Inscription after inscription continue to refer to technical terms of metalwork, furnace/smelter work, mint work. This rebus rendering occurs for over 500 hieroglyphs (called signs) and over 100 hieroglyphs (called pictorial motifs)
                    36.  Sambhava (possibility) The Indus Script Cipher as rebus reading of ancient Prakritam words points to the possibility that the Vedic Sarasvati River Basin was the epicenter of trade and production activity along the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa which predated the Silk Road by over 2 millennia.
                    37.  Paripraśna (question and answer) A paripras’na is: why would even wild animals be shown in front of feeding troughs, unless both the animal and the trough are hieroglyphs? Why was the water-carrier shown in parenthesis together with star hieroglyphs on a circular Gadd seal? 
                    Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); dia. 2.6, ht. 0.9 cm.; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 11-12, pl. II, no. 12; Porada 1971: pl.9, fig.5; Parpola, 1994, p. 183; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R., JRAS, 1932, 476). An unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal.

                    38.  Vyākaraṇa (grammar) Since the writing system is logographic and composed of lists of 0 to 5 terms (glosses), there is no need for grammatical expressions in the writing system on Indus Script Corpora or on devices used on early punch-marked and cast coins.
                    39.  Vyutkrāntabhidāna (transgression) The presence of trefoils on the base of a s’ivalinga is a transgression of the adhyatmika connotations of the divine iconography of linga as a fiery pillar of light and fire. The base with trefoil may signify tri-dhAtu ‘three strands’ rebus: ‘three minerals’ which were subjected to smelting operations. The presence of a mukha ‘human face’ or Bhuteswar s’ivalinga atop a smelter is indicative of rebus: muha ‘quantity produced from a furnace, ingot’
                    40.  Hetu (purpose)The tantrayukti devices have demonstrated the purpose of the Indus Script Corpora. They are metalwork catalogues as proclamations to promote trade. Such proclamations also occur on procession tablets or on a monolithic signboard of Dholavira.
                    Ten hieroglyphs on Dholavira signboard

                     m0490At m0490B Mohenjodaro Tablet showing Meluhha combined standard of three standards carried in a procession, comparable to Tablet m0491. m0491 Tablet. Line drawing (right). This tablet showing three hieroglyphs may be called the Meluhha standard.Combined reading for the joined or ligatured glyphs.

                    Rebus reading is: dhatu kõdā sangaḍa  ‘mineral, turner, stone-smithy guild’.

                    Dawn of the bronze age is best exemplified by this Mohenjo-daro tablet which shows a procession of three hieroglyphs carried on the shoulders of three persons. The hieroglyphs are: 1. Scarf carried on a pole (dhatu Rebus: mineral ore); 2. A young bull carried on a stand kõdā Rebus: turner; 3. Portable standard device (Top part: lathe-gimlet; Bottom part: portable furnace sã̄gāḍ Rebus: stone-cutter sangatarāśū ). sanghāḍo (Gujarati) cutting stone, gilding (Gujarati); sangsāru karaṇu = to stone (Sindhi) sanghāḍiyo, a worker on a lathe (Gujarati)

                    The procession is a celebration of the graduation of a stone-cutter as a metal-turner in a smithy/forge. A sangatarāśū ‘stone-cutter’ or lapidary of neolithic/chalolithic age had graduated into a metal turner’s workshop (koḍ), working with metallic minerals (dhatu) of the bronze age.

                    Three professions are described by the three hieroglyphs: scarf, young bull, standard device dhatu kõdāsã̄gāḍī  Rebus words denote: ‘ mineral worker; metals turner-joiner (forge); worker on a lathe’ – associates (guild).
                    (Note: the terminology and citations are from M. Jayaraman, The doctrine of tantrayukti https://www.academia.edu/12132105/Tantrayukti )

                    S. Kalyanaraman Sarasvati Research Center, May 25, 2016

                    Raghu Ram Rajan and Guvship of RBI.NaMo,nationalise kaalaadhan.

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                    Assuming that R3 is on unpaid leave from UChicago, the problem is holding on to a job in a foreign country that too at a university that is the hotbed of nefarious activities and hate-mongering against India. Clearly a conflict of interest.

                    Surely, GOI and NaMo will evaluate R3's performance and fitness for the job which is important in the context of the massive devaluation of the Rupee during UPA's regime and the kaalaadhan route laid out by PNotes. RBI has failed to pursue the implementation of Tarapore Committee Recommendations to ban PNotes which do roundtripping playing speculative games in the stock markets and promoting moneylaundering.

                    NaMo, nationalise kaalaadhan.

                    Kalyaanraman
                    Sarasvati Research Centre

                    Rajan’s reappointment should not be of media’s interest: Modi. R3 in conflict of interest, is member of US dominated Group of 30

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                    There is too much conflict of interest with Raghuram Rajan.

                    Raghuram Rajan is part of the secretive BDT Capital. This was exposed in 2013 even before Modi came to power and so no one can claim it is a politically motivated charge against R3. Besides, it is well known that the author is independent minded and is not part of any political grouping.
                    The same author has now exposed the fact that University of Chicago works with the US State Department and the university is merely a front for advocating the US government positions. This article also accurately predicted the fact that the IMF/World Bank groupies would call for negative interest rates as a means to control every single bank account in the world and the prediction came true within 48 hours of publication of this article!

                    Published: May 27, 2016 15:13 IST | Updated: May 27, 2016 15:14 IST  

                    Rajan’s reappointment should not be of media’s interest: Modi


                    • PTI
                    A file photo of Prime Minister Narendra Modi with RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan, at a function in Mumbai. Photo: Vivek Bendre
                    The Hindu
                    A file photo of Prime Minister Narendra Modi with RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan, at a function in Mumbai. Photo: Vivek Bendre
                    Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said the issue of reappointment of Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Governor Raghuram Rajan was an administrative subject and it should not be an issue of interest of the media, in his first comments in the wake of continuing attack on the top economist in recent months.
                    “I don’t think this administrative subject should be an issue of interest to the media,” Mr. Modi said.
                    “Besides, it will come up only in September,” he told The Wall Street Journal, referring to the three-year term of Mr. Rajan which ends in September.
                    “Do you support the reappointment of Mr. Rajan, the central bank governor?” the Prime Minister was asked.
                    As an outspoken RBI Governor, Mr. Rajan has expressed his views on host of issues, including intolerance and has even described India as ‘one-eyed king’ in the land of blind in reference to the country’s high economic growth.
                    BJP leader Subramanian Swamy has levelled allegations against Mr. Rajan including of sending confidential and sensitive financial information around the world and asked the Prime Minister to sack him immediately.
                    The BJP leader also accused Mr. Rajan of publicly disparaging the Modi government and alleged that he is a member of “a U.S. dominated group” that was set up to defend America’s dominant position in the global economy.
                    Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has said RBI and the government are in continuous dialogue and that relationship will continue.
                    Mr. Jaitley also said that he does not approve of “personal comments” against anyone including the RBI Governor.
                    Printable version | May 28, 2016 9:52:48 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/business/Industry/raghuram-rajans-reappointment-should-not-be-of-medias-interest-narendra-modi/article8655096.ece

                    Amid Swamy offensive, Raghuram Rajan meets PM Modi, FM Jaitley

                    By:  | New Delhi | Published: May 27, 2016 8:00 AM


                    Raghuram Rajan has recently been attacked by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy, who has accused him of wilfully wrecking the economy and alleging that he is “not fully Indian” since he has been renewing his US green card. (Photo: Reuters)
                    Reserve Bank of India governor Raghuram Rajan met Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Wednesday. Before meeting the PM, the governor had also met finance minister Arun Jaitley, reports fe Bureau in New Delhi.
                    Official sources told FE that much should not be read in Rajan’s meeting with the PM as he routinely meets him and the finance minister. “The RBI governor meets the PM and FM every two months before the monetary policy is due as a courtesy meeting,” officials aware of the meeting said.
                    The monetary policy is due on June 7.
                    There’s widespread speculation in official and industry circles whether Rajan, whose term as the RBI governor ends in September, will be given an extension or not.
                    When asked, Jaitley on Wednesday had declined to comment. Rajan has recently been attacked by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy, who has accused him of wilfully wrecking the economy and alleging that he is “not fully Indian” since he has been renewing his US green card. Swamy has also written to the PM urging that he be sacked.
                    However, the BJP has officially distanced itself from Swamy’s comments.
                    In fact, Jaitley on Thursday told NDTV in an interview that he does not approve of “personal” attacks. “I don’t approve of personal comments against anyone, let alone the RBI governor,” he said when asked about the continuing attack on Rajan in the past few months and whether there was an effort on part of the government to ring-fence the governor.
                    http://www.financialexpress.com/article/economy/raghuram-rajan-meets-pm-narendra-modi-arun-jaitley-as-subramanian-swamy-fires-fresh-salvo/266971/

                    Subramanian Swamy’s third strain of invective wards Raghuram Rajan, tells RBI governor’s policies are anti-farm

                     



                    Why should India pay for the mess it didn't create?

                    ARVIND KUMAR | Mon, 11 Apr 2016-06:35am , Mumbai , dna
                    Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan recently claimed that “our world is facing an increasingly dangerous situation” and “what we need are monetary rules that prevent a central bank’s domestic mandate from trumping a country’s international responsibility.” He then issued a call for “a new international agreement along the lines of Bretton Woods” to replace the existing system.

                    This is a startling demand as he calls for putting the interests of international powers above India’s interests. While he has argued in the past for RBI’s autonomy from the Indian government, he now wants to make it answerable to foreign governments.
                    His new concern for the global economy developed only after the existing system stopped benefiting those in power in Europe and America. For many decades, the World Bank and IMF worked in tandem as loan sharks and destroyed several economies around the world. While they gave loans to poor countries under stringent conditions, corporations and non-profit groups in Europe and America were awarded free money in the form of contracts and grants.
                    This arrangement was possible because the World Bank has always been led by an American while the IMF has always had a European as its head.
                    As long as the Western countries benefited, Rajan was not only fine with the IMF and the World Bank but even worked for the IMF as their Chief Economist. In recent years, with India and China gaining greater financial independence from the two Bretton Woods institutions, the revenues of those who depend on these institutions have come down and the Western banking system is on the brink of a collapse.
                    This is what Rajan describes as a dangerous situation for the world even though it is dangerous only for European and American bankers. Such conflation of the interests of the bankers with the interests of the world is consistent with the language used by economists from the West whose theories are tailored to benefit a few influential people. When these economists claim that the economy is about to collapse or that the world needs to be saved, what they really mean is that some bankers are in trouble and they should be bailed out using taxpayer’s money.
                    Rajan now wants to “start building a system” by using “background papers from eminent academics” but every economic crisis in the world can be traced to recommendations made by “eminent academics” and India should not be made to pay for cleaning up a mess it did not create. If the academics really want a stable system, they should advocate gold as the currency without any controls instead of demanding controls in the form of cashless currency, negative interest rates and another global institution that will dictate rules to the world.
                    Despite heading the RBI, Rajan has retained his job at the University of Chicago which exerts undue influence over global economic policies. The fact that RBI’s governor has one foot planted in a foreign university is problematic, more so as the university’s latest effort has been described as a “halfway house” between the US State Department and pure academics by the head of the Council on Foreign Relations which sets the US foreign policy. This means the university’s faculty members lack independence and publish only those ideas approved by the US government.
                    Rajan’s support for a new system to funnel Indian money to the West while he is all set to return to the American government’s halfway house is clearly a conflict of interest.
                    The author is an expert on technology and economic issues. Views expressed are personal
                    http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-why-should-india-pay-for-the-mess-it-didn-t-create-2200246

                    Bware, the Govt. wants your gold
                    ARVIND KUMAR | Thu, 3 Jan 2013-09:30am , dna
                    Those who control the economy describe gold as a “dead investment”, oppose its import, and talk of putting the “gold to work”.
                    When China invaded India in 1962, the Indian government used the opportunity to issue gold bonds with the aim of making the people part with their gold. In a remarkable display of its naiveté, the government promised to repay the bond holders in rupees despite the fact that people held gold to insulate themselves from the ill-effects of a depreciating rupee.
                    Unsurprisingly, not many people took the unwise step of purchasing these bonds with their gold. Soon, the government used direct methods to coerce people into surrendering their gold and imposed various controls, including a ban on possessing gold bars and coins.
                    In a move eerily reminiscent of these events, the government once again plans to grab the gold in the country. Those who control the economy describe gold as a “dead investment”, oppose its import, and talk of putting the “gold to work”. They have already imposed new penalties in the form of taxes and duties and have considered issuing new gold bonds. Although bonds issued in the near future may claim to be redeemable in gold, the government is sure to use some future event to whip up a frenzy of patriotic sacrifice and justify substituting the gold repayments by paper currency.
                    Among the chorus opposing the ownership of gold are the voices of finance minister P Chidambaram and those of economic advisers C Rangarajan and Raghuram Rajan. They do not admit that gold is real money but call it an “unproductive investment”. If they believe their own claims, they should not swap the government’s hoard of rupees and paper instruments for gold but must use their paper to work wonders with the economy. They should also thank the people for sacrificing their valuable rupees and pumping it into the economy in exchange for mere gold.
                    Clearly, the aim of the rulers is to take the gold in the country and enrich themselves. Traditionally, the rulers have enriched themselves by printing money and giving themselves a share of this newly printed money. Printing money depletes the value of any savings held in rupees while simultaneously increasing the total money in the government’s possession. It thus transfers a portion of the total savings to those in power without the homes of ordinary people being physically raided. This process fails when people hold their savings as gold, which is why gold has become a target of government takeover.
                    As the global economy teeters on the verge of a massive collapse, the only method to protect one’s wealth is to convert it to real assets like land and gold. Poor people who cannot afford to buy real estate can only buy small amounts of gold. By taking their gold, the rulers rob them of the fruits of their labor and expose them to economic devastation.
                    India is the single largest storehouse of gold with most of the gold owned by women. If the advocates of the government takeover of gold truly believe that their suggestions are not immoral, they should not outsource their actions to the government. Instead, they must go into villages unaccompanied by security guards and compel poor women to exchange their gold for worthless pieces of paper and face the reaction of the villagers.
                    Significantly, the proposals of Raghuram Rajan, the government’s chief economic adviser, favor foreign bankers who seek to hoard gold to protect themselves from a major economic collapse. Raghuram Rajan was formerly with the International Monetary Fund and is currently affiliated with the secretive BDT Capital based in Chicago. He also works for the University of Chicago whose endowment fund operates like a hedge fund with a portion of its investments tied to gold. Yet, Raghuram Rajan opposes the ownership of gold by Indians who want to protect themselves from the impending economic downturn.
                    The opposition to the import of gold means that the government will send the gold that is taken over from Indians to foreign bankers in exchange for paper currency. This move would be as insidious as the British act of shipping several tonnes of gold out of India to Britain’s bankers in the 1930s. At that time, the British faced opposition from Indian freedom fighters. Now the Western powers no longer plunder India by ruling over the country, but their Indian proxies efficiently perform the job for them without any opposition.
                    Unlike government currencies which depreciate due to the incompetence of government economists, gold provides economic stability and any plan involving the surrender of gold to the government must be actively resisted.
                    The author can be reached at arvind@classical-liberal.net

                    Indus era 8,000 years old, not 5,500; ended because of weaker monsoon -- Anindya Sarkar et al (Nature, May 25, 2016)

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                    Indus era 8,000 years old, not 5,500; ended because of weaker monsoon

                    | TNN | 
                    KOLKATA: It may be time to rewrite history textbooks. Scientists from IIT-Kharagpurand Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) have uncovered evidence that the Indus Valley Civilization is at least 8,000 years old, and not 5,500 years old, taking root well before the Egyptian (7000BC to 3000BC) and Mesopotamian (6500BC to 3100BC) civilizations. What's more, the researchers have found evidence of a pre-Harappan civilization that existed for at least 1,000 years before this.



                    The discovery, published in the prestigious 'Nature' journal on May 25, may force a global rethink on the timelines of the so-called 'cradles of civilization'. The scientists believe they also know why the civilization ended about 3,000 years ago — climate change.
                    http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v532/n7599/full/532313e.html



                    "We have recovered perhaps the oldest pottery from the civilization. We used a technique called 'optically stimulated luminescence' to date pottery shards of the Early Mature Harappan time to nearly 6,000 years ago and the cultural levels of pre-Harappan Hakra phase as far back as 8,000 years," said Anindya Sarkar, head of the department of geology and geophysics at IIT-Kgp.



                    The team had actually set out to prove that the civilization proliferated to other Indian sites like Bhirrana and Rakhigarrhi in Haryana, apart from the known locations of Harappa and Mohenjo Daro in Pakistan and Lothal, Dholavira and Kalibangan in India. They took their dig to an unexplored site, Bhirrana — and ended up unearthing something much bigger. The excavation also yielded large quantities of animal remains like bones, teeth, horn cores of cow, goat, deer and antelope, which were put through Carbon 14 analysis to decipher antiquity and the climatic conditions in which the civilization flourished, said Arati Deshpande Mukherjee of Deccan College, which helped analyse the finds along with Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad.



                    The researchers believe that the Indus Valley Civilization spread over a vast expanse of India — stretching to the banks of the now "lost" Saraswati river or the Ghaggar-Hakra river - but this has not been studied enough because what we know so far is based on British excavations. "At the excavation sites, we saw preservation of all cultural levels right from the pre-Indus Valley Civilization phase (9000-8000 BC) through what we have categorised as Early Harappan (8000-7000BC) to the Mature Harappan times," said Sarkar.



                    While the earlier phases were represented by pastoral and early village farming communities, the mature Harappan settlements were highly urbanised with organised cities, and a much developed material and craft culture. They also had regular trade with Arabia and Mesopotamia. The Late Harappan phase witnessed large-scale de-urbanisation, drop in population, abandonment of established settlements, lack of basic amenities, violence and even the disappearance of the Harappan script, the researchers say.



                    "We analysed the oxygen isotope composition in the bone and tooth phosphates of these remains to unravel the climate pattern. The oxygen isotope in mammal bones and teeth preserve the signature of ancient meteoric water and in turn the intensity of monsoon rainfall. Our study shows that the pre-Harappan humans started inhabiting this area along the Ghaggar-Hakra rivers in a climate that was favourable for human settlement and agriculture. The monsoon was much stronger between 9000 years and 7000 years from now and probably fed these rivers making them mightier with vast floodplains," explained Deshpande Mukherjee.



                    Indus Valley evolved even as monsoon declined They took their dig to an unexplored site, Bhirrana — and ended up unearthing something much bigger. The excavation also yielded large quantities of animal remains like bones, teeth, horn cores of cow, goat, deer and antelope, which were put through Carbon 14 analysis to decipher antiquity and the climatic conditions in which the civilization flourished, said Arati Deshpande Mukherjee of Deccan College, which helped analyse the finds along with Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad.



                    The researchers believe that the Indus Valley Civilization spread over a vast expanse of India — stretching to the banks of the now "lost" Saraswati river or the Ghaggar-Hakra river — but this has not been studied enough because what we know so far is based on British excavations. "At the excavation sites, we saw preservation of all cultural levels right from the pre-Indus Valley Civilisation phase (9,000-8,000 years ago) through what we have categorised as Early Harappan (8,000-7,000 years ago) to the Mature Harappan times," said Sarkar.


                    Top Comment

                    At 8000 years, Indus Valley civilization is now officially the world''s oldest civilization! That now proves to the world that we Indians are actually the pioneers of civilization in human history!!Tarun Rastogi

                    The late Harappan phase witnessed large-scale de-urbanisation, drop in population, abandonment of established settlements, violence and even the disappearance of the Harappan script, the researchers say. The study revealed that monsoon started weakening 7,000 years ago but, surprisingly, the civilization did not disappear.



                    The Indus Valley people were very resolute and flexible and continued to evolve even in the face of declining monsoon. The people shifted their crop patterns from large-grained cereals like wheat and barley during the early part of intensified monsoon to drought-resistant species like rice in the latter part. As the yield diminished, the organised large storage system of the Mature Harappan period gave way to more individual household-based crop processing and storage systems that acted as a catalyst for the de-urbanisation of the civilization rather than an abrupt collapse, they say.

                    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Indus-era-8000-years-old-not-5500-ended-because-of-weaker-monsoon/articleshow/52485332.cms

                    Oxygen isotope in archaeological bioapatites from India: Implications to climate change and decline of Bronze Age Harappan civilization

                    • Abstract

                      The antiquity and decline of the Bronze Age Harappan civilization in the Indus-Ghaggar-Hakra river valleys is an enigma in archaeology. Weakening of the monsoon after ~5 ka BP (and droughts throughout the Asia) is a strong contender for the Harappan collapse, although controversy exists about the synchroneity of climate change and collapse of civilization. One reason for this controversy is lack of a continuous record of cultural levels and palaeomonsoon change in close proximity. We report a high resolution oxygen isotope (δ18O) record of animal teeth-bone phosphates from an archaeological trench itself at Bhirrana, NW India, preserving all cultural levels of this civilization. Bhirrana was part of a high concentration of settlements along the dried up mythical Vedic river valley ‘Saraswati’, an extension of Ghaggar river in the Thar desert. Isotope and archaeological data suggest that the pre-Harappans started inhabiting this area along the mighty Ghaggar-Hakra rivers fed by intensified monsoon from 9 to 7 ka BP. The monsoon monotonically declined after 7 ka yet the settlements continued to survive from early to mature Harappan time. Our study suggests that other cause like change in subsistence strategy by shifting crop patterns rather than climate change was responsible for Harappan collapse.

                      Introduction

                      The rise of the post-Neolithic Bronze Age Harappan civilization 5.7–3.3 ka BP (ca. 2500 to 1900 year BC; all ages henceforth mentioned are in cal year BP) spread along the Indus Valley of Pakistan through the plains of NW India, including into the state of Gujarat and up to the Arabian Sea and its decline has remained an enigma in archaeological investigation1,2,3,4,5,6. In the Indian subcontinent the major centers of this civilization include Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro in Pakistan and Lothal, Dholavira and Kalibangan in India (Fig. 1A). In recent years excavation at Rakhigarhi and few other places indicate that the civilization probably was more expansive than thought before7,8,9. Whatever may be the extent most Harappan settlements grew in the floodplains of river systems including those of the Indus or now defunct Ghaggar-Hakra (mythical river Saraswati?). Climatically although these regions fall under the influence of the Indian summer monsoon, they are currently semi-arid receiving much lesser rainfall than the mainland India. Because the monsoon showed significant variation over, both on short and long term time scale, throughout the Holocene period, attempts have been made to relate the evolution of the Harappan civilization to the changes in monsoon. Accordingly, the flourishing Harappan civilization and its decline have been linked to the intensification of monsoon during the Mid-Holocene climate optimum and its subsequent weakening, respectively. The evidence comes from a variety of sources like distant lake sediments in the Thar desert10,11, foraminiferal oxygen isotopes in Arabian sea cores12, fluvial morphodynamics3, and climate models13. Although the collapse of the Harappan as well as several contemporary civilisations like Akkadian (Mesopotamia), Minoan (Crete), Yangtze (China) has been attributed to either weakening of monsoon or pan-Asian aridification (drought events) at ~4.1 ka6,10,11, the evidence is both contradictory and incomplete. Either the climatic events and cultural levels are asynchronous11,14,15 or the climate change events themselves are regionally diachronous16 and references therein).
                      Figure 1
                      Figure 1
                      (A) Map of Northwest India and Pakistan (created by Coreldraw x7;http://www.coreldraw.com) showing the locations of main Harappan settlements including phosphate sampling site of Bhirrana, Haryana, IWIN precipitation sampling station at Hisar and two paleo-lakes Riwasa and Kotla Dahar studied earlier (see Fig. 3 and text for details). Black dotted lines represent 100 mm rainfall isohyets. Approximate trace of dried paleo-channel of ‘Saraswati’ (dashed white lines in Fig. 1A) is also shown. Black arrow indicates the direction of monsoon moisture transport from Bay of Bengal. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article). Figure created by CorelDRAW Graphics Suite X7 (http://www.coreldraw.com) (B) Panoramic view of the excavation of mature Harappan stage at Bhirrana view from North-east (photograph reproduced with the permission of Archeological Survey of India).
                      Potential reasons for these conflicting interpretations is that the climate reconstructions were made from locations (e.g., Thar Desert or Arabian Sea) distant from the main Harappan settlement areas or that the climate proxies (e.g., sedimentology and geochemistry in lakes) could have been influenced by multiple local parameters apart from mere rainfall or temperature. To date no continuous climate record has existed close to or from the Harappan settlements. Here we report a high resolution bulk oxygen isotope (δ18O) record of animal teeth and bone phosphates (bioapatites) from an excavated archaeological trench at Bhirrana, state of Haryana, NW India, to reconstruct a paleomonsoonal history of the settlement site itself. Based on radiocarbon ages from different trenches and levels the settlement at Bhirrana has been inferred to be the oldest (>9 ka BP) in the Indian sub-continent8,17,18. To check its validity we dated archaeological pottery from two cultural levels using optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) method and thus investigated the interrelationship between the cultural levels and climate change that occurred right at the settlement, a critical gap in information that exists in our present understanding of the Harappan civilization.

                      Harappan civilization and archaeology of Bhirrana

                      Archaeological chronologies of Harappan (Indus) civilization in South Asia2,16,19 are given in SI. Conventionally the Harappan cultural levels have been classified into 1) an Early Ravi Phase (~5.7–4.8 ka BP), 2) Transitional Kot Diji phase (~4.8–4.6 ka BP), 3) Mature phase (~4.6–3.9 ka BP) and 4) Late declining (painted Grey Ware) phase (3.9–3.3 ka BP13,19,20). This chronology is based on more than 100 14C dates from the site of Harappa and nearby localities. These periodization is temporally correlatable with the Indus valley civilisations from Baluchistan and Helmand province proposed by Shaffer21. While the first two phases were represented by pastoral and early village farming communities, the mature Harappan settlements were highly urbanized with several organized cities, developed material and craft culture having trans-Asiatic trading to regions as distant as Arabia and Mesopotamia. The late Harappan phase witnessed large scale deurbanization, population decrease, abandonment of many established settlements, lack of basic amenities, interpersonal violence and disappearance of Harappan script22,23,24. Although referred to as a ‘collapse’ of Harappan civilization, evidences rather suggest that smaller settlements continued albeit dispersed from original river valleys of Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra (Fig. 1A) to more distant areas of the Himalayan foothills and Ganga-Yamuna interfluves or Gujarat and Rajasthan25,26,27.
                      Based on the spatio-temporal distribution of the archaeological remains spread throughout the subcontinent a much older chronology has, however, been advocated by Possehl22,16. Accordingly the time spans of the above four phases have been suggested as ~9–6.3 ka BP, 6.3–5.2 ka BP, 5.2–3 ka BP and 3–2.5 ka BP respectively. Clearly the later time scale pushes back the Harappan chronology to at least 1–2 ka older. Evidences of a post-Neolithic-Pre Harappan (often referred to as the Hakra ware) phase were first reported by Mughal28,29 in the Cholistan region east of the Indus valley along the Indo-Pakistan border, but have now been found from several localities in India. The Hakra settlements, spread along the Ghaggar-Hakra river valleys have been found at Kalibangan, Farmana, Girawad, Rakhigarhi and Bhirrana, the present site of investigation (Fig. 1A30,31,32,33). A large number (~70) of conventional and AMS radiocarbon dates indeed support the antiquity of this phase in different parts of the Indus-Ghaggar Hakra river belts viz. Girawad (Pit-23, 6.2 ka BP), Mithathal (Trench A-1, 8.2 ka BP), Kalibangan (sample TF-439, 7.6 ka BP). The recent excavations at Rakhigarhi suggest hitherto unknown largest Harappan settlement in India preserving all the cultural levels including the Hakra phase (sample S-4173, 6.4 ka BP8,9,34,35).
                      A compilation of calibrated radiocarbon dates of the charcoal samples and OSL dates of pottery (see later discussion) from various cultural levels of Bhirrana (Lat. 29°33′N; Long. 75°33′E), retrieved during the excavation of 2005, is given in SI8,18. At Bhirrana the earliest level has provided mean 14C age of 8.35 ± 0.14 ka BP (8597 to 8171 years BP8). The successive cultural levels at Bhirrana, as deciphered from archeological artefacts along with these 14C ages, are Pre-Harappan Hakra phase (~9.5–8 ka BP), Early Harappan (~8–6.5 ka BP), Early mature Harappan (~6.5–5 ka BP) and mature Harappan (~5–2.8 ka BP8,17,18,20,34). Cultural stratigraphy of Bhirrana settlement depicting the periods, cultural levels, ages based on calibrated radiocarbon ages in different trenches and characteristic archeological artefacts and attributes are given in SI8,17,20. A panoramic view of the excavation of the mature Harappan level at Bhirrana view from north-east is shown in Fig. 1BFigure 2Ashows the settlement pattern of pre-Harappan Hakra phase (period 1A 8) along with locations of three major trenches at Bhirrana mound YF-2, A-1, and ZE-10. A schematic E-W cross section of the trench YF-2 depicting the cultural levels at Bhirrana is shown in SI. Fig. 2B (inset) shows the tentative lateral time correlation based on radiocarbon and OSL dates generated during present investigation (see later discussion). The Bhirrana settlement, close to the presently dried up Ghaggar-Hakra (Saraswati) river bed preserves all the major laterally traceable and time correlatable cultural levels. As expected in trench A-1, the central part of the archaeological mound, the Hakra or other phases are much thicker (>3 m) compared to the flanking trenches of YF-2 and ZE-10. At Bhirrana the Hakra ware culture period is the earliest and occurs as an independent stratigraphic horizon17,34. The Hakra phase was primarily identified by ceramics such as mud appliqué ware, incised ware, and bi-chrome ware, much similar to the Pre-Harappan phase in Cholistan (Figs 1A and 3C 36) and was characterized by its subterranean dwelling, sacrificial and industrial pits8,17,34. The Early Harappan phase shows settlement expansion, mud brick houses with advanced material culture including arrow heads, rings and bangles of copper; beads of carnelian, jasper, and shell; bull figurines; chert blades; terracotta bangles, etc. (Fig. 3C) 17,32,34). The early mature to mature Harappan phases yielded ceramics with geometric, floral and faunal motifs; steatite bull seals; beads of semi-precious stone, shell and terracotta; animal figurines; bangles of faience and shell; copper bangles, chisels, rings, rods, etc.17,34. The excavations also yielded large quantities of faunal remains comprising bones, teeth, horn cores, etc. from all the four periods at Bhirrana and were identified at species levels37. Detail methods of faunal analysis for materials from the Bhirrana trench YF2 are given in the SI. Preliminary faunal investigations suggest presence of domestic cattle e.g., cow/ox (Bos indicus), buffalo (Bubalus bubalis), goat (Capra hircus) and sheep (Ovis aries) from the earliest levels. Besides the dietary use of cattle and goats, wild fauna such as nilgai (Boselaphas tragocamelus), Indian spotted deer (Axis axis) and antelope (Antilope cervicapra) were also a part of the diet37,38,39,40. Representative photographs of the artefacts and animal remains from various cultural levels of Bhirrana are shown in SI.
                      Figure 2
                      Figure 2
                      (A) Settlement pattern of period 1A (pre-Harappan Hakra) along with locations of trenches at Bhirrana mound. Figure created by CorelDRAW Graphics Suite X7 (http://www.coreldraw.com) (B) Tentative lateral time correlation of different cultural levels between the trenches based on radiocarbon and OSL dates. Contours are in cm. above msl. Only the trench YF-2 yielded continuous bioapatite samples (see text).
                      Figure 3
                      Figure 3
                      (A) Arabian Sea upwelling intensity as monsoon index57. (B) Carbonate δ18O and lake level records from paleo-lakes Riwasa and Kotla Dahar, Haryana (refs 5 and 6). (C) Bioapatite based paleo-meteoric water δ18O (monsoon proxy) record at Bhirrana along with characteristic archaeological and faunal elements from different cultural levels. Note monsoon intensification from ~9 ka to 7 ka BP (blue shaded region and arrows) and monotonous decline from ~7 ka to 2.8 ka BP (brown shaded region, red arrows); dotted pink lines denote approximate time correlation of these two phases across the sites. (D) Bhirrana chronology based on archaeological evidences17,18,3214C and new OSL dates. OSL dates are from trench YF-2; the oldest 14C date is from correlatable level of trench ZE-10 (E) Conventional chronology19,20; note new dates, archaeological evidences and climate pattern are all suggestive of a much older age for the beginning of Harappan civilization at Bhirrana.
                      For retrieving information on past climatic changes we isotopically analysed bulk (see SI text) teeth and bone phosphates, wherever available, from the trench YF-2 which has both stratigraphic and sampling continuity (SI Table 2). To check the validity of the radiocarbon dates and the antiquity of the Bhirrana settlement we dated two pottery fragments (SI Fig. 1) in the same trench by OSL technique from both early mature and mature Harappan intervals. Detail methodology is given in SI text. The pottery at 42 cm, identified as mature Harappan level yielded mean 4.8 ± 0.3 (1σ) ka BP age (range 5120 to 4520 year BP) while the pottery from deeper level corresponding to early mature Harappan at 143 cm yielded 5.9 ± 0.25 (1σ) ka BP age (range 6185 to 5695 year BP). Within the experimental errors both the stratigraphically controlled new ages agree with the time scale based on archaeological evidences (as well as 14C ages) proposed by earlier workers8,17,18,34Fig. 3C,D) and suggest that the Bhirrana settlements are the oldest of known sites in the Ghaggar-Hakra tract.Figure 3D,E show the comparison between the conventional chronology of the Harappan civilization with the proposed chronology at Bhirrana. Clearly the Bhirrana levels are few thousand years older. The 5.9 ka age at 143 cm along with the 8.38 ka age of the Hakra level below suggest that the base of the Bhirrana section, representing initiation of Harappan settlements (Hakra phase), is older than 8 ka BP. Below we show that isotope based paleoclimatic information also lends supports to the antiquity of Harappan settlements at Bhirrana.

                      Oxygen isotope (δ18O) in bioapatites and past monsoon record at Bhirrana excavation site

                      δ18O [defined as δ (%) = {(Rsample − Rreference)/Rreference} × 1000; R = 18O/16O ratio] composition of fossil bone or tooth enamel bioapatite [carbonated hydroxyapatite41] is a robust tool for estimating the past meteoric water composition (drinking water for land animals41,42,43,44,45,46) compared to carbonates which are prone to diagenetic alteration. Near-continuous teeth and bone samples were available only in trench YF-2 and have been analysed. SI Fig. 4 shows the representative teeth and bone samples analysed from all the four cultural levels of Bhirrana. The samples comprise a large variety of bioapatites from mandibular and maxillary molar teeth of cattle, goat, deer and antelope to rib and vertebra bones. Since diagenetic alteration can alter isotopic signals we investigated the animal bones under electron microprobe that suggests preservation of original bioapatites suitable for isotopic analysis (see diagenetic investigation of bioapatites in SI). Detail methods of δ18O analysis of bioapatites are given in SI text. Under a constant body temperature of ~37 °C, the δ18O in mammalian phosphate (δ18Op) essentially depends on the δ18O value of water (δ18Ow) ingested by the organism. Between the water and phosphate, oxygen isotope is fractionated in two steps, i.e., between environmental and body water and between body water and phosphate in teeth and bones47,48. Large numbers of studies have been made on modern mammalian phosphates to constrain the interrelationship between δ18Op and δ18Ow41,49,50,51. Although in general most large mammals have been found to preserve equilibrium isotopic signature, species specific fractionation equations have also been proposed by several workers (ibid). For the Bhirrana mammals we used the taxon specific herbivorous mammal equations of Bryant and Froelich47. Because these equations are dependent on body mass it is desirable to infer paleoclimate from large body sized mammals. All Bhirrana mammals satisfy this criterion representing only cattle, deer or goats. δ18Op data of bioapatites and calculated δ18OW are given in Table 1 of SI.
                      Figure 3C shows δ18OW variation as a function of depth and against Harappan chronology at Bhirrana proposed by Rao et al.17 and Mani18. In general the bulk bioapatite δ18O in large mammals reflects the integrated mean annual δ18O of local meteoric water ingested by the animal during its life time. At several cultural levels we analysed multiple samples of either teeth or both teeth and bones. The spread in estimated δ18OW ranges from <1‰ to maximum ~4‰ and are probably due to the seasonal variation in δ18OW52,53,54,55,56. Because our purpose was to retrieve the mean meteoric water δ18OW value from successive layers, we sampled bulk enamel or phosphate along the entire length of a single tooth or a bone (see SI text), yet the inter-sample seasonal signature might have been preserved in some cases. In spite of the inter-sample spread, the mean δ18OW values (dotted line in Fig. 3C) through the levels show a clear trend. At the base of the trench section (355 cm), equivalent to ~9 ka Pre-Harappan Hakra level, the δ18OWvalues are enriched (+3.75‰). The δ18OW values rapidly decreases towards the early Harappan phase reaching δ18O minimum of −9.01‰ at ~8 ka (trench depth ~308 cm). Thereafter the δ18OW monotonically gets enriched from early Harappan through early mature Harappan to mature Harappan, a time span from ~8 ka BP to 2.8 ka BP. We interpret this δ18OW variation through all the cultural levels at Bhirrana as major change in monsoonal precipitation during the last 9.5 ka. We compare the Bhirrana record with available monsoon records from Arabian Sea (G. bulloides upwelling index; Fig. 3A57) and composite gastropod-carbonate δ18O records from two inland lakes Riwasa and Kotla Dahar, proximal to Bhirrana (Fig. 3B; re-plotted from supplementary information in refs 5 and 6). A weak monsoon phase is identified before 9 ka BP (lower part of Hakra phase). The well constrained monsoon intensification phase from 9 ka BP to 7 ka BP (late Hakra to middle part of early Harappan) is clearly discernible in all three records (blue shaded bars in Fig. 3A–C). Monsoon monotonically declined from 7 ka BP to 2 ka BP, i.e., during later part of the early Harappan to mature Harappan phase (brown shaded bar) with concomitant lowering of lake levels (Fig. 3B). The early Holocene monsoon intensification and its subsequent decline, as recorded in Bhirrana archaeological bioapatites, have been widely documented in Asia and were principally driven by boreal summer insolation5,54,56. Presence of aeolian sands in lake Riwasa, higher salinity in Bay of Bengal, lower G. bulloides upwelling intensity and enriched δ18O in Arabian speleothems suggest a weak monsoon phase before 10 ka BP throughout the Asia5,55,56,57,58,59,60. Correspondingly the 9–7 ka monsoon intensification phase is recorded in high lake levels (negative δ18O), lower oceanic salinity, increased upwelling, reduction in δ18O in speleothems from Arabia to Tibet, higher erosion rate in the Himalayas, and increased sedimentation in the Ganges deltaic plains (ibid61,62,63,64,65,66). The late Holocene (7 ka onwards) gradual reduction in monsoon is also amply evident throughout the Asia.
                      Although compared to marine or lake archives the time resolution of the archaeological bioapatite based monsoon record is poor, preservation of the major phases of Holocene monsoon change combined with the OSL dates of potteries lend strong support to the antiquity of the Bhirrana settlement. To further constrain the change in paleo-meteoric water composition we generated time series δ18O of modern precipitation for successive three years at Hisar, a place 50 km SE of Bhirrana (Fig. 4) under the national program of ‘Isotopic Fingerprinting of Water in India (IWIN)’. As in other places of north-western India, rainfall is highest during the summer months from June to September (Fig. 4A). The monsoon moisture originates in Bay of Bengal and successively rains inland towards north-western India (Fig. 1A). The continental effect thus causes depletion in precipitation δ18O from −5.4‰ near the coast to −6.5‰ in north western India67. The modern mean annual rainfall isohyets for this part of semi-arid NW India (Fig. 1A) show that all the Harappan settlement areas (including Bhirrana) receive 400 to 600 mm precipitation compared to >1000 mm in eastern and southern India67. At Hisar the modern precipitation δ18O ranges from ~+5‰ in non-monsoon (extreme evaporation) to −15‰ in peak monsoon periods (depletion) with weighted mean annual δ18O value of −7‰. The large monsoon depletion in δ18O results from well-known amount effect where excess rainfall is known to produce extreme depletion (an increase in 100 mm of rainfall associated with a decrease in δ18O by 1.5‰ 67,68). The most depleted paleo-meteoric water value at Bhirrana is −9.01‰ (SI Table 2Fig. 3C). Considering the δ18OWvalue at each level represents mean annual precipitation and using a simple moisture flux model67, we estimate that the early Holocene (9–7 ka) monsoon precipitation at Bhirrana was ~100–150 mm higher than today. The subsequent enrichment from 7 ka onwards (by more than 6‰) reaching maximum towards the mature Harappan time indicates very low rainfall generating mean annual δ18OW similar to present day non-monsoon months. Such a climate scenario is indeed catastrophic and if persisted for several thousand years could easily convert large monsoon-fed perennial rivers to ephemeral or even dry ones.
                      Figure 4
                      Figure 4
                      (A) Seasonal variation in temperature and rainfall and (B) Time series of precipitation δ18O at IWIN station Hisar, close to Bhirrana archaeological site.

                      Climate-culture relationship at Harappan Bhirrana

                      The climate reconstruction at Bhirrana demonstrates that some of the Harappan settlements in the Ghaggar-Hakra valley are the oldest in India and probably developed at least by the ninth millennium BP over a vast tract of arid/semi-arid regions of NW India and Pakistan. The Ghaggar (in India)-Hakra (in Pakistan) river, referred to as mythical Vedic river ‘Saraswati’ (Fig. 1A) originates in the Siwalik hills, ephemeral in the upper part with dry river bed running downstream through the Thar desert to Rann of Kachchh in Gujarat3. More than 500 sites of Harappan settlements have been discovered in this belt during the last hundred years. Of these several sites both in India viz. Kalibangan, Kunal, Bhirrana, Farmana, Girawad7,9,31,33,69 and Pakistan viz. Jalilpur, Mehrgarh in Baluchistan, Rehman Dheri in Gomal plains29,69,70 have revealed early Hakra levels of occupation preceding the main Harappan period. We infer that monsoon intensification from 9 ka onwards transformed the now dried up Ghaggar-Hakra into mighty rivers along which the early Harappan settlements flourished. That the river Ghaggar had sufficient water during the Hakra period is also attested by the faunal analysis. Frequency of occurrence of aquatic fauna like freshwater fish bones, turtle shells and domestic buffalo in these early levels of trench YF-2 is higher (compared to early or mature Harappan periods; SI) indicating a relatively wetter environment.
                      Study of fluvial morphodynamics coupled with detrital zircon analysis of river channel sands indicated presence of a more energetic fluvial regime before 5 ka across the entire Harappan landscape, stabilized alluvial systems during early Harappan (5.2–4.6 ka BP) and drying up of many river channels during post-Harappan period3. Consequently floodplain agriculture helped in the expansion of the Harappan civilization which diminished as the monsoon waned during the late Holocene. Interestingly, the large scale droughts at ~8.2 and ~4.1 ka BP, recorded in the two lake records of Riwasa and Kotla Dahar of Haryana5,6 correspond to the base of early Harappan and middle part of mature Harappan period at Bhirrana. These events were not local, extended from the Mediterranean through Mesopotamia to China and also are recorded as dust spike in Tibetan ice cores71,72,73. Yet the settlements survived and evolved at several sites of Ghaggar-Hakra belt including at Bhirrana. The climate data and chronology of Bhirrana suggest that not only the Harappan civilization originated during the 8–9th millennium BP, it continued and flourished in the face of overall declining rainfall throughout the middle to late Holocene period11,74. It is difficult to point to one single cause that drove the Harappan decline although diverse suggestions from Aryan invasion, to catastrophic flood or droughts, change in monsoon and river dynamics, sea-levels, trade decline2,3,73,74,75,76,77,78,79 to increased societal violence and spread of infectious diseases26 have been proposed. The continued survival of Harappans at Bhirrana suggests adaptation to at least one detrimental factor that is monsoon change. Although direct paleobotanical data from Bhirrana does not exist, archeobotanical study from nearby Farmana excavation, located ~100 km SW of Bhirrana clearly indicated change in crop pattern through cultural levels. At Farmana, compared to early levels a dramatic decrease in both ubiquity (from 61% to 20%) and seed density (1.5% to 0.7%) in wheat and barley in the later Harappan period has been documented. The study also indicates increasing dependence on summer crops like millet and has been inferred as a direct consequence of lesser rainfall80. Such pattern have also been found elsewhere in Indus valley where the Harappans shifted their crop patterns from the large-grained cereals like wheat and barley during the early part of intensified monsoon to drought-resistant species of small millets and rice in the later part of declining monsoon and thereby changed their subsistence strategy16,81. Because these later crops generally have much lower yield, the organized large storage system of mature Harappan period was abandoned giving rise to smaller more individual household based crop processing and storage system and could act as catalyst for the de-urbanisation of the Harappan civilization rather than an abrupt collapse as suggested by many workers82,83,84,85. Our study suggests possibility of a direct connect between climate, agriculture and subsistence pattern during the Harappan civilization.

                      Additional Information

                      How to cite this article: Sarkar, A. et al. Oxygen isotope in archaeological bioapatites from India: Implications to climate change and decline of Bronze Age Harappan civilization. Sci. Rep. 6, 26555; doi: 10.1038/srep26555 (2016).

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                      Supplementary Information
                      ‘Oxygen isotope in archaeological bioapatites from India: Implications to climate change and decline of Bronze Age Harappan civilization’ byAnindya Sarkar, Arati Deshpande Mukherjee, M. K. Bera, B. Das, Navin Juyal, P. Morthekai, R.D. Deshpande, V. Shinde and L. S. Rao

                      A. Archeological information of Bhirrana site
                      1) Chronology of Indus valley civilization
                      Two major archaeological chronologies of Harappan (Indus) civilization in South Asia (compiled based on data from previously published papers of Kenoyer, 1998; Possehl 2002; Madella and Fuller, 2006)


                      Kenoyer (2011)#
                      Possehl (2002)@

                      Phase/Period
                      Cal Years BP
                      Cal Years BP
                      Stage
                      EarlyHarappan/Ravi Phase: 1A/B
                      5700–2800
                      9000–6300
                      Early village farming communities and pastoral societies
                      EarlyHarappan/KotDiji Phase:2
                      4800–4600
                      6300–5200
                      Advancedvillagefarmingcommunitiesand pastoralsocieties
                      HarappanPhase:3A
                      4600–4450
                      5200-4600
                      Early Harappan
                      HarappanPhase:3B
                      4450-4200
                      4600–4500
                      EarlyHarappan/MatureHarappanTransition
                      HarappanPhase:3C
                      4200–3900
                      4500–3900
                      MatureHarappan
                      Harappan/Late HarappanTransitional
                      3900–3700
                      3900–3000
                      Post-urbanHarappan
                      LateHarappan (CemeteryH)
                      3700–3300
                      3000–2500
                      EarlyIron Age of India and Painted GreyWare
                      # Proposed based on the stratigraphy of Harappa (Punjab), Pakistan
                      @ Proposed based on larger regional compilation in south Asia









                      2) Radiocarbon and OSL chronology in Bhirrana trenches
                      Uncalibrated and calibrated radiocarbon dates of the charcoal samples analysed from the Bhirrana after the excavation of 2005 (compiled based on data from previously published papers of Mani, 2008#); OSL dates are from present work@ (see below).

                      Site/
                      Sample no.
                      Trench
                      Lab.  No.
                      Depth
                      (m)
                      14C age±1s
                      year  BC

                      Calibrated  age±1s
                      year  BC
                      Calibrated  age±1s
                      year  BP
                      OSL
                      Date
                      Cal year BP





                      Max.
                      Min.
                      Max.
                      Min.
                      Max.
                      Min.
                      BRN-1#
                      A-1
                      BS-2308
                      0.45-.50
                      1350±200
                      1876
                      1324
                      3826
                      3274


                      BRN-Pot-1@
                      YF-2
                      PRL-43
                      0.42-0.46





                      5120
                      4520
                      BRN-3#
                      ZE-10
                      BS-2310
                      1.25
                      1240±160
                      1679
                      1264
                      3629
                      3214


                      BRN-Pot-2@
                      YF-2
                      PRL-143
                      1.43-1.45





                      6185
                      5695
                      BRN-5#
                      ZE-10
                      BS-2318
                      1.42
                      4170±250
                      5336
                      4721
                      7286
                      6671


                      BRN-6#
                      A-1
                      BS-2333
                      2.95
                      5640±240
                      6647 
                      6221
                      8597
                      8171



                      14C ages were determined by conventional method [14C/12C ratios normalized assuming organic matter d13C = –25.0 ‰ (Stuiver and Polach 1977)] and were then calibrated to get calendar ages. Calibration was carried out by the probability method of OxCal v 4.1 (Bronk Ramsey, 2009) and the IntCal09 data set (Reimer et al., 2009). All 14C ages are based on a half life of 5.730± 40 year (for detail methods see Sukumar et al., Nature, 1993; Goyal et al., 2013). OSL methods described below.

                      3) Schematic E-W cross section of the trench YF-2 depicting the cultural levels at Bhirrana (Rao et al., 2005; Dikshit, 2013; with permission from Archaeological Survey of India)



                      4) Cultural stratigraphy of Bhirrana settlement (compiled based on data from previously published papers of Rao et al., 2004-05; Dikshit and Mani, 2012)
                      Period
                      Cultural levels
                      Year BP
                      (based on radiocarbon ages in different trenches)
                      Attributes
                      II B
                      Mature Harappan culture
                      3000-1800 BCE
                      Fully developed house complexes contain painted  ceramics which included geometric, floral and faunal motifs. Incised figure of a dancing girl closely resembling the famous bronze dancing girl from Mohenjo-daro. Antiquities typical of the Mature Harappan period were recovered such as steatite seals, beads of semi-precious stone, shell and terracotta, animal figurines, bangles of faience, shell, copper bangles, chisels, rings, rods, stylised terracotta horns with symbolic head painted in black.
                      II A
                      Early Mature Harappan culture
                      4500-3000 BCE
                      Beginning of fortification wall, house-complexes, streets and lanes
                      IB
                      Early Harappan culture
                      6000-4500 BCE
                      Settlement expanded and the entire site came under occupation. The houses were built of mud bricks in the ratio of 3:2:1 and measured 45x30x15cm; 42x28x 14cm and 39x36x 13cm. Yielded terracotta figurines, arrow heads, rings and bangles of copper, beads of carnelian, jasper, shell, bull figurines, chert blades, terracotta bangle.
                      I A
                      Hakra ware culture
                      7500-6000 BCE
                      Earliest cultural phase at Bhirrana, primarily identified from the ceramics quite similar to those identified from sites in Cholistan. The ceramics comprise mud appliqué ware, incised ware, Bi-chrome ware, tan slipped ware, blackburnished ware, brown on buff ware, simple red ware of medium fabric with common shapes like vase, bowl and cup. Also characterized by its subterranean dwelling pits Antiquities from the dwelling pits included beads of semiprecious stones like carnelian, agate, terracotta bangles, unbaked triangular clay cakes, querns, crucible, chert blade, crucible fragments with molten copper.






                      5) Archeological artefacts from different cultural levels at Bhirrana (Rao et al., 2004-05; Mani, 2008; permission taken from Archeological Survey of India)


                      B. Experimental methods

                      Supplementary Method 1:
                      Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating of potteries
                      The pottery samples were collected from the corresponding sections (Fig. 1). The outer 1-2 mm layers were physically scraped under the subdued red light. The unexposed inner part of the pottery was gently crushed using acetone in an agate mortar. The powdered samples were treated with 1 N HCl and 40 % H2O2to remove carbonates and organic materials respectively. Following this the samples were deflocculated by using 0.01 N sodium oxalate and the clay minerals were removed from the solution. The samples were then suspended in an alcohol column and the ~ 4-11 mm grain fractions were separated using Stokes’ times of 1.5 and 15 minutes. The separated fraction was re-suspended in alcohol and ~1 ml volumes were pipetted on to 9.65 mm aluminum discs and dried at ~45°C (Singhvi et al., 2001).
                       The Infrared Stimulated Luminescence (IRSL) measurements were carried out in automated Risoe TL/OSL Reader DA-20 (Boetter-Jensen et al., 2003). It is equipped with a calibrated b-particles dose rate 0.09 Gy.s-1 to the fine grains of feldspar mounted on Al discs. The samples were stimulated by IR LEDs (870 ± 40 nm) and the luminescence photons were detected in the range of 395 ± 50 nm using PMT (EMI9235QB) and the combination of optical filters of Corning 7-59 (4 mm) and BG-39 (2 mm). A preheat value of 260°C held of 10 s was used.  The dose response curve of BRN 5 - 6 (42-46) is shown in Fig. 1 and a typical shine down curve is shown in figure1Sa (inset). Recycling ratios were unity within 5 % error and the recuperation was less than 1 %. Equivalent doses (De’s) were evaluated using single aliquot regenerative dose (SAR) of Murray and Wintle (2003). Around 20 aliquots were measured from each sample which shows insignificant over-dispersion (< 3 %) in the dose distribution (Fig. 2).
                      In order to estimate the α- efficiency (a-value), six fresh aliquots were bleached in the solar simulator for 6 hours and were irradiated with calibrated 241Am for 30 minutes. The α irradiated aliquots are treated as natural signal and the dose is recovered using the appropriate b-dose using SAR protocol. The a-value (a-efficiency) in IRSL production was calculated by comparing equivalent b-dose and the irradiated a-dose. For radioactivity assay, concentrations of U, Th and K in the sediment matrix has been measured using high pure Ge (HPGe) detector by comparing the photo-peak of the sample against that of corresponding standards (Shukla, 2011). Considering the small size and the thickness of the pottery, it is reasonable to assume that the dose contribution would be predominantly from the sediment and hence only the dose rate from the sediment has been considered for the age estimation. In absence of sediment sample for Early Harappan pottery, we used the average dose rate of the BRN-5 (143-145) and BRN 5-6 (42-46). Details of the dose rate equivalent dose and the ages obtained are given in Table 1.
                                  In order to correct for the fading of feldspar luminescence signal (anomalous fading), the percentage fading rate (g-values; %/decade) were measured (Auclair et al., 2003) and corrected using the method suggested by Huntley-Lamothe (2001).


                      Fig. 1: Pottery fragments (photographs taken by us) from YF-2 trench (left: 42 cm.), right (143 cm)


                                                           Fig. 2                                                                         Fig. 3
                      Fig. 2: The dose response function of BRN 5 (42-46 cm) fitted to single saturating exponential (green line). Sensitivity change corrected IRSL (corr. L/T) has been plotted versus the laboratory administered radiation dose. IRSL shine down curve (natural) of the same sample is shown in the inset.
                      Fig. 3: Probability and probability density function (PDF) were plotted for the same sample. 15 aliquots were measured for this sample and they were clustered around the mean value of 15.5 Gy.


                      Table 1                                        
                      Concentrations of U, Th and K, calculated dose rates and the OSL ages of potteries
                      Sample Type/Code/Depth
                      U (ppm)
                      Th (ppm)
                      K (%)
                      a- value
                      Dose rate (Gy/ka)
                      Palaeodose (Gy)
                      g2days-value(%/decade)
                      Corr. Age (years)
                      Pottery,  YF-2 trench, BRN 5 (143-145 cm)
                      5.1 ± 0.6
                      6.9 ± 1.2
                      1.3 ± 0.2
                      0.036 ± 0.002
                      3.9 ± 0.1
                      17.6 ± 0.8
                      4.3 ± 0.8
                      5940 ± 245
                      Pottery,  YF-2 trench, BRN 5 (42-46 cm)
                      7.3 ± 0.9
                      7.1 ± 1.5
                      1.8 ± 0.1
                      0.029 ± 0.003
                      4.9 ± 0.2
                      15.5 ± 0.7
                      6.0 ± 2.0
                      4820 ± 300
                      1)      Water content was assumed to 5 ± 2 %
                      2)      Cosmic ray dose rate was assumed to be 150 ± 20 mGy/ka. 
                      3)      Grain size used: 4-11 mm

                      Supplementary Method 2:
                      Oxygen isotope analysis of bioapatites
                      Individual tooth or bone was cleaned by distilled water, surface coatings removed, ultrasonicated, dried and only the surficial enamel part (~0.2-0.4 mm layer) was sampled perpendicular to the entire growth axis by a micro-dental drill to obtain bulk phosphate sample. Extraction of pure phosphate from bioapatite in the form of Ag3PO4 is a necessary pre-requisite for isotopic measurements. The Ag3PO4 was extracted by following the method described in Stephen (2000). Typically 2 mg of bioapatite yields ~1 mg of Ag3PO4. About 300mg of Ag3PO4 was packed into pure silver capsules and loaded onto the automated carousel atop a temperature conversion elemental analyzer (TC-EA). The sample was combusted at ~1450oC and the generated CO was analysed in a Delta PlusXP mass spectrometer via a ConFlo interface. For routine analysis of bioapatites, an inter-laboratory calibration exercise was performed by two standards, namely international NIST 120C Phosphate Rock standard (d18OSMOW = +22.65 ‰) and Acros Silver Phosphate (ASP) standard (d18OSMOW = +14.2 ‰) obtained from the KPESIL Isotope Laboratory, University of Kansas. The NIST phosphate rock was chemically treated to precipitate the Ag3PO4 crystals following the method described above. The obtained d18OASP-SMOW value (via NIST) at IIT, Kharagpur is +14.4 ‰ and is in excellent agreement with the value of +14.2 ‰ recommended by KEPSIL. Overall analytical reproducibility was ± 0.2 ‰ similar to obtained elsewhere by both dual inlet and on-line CFIRMS technique. For retrieving paleo-meteoric water value from the Bhirrana teeth and bones we used the general mammal equation, d18OW= 1.0247*d18Op - 25.02 (Amiot et al. (2004). The relationship is based on global compilation of teeth and bone phosphates of variety of continental mammalian apatites with large range of d18O varying from +5‰ to -25‰, independent of species or genera, exhibiting high degree of correlation between d18Op and d18O and therefore robust.





                      Table 2: d18O ingested water calculated from Tooth and Bone phosphate in Bhirrana trench YF-2
                      Sl. No.
                      Depth (cm)
                      Sample type (Teeth)
                      d18Op * (VSMOW)
                      d18Ow@
                      (VSMOW)
                      Sl. No.
                      Depth (cm)
                      Sample type (Bone)
                      d18Op* (VSMOW)
                      d18Ow@ (VSMOW)
                      1
                      42
                      Goat Tooth
                      23.86
                      -2.19
                      1
                      42
                      Cattle Bone
                      22.56
                      -2.08
                      2
                      42
                      Goat Tooth
                      22.11
                      -3.39
                      2
                      42
                      Cattle Bone
                      19.57
                      -5.16
                      3
                      60
                      Cattle Molar
                      25.91
                      1.37
                      3
                      42
                      Cattle Bone
                      19.91
                      -4.81
                      4
                      60
                      Cattle Molar
                      24.81
                      0.24
                      4
                      133
                      Cattle rib
                      19.61
                      -5.12
                      5
                      60
                      Goat Molar
                      20.76
                      -4.32
                      5
                      175
                      Cattle Long Bone
                      20.83
                      -3.87
                      6
                      60
                      Cattle Molar
                      25.91
                      1.37
                      6
                      175
                      Cattle Femur shaft
                      21.65
                      -3.02
                      7
                      148
                      Deer pre-Molar
                      22.73
                      -2.53
                      7
                      175
                      Cattle Femur shaft
                      21.17
                      -3.52
                      8
                      148
                      Deer pre-Molar
                      21.27
                      -3.81
                      8
                      183
                      Cattle Long Bone
                      20.60
                      -4.10
                      9
                      185
                      Cattle Tooth fragment
                      20.51
                      -4.20
                      9
                      195
                      Cattle long Bone shaft
                      21.10
                      -3.59
                      10
                      185
                      Ruminant tooth fragment
                      20.90
                      -3.79
                      10
                      230
                      Cattle Bone
                      19.67
                      -5.06
                      11
                      185
                      Unidentified Tooth fragment
                      17.88
                      -6.90
                      11
                      240
                      Cattle Bone
                      19.99
                      -4.73
                      12
                      195
                      Cattle pre-Molar
                      20.42
                      -4.29
                      12
                      240
                      Cattle Bone
                      21.73
                      -2.94
                      13
                      205
                      Cattle Molar
                      21.05
                      -3.64
                      13
                      278
                      Cattle rib
                      16.41
                      -8.42
                      14
                      212
                      Cattle Molar
                      22.54
                      -2.10
                      14
                      278
                      Cattle rib
                      19.24
                      -5.51
                      15
                      212
                      Cattle Molar
                      21.78
                      -2.89
                      15
                      302
                      Cattle long Bone shaft
                      19.77
                      -4.96
                      16
                      212
                      Cattle Molar
                      21.81
                      -2.86
                      16
                      308
                      Cattle Long Bone shaft
                      15.84
                      -9.01
                      17
                      300
                      Cattle maxillary molar fragment
                      21.86
                      -2.80
                      17
                      308
                      Cattle Long Bone shaft
                      18.64
                      -6.12
                      18
                      300
                      Cattle tooth fragment
                      18.43
                      -6.34
                      18
                      325
                      Cattle Vertebral  spine
                      18.42
                      -6.35
                      19
                      302
                      Cattle Molar

                      19.25
                      -4.20

                      19
                      330
                      Cattle Long Bone splinter

                      19.99
                      -7.51
                      20
                      314
                      Antelope Molar
                      24.99
                      0.38





                      21
                      314
                      Cattle Molar
                      24.83
                      0.26





                      22
                      320
                      Cattle Molar
                      19.94
                      -4.78





                      23
                      339
                      Goat Molar
                      24.04
                      -2.07





                      24
                      340
                      Cattle pre-Molar
                      21.94
                      -2.72





                      25
                      340
                      Goat mandibular
                      22.94
                      -2.82





                      26
                      355
                      Ruminant tooth fragment
                      27.4
                      2.91





                      27
                      355
                      Ruminant tooth fragment
                      28.22
                      3.75





                      *d18Op =  d18O of tooth enamel /bone phosphate;
                      @ d18Ow =  d18O of ingested water (proxy meteoric water), calculated using the taxon specific mammal equations of Bryant and Froelich (1995).









                      Supplementary Method 3:
                      Faunal analysis in trench YF2
                      Faunal material recovered from Trench YF2 at Bhirrana through use of systematic recovery techniques such as dry and wet sieving was analysed at the Archaeozoology Laboratory DCPRI, Pune following standard procedures in Archaeozoological  analysis. Identification  to the species level was carried out by  comparison  with the  reference collection of  modern animal skeletons  housed within the Archaeozoology lab and by referring to Schimd’s  (1972),  Hillson (1992) and Prater (1971).  For more   specific identification between cattle and Nilgai (Joglekar et.al. 1994), sheep and goat  (Boessneck, 1969; Prummel and Fisch 1986; Zeder and Lapham 2010),  blackbuck (Antelope cervicapra), goat (Capra hircus ) and sheep (Ovisaires)  (Pawankar and Thomas 2001) both MNI and NISP estimation were done.  The age estimation of individual animal was calculated by studying teeth eruption patterns following Grant (1982) and epiphysal fusion in long bones (Silver, 1963). Bone measurements were taken wherever possible (Driesh 1976).  Each bone fragment was carefully scrutinized for traces of human activity such as charring, cut and chop marks, abrasion, polishing, breakage patterns and state of preservation. The faunal remains showed fairly good preservation and in spite of the fragmentation   identification to species level was possible for many of the bones. A total of 1039 animal skeletal elements were analysed  from all the 4 cultural periods  of which  total identifiable specimens accounted for n=561.
                      The analysis revealed the presence of a diverse range of domestic and wild mammals with few birds and fish from trench YF-2 and ZE-10 (Table 3).  Faunal evidence strongly suggests the heavy reliance on animal foods by the Bhirrana inhabitants throughout its occupation. Of these the cattle (Bos/Bubalus) show maximum exploitation specifically of the domestic cow/ox (Bos indicus) in all the four cultural periods followed by that of domestic goat. In the Hakra period i.e. the earliest occupation phase at Bhirrana, Zebu the famed humped variety of Bos indicus has been recorded. In this period, the varied wild fauna identified unlike cattle diminishes in the succeeding Early Harappan and Early Mature Harappan periods only to occur once again in the Mature Harappan period. Identification of the domestic buffalo (Bubalus bubalis) in the early levels in YF2 further indicates a wet environment. However, there is no definitive trend in the animal abundances that can be related to monsoon vagaries. The only inference that can be made is  the  river Ghaggar  had  sufficient water to support  aquatic  fauna  during the Hakra  period  as attested by the occurrence  of freshwater fish bones and  turtle shells and is discussed in the text.

                      Table 3: Depth wise NISP distribution of identified fauna in trench YF2 at Bhirrana
                      Depth (cm)
                      B/B
                      BI
                      BB
                      C/O
                      Ch
                      Oa
                      SR
                      Ac
                      Bt
                      Aa
                      Gz
                      Mm
                      Cu
                      P
                      FH
                      BRD
                      Total
                      42-46
                      9
                      13

                      4
                      1


                      4








                      31
                      58-70
                      28
                      12



                      3










                      43
                      60-88
                      53
                      17




                      3



                      1


                      1


                      75
                      83-94
                      28
                      34




                      5

                      2
                      1






                      70
                      90-115
                      18
                      31





                      3
                      2







                      54
                      125-133

                      2














                      2
                      143-162
                      23
                      9
                      1


                      2
                      2









                      37
                      162-175

                      1
                      1
                      2


                      1









                      5
                      175-187
                      5
                      2




                      1









                      8
                      185-195

                      1






                      1





                      1

                      3
                      195-200
                      1
                      1


                      5











                      7
                      205-208
                      13





                      1


                      1






                      15
                      212-230
                      1
                      2


                      1

                      1









                      5
                      225-250
                      31
                      8
                      5

                      2




                      1







                      47
                      240-260
                      2
                      5
                      1
                      2



                      1
                      3







                      14
                      260-278
                      2
                      5


                      1











                      8
                      278-290
                      4
                      2



                      2




                      1





                      9
                      300-326
                      17
                      4
                      1
                      1
                      2

                      3
                      2



                      1
                      1

                      3

                      35
                      325-330
                      4
                      2




                      4









                      10
                      330-335
                      2

                      1


                      1
                      2









                      6
                      335-340
                      14
                      4

                      2
                      1

                      3
                      1

                      1






                      25
                      340-355
                      30
                      4


                      1

                      4
                      1

                      1

                      1



                      1
                      43
                      351-362
                      2


                      1


                      1









                      4
                      362-364

                      3




                      1










                      4
                      Total
                      287
                      162
                      10
                      12
                      14
                      8
                      32
                      12
                      9
                      4
                      2
                      2
                      1
                      1
                      4
                      1
                      561
                      Abbreviations used B/B: Cattle (Bos/bubalus); BI: Cow/ox (Bos indicus),  BB: Buffalo  (Bubalus bubalis), C/O: Goat/sheep (Capra/Ovis), Ch: Goat ( Capra hircus ), Oa: Sheep (Ovis aries),SR: Small ruminant;  Ac:Black buck (Antilope cervicapra), Bt: Nilgai (Boselaphas tragocamelus), Aa: Spotted deer (Axis axis), Cu: Sambar (Cervus unicolor ), Gz: (Gazella bennetti), Mm:(Muntiacus muntjack), P: (Panthera pardus), BRD: Bird, FH: fish.


                      Fig. 4: Representative teeth and bone samples analysed from all
                      the four cultural levels of Bhirrana (photographs taken by us)
                      Supplementary Method 4:
                      Diagenetic investigation of bioapatites

                      Carbon-coated polished halves of thin sections up to 300 mm thick were used for the Electron microprobe analysis (EPMA). The sample were analysed for major and minor elements using the Cameca SX 100 microprobe. The spot analysis were done with an accelerating voltage of 15 kV with a beam diameter of 20 micrometer in order to account for the limited stability of bioapatite under  the electron beam. Counting times were 20-60s on the peak and 10-40s on the background. Fig. 5 gives the Back Scatter Electron (BSE) images of Ca and P.


                      Fig. 5: BSE image of  bioapatite of mammal bones. Left: Ca; Right: P
                      (photographs taken by us)


                      The Ca/P ratio is approximately 1.4 and the CaO/P2O5 ratios are very constant suggesting near-pristine values (Newseley, 1998). The Back Scatter Electron (BSE) images of the samples show uniformity in Ca and P distribution and are indicative of original bioapatite preservation suitable for isotopic analysis. 


                      References

                      Amiot, R., Lécuyer, C., Buffetaut, E., Escarguel, G., Fluteau, F., Martineau, F., 2004. Oxygen isotopes from biogenic apatites suggest widespread endothermy in Cretaceous dinosaurs. Earth and Planetary Science Letters 246, 41–54.

                      Auclair, M., Lamothe, M. and Huot, S., 2003. Measurement of anomalous fading for feldspar IRSL using SAR. Radiation Measurements 37, 487-492.

                      Boessneck, J. (1969)  Osteological differences between sheep (Ovis aries Linne) and goat (Capra hircus Linne). In Brothwell. D, and  E.S. Higgs (eds)  Science and Archaeology, 331-358. London, Thames and Hudson.

                      Boetter-Jensen, L., Andersen, C. E., Duller, G. A. T., Murray, A. S., 2003. Developments in radiation, stimulation and observation facilities in luminescence measurements. Radiation Measurements 37, 535-541.

                      Bronk Ramsey C. 2009. Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates. Radiocarbon 51(1):337–60.

                      Driesch, von A, (1976)  A guide to measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites, Cambridge , Massachusetts Harvard university Press.

                      Goyal Pankaj, Pokharia, Anil K., Kharakwal, J.S., Joglekar, P et al., 2013. Subsistence system, paleoecology and 14C chronology at Kanmer, a Harappan site in Gujarat, India. Radiocarbon, 55(1):141-150.

                      Grant, A. (1982) The use of tooth wear as a guide to the age estimation of domestic ungulates. In B.Willson, C. Grigson and S. Payne (eds.) ageing and sexing animal bones from archaeological sites,  91-108. Oxford :Bar international series 109.

                      Hillson, S. (1992) Mammal Bones and Teeth ; London : Institute of Archaeology.

                      Huntley, D. J. and Lamothe, M., 2001. Ubiquity of anomalous fading in K-feldspars and the measurement and correction for it in optical dating. Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 38, 1093-1106.

                      Joglekar, P.P., Thomas, P.K., Matsushima, Y. and Pawankar, S.J. (1994) Osteological differences between the forelimbs of Ox (Bos indicus), Bufalo (Bubalus bubalis) and Nilgai (Boselaphus tragocamelus). Journal of Bombay Veternary College 5(1-2) :17-20.

                      Kenoyer M (2011) Changing Perspectives of the Indus Civilisation: New Discoveries and Challenges Puratattva 41: 1-18.

                      Madella M, Fuller DQ (2006) Palaeoecology and the Harappan Civilisation of South Asia: a reconsideration Quat Sci Rev 25:1283–1301.

                      Mani BR. (2008) Kashmir Neolithic and Early Harappan: A Linkage. Pragdhara. 18: 229–247.

                      Murray, A. S. and Wintle, A. G., 2003. The single aliquot regenerative dose protocol: potential for improvements in reliability. Radiation Measurements 37, 377-381.

                      Newseley, H. 1989. Fossil bone apatite. Applied Geochemistry 4, 233-245.

                      Pawankar, S. and Thomas, P.K. (2001) Osteological differenes between Blackbuck (Antilope cervicapra ) , Goat (Capra hircus) and sheep(Ovis aries).  Man and Environment 26(1) , 109-126.

                      Possehl GL (2002) The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective (Altamira Press Lanham MD), pp.276.

                      Prummel, W.  and  Frisch, H. (1986) A guide to the distinction of species, sex and body sides in bones of sheep and goat. Journal of Archaeological Science  13, 567-577.

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                      Rao LS, Sahu NB,  Sahu P,  Shastry UA, Diwan S (2005) New light on the excavation of Harappan settlement at Bhirrana Puratattva 35:67-75.

                      Reimer PJ, Baillie MGL, Bard E, Bayliss A, Beck JW et al., 2009. IntCal09 and Marine09 radiocarbon age calibration curves, 0–50,000 years cal BP. Radiocarbon 51(4):1111–50.

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                      Silver, I. A. (1963) The Ageing of domestic animals.  In D. Brothwell and Higgs, E.S. (eds.) Science and Archaeology 283-302, London: Thames and Hudson.

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                      Stephan, E. 2000 Oxygen Isotope Analysis of Animal Bone Phosphate: Method Refinement, Influence of Consolidants, and Reconstruction of Palaeotemperatures for Holocene Sites. Journal of Archaeological Science 27: 523–535.

                      Stuiver M, Polach HA. 1977. Discussion: reporting of 14C data. Radiocarbon 19(3):355–63.

                      Sukumar, R., Ramesh, R., Pant, R. K., and Rajagopalan, G.: 1993, 'A 613C Record of Late Quaternary Climate from Tropical Peats in Southern India', Nature 364, 703-706.
                      Zeder, M.A. and H.A. Lapham (2010) Assessing the reliability of criteria used to identify post cranial bones in sheep, ovis and goats Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 37(11), 2887-2905.

                       Acknowledgements

                      This work was supported by a Diamond Jubilee Grant from IIT Kharagpur. Isotope data were generated in the National Stable Isotope facilities, IIT, Kharagpur and Physical Research Laboratory funded by the DST, New Delhi. We thank Archaeological Survey of India for the permission to use the photographs of excavation and archaeological elements of Bhirrana and Dr. Anil Pokharia of BSIP for discussion. We thank three anonymous reviewers for their critical comments. We dedicate this paper to the late Dr. L.S. Rao who excavated the Bhirrana site and established the Harappan cultural levels.

                      Author information

                      Author notes

                        • L. S. Rao
                        Deceased.

                      Affiliations

                      1. Department of Geology and Geophysics, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur 721302, India

                        • Anindya Sarkar
                        • M. K. Bera
                        •  & B. Das
                      2. Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Instiute, Pune 411006, India

                        • Arati Deshpande Mukherjee
                        •  & V. S. Shinde
                      3. Physical Research Laboratory Navrangpura, Ahmedabad 380009, India

                        • Navin Juyal
                        •  & R. D. Deshpande
                      4. Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow, India

                        • P. Morthekai
                      5. Archaeological Survey of India, Nagpur, 440006, India

                        • L. S. Rao

                      Contributions

                      A.S. conceived the problem, prepared the figures, helped in analysis and wrote the paper. A.D.M. did the field work, collected samples and did the faunal analysis of teeth and bone samples, M.K.B. and B.D. carried out the chemical extraction of phosphates from bioapatites and did the stable isotope anlaysis, N.J. and P.M. did the OSL dating of potteries, R.D.D. coordinated the Hissar IWIN precipitation station and carried out the stable isotope analysis of rain water, V.S. provided input about Harappan archeology. Late L.S.R. excavated the Bhirrana archeological site.

                      Competing interests

                      The authors declare no competing financial interests.

                      Corresponding author

                      Correspondence to Anindya Sarkar.
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                    Archaeology: A different take on Indus evidence

                    Nature
                     
                    532,
                     
                    313
                     
                     
                    doi:10.1038/532313e
                    Published online
                     

                    Ports of the Ancient Indian Ocean; ed Marie-Francoise Boousasac, Jean Francois Salles & Jean-Baptiste Yon

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                    Published: May 28, 2016 16:10 IST | Updated: May 27, 2016 16:54 IST  

                    Ancient Indian ports, revisited


                    Ports of the Ancient Indian Ocean; ed Marie-Francoise Boousasac, Jean Francois Salles & Jean-Baptiste Yon, Primus, Rs. 2,195.
                    Ports of the Ancient Indian Ocean; ed Marie-Francoise Boousasac, Jean Francois Salles & Jean-Baptiste Yon, Primus, Rs. 2,195.

                    A sea of information, gleaned from early archives and recent excavations

                    The Red Sea was a trade funnel from the 3rd century B.C. to about 6th century C.E. and the ancient ports of this zone provide evidence of not only trade but other exchanges between the East and the West. The Periplus says, “Of the designated ports on the Erythraean Sea, and the market-towns around it, the first is the Egyptian port of Mussel Harbor. To those sailing down from that place, on the right hand, after 1,800 stadia, there is Berenice. The harbours of both are at the boundary of Egypt, and are bays opening from the Erythraean Sea.”
                    Rightly, the first chapter of the book deals with the recent discoveries made during excavations at some of the Red Sea ports that add further knowledge to what is already well-known. The present site of Mersa Gawsis “revealed exceptional information about Pharaonic Era,” says the author of the article. Thus, the first chapter assumes importance and sets the pace for revealing newly-found information in the following chapters.
                    Information on storage facilities, essentially a trade requirement, and about ship-related equipment (like old oar blades) found in latest excavations belonging to the period under study is elaborated upon in the second chapter. It is of interest to note that recent geological investigations confirmed that a stable navigable lagoon existed at Gawasis in ancient times. ‘Living in the Egyptian Ports’ is another chapter of importance; as mentioned in the Periplus, Berenike and Myos Hormos were two important ports of the early Roman period and life in those ports during the period is discussed in this chapter. The University of Southampton conducted investigations at these ports in 1999-2003 and found interesting evidence to show the limits of Roman and Islamic harbours, which are further confirmed in this chapter.
                    The Indian reader will find the portion dealing with inscriptions from the Hoq cave in Socotra interesting. In 2001, a group of Belgian speleologists from the Socotra Karst Project made a spectacular discovery on Socotra island. Ingo Strauch, professor of Sanskrit and Buddhist studies at Universite de Lausanne, in the article, details his findings which add to the earlier knowledge. According to the author, the estimated number of Indian inscriptions is more than 100, written in charcoal, chalk or mud, or scratched with a sharp instrument on the surfaces of rocks. Written in Brahmi, the script can be compared to those from the 2nd to 4th centuries C.E., of West India. This is confirmed by some newly discovered inscriptions, which mention the city of Bharukaccha, one of the most important West Indian ports then. As Strauch says, “As far as palaeological analysis allows, all Indian epigraphs can be bracketed between the 2nd and 3rd centuries C.E.” It is well known that during this time, Indian sea trade was at its peak and continents were connected commercially and culturally.
                    Another interesting chapter is Emmanuelle Vagnon’s Latin Cartographic sources of 1200-1500 C.E. Considering the history of cartography has undergone significant changes since 1990s, the author offers new perspective. Her commentary on medieval nautical charts is highly informative, especially on Fra Mauro’s mappaemundi and Ptolemy’s Geography. The plates used in this chapter add to the understanding of her reasoning.
                    In dealing with ancient technology of jetties and anchorage system on the Saurashtra Coast, S. Gaur and Sundaresh add to already known information. Satyabhama Badreenath, having worked on the site in Mamallapuram as the superintending archaeologist of Chennai, talks about the new revelations on the site after the 2004 tsunami. She elaborates on the findings that show the structure of an ancient temple. However, not much is said about any port structure or evidence thereof in the new revelations. Selvakumar’s article on routes of trade in Tamil country is already known well.
                    Rila Mukherjee makes a detailed study of the Bengal-China connection, especially the connection not just of trade but of political, military, technological, religious and diplomatic imperatives.
                    The reader will find interesting material in the French records on colonies, especially those that deal with India between the 17th and 19th centuries.
                    Maurie-Paul Blasini describes the cartographic collections deposited in the National Centre of Overseas Archives, and their origin and usefulness in studies on the subject. As the head of Map Library and India Archives at the National Centre, she ably brings out the centre’s contribution to research.
                    This highly informative book, elegantly produced with ample images, will be an asset to any library, especially those of universities and research centres.
                    K.R.A. Narasiah is a writer and historian.

                    Indian author. Aditi Krishnakumar wins Scholastic Asian Book Award for mss. 'Codex: The lost treasure of the Indus'

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                    The storyline is exquisite.  "When a discovery that might be the key to deciphering the mysterious script of the Indus Valley Civilisation proves to be  a puzzle in three languages, it’s a job for Codex, who is a linguist, mathematician and all-round geek. But Codex soon discovers that isn’t like anything she’s done before. As the sinister implications of the find become apparent, Codex must work with Agent Lila Raman to get to the bottom of a four-thousand-year-old mystery." (citation taken from the Press Release of National Book Development Council of Singapore, 28 March 2016 -- embedded).

                    Book is rooted in 'love of Indian history'.Congrats to Aditi K.

                    S. Kalyanaraman
                    Sarasvati Research Center

                    Indian author wins Asian book award


                    May 29, 2016
                    Book on a mysterious script of the Indus Valley civilisation wins S$10,000 award for “Scholastic Asian Book Award”.
                    world-1
                    SINGAPORE: A 31-year-old Indian woman author in Singapore has won the “Scholastic Asian Book Award” for her 32,000-word manuscript rooted in “love of Indian history”.
                    According to Press Trust of India (PTI), Aditi Krishnakumar won the S$10,000 award this week for her manuscript “Codex: The Lost Treasure Of The Indus”.
                    Aditi, who submitted her manuscript hours before deadline last September, said she juggles writing with her career in finance and ekes out time at night and on weekends to dream up stories.
                    “There were times when I thought I’d never be able to meet the deadline, though I managed it in the end,” said Aditi, who has been living in Singapore for the past three years.
                    “One of my biggest challenges was to not get distracted by the internet,” The Straits Times on Saturday quoted Aditi as saying.
                    The manuscript, to be published by Scholastic Asia, follows Codex “linguist, mathematician and all-round” geek, as she works with Agent Lila Raman to decipher the mysterious script of the Indus Valley civilization, the report said.
                    “It can be a challenge… But I wouldn’t change it. I enjoy my job and I love writing,” Aditi said as she spoke about writing.
                    “I’ve always loved reading and I think writing was a natural progression from that. My earliest serious ambition was to be an author and that stayed with me through everything else I’ve done,” she said.
                    “It’s a real page-turner. I couldn’t stop reading it.
                    “It’s also a book that has a subtext of interest in the deep history of India.
                    “So the book has a contemporary feel, but it is also rooted in an interest in and love of Indian history,” American historian and author Leonard Marcus, one of the judges for the award, said about the manuscript.
                    The Scholastic Asian Book Award (SABA) is the joint initiative of the National Book Development Council of Singapore (NBDCS) and Scholastic Asia.
                    -BERNAMA






                    Rakhigarhi Banawali seals with identical inscriptions signify Supercargo of merchant guild navigating on River Sarasvati

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                    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/gubk7mp

                    Supercargo is a representative of the ship's owner on board a merchant ship, responsible for overseeing the cargo and its sale.

                    Cylinder seal found at Rakhigarhi
                    Fish+ crocodile: aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; karA 'crocodile'rebus:khAr 'blacksmith' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhAtu 'ore,mineral' śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ.rebus:  seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master (Pali) sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.


                    Sign 186 *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)

                    M. kārṇī m. ʻ prime minister, supercargo of a ship ʼ, kul -- karṇī m. ʻ village accountant ʼ.kāraṇika m. ʻ teacher ʼ MBh., ʻ judge ʼ Pañcat. [kā- raṇa -- ]Pa. usu -- kāraṇika -- m. ʻ arrow -- maker ʼ; Pk. kāraṇiya -- m. ʻ teacher of Nyāya ʼ; S. kāriṇī m. ʻ guardian, heir ʼ; N. kārani ʻ abettor in crime ʼ(CDIAL 3058) This Supercargo is signified by the hieroglyph कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread',  'person standing with spread legs'. This occurs with 48 variants. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/04/body-with-spread-legs-hypertexts-48-two.html Another hieroglyph which also signifies 'Supercargo' is 'rim-of-jar' hieroglyph', the most frequently occurring hypertext on Indus Script Corpora. See, for example, Daimabad seal. kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; Wg. kaṇə ʻ ear -- ring ʼ NTS xvii 266; S. kano m. ʻ rim, border ʼ; P. kannā m. ʻ obtuse angle of a kite ʼ (→ H. kannā m. ʻ edge, rim, handle ʼ); N. kānu ʻ end of a rope for supporting a burden ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ brim of a cup ʼ, G. kānɔ m.; M. kānā m. ʻ touch -- hole of a gun ʼ.(CDIAL 2831) 

                    Thus, the two hieroglyphs: 1.spread legs and 2. rim of jar are conclusive determinants signifying language used by the artisans: Prakrtam (mleccha/meluhha) and the underlying language basse for the hypertexts of Indus Script Corpora.

                    Rakhigarhi extending over 350 hectares is the largest site of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. Two seals with identical messages found in both Rakhigarhi and Banawali signify a karNika, Supercargo (functionary of the metalwork guild;  Rebus kañi-āra 'helmsman' karaṇī 'scribe'. ). This points to the possibility that Rakhigarhi and Banawali were both sites on Sarasvati River Basin which provided a navigable channel for seafaring artisans'/merchants' guilds (with a Supercargo, supervising the shipment), right upto Dholavira-Dwaraka and beyond through the Persian Gulf.

                    I suggest that both Rakhigarhi seal and Banawali seal convey the identical message signifying a Supercargo (karNika), with a seafaring vessel (cargo boat), supervising the merchandise of dhAtu 'strands of rope' rebus: dhAtu 'minerals' from a fire--altar; sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' (Hieroglyph: gaNDa 'four'Rebus: kanda 'fire-altar' khaNDa 'implements') PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron, ayas 'metal' PLUS adaren 'lid' rebus: aduru 'unsmelted metal'.PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coin, coiner, coinage'. The tiger is horned: koD 'horn' rebus: koD 'workshop' kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter' kolle 'blacksmith' Thus, horned tiger signified smelter-workshop of blacksmith. The Supercargo karNika, signified with the standing person with legs spread is shown as possessing a sangaDa 'a cargo boat'. Hieroglyph: सांगड sāṅgaḍa lathe, portable furnace Rebus: sangaDa 'cargo boat'.
                    Rakhigarhi seal replicates 
                    Banawari. Seal 17. Text 9201 Found in a gold-silversmith's residence.. Hornd tiger PLUS lathe + portable furnace. Banawali 17, Text 9201 Find spot:  “The plan of ‘palatial building’ rectangular in shape (52 X 46 m) with eleven units of rooms…The discovery of a tiger seal from the sitting room and a few others from the house and its vicinity, weights ofchert, and lapis lazuli beads and deluxe Harappan pottery indicate that the house belonged to a prominent merchant.” (loc.cit. VK Agnihotri, 2005, Indian History, Delhi, Allied Publishers, p. A-60)

                    Message on metalwork: kol ‘tiger’ (Santali); kollan ‘blacksmith’ (Ta.) kod. ‘horn’; kod. ‘artisan’s workshop’ PLUS śagaḍī  = lathe (Gujarati) san:gaḍa, ‘lathe, portable furnace’; rebus: sangath संगथ् । संयोगः f. (sg. dat. sangüʦü association, living together, partnership (e.g. of beggars, rakes, members of a caravan, and so on); (of a man or woman) copulation, sexual union.sangāṭh संगाठ् । सामग्री m. (sg. dat. sangāṭas संगाटस्), a collection (of implements, tools, materials, for any object), apparatus, furniture, a collection of the things wanted on a journey, luggage, and so on. --karun -- करुन् । सामग्रीसंग्रहः m.inf. to collect the ab. (L.V. 17).(Kashmiri)
                    Hieroglyph multiplex: gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' aDaren 'lid' Rebus: aduru 'native metal'
                    Hieroglyph: sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'

                    Hieroglyph: dhāˊtu 'strand' Rebus: mineral: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M.dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773).
                    Alternative: Hieroglyhph: Ko. gōṭu ʻ silver or gold braid ʼ Rebus: M. goṭ metal wristlet ʼ P. goṭṭā ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ, H. goṭā m. ʻ edging of such ʼ (→ K. goṭa m. ʻ edging of gold braid ʼ, S. goṭo m. ʻ gold or silver lace ʼ); P. goṭ f. ʻ spool on which gold or silver wire is wound, piece on a chequer board ʼ; (CDIAL 4271)

                    Hieroglyph-multiplex: body PLUS platform: meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron' PLUS Hieroglyhph: pī˜ṛī ʻplatform of lingamʼ Rebus: Mth. pĩṛ, pĩṛā ʻlumpʼ Thus, the message of the hieroglyph-multiplex is: lump of iron.  कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread', Rebus: karNika 'Supercargo'' merchant in charge of cargo of a shipment, helmsman, scribe. Rebus kañi-āra 'helmsman' karaṇī 'scribe'. 

                    Citadel

                    Within the citadel of Rakhigarhi (RGR-2), mud-brick podiums like those at Kalibangan have been found. Here the podium has in-built oblong pit chambers, used possibly for ritualistic purpose. These chambers have deposits of charcoal bits.and cattle bones.

                    In another fire altar of Rakhigarhi (RGR-2) the floor and niches were coated with mud plaster. Significantly, a terracotta bull figurine has been found.on the floor near the western niche. Most likely, the structure was a place of worship, and the bull a sacred, revered animal. Next to this structure, a T-shaped fire altar with carved ends has been found.

                    Fire altars (Rakhigarhi)


                    To the north, in the same alignment, a brick-lined redctangular pit containing animal bones predominantly of the bovine family has been found. Almost from the same level three circular fire altars positioned in a semi-circular fashion reminiscent of those at Banawali have been excavated. Fine brushing over the surface of these altars has revealed white patches of possibly burnt hard shell of fruits offered at the fire altar. Nearest to Rakhigarhi, gold panning or washing has been known in the upper reaches of Sutlej and Beas.
                     

                     


                    Published: January 7, 2016 00:00 IST | Updated: January 7, 2016 02:06 IST  

                    Rakhigarhi could unlock mystery of Indus civilisation

                    To the casual onlooker, Rakhigarhi is unimpressive. Yet the fields around and under this Indian village in Haryana are set to deliver the answer to one of the deepest secrets of ancient times


                    Wazir Chand is explaining life 4,000 years ago.

                    He points to the rocky mounds looming over a huddle of brick houses, a herd of black buffalo and a few stunted trees. A low rise was a fortification, Chand says, and a darker patch of red earth hides the site of an altar. He points to a slight depression. This, apparently, was a pit that may have been a reservoir.

                    To the casual onlooker, Rakhigarhi is unimpressive. Yet the rubbish-strewn mounds and fields around and under this Indian village are set to deliver the answer to one of the deepest secrets of ancient times.

                    Rakhigarhi is a key site in the Indus Valley civilisation, which ruled a more than 1m sq km swath of the Asian subcontinent during the bronze age and was as advanced and powerful as its better known contemporary counterparts in Egypt and Mesopotamia.

                    Archaeologists have learned much about the civilisation since it was discovered along the Indus river in present day Pakistan about a century ago. Excavations have since uncovered huge carefully designed cities with massive grain stores, metal workshops, public baths, dockyards and household plumbing, as well as stunning distinctive seals. But many perplexing questions remain unanswered.
                    One has stood out: who exactly were the people of the Indus civilisation? A response may come within weeks.

                    “Our research will most definitely provide an answer. This will be a major breakthrough. I am very excited,” said Vasant Shinde, the archaeologist leading the current excavations at Rakhigarhi, which was discovered in 1965.

                    Shinde’s conclusions will be published in the new year. They are based on DNA sequences derived from four skeletons — of two men, a woman and a child — excavated eight months ago and checked against DNA data from tens of thousands of people from all across the subcontinent, central Asia and Iran.

                    “The DNA is likely to be incredibly interesting and it has the potential to address all sorts of challenging questions about the population history of the people of the Indus civilisation,” said Dr. Cameron Petrie, an expert in south Asian and Iranian archaeology at the University of Cambridge.
                    The origins of the people of the Indus Valley civilisation has prompted a long-running argument that has lasted for more than five decades.

                    Some scholars have suggested that they were originally migrants from upland plateaux to the west. Others have maintained the civilisation was made up of indigenous local groups, while some have said it was a mixture of both, and part of a network of different communities in the region. Experts have also debated whether the civilisation succumbed to a traumatic invasion by so-called “Aryans” whose chariots they were unable to resist, or in fact peaceably assimilated a series of waves of migration over many decades or centuries.

                    The new data will provide definitive answers, at least for the population of Rakhigarhi.

                    Shinde said Rakhigarhi was a bigger city than either Mohenjo-daro or Harrapa, two sites in Pakistan previously considered the centre of the Indus civilisation.

                    Disappearance
                    The Indus Valley civilisation flourished for three thousand years before disappearing suddenly around 1500 BC. Theories range from the drying up of local rivers to an epidemic. Recently, research has focused on climate change undermining the irrigation-based agriculture on which an advanced urban society was ultimately dependent.

                    Soil samples around the skeletons from which samples were sent for DNA analysis have also been despatched. Traces of parasites may tell archaeologists what the people of the Indus Valley civilisation ate. Three-dimensional modelling technology will also allow a reconstruction of the physical appearance of the dead.

                    “For the first time we will see the face of these people,” Shinde said.

                    In Rakhigarhi village, there are mixed emotions about the forthcoming revelations about the site.
                    Chand, the self-appointed guide and amateur expert, hopes the local government will finally fulfil longstanding promises to build a museum, an auditorium and hotel for tourists there.
                    “This is a neglected site and now that will change. This place should be as popular as the Taj Mahal. There should be hundreds, thousands of visitors coming,” Chand told the Guardian.

                    The inhabitants of today’s Rakhigarhi lack many of the facilities enjoyed by those who lived there in the bronze age. Raj Bhi Malik, the village head, sees an opportunity to develop more than the site’s ancient heritage.

                    “We want a museum and all that certainly, but also clean drinking water, proper sanitation, an animal hospital, a clinic too,” Malik said.— © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2016

                    At a glance







                  • Rakhigarhi in Haryana is a key site in the Indus Valley civilisation. The civilisation ruled more than 1m sq km swath of the Asian subcontinent during the bronze age.
                  • It was as advanced and powerful as its better known contemporary counterparts in Egypt and Mesopotamia.
                  • Archaeologists have learned much about the Indus Valley civilisation since it was discovered along the Indus river in present day Pakistan about a century ago.
                  • Excavations have since uncovered huge carefully designed cities with massive grain stores, metal workshops, public baths, dockyards and household plumbing, as well as stunning distinctive seals.
                  • But many perplexing questions remain unanswered.














                  • -Flickr
                    -Flickr
                    What do you think our forefathers – the Harappans — looked like? A group of Indian archaeologists who are looking to answer this intriguing question are increasingly assuming that the people of the Indus Valley came from India. This assumption, as any serious archaeologist will tell you, flies in the face of current archaeological evidence.
                    The discovery of a Harappan site at Rakhigarhi in Haryana, India, by archaeologists of the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Pune, has set the Indian academic world alight. This has been classified as a ‘Mature Harappan Period’ find, dating 4,000 to 4,500 years old. The excitement is over the announced discovery of four skeletons, two men, a woman and a child.
                    Dr Vasant Shinde, vice-chancellor of the college and director of the Rakhigarhi excavation, on Saturday announced and as reported by Indian newspaper: “We want to study the DNA of the Harappan people and try to find out who they were. So we excavated the skeletons scientifically at Rakhigarhi. There was no contamination. All the four skeletons are in good condition.
                    The facial bones of two skeletons are intact. We are going to show the world how the Harappan man looked like. This will happen in July. It will be a breakthrough in Harappan studies.”
                    “…using the DNA to be extracted from the four full-sized skeletons excavated… and a novel software developed in South Korea, archaeologists of the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Pune, are confident of projecting, in a few months, how the Harappans looked like 4,500 years ago — their build, the colour of their skin or hair, their facial features and so on”.
                    The archaeologists of the Deccan institute, and Haryana’s Department of Archaeology, have stated that the skeletons belonged to the Mature Harappan period (2600 BCE-1900 BCE). The tests will be done by the college staff and forensic scientists of Seoul National University, South Korea.
                    Rakhigarhi is in Hisar district. The site has 21 trenches and four burial pits. Dr Shinde, a specialist in Harappan civilisation has excavated Harappan sites at Farmana, Girawad and Mitathal, all in Haryana.
                    He says: “The 21 trenches yielded typical Harappan painted pottery, including goblets, terracotta figurines of wild boar and dogs, and furnaces and hearths that provided evidence of a bangle- and bead-making industry”.
                    The Indians have announced to the academic world that the latest Rakhigarhi finds establish it as the biggest Harappan civilisation site. Until now Mohenjo-daro in Pakistan was the largest among the 2,000 Harappan sites known to exist in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
                    The archaeological remains at Mohenjo-daro extend around 300 hectares. Mohenjo-daro, Harappa and Ganweriwala (all in Pakistan) and Rakhigarhi and Dholavira (both in India) are ranked as the first to the fifth biggest Harappan sites. With the discovery of two additional mounds, the total area of the Rakhigarhi site is 350 hectares, making it the largest.
                    Dr Shinde says: “It was earlier thought that the origin of the early Harappan phase took place in Sind, in present-day Pakistan, because many sites had not been discovered then. In the last ten years, we have discovered many sites in Haryana, and there are at least five Harappan sites such as Kunal, Bhirrana, Farmana, Girawad and Mitathal, which are producing early dates and where the early Harappan phase could go back to 5000 BCE. We want to confirm it.
                    “Rakhigarhi is an ideal candidate to believe that the beginning of the Harappan civilisation took place in the Ghaggar basin in Haryana and it gradually grew from here. If we get the confirmation, it will be interesting because the origin would have taken place in the Ghaggar basin in India and slowly moved to the Indus valley. That is one of the important aims of our current excavation at Rakhigarhi.”
                    This in a nutshell is what the Indian scientists working at Rakhigarhi are saying about their finds. My view is that when scientists have pre-determined aims in matters of archaeology, then it is suspect. The declarations will have to wait until ‘verifiable’ findings. That is only fair.
                    Scientists, archaeologists and early period historians in Lahore, where a considerable amount of Harappan period work has taken place and materials exist, as well as experts working in the University of Cambridge in England one has come in contact with in the purse of a research, take a sedate view of the theory that is being proposed by the Indians. So where does the problem lie?
                    First, is the accepted theory: This states that the two major migrations in history, the Mediterranean-Australiods (Dravidians) migrations almost 20,000 years ago, and the Aryan movement of people almost 7,000-4,000 years ago, were both eastward movement of populations under varying circumstances. The entire work by all the ‘greats’ of Harappan archaeology have stated this.
                    No evidence, so far, including massive amounts of very recent research work using, among other techniques, DNA technology, has suggested a westward movement. If anything they have confirmed the eastward drift. Even the classic epics of the sub-continent clearly suggest an eastward movement.
                    Secondly, there is the irrefutable evidence of excavated sites in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Take Mehrgarh in Balochistan as an example. This site is clearly 9,500 years old. New carbon-dating technology has suggested a 12,000-10,000 year timeline for Mehrgarh. Did Mehrgarh and Mohenjo Daro come after Rakhigarhi? Surely no one is going to buy such an assumption in a hurry.
                    Harappa itself is an early period find, that being 3,000 BCE or 5,000 years plus old. The other finds in Pakistan, and more recently in Afghanistan, point to a stable agro-based settlement people 4,500 BCE or 6,500 years ago.
                    This is irrefutable work by internationally-recognised scientists. So though the Haryana finds are exciting, just how this point to a westward drift of populations is beyond comprehension.
                    Let me make it very clear that this piece is not about disproving or challenging the new theories. It must be said that some of the latest assertions about ‘Hindu inventions and discoveries’ thousands of years ago are best left alone. Scientific verification will take care of them.
                    Then why this westward drift of populations theory being proposed by Dr Shinde? Is it to disprove the irrefutable fact that the Hindu religion was born in the lands that today make up Pakistan? Is it to dispute the irrefutable fact that all the holy books of the Hindu religion were based and written in the lands of Pakistan?
                    Is it to disprove the irrefutable fact that almost all the people of India, thousands of years ago, came from the lands that are today Pakistan?
                    The lack of excavation work in Pakistan, the dearth of credible archaeologists working in Pakistan, the security situation restricting scientists from all over the world from working in Pakistan, and the lack of a knowledge-based environment, has created a vacuum in rational scientific thinking.
                    Narrow ‘belief-based’ thinking by alleged scientists and intellectuals has narrowed the world of Pakistani scholarship. We must accept this shortcoming of ours.
                    But then we must all accept that over the eons the subcontinent was an island that crashed into Asia, creating the Himalayas and providing the homo-erectus with fertile grounds to move eastwards, and that the melting of the ices meant our ancestors from Africa coming to possess the empty lands as they existed, followed much later by the Slavic peoples, who overwhelming them pushed them eastwards.
                    We must surely consider that religions are beliefs which are not verifiable. We must accept that our history is a continuum and does not end or start in any timeframe.
                    What evidence Haryana provides we must consider dispassionately. At the moment, it seems and I can be wrong, that this find at Rakhigarhi is providing the rising power of revisionist Hinduism with a chance to alter the very assumptions on which scientific verifiable research about our collective past takes place.
                    It is a short-term success that might grip a few. In the end truth has to prevail, as it has to prevail in Pakistan.
                    Published in Dawn, May 5th, 2015


                    Published: May 3, 2015 00:00 IST | Updated: May 3, 2015 05:53 IST  

                    Virtual Harappans to come alive



                    Two of the four skeletons — dating back to the 4500-year-old Harappan era — found recently in a burial mound at Rakhigarhi village in Haryana.— Photo: AFP
                    Two of the four skeletons — dating back to the 4500-year-old Harappan era — found recently in a burial mound at Rakhigarhi village in Haryana.— Photo: AFP

                    Marriage of genetic and software tech to project their likeness

                    Using the DNA to be extracted from the four full-sized skeletons excavated from a Harappan site at Rakhigarhi in Haryana and a novel software developed in South Korea, archaeologists of the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Pune, are confident of projecting, in a few months, how the Harappans looked like 4,500 years ago — their build, the colour of their skin or hair, their facial features and so on.
                    In a joint excavation, archaeologists of the Deccan College, a deemed university, and Haryana’s Department of Archaeology excavated the skeletons in March. They belonged to the Mature Harappan period (2600 BCE-1900 BCE). The skeletons were those of two men, one woman and a child.
                    The tests will be done by the college staff and forensic scientists of Seoul National University, South Korea.
                    Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor of the college and director of the Rakhigarhi excavation, said: “We want to study the DNA of the Harappan people and try to find out who they were. So we excavated the skeletons scientifically at Rakhigarhi … There was no contamination. All the four skeletons are in good condition. The facial bones of two skeletons are intact. We are going to show the world how the Harappan man looked like. This will happen in July. It will be a breakthrough in Harappan studies.”
                    Rakhigarhi is a big Harappan site, 25 km from Jind in Hisar district. Twenty-one trenches, besides four burial pits, were dug during the excavation that began on January 23 and lasted till April-end.
                    Dr. Shinde, who is a specialist in Harappan civilisation and has excavated Harappan sites at Farmana, Girawad and Mitathal, all in Haryana, said the chemical tests would be done on the bones to find out what kind of health the Harappans enjoyed, the diet they had and the causes of their death. The four burial pits with the skeletons had a variety of ritual pottery.
                    The 21 trenches yielded typical Harappan painted pottery, including goblets, terracotta figurines of wild boar and dogs, and furnaces and hearths that provided evidence of a bangle- and bead-making industry.
                    Harappa’s greatest centre sheds light on our today
                    Vasant Shinde, Professor of Archaeology at Deccan College, Pune, speaks to Pawanpreet Kaur about Rakhigarhi, conceivably the largest centre of the Harappan civilisation.
                    PAWANPREET KAUR  16th Sep 2012

                    The excavated site at Rakhigarhi
                    hat can you tell us about Rakhigarhi?
                    Rakhigarhi is a village in Hisar district, Haryana, around 150 kilometres from Delhi. Our excavations have revealed it is the largest Harappan Civilisation site in the Indian subcontinent, with an estimated area of 400 hectares, which is 100 hectares more than any other known site. It is situated near the dry bed of Ghaggar (a section of Saraswati), which once flowed here.
                    What led to its discovery?
                    After the Partition, archaeologists began a systematic survey for Harappan sites along the Indo-Pak border. Archaeologists like J.P. Joshi, B.B. Lal, B. K. Thapa and A. Ghosh were convinced that sites like Mohanjodaro and Harappa were to be found here. Around 1963, Suraj Bhan, who was doing his PhD then, discovered that the village of Rakhigarhi was the site of an extensive Harappan city, in fact it was one of the early Harappan settlements. At first, no one was ready to accept its size, but after excavations were carried out between 1997 and 2000, people began to believe.
                    How were scholars able to determine the extent of the site at Rakhigarhi?
                    In addition to traditional methods of excavation, we used ground penetration radar (GPR), which uses electromagnetic radiation to image upto 20 metres of the subsurface. The digging has been followed up with scientific analysis of data and artefacts in the Deccan College laboratories.
                    What have excavations in the region revealed?
                    We have found typical Harappan features: town planning, wide roads (wider than Kalibangan), brick lined drains for sewage, pits that were used for sacrificial or religious purposes, a gold foundry and furnace, thousands of semi-precious stones and tools and a burial site with skeletons and their belongings.
                    What makes you sure that Rakhigarhi belongs to the early Harappan phase?
                    The artefacts we found point to Early and Mature Harappan phases, especially the pottery. We found deposits of Hakra ware, which is typically found in the Early Harappan phase. As against this, the pottery from the Mature phase has painting, Harappan motifs and even some letters from its script. In addition to this, the impressive number of pottery pieces, terracotta statues and seals, needles, fish hooks, weights and bronze artefacts that we have found all point to this particular phase. In fact, some major discoveries from the Harappan period have pushed back its antiquity by several hundred years.
                    While Western scholars think that this civilisation originated in Sindh, we are increasingly discovering that there could have been important sites that not just predate these but could have existed around the same time as Mohanjodaro and Harappa. 
                    Have excavations in Rakhigarhi shed light on other discoveries made at Mohanjodaro and Harappa?
                    There is a misconception that the Harappan civilisation was homogenous. That is far from the truth. There are distinct signs of regional diversity, especially in town planning, disposal of the dead, in artefacts and so on. For instance, the skeletons we found at Rakhigarhi's burial ground all had their heads turned to the north. And, in the seals, the animals' faces are turned to the right instead of the left, as seen in the seals found in Mohanjodaro and Harappa. Each region had distinct features but these need to be studied more extensively.
                    What is significance of Rakhigarhi in the study of the Harappan Civilisation?

                    While most Western scholars think that Harappan civilisation originated in Sindh, we are increasingly discovering that there could have been important sites that not just predate these but could have existed around the same time as Mohanjodaro and Harappa. So, Rakhigarhi is an important site to study the evolution of the Harappan civilisation itself. Also, given its size, strategic location and proximity to the Khetri belt in Rajasthan, which has a rich reserve of copper, Rakhigarhi may well have been an important trade centre, especially of semi-precious stones or at least a significant trade route. Also, I feel it may have also been an important point of contact with the contemporaneous non-Harappan, non-urban cultures.
                    What is the condition of the site today?
                    Of the seven mounds at the site, three have been fenced and security arrangements put in place. One is under occupation (people are living there and it is impossible to move them), one is under cultivation and one is quite intact. We are trying to stop encroachments from the village, which is the single biggest threat to this site. And instead of using formulaic methods of Western laboratories, we are trying to determine indigenous methods to ensure the preservation of these structures using locally available material. But, I think at one level archaeological research has been flawed because scholars tend to focus only on the bigger sites. For instance, of the 2000 Harappan sites we have discovered so far, only five are cities. And yet, they have hogged all the limelight. There are other industrial and rural allied centres that deserve as much attention.
                    Has Rakhigarhi been able to shed any light on the theory of the origin and history of Aryans?
                    It is an intriguing question, one that can be understood only by identifying the actual cultural sequence of the Ghaggar/Saraswati. There are different hypotheses as regards the identity of the people who thrived on the banks of the Saraswati. Some people believe these were Aryans while others insist they were non-Aryans. My argument is that from 7000 BC onwards, we don't have any evidence of people migrating. If we say the Aryans came from outside, it should reflect in their lifestyle. From 7000 BC onwards, we have been able to observe that they are the same people. Studying Rakhigarhi has been a study of their legacy. The model Haryana household today is exactly how the households of people must have been thousands and thousands of years ago. There are too many similarities between modern day and ancient Rakhigarhi to ignore.
                    What future works do you plan to undertake in Rakhigarhi?
                    Aside from the excavations and analysis, we are trying to stop encroachments and trespassing by involving the villagers. You know, in 1965, 250 sites were identified in the basin. Today, only one or two of those are left. At first the villagers viewed us with suspicion. They thought if we found something the government would take away their land. Or that we were after the treasures buried in the ground. But when they saw us collecting bones and pieces of pottery, they were convinced we were doing serious work. Once they realised what the excavation meant, they took immense pride in the history of their village. So, we are now trying to promote Rakhigarhi as a historical tourism destination and for this we are involving villagers in activities like artefact-replica production, training as guides and so on. We are also trying to build an onsite museum and a research facility with an extensive training programme for students.

                    Former Archaeological Survey director sentenced to jail for fraud

                    • Bhartesh Singh Thakur, Hindustan Times, Panchkula
                    •   |   
                    • Updated: Oct 15, 2015 23:50 IST










                    It came to light that forged and fabricated bills of non-existent shops, showrooms and firms were used to misappropriate ASI money. (Photo courtesy: Wikipedia)

                    The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) special court, Haryana, here has held former director of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) Amrender Nath guilty in three cases and sentenced him to two-and-a-half-years’ rigorous imprisonment (RI) for forging bills during the excavation exercise at Rakhigarhi in Hisar district.
                    The Institute of Archaeology, a training institution functioning under the ASI, took up three excavation projects at Rakhigarhi during 1997-98, 1998-99 and 1999-2000. The projects were carried out under Nath’s supervision. The discovery in Rakhigarhi led archaeologists to consider it as the biggest site of the Harappan civilisation. Earlier, experts used to regard Mohenjo-daro in Pakistan as the largest site.
                    It came to light that forged and fabricated bills of non-existent shops, showrooms and firms were used to misappropriate ASI money. The FIR was registered in 2001.
                    According to the CBI court judgment in the first case, Nath, while working as ASI director, forged and fabricated money receipts/memos himself as well as in league with co-accused Anil Kumar and Jitender Kumar and passed off the documents as genuine for claiming adjustment of cash withdrawal to the tune of Rs 2.56 lakh.
                    In the second case, it was found that Nath, along with Anil Kumar and then ASI superintendent RD Singh, forged and fabricated receipts/memos for cash withdrawal to the tune of Rs 1.58 lakh.
                    In the third case, the CBI court detected that Nath, while working in collusion with Anil Kumar, forged bills to the tune of Rs 1.55 lakh.
                    The CBI court had also found that Nath bypassed provisions of the purchase procedure envisaged in the Archaeological Works Code and General Financial Rules as quotations were not called for purchases worth more than Rs 1,000.
                    “There are close to 100 forged bills in these three cases. We produced witnesses who proved that such firms or shops never existed,” said CBI counsel DS Chawla.
                    While deciding on the quantum of sentence to Nath, the court said, “The excavation work carried out by the accused (Nath) is a landmark in the history of archaeology in India. The court cannot lose sight of this fact… No doubt, in excavation work some bills etc. were forged and fabricated by the accused. Therefore, on one count, the accused deserves leniency. However, he cannot be given any undue advantage in the quantum of sentence and thus, it is to be adjudged accordingly.”

                    Can Rakhigarhi, the largest Indus Valley Civilisation site be saved?

                    Archana Khare Ghose, TNN Jun 3, 2012, 09.43AM IST


                    It's a scorching summer day and the dirt tracks meandering through the twin villages of Rakhi Shah and Rakhi Khas in Hissar district, Haryana, are deserted. A sugarcane juice vendor, an odd man out in the heat, points to the edge of the villages where ancient heritage lies buried under mounds.
                    But all you can spot from that distance are innumerable mounds of cow dung cakes, 4-6 feet high, standing atop a natural knoll, almost covering it completely.
                    On getting closer, you realise that you are standing next to the mound that had made headlines more than 12 years ago, when excavations at Rakhigarhi - as the two villages are known collectively - had revealed it to be the largest Indus Valley Civilisation site in India, with an approximate area of 130 hectares.
                    Rakhigarhi was recently declared one of the 10 most endangered heritage sites in Asia by the watchdogGlobal Heritage Fund. The countless heaps of cow dung cakes seem too harmless to render this protected site endangered.
                    Just then, some women cross the mound through a shortcut created by villagers by removing blocks from the iron boundary wall erected by the Archaeological Survey of India. It is evident that the heritage at Rakhigarhi is not being looked after.
                    This mound, called RGR1 by archaeologists , is one of the seven that were studied more than a decade back to reveal a rich haul of artifacts establishing the importance of Rakhigarhi in the pecking order of Indus Valley Civilisation sites dominated by Harappa and Mohenjodaro, in Pakistan.
                    Its importance was buttressed by the discovery of burials in a field north of RGR1, one of which - of a middle-aged woman wearing shell bangles - is on display at the National Museum in New Delhi. Most of the findings are being studied at Deccan College, Pune.
                    Suddenly, a group of boys appears, offering to help in digging out heritage from the other mounds. It's obvious that the site is being vandalized for years. A block from the RGR1 boundary is missing; a cremation shed stands on top of the mound that had revealed a planned habitation of Harappan times (which has since been covered by ASI); broken earthen pots used in cremation and white shrouds are lying all over; the boundary near RGR2 and RGR3 is almost gone; and a lone daily wager appointed by the ASI to protect the place is missing too.
                    Besides, the RGR2 was overtaken by a dargah about 5-6 years ago. An eager boy draws attention to RGR3, which continues to throw up pottery shards, toys, beads every now and then. He slides down the gullies created by rain water in the mound and pulls out pottery and terracotta shreds. The top of this unprotected mound, however, is littered with used condoms and caps of liquor bottles.
                    History is vanishing from these mounds into private houses. A boy heads to his home to display his private heritage collection. "Foreigners come frequently looking for artifacts and we sell them for Rs 50 to Rs 200. The best time to visit is after the rains when the soil gives way, revealing many objects," he says. He informs that recently , a shower had thrown up an inscribed plate which he had sold to an angrez for Rs 200.
                    Heritage, clearly, is on sale at Rakhigarhi and the villagers are not just unscrupulous with what they have in their midst but also unaware of the implications of their actions. The guard, who is supposed to look after the place on behalf of the ASI, remains largely missing from his post at RGR1.
                    The post, however, displays a board that lists activities at protected sites that could invite legal action. But most of those prohibited activities - construction, digging, excavation of artifacts - go on unchecked here.
                    The officers seem to be in denial. V C Sharma, superintending archaeologist of ASI's Chandigarh division, under whose jurisdiction Rakhigarhi falls, says, "No fence has been removed" when he is informed about the deteriorating condition of the boundary walls.
                    When he is told about the photographic evidence with Sunday Times, he shoots back, "I'm not aware of it. ASI is so short-staffed that it is not possible for us to keep a 24X7 watch on the village." That's the sentiment echoed by Gautam Sengupta , the ASI director-general.
                    "That happens all over the country. We don't have the wherewithal to look after the day-to-day problems at the sites," he says. Sengupta says that the importance of Rakhigarhi cannot be undermined even though he doesn't understand the term 'endangered site'.
                    "It's unfortunate that we don't have the means of fool-proof control. A longterm model involving the local community is needed as when excavations go on, they provide the maximum work force. It would be beneficial to involve them in a way that would sustain them and protect the heritage as well," he explains.

                    Published: March 27, 2014 22:24 IST | Updated: March 27, 2014 22:24 IST  

                    Rakhigarhi, the biggest Harappan site





                    The newly discovered mound number nine situated to the west of the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Hisar district, Haryana. Photo: Vasant Shinde
                    The newly discovered mound number nine situated to the west of the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Hisar district, Haryana. Photo: Vasant Shinde

                    Bigger than Mohenjo-daro, claims expert

                    The discovery of two more mounds in January at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Hisar district, Haryana, has led to archaeologists establishing it as the biggest Harappan civilisation site. Until now, specialists in the Harappan civilisation had argued that Mohenjo-daro in Pakistan was the largest among the 2,000 Harappan sites known to exist in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The archaeological remains at Mohenjo-daro extend around 300 hectares. Mohenjo-daro, Harappa and Ganweriwala (all in Pakistan) and Rakhigarhi and Dholavira (both in India) are ranked as the first to the fifth biggest Harappan sites.
                    “With the discovery of two additional mounds, the total area of the Rakhigarhi site will be 350 hectares,” asserted Professor Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor/Director, Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, a deemed-to-be university in Pune. The two mounds are in addition to the seven mounds already discovered at Rakhigarhi, about 160 km from New Delhi. The eighth and ninth mounds, spread over 25 hectares each, are situated to the east and west of the main site. Villagers have destroyed much of these two mounds for cultivation. A team of archaeology teachers and students of the Deccan College discovered them when they surveyed the site in January.
                    Dr. Shinde, a specialist in Harappan civilisation and Director of the current excavation at Rakhigarhi, called it “an important discovery.” He said: “Our discovery makes Rakhigarhi the biggest Harappan site, bigger than Mohenjo-daro. The two new mounds show that the Rakhigarhi site was quite extensive. They have the same material as the main site. So they are part of the main site. On the surface of mound nine, we noticed some burnt clay clots and circular furnaces, indicating this was the industrial area of the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi.”
                    Dr. Shinde had earlier led the excavations done by the Deccan College at the Harappan sites of Farmana, Girawad and Mitathal, all in Haryana.
                    On the surface of mound eight were found terracotta bangles, cakes, and pottery pieces, typical of the Harappan civilisation, said Nilesh P. Jadhav, Research Assistant, Department of Archaeology, Deccan College.
                    Artefacts found
                    From January 10, the Deccan College team has excavated five trenches on the slope of the mound four and another trench in the burial mound numbered seven. The excavation in mound four has yielded a cornucopia of artefacts, including a seal and a potsherd, both inscribed with the Harappan script; potsherds painted with concentric circles, fish-net designs, wavy patterns, floral designs and geometric designs; terracotta animal figurines, cakes, hopscotches and shell bangles, all belonging to the Mature Harappan phase of the civilisation. The five trenches have revealed residential rooms, a bathroom with a soak jar, drainages, a hearth, a platform etc … The residential rooms were built with mud bricks. The complex revealed different structural phases, said Kanti Pawar, assistant professor, Department of Archaeology, Deccan College.
                    Much of the Harappan site at Rakhigarhi lies buried under the present-day village, with several hundreds of houses built on the archaeological remains. The villagers’ main occupation is cultivation of wheat and mustard, and rearing of buffaloes.
                    Making cow dung cakes is a flourishing industry. There is rampant encroachment on all the mounds despite the Archaeological Survey of India fencing them. Amarendra Nath of the ASI had excavated the Rakhigarhi site from 1997 to 2000.
                    An important problem about the Harappan civilisation is the origin of its culture, Dr. Shinde said. The Harappan civilisation had three phases: the early Harappan from circa 3,500 BCE to circa 2,600 BCE, the mature Harappan which lasted from circa 2,600 BCE to circa 2000 BCE, and the late Harappan from circa 2000 BCE to 1,600 BCE.
                    Dr. Shinde said: “It was earlier thought that the origin of the early Harappan phase took place in Sind, in present-day Pakistan, because many sites had not been discovered then. In the last ten years, we have discovered many sites in this part [Haryana] and there are at least five Harappan sites such as Kunal, Bhirrana, Farmana, Girawad and Mitathal, which are producing early dates and where the early Harappan phase could go back to 5000 BCE. We want to confirm it. Rakhigarhi is an ideal candidate to believe that the beginning of the Harappan civilisation took place in the Ghaggar basin in Haryana and it gradually grew from here. If we get the confirmation, it will be interesting because the origin would have taken place in the Ghaggar basin in India and slowly moved to the Indus valley. That is one of the important aims of our current excavation at Rakhigarhi.”

                    Rakhigarhi likely to be developed into a world heritage site

                    The Haryana government has allocated a budget of Rs 2.5 crore for basic development of the area.

                    Rakhigarhi, Hisar, March 31, 2013 | UPDATED 15:02 IST

                    The area at Rakhigarhi in Hisar.
                    The road to Rakhigarhi village in Hisar is hardly there. Muddy trails dotted with buffalo dung lead to the mounds inside the village where a well-planned city with wide roads lay buried.
                    While the village cries for development, its soil holds the remains of the largest city of the Indus Valley civilisation, also known as the Harappan civilisation, where houses were made of large bricks, roads were 1.92 metre wide, the drainage system could be a lesson in modern-day sanitation and people had already aced the art of pottery, painting and weaving. After having lived over the relics of the five millennia old civilisation, villagers in Rakhigarhi now want to flaunt it to the world.
                    They have donated six acre land to the state government to develop a museum where the artefacts collected 12 years ago during excavation can be exhibited. They also want a hotel on the site to promote tourism and turn the place into a world heritage site.
                    Things have already started looking up for the village with Haryana government allocating a budget of `2.5 crore for basic development of the place. Indian Trust for Rural Heritage and Development is also channelling funds to the village from the Global Heritage Fund.

                    It was in 1963 that Rakhigarhi was identified to have the remains of the Indus Valley civilisation. The archeological Survey of India (ASI) took the mounds in its protection in 1997 and the excavation that lasted from 1998 to 2001 revealed a city that was much larger than Harappa and Mohenjodaro, which are now in Pakistan.

                    The 224 hectare city also pushed back the age of the civilisation by 1,000 years. Rakhigarhi is also the only site which has the remains of early, mature and late Harappan era at the same place.

                    "Those who stayed here nearly 5,000 years ago were probably more advanced than us. Their houses had broad walls for better security and their bricks were of different shapes," said Wazir Chand Saraoe, a 52-year-old school teacher, who had been collecting the relics as a child and has built a museum in his house. Saraoe has stocked bangles, urns, beakers, semi-precious stones, toys, seals, plates and has also donated artefacts to the National Museum in Delhi. Villagers say artefacts come up whenever it rains. There was a time when children often collected them and sold them to visitors for anything between Rs 200 and Rs 500.

                    "The excavation revealed that fire was extensively used in that era. Archaeologists found five altars and also a site they might be using for sacrifices," said Saraoe who began exploring the mounds when his mother sent him there when the cattle had to graze. A cemetery with 11 skeletons, including three of women, were found. Urns probably filled with eatables were placed by their side.

                    Today, three mounds - called RGR 1, 2 and 3 - have been protected by a fence installed by the ASI though villagers have a free access. Women go there to dry the dung cakes while it also doubles up as a cremation ground. "Seven sites have been identified so far. RGR 1, 2 and 3 have been excavated and fence has been put up around them by the ASI. RGR 6 and 7 are agricultural land. RGR 4 and 5 have been inhabited. Deccan College, Pune is working on the site and a team from there is likely to start excavation work on RGR 4, which is 40 per cent inhabited, in the next few months," said S.K. Misra, chairman, Indian Trust for Rural Heritage and Development that has many experts from various fields as trustees.

                    "We have already had a word with the chief minister Bhupinder Hooda. Our first plan is to develop the village by providing basis amenities like education and roads," he added. According to Misra, Global Heritage Fund, which had named Rakhigarhi as an endangered archeological site in 2010, is ready to fund the project. "The village panchayat had passed a resolution to transfer six acres of land for the development of a museum and an interpretation centre but it cannot be given free as per rules. So the ASI will have to decide if they can take the land on lease," he added.

                    On the other hand, villagers hope development of the excavated sites will open up job avenues for them. Though the ASI had put off work on the sites after a CBI inquiry was initiated into the management of funds, villagers now want it to protect the site more actively. "The village has been partially protected. The entire site can be fenced only once the land is acquired by ASI. The state government is planning something for the sites and its officials had a meeting with our director-general recently," said B.R. Mani, spokesperson, ASI.

                    Though the ASI has always wanted to take up the entire village for exploration because there is a possibility of finding more artefacts, the issue of relocating the villagers hasn't been taken up yet.

                    "It's not an easy thing to do. Only the state government can rehabilitate them," Mani said.


                    Rakhigarhi: Indian town could unlock mystery of Indus civilization
                    Archaeologists hope DNA from four skeletons will shed light on bronze age settlement as locals see chance to develop more than just site’s ancient heritage
                     Visitors at the archeological site of Mohenjo-daro in Sindh province, Pakistan, one of the main centres of the Indus civilisation. Photograph: Waqar Hussain/EPA
                    Wazir Chand is explaining life 4,000 years ago. He points to the rocky mounds looming over a huddle of brick houses, a herd of black buffalo and a few stunted trees. The rising sun burns off a chill mist over the north-west Indian plains.
                    A low rise was a fortification, Chand says, and a darker patch of red earth hides the site of an altar. Nimbly stepping around piles of buffalo dung, he points to a slight depression. This, apparently, was a pit that may have been a reservoir.
                    To the casual onlooker, Rakhigarhi is unimpressive. Yet the rubbish-strewn mounds and fields around and under this Indian village are set to deliver the answer to one of the deepest secrets of ancient times.
                    Rakhigarhi is a key site in the Indus Valley civilisation, which ruled a more than 1m sq km swath of the Asian subcontinent during the bronze age and was as advanced and powerful as its better known contemporary counterparts in Egypt and Mesopotamia.
                    Archaeologists have learned much about the civilisation since it was discovered along the Indus river in present day Pakistan about a century ago. Excavations have since uncovered huge carefully designed cities with massive grain stores, metal workshops, public baths, dockyards and household plumbing, as well as stunning distinctive seals. But many perplexing questions remain unanswered.
                    One has stood out: who exactly were the people of the Indus civilisation? A response may come within weeks.
                    “Our research will most definitely provide an answer. This will be a major breakthrough. I am very excited,” said Vasant Shinde, an Indian archaeologist leading current excavations at Rakhigarhi, which was discovered in 1965.
                    Shinde’s conclusions will be published in the new year. They are based on DNA sequences derived from four skeletons – of two men, a woman and a child –excavated eight months ago and checked against DNA data from tens of thousands of people from all across the subcontinent, central Asia and Iran.
                    “The DNA is likely to be incredibly interesting and it has the potential to address all sorts of challenging questions about the population history of the people of the Indus civilisation,” said Dr Cameron Petrie, an expert in south Asian and Iranian archaeology at the University of Cambridge.










                    The origins of the people of the Indus Valley civilisation has prompted a long-running argument that has lasted for more than five decades.

                    The new data will provide definitive answers, at least for the population of Rakhigarhi.Some scholars have suggested that they were originally migrants from upland plateaux to the west. Others have maintained the civilisation was made up of indigenous local groups, while some have said it was a mixture of both, and part of a network of different communities in the region. Experts have also debated whether the civilisation succumbed to a traumatic invasion by so-called “Aryans” whose chariots they were unable to resist, or in fact peaceably assimilated a series of waves of migration over many decades or centuries.
                    “There is already evidence of intermarriage and mixing through trade and so forth for a long time and the DNA will tell us for sure,” Shinde said.
                    The conclusions from the new research on the skeletal DNA sample – though focused on the bronze age – are likely to be controversial in a region riven by religious, ethnic and nationalist tensions.
                    Hostile neighbours India and Pakistan have fought three wars since winning their independence from the British in 1947, and have long squabbled over the true centre of the Indus civilisation, which straddles the border between the countries.
                    Shinde said Rakhigarhi was a bigger city than either Mohenjo-daro or Harrapa, two sites in Pakistan previously considered the centre of the Indus civilisation.
                    Some in India will also be keen to claim any new research supports their belief that the Rig Veda, an ancient text sacred to Hindus compiled shortly after the demise of the Indus Valley civilisation, is reliable as an historical record.

                    There are other mysteries too. The Indus Valley civilisation flourished for three thousand years before disappearing suddenly around 1500 BC. Theories range from the drying up of local rivers to an epidemic. Recently, research has focused on climate change undermining the irrigation-based agriculture on which an advanced urban society was ultimately dependent.The question of links between today’s inhabitants of the area and those who lived, farmed, and died here millennia ago has also prompted fierce argument.
                    Soil samples around the skeletons from which samples were sent for DNA analysis have also been despatched. Traces of parasites may tell archaeologists what the people of the Indus Valley civilisation ate. Three-dimensional modelling technology will also allow a reconstruction of the physical appearance of the dead.
                    “For the first time we will see the face of these people,” Shinde said.
                    In Rakhigarhi village, there are mixed emotions about the forthcoming revelations about the site.
                    Chand, the self-appointed guide and amateur expert, hopes the local government will finally fulfil longstanding promises to build a museum, an auditorium and hotel for tourists there.
                    “This is a neglected site and now that will change. This place should be as popular as the Taj Mahal. There should be hundreds, thousands of visitors coming,” Chand told the Guardian.
                    A brief glance at the rubbish strewn middens which the mounds of the ancient city have become, indicates the work to be done before Rakhigarhi becomes a major attraction. The inhabitants of today’s Rakhigarhi lack many of the facilities enjoyed by those who lived there in the bronze age. Raj Bhi Malik, the village head, sees an opportunity to develop more than the site’s ancient heritage.
                    “We want a museum and all that certainly … but also clean drinking water, proper sanitation, an animal hospital, a clinic too,” Malik said.




                    Showcasing Indian Heritage Sites

                    In his recent speech, the Hon’ble Prime Minister of India during his visit to the USA, mentioned that India has the oldest civilization. This statement is true in its entirely and as we have excavated remains of oldest civilization in the western and north-western part of India. What makes India unique is not only the presence of the oldest civilization in the world but also cultural continuity in the traditions and traditional knowledge systems developed by the earliest civilization of this region. India is the only country in the world where we can boast of unbroken history of two million years. Some of the traditional knowledge system developed by earliest cultures has continued and being used by a number of Indian communities living technologically in different Prehistoric Age.
                    The earliest civilization i.e. Harappan Civilization flourished mostly in the northwest and western part of India. Over 2000 sites of this civilization have been discovered so far of which some of the important ones where exhaustive research have been carried out include Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Farmana, Bhirana in Haryana, Lothal, Surkotda, Dholavira etc. in Gujarat. Very few people show interest in visiting sites of the Harappan Civilization in India mainly because there is hardly any monumental creation made by the Harappans, which may attract people. However, the Harappan people were more practical and had different philosophical approach. They were technologically capable of creating monumental marvel but preferred not to do that. They were generating lot of wealth through inland and international trade and the wealth was used for the welfare of the people and not for creating monumental architecture which was of no use to the common people. The Harappans also have contributed lot to the knowledge and the history of the world and our efforts are to showcase their contribution to the world so that people develop interest in visiting the sites and get first-hand information and experience in understanding them. These are the people who taught the world how to build modern and hygienic cities; they were practicing Panchayat system for administrative purpose which is the foundation of democratic setup. One can state that Harappans were the first people in the world to practice incipient democracy 6000 years ago. They have taught the world scientific construction method and the so-called English Bond construction method which was invented by them much before it was known to the world. We prefer to call it a Harappan Bond. They have practiced excellent water harvesting and water management system which is evident at the site of Dholavira in Gujarat. The evidence of the earliest dockyard earliest in the world comes from the site of Lothal. The sites of Kalibangan, Farmana and Rakhigarhi have the evidence of craft specialization and manufacturing on large scale. We are developing the site of Rakhigarhi from tourism point of view and the team of archaeologists from Deccan College have initiated limited excavation and site management plan since 2012. We are proposing to build a museum there in which we can show the world the important contributions they have made to the history and their achievements in basic science and technology. We are developing very strong outreach programme and also proposing to run field training camp at the site of Rakhigarhi. We will welcome participation of professionals and laymen in the excavations we have undertaken at Rakhigarhi. The excavation season is generally from December to March every year. We will also welcome the tourist from India and outside to Rakhigarhi where we are showcasing the achievements made by the Harappans in various spheres of human life.
                    Date: 8th October, 2014
                    (Prof. V.S. Shinde)
                    Vice-Chancellor
                    Deccan College
                    Deemed University
                    Pune/India

                    Basic Issues in Harappan Archaeology: Some Thoughts



                    Authors:



                    Vasant Shinde ,


                    Shweta Sinha Deshpande,


                    Toshiki Osada,


                    Takao Uno

                    Abstract

                    The identification of the Harappan Civilization in the early twentieth century was considered to be the most significant archaeological discovery in the Indian Subcontinent as it pushed the beginning of settled life by 2000 years. Contemporary to the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Civilizations it was unique in its town planning. Spread over major parts of the western and north-western subcontinent, its influence is seen to the Tajikistan border in the north and the Gulf region in the west with over two thousand sites found till date. The past eight decades of research have brought to light many important details of the culture including the cultural process involving its origin, maturity and decline but certain aspects such as the terminology, climatic influence, regional variations, script etc are still very flimsy. To gain more information the focus of research will have to shift from Mega Site Archaeology to Small Site Archaeology with large multidisciplinary research projects to acquire a more holistic picture of the Harappan culture.
                    How to Cite: Shinde, V. et al., (2006). Basic Issues in Harappan Archaeology: Some Thoughts. Ancient Asia. 1, pp.63–72. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/aa.06107

                    Introduction
                    The identification of the Harappan Civilization in the early twentieth century was considered to be the most significant archaeological discovery in the Indian Subcontinent, not because it was one the earliest civilizations of the world, but because it stretched back the antiquity of settled life in the Indian Subcontinent by two thousand years at one stroke. Vincent Smith (1904), one of the leading historians of the era, had written in the beginning of the twentieth century that there was a wide gap (Vedic Night) or a missing link between the Stone Age and Early Historic periods in Indian History and that settled life in this part of the world began only after 6th 5th centuries BC, probably during the Stupa (Buddhist) period. The discovery of the Harappan Civilization proved him wrong and the Indian Subcontinent brought to light its first civilization that was contemporary to the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Civilizations. This Civilization was unique compared to the two contemporary civilizations on account of its extent and town planning. Extent-wise it was much bigger in size than the Mesopotamian and the Egyptian Civilizations put together and spread beyond the Subcontinent. Its town planning included a citadel and lower town, both fortified and with a checkerboard type of planned settlement which were unique and unparalleled in the contemporary world. Intensive and extensive works have brought to light over two thousand sites till date. Its distribution pattern suggests that it not only spread over major parts of the western and north-western subcontinent, but its influence is seen beyond, up to the Tajikistan border in the north and the Gulf region in the west. In true sense this was the only civilization in its contemporary world, which was international in nature.
                    The culture flourished due to many factors, important among them being the prevalence of the congenial climatic conditions (Krishnamurty, 1981; Shinde et al., 2001), availability of most fertile plains of the Indus and Saraswati, and surplus trade with Mesopotamia, Persian Gulf and Egypt.
                    Sir John Marshall identified the Harappan Civilization on 20th September 1924 and since then numerous scholars and institutions, both from India and outside, have been engaged in unraveling the history of this most important phase of Indian culture. No other culture in the subcontinent has received as much attention as the Harappans; however, it should be mentioned that what we know today about this civilization is mainly the history of their urban life, as the reconstruction done is based on the data recovered from large settlements identified as either cities or towns. Comparatively very few rural Harappan settlements have been excavated systematically on large scale. In order to understand the Harappans completely a holistic approach is required with sufficient systematic work on different categories of sites. The work carried out at the site of Mehrgah in Baluchistan has already demonstrated the origins of this culture, which was gradual from the modest beginning of settled life around 7500 BC (Jarrige et al., 1995). Identification of the three phases of Harappan culture- Early Harappan (3300-2600 BC), Mature Harappan (2600-2000 BC) and Late Harappan (2000-1700 BC) suggests a gradual cultural process origin, development and decline. The precise reasons for this cultural process is not known, but it is presumed that climatic fluctuations may have been one of the many factors responsible.

                    Basic Issues

                    1. Terminology
                    The culture when identified at the site of Harappa, in the jurisdiction of the modem large village of Harappa in the Punjab province (now in Pakistan) in 1924, was termed as the Harappan Civilization. It was named after the type-site where the culture was first identified. However, with the passage of time and the discovery of more and more sites covering a vast geographical locale from time to time the nomenclature for the culture underwent constant change. Different scholars identified this culture by different names and today the Harappan Civilization has three different terminologies- the Indus Civilization, the Indus Valley Civilization and more recently the Indus-Saraswati civilization. There is no need to cite references to this as it is a well known fact for all archaeologists/historian dealing with the Harappan Civilization and these different terms have been prolifically used in various writings. Of course each one of these new terminologies have been provided with a convincing explanation as to why he or she prefers that particular term.
                    This trend is dangerous as there may not be a stop to this tendency, which is growing. We should not be surprised if tomorrow someone would like to call the Harappan Civilization as the Indus-Saraswati-Gujarat Civilization with a valid point to do so. There may not be an end to this confusion. Students and others not so familiar with the archaeology of the Subcontinent are all confused and are not sure whether all these different terms are for the same culture or for different cultures. To avoid this confusion we need to go back to the archaeological ethics and follow the unwritten convention in archaeology, e.g. name the culture after the type-site where it is discovered or identified for the first time. And therefore it is suggested that we maintain the original term "Harappan Civilization" instead of switching over from one term to another, which does no good but more harm to the subject.
                    2. Origins of the Harappan Civilization and the roles of Regional Cultures
                    Of many excavations undertaken over a long period of time in the Subcontinent, the one carried out at Mehrgarh between 1974-1985 (Jarrige et al., 1995) is in real sense epoch making. Not only has it provided the earliest evidence for settled life in the Indian Subcontinent going back to the seventh millennium BC, but has also provided solid evidence for the steady and gradual emergence of the Harappan elements. The evidence from Mehrgarh laid to rest the earlier controversial theory of the Western world being responsible for the emergence of the Harappan Civilization. The excavations have demonstrated seven different stages of development prior to the emergence of the Harappan culture in the last stage (VIII). What is evident here is the introduction of various Harappan elements at different levels at the site throughout the first seven phases, culminating into the emergence of the Harappan culture in the last stage/phase (VIII).
                    Three different phases of the Harappan culture - Early, Mature and Late demonstrate the cultural process from origin through development to decline. The Mature Harappan phase is the most prosperous one and shows the development of the Civilization into an urbanized society. The evidence from various excavated sites now leads us to believe that this phase has emerged out of the Early Harappan phase. As is evident the process of transformation from Early to Mature Harappan appears to have happened simultaneously over the major Harappan region including Baluchistan, Sindh, Indus-Saraswati basin and Gujarat.
                    The earlier belief that the Harappan Civilization (Mature Harappan phase) was a homogenous entity has turned out to be a myth. Within the Harappan region itself we find manifestation of the regional variation and three such regional variations (Domain according to Possehl, 2002) can very distinctly be identified). The first scholar to point out this variation within the Harappan Civilization was J.P. Joshi in 1984 (Joshi, 1984 and Possehl (2002) has identified more than 7 domains on account of geography and settlement pattern data. However, on the basis of variations in the material culture, three zones can clearly be distinguished. The excavations at Rojdi by Possehl and Raval (1989) were important from the point of view of identification of the regional variation of the Harappan Civilization in Saurasthra. It was noticed that the material culture associated with the Harappan culture at Rojdi showed some difference compared to that found in the Sindh-Baluchistan region. This was found true for the whole Saurashtra region. This difference was treated as a regional variation of the Harappan culture in Saurashtra and termed as Sorath Harappan (Possehl and Herman 1990). Similar regional differences in the material culture, more particularly in the ceramic assemblages of the Harappan sites is visible in the Saraswati region. The sites located in the Sindh-Baluchistan region have classical Harappan elements and form another distinct region within the Harappan empire.
                    A number of Early Harappan cultures flourished in various regions of the Harappan Empire and the Mature Harappan is supposed to be the result of internal development within these Early Harappan cultures. Naturally therefore the features of the Early Harappan cultures persisted through the Mature phase in their respective regions. In the SindhBaluchistan region the elements of the Early Harappan Amri-Kot Diji cultures dominated the assemblages of the Mature Harappan phase in that region, whereas in the Saraswati basin the elements of the early Siswal-Sothi continued to be dominating in the Mature Harappan phase in that region. The so called Sorath Harappan phase evolved out of the Padri Early Phase (Shinde, 1998) and hence the continuation of the Padri elements in the Mature Harappan phase there. It is because of this factor that we see variations and the Mature Harappan phase does not look homogenous as was thought by the earlier scholars (Wheeler, 1968).
                    3. Biased reconstruction
                    Over two thousand sites of the Harappan culture have been discovered so far, of which only half a dozen are cities and slightly more than a dozen can be identified as towns. Rest of the settlements fall in different categories like small or big villages, processing centres, ports, and temporary camps for exploitation of local natural resources. A glace at the research strategy adopted by the Harappan archaeologists reveal that baring the site of Ganweriwala all the Harappan cities have been excavated on large scale, producing large quantity of data on various aspects like town planning, trade, social, religious and economic. This data has enabled reconstruction of urban or city life of the Harappan people but it represents less than even 3% of the Harappan population. We have however, very little idea of their rural lifestyle, where more than 97% Harappans were living, as "Small Harappan Site Archaeology" does not seem to be a priority of the Harappan archaeologists. Very few small Harappan sites have been subjected to large-scale systematic excavations. In fact there is a need to systematically identify and document different categories of Harappan sites and a number of sites in each category needs to be systematically excavated on large scale which in the real sense will give a holistic picture of the Harappan life and history.
                    4. Climate and Harappan Civilization
                    Very little data is available at present on the climate that existed throughout the Harappan period (3500-1500 BC) and the region. A few attempts have been made towards reconstruction of the palaeoclimatic sequence in the Indian Subcontinent with pioneer work being done by much quoted Gurdeep Singh, (1971). The next substantial work was that of Enzel et al. (1999). Both these teams worked in Rajasthan and had data from three salt lakes: Sambhar, Didwana, and Lunkaransar. But the explanation given for the timing and factors for the desiccation of the lakes and its correlation with archaeological data led to different interpretations. The first group let by Gurdeep Singh (1971) initially (before calibration) proposed good climatic conditions during the flourishing Harappan phase, whereas the latter group let by Enzel (1999) proposed that the Harappan Civilization flourished when the climatic conditions were not very conducive for the human cultures. Both the group based their hypotheses on the basis of drying of lakes in Rajasthan. These limited studies have drawn a lot of criticism. According to Possehl (2002), the changing salinity of these lakes need not be attributed to changes in rainfall. The geology of Rajasthan is complex. The three lakes investigated are hypersaline today, but there are also freshwater lakes in this same region (Lakes Pushkar and Ganger). This observation leads to the conclusion that under one climate regime in Rajasthan, there can be both freshwater and hypersaline lakes, calling into question Singhs hypothesis.
                    Reconstruction of ancient climatic conditions is a multi-disciplinary approach. Only one core from such huge lakes is not enough. Besides, the study of catchment area, history of erosion, vegetation pattern, geology, carrying capacity of the catchment area, tectonic history of the region, etc. have to be taken into consideration when reconstruction of ancient climatic conditions of a region is done. It is absolutely essential to know what the climate was during the Harappan period and its impact on three different phases of the Culture. We need to find out the role of the climate in the origin, development and decline of the Harappan civilization. A satisfactory explanation is still to be acquired for emergence and growth of the flourishing Harappan city of Dholavira (on the Khadir Island of Kutch in Gujarat), which is today surrounded by barren desert land (Rann of Kutch). We need to find out the ecological conditions of this region for which a lot of data on climatic and ancient landscape will have to be generated. Extensive research on this aspect is the need of the hour. The GIS software and satellite imagery photographs can be used to reconstruct the ancient landscape.
                    5. Importance of Indus and Saraswati river basins, Saurashtra and North Gujarat
                    The Indus and Saraswati basins covered by alluvium land, no doubt the most important fertile units of the Subcontinent, provided solid agricultural base for the Harappans, where they could raise not only sufficient food grains for the Harappan population but also surplus. These two basins are quite congenial for wheat and barley cultivation. It is because of the production of surplus food grains that the Harappans could make so much progress in technology and art. Besides, they had under their jurisdiction regions like Saurasthra and North Gujarat, which are covered by black cotton soil and coarse soils respectively. The main crop cultivated in Saurashtra was millet whereas North Gujarat has vast tracts of pastureland. Such varied ecological conditions that the Harappans occupied, gave them a lot of subsistence advantages. In case one agricultural zone failed due to a natural calamity, they had another at their disposal to support them. Besides, they did maintain friendly mutual relations with the neighbouring Chalcolithic communities, both on the eastern as well as western borders.
                    Saurashtra region had access to the resources like carnelian, agate, chalcedony, chert and all semi-precious stones used either for bead or tool manufacture. Besides, the most important source of chank shell (Turbinela pyrum), one of the three sources in the subcontinent was along the Saurashtra coast. This was the most important raw material for the Harappans to make bangles and beads. Shell processing centres like Nageshwar on the western tip of Saurashtra was established for production of beads and bangles. They were meant for the supply to the domestic as well as international market. Other resources such as copper from Khetri belt in Rajasthan, gold from Hatti mines in South India, lapis lazuli from Badakshan region in Afghanistan, etc. located away from the core Harappan region were obtained with ease by the Harappans. By developing effective communication networks and exchange mechanisms, they could manage a constant flow of essential raw materials and an uninterrupted distribution of finished goods to other Harappan as well as non-Harappan contemporary settlements. The selection of varied ecological niches gave the Harappans considerable advantages over their contemporaries and enabled them to flourish. In their international trade the region of Gulf, particularly Oman has played an important role as the evidence from the site of Ras al Junayz will indicate (Cleuziou and Tosi, 1994). The Gulf region may have been found as a convenient base in their trade with their contemporaries in the Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia and Egypt. It is quite possible that the merchants from these four regions traveled to places alike Ras al Junayz in Oman for carrying out business transaction and exchange of goods, as it is almost centrally located for all of them. Very rarely would merchants from these cultures travel directly to each other's territory.
                    6. Harappan Writing system and decipherment
                    In spite of numerous efforts made by scholars to decipher the Harappan script, there is no agreement between any two scholars and the script has remained the biggest enigma of the Harappan Civilization till date. If deciphered, a plethora of information on various aspects of the Harappan culture will come forth. The letters or script occurs from the Ravi phase dated to around 3300 BC (Meadow et al. 1999 and 2001) and continues until the end of the culture around 1300 BC. Asko Parpola, one of the scholars dedicated to the decipherment of the Harappan script states "uniformity of sign sequences throughout the Indus Valley points to only one language having been written. Historically, Proto-Dravidian is the most likely alternative and a good working hypothesis. The script type, the other big unknown, is determined as logosyllabic by the number of signs, average world length and age. Without translations, this type of script can be deciphered only partially-sign by sign". He further admits that decipherment is obstructed by formidable difficulties. The script has no close relative and its language is debated. Multilingual text- the usual key to the unknown scripts are lacking and all surviving texts are very short (Parpola, 2005). The only way left is as Parpola (2005) states "successful decipherment of other scripts and the history of writing give methodological guidance. Useful routine tasks include collection of all texts, establishing a sign list, compiling concordances to sign occurrences and analyzing the text for word boundaries other linguistic features". Collective efforts by archaeologists, historians, linguists, compute analysts, etc. have to be done. At this stage it appears that we should pray to find a Rosetta type of stone with multilingual script.
                    7. Climate and Decline of the Harappan Civilization
                    The decline of the Harappan Civilization was as dramatic and enigmatic as was its emergence. Of the many reasons, the climate appears to be the major villain in the decline of this great civilization. The reconstruction of the Holocene climatic sequence in the Indian subcontinent, particularly in the Thar Desert area of Rajasthan demonstrated lowering of annual rainfall around 2000 BC that may have caused major decline of the most flourishing first civilization of the Subcontinent. Scholars like Bryson and Swain (1981), Singh et al. (1990), Agrawal (1992) have emphasised the role of climate and environment in affecting habitations, especially the Harappan culture. Studies in respect to the reconstruction of climatic sequence carried out in various parts of the world suggest it was not only the Indian subcontinent that was affected, but the whole globe. In other words it was a major Global Climatic Change Phenomenon around 4000 BP or 2000 BC. Yasuda (2001) believes that not only the Harappan but all the civilizations of Eurasia declined around 4000 BP as a result of dry climate.
                    Studies of regional late Holocene vegetation history have shown that the most drastic changes in the vegetation pattern and cover, an important indicator of climate change, appeared around 2000 BC in different parts of the world. In north-eastern China in the Changbai Mountain region, the most noticeable event of the Late Holocene forest development around 2000 BC was expansion of Pinus koraientsis (Sun et al., 1990). Vegetation reconstruction at Kurugai site (northern Sichuan, China) in the eastern part of Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau revealed retreat of forest and spread of open areas at about 2000 BC (Gotanda, 1998). Around the same time in warm temperate forest zone located at lower elevation in the southern Sichuan, sclerophyllous drought adapted taxa expanded, suggesting weakening of the East Asian Monsoon activity with decrease in spring and summer precipitation (Jarvis, 1993). The oxygen isotopes analysis from the lake sediments in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau and North Xinjiang provinces recorded maximum aridity between 4500-3500 cal. yrs BP (Wei and Gasse, 1999). In parts of Europe, particularly in the Great Poland Plain the Carpinus betulus indicating dry climatic conditions, began its spread around 4100 BP and since 3500 BP has been the dominating species in the forest and the lowering of the lake levels began at the same time (Makohonineko, 1998). The results of pollen analysis from the Ghab valley and El-Rouj basin in Syria show that the climate became dry after around 2000 BC. This dry climate caused a drought and reduced the production of olives, wheat, and barley. People in northwest Syria abandoned their habitation sites completely in the Late Bronze Age because of drought (Yasuda, 2001).
                    In the Indian Subcontinent a few studies on climate reconstruction carried out also suggest similar trend of aridity around 2000 BC. A work on the core from the oxygen minimum zone off Karachi in Pakistan at water depth of 700 m has produced a unique record of monsoon climatic variability covering the last 5000 years (von Rad et al., 1999). They further noticed that the period from 3900 BP is marked by minimal varve thickness and low turbidity, which they interpret as indicators of low precipitation and decreased river run-off. Thus, the results obtained by various independent researches in different part of the globe do indicate deterioration of climate, which must have had adverse impact on the human cultures including of course the Harappan Civilization.
                    The deteriorating climatic condition had adverse consequences. One of the mighty and important rivers for the Harappans, the Saraswati dried up and even though the exact contribution of the deteriorating climatic conditions to this effect is not known. There is a possibility of the main river Saraswati (represented by Ghaggar-Hakra today) and its main tributary the Drishdvati, changing their courses and merging with other main rivers like Yamuna due to some tectonic upheaval in the upper reaches. However, the fluctuating climatic conditions may also have contributed to the drying up of the Saraswati. This was perhaps the biggest blow to the Harappan civilization as nearly three-forth of the settlements were located in the basin of this river. Good fertile arable land and ample supply of water made the basin of river Saraswati most attractive and the Harappans were able to produce surplus food grains here. It will not be far fetched to conclude that the Saraswati river was the life-line of the Harappans. After losing their agriculture base, the Harappans scattered and migrated to the region with readily available pasture land.
                    There has been a strong debate going on whether the sea level receded around 2000 BC and if so by how many metres? No satisfactory work has been carried out on this so far. Whether it was a world phenomenon or a regional phenomenon is not yet clear. But a number of Harappan ports on the Makran coast fell into disuse as they became almost inland sites after the receding sea levels. This must have adversely affected their international trade with the Gulf and subsequently with Mesopotamia and Egypt. As is well known, the international trade was in favour of the Harappans and was one of the major causes of the prosperity.
                    After the drying of their international trade, the pace of the decline of the Harappans hastened. The economic decline affected overall Harappan life-style, which is reflected in their material culture. As they lost their agricultural base in the Saraswati basin, they began shifting their settlements away from the banks of the main rivers. New area such as the western part of Uttar Pradesh and the pasture rich area of Gujarat such as Jamnagar District, was preferred by the Harappans in the later stage (Sinha-Deshpande and Shinde, 2005). The culture got mixed up with different local cultures and slowly and gradually merged with them.

                    Concluding Remarks

                    Some of the basic issues that have been discussed here are important and they need to be taken seriously and the future researchers will have to design research strategy in such a way that these aspects are taken into consideration. The focus of research will have to shift from Mega Site Archaeology to Small Site Archaeology and sufficient number of sites of the latter category needs to be researched on large scale. Large amount of data from these sites will only help in projecting holistic picture/history of the Harappan culture. There have not been many multi-disciplinary approaches to the Harappan archaeology in India. Archaeological research on the Harappan culture needs support and active participation of scholars from various other fields including geology, environmental science, zoology, botany, physics, chemistry, anthropology, geography, linguistics, Sanskrit studies, ethnology, etc. Systematic scientific research in the Saraswati basin is needed. Excavation of few sites in this basin is not enough but systematic survey to record settlement patterns, reconstruction of site typologies and generation of archaeological data and their co-relation with the Vedic texts needs to be undertaken in a sustained manner. A systematic and scientific study to find out exact causes of the disappearance of the Saraswati and Drishadvati rivers is must. There is no sufficient data to know about the exact climatic conditions during the Harappan times and its impact on the origins, development and decline of the Harappan culture. A lot of palynological data needs to be cored from the Saraswati basin proper for the reconstruction of the climate of that period. Considering various basic issues it appears there is no alternative but to undertake multi-disciplinary research strategy in various Harappan regions.
                    Pottery is one of the most important artefacts dug out from ancient sites and the Harappan sites are not an exception to that. Large amounts of pottery is found in the explorations and excavations. This pottery is classified and described by those scholars who either collect them from the surface of the site or dig out from sites. The various criterion and parameters considered for classification and analysis of pottery and the style of describing forms and rim shapes of pottery differ from scholar to scholar. As a result there is no uniformity in the use of either term for the ware or description of pottery form or rim style. In fact there are as many terms and ways of description as there are scholars describing them. In order to bring uniformity in the use of term and description styles, we suggest following the work on pottery from Mohen-jo-Daro done by Dales and Kenoyer (1986). Because of this problem, sometimes it is hard to use pottery data for interpretation. Finally, it is suggested that future research on the Harappan Civilization needs to be problem oriented and multidisciplinary.

                    References

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                    Bryson, R. A. and A. M. Swain. 1981. Holocene variations of monsoon rainfall in Rajasthan, Quaternary Research 16, pp: 135-145, doi:10.1016/0033-5894(81)90041-7.
                    Cleuziou, S. and M. Tosi. 1994. Black boats of Magan: Some thoughts on Bronze Age water transport in Oman and beyond from the impressed bitumen slabs of Ras-al-Junayz, in A. Parpola and P. Koskikallio eds. South Asian Archaeology 1993, Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Series B, Vol. 271, (2 vols.), Helsinki, pp: 745-61.
                    Dales, G. F. and J. M. Kenoyer, 1986. Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro, Pakistan: The Pottery, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
                    Enzel, Y., L. L. Ely, S. Mishra, R. Ramesh, R. Amit, B. Lazar, S. R. Rajaguru, Y. R. Baker and A. Sandler. 1999. High-Resolution Holocene environmental changes in the Thar Desert, Northwestern India, Science 284, pp: 125-128, doi:10.1126/science.284.5411.125.
                    Gotanda, K. 1998. Pollen Analytical Study of the Eastern Part of Tibetan Plateau, M.Sc. Dissertation, Kyoto University, Kyoto.
                    Jarrige, C., J. F. Jarrige, R. Meadow and G. Quivron. 1995. Mehrgarh: Field Reports 1974-85 - From Neolithic Times to the Indus Civilization, Department of Culture and Tourism of Sindh, Pakistan and Department of Archaeology and Museum, French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Karchi.
                    Jarvis, D. I., 1993. Pollen evidence of changing Holocene Monsoon climate in Sichuan Province, China, Quaternary Research 39, pp: 325-337, doi:10.1006/qres.1993.1039.
                    Joshi, J. P., 1984. Harappan culture: emergence of new picture, Puratattva 13-14, pp: 51-54.
                    Krishnamurty, R. V., D. P. Agrawal, V. N. Misra and S. N, Rajaguru. 1981. Palaeoclimatic influences from the behaviour of radio-carbon dates of carbonates from sand dunes of Rajasthan, Proceedings of the Indian Academy of Sciences (Earth Planet Science) 90, pp: 155-60.
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                    Published: May 28, 2014 12:30 IST | Updated: May 24, 2014 11:11 IST


                    ARCHAEOLOGY
                    Harappan surprises
                     
                    Excavation in the trenches on mound number four (RGR-4) at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi. Beyond it lies the mound RGR-2.




                    Professor Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor/Director, Deccan College, with a student, Pranjali Waghmere, in a trench.

                    Students of Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak, and Deccan College sieving the soil for artefacts.

                    A drainage structure, a washing platform (top) and other structures of a residential complex unearthed in RGR-4. This mound could have housed the citadel where the ruling elite lived.
                    Mound number nine, discovered by the Deccan College team in January 2014. This is about 20 hectares in size, but half of it has been destroyed for farming. The presence of burnt clay clots and circular furnaces here indicates that this mound might have been the industrial area of the Harappan site at Rakhigarhi.
                    A three-centimetre seal with the Harappan script. It has no engraving of any animal motif.
                    The soak jar and bathing platform of a residence of the mature Harappan period (2600-1900 B.C.)

                    A granary built of mud bricks. It has seven small chambers, the walls of which are lined with lime and decomposed grass to absorb moisture and ward off insects

                    Broken lids, miniature pottery, perforated jars and other artefacts excavated from RGR-4 between January and April 2014.
                    Ritual pottery excavated from a symbolic burial at Rakhigarhi.
                    Beautifully painted potsherds found in the trenches in RGR-4.
                    Terracotta artefacts such as animal figurines, bangles, cakes and lids, and beads made out of carnelian, lapis lazuli and agate unearthed from RGR-4.
                    A concrete shed for buffaloes built on top of RGR-4, which the ASI had fenced off as a protected area.
                    A mechanised ploughshare used by a wheat field owner to dig up mud to make bricks. In the process, many Harappan burials got destroyed. Adjacent to the ploughshare is the symbolic Harappan burial excavated by the Deccan College team, which yielded ritual pottery.
                    Sheep being herded by a shepherd after grazing on mound three (RGR-3). A dargah sits on top of this fenced-off mound.
                    A section of the wall that would have surrounded the residential complex in RGR-4. Exposed to the vagaries of nature, it is now eroded, and very few of the original mud bricks remain. Pigeons and parakeets nest in its niches. The wall belongs to the mature Harappan period, circa 2600-1900 BCE
                    Life goes on as usual in Rakhigarhi. An old woman sweeps the lane in front of her house.
                    Ovens used today by the villagers are similar to the ones Harappans used more than 4,500 years ago.
                    Schoolchildren of Rakhigarhi.
                    A woman making cow dung cakes, which are used as cooking fuel. Heaps of them arranged in pyramidal shapes dot the protected mound of RGR-4
                    Mound number two (RGR-2), which was excavated by Amarendra Nath of the Archaeological Survey of India between 1997 and 2000.
                    At a pond situated at the edge of the village. Buffaloes and cows roam the lanes and alleys of Rakhigarhi.
                    Elderly residents of a village, on the way to Rakhigarhi.
                    A Rakhigarhi resident surveys RGR-2, which has a periphery dotted with houses. This makes it difficult to excavate the site completely.r;utely.ryr
                    Wheat fields in Rakhigarhi.

                    With the recent discovery of two mounds, Rakhigarhi in Haryana has staked its claim to be the biggest Harappan civilisation site out of an estimated 2,000 sites in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Text by T.S. SUBRAMANIAN and photographs by D. KRISHNAN

                    LIFE went on as usual in an early morning in March at Rakhigarhi where history lies buried. Men sat in groups on cots, smoking hookahs, outside their homes in the rural hinterland of Haryana. Women carried cattle dung on their heads to turn them into dry circular cakes to be used as cooking fuel. Hundreds of buffaloes roamed the lanes and alleys. The smell of dung was thick in the air.
                    We set out to Rakhigarhi around 6-30 a.m. on March 8 from the farmhouse we had been staying in, with Professor Vasant Shinde leading the way. In our group were Professor G.B. Deglurkar and his family members. Shinde is the Vice-Chancellor of Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, a deemed university in Pune. Deglurkar, a noted historian, is its president. It was a trip worth remembering.
                    On a big mound we had climbed, dung cakes were arranged like pyramids or domes to a height of about five feet. The villagers have encroached on this and other nearby mounds in the location which the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has fenced off as a “protected” area. We were told that a dargah sprang up on a mound some years ago. On top of another stood a concrete shed for buffaloes.
                    Open fields of fully grown wheat and mustard crop stretched as far as the eye could see on both sides of the road. “All this is high-quality, high-yield wheat because this is the catchment area of the river Drishadwati, or the Chautang,” said Shinde. “The groundwater level is high, just 10 or 15 feet below the surface. This area is, therefore, ideal for large-scale cultivation. The fertile nature of this region is the reason for the existence of the biggest Harappan site at Rakhigarhi,” said Shinde, a specialist in the Harappan civilisation.
                    With the recent discovery of the two mounds in addition to the seven discovered earlier (designated RGR-1 to RGR-7) in Rakhigarhi, it now has emerged as a competitor to Mohenjo-daro as the biggest Harappan civilisation site out of an estimated 2,000 Harappan sites in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Until now, Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Ganeriwala (all in Pakistan), Rakhigarhi and Dholavira (both in India) were ranked as the five major Harappan sites in that order.
                    A team of teachers and students of the Department of Archaeology, Deccan College, made the “important discovery”, as Shinde put it, in January 2014. The eighth and ninth mounds are about 25 hectares each. They are located to the east and west of the main site. “With the discovery of the two additional mounds, the total area of the Rakhigarhi site will be around 350 hectares,” said Shinde. The archaeological remains at Mohenjo-daro extend over 300 hectares.
                    “The two new mounds show that the Rakhigarhi site was quite extensive. They have the same material as the main site. So they are part of the main site,” said Shinde. On the surface of mound nine, burnt clay clots and circular furnaces were found, indicating that this might have been the industrial area of the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi.
                    Harappan civilisation
                    The growth and development of the Harappan civilisation can be divided into three phases: early Harappan (3000-2600 B.C.), mature Harappan (2600-1900 B.C.) and late Harappan (1900-1500 B.C.). Much of the Harappan site lies buried under the present-day Rakhigarhi village situated about 25 km from Jind town in Hisar district. It actually comprises two villages—Rakhi Khas and Rakhi Shapur.
                    Acharya Bhagwan Dev of Jhajjar town was the first person to notice the Harappan remains at the site, in the early 1960s. Not knowing what they were, he informed Professor Suraj Bhan, who was Professor of Archaeology, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Kurukshetra University, Haryana, about it. Bhan confirmed the site’s Harappan character.
                    Amarendra Nath, former Director, ASI, was the first archaeologist to excavate Rakhigarhi. He wrote extensively about the findings of his excavations in Indian Archaeology: A Review, the annual publication of the ASI, in 1998, 1999 and 2000. The cornucopia of Harappan artefacts found during the three fields of excavation includes seals in square, rectangular and circular shapes; bangles; fish hooks and arrowheads made of bronze; potter’s kilns; the remains of a drainage system; and terracotta figurines of a mother goddess, males, animals, including humped bulls, and goats and sheep.
                    “We have been able to extensively identify the purpose behind the early Harappan structures and trace the beginning of the emergence of town planning in early Harappan levels, wherein the structures are well laid out and there is evidence of a public drainage system,” said Amarendra Nath. Although other sites had yielded potsherds with graffiti marks, “here we have graffiti arranged in a sequence, which suggests the beginning of writing in the early Harappan level”, he said (“Harappan link”, Frontline, February 1, 2008). Amarendra Nath said the discovery of a needle suggested that some kind of stitched cloth was used. Importantly, a potsherd with a painting on it was also found. “This is a rare painting in the Harappan context, wherein you get the evidence of a person wearing a dhoti and a stitched upper garment,” he said. (According to Vijai Vardhan, who wrote “Rakhigarhi Rediscovered”, published by the Department of Archaeology Museums, Government of Haryana, evidence of textile working was found at Rakhigarhi.)
                    In the early 1970s, Professor R.S. Bisht was the Superintending Archaeologist of ASI’s Srinagar Circle, which had jurisdiction over Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Punjab. “I used to visit Rakhigarhi frequently. I found a few mounds there. I got the site mapped and got it approved as a protected site. In addition to that, I identified two separate mounds, which are older than the Harappan civilisation. They are locally called Arada mounds. They lie to the west of the Harappan mounds,” said Bisht, who made a name for himself with the excavation of Dholavira, a Harappan site in Gujarat, from 1990 to 2005.
                    Such early phases of the Harappan culture were found at Kalibangan in Rajasthan and Banawali in Haryana. “We call them Sothi culture. These two mounds belong to the Sothi culture,” said Bisht. The ASI excavated Rakhigarhi between 1997 and 2000.
                    Teachers and students of the Department of Archaeology, Deccan College, and Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak, Haryana, resumed the excavation of RGR-4 from January 10 this year under Shinde’s leadership. They dug five trenches.
                    “We wanted to find out the total area of the site because there was a controversy about the area. So we did an extensive survey last year and this year. We came across two additional mounds in January this year,” said Shinde, on the discovery of mounds eight and nine. “After that, we undertook a scientific scanning of the site with a ground-penetrating radar [GPR]. The GPR helped us in understanding the nature of the remains of the site.”
                    Sampling was done to get an idea of the human activities on the site—what the living areas were, where manufacturing was done, and so on. It was found that RGR-2 had large remains of crafts manufacturing.
                    Structural phases
                    Then began the excavation from January 10 of RGR-4 in an area where the early Harappan phase began and it ended with the mature Harappan phase, Shinde said. “In four metres [of depth] so far, we have found evidence of only the mature Harappan phase. We have found five different structural phases,” he added.
                    When we visited the excavation site on March 7 and 8, there was a flurry of activity led by Nilesh P. Jadhav, Research Assistant, and Kanti Pawar, Assistant Professor, both belonging to the Department of Archaeology, Deccan College. Research Assistants Pranjali Waghmere, Amit Pendam, Avradeep Munshi, Sutapa Lahiri and Diya Mukherjee were assiduously working in the trenches. They had unearthed a seal which had the Harappan script but no animal motifs, a potsherd inscribed with the Harappan script, terracotta cakes, beads and bangles made of terracotta, and an assortment of painted potsherds. Other artefacts unearthed included terracotta figurines of pigs and dogs, toy cartwheels, fishnet sinkers, sling balls to scare away birds, tiny beads made of steatite, agate and carnelian, etched carnelian beads, micro weights, banded agate weights, pieces of perforated jars and painted pottery.
                    RGR-4 housed a Harappan residential complex built of mud bricks. There was evidence of a hearth, a bathroom, drainage and a room, Jadhav said.
                    The bathroom or the washing place had a platform and a soak jar. Nearby was a drainage system, the construction of which could be traced to two different periods. The bricks at the lower level belonged to an earlier period than the ones used for drainage, Pawar said.
                    The excavating team also found terracotta cakes in square, rectangular, circular, triangular, and “idli” (disc) shapes. “They were used as tiles for decoration or for heating purposes. Some of the cakes have graffiti on them, but we did not find any such here,” said Pranjali Waghmere, who had just dug up a circular cake.
                    The potsherds unearthed were engraved in wavy, horizontal and concentric lines, fishnet designs, peepal leaf images and hand motifs. Some of them were bichrome. “The sheer variety of pottery, with aesthetic designs, shows the prosperity that the Harappan people enjoyed. This pottery is a classic example of the mature Harappan period,” Jadhav said.
                    Mud-brick granary
                    One of the trenches had the remains of a “beautifully made” mud-brick granary, which “is still in remarkably good condition”, said Shinde. The granary’s floor was made of rammed earth and plastered with mud. It had rectangular and square chambers. Traces of lime and decomposed grass were found daubed on the lower portion of the granary walls. Seven chambers were found in the granary. “It appears to be a big structure. We do not know whether it is a private or public granary. Considering that it extends on all sides, it could be a big public granary,” he explained.
                    Shinde called the presence of lime and decomposed grass “a significant indication that it is a storehouse for storing grains because the lime acts as an insecticide and grass prevents moisture from entering the grains”. This was “strong proof for understanding the function of the structure”, he said.
                    This is the second time that a granary has been found in Rakhigarhi. In RGR-2, too, Amarendra Nath had unravelled a granary with a guard’s room. “We found grains in the granary. We exposed the entire structure of the granary,” he said. The booklet “Rakhigarhi Rediscovered” says that the “modest granary” consisted of “cells in two segments with a corridor in front and a guard’s cell” and that “the accumulated dust and earth from these cells yielded barley”.
                    Shinde said Rakhigarhi was “an ideal site to believe that the beginning of the Harappan civilisation could have taken place here”. A significant problem relating to the Harappan culture is about its genesis. It was earlier thought that the origin of the early Harappan phase was in Sind (now in Pakistan).
                    In the past 10 years, many Harappan sites have been discovered in Haryana. “About half a dozen of them, including Bhirrana, Mitathal, Girawad and Farmana, are early Harappan sites dating back to circa 5000 B.C.,” claimed Shinde. Carbon-14 dating of charcoal found in these sites indicates that the beginning of the Harappan civilisation was earlier in this region than what was believed so far, he said.
                    He, however, stressed the need for further confirmation on this. “We have not excavated at the lower level” at Rakhigarhi this year, he said. “We do not want to rush to any conclusion unless we have sufficient data. We hope we will get the data here. If we get that confirmation, it will be interesting because the origin of the Harappan civilisation would have taken place here and it would have slowly moved to the Indus valley.”
                    Heritage endangered
                    The Global Heritage Fund (GHF), in its report released in May 2012, identified Rakhigarhi as one of the 10 most endangered archaeological and heritage sites in Asia. The GHF is a non-profit organisation that helps to sustain and preserve heritage sites in developing countries and regions around the world. It said the Rakhigarhi site, “one of the oldest and largest” Harappan sites in the world, faced threats from development pressures, insufficient management and looting.
                    According to the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958, which was amended in 2010, a prohibited area extends to 100 metres in all directions around a protected area/monument. The regulated area runs to a distance of 200 m in all directions, beginning at the limit of the prohibited area. While any construction activity is banned within the prohibited area of the first 100 m, construction can be done with the ASI’s permission in the regulated area in the next 200 m.
                    However, be it the prohibited area or the regulated area, the Harappan site at Rakhigarhi is being encroached upon on all sides. Rakhigarhi has hundreds of houses built on the remains of the ancient civilisation, making it difficult to excavate the site completely. Besides, the villagers use the fenced-off mounds for various purposes.
                    Much of the two pre-Harappan mounds, which are called Harada mounds, have been levelled for agriculture. A burial site belonging to the Harappan period has also made way for the cultivation of wheat.
                    Painting a picture of contrast with the artefacts was a mechanised ploughshare (some feet away from the symbolic burial) in a field the size of a football ground. The landowner had used it to dig up the field to get mud to make bricks. In the process, hundreds of ritual pottery and skeletal remains were destroyed, erasing evidence of an ancient civilisation.
                    But the owner of the field had allowed the Deccan College team to excavate a Harappan grave there. The researchers said it was an aesthetically laid-out symbolic burial of the Harappan period. The four sides of the grave, on the surface, were lined with bricks.
                    Shinde is confident that the site can be saved by educating the people of Rakhigarhi on its importance. “We have realised that unless there is participation from the people, we cannot save it. So we want to ensure the involvement of the people,” he said.
                    To ensure community development in Rakhigarhi, representatives of the Deccan College and the Indian Trust for Rural Heritage and Development (ITRHD) had already held meetings, the Vice-Chancellor said. In Shinde’s estimate, Rakhigarhi has the potential to be a good tourist spot. It is just 160 km from New Delhi.
                    The Haryana government, the ASI and the Deccan College together were planning to set up a site museum at Rakhigarhi, he said. The Haryana government had earlier allotted land for the museum construction, but it was located away from Rakhigarhi.
                    “We surveyed the village and found a lot of abandoned havelis. “We want to convert these havelis into museums,” Shinde said.






                     




                    Kudos to Archaeology team of Deccan College, Pune for unraveling the largest settlement of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization at Rakhigarhi spread over 224 hectares
                    Copper mirror, Rakhigarhi

                    Copper object, Rakhigarhi




                    I deem it a privilege to report on an overview report on Rakhigarhi excavations by Dr. Vasant Shinde in an article titled, 'Harappan civilization: current perspective and its contribution'. 

                    The article appeared on Feb. 1, 2016 on sindhology.org website. I reproduce the article in full because of its importance discussing the finds from Rakhigarhi which is now the largest site of the Sarasvati-Sindhu (Indus Valley) Civilization, spread over 224 hectares. 

                    The work of Shinde's Pune Deccan College young archaeologists' team is brilliant, by any archaeological standards, carried out in a space which merges with the present-day villages with occupied areas in a densely populated region of Hissar Dist., Haryana, near Delhi, restricting the areas allowed for digging and exploratio without upsetting the lives of the living. 

                    The challenge to unravel the civilization of ca. 3500 BCE surrounded by people living in the area in houses which have been contructed over the ancient settlement structures is extraordinary and all credit goes to the Pune Deccan College  team of young archaeologists, led by Shinde.

                    Indus Script inscriptions discovered in Rakhigarhi

                    RG1 Seal remnant. (See decipherment given below)
                    RG2 Potsherd karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'cast metal' sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'. Thus supercargo of cast metal workshop. dhAu 'strands' rebus: dhAu 'element, minerals' kamaTha 'bow and arrow' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner'.
                    One-horned young bull. RG3. Seal and Seal impression. Mound 4
                    Seal. RG4 3cm.square. dhAu 'strand' rebus: dhAu 'element, mineral' kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge' Thus minerals smithy/forge. For decipherment of hieroglyph-multiplex of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device, see decipherment given below.
                    Seal fragment RG6 kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze' sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' Thus, bronze workshop PLUS ayo khambhaṛā 'fish-fin', ayas 'metal' PLUS kammaTa 'mint'

                     RG5 Rakhigarhi seal.

                    Decipherment of Seal RG5 Rakhigarhi. Note: The splitting of the ellipse 'ingot' into Right and Left parethesis and flipping the left parenthesis (as a mirror image) may be an intention to denote cire perdue casting method used to produce the metal swords and implements. The entire inscription or metalwork catalogue message on Rakhigarhi seal can be deciphered:

                    This circumgraph of right-curving and left-curving parentheses encloses an 'arrow' hieroglyph PLUS a 'notch'.  khāṇḍā A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'. Thus the hieroglyph-multiplex signifies: ingot for implements.

                    kaNDa 'implements/weapons' (Rhinoceros) PLUS खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'weapons' PLUS mūhā 'cast ingots'(Left and Right parentheses as split rhombus or ellipse).

                    Thus, the supercargo consignment documented by this metalwork catalogue on Rakhigarhi seal is: metal (alloy) swords, metal (alloy) implements, metal cast ingots.

                    Hieroglyph: gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā.2. K. gö̃ḍ m.,S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← (CDIAL 4000) காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rhinoceros; 
                    கல்யானை. খাঁড়া (p. 0277) [ khān̐ḍ়ā ] n a large falchion used in immolat ing beasts; a large falchion; a scimitar; the horny appendage on the nose of the rhinoceros.গণ্ডক (p. 0293) [ gaṇḍaka ] n the rhinoceros; an obstacle; a unit of counting in fours; a river of that name.গন্ডার (p. 0296) [ ganḍāra ] n the rhinoceros.(Bengali. Samsad-Bengali-English Dictionary) गेंडा [ gēṇḍā ] m ( H) A rhinoceros. (Marathi) Rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and weapons' (Marathi)

                    An alternative hieroglyph is a rhombus or ellipse (created by merging the two forms: parnthesis PLUS fipped parenthesis) to signify an 'ingot': mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Munda).

                    This circumgraph of right-curving and left-curving parentheses encloses an 'arrow' hieroglyph PLUS a 'notch'. 

                    Hieroglyph: kANDa 'arrow' Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and weapons' (Marathi)

                    This gloss is consistent with the Santali glosses including the word khanDa:



                    Rakhigarhi seal with the carving of a tiger is reported by Prof. Shinde of Deccan College.

                    Here is a decipherment using the rebus-metonymy layered Indus Scipt cipher in Meluhha language of Indian  sprachbund (language union):

                    kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Telugu) 

                    कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें  [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) 

                    Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that 

                    of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)





                     I suggest that the language spoken by the Sarasvati's children was Meluhha 



                    (Mleccha), a spoken, vernacular version of Vedic chandas. This may also be 

                    called Proto-Prakritam, not unlike Ardhamaadhi identified by Jules Bloch in 

                    his work: Formation of Marathi Language.
                    From l. to r. kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge';  kuṭilika 'bent, curved' dula 'pair' rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin); muh 'ingot' PLUS baTa 'quail' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop' bicha 'scorpion' rebus: bicha 'haematite';  tutta 'goad' rebus: tuttha 'zinc sulphate'; dATu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' karNaka 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karNika 'helmsman'. The one-horned bull (PLUS a standard device) signify a turner PLUS sangaD 'lathe' rebus: sangrah, 'catalogue' of shipment products.



                    A three-centimetre seal with the Harappan script. It has no engraving of any animal motif.







                    See:





                    Hieroglyphsãgaḍ, 'lathe' (Meluhha) Rebus 1: sãgaṛh , 'fortification' (Meluhha). Rebus 2:sanghAta 'adamantine glue'. Rebus 3: 



                     sangāṭh संगाठ् 'assembly, collection'. Rebus 4: sãgaḍa 'double-canoe, catamaran'.




                    Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)

                    Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull: खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. 


                    Rebus: कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)  खोदगिरी [ khōdagirī ] f Sculpture, carving, engraving. 


                    ko_d.iya, ko_d.e = young bull; ko_d.elu = plump young bull; ko_d.e = a. male as in: ko_d.e du_d.a = bull calf; young, youthful (Te.lex.)


                    Hieroglyph:  ko_t.u = horns (Ta.) ko_r (obl. ko_t-, pl. ko_hk) horn of cattle or wild animals (Go.); ko_r (pl. ko_hk), ko_r.u (pl. ko_hku) horn (Go.); kogoo a horn (Go.); ko_ju (pl. ko_ska) horn, antler (Kui)(DEDR 2200). Homonyms: kohk (Go.), gopka_ = branches (Kui), kob = branch (Ko.) gorka, gohka spear (Go.) gorka (Go)(DEDR 2126).


                    खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. 2 

                    kot.iyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; kot. = neck (G.lex.) [cf. the orthography of rings on the neck of one-horned young bull].खोंड (p. 216) [ khōṇḍa ]A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडरूं (p. 216) [ khōṇḍarūṃ ] n A contemptuous form of खोंडा in the sense of कांबळा-cowl.खोंडा (p. 216) [ khōṇḍā ] m A कांबळा of which one end is formed into a cowl or hood. 2 fig. A hollow amidst hills; a deep or a dark and retiring spot; a dell. 3 (also खोंडी & खोंडें) A variety of जोंधळा.खोंडी (p. 216) [ khōṇḍī ] f An outspread shovelform sack (as formed temporarily out of a कांबळा, to hold or fend off grain, chaff &c.) 

                     

                    kod. = place where artisans work (G.lex.) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) कोंड (p. 180) [ kōṇḍa ] A circular hedge or field-fence. 2 A circle described around a person under adjuration. 3 The circle at marbles. 4 A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste.कोंडडाव (p. 180) [ kōṇḍaḍāva ] m Ring taw; that form of marble-playing in which lines are drawn and divisions made:--as disting. from अगळडाव The play with holes.कोंडवाड (p. 180) [ kōṇḍavāḍa ] n f C (कोंडणें & वाडा) A pen or fold for cattle.कोंडाळें (p. 180) [ kōṇḍāḷēṃ ] n (कुंडली S) A ring or circularly inclosed space. 2 fig. A circle made by persons sitting round.


                    kuire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore. In this Santali sentence bica denotes the hematite ore. For example, samobica,  'stones containing gold' (Mundari) meṛed-bica 'iron stone-ore' ; bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda). mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’(Munda. Ho.)

                    Meluhha rebus representations are: bica ‘scorpion’ bica ‘stone ore’ (hematite).



                    pola (magnetite), gota (laterite), bichi (hematite). kuṇṭha munda (loha) a type of hard native metal, ferrous oxide. 







                    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/09/catalogs-of-pola-kuntha-gota-bichi.html#!  Hieroglyph: pōḷī, ‘dewlap' पोळ [ pōḷa ] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large (Marathi) Rebus: pola (magnetite)



                    ḍaṅgra 'bull' Rebus: ḍāṅgar, ḍhaṅgar ‘blacksmith’ (Hindi). 
                    . See:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2013/06/asur-metallurgists.html  Magnetite a type of iron ore is called POLA by the Asur (Meluhha).

                    Hieroglyph strings from l. to r.:Top line inscription on stone:कर्णक 'spread legs' rebus: karNika 'helmsman, supercargo' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' med 'copper' (Slavic) koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' Thus, iron workshop supercargo. khANDA 'notch' rebus: khaNDa 'implements' kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze' . Thus, bronze implements. barDo 'spine' rebus: bharata 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' PLUS karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNi 'supercargo'. Bottom line inscription on stone: kanac 'corner' rebus: kancu 'bronze' PLUS eraka 'nave of wheel' PLUS arA 'spoke' rebus: Ara 'brass' karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNIka 'helmsman' PLUS meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' PLUS tuttha 'goat' rebus: tuttha 'zinc sulphate.

                    Reading the Indus writing inscriptions on both sides of bun-shaped lead ingots of Rakhigarhi

                    The Indus writing inscriptions relate to cataloging of metalwork as elaborated by the following rebus-metonymy cipher and readings in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund):

                    Hieroglyphs (from l.): body, linear stroke, notch, corner, U plus notch, rim of jar

                    meD 'body' kATi 'body stature' Rebus: meD 'iron' kATi 'fireplace trench'. Thus, iron smelter.

                    koDa 'one' Rebus: koD 'workshop'

                    खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m  A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). (Marathi) Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’.



                    kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'


                    baTa 'rimless pot' Rebus: baTa 'furance'


                    kanka, karNika 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNi 'supercargo'; karNika 'account'.

                    Hieroglyphs: rhombus (as circumgraph) + spoked wheel PLUS a pair of 'bodies' (twins)


                    dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'; meD 'body' kATi 'body stature' Rebus: meD 'iron' kATi 'fireplace trench'. Thus, iron smelter.





                    A spoked wheel is ligatured within a rhombus: kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'; eraka 'nave of wheel' Rebus: eraka 'copper, moltencast'
                    Figure 14: Side (A) and top (B) views of a lead ingot inscribed with Harappan characters. Detailed images of the top (C) and bottom (D) inscriptions.


                    Rakhigarhi finds including a broken seal (one-horned young bull).

                    Rakhi Garhi (Archeological Mound)


                    Rewriting history? Excavations show Harappan civilisation died as Saraswati dried up 





                    The Indus Valley civilisation, popularly known as Harappan civilisation, has been a puzzle for several decades now. But with the ongoing excavation in Rakhigarhi, history is on the verge of being rewritten.

                    “After Rakhigarhi, we can say that the Harappan civilisation was at least 1,000 years older than earlier thought. 

                    Neelesh Jadhao, co-director of the excavation, is excited that Korean forensic experts would conduct DNA tests on the excavated skeletons
                    Neelesh Jadhao, co-director of the excavation, is excited that Korean forensic experts would conduct DNA tests on the excavated skeletons
                    "And contrary to our longheld, conventional understanding, it first emerged in the east and then moved west, originating as it did in the heart of the Ghaggar-Hakra basin, regarded by many as the place where the Saraswati once flowed,” says Vasant Shinde, vice-chancellor of Deccan College who heads the team of archeologists — the largest Harappan site overtaking Mohenjodaro in Pakistan’s Sind province. 
                    What’s going to ruffle quite a few feathers, is Harappa’s supposed Saraswati connection, especially the way the drying up of one probably led to the decline of the other. 
                    Rewriting history 
                    Shinde says that prior to his excavation it was believed that Rakhigarhi had all the three phases of the Harappan culture – ‘Early’, ‘Mature’ and ‘Late’. 
                    “Our work proves that this place doesn’t have the Late Harappan phase. It collapsed around 2000 BC,” says he, adding: “I believe Rakhigarhi’s sudden demise can be explained with the drying up of the Saraswati in 2000 BC.” 
                    Shinde’s claim is supported by Amarendra Nath, former ASI archaeology director who had carried out an excavation in Rakhigarhi between 1997 and 2000. 

                    “The ASI has so far discovered over 2,000 Harappan sites spread over Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat. 
                    "Of these, about 1,400 can be located in the Saraswati belt alone, while the Indus belt doesn’t have more than 300-400 sites,” he says, adding: “We, in the ASI, had reached this conclusion long back. It’s just that this information is coming out now.” 
                    But not everyone is impressed. A Delhi University professor, wishing to remain anonymous, thinks this entire saga can only be analysed through the politico-ideological prism, rather than the academic. 
                    “For me, Saraswati is a mythical river and nothing more. It’s not a mere coincidence that all these things are coming up soon after the BJP came to power. 
                    "It’s an attempt to rewrite the history, the Aryan history,” says he. 
                    Shinde seems circumspect on the Aryan migration issue. 
                    “It’s for historians to decide. But as an archeologist, I can say with confidence that for at least 7,000 years, there has been no migration into this region. 
                    "You go to the village today, and you will feel you are walking through the same, old Harappan civilisation thriving 5,000 years ago. The style of pottery is similar. So are the food habits,” he says. 
                    Nath is more direct. 
                    “There will always be a set of historians who will continue to deny the existence of the Saraswati — to meet their ideological and personal requirements. 
                    "They can afford to do that as history can be interpretational. (But) Not archaeology, which is based on solid evidences and facts. 
                    "And evidences for long have been supporting the existence of the Saraswati in the region. Satellite imageries have proved beyond doubt the existence of a ‘mighty’ river drying up 4,000 years ago,” Nath says. 

                    Michel Danino, author of The Lost River: On the Trail of the Sarasvati, reminds us of the dilemma . 
                    “If we accept the Vedic hymns’ description of a river flowing from the mountain to the sea and located between the Yamuna and Sutlej, the Ghaggar remains the sole candidate. 
                    "But as we now know, this description can only apply to the third millennium BCE or earlier, an epoch that does not fit with the conventional scenario of a second millennium Aryan migration into India,” says the French author. Nath has a solution to bridge this ‘historical’ divide. 
                    “Why don’t the historians objecting to our claims set up their own body of archeologists and excavate these sites? Facts don’t change with the change of experts. 
                    "Sadly, they won’t come up with such initiatives,” he says. 
                    Neelesh Jadhao, co-director of the excavation, is excited that Korean forensic experts would conduct DNA tests on the excavated skeletons. 
                    “This time we have ensured skeletons don’t get contaminated. We would know for the first time what the Harappans looked like, what they ate, what was the colour of their skin or hair, etc. It will add a new perspective to the Harappan study,” says he.
                    DC Hisar Photo
                    (Sh. Nikhil Gajraj, IAS)


                           
                    Rakhigarhi is about to rewrite the 5000 year old history of our civilization. Recent excavations at Rakhi Garhi in Hissar district of Haryana may push the history of the civilization back by over a thousand years. It could change the commonly held view about the Indus Valley civilization, as Rakhigarhi is situated on the bank of the now dry, Saraswati river. Archaeologists and historians are excited about the findings from Rakhigarhi, the largest Indus Valley site after Mohenjodaro. Senior archaeologists consider this to be no ordinary Harappan site and say it is the most important of all the archaeological sites of India. The unearthed clues may yield answers to questions that have remained unanswered so far. Rakhigarhi findings have already started showing new civilization contours.


                    The area and dimensions of the site are far wider than assessed by archaeologist Raymond and Bridget Allchin and J M Kenoyer. It is 224 hectares, the largest in the country. In size, dimensions strategic location and unique significance of the settlement, Rakhi Garhi matches Harappa and Mohenjodaro at every level. Three layers of Early, Mature and Late phases of Indus Valley civilization have been found at Rakhi Garhi. What has so far been found uncannily indicates that Rakhi Garhi settlement witnessed all the three phases.

                    The site has trick deposits of Hakra Ware (typical of settlements dating back before the early phases of Indus Valley). Early and Mature Harappan artifacts. The solid presence of the Hakra Ware culture raises the important question: "Did the Indus civilization come later than it is recorded?" The Hakra and the Early phases are separated by more than 500-600 years and the Hakra people are considered to be the earliest Indus inhabitants. Although the carbon-14 dating results are awaited, based on the thick layers of Hakra Ware at Rakhi Garhi, it is said that the site may date back to about 2500 BC to 3000 BC. This pushes the Indus Valley civilization history by a thousand years or more.
                    The lost city of Rakhigarhi  Rakhigarhi, largest harappan site:

                    Rakhigarhi: Discovering India’s biggest Harappan site

                    The Indus Valley Civilization remains one of the most enigmatic events in human history. It was truly a paean to the desire for human excellence, even in those times, bringing in its wake several important inventions which mankind has derived progress from.
                    But in 1963 when the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) discovered Rakhigarhi, a village in Hisar District in the state of Haryana, they realized what they had found was a site, more ancient and much larger than Harappa and Mohenjo-daro sites. Dr. Shinde, 59, the vice chancellor of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, a deemed university in Pune, is heading the excavation in Rakhigarhi, and is in pursuit of genetic material.
                    In April 2015, four complete human skeletons were excavated at Rakhigarhi. These skeletons belonged to two male adults, one female adult and one child. As the skeletons were excavated scientifically without any contamination, Dr. Shinde and his team believe that with the help of latest technology, the DNA of these skeletons can help determine how Harappans looked like 4500 years ago. He tells us more in this interview:
                    Rakhigarhi has the potential to open doorways to Harappan culture with the latest discovery earlier this year, any progress on this aspect so far? 
                    With Rakhigarhi coming into the picture, Harappan culture covers the largest area compared to the others that existed around this time period.  We have successfully detected DNAs and teams from India and South Korea are working on developing it further. The conclusion of this study would tell us what a Harappan man looked like:  His origin, relationship with the contemporary man, whether they were indigenous or if they came from outside (descendent of some other civilization).All the remains that were excavated before this were from 4000BC or after. This has been a major breakthrough in the biggest civilization that ever existed. It traces this civilization to as early as 5500 BC. There are three stages of any civilization: Formative, Developed and Decline stage. So far only the developed stages were studied, but in this case, we are also developing new aspects of study, we are exploring the alpha: The Formative Stage – How the civilization came into being, development or changes in culture, DNA etc. 
                    rakhigarhi-preserved-sites
                    How could the site be promoted, to ensure that the research is financially sustained?We have been receiving financial support from ASI, but with such a large scale project, it is not enough to carry out the research on such a shoestring budget. This place is of high historic significance, we are building museums at Rakhigarhi where the artifacts recovered from here can be stored and viewed by general public. It is a major breakthrough into the world history, and once people begin to understand that, the funds will flow in naturally. We are trying to spread awareness about the monumentality of this discovery. It has been proposed to be added among the likes of other civilizations that exist in the UNESCO list today.
                    With such a large number of ancient cities being discovered in the past decade, where can we trace the origin of Harappan culture from?
                    India, and specifically Maharashtra, Haryana, Punjab, Gujarat, parts of Rajasthan and also a large part of Pakistan. It is the biggest civilization that ever existed and it gradually aggrandized to other areas. There are traces of this culture in Mesopotamia but it can be safely concluded that it was only on a trade basis, there is no direct supplement of this culture that associates it with likes of others.
                    With Rakhigarhi being nominated to be listed among the other heritage sites in UNESCO list, it is very likely to attract a lot of tourism. Is it a wise idea to open it to public without the risk of contaminating this work in progress?
                    On the contrary, we are looking forward to it. The on-site research takes place for only 3 months in a year. There are separate areas of sensitive excavation which will be closed to general public. Although, it will be a good idea if we let others open and the tourists witness the work in progress and observe how the work is carried out. Rakhigarhi is listed as one of the 10 most endangered heritage sites in the world, what are the threats that this site faces today? Earlier, there had been instances of looting and selling of precious artifact, parts of the sites were encroached by private houses; we tried our best to safeguard these evidences. But now, as the local authorities are beginning to understand the significance of their soil, we are receiving a lot of local support and helping hands in our project. We are talking about cities that were constructed over 4000 years ago, hypothetically do you think present day cities have any chance of surviving and being studied about 4000 years later? When our ruins are discovered, will it be of any value at all or what can we do to make it valuable? Well, we have a lot to learn from these civilizations first, Harappan civilization is the most advanced civilization to have been discovered. It has contributed immensely to present day science and technology and are the foundation stone of today’s architectural (city planning), civil engineering, agricultural (crop rotation, double cropping, water harvesting) scenario.  And while we learn about them, we forget to apply those values in our lives today. So, it is very likely, that when our ruins are discovered, we may not contribute to the development in that age but just remain as a link from the past. For more pictures of the excavation site, click here. As told to: Vedika Singhania http://www.gounesco.com/rakhigarhi-discovering-indias-biggest-harappan-site/

                    Move Over Mohenjo-Daro, India Now Has the Biggest Harappan Site In Rakhigarhi

                    The discovery of two more mounds at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi in Haryana makes it the biggest excavation site of Harappan civilisation, even bigger than Mohenjo-daro (in Sindh,Pakistan). Until now, Mohenjo-daro in Pakistan was considered the largest among the 2,000 Harappan sites known to exist in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. A recent report by the Archaeological Survey of India claims that Haryana’s Bhirrana is the oldest Harappan site and Rakhigarhi the biggest Harappan site in Asia.
                    Here are a few archaeological remains at Rakhigarhi
                    The excavated site
                    rakhigarhi
                    Clay toys found in rakhigarhi
                    clay toys
                    The excavated grave had terracotta pots as funerary objects arranged placed around the head of the deceased, which suggest a believe in life after death.
                    skeleton
                    Mud pots found in Rakhigarhi
                    mud pots
                    Rakhigarhi Unearthed/FB
                    One of the skeletons found from Rakhigarhi is displayed in the National Museum, New Delhi.
                    Skeleton
                    wikimedia
                    Meanwhile, here's what you need to know about the Indus Valley Civilisation:
                    The Indus Valley civilization along with the Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations are considered the earliest civilizations of the Old World. Also known as the Harappan civilization after Harappa- the first of its cities to be excavated in the 1920s in what was then Punjab province in British India. Harappa and Mohenjo-daro were the two greatest cities of the civilization. 
                    map
                    Published: May 2, 2014 00:11 IST | Updated: May 2, 2014 00:11 IST  

                    Ancient granary found in Haryana





                    • The granary, built of mud bricks, at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi village in Haryana. Photo: Rakhigarhi Project/Deccan College, Pune
                      Special Arrangement
                      The granary, built of mud bricks, at the Harappan site of Rakhigarhi village in Haryana. Photo: Rakhigarhi Project/Deccan College, Pune
                    • A potsherd with a Harappan script unearthed in the excavation at the Harappan site of Rakhi Garhi in Haryana. Photo: D.Krishnan
                      The Hindu
                      A potsherd with a Harappan script unearthed in the excavation at the Harappan site of Rakhi Garhi in Haryana. Photo: D.Krishnan

                    The site belongs to the mature Harappan phase from 2600 BCE to 2000 BCE

                    A “beautifully made” granary, with walls of mud-bricks, which are still in a remarkably good condition, has been discovered in the just-concluded excavation at Rakhigarhi village, a Harappan civilisation site, in Haryana.
                    The granary has rectangular and squarish chambers. Its floor is made of ramped earth and plastered with mud.

                    Teachers and students of the Department of Archaeology, Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, Pune, and Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak, Haryana, excavated at Rakhigarhi from January to April this year.

                    Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor/Director, Deccan College, who was the Director of the excavation, said: “We excavated seven chambers in the granary. From the nature of the structure, it appears to be a big structure because it extends on all sides. We do not know whether it is a private or public granary. Considering that it extends on all sides, it could be a big public granary.” He called it “a beautifully-made structure.”

                    The excavating teams found several traces of lime and decomposed grass on the lower portion of the granary walls.

                    “This is a significant indication that it is a storehouse for storing grains because lime acts as insecticide, and grass prevents moisture from entering the grains. This is a strong proof for understanding the function of the structure,” explained Dr. Shinde, a specialist in the Harappan civilisation.

                    The discovery of two more mounds in Rakhigarhi in January this year led to Dr. Shinde arguing that it is the biggest Harappan civilisation site. There are about 2,000 Harappan sites in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. With the discovery of two more mounds, in addition to the seven already discovered, he estimated that the total area of Rakhigarhi was 350 hectares. It thus overtook Mohenjo-daro with about 300 hectares, in Pakistan, in laying claim to be the biggest Harappan site, he said.

                    The Rakhigarhi site belongs to the mature Harappan phase, which lasted from 2600 BCE to 2000 BCE. The teams have also found artefacts, including a seal and potsherd, both inscribed with the Harappan script.

                    In Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, granaries were found in citadels, where the ruling elite lived. So mound number four in Rakhigarhi, where the granary was found, could have been the settlement’s citadel, Dr. Shinde said.

                    Rakhigarhi is situated in the confluence of Ghaggar and Chautang rivers and it was a fertile area. “So Rakhigarhi must have grown a lot of food grains. They could have been stored in the granary to pay for the artisans or other sections of society or to meet any crisis,” said Dr. Shinde.









                    Haryana's Bhirrana oldest Harappan site, Rakhigarhi Asia's largest: ASI

                    TNN | Apr 15, 2015, 04.02 AM IST
                    The ASI report, submitted in December 2014, a copy of which is with TOI, has now also debunked the early research that the Indus Valley civilization's Harappan phase originated in Sind, in present-day Pakistan.The ASI report, submitted in December 2014, a copy of which is with TOI, has now also debunked the early resea... Read More


                    CHANDIGARH: Asia's largest and oldest metropolis with gateways, built-up areas, street system and wells was built at the site of Haryana's two villages, including one on the Ghaggar river, according to a new Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) report.

                    The ASI report, submitted in December 2014, a copy of which is with TOI, has now also debunked the early research that the Indus Valley civilization's Harappan phase originated in Sind, in present-day Pakistan.

                    The report, based on C 14 radio-dating, has said the mounds at Bhirrana village, on the banks of Ghaggar river, in Fatehabad district date back to 7570-6200 BC.

                    The previous Pakistan-French study had put Mehrgarh site in Pakistan as the oldest in the bracket of 6400-7000 BC. Mehrgarh is located near the Bolan Pass, to the west of the Indus River valley and between the Pakistani cities of Quetta, Kalat and Sibi.

                    "The C 14 dates of excavations at Bhirrana readily agree with the accepted chronology of the Harappan civilization starting from Pre-Harappan to Mature Harappan. But for the first time, on the basis of radio-metric dates from Bhirrana, the cultural remains go back to the time bracket of 7300 BC," said the report.

                    The C 14 dating was done at Birbal Sahni Institute of Paleobotany in Lucknow over last 10 years.



                    The ASI report also said that that excavations done by its archaeologists between 1997 and 2005 reveal that a civilization site in Rakhigarhi village in Hisar district is spread over to 240 hectares.






                    While ASI stopped its excavation activity in Rakhigarhi, a team from Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, Pune, which is carrying out further research, said the site's dimensions may go beyond 350 hectares with more excavations.


                    At this moment, Rakhigarhi has emerged as bigger in size than even the Mohenjedaro and Harappa sites in Pakistan and Dholavira in India's Gujarat with dimensions of 200, 150 and 100 hectares.






                    While the 356-page research on Rakhigarhi has been authored by former ASI's archaeology director Dr Amarendra Nath, the holistic study on Bhirrana has been compiled by ASI's former joint DG K N Dikshit and addtional DG B R Mani.



                    The archaelological excavations at Rakhigarhi and Bhirrana have revealed all the definite features of Indus civilization such as potter's kiln, an elaborate drainage system, a granary, ritualistic platforms and terracotta figurines.
                    Fri, Jan 04 2013. 05 18 PM IST

                    History | What their lives reveal

                    Haryana’s Rakhigarhi, where individuals possess ancient, priceless treasures, will soon be on the world heritage map
                    Rudraneil Sengupta

                    A toy from 2300 BC. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
                    Wazir Chand Saroae is a slight, nearsighted man with a shuffling gait, the go-to man when electrical appliances in the village need fixing. His house is like any other here—compact, two-storeyed, neat. There are no signs at all to suggest that in a small room on the first floor of this house, Saroae is sitting on a treasure trove that is both priceless and timeless.
                    Displayed in rickety cabinets with glass fronts, Saroae’s treasure does not look like much—bits of pottery, beads of various sizes, a few clay figurines and toys—but their antiquity is stunning. The oldest things here date back to between 5000 BC and 4500 BC, the early phase of Harappan civilization. The most recent ones are from 2300 BC.
                    This is not entirely surprising in Rakhigarhi, a cluster of two sprawling villages—Rakhikhas and Rakhi Shahpur—in Haryana, around 170km from Delhi. People living here are used to finding little bits and pieces of ancient history—even 10 years ago, the villagers will tell you, you could not plough your field without unearthing a potsherd (bits of pottery—ceramic is exceptionally durable).
                    “When I was a child, I found particular pleasure in finding these pots and vases,” Saroae, 52, says. “And then dropping them from a height and breaking them.”
                    photoWazir Chand Saroae at his Rakhigarhi home. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
                    Now he can give you detailed descriptions of the various types of Harappan pottery and figurines, tell you about the great Harappan city that once stood where the village and its farmland is, down to town planning details, and walk you through the most important areas for archaeological excavations.
                    That Rakhigarhi was a large Harappan town was known in 1963, when the area was first surveyed. What archaeologists are finding out now is that it is the biggest ever Harappan city, larger and more extensive than the massive Mohenjo Daro.
                    “The whole site is around 400 hectares, which is nearly double that of Mohenjo Daro,” says Vasant Shivram Shinde, professor of archaeology and joint director of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune. “It’s in critical condition because of encroachment and construction.”
                    About 40% of the Rakhigarhi site is protected by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI)—which translates to a fenced boundary wall and a guardroom with no guard. The wall is broken in several places, and the protected area is used by the villagers as a place to dry cow dung. The unprotected areas have houses and farmland. The ancient Harappan city lies buried under.
                    “People pick up Harappan objects from their fields and sell them for as little as `100,” says Saroae. “They don’t mean to do anything illegal; it’s just that they have little awareness about it.”
                    photoOrnamental beads from 2300 BC found in Rakhigarhi show the high level of craftsmanship during the Harappan era. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
                    New beginnings
                    All of this is set to change. The Global Heritage Fund (GHF), a non-profit organization based in the US that works to preserve the world’s most endangered heritage sites, put Rakhigarhi on its project in 2012. This makes the Harappan site one of GHF's 13 projects worldwide, which include Ping Yao Ancient City in China and Ur in Iraq.
                    “The scope of this site should be emphasized,” says Dan Thompson, director, global projects, Global Heritage Network. “It is large and was occupied for a long period. The potential for research and knowledge is amazing, and I think that with skilled archaeologists, historians and designers, you can craft that knowledge into a compelling narrative that people will want to see.”
                    GHF will not only coordinate an ambitious excavation and conservation project at the site, led by Prof. Shinde, beginning this month, it will also work with the local community to develop home stays, train tour guides, and establish an on-site lab and museum with the help of the ASI, Deccan College, and other government agencies to turn Rakhigarhi into a heritage tourism hot spot.
                    “In our experience around the world, local communities are eager to cooperate and preserve the cultural heritage in their midst when they are included in the discussion and their concerns are addressed,” Thompson says. “The economic benefits that can come from heritage preservation are a great incentive to save these sites, as is the pride that communities derive from saving their past.”
                    For the few villagers in the know, like Saroae, this is a dream come true.
                    “I have been hoping for something like this from the time I began to understand the importance of this place,” says Saroae. “This work can’t come soon enough.”
                    Digging Haryana
                    photoAnimal figurines from Sroae’s collection. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
                    Even though the Harappan or Indus Valley Civilization is one of the three oldest urban civilizations, along with Egypt and Mesopotamia, it is the least understood. Its script is yet to be deciphered, and the knowledge of social structures and life during that period is scant. Rakhigarhi promises to change this too. It is one of the few Harappan sites which has an unbroken history of settlement—Early Harappan farming communities from 6000 to 4500 BC, followed by the Early Mature Harappan urbanization phase from 4500 to 3000 BC, and then the highly urbanized Mature Harappan era from 3000 BC to the mysterious collapse of the civilization around 1800 BC. That’s more than 4,000 years of ancient human history packed into the rich soil.
                    That’s not all—intensive excavations in the last decade have revealed hundreds of Harappan sites all over Haryana. “Rakhigarhi was probably the centre of this vast collection of towns, villages and cities in the Haryana region,” says Prof. Shinde.
                    A collaborative project between Banaras Hindu University (BHU) and Cambridge University, which began in 2008, has been central to unearthing this trellis of Harappan towns. Their surveys uncovered 127 sites that spanned an incredible timeline from Early Harappan to early medieval (13th century) in the vicinity of Rakhigarhi, a majority of them unknown before; 182 sites spread across the area through which Haryana’s largest seasonal stream, Ghaggar, flows, 125 of which were unknown, and many more.
                    “In 2009, we excavated at Masudpur, which is 12km from Rakhigarhi, and discovered 13 sites that date back to the Early Harappan phase,” says Ravindra Nath Singh, from the department of ancient Indian history, culture and archaeology at BHU, and one of the leaders of the project. “It is highly likely that these sites fell under the socio-economic and political catchment area of Rakhigarhi.”
                    photoPrivate collections of Harappan artefacts in the village, including fishing hooks and standardized weight measures. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
                    The project aims to answer perhaps the most compelling question about the Harappan civilization—why did it disappear? The current assumption is that the shifting and dying away of ancient river systems led to the great Harappan cities to be abandoned. This is the first multidisciplinary and focused investigation into this assumption, bringing together archaeologists, historians, geographers and environmental scientists.
                    Even though in archaeological terms the probe has just begun, the sheer number of discoveries is turning previous beliefs about the Harappan civilization on its head. Till recently, there was little evidence in India of a gradually developing civilization through the Harappan era. Most discoveries were from the Mature phase only, while in Pakistan, there was plenty of evidence of the earliest years of the culture. This led to the belief that the civilization took root in the regions now in Pakistan before gradually spreading eastward as it developed.
                    “Now the evidence suggests possibly the opposite,” says Prof. Shinde. “We’ve got a few sites now in Haryana which date all the way back to 6000 BC and it’s evident that this area was one of the first places in the world where humans graduated from a nomadic hunting-gathering lifestyle to settled agricultural communities.”
                    New carbon-dating tests on material found at an extensive Harappan site in Bhirrana, Haryana, have also thrown up some startling dates. In research led by B.R. Mani, ASI joint director-general, and K.N. Dikshit, former ASI joint director-general, charcoal and shell bangles found at Bhirrana date back to as early as 7380 BC. Like Rakhigarhi, Bhirrana was occupied from the earliest to the last dates of the Harappan era.
                    photoThe Harappan site at Rakhigarhi is used to dry cow dung. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint
                    Ground work
                    Yet another site with the same epoch-bridging characteristic is Farmana, less than 50km from Rakhigarhi. Prof. Shinde and a team from Deccan College and Maharshi Dayanand University in Rohtak excavated this site from 2008-11. As they uncovered layer after layer of evidence, an extraordinary tableau was revealed.
                    First, a Harappan town with a population of around 3,000 and all the characteristics of the Mature phase—mud brick houses set in chessboard patterns, an elite central part of town, fortifications and industrial areas for potteries and copper and bronze artisans on the outskirts. In the layer below this, more modest, rectangular complexes of houses. Finally, buried deep, the first settlers, in circular pit dwellings dug into the earth.
                    “It’s such clear phases of development,” says Prof. Shinde, “that we are finally in a position to understand the progress of the civilization in some detail.”
                    There were more startling discoveries. Burnt rice found near the site dated back to 4000 BC, even though it is widely believed that rice only came to India from China in 2500 BC.
                    Then, on a winter afternoon in January 2008, as the archaeologists at Farmana were about to break for lunch, a farmer came and told them that he had found something while ploughing his field, a kilometre from the excavation site. What he had stumbled upon is one of the biggest Harappan burial sites ever discovered.
                    In all 71 burial pits and the skeletal remains of 35 individuals were found. These people died between 2400 and 2100 BC, at the height of the civilization. They were a diverse lot—adults, adolescents, children, men, women, rich and poor. The bones went to Veena Mushrif Tripathy, assistant professor of physical anthropology at the archaeology department at Deccan College, and an expert in the forensic study of ancient diseases.
                    photoExcavations in Rakhigarhi. Photo courtesy: Global Heritage Fund
                    This is what the dead revealed: That burial had an important ritual significance even then, as sometimes only parts of the body were buried, the rest possibly lost in an unnatural death. A man, 35-40 years old, had only his femur and tibia interred. He was also the tallest of the lot here, at a little over 6.1ft. The largest pit (the size of the pit and the number of burial goods like pottery in it determine the socio-economic status of the person buried), had only two skulls, and a few small bones. One of those skulls, an adult male, had signs of a massive blunt object trauma on the left side of the cranial—a gaping crack that should have killed him.
                    “But he lived for almost two months with that injury,” says Tripathy. “We can see the stages of healing. The only way he could have survived this is if he had some kind of medical attention and medication. He died only of secondary infections later.”
                    Tripathy, who is at the last stage of interpreting the data, says there is close resemblance in both bone and muscle structure between the 4,000-year-old citizens of Farmana and its current inhabitants. “They were big-boned, had big muscles, a healthy population, with no signs of infectious diseases or malnourishment,” she says.
                    Genome sequencing to compare DNA with Haryanvis now has so far been impossible because the wet, acidic earth destroys all DNA. Tripathy hopes that in the next three-four years she will be able to collect enough data from other sites, including Rakhigarhi, to be able to compare and find patterns.
                    “The Haryana region is fantastic if we do systematic scientific analysis,” she says. “Because it has everything when it comes to the Harappan civilization. We can reconstruct our early history with great accuracy, especially with a multidisciplinary approach.”
                    Lost and found
                    But this great Harappan network of towns and cities, buried for so many thousands of years, is in danger of being forgotten entirely. Much of the areas excavated in Farmana, Bhirrana, in and around Rakhigarhi are quickly being converted into farmland or land for housing, destroying the chances of preserving these sites. There are few preserved Harappan sites in India—Dholavira and Lothal in Gujarat, and Kalibangan in Rajasthan—none in Haryana.
                    Prof. Shinde says villagers are reluctant to let archaeologists even work in their areas because of the fear that a discovery will be made and the government will throw them out of their land.
                    “It’s difficult,” Prof. Shinde says. “The land is precious, and there is no clear, transparent procedure to acquire land for these purposes.” The excavated sites in Farmana, for example, have been turned into farmland, despite the ASI trying to enlist it as a nominee for the Unesco World Heritage list.
                    Only Rakhigarhi seems to be escaping this fate. It makes Saroae happy, even if that means his private collection might not remain with him much longer. “When the ancient city rises here, next to my house,” Saroae says, “I will go myself and put these things where they belong.”
                    http://www.livemint.com/Leisure/ljfXtPZHUSi5eG8Di1n9YO/History--What-their-lives-reveal.html
                    Indus Valley Civ Ruins
                    "The report states that while the c 14 radio-dating of the excavations at the Mehrgarh site in Pakistan puts it in the 6400-7000 BC bracket while the latest study has revealed that the cultural remains at the Bhirrana village go back to the time bracket of 7300 BC. It is situated on the banks of Ghaggar river, in Fatehabad district of Haryana."
                    Rakhi Garhi – Cow Dung Cakes Stored on the 5000 year old site 
                    http://www.sonalika.net/blog/?p=679
                    https://friendsofasi.files.wordpress.com/2013/01/picture1.jpg
                    NOTE: There are no archaeological sites on the Sutlej course (present-day) west of Ropar, but there are sites south of Ropar proving the flow of Vedic River Sutlej into Vedic River Sarasvati to join the latter at Shatrana (width of paleochannel here is 20 kms.)

                    Can 'national heritage' Rakhigarhi survive for long

                    • Ishtiyaq Sibtian Joo, Hindustan Times, Rakhigarhi (Hisar)
                    •    |    
                    • Updated: Apr 18, 2015 17:02 IST
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                      • With no landmarks or any sign boards to guide you, there is every possibility that you may miss one of the most archeologically important places in India-Rakhigarhi, a collective name given to the twin Haryana villages of Rakhi-khas and Rakhi-shahpur.
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                    Spread over 350 acres of land Rakhigarhi is the biggest Harappan cities all across the world and it also the most important site of the Harappan civilization outside Mohenjodaro.
                    With less than 160 kms away from the country’s capital, the site has already made it to 10 most endangered heritage sites in Asia by the watchdog Global Heritage Fund due to official apathy.
                    The place which is attracting national as well as international tourists from all across the world could easily be misconstrued for business centre of dung cakes as ziggurats of dung cakes are found all across Rakhigarhi.
                    http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2015/4/digginsite01.jpg
                    Guided by the locals you may end up at a digging site if you are visiting in between January and April. The digging in absence of any sign board appears like any other regular digging. However, on inquiring one gets briefed that it is an annual digging that Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, a deemed-to-be university in Pune is doing in collaboration with State Department of Archaeology Haryana.
                    This ancient city has nine localities which archeologists refer as mounds. The mounds are numerically named mound 1,2,3…and all have their significance in revealing various aspects of Harappan culture and civilization. Besides, they are also important from both historically as well as archaeologically point of view.
                    Presently digging is going on at mound 4. But even here piles of dung cakes are found.
                    Although, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) is protecting Rakhigarhi as the national monument of the country, however, so far only 60 per cent of land is fenced by them.
                    Even the present digging site of mound 4 is fenced from one side only, while the villagers easily cross over the seat of old Harappan culture from the other three open sides.
                    Ironically mounds found in the private property of some villagers are at land owner’s mercy.
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                    The callousness towards preserving national heritage is brazenly seen on mound 6. The mound which bears witness to how Harappans used to live is yet to be bought from the private owner of the land.
                    “Mound 6 is quite significant. Here we have found four different structures, which are made of mud, and mud bricks. Inside, them there is typical evidence of fire-place, which Harappans might have been using for cooking. Then we also found various pots there, which gives us impression that they were used for storage purposes,” informs Professor Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor, Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, a deemed-to-be university in Pune, and also director of the current project team.
                    Ask the professor what if the owner of the land decides to demolish the site and wants to do farming or construct some structure there, optimistic Shinde says, “For first two years before starting this project, we were just meeting villagers to educate them about the importance of preserving the sites. Now they are convinced that land should be preserved,” the director said.
                    He even believes that farmers are ready to leave the land if given proper compensation.
                    There are reasons to believe the director project’s words, as it is the village panchayat which has come forward to donate the land of more than six acres of their land for the construction of museum here.
                    But then there are also instances where villagers or their children are still selling whatever, antiquates they find in the fields to the visitors at dirt price of Rs 100- Rs 200.
                    Rakhigarhi is a treasure trove of Harappan pottery, antiquities, terracotta bangles, various exotic stones, and different sizes of beads, figurines, toys, and now with the discovery of cemetery on mound 7, its significance has increased manifolds.
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                    The latest finding of four 5000-year-old complete human skeletons which were found this year, has excited the Shinde and his team, and now they are in pursuit to extract DNA from them to unfold the mystery surrounding Harappans.
                    “These are some exciting times. The skeletons found out here have given us a new hope to decipher the mystery surrounding Harappans. Our preliminary observation has revealed that we may get DNA samples from the skeletons. If it happens, we can shed more light on physical appearance of Harappans by doing their 3-D reconstruction. We can figure out the colour of their skin, their eyes and other things,” says, Professor Shinde.
                    People have built houses over archaeological remains as much of the Harappan site at Rakhigarhi lies buried under the present-day village.
                    The director also along with this team is trying hard to make the Rakhigarhi significant on world map.
                    “Once the significance of site is recognized, which if all goes as per the plan may be next year, then, we can post it for candidature of world heritage site,” reveals the director.
                    However, to do that the site needs to be protected. Although ASI has posted two guards at one of the mounds, however, their existence also seems to be like a mystery as no one ever knows where they are, even when you look for them.
                    http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2015/4/burialgravepot01.jpg
                    The Rakhigarhi has two Harappan stages, early Harappan phase, also called as Harappan culture stage dating back to 5500 BC- 2700 BC, and mature stage, also referred as stage of civilization dating from 2600 BC-2000 BC.
                    According to Dr. Shinde Harappan were very intelligent people as they were the pioneers to develop basic sciences and technologies.
                    “Traditional knowledge was developed by them and it continued till modern times, and is still relevant,” says, the archaeologist.
                    However, little did Harappans know that the place they lived and thrived for so many years, would fail to keep their remains.
                    With no state museum to hold the excavations from here, Deccan College Poona would keep Haryana’s treasure till the state will built one of its own.
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                    “Whatever, remains extracted from here should remain here in the museum. However, till it is constructed, Deccan College will keep hold of the excavation products,” says, Shinde, who informs that the aim of the project was to develop the site into a tourism place of visitors from all over world to see.
                    Shinde and his team are planning to excavate a part of city like an open air museum and preserve it for general public. However, the big question that needs to be answered is if Rakhigarhi with no government support will survive that long.



                    Farmana, Rakhigarhi in Ghaggar basin yield inscribed potsherd, seals, seal impression: Meluhha metalwork catalogues


                    Following the Rakhigarhi Excavation Report of 1997-2000 by Amarendra Nath, an archaeological team of Deccan College, Pune led by Vasant Shinde has reportedly submitted a report of excavations 2014-15 at Rakhigarhi. 

                    Links:


                    This note highlights this report of May 2015 in the context of other excavations at Farmana which is also, like Rakhigarhi, an archaeological site in Ghaggar river basin. 

                    One view is that this Ghaggar river basin was in fact the Sarasvati River basin of Vedic times when Vedic Sutlej was a tributary of Sarasvati River flowing southwards from Ropar. The present-day Sutlej river channel is seen to take a U-turn at Ropar to flow westwards to join Sindhu River. This westward migration of River Sutlej abandoning River Sarasvati is explained as caused by plate tectonics which is an ongoing seismotectonic feature of continental drift and ongoing formation of dynamic Himalayas as the Indian Plate juts into and lifts up the Eurasian Plate.

                    The finds of potsherd and seals with with inscription at Rakhigarhi and Farmana are metalwork catalogues; the inscriptions deploy Indus Script. The artisans were metalcaster folk, designated as Bharatam Janam in Rigveda which adores the River Sarasvati in 72 rica-s as the best of rivers, नदीतमे nadItame.

                    The following inscribed potsherd, seals and seal impressions from Farmana and Rakhigarhi are deciphered using rebus-metonymy layered cipher of Indus Script. They are documents which constitute metalwork catalogues like all other inscriptions in Indus Script Corpora.
                    A potsherd with a Harappan script unearthed in the excavation at the Harappan site of Rakhi Garhi in Haryana. Photo: D.Krishnan http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/ancient-granary-found-in-haryana/article5966952.ece

                    Hieroglyph: 'rim-of-jar': Phonetic forms: kan-ka (Santali) karṇika (Sanskrit) Rebus: karī, supercargo for a boat shipment. karīka ‘account (scribe)’.

                    dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal + ()kuṭila ‘bent’ CDIAL 3230 kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’, kuṭika— ‘bent’ MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) Thus, bronze casting.

                    sal 'splinter' Rebus: sal 'workshop'

                    ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'iron, metal'

                    kamaDha 'bow' Rebus: kampaTTa 'mint' kANDa 'arrow'; ..kANDa 'tools, pots and pans, metalware'


                    Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull
                    kõdā  खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kọ̆nḍu or  konḍu ।  कुण्डम् m. a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri) Rebus 2: A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).



                    Hieroglyph: rāngo ‘water buffalo bull’ (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559) Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali)
                    Hieroglyphs: dul 'two'; ayo 'fish'; kANDa 'arrow': dula 'cast' ayo 'iron, metal' (Gujarati. Rigveda); kANDa 'metalware, pots and pans, tools' (Marathi) Hieroglyph: Rings on neck: koDiyum (Gujarati) koṭiyum = a wooden circle put round the neck of an animal; koṭ = neck (Gujarati)Rebus: koD  'artisan's workshop'(Kuwi) koD  = place where artisans work (Gujarati) koṭe 'forge' (Mu.) koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari) 


                    Hieroglyph: one-horned young bull
                    kõdā  खोंड [ khōṇḍa ] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kọ̆nḍu or  konḍu ।  कुण्डम् m. a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri) Rebus 2: A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).

                    Hieroglyph: 'rim-of-jar': Phonetic forms: kan-ka (Santali) karṇika (Sanskrit) Rebus: karī, supercargo for a boat shipment. karīka ‘account (scribe)’.

                    Hieroglyph: sprout ligatured to rimless pot: baṭa = rimless pot (Kannada) Rebus: baṭa = a kind of iron; bhaṭa 'furnace; dul 'pair' Rebus: dula 'cast (metal) kolmo 'sprout' Rebus: kolami 'smithy/forge' Thus the composite hieroglyph: furnace, metalcaster smithy-forge

                    Hieroglyph:मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end (of a stick) Rebus: meḍ 'iron'. 




                    (After Fig. 68. Steatite seal and terracotta seal impression from Structure No. 1)


                    Location of archaeological sites: Farmana, Rakhigarhi, Bhirrana, Mitathal, Kalibangan between present-day Sutlej and Yamuna Rivers south of Siwalik ranges (After Fig. 1 in: Shinde, Vasant, et al., Exploration in the Ghaggar basin and excavations at Girawad, Farmana (Rohtak Dist.) and Mitathal (Bhiwani Dist.), Haryana, India, pp. 77-158 in: Osada Toshiki, Akinori Uesugi, 2008, Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past, Kyoto, Japan, Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Naturehttp://southasia.world.coocan.jp/Shinde_et_al_2008a.pdf )
                    A reconstruction of palaeochannels including flows from tributary Sutlej south of Ropar (where Sutlej had taken a U-turn to abandon Sarasvati river and migrate westwards to join Sindhu river)
                    An extension of Sarasvati River into Cholistan. Diverted Sutlej river joining Panjnad which joins Sindhu river. There are NO archaeological sites on this Sutlej basin, but there are over 400 sites on Sarasvati River basin (present-day names: Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara)
                    Palaeo-drainage map of Thar desert region using IRS P3 WiFS satellite image


                    Published: May 13, 2015 12:30 IST | Updated: May 13, 2015 12:00 IST
                    ARCHAEOLOGY
                    DNA of a civilisation
                    BY T. S. SUBRAMANIANletal remains excavated from Rakhigarhi in Haryana will prove useful in understanding the Harappans’ features, lifestyle and culture. By T.S. WHAT did the Harappan man look like? Was he well built? How tall was he? What were his facial features? What was the colour of his skin, eyes and hair? What were the dietary habits of the Harappans?
                    The answers to these questions, which have been puzzling archaeologists for several decades, lie in the DNA test results of four skeletons excavated from Rakhigarhi, a Harappan site in Haryana. The results are expected in July. The tests are jointly conducted by archaeologists of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute in Pune and forensic scientists from Seoul National University, South Korea. Two of the skeletons, belonging to the Mature Harappan period (2600-1900 BCE), are of adult males, one is of an adult female, and the fourth is of a child.
                    The growth and development of the Harappan civilisation can be divided into Early Harappan (3000-2600 BCE), Mature Harappan (2600-1900 BCE) and Late Harappan (1900-1500 BCE) phases. “For the first time, we are going to show the world what the Harappan man looked like. It will be a breakthrough in Harappan studies,” said Vasant Shinde, director of the excavation at Rakhigarhi and a specialist on Harappan civilisation. He is the Vice-Chancellor of Deccan College, a deemed university.
                    The excavation at Rakhigarhi, 25 kilometres from Jind town in Haryana’s Hisar district, is conducted jointly by Deccan College and the Haryana Department of Archaeology. Twenty-one trenches, besides the four burials, were dug during the excavation which began on January 23 and ended in the third week of April.
                    “We excavated the burials scientifically at Rakhigarhi. If you want to study the DNA, you have to avoid contamination. So we took precautions. We wore suits, gloves and masks. All four skeletons were in good condition,” said Shinde.
                    The facial bones of two skeletons are intact. Shinde said software developed by forensic scientists of Seoul National University to reconstruct facial features from skeletons would come in handy to reconstruct the Harappan man. “With the help of this software, we can analyse the height of the Harappan person, his facial and body features, and the colour of his skin, eyes and hair. The skeletal remains will be subjected to chemical tests to find the health status of the Harappan people and the diet they had,” he said. It will give insights into whether they preferred a vegetarian diet or not and whether malnutrition was a cause of death among them.
                    The six months of excavation from November 2014 in Rakhigarhi, the 4MSR site in Rajasthan and Chandayan in Uttar Pradesh revealed a lot of burials with Harappan skeletons. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) excavated one skeleton at 4MSR in March (“Harappan surprise”, Frontline, April 17). Its archaeologists, led by A.K. Pandey, found a copper crown on the skull of a skeleton at Chandayan in Baghpat district in November. This belongs to the Late Harappan period.
                    However, what was astounding was the discovery of a cemetery with 70 burials, most of them with skeletons, at the site at Farmana in Haryana. Spread over 3.5 hectares, it is the largest cemetery found in any of the Harappan sites in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
                    Most of the skeletons in the 70 burials were found adjacent to one another. Some were found below others, signifying that they belonged to an earlier period. Archaeologists belonging to Deccan College, the Research Institute of Humanity and Nature, Kyoto, Japan, and Maharshi Dayanad University, Rohtak, Haryana, discovered the Farmana cemetery in 2007-08 in their second field season of excavation.
                    The aim of the excavation at Rakhigarhi was not merely to understand the burial customs of the time, which earlier excavations at Farmana had revealed, but “to study the socio-economic conditions of the Harappans from the size of the burial pits, and the quality and quantity of the burial goods kept along with the dead body,” said Shinde. “Secondly, and more importantly, we want to find out from the DNA testing of the skeletons who the Harappans were, how they looked, what their build was, and so on.”
                    A lot of broken pottery and charred animal bones were found outside the burial pits at Rakhigarhi. This points to some rituals that had taken place before a body was placed inside the pit. The pots were perhaps broken after the body was placed inside it. Evidence of this kind of ritual was not available at other Harappan sites. Burial customs would have differed from one Harappan site to another.
                    There are about 2,000 Harappan sites in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. In India, they are situated in Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Haryana. The civilisation’s southern-most outpost was at Daimabad in Maharashtra. In Haryana alone, there are more than 100 Harappan sites. They include Adi-Badri, Balu, Banawali, Bhagwanpura, Daulatpur, Farmana, Girawad, Mirzapur, Rakhigarhi and Shamlo Kalan, all situated on the banks of the Ghaggar, which is the modern name for the Saraswati river.
                    Rakhigarhi is situated in the valley falling between the Ghaggar and Drishadvati rivers, a fertile region with large expanses of wheat fields. Excavation at Rakhigarhi is challenging because the ancient Harappan site lies buried under several hundred houses and lanes and alleys teeming with life.
                    However, there are seven mounds, numbered RGR-1 to RGR-7, that lend themselves to excavation. While the first six have hidden in their innards Harappan habitational sites, RGR-7 is a burial mound belonging to the Mature Harappan phase. R.S. Bisht, former Joint Director General of the ASI, had identified two mounds besides these seven in the late 1970s. They are locally called Arada mounds and are reportedly older than the Harappan civilisation.
                    The ASI began excavation at Rakhigarhi in 1998 and continued it in the next two years; Amarendra Nath was the director of excavations for all the three years. Teachers and students of Deccan College and the Haryana State Department of Archaeology came together to dig RGR-4 and RGR-6 and the burial site near Arada mounds from January to April this year. Nilesh P. Jadhav, Research Assistant at Deccan College, and Ranvir Shastry of the Haryana State Department of Archaeology, were the co-directors of the excavation. While A. Deshpande and Pankaj Goyal did specialised scientific studies of the artefacts and the animal bones found in the trenches, Satish Nayak investigated the botanical remains. Others who took part in the excavation were Deccan College’s Yogesh Yadhav, Shalmali Mali, Malvika Chatterjee and Nagaraja Rao.
                    Mature Harappan deposits
                    RGR-4 is the biggest mound at Rakhigarhi. “The aim of our work here was to go down to the natural soil level from the top of the mound. We have gone to a depth of 18 metres. It is going deeper,” said Shinde. The Mature Harappan deposits were found above 7.5 metres, which indicates a very long period of habitation at the same site. Typical Mature Harappan pottery of different kinds was found at the site. What surprised excavators was a large number of goblets of various varieties. An extension of the granary, which had been uncovered last year in RGR-4, was found this year.
                    Along with the Early Harappan pottery was found pottery used by local people, indicating “the assemblage or regional cultures”.
                    Significantly, Harappan pottery found in the Ghaggar basin was not profusely painted. “But at Rakhigarhi,” Shinde said, “we do get a large amount of profusely painted Harappan pottery. This indicates the status of the site in the Saraswati basin. Perhaps, important people were living there. This site obviously controlled small and medium-sized sites in the Saraswati basin. So Rakhigarhi can be called a type site in the entire basin. That is why we are getting so much of classical pottery of the Mature Harappan phase,” he said.
                    Surprisingly, hundreds of perfectly turned-out idli-shaped terracotta cakes were found in the trenches at Rakhigarhi. (A similar cache of pottery was found during the excavation at 4MSR from January to April.) In comparison, not so many idli-shaped terracotta cakes were found at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, both in Pakistan now. It is surmised that these cakes could have gone from Rakhigarhi to Mohenjo-daro and Harappa.
                    An unfinished seal found in the current excavation features the carving of a tiger, but it has no Harappan script. A sealing has the impression of a unicorn. Hearths, furnaces, broken bangles and burnt bangles, all made of faience, found in the trenches at RGR-4 indicate the presence of an industrial unit there. Bangles made of shell point to the Harappans’ trade contacts with the Saurashtra region in present-day Gujarat. The shells could have come only from Saurashtra. There were beads made of lapis lazuli, which came from Afghanistan.
                    A lot of terracotta animal figurines were found at the site, important among them being those of the wild boar. This is reportedly the only site where terracotta figurines of wild boar have been found. There were representations of the deer. Figurines of dogs with a belt around the neck show that the Harappans kept dogs.
                    RGR-6, with a four-metre-deep deposit, belonged to the Early Harappan period. “You don’t find such a thick deposit in other Early Harappan sites. So we know that the excavation here will yield sufficient evidence to understand the gradual development from the Early Harappan to the Mature Harappan phase,” Shinde said. In most of the sites, archaeologists stopped short of excavating the Early Harappan deposits as they were found below the Mature Harappan level.
                    However, as the Early Harappan (RGR-6) and Mature Harappan deposits were available in two different mounds at Rakhigarhi, it was possible to understand the lifestyle of the people who belonged to the Early Harappan period. Besides, it helped archaeologists understand the shift in the cultural phase from the Early Harappan to the Mature Harappan phase, that is, the changes that had occurred in the style of structures, pottery, bead-making, and so on.
                    “Rakhigarhi was the place to understand how these changes had taken place. So we excavated 16 trenches in mound six. It was a big excavation,” Shinde said. (Rakhigarhi did not boast of a Late Harappan culture.)
                    Nilesh Jadhav said pottery typical of the Early Harappan period was found in the trenches at RGR-6. They included ceramics painted with peepal leaves; painted pottery resembling the Periano Gundai slipped ware from the Zhop valley in present-day Pakistan; ceramics with appliqué designs; chocolate ware; and bichrome ware. Also found were portable ovens, the types of which are still in use at Rakhigarhi; mud bricks in the ratio of 1:2:3; terracotta beads; steatite micro beads with a diameter of a couple of millimetres; copper objects such as fish hooks; a copper bangle; and so on. No terracotta animal figurines were available at the Early Harappan level.
                    Shinde said: “Since no evidence has been found so far of a Late Harappan phase having existed at Rakhigarhi, my hypothesis is that the rivers Saraswati and Drishadvati were not active as they were during the Early and Mature Harappan phases. The Saraswati could have gone dry around 2000 BCE and so the Late Harappan people moved away from the Saraswati river banks. So we have sites where the Early and the Mature Harappan phases flourished, mostly on the banks of the Saraswati and the Drishadvati. And there are other Late Harappan sites away from the riverbanks in this region and these sites include Bhagwanpura, Rupar and Barar.”

                    http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/dna-of-a-civilisation/article7194003.ece

                    Archaeologists and scientists of Deccan College, Pune, examining a full-length skeleton of a male excavated from a burial site in Rakhigarhi in March. Photo:Deccan College, Pune

                    Pottery photographed in situ from a burial site. Photo:Deccan College, Pune


                    The skeleton of a woman found with the customary ritual pottery. Photo:Deccan College, Pune


                    A series of burials with pottery excavated from a mound at Rakhigarhi in the midst of a vast expanse of wheat fields. Photo:Deccan College, Pune




                    Pottery which was found with the remains of a skeleton in a burial pit in the Late Harappan site of Chanayan in Baghpat district, Uttar Pradesh, in December 2014. These include pots, deep bowls and flasks and might have contained cereals, milk, butter, etc., as part of some religious ceremony for the dead. Photo:Archaeological Survey of India






                    Remains of the Harappan grid-planned settlement at Farmana. The picture shows circular pits with post holes in which the Early Harappans lived. Photo:Deccan College, Pune




                    Vasant Shinde, Vice-Chancellor of Deccan College, Pune, and director of the excavations at Rakhigarhi and Farmana. Photo:Deccan College, Pune

                    Nilesh P. Jadhav, Research Assistant, Deccan College, and co-director of the excavation at Rakhigarhi. Photo:Deccan College, Pune


                    A pear-shaped potter's kiln built of clay and plastered on the inner side with fine silt, at Farmana. Its flat bottom and the sides are burnt red because of prolonged usage. Inside the circular portion of the kiln is a large brick, probably meant to support pots to be fired in it. Photo:Deccan College, Pune

                    A fire altar excavated at Farmana. Photo:Deccan College, Pune


                    A perfectly ribbed pot belonging to the Early Harappan phase excavated from one of the trenches at RGR-6 in Rakhigarhi. Photo:Deccan College, Pune

                    Pottery found in profusion at Rakhigarhi. Photo:Deccan College, Pune



                    A view of the excavated burials which are adjacent to one another at Farmana. All the 70 burials here belong to the Mature Harappan phase. Photo:Deccan College, Pune


                    A broken copper crown with carnelian and faience beads, found at Chandayan village, Uttar Pradesh, in August 2014. Photo:Archaeological Survey of India



                    Terracotta bone copper chert faience lapis lazuli toy tools beads bangle from rakhigarhi excavation 




                    Seal and Sealing from rakhigarhi mound no 4

                    Published: May 13, 2015 12:30 IST | Updated: May 12, 2015 13:12 IST
                    Tales from the dead


                    The burials at Farmana are divided into primary, secondary and symbolic/ceremonial. In the primary burial (above), the body was placed in the pit along with ritual pottery, tools, beads, bangles and anklets. Photo:Deccan College, Pune
                    The secondary burial (above) contains a few human bones and burial goods. It is likely that the body was kept in the open for several days and the bones that remained were collected and buried in the pit. Photo:Deccan College, Pune

                    In a symbolic burial (above), there are no bones at all. This means a person whose body could not be retrieved was given a ceremonial burial. Photo:Deccan College, Pune


                    WITH the discovery of 70 Harappan burials, most of them with skeletons, the cemetery at Farmana in Haryana can stake its claim to be the largest Harappan graveyard found so far. The burials provide insights into Harappans’ customs, rituals, beliefs, health and eating habits, and even death from malnutrition. Other facts revealed are the economic and social status of persons, which can be derived from the jewellery found in the burial pits; the respect accorded to women in Harappan society; and their relationship with contemporaneous societies that supplied them raw materials.
                    “The site of Farmana is one of the few Harappan sites in the subcontinent that have Mature Harappan cemeteries located in their vicinity. Variations in customs, burial goods and the orientation of pits clearly suggest the presence of different population groups within Farmana,” said Vasant Shinde, director of the excavation at Farmana. It is a vast cemetery, covering 3.5 hectares, with only burials. No cremation was done.
                    A team of archaeologists and scientists from Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune, Research Institute of Humanity and Nature, Kyoto, Japan, and Maharshi Dayanad University, Rohtak, Haryana, excavated both the Harappan habitational site and the graveyard at Farmana in 2006-07, 2007-08 and 2008-09. An interesting finding from the excavations is the traces of “masala curry of spices, including turmeric”, in a pot along with a skeleton in the cemetery. “This is the first time we found that the Harappans ate curry. They consumed wheat and rice…. We found traces of spices, including turmeric [in a pot in a burial pit]. It shows the contacts that the Harappans had with the south Indian people because the spices must have come from south India,” he said.
                    In his article entitled “Farmana and the Harappan Civilisation”, published in Heritage India, 2012, Volume 5, Issue 2, May 2012, Shinde says: “The Early Harappans lived in complexes made of circular or oblong pit dwellings. Gradually, over a period of time, these pit dwellings were replaced by rectangular or squarish structures over-ground, culminating in a planned town during the Mature Harappan phase. All the Mature Harappan structures at Farmana were made of mud-bricks and only occasionally, burnt bricks were used and mainly for the construction of foundations, drains and bathing platforms. The bricks used for construction were of the typical [Mature] Harappan ratio of 1:2:4…. Considering the extremely thick walls in the case of some structures, there appears to be a possibility of the presence of double-storey buildings….”
                    The cemetery at Farmana was discovered by chance. In the second season of excavation, a farmer who owned wheat fields nearby dug up his field for construction and came across human bones and potsherds. He showed them to the archaeologists working at the site. A minor excavation in 2007-08 confirmed the presence of the burial ground. So a major excavation was done the next year, which revealed the 70 burials and a cache of burial goods. The quality and quantity of these goods varied from burial to burial. Most of the burials were in the north-south direction.
                    There were three kinds of burials at Farmana: primary, secondary and symbolic/ceremonial. In the primary burial, the body was placed in the pit along with ritual pottery, tools, beads, bangles and anklets. In the second type, the body was kept in the open for several days and the bones that remained were collected and buried in the pit along with the burial goods. In the symbolic burial, there were no bones at all. This means that a person who may have died, say, in a fight or was killed by a wild animal and whose body could not be retrieved was given a ceremonial burial.
                    Another interesting feature of the burials was the use of clay coffins. In this instance, the burial pit was lined with clay and the body was lowered into the pit. The pit was covered with soil and a plaster of clay was applied on the top surface of the soil. Shinde said: “It is made so well that it looks like a clay box. The clay box burials were reserved for people who enjoyed a high status in society…. Besides, from the burials, it appears that the status of women in Harappan society was high because they were carefully buried in the centre of the pit. They were buried with their jewellery.” There were also large pits with big ritual pottery indicating the social ranking of the person buried.
                    The high content of copper and zinc in the bones points to the fact that Harappans were generally meat-eaters. Some trenches in the habitational area had charred remains of wheat, rice, barley and mustard. The Harappans roasted these grains and ground them to make dishes. The grains that got charred were thrown away.
                    Isotope analysis on the skeletal remains of the women at Farmana shows that some of them were not Harappans. These women could be from the Khetri region of Rajasthan, which supplied copper to the Harappan sites to make artefacts. Shinde said: “It shows that the Harappans married women from outside their region. This is interesting because the natural resources located outside the Harappan sites were controlled by contemporaneous societies such as the Ahar-Banas and the Ganeshwar-Jodhpura cultures. We had earlier believed that the Harappans obtained raw materials for their products by trade. But they also had matrimonial alliances with those who supplied them raw materials.”
                    T.S. Subramanian
                    http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/tales-from-the-dead/article7193919.ece

                    SLIDESHOW

                    New burial sites at Rakhigarhi
                    Skeletal remains excavated from Rakhigarhi in Haryana will prove useful in understanding the Harappans’ features, lifestyle and culture. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

                    Archaeologists and scientists of Deccan College, Pune, examining a full-length skeleton of a male excavated from a burial site in Rakhigarhi in March.

                    Pottery photographed in situ from a burial site.

                    The skeleton of a woman found with the customary ritual pottery.

                    A series of burials with pottery excavated from a mound at Rakhigarhi in the midst of a vast expanse of wheat fields.

                    Pottery which was found with the remains of a skeleton in a burial pit in the Late Harappan site of Chanayan in Baghpat district, Uttar Pradesh, in December 2014. These include pots, deep bowls and flasks and might have contained cereals, milk, butter, etc., as part of some religious ceremony for the dead.

                    Remains of the Harappan grid-planned settlement at Farmana. The picture shows circular pits with post holes in which the Early Harappans lived.

                    http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/new-burial-sites-at-rakhigarhi/article7197274.ece

                    Harappan Civilization: Current Perspective and its Contribution – By Dr. Vasant Shinde

                    General view of the excavation Harappan site of Farmana

                    By Dr. Vasant Shinde

                    Introduction

                    The identification of the Harappan Civilization in the twenties of the twentieth century was considered to be the most significant archaeological discovery in the Indian Subcontinent, not because it was one the earliest civilizations of the world, but because it stretched back the antiquity of the settled life in Indian Subcontinent by two thousand years at one stroke. Vincent Smith (1904), one of the leading historians of the era, had written, in the beginning of the twentieth century, that there was a wide gap (Vedic Night) or a missing link between Stone Age and Early Historic periods in the Indian History and the settled life in this part of the world began only after 6-5 century BCE, probably during the Stupa (Buddhist) period. The discovery of the Harappan Civilization proved him wrong and the Indian Subcontinent brought to light the presence of the first civilization that was contemporary to the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Civilizations. This Civilization was unique compared to the two contemporary civilizations on account of its extent and town planning. Extent-wise it was much bigger in size than the Mesopotamian and the Egyptian Civilizations put together and spread beyond the Subcontinent. Its town planning consisting of citadel and lower town, both fortified and having a checkerboard type planned settlement inside them, was a unique and unparallel in the contemporary world. Intensive and extensive works have brought to light over two thousand sites till date. The distribution pattern suggests that they were not only spread over major parts of western and north-western Indian subcontinent, but its influence is seen beyond, up to the Russian border in the north and the Gulf region in the west. In true sense this was the only civilization in the contemporary world, which was an international in nature.
                    The Indian subcontinent has all the favourable ecological conditions to give birth to the early farming community. The Southwest Asian agro pastoral system with wheat, barley, cattle, sheep and goats had spread through Iran and Afghanistan to Preceramic Mehrgarh in Baluchistan by about 7000 BC. Early Mehrgarh lithics, loaf-shaped mud bricks, female figurines and burial practices all suggest Southwest Asian influence from somewhere in the Levant or Zagros regions. The origins of village life in South Asia were first documented at Kile Ghul Mohammad in the Quetta valley (Fairservis 1956), then at the site of Mehergarh at the foothill of the Bolan pass on the Kacchi Plain on the Indus Valley (Jarrige 1984). Both these sites and numerous other in this region demonstrate cultural development from the seventh millennium BCE to the emergence of the of the Mature Harappan phase in the middle of the third millennium BCE.
                    As far as the climatic conditions during the Early-Harappan and Harappan times are concerned there are two conflicting interpretation. The data for paleoclimate reconstruction were obtained from Rajasthan lakes such as Didwana, Lunkarsar, Sambhar and Pushkar. The studies carried out by Singh et al (1990) have suggested that the mid-Holocene climatic optimum coincides with the mature phase of the Harappan Civilization and its end with a sharp excursion into aridity. Most interesting example cited is the occurrence of Cerealia type pollen and finely comminuted pieces of charcoal found in these lakes at 7000 BP, which has been interpreted as evidence for forest clearance and the beginning of agriculture. On the other hand, the studies carried out by Enzel et al. (1999) show that there is no simple correlation between favourable climate and the archaeological data. They have suggested that the most humid phase at Lunkaransar has been dated to between 6.3-4.8 kys with abrupt drying of the late sometime around 4.8 kys. During the period between 6.3-4.8 kys the lake was freshwater and never dried up. Significant shift in the carbon isotope values are also seen in this period. The most flourishing Harappan phase (Mature) is thus does not correlate to the favourable climate but indicates that it rather developed in a period of deteriorating climatic conditions. They have concluded that the Harappan Civilization was not caused by the presence of favourable environment. More data in this respect needs to be generated in nature future.
                    Beads from Rakhigarhi
                    Excavations at Harappa and Mohenjo Daro commenced in 1920s, but the excavators were unable to assess the antiquity of the remains they were excavating. Leonard Woolley and Earnest Mackey who were excavating in Mesopotamia, had discovered some Harappans seals from securely dated strata. Sir John Marshall got a clue from and announced the discovery of the Harappan Civilization on 20 September 1924 through his article titled “First Light on a Long-Forgotten Civilisation: New Discoveries of an Unknown Prehistoric Past in India” published in the Illustrated London News and since then many scholars and institutions, both from India and outside, have been engaged in unravelling the history of this most important cultural phase in Indian History. No other culture in the subcontinent has received as much attention as the Harappan Civilization has. However, it should be mentioned that what is known today about this civilization is mainly the glimpses of their urban life, as the reconstruction done is based on the data recovered from large settlements identified as either cities or towns. Compared to that very few rural Harappan settlements such as agriculture villages, industrial centres or ports have been excavated systematically on large scale. In order to understand holistic life of the Harappans, sufficient systematic work on sites of different categories needs to be carried out. So far more than 100 sites have been subjected to various degrees of excavations, majority of which are large-size settlements. The work carried out at the site of Mehrgah in Baluchistan has already demonstrated the origin of the culture, which was gradual from the modest beginning of the settled life around 7500 BC (Jarrige et al. 1995). Identification of three phases of the Harappan culture- Early Harappan (3300-2600 BC), Mature Harappan (2600-2000 BC) and Late Harappan (2000-1700 BC) suggests cultural processes –origin, development and decline of the culture.

                    Origin and Extent

                    The earliest excavations and scholars (Mackay, 1928-29; Marshall, 1931; Vats, 1940) interpreted the rise of the Harappans as a result of a Near Eastern or external stimulus based on simple diffusion models (Fairservis, 1956; Gordon and Gordon, 1940; Piggott, 1950; Sankalia, 1974; Wheeler, 1947, 1968). However, today ideas of indigenous development (Durrani, 1986; Jarrige and Meadow, 1980; Mughal, 1974b; Shaffer, 1982b, Shinde, 2006) as a result of regional interactions among the existing earlier groups of people is believed to be the cause for the development of this civilization covering an area of 2.5 million sq. km nearly four times the size of its contemporary Mesopotamian and Egyptian Civilizations.
                    Toy Cart frame from Harappan site of Farmana
                    Of many excavations undertaken over a long period of time in the Subcontinent, the one carried out at Mehrgarh between 1974 and 1985 (Jarrige et al. 1995) is in a real sense an epoch making. Not only that it has provided the first evidence of a settled life in the Indian Subcontinent going back to the seventh millennium BC, but also solid evidence it has produced supporting the steady growth of the Harappan elements. The evidence that came out of this excavation lay to rest the earlier controversial theory of the Western world being responsible for the emergence of the Harappan Civilization. The excavations have demonstrated seven different stages of development prior to the emergence of the Harappan culture, beginning with the Aceramic Neolihtic. What is evident here is the introduction of various Harappan elements at various different levels at the site throughout the first seven phases, culminating into the emergence of the Harappan culture in the last stage/phase (VIII). Three different phases of the Harappan culture – Early, Mature and Late demonstrate cultural processes from origin-development to decline of the culture. The Mature Harappan phase is most prosperous one in which is found the development of the Civilization/urbanization and evidence from various excavated sites now leads us to believe it has emerged out of the Early Harappan phase. As is evident the process of transformation from Early to Mature Harappan appears to have happened simultaneously over the major Harappan region including Baluchistan, Sindh, Ghaggar and Gujrat.
                    The earlier belief that the Harappan Civilization (Mature Harappan phase) was a homogenous has turned out to be a myth. Within the Harappan region we find manifestation of the regional variation and three such regional variations (Domain according to Possehl (2002) can very distinctly be identified. The first scholar to point out this variation within the Harappan Civilization was J.P. Joshi way back in 1984 (Joshi, 1984). However, Possehl (2002) has identified more than 7 domains on account of geography and settlement pattern data. However, on the basis of variations in the material culture, three zones can clearly be distinguished. The excavations at Rojdi by Possehl and Raval (1989) were important from the point of view of identification of the regional variation of the Harappan Civilization in Saurasthra. It was noticed that the material culture associated with the Harappan culture at Rojdi showed some difference compared to that found in the Sindh-Baluchistan region. This was found true for the whole Saurashtra region. This difference was treated as a regional variation of the Harappan culture in Saurashtra and termed as Sorath Harappan (Possehl and Herman 1990). Similar regional difference in the material culture, more particularly in the ceramic assemblages of the Harappan sites in Ghaggar is visible. The sites located in the Sindh-Baluchistan region have classical Harappan elements and form one distinct zone within the Harappan region.
                    I can try to explain why such variations have occurred in the material culture of the Mature Harappan period. A number of Early Harappan cultures flourished in various parts of the Harappan region and the Mature Harappan is supposed to be the result of internal development within these Early Harappan cultures. Naturally therefore the features of the Early Harappan cultures persisted through the mature phase in their respective regions. The Early Harappan (4000-2600 BCE) is made up of five regional phases that are thought to be generally contemporary: the Amri-Nal, Kot Diji, Damb Saddat, Sothi-Siswal and Anarta-Padri. They are as follows:
                    These are the different regional traditions that came into existence during the Early Harappan phase of the Harappan culture. Simultaneous development and integration as a result of intensive contacts and exchange of goods was happening in all the different zones and around 2600 BCE emerged the Mature Harappan (Harappan Civilization) phase.
                    The northernmost site is Manda on the River Beas in Jammu while Bhagtrav on the Tapti in Maharashtra forms its southern boundary. Alamgirpur on the Hindon River near Delhi and Sutkagendor on the Arabian Sea shore near the Iranian border forms its eastern and western peripheries respectively. Today the Harappans are believed to be a complex of many ethnic groups (Mughal, 1990; Possehl, 1982, 1990b; Shaffer and Lichtenstein, 1989; Thapar, 1979), representing several cultural identities with large regional urban centres like Harappa (Punjab), Mohen-jo Daro (Sindh), Rakhigarhi (Haryana), Dholavira (Kutch/Gujarat) and Ganweriwala (Cholistan) (Fig. 1) supported by innumerable craft centers, and smaller village settlements practicing agriculture which supported this urban and international trading economy.
                    Structural evidence from Harappan site of Farmana

                    Ecological setting

                    The environmental setting of the Harappan Civilization includes two major river systems and its flood plains, the Indus and the Ghaggar-Hakra (now dry); the highlands and plateaus of Baluchistan to the west, and the mountainous regions of northern Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India to the northwest and north. These geographical regions include highlands and lowlands, coasts and interior with distribution of land suitable for agriculture and pastoralism, the location of specific resources the procurement of which influenced the patterns of social and economic interaction and helped define social status.

                    Chronology

                    The Harappan culture cannot be studied as a homogeneous cultural phenomena as the cultural assemblages are varied, and include the Pre/Early-Harappan between 3500-2500 BC; Mature Harappan between 2500-2000 BC and the Post/Late Harappan after 2000 BC. A date of 2600 B.C. marks the approximate beginning of the urban fabric of the Harappans with the unification of the urban settlements, the use of writing, weights, Harappan-type ceramic designs, civic planning, etc and is believed to have disintegrated by 2100-1900 B.C. (Shaffer, 1991).

                    The Harappan urbanisation and standardization (2500-2000 BC)

                    The urban or the mature Harappan Phase includes a wide range of urban and non-urban rural sites that are varied in size and function but are inherently known for several features like the town planning with defensive walls with impressive gates around the site, two or more divisions of the settlement at the site, drains, baked brick structures, brick size (4:2:1 ratio), pottery, script, similarity in craft products and techniques (etched carnelian beads, copper-bronze artefacts, lithic blades), seals, weights and measures, evidence of external trade etc which help identify and denote them as a Harappan settlement irrespective of their size or urban/rural character. Some of these features have been touched upon in the following section.
                    Burials from Harappan site of Farmana

                    Town planning

                    From excavated remains, it is clear that the Harappan Civilization possessed a flourishing urban architecture laid out on a grid pattern with provisions for an advanced drainage system and the most important innovation was the standardization of the bricks in a size ratio very close to 4:2:1. The citadel, defence walls, dams etc prove to the existence of monumental architecture. Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa, Rakhigarhi and Dholavira were by far the largest urban centers of the Indus civilization evidently as important political and administrative regional centers. The metropolitan centers were internally divided into two or more parts: the Citadel for rulers and the Lower Town for the common people.
                    The private houses were oriented towards a central space, with access from the street by an entrance that blocks the view of the interior of the house. A group of houses are associated with one or more private wells and approximately 700 wells have been identified in the core area of Mohen-jo Daro, (Jansen, 1989). The number of wells and their association with neighbourhoods could indicate a need for discrete and relatively private water sources.
                    The large public structures have open access or provide a thoroughfare from one area of the site to another like the “Great Bath” of Mohenjo Daro, and the “granaries” at Mohenjo Daro and Harappa. The “Great Bath” is a large, water-proof tank but its exact purpose remains unknown. The so-called granaries at Mohenjo Daro, Harappa and Lothal are today massive foundation platforms for a superstructure no longer evident.
                    The cities and smaller settlements also had carefully designed and well maintained drainage systems. Wells and bathing platforms were lined with bricks, and small drains carried water away from the wells or living area to larger street drains (Fig. 2). The street drains were equipped with sump-pits and the streets had bins for non-liquid waste, which was presumably collected and dumped outside the settlement.
                    The sites were laid out on a rectangular grid of main streets and smaller lanes with an efficient drainage system. The grid-like arrangement of the streets and the stark uniformity of the houses suggest rigid state control, the first instance of town planning in the world. Such a layout is not indicative of a town that has developed from village beginnings; rather, it is the sign of a newly conceived, or relocated, settlement (c.f. Gupta, 1997). The citadel was raised on high mud platforms and its architectural units may have functioned like a palace complex combining the functions of defence stronghold, meeting place, storage area, ceremonial centre, and perhaps the site of community feasting. In the major cities a defensive wall made of mud-brick protected the citadel and often the lower towns as shown by the excavations at Dholavira (Bisht, 1993; Gupta, 1997).
                    Pottery from Harappan site of Farmana

                    Subsistence and Economy

                    The economy was largely based on agriculture, animal husbandry and trade with specialized exchange networks for the procurement and distribution of raw materials and manufactured items within and beyond the civilization in existence. All the evidence indicates that the subsistence base of the economy remained much as it had already developed at Mehrgarh some two millennia earlier. The Harappan civilization apparently evolved from their predecessors, using irrigated agriculture with sufficient skill to reap the advantages of the spacious and fertile Indus River basin while controlling the formidable annual flood that simultaneously fertilizes and destroys (Kenoyer, 1991).
                    Even though most settlements were located in semi-arid areas with winter rainfall their wealth was based on a subsistence economy of wheat and barley. These winter crops, together with chickpeas, mustard, and field peas, were the staples. The other crops grown were rice, dates, melons, green vegetables (primarily legumes), and cotton. Cotton, a summer crop, was grown for fibre. The Harappans cultivated a variety of grains and harvested two crops a year. Fishing and hunting supplemented the diet. The Harappans developed an elaborate water management system and at the site of Dholavira in Kutch a network of dams, canals and reservoirs were used to manage the meagre and crucial water resources (Bisht, 1993).
                    Bone tools from Rakhigarhi

                    Industry

                    The Harappan civilization boomed with industrial activity and a wide range of mineral resources were worked at various sites notably marine shells, ivory, carnelian, steatite, faience, lapis lazuli, gold, and silver. Craftsmen made items for household use (pottery and tools), for public life (seals), and for personal ornament (bangles, beads, and pendants) for elite markets and long-distance trade. The crafts were seen as producing standardized artifacts that were distributed throughout the Indus region. Often there is evidence of specialized crafts being segregated in specific sites (Shortugai, a lapis lazuli mining and processing center, Nageshwar, a shell-working site) and also specific areas of the sites (Chanhu-daro had many groups of artisans involved in the production of elite status items such as seals, long carnelian beads and copper objects). The standardization of crafts is attributed to centralized control of production, organized by a state-level organization (Piggott, 1950; Wheeler, 1968) or the result of a conservative ideology (Fairservis, 1984a; Miller, 1985).
                    Harappan pottery is perhaps the finest in India and is betoken of the achievement of the Harappan potter. It is made of extremely fine, well-levigated clay, free from impurities, and is uniformly well fired. The surface is treated with a red slip over which designs are executed in black. The painted patterns are rich in variety and the characteristic ones include intersecting circles, fish scales, the pipal leaf, etc but the bulk of the pottery is plain. Typical Mature Harappan shapes include S-shaped jars, the dish-on-stand and perforated cylindrical jars.
                    Terracotta figurines of humans and animals are an important part of the cultural assemblage of a Harappan site along with beads.
                    Copper/Bronze Metallurgy: Use of copper and bronze for shaping tools, vessels and ornaments was a characteristic feature of the Harappans. Most of the artifacts found are tools of everyday use such as axes, adzes, knives fish hooks, chisels (Fig. 3) including pots and pans and items of personal use such as jewellery in form of bangles, beads diadem strips while relatively few weapons of war have been found. Though the technique of manufacture of these objects is advanced we do not witness any elaborate ornamental decorative aspects to these items and were at large of a simplistic and modest style probably very typical to the Harappan ideology.
                    Terra cotta object and Dice
                    Interestingly most copper artifacts have been found at larger and economically developed settlements in comparison to small agricultural settlements which indicates that it was not in popular use and could have been a symbol of wealth and status. However, most copper artifacts including ornaments and vessels have been found in a non-hoard context which include burials (out of 168 total copper/bronze ornaments 130 were found in non-hoard context) as against other metal objects especially gold and silver (largely hoards and catches), though some copper vessels and beads in hoards cannot be ignored completely. Also the amount of copper/bronze artifacts found at Harappan sites (burial, on sites and hoards) is much less in comparison to the contemporary civilizations probably as an object of scarce availability and a symbol of wealth and status it was passed over from one generation to another and also recycled as is the case today in the region (Agrawal, 2007).
                    The source for this copper has yet not been identified but the Khetri mines on the Aravalli is the most plausible option. Some scholars have also identified the copper mines in northern and southern Baluchistan, Afghan Seistan as an important source since the Harappans seem to have established flourishing trade relations with the Helmand tradition of this region. The Oman peninsula with evidence of Harappan artifacts and short term Harappan settlements is a candidate for the source of Harappan copper as well. Agrawal (2007) considers the Aravallis as the most likely source for the Harappans especially as the Ganeshwar complex sites have yielded more than 5000 copper objects, with some typical Harappan types like thin blades, arrow-heads etc. Besides Mesopotamians imported copper from Melluha which is traditionally identified as the Indus region and hence the idea of a local source holds stronger ground than import from an outside source though the other mentioned sources could also have been tapped for recasting, fabricating and then export to Mesopotamia. However, Kenoyer and Miller argue that there is no direct evidence of Harappan phase mines or smelting sites in the Aravalli copper source areas, even though the area has been explored by numerous scholars (Piggot, 1999) and hence we are still at no particular consensus as far as the source for Harappan copper is concerned.
                    The Harappans are referred to as a Bronze Age culture, though they seemed to have preferred use of pure copper since a larger repertory of the artifacts are made of pure copper. Copper alloying though was a common aspect of metallurgy within the contemporary civilizations of the Harappans, only 30% of the 177 copper artifacts analyzed from Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro indicate tin, arsenic, nickel or lead alloying, of which tin is the most common. The amount of tin ranged from 1-12% in the bronze artifacts studied.
                    The manufacture of copper/bronze objects involves two- three levels of industry. The first and the foremost is obtaining the metal from its ore through smelting for which we do not have any direct evidence in form of slag or the ore at either, the settlement sites or at the Khetri mines the so-called source for Harappan copper. Hence right from the outset we are at a loss for the source of this metal and it has to be put forth that most likely the Harappans obtained the metal from outside as ingots which could be worked by casting through melting and shaping the molten metal through a stone, terracotta or sand mould or direct fabricating or forging and shaping the metal through heating and beating techniques. There is evidence of plano-convex disc shaped ingots with an uneven puckered top surface from Mohenjo Daro, Chanhudaro, Harappa and Lothal which it seems was further worked by the copper smiths for producing the objects required.
                    A detailed analysis of the copper artifacts indicate that the Harappans were aware of the lost wax process or cire perdueas the two dancing figurines and a covered cart without its wheels and another complete with the driver from Chanhudaro are manufactured using this closed casting technique. According to Mackay (1938), a large number of blade axes were manufactured using closed casting technique and “were so faulty and full of blow holes as to be unusable except for re-melting”. However the absence of moulds at any site except Lothal (not accepted by Agrawal, 2007) is suggested as a result of use of sand based moulds which disintegrate when exposed to nature and hence create a vacuum in the archaeological context.
                    Several other objects especially the flat celts and axes indicate open mould casting with slow and controlled cooling of the cast metal.
                    However the maximum objects are of the forged category which is basically the shaping and modification of non-molten metal using the force of a hammer on hot or cold metal. Forging helps shape and hardens the objects and hence is an important aspect of manufacture of edged tools of every day and industrial use, which are the most common finds at Harappan sites (of 521 objects for Chanhudaro, 645 are tools, 26% are ornaments, 7% were vessels and 3% percent included the miscellaneous objects). The most common example is the Harappan chisel which was forged from a cast copper bars, while thin razors were cut from copper sheets and then forged to form a sharp cutting edge. Most of the copper vessels were also manufacture by beating the copper sheet into the required shape.
                    Besides copper the Harappans worked with gold, silver and lead as is exhibited from the artefactual evidence.
                    Shell: Gujarat was one of the main centres for production of shell objects from the Turbinella Pyrum which was cut and worked using a bronze saw. Nageshwar, Bagasra, Kuntasi etc. have been identified as important shell working centres for procuring raw material and processing finished goods like bangles, beads-pendants, decorative inlay pieces, spoons and ladles etc.
                    Stone: various types of stone was worked for different purposes which varied from lithic tools made of chert and chalcedony, seals carved of steatite for public utility to objects of personnel use especially ornaments like beads, bangles pendants etc. made of, technologically altered and transformed materials like faience, carnelian, paste. Some of this was not only for the local but the international market as well since Harappan carnelian beads have been found at the royal cemetery of Ur.
                    The Harappans and their crafts have been identified as a technologically innovative group with an indifference towards the regular precious stones like lapis and turquoise. Jarrige sums up their attitude by saying that “they didn’t like them because they couldn’t play with them” (Agrawal, 2007:323) while Vidale goes on to say “the Indus people are noteworthy of their cultural expression of not power of conquering, but rather power of creating; from abstract universe created in their urban organization to artificial stone of their microbeads” (Agrawal, 2007:323).
                    Copper spoon from Harappan site of Farmana

                    Trade

                    The evidence for trade/exchange is primarily artifacts made from raw materials with regionally restricted sources, such as marine shell, agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli, turquoise, coloured cherts and jaspers, serpentine, steatite and copper. Transport of objects was probably overland by human porters, cattle carts, and on the backs of sheep, goat, cattle etc. The locations of major settlements were related to the importance of riverine or sea transport as is the case with settlements like Lothal, Balakot, Sutkagendor etc (Ratnagar, 1981; Jansen, 1989),
                    Evidence from sites in Mesopotamia suggests that the Harappans (Meluhha) exported wood, shell, ivory, gold, decorated carnelian beads, lapis lazuli and perishable items like textiles, cotton and food grains; and much of this trade would have been routed via the Gujarat coast due to its strategic location at the delta of the Indus River. Other goods found are indicative of the trade networks include gold from southern India or Afghanistan, silver and copper from Oman or Rajasthan, lapis lazuli from Afghanistan and turquoise from Iran and Afghanistan. It is believed that trade existed between Egypt and the Harappans on the basis of two terracotta mummies from Lothal. Also the blue colour used by the Egyptians is said to have come from Indigo cultivated in India (Zarins, 1992), evidence of which is found at Rojdi. Trade with the west seem to have received a major boost around 2300-2200 BC, and this is when the Harappans set-up small industrial centres all along the resource and coastal regions for promoting their trade. However by 1900 BC trade with Mesopotamia started to decline and by 1700 it had completely disappeared (Dhavalikar, 1997). The presence of cubical weights of precise measures and impressions of seals (sealings) also point to a well-developed and structured system of trade with control and distribution methods. The well-developed though un-deciphered script was probably also an integral part of this network.

                    The Harappan script

                    The urban Harappans can be easily differentiated from their predecessors and successors on the basis of their use of writing which was used for identification of ownership of goods or economic transactions, accounting, the recording of socio-political or ritual events (Fairservis, 1983; Parpola, 1986). The origins of this writing system is not clear and till date has not been deciphered due to the lack of a bilingual text and also because the inscriptions are very short, usually only of about five discrete symbols (Parpola, 1979).
                    However this has not restricted academic debate and linguists suggest affinities with Proto-Dravidian or Indo-Aryan language (Fairservis, 1983; Parpola, 1986) without any consensus or proof. Though now it is generally agreed that writing was from right to left and is most commonly found on the intaglio seals, made of carved and fired steatite, steatite, clay or faience tablets and numerous incised tools and ornaments and often on pottery before or after firing, stamped on pottery, terra-cotta cakes or terra-cotta cones (Joshi and Parpola, 1987).
                    These writings or symbols regardless of its understanding by the modern scholars do represent a shared belief and ideology that was distributed over an extremely large area which was undoubtedly a key factor in the integration of the urban and rural populations spread over varied ecological settings.
                    Terra cotta Bangles from Rakhigarhi

                    Religion

                    Wheeler (1968) emphasized that religious and secular activities were indivisible concepts, and this fact applies not just to ancient past but even today as can be often seen from the religious symbolism of modern Indian sub-continent. Even today several tools and toys used in secular form acquire a “ritual status” with changing contexts. Many objects and symbols have been seen as representing Harappan “religious” beliefs and practices and include seals, horned male deities, Mother Goddess figurines, fire-altars, etc. However all attempts to correlate these objects and scenes to Indian mythology and religion or to the contemporary Mesopotamian religious belief have failed due to lack of deciphered text (Allchin, 1985; Ashfaque, 1989; Dhavalikar and Atre, 1989; Fairservis, 1975, 1984b; Parpola, 1984, 1988).
                    Religious traditions and beliefs are also witnessed in the death rituals and Harappan burials also indicate localized patterns (Kennedy and Caldwell, 1984). The cemeteries are small and do not appear to represent the entire society, hence, it is possible that certain groups practiced burial while others used cremation or exposure while variation in the mode of burial and the quantity of grave goods also indicate difference of social and religious norms.
                    Wheeler (1968) had put forth local cults and a state religion, which is similar to what he witnessed in the living traditions of numerable local cults and a larger religious ideology pantheon which is all inclusive. Fairservis (1986) proposed that cities such as Mohenjo-daro were primarily ceremonial centers and that “religion” was an integrating factor using a complex system of shared beliefs and rituals legitimizing the economic and political control.

                    The Harappan Society and Polity

                    It is still impossible to do more than guess at the social organization or the political and administrative control implied by this vast area of cultural uniformity. The evidence of widespread trade in many commodities, the apparent uniformity of weights and measures, the common script, and the almost common currency-of seals, all indicate some measure of political and economic control probably originating from the large regional centres. The presence of status objects throughout the Indus region indicates a strong socio-political and religious system of beliefs that demanded and prompted the acquisition and use of such items. A sufficient supply would have been ensured by economic networks and the spread of specialized artisans and technologies to major sites and interestingly there is no evidence for acquisition by force which is obvious in the near absence of weapons of war. The acquisition of exotic goods must be seen as the accumulation of grain or livestock surplus – in an increasing status differentiation between those who have and those who have not.
                    There is no clear idea about the composition of Harappan population in spite of the fact that a number of their grave-yards have been excavated. The sites like Harappan, Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Lothal, Farmana (Shinde et al. 2009) (Fig. 4) have produced separate cemeteries, but due to lack of sufficient scientific analyses such as DNA, Isotope and Trace Element, etc. features like genetic aspects, health and diet of the people is not sufficiently known yet. However, social stratification is evident in their burials.

                    Recent Researches on the Harappan Culture in the Ghaggar Basin

                    The Harappans favoured the region of Ghaggar/Hakra the most as is evident from the presence of high density of the Harappan settlements there. The region, particularly on the Indian side of the Ghaggar basin is yet to be systematically surveyed and the work on settlement patterns and systems is still in its infancy. Numerous sites have been reported by the earlier workers, which cannot be visited and studied now. This is simply because either majority of the co-ordinates mentioned by the earlier researchers are wrong, or most of the sites have been completely razed either in the process of converting them into agricultural fields or due to various developmental projects initiated by State or Central Governments.
                    Among the many factors responsible for the development of the Harappan Civilization, congenial climate and surplus production of food grains are considered to be the most significant. The Ghaggar basin was very potent for the surplus production of food grains as it has very thick cover of fertile alluvium soils and the rivers are perennial due to their rise from the Siwalik Hills. Even today, this region is considered to be part of an “Agricultural Bowl” of India. A large number of Harappan sites located in the proximity of arable land can be interpreted as Agricultural settlements. They are relatively large in size and have considerable thick deposit. However, sites like Rakhigarhi and Farmana, very extensive and under occupation for thousands of years may have played an important role in the socio-economic organizations of the Harappans. The site of Rakhigarhi, by virtue of its location, which is almost in the centre of the region and having vast catchment around it, has grown into most probably a large “Regional Centre” of the Ghaggar basin. It may have controlled administration and overall economy of the region. The site of Farmana may have acquired importance and grown into a town because of its proximity to the site of Rakhigarhi, which is roughly 40 km away and also due to very congenial ecological conditions.
                    The site of Farmana was selected for large-scale excavation mainly because it has both the Early and Mature Harappan phases and thus an ideal candidate where one can undertake study of cultural processes. Besides, for last many decades the farmers who own the site have been modifying landscape of the site for agricultural activities. As a result, once a prominent habitation mound is being reduced to almost a flat ground now. The excavation thus aims to salvage archaeological record before it is completely destroyed. For the first time this excavation has produced evidence that is enabling understanding of the origin and the factors causing regional variations. The regional cultures like Siswal, Regional Hakra Culture Tradition and Sothi may have evolved in the Ghaggar basin as a result of interactions with the early Neolithic cultures, either from the Baluchistan region or Kashmir.
                    Excavations carried out at Farmana have thrown immense light on the town planning and the burial customs of the Mature Harappans at this site. The orientation of the town in NW-SE direction closely resembles the one at Kalibangan, whereas overall pattern of the drainage, streets and structures are close to the planning at the site of Harappa. Since only the foundations have survived, it is not possible to visualize the nature of walls and superstructure. The walls above could be either of burnt bricks, which may have been completely robbed by the present villagers, or mud-bricks. The traces of settlements found at Farmana are in general agreement with the usual grid town planning associated with the Harappan Civilization (Shinde et al. 2008a and 2008b, 2010, 2011a 2011b).
                    It is interesting to note, that the Harappans at Farmana were very fond of geometric structures and features. Majority of the pits including storage, fire and burials found at Farmana are rectangular in shape. These pits are perfectly rectangular with perfectly vertical sides and flat bottom. All the rectangular fire-pits found in the structures are certainly used as domestic hearths and they are usually found in one of the corners or along the inner margin of the wall of structures. Besides, very often a water storage jar and a small rectangular storage pit are found close to the fire-pits. Some of the fire-pits are close on all four sides and considerably large in size. In order to accommodate smaller pot on these fire-pits, they may have used bricks for support of cooking vessels, the evidence of which is found in a few cases. They do not appear to be associated with religious beliefs of the people as their context includes fragments of cooking and storage pots and splinters of charred animal bones would indicate.
                    On the basis of the presence of large number of artefacts at Farmana, it appears that Farmana was one of the flourishing Harappan centres. It has a strong agricultural base as its catchment is covered with very fertile alluvium soil and has ample source of fine clay for manufacture of pottery and bricks. The site may have been a major regional centre for the manufacture of terracotta objects, including pottery. The lapidary and copper working may have been the other industries at Farmana. It may have acquired semi-precious stones from Gujarat, gold from Karnataka and copper from Khetri region of Rajasthan. The site appears to have flourished because of the major agricultural and industrial activities here. One of the beautifully decorated etched carnelian beads found at Farmana is exactly identical to the one found at Ur in Mesopotamia. This discovery is very important and even leads one to surmise that Farmana played an important role in Harappan Civilization’s international trade with Mesopotamia (Shinde et al. 2008b).
                    The study of the faunal samples revealed the presence of several animal taxa. Out of the 30 species in the collection, eight wild mammals (wild pig, gazelle, antelope, chital, rat, Indian Hare, four-horned antelope and nilgai) and one reptile (turtle) were found. The six domesticated species include cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat, pig and dog. Molluscs like lamellidens, pila globosa and some fishes which could not be identified at this stage were also found at Farmana. Among the many birds bones recovered, only one that is Busulous ibis could be identified. Though no Laboratory analysis of the grain and plan remains are available, wheat, barley and rice grains were identified during sampling at the site. Thus it is clear that the subsistence of the people of Farmana was based on agriculture but supplemented with animal diet. Further analysis and more work at the site will be able to generate sufficient data to tackle some of the research problems identified.
                    The site of Farmana is one of the few Harappan sites in the subcontinent that has Mature Harappan cemetery located in its vicinity. There are two more cemeteries, one at Bedwa and the other at Puti Seman, located in the vicinity of 5 km. Cemeteries at Bedwa and Putti Semen belong to the Late Harappan phase as the entire deposit of the Late Harapan at Farmana has been razed, there is no way to connect them to the site of Farmana.
                    The ancient site (29°02’22”N and 76°18’21”E) that falls in the jurisdiction of three different villages- Farmana, Seman and Bhaini Chandrapal (Badi Bahen) all in the jurisdiction of Meham block of Rohtak district in the state of Haryana (Fig. 1), is locally known as Daksh Kheda. Since major portion of this site lies in the jurisdiction of Farmana village, it is considered a part of that village. The site is 4 km to the west of Farmana on the metal road between Farmana and Semen. It is 2.5 km to the east of the village Seman. The site is in the Chautang river basin, but roughly 30 km away from the river. There are lakes in the vicinity of the site. The Harappans may have relied for their water needs on such lakes.
                    The survey, which was carried out, revealed a very extensive area under occupation measuring over 18 hectares in size (Shinde et al. 2008a-b). The major portions of the site particularly along the periphery and also the upper levels of the Mature Harappan period have been destroyed as the entire site is under cultivation. The total habitation deposit survived now varies from 2.5 m to 3.5 m.
                    The site (Fig. 2) has been extensively damage along its periphery area and therefore we are not able to trace the outline of the fortification wall. The excavations carried out at the site has revealed two distinct phases of the Harappan Culture: Early Harappan (Period-1- Regional Hakra Culture) and the Mature Harappan (represented by three sub-phases- Period-IIA, IIB and IIC). The site which was in the form of a prominent mound some 50 years ago is being constantly damaged by the farmers. In the process of converting the site into an agriculture land, the entire Early Historic, Painted Grey Ware, Late Harappan and part of the upper Mature Harappan (Period-IIB) levels have been completely damaged. The site is so rich that the structural remains and features are found immediately below the ploughing zone. This is the ideal site for Horizontal excavation.
                    Statue seal from Harappan site of Farmana
                    Two periods of the Harappan culture have been survived at the site. They are as follows:

                    Period- I Early Harappan (Regional Harkra Culture Tradition) (3500-2600 BC)

                    This is the period which was called Pre-Harappan in the Farmana excavation report published last year (Shinde et.al. 2008b). However, after evaluating its contribution to the development of Mature Harappan phase, it was clear that most of the elements of this phase continued in the succeeding phase as it is or with minor modifications. It is because of this that this early phase is treated as a formative stage of the Harappan Culture and hence the term Early Harappan. The last three layers at the site (Layers 10-12) belong to the Early Harappan phase (Period- I). The following are some of the AMS dates from the Early Harappan levels from Frmana, Girawad and Mitathal:
                    These dates are not consistent and hence are not of much use to decide the general chronology of Period-I. There are a number of dates from the early occupation at the site of Bhirrana, which is the closest to Farmana and Girawad. Most of the dates for this period are quit early in age at Bhirrana. It is therefore safe to presume that the Early Harappans flourished in this part in the middle of 4th millennium BC and continued until the emergence of the Mature Harappan phase around 2600 BC.
                    The kind of pottery, structures and other material recovered from the sites of Farmana is reported from other sites like Bhirrana (Rao, et al. 2004-05), Girawad (Shinde, et. al. 2008a, 2011b) and Kunal (Khatri and Acharya 1995). The excavated evidence from these sites suggests that the early settlers began their lifestyle with modest dwellings consisting of mostly underground structures, either circular or oval in shape dug in natural level. The one excavated at Farmana is an oval in shape, large in size and 90 cm deep. The sides are perfectly vertical and bottom flat. A couple of post-holes were noticed on the periphery. This suggests that there were superstructures on these pit-dwellings. The evidence of charred bones, cooking pottery along with fine variety in them are indicative of their use for dwelling purposes. They used very advanced pottery making and firing technology and produced a variety of wares such as Mud Appliqué, Incised, Chocolate Slipped, Reserve Slipped, Grooved, etc. The copper and lapidary crafts were well developed and the people had already developed long distance trade contacts for acquiring suitable raw materials and circulating finished goods. This no doubt suggests that the first settlers came to the site from elsewhere with ready craft technology. The excavation carried out at Farmana and a few other sites in the Ghaggar basin revealed that the early culture remained rural in character. The urbanization was a gradual process in this region and it was fully achieved only in the Mature Harappan phase in the middle of the third millennium BCE.
                    As limited excavation was carried out in the early stages at the site it is difficult to discuss about their life-style including social and economic aspects at this stage.
                    Sling Balls from Rakhigarhi

                    Period- II Mature Harappan (sub-divided into Period-IIA, Period- IIB and Period-IIC)

                    The Mature Harappan period at the site is represented by a thick deposit of more than two meters. A large number of artefacts, pottery, structures and features of this period have been excavated. There appears to be some variation in the material remains from the beginning to the end of the Mature Harappan occupation at the site. This variation coupled with stratigraphy, enable identification of sub-phases. This sub-phase is quite clear in their burials. The Mature Harappan therefore has been sub-divided into Period- IIA, Period-IIB and Period-IIC. No radio carbon or AMS dates are yet available for this period, but tentatively on the basis of the study of data from the site as well as on comparative analysis Period-IIA can be dated between 2600-2400 BC, Period-IIB to 2400-2200 BC and Period- IIC, which has been completely scooped out from the site can be dated between 2200-2000 BC. This division of the Mature Harappan period and dating will have to be supported by additional data and dates. Tentatively layers 6-9 could be assigned to Period-IIA and 1-5 to Period-IIB. No layers of the last Mature Harappan period have survived at the site.
                    The Mature Harappan period at the site marks the culmination of the cultural process that began in the early stage at the site, which is reflected in their settlement pattern and cultural material. The entire 18 ha area was occupied during this period suggesting expansion of the population and attainment of prosperity. There is a gradual transition from Early Harappan to the Mature Harappan at the site which is clearly evident in their structures and pottery. The pit-dwelling in the lowermost level at the site was replaced by mud-brick rectangular structures in the subsequent levels. Between the pit-dwellings and the beginning of the Mature Harappan phase (IIA) are noticed a number of floor levels indicating gradual development. In the level between Early Harappan and Mature Harappan, which can also be termed as Transition, are found small rectangular possibly independent structures with circular fire places. Elaborate remains of well planned and built mud and burnt-brick structural complexes, streets, drainages, rectangular fire places and storage areas came into existence right from Period-IIA at the site (Shinde et al. 2011a). The brick size that was used right from the Early Harappan until the end of Period IIB is in the ration of 1:2:4. The so called Early Harappan brick ratio of 1:2:3 is almost absent in the Ghaggar basin, except at the site of Banawali in Hissar District (Bisht 1993), which was excavated on a large scale. Large horizontal area of Period IIB has been excavated which has unearthed a part of the well-planned settlement of the Mature Harappan people at Farmana.
                    The partially handmade and not well finished pottery found in the Early Harappan period was refining gradually and became superior ceramic assemblage with more typical Harappan shapes in the Mature Harappan phase. The classical painted Harappan Red ware makes its appearance. The seals are completely absent in Period-I, but appears from the beginning of Period-II. The presence of seal and sealing, elaborate evidence for town planning, rich cultural material excavated so far, advance technology and practice of elaborate burial customs during Period- II all point towards the attainment of urbanization in this period.
                    The site of Farmana is one of the few Harappan sites in Indian Subcontinent having its cemetery in the proximity. The Harappan Cemetery at Farmana was discovered accidently in 2007-08 season and a few burials (7 in all) were excavated then (Shinde et al. 2008, 2010, 2011). The preliminary survey carried out then had indicated its spread over a large area (approximately 3 ha). This cemetery was accidentally discovered, when the owner of the land (Mr. Ramdhari from Seman village) was ploughing this land for lifting the soil. The cemetery is located to the northwest of the habitation site at a distance of 900 m from the datum point located in the centre of the habitation site. It is located to the right hand (north) of the Farmana-Seman motor-capable road. There are many sites in the Ghaggar basin such as Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Tarkhanewala Dera, Sanauli, Bedwa, Putti Semen, etc. where Harappan cemeteries were discovered. It is now confirmed that the cemetery at Bedwa, Putti Seman and Sanauli belong to the Late Harappan period, whereas Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi and Tarkhanewala Dera have Mature Harappan cemeteries same as that found at Farmana.
                    In order to understand various customs and socio-religious aspects of the Harappans from the burials it was decided to excavate their Cemetery on much larger scale this year. As the data is large, it is also proposed to undertake DNA, strontium, pathology, starch grain and residue analyses pottery to understand composition of population, their health and diet.
                    The cemetery as Farmana is in the natural field. The burial pits were dug in the natural alluvium soil, which is brownish/yellowish in colour. The colour of the soil, filled after placing dead bodies in them, turned slightly greyish/blackish, which is very easy to distinguish from the natural soil (Fig. 3). The dead bodies were placed in pits dug to varied depth. Some to the pits are as deep as 1 m, some 50 cm and some very close to the surviving surface level. It is observed that some dead bodies were placed in clay box (coffin), the traces of which have survived in many cases. Remains of seventy burials were uncovered in the area spread over 35 m by 21 m, of which Nos. 1-7 were excavated in the second season (2007-08). Also there are a few burials, the pit-lines of which have been traced and numbered, but not excavated. The burial pits have three different orientations- northwest-southeast, north-south and northeast-southwest. On the basis of the pottery and ornaments found in burials, their chronological positions have become clear. They belong to three different sub-phases of the Mature Harappan period. The burials belonging to Period-IIA have more Early Harappan pots, particularly Kot Diji type round bodied, flat-based rimless or with very short rim. The burials of Period- IIB have some Kot-Diji type pots, some typical Harappan and very few local varieties. The Burials of Period-IIC are devoid of Kot Diji type pots but contain only typical Harappan and the local pots, almost 50-50. The pottery and ornaments found in burials clearly indicate that these burials are comparable with cemetery R-37 found at Harappa.
                    The burials found at Farmana can be divided into three categories, i.e. primary, secondary and symbolic. In the case of the primary burial, the dead body was placed in a pit in a supine position with head towards the north and the legs towards the south. The primary burial therefore contains full skeleton in situ. The secondary burial usually contains a few bones. It is quite likely that the dead body was kept in open for some time and later the surviving bones were collected and buried in a pit ceremoniously. There are some burials which are devoid of any skeletal remains but contained pottery and ornaments. Such burials have been termed as symbolic burial. It is quite likely that the body of the person was not retrieved but they thought it fit to give ceremonious burial without the dead body. All the burial pits excavated so far are of the human life-size and rectangular in shape with their sides cut perfectly vertical and the bottom flat. This has been the hallmark of the site of Farmana, as all the small pits, including fire-pits, no matter whether they are connected with the burial or habitation activity, are usually rectangular in shape. The number of pots and jewellery found in burial pits varied from burial to burial, depending possibly on the social and economic status of the individual. The presence of burial goods clearly suggests that the Harappans believed in life after death.
                    Terra cotta animal figurines from Harappan site of Farmana

                    Contributions of the Harappan Civilization to the World History

                    Since the discovery of the Harappan Civilization in 1920s there have been sporadic attempts to discuss about overall lifestyle and socio-economic and religious organizations. But all previous attempts have failed to discuss about the significant contribution made by the Harappan Civilization to the history of the region and the World. Generally it is observed that the domestic and international tourist prefer to travel to Egypt and Mesopotamia to see the monumental architecture, life sized sculptures and very rich royal tombs created by Egyptian and Mesopotamian Civilizations who were contemporary to the Harappans. Such creations are absent in the Harappan sites and therefore tourists do not find these sites attractive. Harappan archaeologists have not made any systematic effort in conveying the practical and philosophical thinking and the contribution made by them to the history. Technologically and economically Harappans were capable of creating such monumental architecture and sculptures. The available evidence indicates that they were getting lot of wealth from the West through international trade. This wealth was used by the Harappans very practically and wisely to create world class cities and basic amenities for all classes of the people in the society. Probably they thought that creation of monumental architecture or burying huge wealth along with dead bodies could be wastage of the resources as they were not beneficial to the society. They use this wealth or prosperity for sustainable development not only within cities and towns but all over the Harappan region. It also enables them to create some sort of uniform culture over a vast territory. This aspect of philosophy and practical consideration of the Harappans needs to be highlighted and brought to the notice of the world. These features of the Harappans will be showcased at the site of Rakhigarhi, where the author has embarked on a very ambitious project. The Harappans are credited to innovation and implementation of basic sciences and technologies, which became a source for a number of contemporary cultures in South Asia. Most of the technologies and traditions developed by these people are so relevant to South Asia that they have continued till date and the significance has not diminished a bit. The roots of the development of South Asia in the field of science, technology, social and economic sphere lie in the Harappan Civilization. It is amazing to see cultural and historical continuity in South Asia at least for 5000 years which makes the Indian History unique in the context of World History. It is because of the emergence of Harappan Civilization that South Asia gained tremendous significance in the world of ancient civilizations. Some of the important contributions of the Harappans to the world history have been listed below:
                    1. Development of First Empire in South Asia: The period roughly from 4000 BCE to 2600 BCE is considered to be a formative stage of the Harappan culture. A number of regional cultures like Hakra, Kot Diji, Amri, Sothi, Padri/Anarta, etc. came into existence during this period in different parts of the region where Harappan Civilization flourished. They shared some common cultural features but they could be distinguished mainly on account of their painted ceramic traditions. All these cultures could be integrated at around 2500 BCE and the Harappans managed to create a huge Empire (Civilization) over North-western and Western part of the subcontinent over an area of roughly 2 million sq. km. This is a unique example in the contemporary world of an Empire solely created by peaceful means and not by force, which is usually the case with most of the Empires in the world, including India.
                    1. Scientific Construction Method: For the first time in the world, the Harappans produced bricks for construction in the ration of 1:2:3 and 1:2:4 required to undertake scientific construction activity, which is known as “English Bond”. This so called English Bond construction method, in which one line of brick is placed horizontal and the next vertical, was first introduced in the world by the Harappans. It is because of this scientific construction method, the Harappans managed to create very well planned usually referred to as “Grid Planned” cities and towns. This is considered to be the characteristic features of the Harappan town planning. All the public and private structures found in the Harappan lebels were built by following this technique. This is considered to be the beginning of the modern construction method.
                    1. Civic Amenities: Well laid out streets and side lanes equipped with drains are one of the most outstanding feature of the Harappan cities. The Harappan cities were very clean and hygienic as they had devised means to dispose of dirty water and solid waste out of the city wall. The cities and towns were provided with a network of closed as well as open drainage system, which was connected to the main drainage line. The drains made of baked bricks, connected with bathing platforms and latrines of private houses. The open drains flowed into larger sewers in the main street which was covered with bricks of dressed stone blocks. Corbeled arches allowed the larger drains to cut beneath streets or buildings until they finally existed under the city wall, spewing sewerage and drain water into the outlying plain. At Harappa a sequence of four drains build one after the other has been found in the existing city at the main gateway between mound E and mound ET (Kenoyer 1998: 61). The main line emptied the dirty water outside the city which kept them clean and hygienic. This provision of civic amenities developed was unique in the contemporary world and one can easily identify this as their contribution to the world.
                    2. Pioneers in Water Management and Harvesting– one of the earliest evidence of water harvesting and management comes from the Harappan city of Dholavira, located on Khadir Island in the Runn of Kutch, Gujarat. This city was established in the desert part and hence always faced scarcity of water. There are two ephemeral streams flowing by the side of the city, Manhar and Mansar, the catchment area of which lies about 10-12km away in the hills. The Harappans constructed three check dams (1, 2 and 3) near the site across the stream Manhar with rubbles and masonry stones and the flash flood water, gushing through the river during monsoon was diverted to the 4-6 m high reservoirs in the city. One check dam (no 4) was built on the Mansar stream, which fed 1, 50,000 sq. km of area for agricultural purposes. The check dams built by the Harappan at Dholavira were conducive not only diverting rain water into the city landscape and reservoirs but also for holding sweet water back in the river bed for some time so that the sub soil water of the area rises and get sweetened for agricultural and domestic use. The ground water of the region is otherwise relatively hard and brackish, which gets worse with each passing years if rains fell. The Harappans excavated a series of reservoirs in all the three parts of the city. Some of the reservoirs were built of stone blocks and were provided with flight of steps whereas some were found cut into solid rock with limited use of stone masonry in weak zones of the structure. The different water reservoirs spread over length and breadth of the city were connected to each other by underground closed water channels which were built either of stone slabs or burnt bricks. The reservoirs were meant for storing diverted water from the stream for domestic use it appears that the Harappans make sure that the water remain circulated throughout the city through underground water channel system. This is the earliest evidence of water harvesting and management of such magnitude anywhere in the world. The city of Dholavira though located in desert part remains active and flourished because of provisions of water harvesting made by the Harappans.
                    3. Dockyard– A large hydraulic structure measuring 215m in length and 37m width with a depth of 3m was constructed at the site of Lothal (Rao……). The entry of boats to the dockyard at high tide was from the inlets in the northern and eastern walls measuring 12m and 7m respectively. The dock was connected with a nala and a channel to Bhogavo River with emptied in the Gulf of Cambay. For the exit of extra water at high tide there was a spill channel in the eastern wall with a sluice gate. The boats plied during the high tide period. The modern dockyard at Gogha, at Bhavnagar in Saurashtra work on the same principle. This was great engineering feet. With the discovery of marine shells from the dockyard, a few massive anchor stones and the absence of any landing steps into the dock suggest that it was a dockyard for the berthing of the boats. Rear admirer (retd) Bindra in a research paper has scientifically analysed all aspects of controversy with regards to the dockyard raised in last four decades. He says ‘there are four specific constructional features, which distinguish this structure as a ship berthing basin from other similar structures: (i) the two inlets (northern and eastern; (ii) the spill way with its dwarf walls; (iii) the verticality of the inner walls with science of a uniform level on the walls; (iv) the post holes in the enclosure suggesting a tie posts for the ships. Lothal possesses all the essential prerequisites for its identification as an ancient port. We therefore only support the nomenclature “Lothal: A Harappan port town” and further opine that no other tile would have perhaps better explain the commercial and maritime function performed by the Harappans.’ (Bindra 2002-2003:1-18)[Bindra S.C., 2002-2003. A Harappan Town Revisited, Purattatva: volume [1-18].
                    1. Earliest Silk Production in Eurasia: Analysis of silk thread found at Harappa and Chanhu daro have indicated that the Harappans did develop sophisticated technique for the production of silk. This research offers new insight on the extent and antiquity of sericulture. Specifically, these finds indicate the use of wild indigenous silkmoth species in South Asia as early as the mid-third millennium BCE. At least two separate types of silk were utilized in the Indus in the mid-third millennium BCE. Based on SEM image analysis there are two thread forms in the samples from Harappa, which appear to be from two different species of silkmoth (Antheraea ). The silk from Chanhu daro may be from yet another South Asian moth species Philosamia spp. (Eri silk). Moreover, this silk appears to have been reeled. The variety in type, technology and thread forms of these few rare examples of silk, offers us a glimpse into the extent of knowledge about sericulture in the Indus Civilization during the Mature Harappan phase. By careful analysis of archaeological silk fibre surface morphology, one can distinguish between the source silkworm species. Through this type of study we can also begin to better understand the origins of silk use further to the East. The discoveries described here demonstrate that silk was being used over a wide region of South Asia for more than 2000 years before the introduction of domesticated silk from China. Earlier models that attribute the origins of silk and sericulture exclusively to China need to be re-examined and revised (Goods et al. 2009)
                    1. Lesson to learn from Trade Strategy of the Harappans- one of the regions for the flourishment of the Harappan Culture into Civilization is the wealth generated through hinterland and international trade. As most of the basic raw materials required for manufacturing a variety of different crafts were located outside the Harappan region and controlled by the contemporary Neolithic/Chalcolithic people long distance trade was established by the Harappans. Long distance trade provides individuals or social groups with opportunities to enhance their own wealth and or social status. The Harappans manage to get uninterrupted flow of raw materials from their contemporaries located in hinterland area. They had developed technologies both pyro and non-pyro for the production of a variety of finished goods including pottery, stone beads, stone tools, seals, terracotta objects and variety of stone objects etc. it appears that the Harappans provided finished goods to the same people from whom they acquired basic raw materials. As there was greater demand for the objects made of semi-precious stone, copper, shell etc they established, for the sake of mass production, settlements exclusively for manufacturing purpose. They has developed very well organized trade network and carried trade with Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia, Central Asia and even Egypt with ease. The available data, both archaeological as well as literary evidences indicate that more Harappan goods were sent to West Asia suggesting a surplus trade which was beneficial to the Harappans. This strategy of the Harappans helped them in generating lot of wealth which was used for the development for the cities and towns and welfare of the common people. This is one of the earliest example of the world where it was demonstrated that trade can be important tool for development of the culture and society. Post World War II, Japan followed the same strategy as the Harappans did and became a world economy power in a span of 15 years.
                    1. Introduction of new subsistence strategy- there were two major agricultural zones within the Harappan region, the black cotton soil zone in Gujarat and Rajasthan and the alluvium zone in the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra basin. The choice of two important agricultural zone by the Harappan was conscious as they had realised that one of the two zones will always be available to them at the time of natural calamities. The Harappan culture was constantly developing from 4000 BC onwards and because of the congenial conditions there was tremendous growth in the population. They realised that to support the growing population and culturally further developed from a rural to urban phase a large amount of food grain will be required. It is therefore they introduced a double cropping system in the Indian subcontinent and sophisticated agricultural implement for this purpose. By this strategy they were able to grow surplus amount of food grains and so forth a large groups of craftsman and other people who were not participating in basic subsistence activities. This is the type of model which was developed by the Harappans came handy at the time of second urbanization in Indian subcontinent. The double cropping system and agricultural methods developed by the Harappans is so relevant that it has continued without much change to the modern time. The Harappans were pioneers in the development of concepts which helped the society to move forward.
                    2. Pioneers in the development of basic technology- most of the basic technologies required to manufacture pottery, metal artifacts, stones beads, ornaments of variety of different materials and some of the important domesticate objects were introduced with the settled life at around 7000 BC. These technologies were being constantly developed gradually and in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC they attained full maturity. From the available evidence it is clear that the Harappans had played important role in perfecting basic technologies including pottery making and metallurgy. It appears that they became source for basic technologies to a number of contemporary cultures flourished on the eastern and western peripheries.
                    In conclusion, a short survey of the Harappan achievements indicates a sufficiently advanced socio-economic and technological fabric capable of developing a complex economic infrastructure and political organisation which involved international relations. As technologically and economically advanced people they were able to expand into a number of Eco zones with different environmental variables and economic potential as shown by the location of most of the sites in areas of importance such as resource areas or on trade routes. The Harappans were traders par excellence, which to a certain extent formed the basis of their urbanised status through trade contacts.
                    Sealing impression from Harappan site of Farmana

                    Climate and Decline of the Harappan Civilization

                    The decline of the Harappan Civilization was as dramatic and enigmatic as was its emergence. Of the many reasons, the climate appears to be the major villain in the decline of this great civilization. The reconstruction of the Holocene climatic sequence in the Indian subcontinent, particularly in the Thar Desert area of Rajasthan demonstrated lowering of annual rainfall around 2000 BC that may have caused major decline of the most flourishing first civilization of the Subcontinent. Scholars like Bryson and Swain (1981), Singh et al. (1990), Agrawal (1992) have emphasised the role of climate and environment in affecting habitations, especially the Harappan culture. Studies in respect to the reconstruction of climatic sequence carried out in various parts of the world suggest it was not only the Indian subcontinent that was affected, but the whole glob. In other words it was a major Global Climatic Change Phenomenon around 4000 BP or 2000 BC. Yasuda (2001) believes that it is not only the Harappan but all the civilizations of the Eurasia declined around 4000 BP as a result of dry climate.
                    Studies of regional late Holocene vegetation history have shown that the most drastic changes in the vegetation pattern and cover, an important indicator of climate change, appeared around 2000 BC in different parts of the world. In north-eastern China in the Changbai Mountain region, the most noticeable event of the Late Holocene forest development around 2000 BC was expansion of Pinus koraientsis (Sun et al., 1990). Vegetation reconstruction at Kurugai site (northern Sichuan, China) in the eastern part of Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau revealed retreat of forest and spread of open areas at about 2000 BC (Gotanda, 1998). Around the same time in warm temperate forest zone located at lower elevation in the southern Sichuan, sclerophyllous drought adapted taxa expanded, suggesting weakening of the East Asian Monsoon activity with decrease in spring and summer precipitation (Jarvis, 1993). The oxygen isotopes analysis from the lake sediments in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau and North Xinjiang provinces recorded maximum aridity between 4500-3500 cal. yrs BP (Wei and Gasse, 1999). In parts of Europe, particularly in the Great Poland Plain the Carpinus betulus indicating dry climatic conditions, began its spread around 4100 BP and since 3500 BP has been dominating species in the forest and the lowering of the lake levels began at the same time there (Makohonineko, 1998). The results of pollen analysis from the Ghab valley and El-Rouj basin in Syria show that the climate became dry after around 2000 BC. This dry climate caused a drought and reduced the production of olives, wheat, and barley. People in northwest Syria abandoned their habitation sites completely in the Late Bronze Age because of drought (Yasuda, 2001).
                    In the Indian Subcontinent a few studies on climate reconstruction carried out also suggest similar trend of aridity around 2000 BC. A work on the core from the oxygen minimum zone off Karachi in Pakistan at water depth of 700 m has produced a unique record of monsoon climatic variability covering the last 5000 years (von Rad et al., 1999). They further noticed that the period from 3900 BP is marked by varve thickness minimal and low termite activity, which they interpret as indicators of low precipitation and decreased river run-off. Thus, the results obtained by various independent researches in different part of the globe do indicate deterioration of climate, which must have had adverse impact on the human cultures including of course the Harappan Civilization.
                    The deteriorating climatic condition had adverse consequences. One of the mighty and important rivers for the Harappans, the Saraswati dried down and even though the exact contribution of the deteriorating climatic conditions to this effect is not known. There is a possibility of the main river Saraswati (represented by Ghagger-Hakra today) and its main tributary the Drishdvati, changing their courses and merging with other main rivers like Yamuna due to some tectonic upheaval in the upper reaches. However, the fluctuating climatic conditions may also have contributed to the drying up of the Saraswati. This was perhaps the biggest blow to the Harappan civilizations as nearly three-forth of the settlements were located in the basin of this river. Good fertile arable land and ample supply of water made the basin of river Saraswati most attractive and the Harappans were able to produce surplus food grains here. It will not be far-fetched to conclude that the Saraswati River was a life-line of the Harappans. After losing their agriculture base, the Harappans scattered and migrated more to the region having readily available pasture land.
                    There has been a strong debate going on whether the sea level receded around 2000 BC and if so by how many metres? No satisfactory work has been carried out on this so far. But it seems possibly due to decrease in rain fall, the sea level fluctuated. Whether it was a world phenomenon or a regional phenomenon is not yet clear. But a number of Harappan ports on the Makran coast fell into disuse as they became almost inland sites after the receding of sea level. This must have adversely affected their international trade with the Gulf and subsequently with Mesopotamia and Egypt. As is well known, the international trade which was surplus in favour of the Harappan, was one of the major causes of the prosperity.
                    After the drying of their international trade, the pace of the decline of the Harappans hastened. The economic decline affected overall Harappan life-style, which is reflected in their material culture. As they lost their agricultural base in the Saraswati basin, they began shifting their settlements away from the banks of the main rivers. New area such as the western part of Uttar Pradesh and the pasture rich area of Gujarat such as Jamnagar District, was preferred by the Harappans in the later stage (Sinha-Deshpande and Shinde, 2005). The culture got mixed up with different local cultures and slowly and gradually merged with them.
                    Seal from Rakhigarhi

                    Concluding Remarks

                    Some of the basic issues that have been discussed here are important and they need to be taken seriously and the future researchers will have to design research strategy in such a way that these aspects are taken into consideration. The focus of research will have to shift from Mega Site Archaeology to Small Site Archaeology and sufficient number of sites of the latter category needs to be researched on large scale. Large amount of data from these sites will only help in projecting holistic picture/history of the Harappan culture. There have not been many multi-disciplinary approaches to the Harappan archaeology in India. Archaeological research on the Harappan culture needs support and active participation of scholars from various other fields including geology, environmental science, zoology, botany, physics, chemistry, anthropology, geography, linguistics, Sanskrit studies, ethnology, etc. Systematic scientific research in the Saraswati basin is needed. Excavation of few sites in this basin is not enough but systematic survey to record settlement patterns, reconstruction of site typologies and generation of archaeological data and their co-relation with the Vedic texts needs to be undertaken in a sustained manner. A systematic and scientific study to find out exact causes of the disappearance of the Saraswati and Drishadvati rivers is must. There is no sufficient data to know about the exact climatic conditions during the Harappan times and its impact on the origins, development and decline of the Harappan culture. A lot of palynological data needs to be cored from the Saraswati basin proper for the reconstruction of the climate of that period. Considering various basic issues it appears there is no alternative but to undertake multi-disciplinary research strategy in various Harappan regions.
                    Pottery is one of the most important artefacts dug out from ancient sites and the Harappan sites are not an exception to that. Huge amount of pottery is found in the explorations and excavations. These potteries are classified and described by those scholars who either collect them from the surface of the site or dig out from sites. The various criterion and parameters considered for classification and analysis of pottery and the style of describing forms and rim shapes of pottery differ from scholar to scholar. As a result there is no uniformity in the use of either term for the ware or description of pottery form or rim style. In fact there are as many terms and ways of description as there are scholars describing them. I order to bring uniformity in the use of term and description style, we suggest following the work on pottery from Mohenjo-daro done by Dales and Kenoyer (1986). Because of this problem, sometimes it is hard to use pottery data for interpretation. Finally, it is suggested that future research on the Harappan Civilization needs to be problem oriented and multi-disciplinary.
                    Pottery kiln from Harappan site of Farmana

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                    Granery from Rakhigarhi


                    Rakhigarhi seal evidence for orthographic design method to achieve precision in Indus Script hieroglyphs & cipher to document metalwork catalogues 
                    A unique evidence is found from a Rakhigarhi seal with Indus Script inscription to demonstrate the method (tantra yukti) used by Indus engravers, artisans, metalsmiths, to create hieroglyph-multiplexes (hypertexts) to signify precisely a description of the product/s of metalwork catalogue which were the supercargo of a shipment on a boat.

                    Rakhigarhi seal with hieroglyphs: Rhinoceros, arrowhead, arrow in circumscript of Left & Right parenthesis ligatured with a ‘notch’.

                    A brilliant insight of Gadd provides a lead to analyze orthography of Indus Script hieroglyphs to enable precise matching of orthographic components with the semantics of the message in Meluhha (Prakritam).

                    A unique example identified by Gadd is the deployment of a split ellipse as a hieroglyph. An ellipse (also as a rhombus or parenthesis) signifies the semantics of mūhā '(metal) ingot'. An allograph also signifies the semantics: mũhe ‘face’. It is thus deduced that the split ellipse signifies the gloss: mūhā '(metal) ingot'.

                    meḍha  'polar starRebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) PLUS kuṭi ‘water-carrier’ (Telugu); Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuṛī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvṛI f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuṛī, kuṛo house, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kuṭi ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) guḍi temple (Telugu) A comparable glyptic representation is provided in a Gadd seal found in an interaction area of the Persian Gulf. Gadd notes that the ‘water-carrier’ seal is is an unmistakable example of an 'hieroglyphic' seal. Seal impression, Ur (Upenn; U.16747); [After Edith Porada, 1971, Remarks on seals found in the Gulf States. Artibus Asiae 33 (4): 331-7: pl.9, fig.5]; water carrier with a skin (or pot?) hung on each end of the yoke across his shoulders and another one below the crook of his left arm; the vessel on the right end of his yoke is over a receptacle for the water; a star on either side of the head (denoting supernatural?). The whole object is enclosed by 'parenthesis' marks. The parenthesis is perhaps a way of splitting of the ellipse (Hunter, G.R., JRAS, 1932, 476).  

                    Gadd has demonstrated how an ellipse may be broken into parenthesis marks contituting hieroglyph component pair. His insight is that an ellipse split into parenthesis of two curved lines ( ) signifies hieroglyph writing. I suggest that the hieroglyph components signify the orthography which matches an 'ingot' formation -- a four-cornered ellipse a little pointed at each end.


                     This shows that splitting an ellipse as in Sign 373 results in Left parenthesis and Right parenthesis, both of which are used as circumscript on Rakhigarhi seal to enclose a 'notch' PLUS 'circumflex or caret'.

                    On the Rakhigarhi seal, a fine distinction is made between two orthographic options for signifying an arrow with fine pronunciation variants, to distinguish between an arrowhead and an arrow: kaNDa, kANDa. The word kANDa is used by Panini in an expression ayaskANDa to denote a quantity of iron, excellent iron (Pāṇ.gaṇ) i.e., metal (iron/copper alloy). This expression ayas+ kāṇḍa अयस्--काण्ड is signified by hieroglyphs: aya 'fish' PLUS kāṇḍa, 'arrow' as shown on Kalibangan Seal 032. An allograph for this hieroglyph 'arrowhead' is gaNDa 'four' (short strokes) as seen on Mohenjo-daro seal M1118.

                    Rebus: ayaskāṇḍa ‘a quantity of iron, excellent iron’ (Pā.ga) aya = iron (G.); ayah, ayas = metal (Skt.)

                    Thus, the arrowhead is signified by the hieroglyph which distinguishes the arrowhead as a triangle attached to a reedpost or handle of tool/weapon.

                    As distinct from this orthographic representation of 'arrowhead' with a triangle PLUS attached linear stroke, an arrow is signified by an angle ^ (Caret; Circumflex accent; Up arrow) with a linear stroke ligatured, as in the Rakhigarhi seal. To reinforce the distinction between 'arrow' and 'arrowhead' in Indus Script orthography, a notch is added atop the tip of the circumflex accent. Both the hieroglyph-components are attested in Indian sprachbund with a variant pronunciation: khANDA. खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon) (Marathi)

                    It is thus clear that the morpheme kANDa denotes an arrowhead, while the ^ circumflex accent hieroglyph is intended to signify rebus: kāṇḍā 'edge of tool or weapon' or a sharp edged implement, like a sword. In Indian sprachbund, the word which denotes a sword is  khaṁḍa -- m. ʻswordʼ(Prakritam).

                    In the hieroglyph-multiplex of Rakhigarhi seal inscription, the left and right parentheses are used as circumscript to provide phonetic determination of the gloss:  khaṁḍa -- m. ʻswordʼ (Prakritam), while the ligaturing element of 'notch' is intended to signify खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon)' Rebus: kaNDa 'implements' (Santali). 

                    Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex is read rebus as kaNDa 'implements'  PLUS  khaṁḍa ʻswordʼ. The supercargo is thus catalogued on the seal as: 1. arrowheads; 2. metal implements and ingots; 3. swords. 

                    The hieroglyph 'rhinoceros is: kANDA rebus: kaNDa 'implements/weapons'.

                    The entire inscription or metalwork catalogue message on Rakhigarhi seal can be deciphered:

                    kaNDa 'implements/weapons' (Rhinoceros) PLUS खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'weapons' PLUS mūhā 'cast ingots'(Left and Right parentheses as split rhombus or ellipse).

                    Thus, the supercargo consignment documented by this metalwork catalogue on Rakhigarhi seal is: metal (alloy) swords, metal (alloy) implements, metal cast ingots.

                    Rakhigarhi seal 
                    Hieroglyph-multiplex on Rakhigarhi seal.
                    Maysar c.2200 BCE Packed copper ingots. The shape of the ingots is an 'equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends' -- like an ellipse or rhombus. See: 

                    See: http://nautarch.tamu.edu/pdf-files/JonesM-MA2007.pdf Michael Rice Jones' thesis of 2007 on the importance of Maysar for copper production.

                    An ingot may be signified by an ellipse or parenthesis of a rhombus. It may also be signified by an allograph: human face.

                    Hieroglyph: mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~ṛhe~t mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron(Santali) Rebus: mūhā 'ingot'; Compound formation: mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali)

                    Santali glosses
                    Wilhelm von Hevesy wrote about the Finno-Ugric-Munda kinship, like "Munda-Magyar-Maori, an Indian link between the antipodes new tracks of Hungarian origins" and "Finnisch-Ugrisches aus Indien". (DRIEM, George van: Languages of the Himalayas: an ethnolinguistic handbook. 1997. p.161-162.) Sumerian-Ural-Altaic language affinities have been noted. Given the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer, some Meluhha glosses might have been adapted in these languages. One etyma cluster refers to 'iron' exemplified by meD (Ho.). The alternative suggestion for the origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:

                    Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
                    Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
                    Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
                      ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
                    Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
                    Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
                    KW <i>mENhEd</i>
                    @(V168,M080)

                    — Slavic glosses for 'copper'
                    Мед [Med]Bulgarian
                    Bakar Bosnian
                    Медзь [medz']Belarusian
                    Měď Czech
                    Bakar Croatian
                    KòperKashubian
                    Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
                    Miedź Polish
                    Медь [Med']Russian
                    Meď Slovak
                    BakerSlovenian
                    Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
                    Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
                    Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  

                    One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’.

                    A lexicon suggests the semantics of Panini's compound अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1]  m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.)( Pa1n2. 8-3 , 48)(Monier-Williams).


                    From the example of a compound gloss in Santali, I suggest that the suffix -kANDa in Samskritam should have referred to 'implements'. Indus Script hieroglyphs as hypertext components to signify kANDa 'implements' are: kANTa, 'overflowing water' kANDa, 'arrow' gaNDa, 'four short circumscript strokes''rhonoceros'.

                    Hieroglyph: gaṇḍá4 m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ lex., °aka -- m. lex. 2. *ga- yaṇḍa -- . [Prob. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 1: cf. gaṇōtsāha -- m. lex. as a Sanskritized form ← Mu. PMWS 138]1. Pa. gaṇḍaka -- m., Pk. gaṁḍaya -- m., A. gãr, Or. gaṇḍā.2. K. gö̃ḍ m.,S. geṇḍo m. (lw. with g -- ), P. gaĩḍā m., °ḍī f., N. gaĩṛo, H. gaĩṛā m., G. gẽḍɔ m., °ḍī f., M. gẽḍā m.Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 4. 2. *gayaṇḍa -- : WPah.kṭg. geṇḍɔ mirg m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ, Md. genḍā ← (CDIAL 4000) காண்டாமிருகம் kāṇṭā-mirukam , n. [M. kāṇṭāmṛgam.] Rhinoceros; 
                    கல்யானை. খাঁড়া (p. 0277) [ khān̐ḍ়ā ] n a large falchion used in immolat ing beasts; a large falchion; a scimitar; the horny appendage on the nose of the rhinoceros.গণ্ডক (p. 0293) [ gaṇḍaka ] n the rhinoceros; an obstacle; a unit of counting in fours; a river of that name.গন্ডার (p. 0296) [ ganḍāra ] n the rhinoceros.(Bengali. Samsad-Bengali-English Dictionary) गेंडा [ gēṇḍā ] m ( H) A rhinoceros. (Marathi)

                    Rebus: H.gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.Addenda: gaṇḍaka -- . -- With *du -- 2: OP. dugāṇā m. ʻ coin worth eight cowries ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

                    Rebus: *gaṇḍāsi ʻ sugarcane knife ʼ. [gaṇḍa -- 2, así -- ]Bi. gãṛās°sā ʻ fodder cutter ʼ, °sī ʻ its blade ʼ; Bhoj. gãṛās ʻ a partic. iron instrument ʼ; H. gãṛāsī f., °sā m. ʻ knife for cutting fodder or sugarcane ʼ (→ P. gãḍāsā m. ʻ chopper for cutting fodder &c. ʼ).(CDIAL 4004) gaṇḍa2 m. ʻ joint of plant ʼ lex., gaṇḍi -- m. ʻ trunk of tree from root to branches ʼ lex. 2. *gēṇḍa -- . 3. *gēḍḍa -- 2. 4. *gēḍa -- 1. [Cf. kāˊṇḍa -- : prob. ← Drav. DED 1619]
                    1. Pa. gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ stalk ʼ, °ḍī -- f. ʻ sugarcane joint, shaft or stalk used as a bar ʼ, Pk. gaṁḍa -- m., °ḍiyā -- f.; Kt. gäṇa ʻ stem ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. gaṇḍīˊ ʻ stem, stump of a tree, large roof beam ʼ (→ Par. gaṇḍāˊ ʻ stem ʼ, Orm. goṇ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL i 253, 395), gul. geṇḍū, nir. gaṇīˊ, kuṛ. gã̄ṛo; Kal. urt. gəṇ ʻ log (in a wall) ʼ, rumb. goṇ (st.gōṇḍ -- ) ʻ handle ʼ, guṇḍík ʻ stick ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) gongonu, (Morgenstierne) gɔ̄ˋn ʻ haft of axe, spade or knife ʼ (or < ghaná -- 2?); K. gonḍugrọ̆nḍu m. ʻ great untrimmed log ʼ; S. ganu m.ʻ oar, haft of a tool ʼ, °no m. ʻ sweet stalks of millet ʼ; P. gannā m. ʻ sugarcane ʼ (→ H. gannā m.), Bi. gaṇḍā, H. gã̄ṛā m., M. gã̄ḍā m. -- Deriv. Pk. gaṁḍīrī -- f. ʻ sugarcane joint ʼ; Bhoj. gãṛērī ʻ small pieces of sugarcane ʼ; H. gãḍerī f. ʻ knot of sugarcane ʼ; G. gãḍerī f. ʻ piece of peeled sugarcane ʼ; -- Pk. gaṁḍalī -- ʻ sugarcane joint ʼ; Kal. rumb. gaṇḍau (st. °ḍāl -- ) ʻ ancestor image ʼ; S. g̠anaru m. ʻ stock of a vegetable run to seed ʼ.2. Ku. gino ʻ block, log ʼ; N. gĩṛ ʻ log ʼ, gĩṛo ʻ piece of sugarcane ʼ (whence gẽṛnugĩṛ° ʻ to cut in pieces ʼ); B. gẽṛ ʻ tuber ʼ; Mth. gẽṛī ʻ piece of sugarcane chopped ready for the mill ʼ.3. Pk. geḍḍī -- , giḍḍiā -- f. ʻ stick ʼ; P. geḍī f. ʻ stick used in a game ʼ, H. geṛī f. (or < 4).4. N. girgirrā ʻ stick, esp. one used in a game ʼ, H. gerī f., geṛī f. (or < 3), G. geṛī f.*gaṇḍāsi -- ; *agragaṇḍa -- , *prāgragaṇḍa -- .Addenda: gaṇḍa -- 2: S.kcch. gann m. ʻ handle ʼ; -- WPah.kṭg. gannɔ m. ʻ sugar -- cane ʼ; Md. gan̆ḍu ʻ piece, page, playing -- card ʼ.(CDIAL 3998)

                    Rebus: kāˊṇḍa (kāṇḍá -- TS.) m.n. ʻ single joint of a plant ʼ AV., ʻ arrow ʼ MBh., ʻ cluster, heap ʼ (in tr̥ṇa -- kāṇḍa -- Pāṇ. Kāś.). Pa. kaṇḍa -- m.n. ʻ joint of stalk, stalk, arrow, lump ʼ; Pk. kaṁḍa -- , °aya -- m.n. ʻ knot of bough, bough, stick ʼ; Ash. kaṇ ʻ arrow ʼ, Kt. kåṇ, Wg. kāṇ,, Pr.kə̃, Dm. kā̆n; Paš. lauṛ. kāṇḍkāṇ, ar. kōṇ, kuṛ. kō̃, dar. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ torch ʼ; Shum. kō̃ṛkō̃ ʻ arrow ʼ, Gaw. kāṇḍkāṇ; Bshk. kāˋ'nʻ arrow ʼ, Tor. kan m., Sv. kã̄ṛa, Phal. kōṇ, Sh. gil. kōn f. (→ Ḍ. kōn, pl. kāna f.), pales. kōṇ; K. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ stalk of a reed, straw ʼ (kān m. ʻ arrow ʼ ← Sh.?); S. kānu m. ʻ arrow ʼ, °no m. ʻ reed ʼ, °nī f. ʻ topmost joint of the reed Sara, reed pen, stalk, straw, porcupine's quill ʼ; L. kānã̄ m. ʻ stalk of the reed Sara ʼ, °nī˜ f. ʻ pen, small spear ʼ; P. kānnā m. ʻ the reed Saccharum munja, reed in a weaver's warp ʼ, kānī f. ʻ arrow ʼ; WPah. bhal. kān n. ʻ arrow ʼ, jaun. kã̄ḍ; N. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛo ʻ rafter ʼ; A. kã̄r ʻ arrow ʼ; B. kã̄ṛ ʻ arrow ʼ, °ṛā ʻ oil vessel made of bamboo joint, needle of bamboo for netting ʼ, kẽṛiyā ʻ wooden or earthen vessel for oil &c. ʼ; Or. kāṇḍakã̄ṛ ʻ stalk, arrow ʼ; Bi. kã̄ṛā ʻ stem of muñja grass (used for thatching) ʼ; Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻ stack of stalks of large millet ʼ, kã̄ṛī ʻ wooden milkpail ʼ; Bhoj. kaṇḍā ʻ reeds ʼ; H. kã̄ṛī f. ʻ rafter, yoke ʼ, kaṇḍā m. ʻ reed, bush ʼ (← EP.?); G. kã̄ḍ m. ʻ joint, bough, arrow ʼ, °ḍũ n. ʻ wrist ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint, bough, arrow, lucifer match ʼ; M. kã̄ḍ n. ʻ trunk, stem ʼ, °ḍẽ n. ʻ joint, knot, stem, straw ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ joint of sugarcane, shoot of root (of ginger, &c.) ʼ; Si. kaḍaya ʻ arrow ʼ. -- Deriv. A. kāriyāiba ʻ to shoot with an arrow ʼ.kāˊṇḍīra -- ; *kāṇḍakara -- , *kāṇḍārā -- ; *dēhīkāṇḍa -- Add.Addenda: kāˊṇḍa -- [< IE. *kondo -- , Gk. kondu/los ʻ knuckle ʼ, ko/ndos ʻ ankle ʼ T. Burrow BSOAS xxxviii 55]S.kcch. kāṇḍī f. ʻ lucifer match ʼ?kāṇḍakara 3024 *kāṇḍakara ʻ worker with reeds or arrows ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , kará -- 1]L. kanērā m. ʻ mat -- maker ʼ; H. kãḍerā m. ʻ a caste of bow -- and arrow -- makers ʼ.*kāṇḍārā ʻ bamboo -- goad ʼ. [kāˊṇḍa -- , āˊrā -- ]Mth. (ETirhut) kanār ʻ bamboo -- goad for young elephants ʼ kāˊṇḍīra ʻ armed with arrows ʼ Pāṇ., m. ʻ archer ʼ lex. [kāˊṇḍa -]H. kanīrā m. ʻ a caste (usu. of arrow -- makers) ʼ.(CDIAL 3024-3026)

                    An insight in the orthography of Indus Script hieroglyphs is the matching of orthographic components with the semantics of the message in Meluhha (Prakritam).

                    A unique example is the deployment of an ellipse (also as a rhombus or parenthesis) to signify the semantics of mūhā '(metal) ingot'. An allograph also signifies the semantics: mũhe ‘face’.

                    Semantics: mūhā mẽṛhẽt 'iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends.' Matching orthography of a rhombus or ellipse: 

                    A Rakhigarhi seal presents an alternative orthographic representation of the 'split ellipse': 

                    ((

                    That this innovation signifies rebus kaNDa 'arrow' is reinforced by the phonetic determinant of 'arrow' used in the hieroglyph-multiplex, resulting in the new 'sign' shown below:

                    On this hieroglyph-multiplex, one parenthesis is FLIPPED  to create a new circumgraph of two orthographic components: 
                     Right parenthesis

                    ( Left parenthesis

                    Note: The splitting of the ellipse 'ingot' into Right and Left parethesis and flipping the left parenthesis (as a mirror image) may be an intention to denote cire perdue casting method used to produce the metal swords and implements.

                    An alternative hieroglyph is a rhombus or ellipse (created by merging the two forms: parnthesis PLUS fipped parenthesis) to signify an 'ingot': mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end (Munda).

                    This circumgraph of right-curving and left-curving parentheses encloses an 'arrow' hieroglyph PLUS a 'notch'. 

                    Hieroglyph: kANDa 'arrow' Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and weapons' (Marathi)

                    This gloss is consistent with the Santali glosses including the word khanDa:

                    Hieroglyph: खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon) (Marathi) Rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi)

                    What the hieroglyph-multiplex seeks to convey is that the seal as a metalwork catalogue documents the process of making kāṇḍa 'metal implements' from the fire-altar kaND signified by the arrow AND circumfix of split parentheses with one parenthesis presented as a unique flipped configuration. Thus the hieroglyph-multiplex is an orthographic reinforcement of the two other hieroglyphs signified on the Rakhigarhi seal; the two other hieroglyphs are: kANDa 'rhinoceros'; kANDa 'arrow'. Thus, all the three signifiers on the Indus Script inscription of Rakhigarhi seal are a proclamation of the production of metal implements (from ingots). There is also a Meluhha (Prakritam) gloss khaṁḍa which means 'a sword'. It is possible that the concluding sign on the inscription read from left to right signifies 'sword'.

                    Thus, the Rakhigarhi seal inscription can be read in Prkritam:  khaṁḍa 'sword' PLUS खााडा [ kāṇḍā ] 'metal implements', more specifically, recorded as a Santali compound expression:



                    *khaṇḍaka3 ʻ sword ʼ. [Perh. of same non -- Aryan origin as khaḍgá -- 2]
                    Pk. khaṁḍa -- m. ʻ sword ʼ (→ Tam. kaṇṭam), Gy. SEeur. xai̦o, eur. xanroxarnoxanlo, wel. xenlī f., S. khano m., P. khaṇḍā m., Ku. gng. khã̄ṛ, N. khã̄ṛokhũṛo (Xchuri < kṣurá -- ); A. khāṇḍā ʻ heavy knife ʼ; B. khã̄rā ʻ large sacrificial knife ʼ; Or. khaṇḍā ʻ sword ʼ, H. khã̄ṛā, G. khã̄ḍũ n., M. khã̄ḍā m., Si. kaḍuva.(CDIAL 3793).
                    Figure 4: (A) Seal RGR 7230 from Rakhigarhi. (B) The side of the seal where surface has partially worn away revealing the black steatite beneath. (C) A swan black steatite debris fragment from Harappa.


                    An ingot may be signified by an ellipse or parenthesis of a rhombus. It may also be signified by an allograph: human face.

                    Hieroglyph: mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; kolhe tehen me~ṛhe~t mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) Rebus: mūhā 'ingot'; Compound formation: mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali)

                    See:Previous report http://asi.nic.in/pdf_data/rakhigarhi_excavation_report_new.pdf Excavations at Rakhigarhi 1997 to 2000 (Dr. Amarendranath)


                    Rakhigarhi seal with the carving of a tiger is reported by Prof. Shinde of Deccan College.

                    Here is a decipherment using the rebus-metonymy layered Indus Scipt cipher in Meluhha language of Indian  sprachbund (language union):





                    kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Telugu) 

                    कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें  [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) 

                    Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that 

                    of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)


                    Figure 1: Steatite sources of the Greater Indus region and Harappan steatite trade networks.






                    Figure 6: (A) Unicorn seal fragment #6304. (B) Detail of the grayish-green steatite of the seal's interior
                    Figure 9: Agate-carnelian nodule fragments and flakes from Rakhigarhi





                    Figure 18: Lead and silver artifacts from Rakhigarhi compared to South Asian lead and lead-silver sources.





                    Figure 29: Saddle quern (left) and fragment (right) composed of a deep red sandstone of unknown origin.




                    Figure 30: Hematite cobbles/nodules of unknown origin. Geologic provenience studies of Rakhigarh's stone and metal artifact assemblage are ongoing or in the planning stages.







                    Figure 31: Rakhigarhi grindingstone acquisition networks








                    Figure 32: Rakhigarhi stone and metal sources and acquisition networks identified in this study. Potential, but as of yet unconfirmed, copper, gold and chert source areas are also indicated.






                    Rakhigarhi and the Harappan Civilization – Recent work and new challenges


                    Vasant Shinde, Adam Green, Narender Parmar and PD Sable (pp. 16-21) 


                    Overall view of RGR3 (left) and 2 (right) from on top of RGR4 Rakhigarhi

                    http://www.itrhd.com/pdfs/ERIM-Jan2013.pdf Mirror: 


                    (Shinde, Vasant; Green, Adam; Parmar, Narender; Sable, P. D. (2012–2013). "Rakhigarhi and the Harappan Civilization: Recent Work and New Challenges". Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute. 72/73: 48.) Published by: Vice Chancellor, Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute (Deemed University), Pune
                    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/05/rakhigarhi-indus-script-metalwork.html?view=timeslide
                    Defining the Economic Space of the Harappan Rakhigarhi: An Interface of the Local Subsistance Mechanism and Geological Provenience Studies (Puratattva 44, 2014)
                    Dispersal of mounds, Rakhigarhi, Haryana

                    https://www.academia.edu/8721752/Defining_the_Economic_Space_of_the_Harappan_Rakhigarhi_An_Interface_of_the_Local_Subsistance_Mechanism_and_Geological_Provenience_Studies
                    https://www.scribd.com/doc/314153788/Rakhigarhi-Excavations-and-new-findings-Rakesh-Kumar-Sharma-2015

                    In TN of Sangam era, there was a Mohenjo-Daro

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                    Harappa-like site surfaces in Tamil Nadu

                    | TNN | 

                    The excavation trenches at Keeladi attracted many who wanted to have a glimpse of the ancient civilization (above). (TOI photos by K Antony Xavier)The excavation trenches at Keeladi attracted many who wanted to have a glimpse of the ancient civilization (ab... Read More


                    MADURAI: With structure after structure surfacing from under the soil, the massive scale of an ancient urban centre that lies buried at Pallisanthai Thidal in Sivaganga district of Tamil Nadu is emerging.

                    The second phase of the work undertaken by excavation branch VI, Bangalore, of the Archaeological Survey of India suggests that the settlement at Keeladi village could be as large as the ones in Harappa and Mohenjo Daro. The excavations reveal a well-built urban centre with many amenities.

                    After exploration works on the Vaigai riverbed in 2013-14, the office of the superintending archaeologist, excavation branch VI in Bangalore, shortlisted Keeladi village for excavation. The first phase of the study carried out in 2015 unearthed various antiquities, iron implements and earthenware, both foreign and locally made. The pot shreds of Arretine dating back to 3 BC proved foreign trade existed in the region during the period.

                    As t he phase I study concluded that this was an ancient urban habitation site, the ASI went for the next phase of excavation at Keeladi. According to archaeologists working at the site, the results of phase II in 53 excavation trenches are overwhelming. ", The mound where we are excavating is of 3.5 km circumference in 80 acres of private agricultural land. We are finding structure after structure of the habitation site, the first of its kind in Tamil Nadu. It could be a huge urban settlement of independent civilisation on the banks of the Vaigai," said K Amarnath Ramakrishna, superintending archaeologist.


                    The semi-precious stone antiquities found at the excavation site.

                    Top Comment

                    Amazing discovery! This would only prove what had long been said about the ancient Tamil culture and the possible connection to Indus valley civilization!Suresh Arumugham

                    The current excavation works will go on till September this year. The excavation is lending much credence to the narrative in Sangam literature that throws light on the ancient Tamil way of life. The literature speaks volumes about the public and personal lives of rulers and the people of Tamil Nadu some 2000 or more years ago. However, there had been no solid evidence in archaeology to support the Sangam way of life.


                    Madurai Kanchi, Nedunalvadai and Paripadal in the literature speak about the Madurai and Pandya kingdoms in the region. "These books talk about the personal lives of kings and queens, their palaces and their way of life. But we could not know exactly where the city mentioned in these texts existed," says Vedachalam.
                    Madurai:
                    
                    
                    With structure after structure surfacing from under the soil, the massive scale of an ancient urban centre that lies buried at Pallisanthai Thidal in Sivaganga district of Tamil Nadu is emerging. The second phase of the work undertaken by excavation branch VI, Bengaluru, of the Archeological Survey of India suggests that the settlement at Keeladi village could be as large as the ones in Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro.The excavations reveal a wellbuilt urban centre with many amenities and could possibly furnish physical evidence of life described in Sangam literature.After exploration works on the Vaigai River bed in 2013-14, the office of the superintending archeologist, excavation branch VI in Bengaluru shortlisted Keeladi village for excavation. The first phase of the study carried out in 2015 unearthed various antiquities, iron implements and earthenware, both foreign and locally made. The potsherds of Arretine dating back to 3 BC proved foreign trade existed in the region during the period.
                    As the Phase I study con cluded that this was an ancient urban habitation site, the ASI went for the next phase of excavation at Keeladi. According to archaeologists working at the site, the results of Phase II in 53 excavation trenches are breakthroughs. “We feel that this urban habitation could be of the size of Harappa and MohenjoDaro, considering that the mound where we are excavating is of 3.5 km circumference in 80 acres of private agricultural land. We are finding structure after structure of the habitation site, the first of its kind in Tamil Nadu. It could be a huge urban settlement of an independent civilisation on the banks of the Vaigai,“ said K Amarnath Ramakrishna, superintending archaeologist, excavation branch VI of ASI, Ben galuru.
                    Archaeological excavations were carried out in Tamil Nadu earlier in places like Kaveripoompattinam, Uraiyur, Adichanallur and Arikkamedu in Puducherry . Most of these were burial sites. Keeladi is coming into prominence as it is a habitation site. The bricks unearthed are of various sizes 36 X 22 X 5 cm, 38 X 22 X 6 cm and 34 X 21 X 5 cm, typical of the Sangam era, according to archeologists.
                    “Keeladi has become of the major archaeological finds. We had found structures earlier, but not these many ,“ says retired archeologist V Vedachalam from Madurai.
                    Keeladi has also become a spot to visit for eager students and the public.On Sunday , a group of visitors from The Vanavarayar Foundation in Coimbatore who came to the site said they were excited about the antiquities and structures found there.
                    The current excavation works will go on till September this year and third phase has been proposed with the intention of finding more structures. “We will present the results and hope to undertake the next phase of excavation in the site,“ said Amarnath.
                    The excavation is lending much credence to the narrative in Sangam literature that throws light on the ancient Tamil way of life. The literature speaks volumes about the public and personal lives of rulers and the people of Tamil Nadu some 2,000 or more years ago. However, there had been no solid evidence in archeology to support the Sangam way of life.
                    Madurai Kanchi, Nedunalvadai and Paripadal in the literature speak about the Madurai and Pandya kingdoms in the region. “These books talk about the personal lives of kings and queens, their palaces and their way of life. But we could not know exactly where the city mentioned in these texts existed,“ says Vedachalam.
                    There are many theories about the Madurai mentioned in Sangam literature; that it was somewhere away from the present city on banks of the Vaigai. For instance, Peru manalur, near Keeladi, is said to be ancient Madurai.
                    In Thiruvilayadalpuranam, written in the13th century, there is a mention about Madurai being shifted from place to place. “However we don't have any evidence about the shifting of the city. The urban establishment excavated at Keeladi is the only evidence that connects it to texts on ancient Madurai, but a lot of research has to be done in this regard,“ said Amarnath.
                    It appears the urban establishment at Keeladi was abandoned by the 10th century AD.
                    However, there is no evidence of natural calamities or man-made disasters, say archeologists.

                    
                    


                    Vedic Sarasvati River System was seafaring route of Rakhigarhi merchants evidenced by Indus Script metalwork Corpora

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                    The cosmic dance of Plate tectonics; the Indian plate is moving northwards 6 cm per year and lifting up the Eurasian plate creating the Himalayan ranges from Hanoi to Teheran growing 1 cm every year.
                    Uttarakhand


                    "Researchers at the Institute of Mathematical Sciences (IMS), Chennai, combined data from archaeology, radiocarbon dating, and river flows to study how settlements around the Indus Valley region had evolved from around 7000 BC till 1000 BC. Their analysis of 1,874 Indus region settlements has shown that the Indus urbanisation had three epicentres — Mehrgarh in present-day Baluchistan, Gujarat, and sites along an ancient river called the Ghaggar-Hakra in Haryana and Punjab.The findings, published in Current Science, a journal of the Indian Academy of Sciences, dispute suggestions by international researchers that farming and urbanisation in the region was driven by a “wave of advance” moving eastward,,.We’re looking at large-scale patterns of how the Indus civilisation changed over time,” said Ronojoy Adhikari, a theoretical physicist at the IMS, who led a team that analysed geographic movements of Indus region settlements over hundreds of years...The study shows a “catastrophic reduction” in the number of sites in the Ghaggar-Hakra region around 1900 BC. Over time, the Indus sites moved upstream, but they were smaller in size and appear to show a breakdown in large urbanisation. But the decline around Mehrgarh and Gujarat occurred at a much slower pace. Gujarat remained relatively unscathed during the Ghaggar-Hakra collapse" http://mitchtestone.blogspot.in/2010/04/indus-valley-east-theory-challenged.html
                    Drishadvati-Ghaggar-Hakra River archaeological evidence points to ca. 2500 BCE as the start date for the desiccation of Vedic River Sarasvati

                    This note provides a framework for reconstructing the navigable channel on Drishadvati-Sarasvati River system for seafaring merchants from Rakhigarhi.


                    Present and ancient courses of the Punjab rivers (After R.D. Oldham, 1887, On probable changes in the geography of the Punjab and its rivers. An historico-geographical study. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 55: 322-343).

                    Map showing the bird's foot palaeo-delta complex representing the mouths of three rivers identified as Shatadru (Hakra), Saraswati and Drishadvati (after ali et al.; after Fig. 3 in: Roy, AB & SR Jakhar, Late quaternary drainage disorganization, and migrtion and extinction of the Vedic Saraswati in Current Science, Vol. 81, No. 9, 10 November 2001, pp. 1188-1195 Source: http://tejas.serc.iisc.ernet.in/~currsci/nov102001/1188.pdf   http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/08/dholavira-gateway-to-meluhha-gateway-to.html
                    vedicsaras1.jpg (50799 bytes)

                    Rakhigarhi was on the banks of River Drishadvati, a tributary of River Sarasvati navigable through and beyond Dwaraka through Persian Gulf into Ancient Near East. (Map after JM Kenoyer harappa.com).

                    Drishadvati was a tributary of River Sarasvati (Dotted lines indicate the present-day river flows)
                    1056.jpg (17594 bytes)


                    Sarasvati River sites in Bahawalpur Province (Mughal, 1984, p.515)


                    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/05/rakhigarhi-banawali-seals-with_23.html 





                    Vedic Saraswati River network in the late quaternary period from Manasarovar to Dwaraka: Perceived through Satellite Remote Sending by JR Sharma and Bidyut Bhadra, Regional Remote Sensing Centre, West NRSC/ISRO, Dept. of Space, Govt. of India, CAZRI campus, Jodhpur, Rajasthan (23 Feb. 2014) http://serveveda.org/3_JRS_B.pdf


                    Saraswati River originated in the Himalayas and flowed
                    between Indus and Ganga through Punjab, Haryana,
                    western Rajasthan and Gujarat. It finally drained into
                    Arabian Sea.
                    Indus River – It originates from a glacier near Bokhar Chu in Tibetan region at an altitude of 4164m in Kailash Mountain Range.
                    Sutlej River – It originates from Rakas Lake at an altitude of 4555m in Tibet and is connected with Man Sarovar Lake by a stream.
                    Ganga River - It originates at Gangotri glacier near Gomukh in Garhwal Himalayas in Uttarakhand at an altitude of 3,900m in the central highlands.

                    Yamuna River - It rises at Yamunotri Glacier at an altitude of 3316m on Bandarpunch range and enters the Ganga plain.





























                    Many seals of Indus Script Corpora signify a Supercargo, merchant's representative in charge of seafaring merchandise on a seafaring vessel. The hieroglyphs most frequently used to signify a Supercargo are: 1. Rim of jar and 2. Standing person with legs spread out. Both connote rebus karNi, 'supercargo'. Rakhigarhi on the banks of River Drishadvati, a tributary of River Sarasvati had seafaring trade with Ancient Near East as evidenced by the discovery of a cylinder seal with Indus Script (crocodile pictorial motif) discussed at http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/05/rakhigarhi-banawali-seals-with_23.html

                    S. kalyanaraman
                    Sarasvati Research Center
                    May 30, 2016

                    Iconography, guilds in Indus Script Corpora. Select metalwork inscriptions from ANE and Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization

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                    Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hemysju

                    See: Rakhigarhi cylinder seal: 
                    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/perforated-plaques-of-tello-lagash.html

                    Fish+ crocodile: aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; karA 'crocodile'rebus:khAr 'blacksmith' dATu 'cross' rebus: dhAtu 'ore,mineral' śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ.rebus:  seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master (Pali) sal 'splinter' rebus: sal 'workshop'.


                    Sign 186 *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) Rebus: śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa°ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ°ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭhśeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh°ṭhīśeṭ°ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭuhi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)

                    The Tale of Sea Goddess of Lothal

                    From the air Lothal may seem like a scratch in the fields, but for the people around it, the original excavator S.K. Rao of the site had this to say: "Ravages of nature and man have been responsible for the destruction of brick structures built at the foot of the mound. What little remains is hidden under a thick deposit of silt. It is relevant to record here a local tradition regarding Lothal, which is considered a sacred place for Vanuvatimata, the sea-goddess who is represented by stones placed in a small enclosure of bricks built in the south-east corner of the mound. It is here that a warehouse stood in Harappan times. . . . Before extending the operations to this sector the stones in worship representing the sea-goddess had to be removed against the wishes of the labourers. A few days later there was an accident resulting in injury to some labourers and the death of one of them. Immediately the workers attributed the accident to the sacrilege committed by us in removing the goddess from her original place or worship, and refused to work on the site. They were later satisfied when the goddess was re-installed elsewhere with some ceremony. This incident is particularly mentioned here to show how strong is the tradition of worshipping the sea-goddess of Lothal. It is necessary to note here that the original seat of the goddess was the warehouse-mound over-looking the dock. She is invoked even now to protext the saiors from the dangers of the sea." (S.K. Rao, Lothal, 1979, p. 21)
                    The image on the top left is of the Harsidhhi Mataji Idol at Rajpipla, Gujarat, where the original Parmara rulers of Rajpipla, Gujarat (about 200 km from Lothal), who migrated from Ujjain and brought her as Kuladevi. another name for Vanuvatimata, the Happy Mother, also known as the Sindhoi Mata or Goddess of Sands, more at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harsidhhi
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/tale-sea-goddess-lothal

                    Kalibangan

                    "The site Kalibangan - literally 'black bangles' - derives its name for the dense distribution of the fragments of black bangles which were found at the surface of its mounds. . ." writes Madhu Bala. "Evidence of this period consists of a citadel area over the 1.6 metre-thick early Harappan deposit in KLB-1 (the western mound of the site [Image 1]), a chessboard pattern 'lower city' in KLB-2 (the lower and larger eastern mound), and a mound full of fire altars in a much smaller mound further east (KLB-3).
                    The citadel complex of KLB-1 is roughly a parallelogram (240 by 120 metres) divided into two equal parts with a partition wall and surrounded by a rampart with bastions and salients. The basil width of the fortification wall is 3-7 metres. The wall is made of mud bricks in a ration of 4:2:1, with mud plaster on both the inner and outer faces. The southern half of the citadel had ceremonial platforms and fire altars.
                    Fire altars were also built in residences where a room was apparently earmarked for them [Image 2]. The altars were renewed from time to time as the general level of the site became higher.
                    There were two entrances to the Kalibangan citadel complex, one to the north and the other to the south. The southern entrance has a brick structure about 2.6 metres wide with oblong salients on both sides of the step of the entrance. The northern structure has a mud brick staircase. The northern half of the citadel area complex had a street, and housed the elite. In the southern half fire altars were arranged in a row on top of platforms constructed for this purpose. Stairs provided access to the top, and the ground around the platforms was paved with bricks.
                    The lower city (KLB-2) was also fortified and laid out in a chessboard pattern, and built of mud bricks of the standard 4:2:1 proportion. The basis shape is that of a parallelogram measuring 235 x 360 metres. The basal width of the fortification wall is 3.5-9 metres. The streets run north - south and east -–west, dividing the area into blocks, and are connected to lanes. There were mud brick rectangular platforms by the side of the roads. Wooden fender posts were intended to ward off damage to street corners. House drains of mud brick and wood discharged into jars in the streets, above the ground. In some areas the streets were paved with terracotta nodules.
                    The lower city had entrances on the northern and western sides. Each house consisted of six or seven rooms, with a courtyard or a corridor between the rooms. Some rooms were paved with tiles bearing designs.
                    KLB-3, the isolated easternmost mound, has brought to the surface a row of fire altars, and this find, along with the remains of fire altars in KLB-1 mentioned above is clear evidence that fire altars played a major role in the religious life of the people."
                    "Interesting evidence regarding cooking practices is revealed by the presence of both underground and overground varieties of mud ovens inside the houses [Image 4]. These ovens closely resemble the present-day tandoors in the region of Rajasthan and Panjab. The underground variety was made with a slight overhang near the mouth, while the overground ovens were given a bridged side opening for feeding fuel and were plastered periodically. The ovens were perhaps used for baking bread, as the Kalibangan residents were mainly wheat eaters. The wheat grains were most likely stored in cylindrical pits lined with lime plaster, which have been discovered at the site."
                    (Kalibangan: Its Period and Antiquities, p. 34, 39, 40-41 in Indus Civilization Sites in India New Discoveriesedited by Dilip Chakrabarti, Marg Publications, Mumbai, 2004).
                    1. Kalibangan reconstructed image of the citadel and lower town. Computer illustration: Sushi Misal.
                    2. Kalibangan: Harappan fire altars.
                    3. Kalibangan gold objects, early Harappan period.
                    4. Kalibangan KLB-1: two ovens.
                    All photographs courtesy The Archaeological Survey of India.

                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/kalibangan

                    The 3 L Area Mohenjodaro Statues

                    Surkotada: reconstructed citadel

                    The Chimaera: Revisited

                    Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of the "Meluha Villages" in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millenium BCE

                    Reconstructing the History of Harappan Civilization

                    https://www.harappa.com/content/reconstructing-history-harappan-civilization

                    Perspectives from the Indus: Contents of Interaction in the Late Harappan/Post-Urban Period

                    Regional Diversity in the Harappan World: The Evidence of the Seals

                    Corner of Southern steps of Bath, showing recesses of wooden trades.

                    From the southern steps of the Great Bath showing recesses for wooden treads and stairways to platforms of some among the 700 wells in Mohenjo-daro, glimpses of where the ancient Indus people trod every day.
                    "A curious feature of the two stairways leading down into the bath is the presence of a channel 9.25 inches wide and 3.25 inches deep, running parallel with and at the based of the lowest step of each. This channel penetrates into the two sides of each stairway for a distance of 3.5 inches.
                    At either end of each tread there is a recess of the same width as the tread and 3.25 inches high and deep (Plate XXVI, a [image 1]). Traces of bitumen were found in most of these holes, and wise of the stairways with a bituminous cement. ... That the covering of wood for the steps was conemplation from the first is evidenced by the holes at either end and the channel for timber at the base being part of the original design and not cut later."
                    (Ernest Mackay, SD Area, in Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, p. 133).
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/stairways-mohenjo-daro

                    The Buffalo Sacrifice

                    Asko Parpola writes: "Early Harappan cultures started moving toward the east and south in about 3000 BCE, and later waves of influence in these same directions came from the Indus civilization. That the Harappan water-buffalo cult [Fig. 2, 3] had reached penninsular India by the late Harappan on Chalcolithic times is suggested by the large bronze sculpture of water buffalo [Fig. 4] discovered in 1974 in a hoard at Daimabad, the southernmost Indus site in Maharashtra. Throughout south India, until relatively recently, village goddesses have been worshipped through water-buffalo sacrifices. The goddesses have been associated with a male deity call the "buffalo king," represented by a wooden post or a pillar made of stone, or by the pipal tree (Biardeau 2000).
                    In the form of worship at Kannapuram, a south India village in Tamil Nadu studied by Brenda Beck (1981), the tree-truck (known as kampam in Tamil, from Sanskrit skambha ("pillar") in front of which the sacrificial buffaloes are decapitated, is said to be the husband of the goddess. At the end of the annual marriage rite, after the last victim has been slaughtered, this trunk is uprooted and the goddess divested of her ornaments like a widow. The pillar and its uprooting correspond to Siva's phallus and its castration. The sacrificial post used to be burned after the divine marriage festival."
                    Later Parpola continues: "If the buffalo sacrifice is common in south Indian village religion, it is absent from north Indian village religion. The reason is probably the conscious efforts of Vedic Brahmans to eradicate it. Extravagant buffalo sacrifices were at first adopted by the Rigvedic Aryans in the Indus Valley (RV 5,29,7-8 etc.), but thereafter this mode of worship is not heard of. In the later Vedic literature (to Varuna) is mentioned in only a single context, in a list of hundreds of different animals offered as subsidiary victims in the horse sacrifice. It appears that generally speaking , the Brahmins have been fighting against bloody sacrifices from Rigvedic times onwards. In the Rigveda, the cow is called aghnya, "not to be slain," and while the Grhyasutra rules (apparently reflecting the behavioral code of the Atharavavedic India-Aryans) include the slaughter of a cow when a guest of honor is received, a later rule leaves it to the guest to decide whether this is done or the cow is set free. The Brahamana and Srautasutra texts record, even mentioning the names of the Brahmins concerned, how in the Vedic sacrifices human, horse, and other animal victims were successively discontinued, and a final rule says the proscribed victims should be made out of rice and barley paste."
                    Asko Parpola, The Roots of Hinduism, pp. 175-176, p. 178.
                    1. Plano convex molded tablet showing an individual spearing a water buffalo with one foot pressing the head down and one arm holding the tip of a horn. A gharial is depicted above the sacrifice scene and a figure seated in yogic position, wearing a horned headdress, looks on. The horned headdress has a branch with three prongs or leaves emerging from the center.
                    2. A water buffalo, 31cm high and 25 cm long, standing on a platform attached to four solid wheels. One of four bronze scultprues weighing together over 60 kg, found in a hoard at Daimabad, Maharashtra, the southernmost Indus site, and ascribed to the Late Harappan or Chalcolithic period. Photo Asko Parpola.
                    3. The four-faced "Proto-Shiva" seated on a throne and surrounded by four animals on the seal M-304 (DK 5175, NMI 143) from Mohenjo-daro in the collection of the National Museum of India, New Delhi. Image Courtesy Columbia University
                    4. Water buffalo on painted pots of the Early Harappan Kot DIji culture. (a) A pot excavated at Kot Diji. After Khan 1965:68, fig. 16. Courtesy DAMGP. (b) A pot imported to the Northern Neolithic site of Burzahom in Kashmir, period II. After Kaw 1989:88, fig. 7. Courtesy ASI.
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/buffalo-sacrifice

                    New Harappan site found in Botad village


                    • New Harappan site found in Botad village
                      AddThis Sharing Buttons Summary: "This is primarily a rural site of the Harappan civilization (urban center). Presence of this ceramic confirms that Harappan civilization existed in the region," Krishnan said. "The artifacts obtained from various places in the village date back to 2,300 BC to 2,000 BC. "Culture of this village helped in the development of Indus Valley civilization through supply of raw materials," said S Pratapchandran, one of the researchers. There are over 190 Harappan sites, mainly in Saurahstra and Kutch region.
                      Summary: "This is primarily a rural site of the Harappan civilization (urban center). Presence of this ceramic confirms that Harappan civilization existed in the region," Krishnan said. "The artifacts obtained from various places in the village date back to 2,300 BC to 2,000 BC. "Culture of this village helped in the development of Indus Valley civilization through supply of raw materials," said S Pratapchandran, one of the researchers. There are over 190 Harappan sites, mainly in Saurahstra and Kutch region.
                      Source: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/vadodara/New-Harappan-site-found-in-Botad-village/articleshow/51787656.cms
                    • Vadodara: Archaeologists from MS University have come across another Harappan site in Gujarat in Vejalka village in Ranpur taluka of Botad district of Saurashtra, about 50km from the famous site at Lothal near Ahmedabad.Recently, a team of students and teachers from university's Department of Archaeology and Ancient History carried out excavations at the village which revealed that the rural hinterland of Saurashtra had a settlement belonging to Indus Vally civilization period around 4,300 years ago. There are over 190 Harappan sites, mainly in Saurahstra and Kutch region."This is primarily a rural site of the Harappan civilization (urban center). It is important to study the civilization's rural economy without which the urban economy could have never existed and hence we had carried out excavations at Vejalka," said head of the department professor K Krishnan, who led the excavation team."The artifacts obtained from various places in the village date back to 2,300 BC to 2,000 BC.

                      During the excavation, we explored various materials. We found a large number of pottery, animal bones, mud walls, beads and antiquities from this village," said Krishnan adding that it will take two more years to complete the ongoing project.He further said that the list of antiquities comprising of beads and stone blades suggest that apart from human settlement, there was also a small scale industry. "Researches say that in those days, houses were made of mud. 
                    http://www.nyoooz.com/vadodara/424641/new-harappan-site-found-in-botad-village

                    The Mandi Hoard


                    "The discovery of a rich hoard of Harappan jewelry from the village of Mandi (29-26 degrees 10' North, 77 degrees 34-35'E) in Muzzaffarnagar district, western Uttar Pradesh, has surprised the archaeological world for several reasons. First, Mandi is located to the east of the Yamuna river, and this area has been considered peripheral to the main distribution area of the Harappan civilization. Second, the sheer quantity of the jewellery recovered from the site makes it the largest hoard of ancient jewellry ever found in India, if not the entire subcontinent. About 10 kilograms of this jewellery has so far reached the government," writes Rakesh Tiwari."The discovery was made in a village field belonging to Anil, son of Satpat Jat in the last week of May 2000 in the course of a levelling operation (5). When the villagers learnt of the discovery, they began a hunt for more jewellery, which continued for four or five days and led to fights. Meanwhile, news of this discovery reached the Circle Officer (CO) of Police, Sadar, on June 1 through an informer. He directed a team from the Titavi police station to make inquiries of Mandi. The police found the villagers still fighting among themselves for jewellery at the site. One villager was arrested; the others ran away. Thereafter, the police collected pieces of jewellery mixed with soil from the site, and kept the cache sealed for the night. The CO and the Sub-divisional Magistrate reached the spot on June 2 to verify the facts and found a large crowd gathered there, a few still searching through the soil. On their arrival the crowd gradually dispersed . . .. Subsequently, the DM, Muzzaffarnagar gave ninety percent of the material kept at the treasury to the ASI [Archaeological Survey of India] and to the State Museum, Lucknow."
                    "The material kept in the treasury consists of two copper containers, and a large number of beads made of gold, banded agate, onyx and copper (1). One of the containers is a large bowl with convex sides and flat base. Its radius is about 21 centimetres and its internal and external depths are 14.8 and 15.3 centimetres respectively. The second container is rectangular in shape, 47.5, 9.5, and 4.5 centimetres in length, width, and inner depth respectively.
                    The gold beads are of four types - spacer beads, hollow terminal beads, single and double bell-shaped beads, and paper thin circular beads.
                    Space beads with either straight or segmented sides are of different sizes: 3 x 1, 3 x 0.5, 2.5 x 0.5, and 1.8 x 0.4 centimetres (2). On the basis of the number of holes they possess, these beads may be further divided into four sub-groups. Seventeen beads have been found with two holes, four with three holes, fifteen with four holes, and one with six holes.
                    Hollow terminal beads are presented by eighteen specimens (4). Their measurements vary between 3 x 2 and 2.2 x 1.9 centimetres. Two beads of a particular size were possibly meant to be used in one necklace, so these eighteen hollow terminal beads indicate nine necklaces. . ..
                    Beads from the Mandi hoard are comparable to those from various sites of the Harappan civilization."

                    1. Part of the Mandi hoard, kept in the Treasury, Government of UP.
                    2. Spacer Beads
                    3. Beads, Agate
                    4. Hollow terminal beads, gold.
                    5. General View of the findspot of the Mandi hoard.

                    (Rakesh Tilwari, A Recently Discovered Hoard of Harappan Jewelry from Western Uttar Pradesh in Indus Civilization Site in India New Discoveries (2004), Ed. Dilip K. Chakrabarti, pp. 57-63. Photographs courtesy UP State Archaeology Department.
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/mandi-hoard

                    Ivory Counters from Mohenjo-daro


                    "Bone and ivory counters with circles and lines, carved in ways that do not correspond to dice, may have been used for predicting the future," writes Mark Kenoyer about these objects in Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization (p. 120). The counter on the right has a duck ornament at one end, the counter on the left has a double duck ornament on the end. The larger one may be a stylized figurine with triple circle motifs incised on both faces.
                    What do you think these objects were used for?
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/ivory-counters-mohenjo-daro

                    A Unicorn Seal from Mesopotamia


                    A perfectly cut unicorn seal with a sign right above the horn. The seal was found in ancient Kish, Iraq, during excavations between 1922 and 1933 by the Oxford-Field Museum (Chicago) Expedition. The year is given at approximately 2000 BCE, when craftsmanship in seal manufacture could have been at its height.
                    This artifact is one of many unicorn seals from the Indus Valley people.
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/unicorn-seal-mesopotamia

                    Is the Indus script indeed not a writing system?

                    'Hind Leg' + 'Fish': Towards Further Understanding of the Indus Script

                    An inscribed and baked steatite tablet in the shape of a fish found at Harappa in 2000.

                    Methods and results of a systematic attempt to decipher the Indus script as a logo-syllabic writing system with Proto-Dravidian as the underlying language are first outlined. Then one so far undeciphered sign is interpreted as depicting an ungulate’s ‘hind leg.’ A phonetic reading is proposed on the basis of its onetime occurrence in front of the plain ‘fish’ sign. (Besides the plain ‘fish’ sign, there are ‘fish’ signs modified by the addition of various ‘diacritics,’ such as a ‘roof’ placed over the fish, a horizontal or diagonal line crossing the fish in the middle, etc.) The sequence ‘hind leg’ + ‘fish’ is likely to represent a compound name of a heavenly body like several other already deciphered sequences, where the latter member of the compound is Proto-Dravidian *miin ‘star,’ homophonous with *miin ‘fish.’ A probable solution (to be tested by a study of other occurrences of the ‘hind leg’ sign) is offered by Old Tamil taaL ‘leg,’ which is once attested as denoting an asterism. Finally, some inconclusive in-depth attempts to decipher other undeciphered signs are recorded. Their purpose is to highlight difficulties due to the scantiness of early Dravidian lexical and textual material.

                    'Hind Leg' + 'Fish': Towards Further Understanding of the Indus Script was first published in Scripta, Volume I (Sept. 2009) by the Hunmin jeongeum Society.

                    Introduction to Study of the Indus Script

                    Terra cotta sealing from Mohenjo-daro
                    Terra cotta sealing from Mohenjo-daro
                    In 2004 Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat (University of Illinois) and Michael Witzel (Harvard University) stunned the world of ancient Indus scholarship with the claim that the Indus sign system was not writing (their joint paper, The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis: The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization can be found on Dr. Farmer's website). Their work received widespread publicity, even in popular science magazines. They based their reasoning on computer analysis of Indus sign properties apparently not in common with other ancient written languages. The lack of lengthy inscriptions common to other early written languages is another major factor in their argument.
                    A target of their critique was the work of Dr. Asko Parpola (University of Helsinki, website) who - like a number of other ancient Indus "decipherments" in the past century - had concluded that the Indus sign system represented an ancient Dravidian language. Like the Jesuit priest Father Heras in the 1930s, he proposed (to the layman, rather convincingly) that the fish sign represented the word min, (pronounced meen) which designates both fish and star in most Dravidian languages. Dr. Parpola and his team's further "decipherments" based on the fish sign and old Tamil words for heavenly bodies seem to fit (to the layman, again) very nicely with words designating Venus, Saturn, the Pleaides, and other astral entities. The stars and heavenly signs were important to ancient peoples everywhere, especially ones who built economies on maritime navigation. Although it is not possible to test his interpretations, it would not be surprising if some of them are close to the truth. Still, important scholars like Gregory Possehl (University of Pennsylvania) do not accept Dr. Parpola's interpretations, while others like Indian and early Tamil expert Iravatham Mahadevan add to them. Something as clear as a definitive Rosetta stone for the ancient Indus language still eludes archaeologists. Nonetheless the discovery in the spring of 2006 of Indus signs on a hand-axe in the southern India state of Tamil Nadu could increase the probability that the ancient Indus signs are related to the Dravidian language family. Until this apparent discovery, there was no clear physical evidence for such a link.
                    Dr. Parpola's work also stems from a deep knowledge of Bronze Age ancient Mesopotamian civilizations. Some of the largest world trade ever must have taken place between Indus and Mesopotamian merchants during the heyday of these urban civilizations around 2350 BCE. (Discussion of this trade by Massimo Vidale (Centro Scavi IsIAO) and Dennys Frenez (University of Bologna) will be featured on on this website in the coming years.) Then there are the further discoveries in recent years of adjacent cultures between the Euphrates and Indus, like the Bactria Margiana Architectural Complex (BMAC) civilization of central Asia and Afghanistan and the city of Jiroft in southwestern Iran at the edge of the Indus plateau. Ancient human history from Turkey to India was international long before the global economy.
                    All these entitites traded with each other. The birth of signs or writing on stamp seals to designate ownership of goods is intertwined with the rise of early cities. To assume that other cultures with whom the Indus people traded were writing on stamp seals but the ancient Indus people were not seems slightly improbable. The objective of the seals and the symbols on them was to facilitate efficient communication across cultures.
                    Dr. Parpola's work is also rigorously informed by the early Vedic Hindu tradition that followed the ancient Indus civilization after around 1700-1500 BCE. Some of his interpretations, like the link between the gods Rudra and Shiva, continue the linkages to later Hindu traditions.
                    Nonetheless, to simply equate the Vedic and Indus cultures is wrong. The debate around the myth of an Aryan invasion of India is remarkable for its two-dimensionality. Largely south Indian Dravidian and largely North Indian or Indo-European languages have different origins. While there is no evidence for a single physical invasion of India by Indo-European language speakers, the steady growth of Indo-European language speakers through migration at the fringes and even into the heartland of Indus civilization is possible and needs archaeological and bioanthropological research. Proto-Dravidian languages are thought by some scholars to have originated on the Iranian plateau in 3500 B.C., almost two thousand miles from where Tamil is spoken in modern South India. Other scholars suggest that they emerged indigenously in peninsular India. Analogously, Indians speak English today without being considered "European." People who attach race, political and religous agendas to ancient Indus studies miss the point.
                    Study of the Indus Script was first delivered as a lecture in Japan by Dr. Parpola in the summer of 2005 and has been updated since. It contains a response to the Farmer et. al paper. For someone new to the subject, it summarizes key issues and facts about the ancient Indus interpretations. It presents the cornerstones of Parpola's interpretation. It is a milestone in a lifetime of research from someone who has studied this puzzle in ancient communication longer and more deeply than anyone else.
                    As an essay, as the literary critic George Lukacs might say, it casts an ultraviolet light on its subject.






                    Button Seal



                    Fired steatite button seal with four concentric circle designs from the Trench 54 area found at Harappa in 2000 (H2000-4432/2174-3). Although seals have a very specific function that involves the stamping of a design or motif on another material, they also represent a unique aspect of graphic design in the Indus civilization. Many of the designs and motifs seen on seals have links to earlier pottery motifs and petroglyphic carvings that date to earlier periods. The Indus Seals: An Overview of Iconography and Style, an article by Mark Kenoyer explores the many types of seals.
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/button-seal dhāu 'strand of rope' Rebus: dhāv 'red ore' (ferrite) ti-dhāu 'three strands' ...

                    https://www.scribd.com/doc/314260388/Indus-Seals-an-overview-of-iconography-and-style-Kenoyer-JM-2009 Ancient Sindh Annual Journal of Research Vol. 9 2006-7, 2009

                    Rare White Marble Cylinder Seal from Jiroft



                    The first part of the article summarizes what we know about the Jiroft civilization so far, its apparent origins in the late 5th millennium BCE, how it flourished at the height of the Indus civilization, and the tantalizing facts about connections between the two. Could it have been the ancient nation and state of Marhashi/Parahshum about which so little is known but which would have been at the cross-roads of so many cultures? What could have been the function of these so-called whorl seals, only found so far here, at Mohenjo-daro, Allahdino and Kalibangan?

                    Cylinder seal photograph courtesy of Halil Rud Archaeological Project. Paper first published in April 2015 in South Asian Studies.

                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/rare-white-marble-cylinder-seal-jiroft

                    poLa 'zebu, bos indicus' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ferrite ore'

                    Kot Diji Phase Button Seal


                    This seal plays an illustrative role in Asko Parpola's essay Beginnings of Indian Astronomy with Reference to a Parallel Development in China. He writes "The Yangshao culture burials discovered at Puyang in 1987 suggest that the beginnings of Chinese astronomy go back to the late fourth millennium. The instructive similarities between the Chinese and Indian luni-solar calendrical astronomy and cosmology therefore with great likelihood result from convergent parallel development and not from diffusion."



                    Above: Kot Diji phase steatite button seal from Harappa
                    Abstract
                    Hypotheses of a Mesopotamian origin for the Vedic and Chinese star calendars are unfounded. The Yangshao culture burials discovered at Puyang in 1987 suggest that the beginnings of Chinese astronomy go back to the late fourth millennium. The instructive similarities between the Chinese and Indian luni-solar calendrical astronomy and cosmology therefore with great likelihood result from convergent parallel development and not from diffusion.

                    Introduction
                    In what follows, I propose that the first Indian stellar calendar, perhaps restricted to the quadrant stars, was created by Early Harappans around 3000 BCE, and that the heliacal rise of Aldebaran at vernal equinox marked the new year. The grid-pattern town of Rahman Dheri was oriented to the cardinal directions, defined by observing the place of the sunrise at the horizon throughout the year, and by geometrical means, as evidenced by the motif of intersecting circles. Early Harappan seals and painted pottery suggest that the sun and the centre of the four directions symbolized royal power.

                    Note: The early steatite seal above plays an illustrative role in the author's thesis.

                    Deity Seal



                    Deity seal from Mohenjo-daro. E.J.H. Mackay writes of what he calls a "deity, seated in what may be a yogi attitude" where, in this case, "the stool is omitted, however, and the figure is apparently seated upon the ground. The headdress consists of two horn-like objects between which there appears to be a spike of flowers. A pigtail hangs down one side of the head which has one face only, in profile, facing to the right. Unfortunately this seal is badly broken, but enough remains to show that the figure was surrounded by pictographs arranged in a somewhat haphazard fashion." (Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro, 1938, p. 334).

                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/deity-seal kamaDha 'penance' rebus: kammaTa 'mint' dhatu 'scarf' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral, ore' karA 'bracelets, wristlets' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' meDh 'polarstar' rebus: meD 'iron, copper' ayo, aya 'fish' rebu: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' khambhaṛā''fish fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'

                    Indus Valley civilization 2500-1750 BCE: Ashmolean
                     Museum, Oxford U.
                    Widespread finds of stone artefacts suggest that humans have occupied the Indian subcontinent for at least a million years, first as hunter-gatherers and later as farmers. India’s first great urban civilization, contemporary with those of Mesopotamia and Egypt, flourished for several centuries around the Indus Valley region. This ancient civilization was first systematically explored by archaeologists in the 1920s. Its best known excavated sites are Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, extensive and well-planned cities built of brick. Many aspects of the Indus culture remain mysterious. Its written documents, often in the form of small stone seals, are few and brief. The Indus script still remains undeciphered today.

                    EA 2009.6 Square seal



                    Triangular prism seal EAMd 13 kana, kanac = corner (Santali); Rebus: kañcu ..'bronze' kamaDha 'bow and arrow' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage' bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron, copper' karNika 'legs spread' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' kamaDha 'penance' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage/' ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' kharA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ, °ṭī ʻgoat's legʼ; Nepalese. khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ(CDIAL 3894).Rebus: khoTa 'ingot' (See the bovine hoofed legs of platform of the seated person).
                    Square seal (EA2009.6)Square seal (EA2009.6)   Triangular prism sealing (EAMd.13)Triangular prism sealing (EAMd.13)
                    Terracotta figure of a bull or ox (EACh.4)Terracotta figure of a bull or ox (EACh.4)   Terracotta figure of a bull or ox (EACh.1)Terracotta figure of a bull or ox (EACh.1)
                    Cubical weight (EAMd.9)Cubical weight (EAMd.9)   Cubical weight (EAMd.8)Cubical weight (EAMd.8)   Cubical weight (EAMd.7)Cubical weight (EAMd.7)
                    Terracotta bird whistle (EACh.7)Terracotta bird whistle (EACh.7)   Terracotta dice (EAMd.25)Terracotta dice (EAMd.25)   Terracotta ball (EACh.8)Terracotta ball (EACh.8)
                    Small jar (EA1974.1)Small jar (EA1974.1)   Small terracotta flask (EAX.7289)Small terracotta flask (EAX.7289)   Small jar (EAX.7288)Small jar (EAX.7288)   Small jar (EAX.7287)Small jar (EAX.7287)

                    Indian archaeological finds of later periods
                    Painted bowl (EAX.237)Painted bowl (EAX.237)
                    Terracotta head of an animal, possibly an antelope (EAX.235)Terracotta head of an animal, possibly an antelope (EAX.235)   Terracotta head of an animal, possibly a bull (EAX.236)Terracotta head of an animal, possibly a bull (EAX.236)
                    Copper harpoon from the Copper Hoard Culture (EA1986.13)Copper harpoon from the Copper Hoard Culture (EA1986.13)   Copper celt, or axe head, from the Copper Hoard Culture (EA1954.66)Copper celt, or axe head, from the Copper Hoard Culture (EA1954.66)

                    The Chanhu-daro Seal: Gaur Ravaging a Female



                    Gregory Possehl, whose drawing is shown of seal, writes "Mackay found an extraordinary seal in his excavations at Chanhu-daro. It shows a short-horned bull, Bos gaurus, above a prostrate human figure. He thought that the scene depicted an attack by the bull, and the human on the ground was attempting a defense against the trampling animal. In an essay on the seal, F.R. Allchin explains that the gaur is standing on its hind legs, slightly elevated above a human figure; its front legs are shown in excited motion. The bull's erect penis is shown in correct anatomical position. The figure below the gaur is less clearly shown and consequently more difficult to interpret. Allchin and Mackay see a headdress to the far right bottom of the seal impression.

                    Seen from Allchin's perspective, the scene is very dynamic and excited; the bull is about to take a female goddess in an act that might be seen as sexual violence, and yet the clear appearrance of her open, exposed genitals tells that she is a willing partner in the deed."

                    Later, Possehl quotes Mackay's reading of the seal: "We are led to wonder whether the omnipresent 'bull,' whether unicorn, bison or zebu, may not be the symbolic representation of the Heaven Father, and just as the deity with the plant sprout emerging from head or genitals may not be Mother Earth."
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/chanhu-daro-seal-gaur-ravaging-female


                    saghā, sagā  copulation (of animals) (Or.); rebus: sangaDa ‘turner’s 

                    lathe’.barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'

                    d.han:ga = tall, long shanked rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'

                    Seals and Sodalities



                    "Thus the main motifs of the seal tablets emphasize two cultural phenomena. The first is that there was a rich mythopetic basis for the use of these motifs. The second is that the main motifs emphasize pan-settlement relationships, i.e. something held in common by the society at large, namely, the sodality to which the individual belonged. In contrast, we can assume that the Harappan writing identifies the indivudual who bears the seal tablet since the sign order is rarely duplicated. Here then is a clue to the meaning of the writing as it appears on seal tablets. With high probability it describes the individual who bears the tablet by name, title, occupation, social status, family, etc., in the conventional manner of time. In toto the large seal tablet motifs represent the sodality to which the bearer of the seal tablet belongs. The writing identifies the individual within the sodality." (William Fairservis, The Harappan Civilization and its Writing, E.J. Brill, 1992, p. 6).
                    Although William Fairservis later reading of Indus signs within this framework is not widely accepted, this is still an acceptable train of thought. Animals could well represent distinct ethnic, tribal, or what Fairservis calls "sodalities," a word which usually refers to task-oriented Christian religious groups and fraternities. An unusual word, but it may not be far off to see Indus groups as probably having a spiritual bond. Massimo Vidale suggests that the animal on the seal may represent a particular tribe with a specialty, like merchants. It is notable that most seals represent real animals, like the bull or water buffalo or elephant or tiger, but there is a healthy mixture of imaginary creature seals, and it is not impossible to think of the unicorn seal as taking the parts of other seals and representing them together in some sort of unified structure or ideology. This unifying force spread most widely across cities and towns around 2500-2300 BCE.

                    Bos Indicus



                    "The humped bull (Bos indicus) has a long and special association with India. Its association with Siva, its all pervading holiness and its basic usefulness in agriculture and commerce for than four millennia are too well known to need description. Its peculiar importance extends back to prehistoric times. We see it represented on the seals and in the terracotta figurines of the Indus civilization where it is clearly differentiated from other types of bovines. It is also by far the commonest subject of rick paintings and terracottas associated with prehistoric and historic sites outside the Harappan culture area, and from the mid-third millennium forward. Throughout western India wherever animal remains from archaeological sites have been studied bovine bones predominate; and there is general agreement that these nones represent in the main Bos indicus. Cattle bones have also been discovered in Mesolithic rock shelters in cntral India and at stratified open sites in Rajasthan, and these may well be even earlier, but detailed studies have not yet been published. The genesis of Bos indicus in relation to other breeds of cattle, and particularly Bos primigenius, has been the subject of various viewes. Zeuner held that it was derived from an indigenous wild form, perhaps Bos nomadicus, cattle of the Indian Pleistocene [from about 2.5 million to 11 thousand years ago], and this is still a convincing hypothesis, although firm data are still wanting. Although competing with other bovines represented by the Harappans, Bos indicus seems from the beginning to have reigned supreme outside the Harappan empire, and to have become virtually the universal domestic breed of cattle in the Indian sub-continent in historic and modern times. Identified remains of water buffalo (Bos bubalis) are comparatively rare in archeological sites, and although widely used today the buffalo enjoys neither the prestige nor the affection bestowed upon the cow."
                    R. and B. Allchin, Some New Thoughts on India Cattle, South Asian Archaeology 1973, p. 71.
                    Seal with Two-Horned Bull and Inscription, c. 2000 BC, Courtesy Cleveland Museum of Arthttp://www.clevelandart.org/art/1973.160
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/bos-indicus


                    December 19, 2013 12:00 am JST

                    Japanese researchers help unravel mystery of the Indus civilization

                    KOJI KAMIYA, Nikkei staff writer
                    Photograph courtesy of Toshiki Osada

                    TOKYO -- A five-year study by a Japanese research team could change the accepted view of the ancient Indus Valley civilization.     
                         The study found that thousands of years ago, several cities in the Indus Valley, in what is today Pakistan and India, created a trade network that became a multicultural, multilingual civilization, and not a society founded on centralized authoritarian rule as previously believed. Many characteristics of this ancient civilization can be seen today in societies of southern Asia, and these links between the ancient and the modern are arousing researchers' interest.     
                         The fresh image of the Indus civilization is being painted by a team of researchers led by Professor Emeritus Toshiki Osada of the Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, which is based in Kyoto. The results of five years of research, known as the Indus Project, were published in October by the Kyoto University Press as "Indus: Exploring the Fundamental World of South Asia" and "The Riddle of the Indus Civilization," both compiled by Osada.      
                        The Japanese-led research team consisted of around 40 researchers from various countries. Two Indus civilization sites in India were excavated for the first time by a Japanese expedition. The team focused on changes to the ancient environment. Osada's conclusion from the research has been that "different regional communities created a loose network through trade."
                    Desert came first?
                    Two of the more well-known ruins of the Indus civilization are Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, both in Pakistan. Currently, most researchers focus on the ruins of five major urban centers: the two famous sites; Pakistan's Ganeriwala, which is in a desert; India's Dholavira, which is on an island in a marsh; and Rakhigarhi, also in India.
                         The common view is that the desert sites used to have rivers other than the Indus flowing nearby. Researchers, led by Hideaki Maemoku, a physical geography expert and professor at Japan's Hosei University, examined the area around the desert ruins with a dating method based on mineral crystals. They learned that sand dunes in the area were shaped by a great river long before the Indus civilization existed. The conclusion is that the cities were built on these dunes only after the river was long gone.
                         At Dholavira, artifacts have been found that suggest thriving maritime trade. The most likely candidates for this trade are the ancient societies in Mesopotamia, which could have been reached via the Arabian Sea. The Indus Project used computers to plot changes to the coastline over the centuries to figure out where ancient shorelines would have been. Geological features were also studied and changes in terrain were estimated. All of this found that sea levels were around 2 meters higher and the coastline was much deeper inland. This suggests that many of the ruins in the area were along the ancient shoreline and that this part of the Indus civilization was dependent on the ocean.
                    Ancient passports
                    Excavations were also made at the Kanmer ruins not far from Dholavira. The most notable find was of three round pendants of baked clay. Each has a hole in its center and the impression of an animal resembling a unicorn. The reverse sides have different Indus script on them. Because the same animal seal was pressed into each of them, Osada speculates that "they may have served as a passport for those traveling between different regions."


                    The research has also tried to find out when and why the Indus civilization declined. When changes in the distribution of ruins are traced using what is called a geographic information system, ruins start to concentrate in northern India at the decline of the civilization. Tezukayama University professor Takao Uno, an expert in archaeological geographical information systems, points out: "Perhaps they abandoned cities and migrated in order to avoid changes in the environment. As a result, the role of various elements of the cities that supported their network may have waned, leading to the decline of cities."
                          Other researchers are taking note of the Indus Project. "These results were produced using the latest technology in the natural sciences," said Yoshihiro Nishiaki, a professor at the University of Tokyo's University Museum and an expert in West Asian archaeology. "It is very interesting that the Indus civilization could have links to present-day South Asian societies. This will shape how we see this civilization."
                         European and U.S. researchers are also eager to learn more about the Indus civilization. Indus script has yet to be deciphered, which means there is much more to learn.
                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/ancient-indus-passports

                    For a counter to the 'passport' approach, see: 

                    Rebus readings of Meluhha hieroglyphs:
                    koḍa ‘one’(Santali) Rebus: koḍ ‘artisan’s workshop’. kõda ‘young bull-calf’. Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. sangaḍa ‘lathe, furnace’. Rebus: samgara ‘living in the same house, guild’. Hence, smith guild.

                    kāmsako, kāmsiyo = a large sized comb (G.) Rebus: kasa 'bronze' (Te.) [See Meluhha glosses given at the URL cited]
                    mēd ‘body’ (Kur.)(DEDR 5099); meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) kāḍ  2 काड् a man's length, the stature of a man (as a measure of length); rebus: kāḍ  ‘stone’; Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ , (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil)  id. Hieroglyph: spread legs: karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo'. Thus, the Kanmer hieroglyphs signify a Supercargo supervising the bronze cargo.

                    Indus Cylinder Seals May 4th, 2016


                    "The cylinder seals of Mesopotamia constitute her most original art," wrote the scholar Henri Frankfort, and much the same has been said about the very different square stamp seals used by the ancient Indus civilization. Cylinder seals are "small, barrel-shaped stone object[s] with a hole down the center, rolled on clay when soft to indicate ownership or to authenticate a document . . . used chiefly in Mesopotamia from the late 4th to the 1st millennium BCE." Many of the handful of cylinder seals found at ancient Indus sites or Mesopotamian ones with Indus themes are collected below.
                    1. Impression of a Harappan cylinder seal from Kalibangan (K-65). "Two warriors, distinguished by the hair worn in a divided bun at the back of the head, are spearing each other, while they are both being held by the hand by a goddess wearing a head-dress with a long pendant (comparable to the ones decorated with cowry shells and turquoise that are worn by the women of Ladakh and Chitral), bangles on the arms, and a skirt. Next to the combat scene (where space appears to have prevented the depiction of those details), her body merges with that of the tiger (later the Hindu goddess of war) and her head-dress is elaborated with animal horns and a tree branch," writes Asko Parpola in Deciphering the Indus Script, p. 253.
                    2. "The most reliable evidence of the date of the upper levels of Mohenjo-daro still continues to be Dr. Frankfort's seal. This seal [2] is cylindrical in form and of a totally different shape from the majority of the seals found in the Indus valley; but as three cylindrical specimens have been found at Mohenjo-daro, all of them, it should be noted, in the upper levels of that city, it is probably that they also were sometimes used by the inhabitants . The Tell Asmar seal [3] is, however, certainly of Indian workmanship. Not only are the animals upon it Indian, the elephant, rhinoceros, and gharial, or fish-eating crocodile, none of which ever appears on Sumerian or Akkadian seals, but the style of the carving is undoubtedly Indian." Ernest J. Mackay,The Indus Civilization, 1935, p. 193.
                    3. Imported Indian seal from Tell Asmar. "The Indus civilization used the signet, but knew the cylinder seal. Whether the five tall ivory cylinders [4] tentatively explained as seals in Sir John Marshall's work were used for that purpose remains uncertain. They have nothing in common with the seal cylinders of the Near East. In the upper layers of Mohenjo Daro, however, three cylinder seals were found [2,3]. The published specimen shows two animals with birds upon their backs [2], a snake and a small conventional tree. It is an inferior piece of work which displays none of the characteristics of the finely engraved stamp-seals which are so distinctive a feature of early Indian remains. Another cylinder of glazed steatite was discovered at Tell Asmar in Iraq, but here the peculiarities of design, as well as the subject, show such close resemblances to seals from the Indus valley that its Indian origin is certain [3]. The elephant, rhinoceros and crocodile (gharial), foreign to Babylonia, were obviously carved by an artist to whom they were familiar, as appears from the faithful rendering of the skin of the rhinoceros (closely resembling the plate-armour) and the sloping back and bulbous forehead of the elephant. Certain other peculiarities of style connect the seal as definitely with the Indus civilisation as if it actually bore the signs of the Indus script. Such is the convention by which the feet of the elephant are rendered and the network of lines, in other Indian seals mostly confined to the ears, but extending here over the whole of his head and trunk. The setting of the ears of the rhinoceros on two little stems is also a feature connecting this cylinder with the Indus valley seals." (H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, Macmillan and Co., 1939, p. 304-305.)
                    4. John Marshall wrote: "Seals of this group [cylinder seals, although Mackay above is not sure they are true cylinder seals]], if indeed they are seals, are very rarely found at Mohenjo-daro, only five specimen being obtained in all. They are all made of ivory and differ from the cylinder seals of other countries in being very long and thing; nor are they perforated for suspension on a cord. It is possible that these so-called seals are not true seals at all. They incised characters upon them might conceivably be identification marks for a game or something similar. On the other hand, they are certainly suitable for use a seals and in this account they are included in this chapter For the sake of clearness the actual seal is shown side by side with each impression.
                    No 529 (Pl. CXIV, HR 5515). Ivory. 2.7 inches long by 0.25 in. in diameter. Double groove at one end for attachment of cord. The other end is decorated with three parallel grooves. Level, 4 feet below surface. Central Courtyard (30), House LIII, Block 7, HR Area.
                    No 530 (Pl. CXIV, HR 4985). Ivory. 2.05 inches long by 0.25 in. in diameter. Double groove at one end for a cord; the other end is broken. Level 3 feet below surface. Central Courtyard (30), House LIII, Block 7, HR Area.
                    No 531 (Pl. CXIV, DK 2666). Ivory. Now 2.05 inches long by 0.3 in. in diameter. Its polish shows that it has been much used. About one-half of the seal is covered with an inscription, deeply and roughly incised and bordered by two deep cut lines. One end of the seal is shaped into a conical head with a deep groove possibly intended for a cord. The seal is not bored; nor is it perfectly round. Level, 4 feet below surface. Street between Blocks 1 and 2, Section B, DK Area.
                    No 532 (Pl. CXIV, VS 875). Ivory. Now 2 inches long by 0.3 in. in diameter. One end is broken and a small piece is missing. The seal tapers slightly towards its complete end. Five deeply incised characters occupy a space of about two-thirds of the circumference of the seal. Level, 12 feet below surface. Found in front of Room 70, House XXVII, VS Area.
                    No 533 (Pl. CXIV, VS 958). Ivory. 2.75 inches long by 0.3 in. in diameter. Decorated at 0-.5 in. from each end with a deeply incised cross-hatched border. Towards one end of the intervening space are two deeply incised characters This seal is not perfectly round. Level, 10 feet below surface of the ground. From Room 69, House XXVIII, VS Area. (John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, p. 371
                    5 and 6. These are not Indus seals, but appear in Frankfort as seals from Mesopotamia, and bear some resemblance to the Mackay seals above [2, 3] and point to some of the similarities between the contemporaneous Mesopotamian and Indus civilizations.

                    https://www.harappa.com/blog/indus-cylinder-seals
                    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/kalibangan-cylinder-seal-is-indus.html For a decipherment of the cylinder seal of Kalibangan.

                    Kalibangan065 Cylinder seal impression. Note the scarf of the person ligatured to a tiger.

                    dhaṭu
                      m.  (also dhaṭhu)  m. ‘scarf’  (WPah.) (CDIAL 6707); 
                    Rebus: dhātu ‘mineral (Pali).

                    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelter'

                    kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.)The bunch of twigs = kūdī, kūṭī(Skt.lex.) kūdī (also written as kūṭī in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda(AV 5.19.12) and KauśikaSūtra (Bloomsfield's ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield,American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss anBohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badarī, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177).Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace‘; koṭe ‘forged metal’ (Santali)

                    kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelting furnace‘; koṭe ‘forged metal’ (Santali)(Phonetic determinant of the twig on the horns of the woman ligatured to the tiger'

                    koDu 'horn' Rebus: koD 'workshop'

                    kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
                    tagaraka, tabernae montana 'flower', 'hair fragrance' Rebus: tagara 'tin'

                    karat.i, karut.i, kerut.i fencing, school or gymnasium where wrestling and fencing are taught (Ta.); garad.i, garud.i fencing school (Ka.); garad.i, garod.i (Tu.); garid.i, garid.i_ id., fencing (Te.)(DEDR 1262). 
                    Rebus 1: करडा [ karaḍā ] Hard fromalloy--iron, silver &c. Rebus 2: khara_di_ = turner (G.)

                    Hieroglyph: karã̄ n. pl. ʻ wristlets, bangles ʼ (Gujarati) Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' kola 'woman' Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron' kolle 'blacksmith' kolimi 'smithy, forge'.




                    Cylindeer seals Mohenjo-daro baTa 'quail' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' kulA 'hood of snake' rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron'


                    Imported Indian seal from Tell Asmar karibha 'trunk of elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' rebus: ib 'iron' kANDA 'rhinoceros' rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'


                    Marshall's five possible cylinder seals 
                    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/perforated-plaques-of-tello-lagash.html for decipherment of mudhif and related hieroglyphs.

                    Inscription on 532 cylinder (bone or ivory) from l.to r.: gaNDa 'four' rebus: khaNDa 'impements' baTa 'rimless pot' rebus:bhaTa 'furnace' koD 'one' rebus: koD 'workshop' dula 'two' rebus: dul 'cast metal' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron, copper' karNika 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'Supercargo' kuTi 'water-carrier' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Thus the inscription is a metalwork catalog entrusted to the Supercargo: products out of smelter and furnace, metal implements.

                    Pairof bangles on 507 and 530 inscriptions: karA 'bangles, wristlets' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'.



                    Mesopotamian seals in Frankfort 1 and 2 

                    karaDa 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' 
                    karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं ) Akid. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] .

                    Shu-ilishu's Cylinder Seal See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/mint-coiner-of-3rd-millennium-bce-shu.html for decipherment of Indus script hieroglyphs

                    The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris.
                    A Mesopotamian cylinder seal referring to the personal translator of the ancient Indus or Meluhan language, Shu-ilishu, who lived around 2020 BCE during the late Akkadian period. The late Dr. Gregory L. Possehl, a leading Indus scholar, tells the story of getting a fresh rollout of the seal during its visit to the Ancient Cities Exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York in 2004.
                    With thanks to the University of Pennsylvania Museum which originally published the article.

                    https://www.harappa.com/content/shu-ilishus-cylinder-seal
                    Square seal with multiple headed animal depicting three important totemic animals: the bull, the unicorn, and the antelope. All three animals are seen individually on other seals along with script, but this seal has no script.
                    Material: gray brown steatite
                    Dimensions: 2.4 x 2.4 cm, 0.53 cm thickness
                    Mohenjo-daro, DK 7734
                    Islamabad Museum, NMP 50.289
                    Mackay 1938: pl. XCVI, 494
                    https://www.harappa.com/indus/35.html

                    Bronze Buffalo on wheels, Daimabad  rango 'buffalo' Rebus: rango 'pewter' 

                    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/01/data-mining-of-deciphered-faience.html
                    Harappa.com

                    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-evidence-pasupati-seal.html

                     mēḍha 'the polar star'. Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda)
                     taTThAr 'buffalo horn' Rebus: taTTAr 'brass worker'

                    Moti Cher, Nani Rayan in Kutch cluster of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization sites rivalling Ganweriwala

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                    A suggestion for re-exploration of the River Sarasvati Basin in Gujarat-Rajasthan south of Anupgarh (Binjor).

                    The River Sarasvati split into two channels close to Binjor, one channel flowes south towards Jaisalmer.

                    The key is to identify mineral resources available in the localities south of Ganweriwala. The cluster in Ganweriwala excavated by Rafique Mughal can be explained by the proximity to Khetri mines of the Marusthali. I have not seen any geological studies of the nature of the terrain for the flows of River Sarasvati south of Ganweriwala, south of Jaisalmer. Of course, there is the Little Sarasvati reaching to Siddhapura, a site (close to Rani-ki-wav Patan) possibly visited by Sri Balarama and from there to Nagobheda (Anupgarh? Binjor?), Sivodbheda (Pokharan? Siv?) Further researches on the locally available material resources south of Ganweriwala is CRUCIAL. Did Little Sarasvati of Gujarat link up with ancient Drishadvati? What are the hydrological studies of the diversion of Drishadvati/Yamuna close to Rakhigarhi (Drishadvati which was earlier flowing westwards into Sarasvati through Banawali, Kalibangan etc.). A geological history of the Drishadvati is also IMPORTANT. This is the cradle of Vedic civiliation, Brahmavarta. I wish Min. of Culture orders a systematic study of the entire Sarasvati River system and basin with over 2000 sites (80% of the so-called Harappan or Indus Valley civilization). We have touched only the fringe of the investigation. Rakhigarhi is a good start. NOT enough.All sites include Bhatinda should be taken up for excavation and coordinated study to document the dynamics of life activities of our pitr-s, our Vedic Rishis and artisans, karmAra.

                    All these are speculations can be postulated as hypotheses by young researches who should get research facilities from a Sarasvati Museum to be set up in Kurukshetra. Another could also be in Kashi or Kolkata to study the Maritime Tin Route which linked up with Hanoi, Vietnam and Mekong delta, which has the largest tin belt of the globe.

                    Cluster of sites in Bahawalpur Province, Cholistan (North of Rann of Kutch)
                    Published: July 18, 2015 00:00 IST | Updated: July 18, 2015 05:48 IST  

                    KU team digs up history at Rann of Kutch

                    Unearths 19 sites, somearound 2,000 years old

                    A team of researchers and students from the Department of Archaeology, University of Kerala, has discovered an ‘early historic site’ at Moti Cher in the Rann of Kutch, Gujarat.
                    Explorations (in April-May, 2015) by the team in the larger Kutch area unearthed 19 new archaeological sites of which two were new Harappan sites. The rest are datable to the Early Historic and Medieval periods.
                    According to team leader and assistant professor S.V. Rajesh, the excavations were done to “understand the distribution of Harappan culture in Kutch and inter-relationships between the Harappan and related contemporary cultures in the Kutch region.” Early Historic sites in the context of Kutch date back to around 2,000 years and beyond while Medieval sites date back to around the 9{+t}{+h}century AD, Dr. Rajesh said.


                    Moti Cher yielded evidence for large scale production of ceramics, iron working, and shell working. Major finds from the site include shell bangles, carved bones, stone beads, iron objects, grinding stones, red polished ware and gray ware ceramics.
                    “This is interesting as it borders the Great Rann of Kutch, now almost barren, and the evidence yielded from the site indicates the area was a thickly habitated flourishing township during historic to medieval period and probably played a vital role in the trade between Gujarat and the Sind region,” Dr. Rajesh said.
                    Another site of Nani Rayan which was resurveyed extensively also yielded a large number of artefacts attesting to its early historic to medieval antecedence. The finds from this spot are ceramics including shards of torpedo jars, red polished ware, turquoise glazed ware, other local ceramic, stone and glass beads, shell bangles and a Ganesa figurine.
                    The team also conducted excavations at the site of Navinal which was explored thoroughly in 2014. This year’s excavation yielded mud brick and stone structures and artefacts (stone beads, amulet, animal figurines, shell bangles, shell comb, copper objects and ceramics), establishing Harappan antecedents. Many indicators of large scale craft production (pottery production, stone tool production, copper working and shell working) were visible at the site.
                    Other sites
                    Apart from the exploration and excavation activities the students also visited Harappan sites including Dholavira, Lothal, Desalpur, Surkotada, Kanmer, Narapa, Shikarpur and Juni Kuran and monuments and forts of Champaner, a world heritage site. The team explored the medieval glaze production site at Lashkarshah in Khambhat in Anand district and also interacted with artisans at Khambhat and Gunthiali.

                  • Two are new Harappan sites
                  • Excavations yield many artefacts


                  • Archaeology delegation unearths 19 sites, some of which dates back to 2,000 years.

                    Published: April 19, 2014 16:16 IST | Updated: April 19, 2014 16:16 IST  
                    UNWIND

                    Call of the white desert

                    • A child poses with her doll in the White Rann.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      A child poses with her doll in the White Rann.
                    • On Mandvi Beach.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      On Mandvi Beach.
                    • A young embroiderer at work.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      A young embroiderer at work.
                    • Inside a bhunga in Banni.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      Inside a bhunga in Banni.
                    • A Khatri family member demonstrates the art of Rogan painting.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      A Khatri family member demonstrates the art of Rogan painting.
                    • Shaam-e-Sarhad, Hodka.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      Shaam-e-Sarhad, Hodka.
                    • A villager serves as security guard in Hodka.
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      A villager serves as security guard in Hodka.
                    • Rosy Starlings in the Little Rann
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      Rosy Starlings in the Little Rann
                    • Wild asses in the Little Rann Sanctuary
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      Wild asses in the Little Rann Sanctuary
                    • Posing Bollywood-style in the White Rann
                      Photo: Janhavi Acharekar
                      Posing Bollywood-style in the White Rann

                    The writer describes the lure of the Rann, a cross between a photoshopped work of art and a fun fair.

                    As we drove through the arid landscape of the Rann of Kutch, our driver narrated an incident from the night before. A young man from Tamil Nadu entered the drivers’ tent. He had arrived by train that morning and had hitchhiked his way from Bhuj Railway Station. Having spent all his money on the train ticket, he was seeking a place for the night. His wallet was empty; he wasn’t worried about his living arrangements, he said — a cot under the stars would do just fine — and he could do without food for a day or two. It was his burning desire to see the White Desert once in his lifetime, so here he was. Could anyone give him a lift to the Great Rann the next day?
                    “Someone offered him a ride to the check post,” said Bawaji, our driver. “And all the drivers contributed Rs. 50 each so the man could see the Salt Desert and eventually make his way back home.”
                    Such is the draw (and the spirit) of the Rann. On a good day, it looks like a madly photoshopped work of art — like a white background sans subject. On a bad day, it is reminiscent of a fun fair. The Rann surprises you with its remoteness and solitude in a shrinking world but remains within easy reach for those who wish to explore it. In peak season (November to March), you will find accommodation if you’re lucky. There are few places where you can stay near the desert. Of these, Hodka is a small oasis-refuge of sorts. Its Shaam-e-Sarhad resort is a community initiative and a successful experiment in endogenous tourism supported by the Ministry of Tourism and the United Nations. The bhungas or traditional mud huts of the region, and tents, lend to the authenticity of the place and are comfortable enough, looked after by its staff of local villagers trained in hospitality.
                    A region of artisans, Hodka and its neighbouring villages are a textile lover’s Mecca. The Meghwal community is known for its ‘pakko’ embroidery, a 500-year-old tradition among the families in the Banni region. Meanwhile, in nearby Nirona, a single village path houses an illustrious family of Rogan artists alongside bell metal craftsmen and lacquer work artists. Rogan art is created with a metal pin dipped in a mixture of castor oil residue and mineral dyes. Its fine motifs are drawn by dropping this mixture onto one side of a cloth that is then folded to form a perfect mirror image. The Khatris of Nirona are the only surviving Rogan artists today. Meanwhile, there’s appliqué work in Dordo, and further away in Bhujodi, camel wool shawls are woven on pit-looms. Everywhere, mirror-work embroidery abounds. Some of the arts here date back centuries if not to the time of the Harappan civilisation.
                    In Hodka, the nights are magical; stars are suspended like diamond teardrops in a vast midnight blue sky and the silence broken only by the call of a jackal in the dead of the night. Only 30-odd kilometres from Pakistan, it has the feel of a border village. In fact, Shaam-e-Sarhad means exactly that — an evening by the border.
                    The border stretches across other towns, including the deserted ruins of Lakhpat, where you can look into the vast grey sea from the BSF viewpoint and imagine Karachi on the other side. The port of Mandvi, meanwhile, surprises visitors with its clear blue waters and clean beaches. Wherever you go, cattle herders, camel owners, guides and drivers will point somewhere in the direction of the setting sun— across the ocean or over mountains like the Kala Dungar, saying, “That’s Pakistan.” Stories abound too, of relatives on the other side who may never be able to visit their country of origin — of doomed marriages and siblings who traversed the India Bridge during friendlier times but who now find it impossible to meet their families in India.
                    The Rann of Kutch has seen a surge in tourism since its successful advertising and yet its feathered winter visitors far outnumber the two-legged variety. It is a haven for birders (particularly flamingo-seekers), with its migratory painted storks, cranes and pelicans, Egyptian vultures, native wheatears and rosy starlings, among hundreds of other species. A few hours away from the Great Rann, past the nomadic dwellings of the dairy-selling Jat tribe, past the wires with their dancing green bee-eaters and black-shouldered kites, and past the capital, Bhuj, is the Little Rann Sanctuary that is visited, apart from its wealth of birdlife, for the Khur or the Wild Ass. And not too far from here lie the spectacular heritage sites of Modhera and Patan.
                    Printable version | May 31, 2016 6:57:44 AM | http://www.thehindu.com/features/magazine/call-of-the-white-desert/article5928726.ece

                    Published: January 8, 2016 15:56 IST | Updated: January 8, 2016 19:30 IST  

                    Sun, salt and the Great White Rann

                    • AP

                    What draws tourists from across the world to the Rann Utsav? AKILA KANNADASAN finds out

                    Eight hours of a backbreaking bus journey. A highway with few decent restrooms. And, weather that doesn’t hesitate to remind you that you’re in camel territory. The Rann of Kutch sounds like an oasis, as I trundle along a dusty road with nothing but roadside dabeli to appease a grumbling stomach. Is it worth it? The endless stretch of salt, life in a ‘tent city’ that mushrooms on the desert just for three months to host the Rann Utsav, craft villages that bring to mind terracotta walls with limestone drawings — I wring my hands and peek outside the window — this better be good.
                    We arrive at Dhordo, the tent city, on a freezing December night, too tired to take in the atmosphere. Winds blow from afar, sending us deep inside our warm-wear. The fully-furnished tents await us — we bury ourselves in for the night.
                    At the Rann, meaning ‘desert’ in Hindi, the setting sun takes with it every last speck of warmth. And so we feel grateful when it rises every day. No one dares take it for granted in Kutch, especially during winter. It’s best to rise with the sun when you’re here and retire when it sets.
                    There are two things that define the Rann of Kutch — the flat snow-white salt marsh and the Kutchi people, who are among the most artistic in the world. They spend their days sharing a landscape with sandstorms, and nights amid the eerie chill. The lack of colours in their environment, dominated by dull browns and dirty greens, has drawn them to the reds, blues, and yellows that embellish their clothes.
                    Hodka is an example of how these people have incorporated colour into their lives. The village is jewelled with bhungas, circular mud huts with conical thatch roofs, some of which serve as home-stays. Peek into one, and you may catch Sonia engrossed in mirror embroidery, a Kutch trademark. She sells exquisite bags, quilts and patches that are studded with mirrors. Dressed in an ornate kanjari (a backless top), a long cotton skirt and a dupatta that flows from head to toe, she represents the typical Kutchi woman — one who’s on her toes through the day. When she’s not cooking for the family, she’s working on a fabric that she hopes to sell to visiting tourists.
                    Here is a community that depends on handicrafts for a living. Where men double as cattle rearers and artisans; where people like Umra can turn a piece of leather into artistic footwear. Behind the handicrafts village is the private living quarters of the people — although they are hospitable, it’s best to let them be. We stop at yet another crafts village where string cots gleam with beadwork necklaces and jhumkas.
                    The Rann of Kutch is a handicraft haven where you can buy from the artisans themselves; the money goes directly into their pockets, so it’s best not to bargain. Craft stalls come alive on the outskirts of the tent city towards evening. With food and plenty of chai to sip on as you shop, these stalls showcase glittering mirror-worked clothes, handmade footwear and bead jewellery, most of which will not be available elsewhere in Gujarat. (The evening market at Law Garden in Ahmedabad boasts imitation versions, where plastic mirrors replace the real ones).
                    Our Rann of Kutch experience ends on a windy evening, when the sun threatens to set by an endless ocean of white — the White Rann. On first sight, it looks like snow. Step on it and you can feel it crunch under your feet. The realm of salt lays bare as a chill sets in. The moon looks like something out of a dream — it’s the night before the full moon. Camels jingle by, drawing cartfuls of people, and cameras flash as the skies darken.
                    The best way to experience the White Rann is to sit by yourself and take it all in. It’s an eerie feeling; with the moon bobbing overhead and a spotless whitescape extending before you…you can travel across the world for just a few minutes of this.
                    I don’t complain much on my eight-hour return journey by bus to Ahmedabad — there are certain things that you endure to witness something as magnificent as the Great Rann of Kutch.
                    (The writer was in Gujarat on invitation by the Tourism Corporation of Gujarat)
                    Printable version | May 31, 2016 6:59:09 AM | http://www.thehindu.com/features/metroplus/explore-the-beauty-of-the-rann-of-kutch/article8082019.ece

                    Published: June 12, 2013 13:25 IST | Updated: June 15, 2013 11:19 IST
                    ARCHAEOLOGY
                    Discovering Khirsara’s Harappan glory
                      PHOTOGRAPHS BY D. KRISHNAN
                      PHOTO EDITORTHE HINDU

                    Excavations in Khirsara village in western Kutch reveal a "major industrial hub" and trading centre of the mature Harappan phase. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN in Khirsara. Photographs by D. KRISHNAN, Photo Editor, The Hindu.

                    AS I stood on the edge of the trench and looked in, my eyes widened with amazement. In one corner stood a tall, slender jar with four perforations, two on either side, just below the rim. There were three beautifully crafted pots, wedged in the soil and, a few feet away, a big, upturned lid. Also on the trench floor lay a massive conch shell that looked like a bird with outstretched wings, as if it had been shot in flight and had fallen to the ground.
                    Outside the trench that April morning, on the baulk, stood Jitendra Nath, who was the director of the excavation. “Will you measure the height and the width of the jar?” he asked Kalyani Vaghela, the young research assistant in archaeology from the Maharaja Sayajirao University, Vadodara, Gujarat. She unfurled the tape and rolled it down the height of the jar and announced that it measured 85 centimetres in height. It was 33 cm in diameter.
                    “This is an important find. We have got so much of pottery in a small area within the trench. When we extend our excavation more, we will get an idea of why we are getting so many pots and jars in a small area,” said Jitendra Nath. He is the Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India’s (ASI) excavation branch in Vadodara.
                    The excavation, a massive one, is under way at Khirsara, a Harappan site situated about 85 km from Bhuj town in Gujarat’s Kutch district. Thirty-nine trenches, each 10 metres by 10 metres in area, have been laid since December 6, 2012. They have yielded a cornucopia of globular pots, sturdy storage jars, painted ware, perforated parts of broken jars, incense burners, dish-on-stand, goblets, beakers, basins, bowls, ladles, and so on. “There is pottery everywhere. We have to dig carefully. We can use only small pickaxes,” said Jitendra Nath. The excavation team has also unearthed terracotta figurines of bulls, peacocks, ducks, and also an anthropomorphic figurine. A lot of toy-cart frames made of terracotta were found. The excavation, which is into its fourth year, reveals that Khirsara, which lies on the trade route to Sind (now in Pakistan), was once “a major industrial hub” in western Kutch. The 12-acre site, situated on the outer edge of Khirsara village, sits saucer-like, with mounds on all sides and a depression in the middle and is known locally as “Gadh Wali Wadi”. The Khari river flows nearby and in the distance are the hills of Kutch. A Harappan settlement, belonging to the mature Harappan phase, flourished here for 400 years from circa 2600 BCE to circa 2200 BCE.
                    “Mature” evidence 

                    The Harappan civilisation can be divided into three phases, early, mature and late. If the early Harappan phase lasted from circa 2800 BCE to circa 2600 BCE, the mature phase was between circa 2600 BCE and circa 1900 BCE. The late phase, including its collapse, lasted from circa 1900 BCE to circa 1500 BCE. Juni Kuran in northern Kutch and Khirsara belong to the mature Harappan phase. And Dholavira, located on the island of Khadir in the Great Rann of Kutch, is an example of a Harappan site that typifies all three phases.
                    Jitendra Nath pointed to the important features that make Khirsara a mature Harappan site. “Pre-Harappan pottery and post-Harappan pottery are absent here. The settlements belonging to the early Harappan and late Harappan phases are also not found here,” he said. Besides, Khirsara has thrown up artefacts and structures that make it a mature Harappan settlement. There are massive structures, fortifications, seals with script and carvings of animals, bricks with the standardised ratio of 1:2:4, and a variety of pottery, including reserved slip ware, which is called so because a slip, that is, a coloured coating is applied over the pot after it is finished and dried. Specialists in the study of pottery say that such pottery was reserved for the elite, and hence the name. After the first slip (a coloured coating involving a solution of red ochre, white kaolin or purple or yellow colour) has dried, a second slip is applied over the first coating. When the second slip is wet, an instrument, say, a comb, is run over it to form different patterns. This removes the second coating that comes under the comb’s teeth, making a pattern on the pot, in the form of wavy or straight lines or even checks.
                    Northern polished black ware (NPBW) is reserved slip ware because it has a silvery or golden coating over it. The NPBW was mostly tableware and the elite used it. The quarry from which the stones were brought to the habitational-cum-industrial site has not been identified yet.
                    “Seals found in this site belong from the early stage to the late stage of the mature Harappan phase. There are rectangular seals depicting the unicorn and the bison and the Harappan characters. There are rectangular bar-type seals with the Harappan script alone and circular seals, all of which show that Khirsara is a mature Harappan site,” said Jitendra Nath. He argued that seals were the “main characteristic” by which Khirsara could be classified as a mature Harappan site. “We are getting seals from the lowermost level to the uppermost. Pottery, seals and structures are the major hallmarks by which this site could be said to belong to the mature Harappan phase,” he reasoned.
                    The team encountered five structural phases in the mature Harappan stage itself at Khirsara, said R.N. Kumaran, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI. Floods led to the termination of each phase and evidence of flood deposits was available in the citadel area. “We are getting sand and silt in a continuous band. ‘Kankar’ stones were also available,” said Kumaran.
                    The structural remains of a fortified settlement revealed a citadel with residential quarters, a warehouse, an industrial-cum-residential complex, habitation annexes and a potters’ kiln, all pointing to systematic town planning. The citadel complex was where the ruling elite lived. It had square and rectangular rooms, verandahs in front, a beautiful staircase leading upstairs and a rock-cut well. The warehouse, 28 metres long and 12 metres wide, has a series of 14 massive parallel walls, which are more than 10 metres long and about 1.5 metres wide. All the structures are built of dressed sandstone blocks, set in mud mortar.
                    Magnificent artefacts 

                    The artefacts that have been discovered here reinforced the “industrial” nature of the settlement. Among them is a gold hoard, in a small pot, of disc-shaped gold beads, micro gold beads and their tubular counterparts. As Jitendra Nath and this reporter stood on a trench that had been filled up, he pointed to the levelled earth below and said, “It was in this trench that your friend S. Nandakumar [a site supervisor] found the gold hoard.” It was a trench allotted to Nandakumar, and one of the labourers digging the trench came up with a pot that had 26 gold beads inside. “Gold beads are not found in big quantities in the Harappan sites,” Jitendra Nath said. Some disc-shaped gold beads were found at Lothal, a Harappan site in Gujarat.
                    There are a variety of beads made of shell and steatite and of semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, carnelian, chert, chalcedony and jasper. About 25,000 steatite beads were found in one trench alone. Shell bangles, shell inlays, copper bangles and rings were also found in plenty. Among copper implements were chisels, knives, needles, points, fish hooks, arrow-heads and weights. There were also bone tools, bone points and beads made out of bones.
                    “We have found good evidence of bead-making here,” said Jitendra Nath. “We found a lot of drill-bits used for drilling holes in the beads…. We also found stone weights of various denominations. While the smallest weighs five grams, the heaviest is about five kilograms.”
                    The ASI team found 11 seals, including circular seals. Some of them are carved with unicorn and bison images, and have the Harappan script engraved on them. While the unicorn seal is made of soapstone, the bison seal is made out of steatite. A rare discovery was that of two bar seals, both engraved with the Harappan script only and remarkably intact.
                    The trenches have yielded a vast amount of reserved slip ware, painted with exquisite designs; a variety of red ware; buff ware, or polished ware; chocolate-coloured slip ware; and grey ware.
                    Jitendra Nath said: “The kind of antiquities we are getting from this site indicates that Khirsara was a major industrial hub in western Kutch. It was located on a trade route from other parts of Gujarat to Sind in Pakistan, which is about 100 km away. Of course, the Harappans who lived here were basically traders, manufacturing industrial goods for export to distant lands and to other Harappan sites in the vicinity and farther away.”
                    Fortification

                    Khirsara is unique among Indus Valley settlements in having a general fortification wall around the settlement and also separate fortification walls around every complex inside the settlement. The citadel complex, the warehouse, the factory-cum-residential complex, and even the potters’ kiln have their own protective walls.
                    The massive, outer fortification wall still stands in many places, 4,600 years after it was built. It measures 310 metres by 210 metres and is built of partly dressed sandstone blocks set in mud mortar. The wall’s width is 3.4 metres but additional reinforcements in later phases have increased its width considerably. The bedrock below the wall was levelled with clay, sand, grit, lime and thoroughly rammed in to bear the load of the superstructure. Like fortification walls in other Harappan sites, this one also slopes upwards to give it strength and life.
                    Said Jitendra Nath: “We found three salients on the northern fortification wall of the warehouse. The outer fortification too has salients at regular intervals for giving strength to the wall and for mounting watch.” A protection wall, with a width of 2.34 metres, running parallel to the outer fortification wall, was built on the northern and eastern sides to protect the site when the overflowing Khari river caused flooding.
                    As the booklet Indus Civilisation brought out in 2010 by the Indus Research Centre, Roja Muthiah Research Library, Chennai, says, the Harappan (or Indus Valley) civilisation “has fascinated not just historians and archaeologists and anthropologists but also experts from such diverse fields such as urban planning, architecture, linguistics, computer science, mathematics, statistics, geology, astrophysics etc.” What fascinated them was “the greatness of this ancient civilisation, its vast extent, its trade links to other regions and its great achievements in the fields of architecture, commerce, fine arts, manufacturing, etc. These are being better understood with every new archaeological find.”
                    Indus enigma 

                    However, as the booklet says, “The Indus civilisation remains an enigma in some ways. The cause of the sudden fall of the civilisation—renowned for its urban planning, high-quality construction, water management and carefully designed drainage systems—is still not fully understood.” Besides, the Indus script continues to remain undeciphered despite attempts by scholars and researchers.
                    At its peak, the Harappan civilisation covered an area of 1.5 million square kilometres, across India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran. It extended from Sutkagendor in the Makran coast of Balochistan to Alamgirpur in the east in Uttar Pradesh and from Mandu in Jammu to Daimabad in Ahmednagar district in Maharashtra. Since the 1920s, several hundred Harappan sites have been discovered. After Partition in 1947, when Mohenjardo and Harappa fell in Pakistan, the ASI has discovered many sites in Gujarat, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jammu and Kashmir, and Maharashtra. These sites include Dholavira, Lothal, Juni Kuran, Desalpur, Narappa, Kanmer, Surkotada and Shikarpur in Gujarat; Rakhigarhi, Bhirrana, Banawali and Farmana in Haryana; Alamgirpur, Sanauli and Hulas in Uttar Pradesh; and Kalibangan in Rajasthan.
                    Discovery of Khirsara

                    How did the ASI’s excavation branch at Vadodara discover Khirsara? Since most Harappan sites were situated in northern or eastern Kutch, not much was known about the Indus civilisation in western Kutch. Desalpur was the only site excavated there, a minor excavation in the early 1960s. “So we were searching for a Harappan site in western Kutch,” said Jitendra Nath. The Gujarat State Archaeology Department had explored Khirsara in the 1970s, but only a brief report was available on it.
                    Jitendra Nath’s keen eye, backed by his years of excavation at Taradih in Bodh Gaya, Athirampakkam near Chennai, Ummichipoyil in Kerala, and in other places, came into play. “When we came here, we saw so much of Harappan pottery, along with artefacts such as shell bangles and stone-beads scattered over the surface,” he said. “Then we looked at the site and found it almost intact. We did not have such a big site in western Kutch before. Desalpur was the only other Harappan site in western Kutch.” But Desalpur was excavated for only one season and not much was known about it.
                    So Jitendra Nath and his team did a survey of Khirsara in 2009 and began excavation in December that year. The ASI team exposed the inner and outer sides of the fortification and found residential structures along the inner side of the fortification.
                    In the second year (season) of excavation, the team unearthed the citadel and went on to locate the factory area where it found evidence of a lot of industrial activity, including shell-working. There was tell-tale evidence of bead-making. A variety of beads made of copper, shell and terracotta, and semi-precious stones were found in abundance. Copper objects, including needles, knives, fish hooks, arrowheads and weights were found. What is puzzling is that no copper figurines of animals, as found in other sites, were found here.
                    When the ASI team dug up a mound, it encountered evidence of a five-metre-deep structure, going back to 2600 BCE. This earliest structure was made of stones with mud bricks used in between.
                    In the third year, the team excavated the residential complex in the citadel. The citadel was strategically located adjacent to the warehouse and the factory site in such a manner that the elite class might exercise full control over the manufacturing and trading activities. A five-metre-broad pathway led from the citadel to the industrial complex. The citadel complex was 90 metres by 90 metres and about a hundred people could have lived there. There were interconnected rooms, door sills, hearths, and so on. The houses had bathrooms with an outlet for water to flow. Streets inside the citadel were rammed with clay and household waste such as potsherds, bones, shell debitage and grits. A pot burial, containing charred bones and ash kept inside a circular hearth, was found inside a room. The ASI is yet to excavate a large area of the residential complex, but it may do so in the next season.
                    Bipin Negi, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI, pointed to the perfect manner in which the fortification wall around the citadel was built and how it had withstood the ravages of time. It is a tall, sloping wall, several metres in height. “This citadel wall is much broader than the general fortification wall. It is set in mud mortar, which is sticky clay. The wall has been standing for 4,600 years,” said Negi.
                    As we went around the trenches that had exposed the industrial-cum-residential complex, Kumaran explained how it had been identified as a factory site. “We have found furnaces and a tandoor. There is evidence of copper-working and ash. We have found huge quantities of steatite beads and some seals made of steatite. From all this evidence, we have identified it as a fortified factory site.” He led us to the entrance of the fortification wall of the industrial-cum-residential complex. The entrance was in the south. Akin to other Harappan sites, there were large limestone slabs at the entrance; the slabs obviously served as doormats. There were a couple of small guard rooms adjacent to the entrance. Residences inside the industrial complex, too, had stone slabs at the entrance. There were bathrooms, with sloping slabs used on the floor for water to flow into covered outlets. The outlets led into the drains in the street.
                    To the sheer delight of the ASI team, the warehouse came into view when they excavated the north-east corner of the site last year. Excavation of the warehouse, which has continued this year, has revealed it to be a massive structure with 14 parallel walls. Jitendra Nath said, “It must have been a multipurpose warehouse for storing goods meant for export and grains. A warehouse is a rare type of structure found in a few Harappan sites. It indicates a state of surplus economy and is a sign of prosperity. You build such structures for storing goods for export or goods that have been imported.” The parallel walls supported a superstructure made of wood and daub and goods were stored in the superstructure. The pathways between the parallel walls were air ducts to keep the goods fresh. The entrance had a series of guard rooms adjacent to it. The ASI found grains in the warehouse and samples of these grains have been sent to Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany, Lucknow, for investigation and identification.
                    Potters’ kiln 

                    Situated on the outer side of the general fortification wall, the potters’ kiln is a bit of an engineering marvel. Negi pointed out that its fire chamber had been cut out of both bedrock and earth, and a dome sat on the fire chamber. The freshly made pots were arranged inside the dome and a passage led to the fire chamber. It was through the passage that the burning logs were pushed inside the fire chamber. The circular wall of the fire chamber had holes for air circulation and oxygenation. The burning logs generated heat of about 500 Celsius and the pots were baked.
                    The ASI has not located the reservoirs which would have supplied water to the Harappan settlement at Khirsara. Jitendra Nath said, “Maybe, when we excavate more, we will find water bodies. The western half of the site has not been excavated yet. We have been concentrating mostly on the eastern half. We may dig the western half next year.” Kumaran was hopeful about the “possibility” of the existence of a reservoir because “we have found drains at a depth of 1.5 metres and paved stone flooring. It was not for carrying sullage.” There was also a rock-cut well in the residential quarters within the citadel. There were chances of encountering a reservoir if the excavation continued for two or three years. Jitendra Nath was confident that “a complete picture of the site will emerge only when we excavate more and more”.
                    Printable version | May 31, 2016 7:00:58 AM | http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/discovering-khirsaras-harappan-glory/article4794614.ece
                    Published: August 6, 2013 08:57 IST | Updated: August 6, 2013 09:01 IST  

                    Excavations reveal Khirsara a major industrial hub of Harappan era

                    • A cluster of pottery, including a tall slender jar, and a big conch shell found in one of the trenches. Photo: D. Krishnan
                      The Hindu
                      A cluster of pottery, including a tall slender jar, and a big conch shell found in one of the trenches. Photo: D. Krishnan
                    • The bar seal with the Harappan script excavated at Khirsara.
                      ASI
                      The bar seal with the Harappan script excavated at Khirsara.
                    • The disc-shaped gold beads found at Khirsara.
                      The disc-shaped gold beads found at Khirsara.
                    January 2, 2011 was a golden day in the second season of excavation at Khirsara village, 85 km from Bhuj town, Gujarat. Nearly 30 trenches had been dug that season, each 10 metres by 10 metres. One of them yielded two miniature pots, which a labourer rushed to S. Nandakumar, a site supervisor in his 20s. He took them to Jitendra Nath, Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch, Vadodara, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). “They are gold beads,” announced Mr. Jitendra Nath after examining them. One of the pots contained 26 disc-shaped beads, micro beads and a ring, all made in gold, and steatite beads.
                    “Gold beads are not found in big quantities in the Harappan sites. Some disc-shaped gold beads had been found at Lothal, another famous Harappan site in Gujarat,” said Mr. Jitendra Nath on April 19, 2013 as he showed us the closed trench where the gold beads had been found.
                    “Exciting results” from four seasons of excavation with 120 trenches dug at Khirsara from December 2009 have established Khirsara as “a major industrial hub” that belonged to the mature Harappan period. It overlooks the Khari river and flourished for 400 years from circa 2600 to 2200 BCE.
                    Carbon dating at the Birbal Sahni Institute of Paleobotany, Lucknow, for the botanical remains collected from Khirsara’s trenches falls in the range of 2565 to 2235 BCE.
                    Khirsara has everything to be called a mature Harappan site: systematic town planning, a citadel complex where the ruling elite lived, a factory complex, habitation annexes, a warehouse, drainage system, and massive fortification walls. All the structures were built of sandstone blocks set in mud mortar. Excavations have yielded 11 bar, circular and square seals, standardised bricks in the ratio of 1:2:4 and a staggering variety of pottery including reserve slip ware. While the bar seals have only the Harappan script, others have carvings of unicorn and hump-less bulls with the Harappan signs.
                    Mr. Jitendra Nath asserted: “The seals, especially the circular seals, are the main characteristic by which Khirsara can be categorised as a mature Harappan site. Pottery and structures such as the citadel, the factory and the warehouse are the hallmarks by which this site could be said to belong to mature Harappan phase.”
                    More than 4,200 years ago, Khirsara was an important trading outpost in western Kutch in Gujarat on the way to Sind in present-day Pakistan. Its “factory” manufactured enormous quantities of beads from cornelian, agate, jasper, lapis lazuli, steatite and chalcedony; bangles and inlays from conch shells; copper artefacts such as bangles, rings, beads, knives, needles, fish-hooks, arrowheads and weights; and terracotta rattles, toy-carts and gamesmen. One trench alone threw up 25,000 exquisite beads made of steatite.
                    Trench after trench laid in Khirsara’s factory have yielded a bonanza of Harappan ceramics — painted pottery, the reserve slip ware used by the elite in society, sturdy storage jars, globular pots, perforated jars, basins, dishes, bowls, beakers, dish-on-stand and incense burners. The painted pottery with occasional animal motifs, have geometric designs of broad bands, crosses, spirals, loops, arches and zigzags. The profusion of miniature pots that the site has revealed is puzzling.
                    R.N. Kumaran, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI, said: “We have found furnaces and a tandoor. There is evidence of copper-working and ash. We have found huge quantities of steatite beads and some seals made of steatite. From all this, we have identified it as a factory site.”
                    An extraordinary feature about Khirsara’s Harappan settlement is that it not only had an outer fortification wall around it but every complex inside had its own fortification wall, be it the citadel, the warehouse, and the factory with its habitation annexe. The fortification walls for the warehouse and the factory had guard rooms and salients for mounting watch.
                    Even the potters’ kiln, which lay outside the outer fortification walls, had its own fortification wall. The outer fortification wall, 310 metres by 230 metres and more than 4,400 years old, still stands in several places.
                    “This is the first time in the Harappan context that we have found separation fortification walls for each complex on the site, and their purpose is to ensure the safety of its residents and the goods manufactured,” said Mr. Jitendra Nath, now Superintending Archaeologist, Mumbai Circle, ASI.
                    A massive warehouse, measuring 28 metres by 12 metres, excavated had 14 parallel walls, with an average length of 10.8 metres and 1.55 metres breadth. Its superstructure was made of wood and daub. The space between the parallel walls enabled circulation of fresh air to protect the stored goods. Mr. Jitendra Nath said: “It must have been multipurpose warehouse for storing goods for export or those that have been imported. Its proximity with river Khari is to support the maritime trading activities of the Khirsarans. A warehouse is a rare type of structure found in a few Harappan sites. It indicates a state of surplus economy.”
                    The houses in the citadel, where the elite lived, had verandas, interconnected rooms, floors paved with multicoloured bricks and a rock-cut well. A five-metre paved lane separated the citadel from the factory. The citadel was deliberately built adjacent to the warehouse so that the rulers could keep a watch on the manufacturing and trading activities, said Mr. Kumaran.
                    Printable version | May 31, 2016 7:20:52 AM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/excavations-reveal-khirsara-a-major-industrial-hub-of-harappan-era/article4994878.ece
                    Published: June 12, 2013 13:25 IST | Updated: June 15, 2013 11:19 IST
                    ARCHAEOLOGY
                    Discovering Khirsara’s Harappan glory
                      PHOTOGRAPHS BY D. KRISHNAN
                      PHOTO EDITORTHE HINDU

                    Excavations in Khirsara village in western Kutch reveal a "major industrial hub" and trading centre of the mature Harappan phase. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN in Khirsara. Photographs by D. KRISHNAN, Photo Editor, The Hindu.

                    AS I stood on the edge of the trench and looked in, my eyes widened with amazement. In one corner stood a tall, slender jar with four perforations, two on either side, just below the rim. There were three beautifully crafted pots, wedged in the soil and, a few feet away, a big, upturned lid. Also on the trench floor lay a massive conch shell that looked like a bird with outstretched wings, as if it had been shot in flight and had fallen to the ground.
                    Outside the trench that April morning, on the baulk, stood Jitendra Nath, who was the director of the excavation. “Will you measure the height and the width of the jar?” he asked Kalyani Vaghela, the young research assistant in archaeology from the Maharaja Sayajirao University, Vadodara, Gujarat. She unfurled the tape and rolled it down the height of the jar and announced that it measured 85 centimetres in height. It was 33 cm in diameter.
                    “This is an important find. We have got so much of pottery in a small area within the trench. When we extend our excavation more, we will get an idea of why we are getting so many pots and jars in a small area,” said Jitendra Nath. He is the Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India’s (ASI) excavation branch in Vadodara.
                    The excavation, a massive one, is under way at Khirsara, a Harappan site situated about 85 km from Bhuj town in Gujarat’s Kutch district. Thirty-nine trenches, each 10 metres by 10 metres in area, have been laid since December 6, 2012. They have yielded a cornucopia of globular pots, sturdy storage jars, painted ware, perforated parts of broken jars, incense burners, dish-on-stand, goblets, beakers, basins, bowls, ladles, and so on. “There is pottery everywhere. We have to dig carefully. We can use only small pickaxes,” said Jitendra Nath. The excavation team has also unearthed terracotta figurines of bulls, peacocks, ducks, and also an anthropomorphic figurine. A lot of toy-cart frames made of terracotta were found. The excavation, which is into its fourth year, reveals that Khirsara, which lies on the trade route to Sind (now in Pakistan), was once “a major industrial hub” in western Kutch. The 12-acre site, situated on the outer edge of Khirsara village, sits saucer-like, with mounds on all sides and a depression in the middle and is known locally as “Gadh Wali Wadi”. The Khari river flows nearby and in the distance are the hills of Kutch. A Harappan settlement, belonging to the mature Harappan phase, flourished here for 400 years from circa 2600 BCE to circa 2200 BCE.
                    “Mature” evidence 

                    The Harappan civilisation can be divided into three phases, early, mature and late. If the early Harappan phase lasted from circa 2800 BCE to circa 2600 BCE, the mature phase was between circa 2600 BCE and circa 1900 BCE. The late phase, including its collapse, lasted from circa 1900 BCE to circa 1500 BCE. Juni Kuran in northern Kutch and Khirsara belong to the mature Harappan phase. And Dholavira, located on the island of Khadir in the Great Rann of Kutch, is an example of a Harappan site that typifies all three phases.
                    Jitendra Nath pointed to the important features that make Khirsara a mature Harappan site. “Pre-Harappan pottery and post-Harappan pottery are absent here. The settlements belonging to the early Harappan and late Harappan phases are also not found here,” he said. Besides, Khirsara has thrown up artefacts and structures that make it a mature Harappan settlement. There are massive structures, fortifications, seals with script and carvings of animals, bricks with the standardised ratio of 1:2:4, and a variety of pottery, including reserved slip ware, which is called so because a slip, that is, a coloured coating is applied over the pot after it is finished and dried. Specialists in the study of pottery say that such pottery was reserved for the elite, and hence the name. After the first slip (a coloured coating involving a solution of red ochre, white kaolin or purple or yellow colour) has dried, a second slip is applied over the first coating. When the second slip is wet, an instrument, say, a comb, is run over it to form different patterns. This removes the second coating that comes under the comb’s teeth, making a pattern on the pot, in the form of wavy or straight lines or even checks.
                    Northern polished black ware (NPBW) is reserved slip ware because it has a silvery or golden coating over it. The NPBW was mostly tableware and the elite used it. The quarry from which the stones were brought to the habitational-cum-industrial site has not been identified yet.
                    “Seals found in this site belong from the early stage to the late stage of the mature Harappan phase. There are rectangular seals depicting the unicorn and the bison and the Harappan characters. There are rectangular bar-type seals with the Harappan script alone and circular seals, all of which show that Khirsara is a mature Harappan site,” said Jitendra Nath. He argued that seals were the “main characteristic” by which Khirsara could be classified as a mature Harappan site. “We are getting seals from the lowermost level to the uppermost. Pottery, seals and structures are the major hallmarks by which this site could be said to belong to the mature Harappan phase,” he reasoned.
                    The team encountered five structural phases in the mature Harappan stage itself at Khirsara, said R.N. Kumaran, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI. Floods led to the termination of each phase and evidence of flood deposits was available in the citadel area. “We are getting sand and silt in a continuous band. ‘Kankar’ stones were also available,” said Kumaran.
                    The structural remains of a fortified settlement revealed a citadel with residential quarters, a warehouse, an industrial-cum-residential complex, habitation annexes and a potters’ kiln, all pointing to systematic town planning. The citadel complex was where the ruling elite lived. It had square and rectangular rooms, verandahs in front, a beautiful staircase leading upstairs and a rock-cut well. The warehouse, 28 metres long and 12 metres wide, has a series of 14 massive parallel walls, which are more than 10 metres long and about 1.5 metres wide. All the structures are built of dressed sandstone blocks, set in mud mortar.
                    Magnificent artefacts 

                    The artefacts that have been discovered here reinforced the “industrial” nature of the settlement. Among them is a gold hoard, in a small pot, of disc-shaped gold beads, micro gold beads and their tubular counterparts. As Jitendra Nath and this reporter stood on a trench that had been filled up, he pointed to the levelled earth below and said, “It was in this trench that your friend S. Nandakumar [a site supervisor] found the gold hoard.” It was a trench allotted to Nandakumar, and one of the labourers digging the trench came up with a pot that had 26 gold beads inside. “Gold beads are not found in big quantities in the Harappan sites,” Jitendra Nath said. Some disc-shaped gold beads were found at Lothal, a Harappan site in Gujarat.
                    There are a variety of beads made of shell and steatite and of semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, carnelian, chert, chalcedony and jasper. About 25,000 steatite beads were found in one trench alone. Shell bangles, shell inlays, copper bangles and rings were also found in plenty. Among copper implements were chisels, knives, needles, points, fish hooks, arrow-heads and weights. There were also bone tools, bone points and beads made out of bones.
                    “We have found good evidence of bead-making here,” said Jitendra Nath. “We found a lot of drill-bits used for drilling holes in the beads…. We also found stone weights of various denominations. While the smallest weighs five grams, the heaviest is about five kilograms.”
                    The ASI team found 11 seals, including circular seals. Some of them are carved with unicorn and bison images, and have the Harappan script engraved on them. While the unicorn seal is made of soapstone, the bison seal is made out of steatite. A rare discovery was that of two bar seals, both engraved with the Harappan script only and remarkably intact.
                    The trenches have yielded a vast amount of reserved slip ware, painted with exquisite designs; a variety of red ware; buff ware, or polished ware; chocolate-coloured slip ware; and grey ware.
                    Jitendra Nath said: “The kind of antiquities we are getting from this site indicates that Khirsara was a major industrial hub in western Kutch. It was located on a trade route from other parts of Gujarat to Sind in Pakistan, which is about 100 km away. Of course, the Harappans who lived here were basically traders, manufacturing industrial goods for export to distant lands and to other Harappan sites in the vicinity and farther away.”
                    Fortification

                    Khirsara is unique among Indus Valley settlements in having a general fortification wall around the settlement and also separate fortification walls around every complex inside the settlement. The citadel complex, the warehouse, the factory-cum-residential complex, and even the potters’ kiln have their own protective walls.
                    The massive, outer fortification wall still stands in many places, 4,600 years after it was built. It measures 310 metres by 210 metres and is built of partly dressed sandstone blocks set in mud mortar. The wall’s width is 3.4 metres but additional reinforcements in later phases have increased its width considerably. The bedrock below the wall was levelled with clay, sand, grit, lime and thoroughly rammed in to bear the load of the superstructure. Like fortification walls in other Harappan sites, this one also slopes upwards to give it strength and life.
                    Said Jitendra Nath: “We found three salients on the northern fortification wall of the warehouse. The outer fortification too has salients at regular intervals for giving strength to the wall and for mounting watch.” A protection wall, with a width of 2.34 metres, running parallel to the outer fortification wall, was built on the northern and eastern sides to protect the site when the overflowing Khari river caused flooding.
                    As the booklet Indus Civilisation brought out in 2010 by the Indus Research Centre, Roja Muthiah Research Library, Chennai, says, the Harappan (or Indus Valley) civilisation “has fascinated not just historians and archaeologists and anthropologists but also experts from such diverse fields such as urban planning, architecture, linguistics, computer science, mathematics, statistics, geology, astrophysics etc.” What fascinated them was “the greatness of this ancient civilisation, its vast extent, its trade links to other regions and its great achievements in the fields of architecture, commerce, fine arts, manufacturing, etc. These are being better understood with every new archaeological find.”
                    Indus enigma 

                    However, as the booklet says, “The Indus civilisation remains an enigma in some ways. The cause of the sudden fall of the civilisation—renowned for its urban planning, high-quality construction, water management and carefully designed drainage systems—is still not fully understood.” Besides, the Indus script continues to remain undeciphered despite attempts by scholars and researchers.
                    At its peak, the Harappan civilisation covered an area of 1.5 million square kilometres, across India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran. It extended from Sutkagendor in the Makran coast of Balochistan to Alamgirpur in the east in Uttar Pradesh and from Mandu in Jammu to Daimabad in Ahmednagar district in Maharashtra. Since the 1920s, several hundred Harappan sites have been discovered. After Partition in 1947, when Mohenjardo and Harappa fell in Pakistan, the ASI has discovered many sites in Gujarat, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jammu and Kashmir, and Maharashtra. These sites include Dholavira, Lothal, Juni Kuran, Desalpur, Narappa, Kanmer, Surkotada and Shikarpur in Gujarat; Rakhigarhi, Bhirrana, Banawali and Farmana in Haryana; Alamgirpur, Sanauli and Hulas in Uttar Pradesh; and Kalibangan in Rajasthan.
                    Discovery of Khirsara

                    How did the ASI’s excavation branch at Vadodara discover Khirsara? Since most Harappan sites were situated in northern or eastern Kutch, not much was known about the Indus civilisation in western Kutch. Desalpur was the only site excavated there, a minor excavation in the early 1960s. “So we were searching for a Harappan site in western Kutch,” said Jitendra Nath. The Gujarat State Archaeology Department had explored Khirsara in the 1970s, but only a brief report was available on it.
                    Jitendra Nath’s keen eye, backed by his years of excavation at Taradih in Bodh Gaya, Athirampakkam near Chennai, Ummichipoyil in Kerala, and in other places, came into play. “When we came here, we saw so much of Harappan pottery, along with artefacts such as shell bangles and stone-beads scattered over the surface,” he said. “Then we looked at the site and found it almost intact. We did not have such a big site in western Kutch before. Desalpur was the only other Harappan site in western Kutch.” But Desalpur was excavated for only one season and not much was known about it.
                    So Jitendra Nath and his team did a survey of Khirsara in 2009 and began excavation in December that year. The ASI team exposed the inner and outer sides of the fortification and found residential structures along the inner side of the fortification.
                    In the second year (season) of excavation, the team unearthed the citadel and went on to locate the factory area where it found evidence of a lot of industrial activity, including shell-working. There was tell-tale evidence of bead-making. A variety of beads made of copper, shell and terracotta, and semi-precious stones were found in abundance. Copper objects, including needles, knives, fish hooks, arrowheads and weights were found. What is puzzling is that no copper figurines of animals, as found in other sites, were found here.
                    When the ASI team dug up a mound, it encountered evidence of a five-metre-deep structure, going back to 2600 BCE. This earliest structure was made of stones with mud bricks used in between.
                    In the third year, the team excavated the residential complex in the citadel. The citadel was strategically located adjacent to the warehouse and the factory site in such a manner that the elite class might exercise full control over the manufacturing and trading activities. A five-metre-broad pathway led from the citadel to the industrial complex. The citadel complex was 90 metres by 90 metres and about a hundred people could have lived there. There were interconnected rooms, door sills, hearths, and so on. The houses had bathrooms with an outlet for water to flow. Streets inside the citadel were rammed with clay and household waste such as potsherds, bones, shell debitage and grits. A pot burial, containing charred bones and ash kept inside a circular hearth, was found inside a room. The ASI is yet to excavate a large area of the residential complex, but it may do so in the next season.
                    Bipin Negi, Assistant Archaeologist, ASI, pointed to the perfect manner in which the fortification wall around the citadel was built and how it had withstood the ravages of time. It is a tall, sloping wall, several metres in height. “This citadel wall is much broader than the general fortification wall. It is set in mud mortar, which is sticky clay. The wall has been standing for 4,600 years,” said Negi.
                    As we went around the trenches that had exposed the industrial-cum-residential complex, Kumaran explained how it had been identified as a factory site. “We have found furnaces and a tandoor. There is evidence of copper-working and ash. We have found huge quantities of steatite beads and some seals made of steatite. From all this evidence, we have identified it as a fortified factory site.” He led us to the entrance of the fortification wall of the industrial-cum-residential complex. The entrance was in the south. Akin to other Harappan sites, there were large limestone slabs at the entrance; the slabs obviously served as doormats. There were a couple of small guard rooms adjacent to the entrance. Residences inside the industrial complex, too, had stone slabs at the entrance. There were bathrooms, with sloping slabs used on the floor for water to flow into covered outlets. The outlets led into the drains in the street.
                    To the sheer delight of the ASI team, the warehouse came into view when they excavated the north-east corner of the site last year. Excavation of the warehouse, which has continued this year, has revealed it to be a massive structure with 14 parallel walls. Jitendra Nath said, “It must have been a multipurpose warehouse for storing goods meant for export and grains. A warehouse is a rare type of structure found in a few Harappan sites. It indicates a state of surplus economy and is a sign of prosperity. You build such structures for storing goods for export or goods that have been imported.” The parallel walls supported a superstructure made of wood and daub and goods were stored in the superstructure. The pathways between the parallel walls were air ducts to keep the goods fresh. The entrance had a series of guard rooms adjacent to it. The ASI found grains in the warehouse and samples of these grains have been sent to Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany, Lucknow, for investigation and identification.
                    Potters’ kiln 

                    Situated on the outer side of the general fortification wall, the potters’ kiln is a bit of an engineering marvel. Negi pointed out that its fire chamber had been cut out of both bedrock and earth, and a dome sat on the fire chamber. The freshly made pots were arranged inside the dome and a passage led to the fire chamber. It was through the passage that the burning logs were pushed inside the fire chamber. The circular wall of the fire chamber had holes for air circulation and oxygenation. The burning logs generated heat of about 500 Celsius and the pots were baked.
                    The ASI has not located the reservoirs which would have supplied water to the Harappan settlement at Khirsara. Jitendra Nath said, “Maybe, when we excavate more, we will find water bodies. The western half of the site has not been excavated yet. We have been concentrating mostly on the eastern half. We may dig the western half next year.” Kumaran was hopeful about the “possibility” of the existence of a reservoir because “we have found drains at a depth of 1.5 metres and paved stone flooring. It was not for carrying sullage.” There was also a rock-cut well in the residential quarters within the citadel. There were chances of encountering a reservoir if the excavation continued for two or three years. Jitendra Nath was confident that “a complete picture of the site will emerge only when we excavate more and more”.
                    Printable version | May 31, 2016 7:21:58 AM | http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/discovering-khirsaras-harappan-glory/article4794614.ece

                    River Saraswati Myth or Reality ?

                    Discussion in 'Hindu' started by garry420, May 8, 2015.

                    1. In March- April 2015, Haryana government announced to start the excavation of the mythical Saraswati river from Adi Badri, the point from where it is said to have originated. The team working on reviving the Saraswati River in Yamunanagar district found strong water current on reaching a depth of seven-feet today. Haryana assembly Speaker Kanwar Pal in April 2015 inaugurated the excavation work on the Rs 50-crore 'Saraswati Revival Project' at Rolaheri village in Yamunanagar district. Scientists got an inkling of the presence of the Saraswati two decades ago, when satellite photographs showed presence of underground water around Jaisalmer and its flow had a definite pattern. When they tallied scientific data with the ancient literature, they were convinced about the existence of Saraswati. There are indications that these channels were formed by the river Saraswati, that is mentioned in the‪ RigVeda ‬and as well as in the‪ Mahabharata‬.

                      ✹ HOW WAS RIVER SARASWATI RE-DISCOVERED? (Article Taken from Educators' Society for Heritage of India)
                      The modern quest for the Sarasvati began in the 1970s when American satellite images showed traces of water channels in northern and western India that had disappeared long ago. Thereafter, Dr. Vakankar together with Moropant Pingle established the invisible river’s route through satellite imagery and archaeological sites along its route. The Sarasvati project was vetted and cleared by eminent archaeologists and geologists, and an earnest search for the lost river launched in 1982.

                      For instance, in 1995, scientists of the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (‪BARC‬) found that water was available in the Rajasthan desert at depths of merely 50 to 60 metres, as a result of which agriculture was possible even in the extreme summer months. The Central Arid Zone Research Institute (‪#‎CAZRI‬),‪#‎Jodhpur‬, mapped the defunct course of a river through satellite and aerial photographs and field studies. In fact, satellite imagery has given the river scientific teeth. It seems to have originated in Kailash Mansarovar and emerged on the plains from the Shiwalik Hills at the foothills of the Himalayas in Himachal Pradesh, flowed through the Ghaggar valley in‪#‎Haryana‬ and the Rajasthan desert, on to Hakra in the Cholistan desert (Sindh, Pakistan), before reaching the Rann of Kutch through the Nara Valley and falling off into the Arabian Sea.

                      Since the Ghaggar Valley is eight to twelve kilometers wide at many places, it is obvious the‪#‎Sarasvati‬ was truly a great river. Earthquakes and floods changed the course of the Ghaggar and its tributaries frequently, and satellite imagery together with ground morphological studies confirm that it too originated in the Siwalik Himalayas before flowing into the Arabian Sea. This was the ‘lost’ Sarasvati. Scientific studies suggest it dried up around 2000 BC, which makes it a contemporary of the Saraswati-Sindhu civilization, and gives the Rig Veda a greater antiquity than previously suspected, as the Sarasvati was a powerful river when the seers composed the Vedic mantra-s.

                      After Dr. Wakankar’s demise in 1996, the‪ ‎Vedic_Sarasvati_Nadi_Shodh_Pratishthaan‬, Jodhpur (regd.) continued the project, by roping in the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO), whose chairman Dr. Kasturi Rangan and Regional Remote Sensing Services Centre (RRSSC) director Dr. J.R. Sharma displayed a gratifying interest in the project. The Jodhpur RRSSC conducted three major scientific seminars on the subject and analyzed satellite images of IRS 1-century, thus mapping the entire coarse from‪ Kailash Mansarovar To Gujarat‬.
                      Meanwhile, after the Pokharan blasts on 11 May 1998, the Isotope Division of the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) led by Dr. S.L. Rao took water samples from 800 deep wells within a radius of 250 kms. of Pokharan. Their findings, published in Current Science, showed there was no nuclear contamination of the ground-waters. Normally, when a neutron or hydrogen bomb implodes (3 bombs were imploded), huge amounts of tritium (an isotope of hydrogen H3) are released. Yet the tests showed very small traces of tritium, which are normally found in any body of water together with H2O, a tribute to the meticulous care with which Indian scientists conducted the tests.
                      BARC also made some amazing discoveries. First, the waters tested were potable; second, they derived from‪ Himalayan‬glaciers; third, they were between 8000 to 14000 years old; and finally, the waters were being slowly recharged through aquifers from somewhere in the north despite the fact that records showed only very scanty rainfall in the semi-arid region of Marusthali. BARC thus confirmed ISRO findings about the river, and this was unintended fallout of Pokharan!

                      Archaeologists from the‪ Shimla‬Circle did excellent work in 2003-2004, reporting three sites and a Buddha vihara in Adi Badri alone. Dr. Vijay Mohan Kumar Puri, an expert on Himalayan glaciers, reported finds of metamorphic rocks on the terraces created by Himalayan glacial River Sarasvati and proved that Adi Badri was the site where the river entered the plains from its Himalayan home.‪ Adi_Badri‬is just 20 kms. from Jagadhri (Yamuna Nagar) and 70 kms. from Dehradun (Paonta Saheb) or Kurukshetra. Further, Dr. Puri proved the origins of Sarasvati from Rupin-Supin glaciers north of Paonta Saheb, where a Yamuna tear occurred on account of plate tectonics and caused a lateral shift of the Shiwalik ranges and consequent eastward migration of the Yamuna, a tributary of Sarasvati, taking the Sarasvati waters to join the Ganga at Prayag and create the Triveni Sangam.

                      These excavations proved that Adi Badri was the spot where a Himalayan glacial river entered the plains. The Sarasvati originated from the Svargarohini glacier mountain. Already the revived river has reached upto Danan in Barmer, Rajasthan, and will reach the Rann of Kutch in a few years. Plans are already afoot to take it upto the Sabarmati with S'arada (Mahakali-Karnali) river glacial runoffs. Given the magnitude of the findings, scholars like Dr. Karan Singh and Dr. Kasturi Rangan suggested the Ministry for Culture examine the Vedic texts and the work done by ISRO to prove the course of the River Sarasvati.
                      -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                      ✹‪ REBIRTH‬ OF RIVER SARASVATI AND NATIONAL WATER GRID Projects related to the re-discovery of Vedic River Sarasvati have been transformed as projects to revive the great river to fulfill the water supply needs of 20 crore people in Northwest India and to make the‪ Thar_desert‬ fertile again. These projects have also led to the demand for a National Water Grid to make every river of India a perennial river and provide water for everyone, for generations to come.
                      Dr. D.K. Chaddha, Chairman, Central Groundwater Authority, Union Ministry of Water Resources, validated BARC findings of potable water 30 to 60 m. below the ground, through ground morphological studies. A Rs. five crore Sarasvati Project was sanctioned to drill test tubewells along the identified course. ISRO locatedthe test sites on the basis of a palaeo-channel (old course) shown in satellite images; the existence of a tectonic fault line; and the proximity to an archaeological site.

                      Dr. S. Kalyanaraman, director, Sarasvati Nadi Shodh Prakalp, author of a seven-volume encyclopedic study of the river, pointed out that there are over 2,000 archaeological sites along the banks of the Sarasvati as compared to only 600 on the banks of Sindhu. The sites identified by ISRO were drilled in 25 places, with special drilling equipment from Japan, in order to precisely position the drills based on latitude and longitude data provided on toposheets. Barring one drilling due to faulty positioning of the drill, all explorations were successful and yielded sustainable tube wells at a depth of merely 30 to 60 meters, with potable water. Dr. K.R. Srinivasan, Director, Central Groundwater Board, explained in a detailed monograph that it was possible to create one million sustainable tube wells in central Rajasthan alone of the Sarasvati River basin, a project taken up by the state Government.

                      Sustainability of these tube wells necessitates a recharge through the surface waters of the Rajasthan Canal, which is being extended into Gujarat. In turn, Gujarat will share some Narmada waters with Rajasthan. It is an irony that while Punjab and Haryana dispute over the Sutlej-Yamuna link canal (SYL), Punjab has been forced to release waters into the Sarasvati Mahaanadi Roopaa Nahar in order to save the dams which are located on fault-lines criss-crossing the entire Sutlej-Beas river basin, on account of ongoing plate tectonic activity. Thus, waters are flowing in the 40 feet wide, 12 feet deep Sarasvati nahar, causing the sand dunes to disappear as the banks of the reborn Sarasvati are greened by forests! Nearly 10 lakh acres of land has already been brought under cultivation.

                      At present, State Governments are showing more interest in the Sarasvati than the Centre. In October 2004, a Sarasvati Sarovar in Haryana was dedicated to the nation, and on Karthik Purnima the following month itself, more than two lakh pilgrims took a sacred dip in the waters of the 83 m. long, 83 m. wide and 11 ft. deep Sarovar. The waters were harvested through eleven check dams, an example of water-shed management and also ecological conservation of forests, apart from the development of a Vedic herbal garden.
                    2. As of now, it will take about two years for the waters of the Sarasvati to reach Gujarat. The interlinking of rivers as part of the National Water Grid is also presently left mainly to the initiative of State Governments, as witnessed in the moves to start Kali-Parbati Sindh-Chambal and Ken-Betwa link projects. A revivified Sarasvati has the power to magically transform the face of north-western India. The river will flow up to Sabarmati (Ahmedabad) river once the Mahakali-Karnali-Sharada waters are transported across an aqueduct over the Yamuna and linked with the Sarasvati.

                      President Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam has expressed interest in the potential this heritage river has to revive the regions through which it will flow. After visiting the Sarasvati Darshan Exhibition at Jagadhri, Yamuna Nagar, on 20 April 2003, Dr. Abdul Kalam invited experts associated with the project to make a presentation regarding the archaeological artifacts recovered from various digs as well as the findings through satellite images. A delegation led by Dr. S. Kalyanaraman explained how scientific investigations proved the historical existence of the river. The Sarasvati springs from Himalayan glaciers in Har-ki-dun in Uttaranchal and emerges at Adi Badri, a sacred spot 30 km. north of Jagadhri, through the foothills of the Shiwalik ranges. About 5000 years ago, the river traversed a distance of over 1600 km., through Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan and Gujarat, to reach Sindhu Sagara at Prabhas Patan (Somnath), as asserted in the Mahabharata and other ancient texts. Then, around 3500 years ago, tectonic changes caused river-migration and the desiccation of the river, which has been convincingly established through satellite image analyses, geo-morphological studies, BARC findings based on tritium analysis of ground-water resources in the Sarasvati River Basin in the Rajasthan Marusthali desert, which will support construction of over one million tube-wells for potable water after recharging the groundwater aquifers using surface channels of the reborn river. This is a $120 billion project that is part of the proposed National Water Grid.

                      Thus, what began as a historical quest for a supposedly mythical river has materialized as a reality with the potential to transform the lives of peoples along its route, once again, as in the past. The Sarasvati can make the water-starved north-west fertile and transform the desert into verdant pastures, as the Rajasthan Canal draws waters of the Sutlej and Beas from the Harike Reservoir and takes them up to Danan in Barmer district. The foundation tower at Mohangarh (55 km. west of Jaisalmer) calls the 40 feet wide channel Sarasvati Mahanadi Roopa Nahar, because the Sutlej was originally its tributary.

                      The National Water Development Agency plans to extend this canal up to the Rann of Kutch and the Sabarmati by adding Sharada waters through an aqueduct across the Yamuna, thereby creating a National Water Grid. Thus, waters from Mansarovar can reach Sabarmati by constructing a 200 km. channel.

                      Notes and References:
                      The Hindu
                      Tribune India
                      indiaenvironmentportal.org.in
                      eshiusa.org
                      iisc.ernet.in
                      via: Ancient Indian Scientific Knowledge Forum
                       

                    3. Slap on those faces who oppose and have doubt about the holy Saraswati river existence n spread d false.
                      Aryan Invasion Theory is a hoax.

                      upload_2015-5-10_19-2-0.png
                    4. http://www.thehinduforum.com/threads/river-saraswati-myth-or-reality.529/

                    Sitaram Yechury -- Akshaya Mukul. A case study on a Congi Chamcha

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                    May 31 2016 : The Times of India (Chennai)
                    Yechury in line of politburo fire for poll pact with Cong
                    New Delhi:
                    . TNN
                    
                    
                    CPM politburo meeting that ended on Monday witnessed fireworks with members opposed to alliance with Congress in West Bengal launching a scathing attack on general secretary Sitaram Yechury and others for “violating central committee's decision that had rejected state committee's demand for alliance with Congress“ in February .A senior leader said, “The mood in the meeting was very tense.“ A PB member said, “In February CC had said there cannot be any truck with Congress.We do not consider Congress or BJP as democratic parties.They are parties of the ruling class.“
                    He said despite clear rejection by CC, state committee went ahead and had electoral alliance with Congress. Intervention by CC at that point could have precipitated a crisis, sources said. Party's press communique also articulated the same point in no uncertain terms.“The electoral tactics evolved in Bengal was not in consonance with the CC decision based on the political-tactical line of the party which states that there shall be no alliance or understanding with Congress party ,“ press communique said.

                    'Give VS position in Kerala govt'

                    To assuage VS Achuthanandan, the face of CPM in the Kerala assembly election, the politburo has asked Kerala government to give him some position that will ensure an official house and other facilities. “It can either be head of a commission or chairperson of some committee,“ a senior party member said.

                    http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Article.aspx?eid=31807&articlexml=Yechury-in-line-of-politburo-fire-for-poll-31052016008013

                    Ishrat Trail -- MHA, find the rats that hatched the conspiracy -- Ravinar

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                    Bosses dont leave evidences.. MHA must find the "Rats" that hatched the conspiracy... \MONDAY, MAY 30, 2016

                    Ishrat Trail


                    Mafia Bosses are never known to transact any illegal activity in writing. This is the reason Al Capone had to be convicted for income tax frauds and not for mass-murders or bootlegging. This is also true for many other Mafia Bosses in the US who could escape law for long periods for lack of evidence. Many convictions were accomplished through Mafia foot-soldiers who turned approvers, became “Rats” and spilled the beans on their Bosses. They may not be the typical Mafia but are stupid enough to expect any kind of Boss or Super-Boss to put down instructions for conspiracies, crimes or misdeeds in writing? The Congis think Indians are stupid enough to swallow that nonsense.

                    The trick is quite obvious. The trick is cleverly engineered. Some Congi poodle and bootlicker files an RTI application with the Home Ministry to know if the MHA has any record to prove Sonia Gandhiinterfered with the affidavits on Ishrat Jahan (The LeT operative who is popular as Bihar Ki Betiwith Sickulars). And there’s a terse reply from a Deputy Secretary in the MHA which reads as under (See Economic Times):

                    In his May 23 reply on behalf of the home ministry, deputy secretary in the ministry S.K. Chhikara “In this regard it is informed that the information sought by you (Poonawalla) is not available in the offices of which the undersigned is the CPIO”.

                    What was this duffer Poonawalla or Congis expecting? That SoniaG would type out or scribble a note to MMS to instruct P. Chidamabaram as follows?

                    Laughable! Even the worst idiot in India (If someone can actually be worse than RahulG on that count) knows that SoniaG was the ultimate Boss in the Congress-UPA govt. Not a leaf on any major issue would move without SoniaG’s nod. Major policies were in fact made by her coterie that made up the infamous NAC. HM Rajnath Singh has to be expected to monitor what reply flows out from his ministry on critical cases that have compromised National Security. Even Arun Jaitley is on record stating UPA was involved in “Anti-national” activities. I am reminded of the famous words of Deep Throat to Bob Woodward in the Watergate scandal:

                    This is what ModiSarkar needs to do – Work from the outer edges and get to the core. That’s how WoodStein got to Nixon in the Watergate crimes. The only foolish thing Nixon did was he kept tapes of all conversations in the White House. A practice he himself started. I don’t think the Congress was that dumb to keep such records. It is a known fact that many files commuted from 7RCR to 10JP for review and approval. We have had many problems with past PMs but at no time in our history was the PMO reduced to a mere poodle to a Super-Boss. Therein lies the key to the Ishrat Jahan case and the plot to eliminate Narendra Modi.

                    Take a case-study from the movie “A few good men” where Jack Nicholson (Col. Nathan Jessop) has ordered a “Code Red” to kill a worthless Marine, in his opinion, of the US Army under his command. Obviously, the Boss is not going to leave a written record or any kind of evidence that he ordered the murder. You have to work from the outer edges through the foot-soldiers to get a confession of the crime. You have to get “Approvers” to testify against the Boss! Watch this video from that movie (2.38 mins):


                    “You can’t handle the Truth. 
                    Especially Congis cannot!”

                    Yes, indeed! Many cannot handle the truth that the Congress wanted to screw Narendra Modi and Amit Shah and eliminate them from the political spectrum. This, so that they could happily ride to another cobbled and hobbled victory in LS2014. Unfortunately, the best laid plans can go wrong. It’s nature’s law. People saw through the hate-crimes of Congress and their bootlickers in the media and sympathy and respect for NaMo grew dramatically. They overwhelmingly voted for NaMo. I have always believed the Congress is an enemy of this country and must die for India to progress. Congress is a hindrance to this great country and a nagging nuisance at best. A party that still thinks RahulG is fit to be party president needs an asylum not our votes. This RTI application is a clever trick to get SoniaG distanced from the Ishrat trail and put only others in the dock. Here is what the ET article headlined and wrote:

                    Did the reply to the silly RTI application say anything like that? No Proof? No, it did not say anything like that but that’s how Congress and their slobbering media morons want to imply it. Not everyone is dumb like Pappu. The Deputy Secretary just said the information being sought is not available. His reply is politically correct but equally dumb. This is where a senior minister like Rajnath Singh must keep tabs on very critical cases. A better and prudent reply to that stupid RTI application would be:

                    Sir, this is a matter of ongoing investigation and at this point of time we cannot confirm or deny

                    That is where ModiSarkar is screwing up. The Ishrat conspiracy against Modi and others simply cannot be the handiwork of Little PC. He could have been one of the "Ideators" though. And poor MMS is not even capable of thinking up such nonsense although he is politically clever. The conspiracy against Modi and others had to come right from the top. As simple as that. Rajnath Singh even told Arnab in a recent interview on May 28 that the Ishrat case is under investigation and he would not like to hinder it by commenting on it. Why should a Deputy Secretary in his ministry say anything different?

                    I am confident that the Ishrat conspiracy will be established with proof and “Approvers”. ModiSarkar must just show the guts to find the “Rats” and make them sing on the Ishrat trail. Grant immunity to such Rats. We will know where and who it will lead to.  


                    16 comments:

                    1. Hope Modi and Rajnath read this. And hope more and more Indians read this.
                      Reply
                    2. Grant immunity to rats and get to the top...is an excellent suggestion
                      Reply
                    3. Better still, $onia shud have penned the following 'leave' letter.

                      Dear Manmohanji,
                      As I'm suffering from (Modi) fever I request you to grant 'leave' for Modi.

                      Thanking you,
                      $onia

                      Reply
                    4. This comment has been removed by the author.
                      Reply
                    5. Sometimes I wonder is the BJP so stupid to let go of the rats and big criminals ?
                      Admin inside home ministry finance and PMO needs tightening up - why are documents not canned and saved in secure servers to prevent losses that are now common in India 
                      Key files needs to be saved in soft copies for archiving decision making in govt

                      Reply
                    6. I think Modi Sarkar is opting for first political death of Congress then fringes will turn approves
                      Reply
                    7. HM and FM think they are parallel PMs and assume extra constitutional powers. Actually both are detrimental to PM
                      Reply
                    8. NaMo and his team shud build up lot of courage to hit the nail in the coffin of Congress which it richly deserves. The country shud be freed of this party which is unbelievably corrupt and encourages sychophancy to the core
                      Reply
                    9. The attack on African nationals is a new scam being brewed by media and certain political parties to target bjp. The scamsters are not even worried about attacks on indian nationals settled in africa getting targeted because of these people penchant for creating news where non exists. Need strong laws against media for creating mischief and pressitituting.
                      Reply
                    10. The deputy secretary who replied that way was possibly supplied with the reply he should give as the CPIO for the RTI. The news tabloid perhaps was prepared before the purported RTI reply was received.In certain quarters it is surmised that the FM/HM are lukewarm in certain issues that perturbs PM and Shah.To hit the nail in the coffin of Congress which it richly deserves is very difficult for MODI as Subramaniam Swamy only can help through a conviction he may get from the courts.However, as Modi rightly says development of the country is paramount than settling the prejudices.Revenge can boomerang with the hostile and vile media siding the opposite.
                      Reply
                    11. क्या आशा करें कि श्री राजनाथसिंह के कान पर जूँ रेंगेगी।
                      हिंन्दू शासक निर्बुद्ध व अक्षम होते हैं इस मिथ को सर्वथा झूठा सिद्ध करें तो प्रत्येक देशप्रेमी /हिंदू को गर्व ही होगा!

                      Reply
                    12. Very good. And I love the RahulG, SoniaG expressions which I have been using not to give them the credit for the surname they illegitimately claim! Thank you.
                      Reply
                    13. All the ministries work thru their secretaries & its obvious even today more than 60% are wedded to congress for obvious reasons. Namo must ensure screening of these babus as top priority.
                      Reply
                    14. "a few good men" was a great movie, a similar movie (kind of copied) was made in hindi called shaurya. you should watch it
                      Reply
                    15. It will be foolish to expect that Modi can really take Pappu and Momma to jail. BJP itself is full of traitors, either from congress or helping congress. The first act would be to clean up BJP itself. I am not sure whether Modi had option or not, but he had to take AJ as trouble shooter at Delhi. What we have AJ helping congis at every step. He is kind of openly leaked black money news. Rajnath too was part of Dirty 6. 
                      Ishart, Smajauta etc are highly subjective. It is nearly impossible convict some political persons in these cases. Even building a public perception over them is not useful in great way. At the most they are good enough to put pressure.
                      I believe Modi chose Augusta and other defense deals to pin down the family. Parikkar replaced AJ for a silent job on this. They wait has paid off, it came out with bing bang as soon as the Italian court convicted bribe givers. The entire matter was handled by Parikkar and NOT AJ. No selective leaks but continuous hammering in Media and then in both houses. I am sure AP will be arrested at the earliest.

                      Reply
                    16. They are bandicoots . They must be totally destroyed once and for all.Namo should be made aware of this matter urgently. Also the shakunis and Ettaiappas must be ferreted out even if intelligence sources have to trail them.God save our motherland.
                      Reply
                    http://www.mediacrooks.com/2016/05/ishrat-trail.html#.V00CMJF97IU

                    Prima donna SoniaG calls NaMo Shahenshah. BJP deplores, refers to Shehzada culture of Congi running the country 'like its fiefdom'

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                    Benami London home: Subramanian Swamy asks ED to expedite probe against Robert Vadra

                    Last Updated: Tuesday, May 31, 2016 - 15:25

                    Benami London home: Subramanian Swamy asks ED to expedite probe against Robert VadraBeijing: BJP MP Subramanian Swamy on Tuesday asked the Enforcement Directorate (ED) to speed up the inquiry against Robert Vadra over allegations that he has acquired a "benami" property in London.

                    "I think the case is already under investigation by the ED and it is only a matter of time before a case is registered for summoning of Vadra", Swamy, who is here while on his way to Kailash Manasarovar yatra in Tibet, said.
                    "There is no doubt Vadra has property in London through benaamis," he said referring to reports in the media today that the government has begun a new investigation against Vadra to determine if a controversial arms dealer bought a "benami" or proxy-owned mansion in London for him in 2009.
                    Vadra's legal firm has denied that he owned the London property directly or indirectly. It also denied Vadra has any business ties with an arms dealer or his aide.
                    PTI
                    First Published: Tuesday, May 31, 2016 - 15:25

                    http://zeenews.india.com/news/india/benami-london-home-subramanian-swamy-asks-ed-to-expedite-probe-against-robert-vadra_1890451.html


                    'Robert Vadra's home' in UK: Sonia Gandhi dares govt to launch probe

                    | TNN | 
                    NEW DELHI: Congress president Sonia Gandhi on Tuesday dared the Modi government to launch a probe into the alleged links of her son-in-law Robert Vadrawith arms dealer Sanjay Bhandari.

                    "Everyday they are coming up with some allegations. It is a conspiracy. It's a part of Congress-mukta Bharat agenda" Sonia told reporters in Rae Bareli.

                    "If there is even an iota of truth in the allegations (levelled on the Congress), then a neutral and fair probe should be constituted, so that the real picture can come to the fore (doodh ka doodh aur paani ka paani ho jaayegaa)," Sonia said amidst loud cheers from her party workers, who had assembled for the inauguration of a new nagar panchayat building in Dalmau, located almost 30 kilometres from the Rae Bareli district headquarters.

                    "I've never seen anything like this, Modiji is a PM and not a shehenshah(king)," Sonia said when asked about Modi government's celebration of its completing two years in power.

                    Sharpening her attack on the Centre, the Rae Bareli MP said, "At a time when the country is staring at drought, poverty and the farmers are worried, this type of show is not right and totally uncalled for."

                    A probe by the income tax department into the transactions of arms dealer Sanjay Bhandari has trained the spotlight on his alleged links with Robert Vadra , especially with regard to the ownership of a house in central London.

                    Sources said papers seized by the I-T department during searches last month on Bhandari's premises revealed a trail of emails between Vadra and his assistant on the one hand and the arms dealer's aide Sumit Chadha on the other regarding the purchase of the London house for approximately Rs 19 crore in 2009. There are emails also regarding renovation work carried out on the property before it was sold in June 2010. Responding to TOI's queries, Vadra's legal firm denied that he owned the London property directly or indirectly. It also denied Vadra had any business ties with Bhandari or Chadha. Our clients wish to categorically and unquivocally state that they do not own, directly or indi rectly, any house described by you as House No.12, Ellerton House, Bryanston Square, London," Robert Vadra's legal firm said.

                    The firm's response steered clear of spelling out whether Bhandari and Chadha were known to Vadra but strongly denied they had business ties. "Our clients have no business relations with Sanjay Bhandari. Our clients further state that they have not entered into any transaction of a financial nature with Sanjay Bhandari or Chadha," the law firm said even as it alleged that its "clients are being made targets of an unjustified persecution and witch-hunt by false leakages by the government".

                    Sources expect more details on Vadra's alleged equations with Bhandari to emerge as the probe against the defence dealer gathers momentum.

                    Bhandari, known for his connections across the influence spectrum and with a rising reputation as a middleman, came under the I-T department's scanner in connection with the probe launched in 2015 against shell companies which created fake entries to route black money to political parties and passed off illicit contributions as legitimate ones.

                    Sources said the I-T department had gathered enough evidence to launch Bhandari's prosecution for tax evasion -something which will provide the basis for the Enforcement Directorate to probe him for alleged money laundering under the tough Prevention of Money Laundering Act. The PR firm engaged by Bhandari did not respond to questions from TOI when contacted.



                    Vadra has been mired in controversies since his controversial land deals in Haryana and Rajasthan, transacted when Congress was in power in the two states, came to light before the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, giving BJP campaign fodder. The spotlight on his equations with Bhandari comes in the immediate aftermath of the verdict of an Italian court confirming that AgustaWestland had paid kickbacks during the UPA government's tenure to swing the order for 12 choppers for India's VVIP squadron.



                    The suggestion of a fresh scam involving Vadra should inconvenience Congress also because of its timing, it comes just after the fresh evidence, in the form of defeats in assembly polls earlier this month, of its steady diminution.

                    Latest Comment

                    Sonia has gone mad seeing herself and Vadra going to JailVirat Sharma



                    Read this story in Marathi.


                    (With inputs from agencies


                    I-T probe into arms dealer unearths 'Vadra home' in UK

                    New Delhi: A probe by the income tax department into the transactions of arms dealer Sanjay Bhandari has trained the spotlight on his alleged links with Congress chief Sonia Gandhi's son-in-law Robert Vadra, especially with regard to the ownership of a house in central London.

                    Sources said papers seized by the I-T department during searches last month on Bhandari's premises revealed a trail of emails between Vadra and his assistant on the one hand and the arms dealer's aide Sumit Chadha on the other regarding the purchase of the London house for approximately Rs 19 crore in 2009. There are emails also regarding renovation work carried out on the property before it was sold in June 2010. Responding to TOI's queries, Vadra's legal firm denied that he owned the London property directly or indirectly. It also denied Vadra had any business ties with Bhandari or Chadha. Our clients wish to categorically and unquivocally state that they do not own, directly or indi rectly, any house described by you as House No.12, Ellerton House, Bryanston Square, London," Robert Vadra's legal firm said.

                    The firm's response steered clear of spelling out whether Bhandari and Chadha were known to Vadra but strongly denied they had business ties. "Our clients have no business relations with Sanjay Bhandari. Our clients further state that they have not entered into any transaction of a financial nature with Sanjay Bhandari or Chadha," the law firm said even as it alleged that its "clients are being made targets of an unjustified persecution and witch-hunt by false leakages by the government".

                    In a separate response to NDTV , the law firm stressed that Vadra was not aware of Bhandari's involvement in "defence transactions", adding "our clients have scrupulously avoided even being remotely involved in relation to any defence transaction".

                    Sources expect more details on Vadra's alleged equations with Bhandari to emerge as the probe against the defence dealer gathers momentum.

                    Bhandari, known for his connections across the influence spectrum and with a rising reputation as a middleman, came under the I-T department's scanner in connection with the probe launched in 2015 against shell companies which created fake entries to route black money to political parties and passed off illicit contributions as legitimate ones.

                    Sources said the I-T department had gathered enough evidence to launch Bhandari's prosecution for tax evasion -something which will provide the basis for the Enforcement Directorate to probe him for alleged money laundering under the tough Prevention of Money Laundering Act. The PR firm engaged by Bhandari did not respond to questions from TOI when contacted.


                    The matter has, predictably, acquired a political dimension, with Congress alleging witch hunt. "An individual is being systematically prosecuted and hounded time and again, year after year without an iota of evidence," Congress spokesperson Randeep Singh Surjewala said.



                    BJP MP Kirit Somaiya, on the other hand, wrote to the ED on Monday demanding an inquiry into reports that Vadra "proxy-owned" property in London.

                    Top Comment

                    chor khangress looted whole country . shame on you fake gandhi familyAbhishek Lakhotia

                    Vadra has been mired in controversies since his controversial land deals in Haryana and Rajasthan, transacted when Congress was in power in the two states, came to light before the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, giving BJP campaign fodder. The spotlight on his equations with Bhandari comes in the immediate aftermath of the verdict of an Italian court confirming that AgustaWestland had paid kickbacks during the UPA government's tenure to swing the order for 12 choppers for India's VVIP squadron.



                    The suggestion of a fresh scam involving Vadra should inconvenience Congress also because of its timing, it comes just after the fresh evidence, in the form of defeats in assembly polls earlier this month, of its steady diminution.

                    Sonia Gandhi dubs PM Modi 'Shahenshah'; BJP calls her remarks 'deplorable'

                    TNN | 
                    NEW DELHI: Congress president Sonia Gandhi can't digest the fact that Narendra Modi , a humble tea-seller, rose to become Prime Minister, which is why she described him as a "Shahenshah" (emperor), the BJP said on Tuesday.

                    Earlier in the day, Sonia attacked the government over the celebrations being held for the NDA government completing two years and that's when she described the Prime Minister as a "Shahenshah".

                    "I have never seen anything like this. A Prime Minister is there, not a 'Shahenshah'. He is the country's Prime Minister. There is so much poverty in the country. There is drought. Farmers are in trouble. I do not find it appropriate (that government) shows off like this," she told reporters in Rae Bareli.

                    BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra lashed out at the Congress president, saying her remarks were 'absolutely deplorable'.

                    He added that the Congress needs to learn what 'Shahenshah' means, as it is that party that has run the country "like its fiefdom" during its decades long rule.

                    "A 'Shahenshah' is the person who considers this country and the party as their fiefdom. And who other than the Gandhis can be called Shahenshahs. They have been ruling this country as if this country was their fiefdom. Indira Gandhi was responsible for the emergency in this country. That is shehenshah-ism. That is dynasty rule," Patra told ANI.

                    He said the Prime Minister has risen from a humble background to the top post because of his hard work and blessings of the people.


                    "As far as the Prime Minister is concerned, he is a poor man. He is a chaiwala (tea seller) who has risen gradually because of his hard work. Because of the blessings of the people of India he has become the PM of India," Patra said.




                    "When a poor man becomes the PM of the country, it is very difficult for the dynasts to digest it and that is the reason as to why out of frustration Sonia Gandhi and the Congress party are making such kinds of allegations," he added.




                    Echoing similar views, BJP leader Shahnawaz Hussain said that the 'Shahenshah' and 'Shehzada' culture exists in the Congress party, adding that the Prime Minister is the 'pradhan sevak' of the country. He said that instead of congratulating the BJP for itsachievements in the last two-years, the Congress is criticising it.


                    Responding to allegations levelled against her son-in-law Robert Vadra, that a controversial arms dealer bought a 'benami' or proxy-owned mansion in London for him in 2009, Sonia Gandhi earlier said the NDA government is resorting to new accusations everyday to achieve its target of a 'Congress-free India'. She dared the Centre to begin investigating the matter.
                    Published: May 31, 2016 13:54 IST | Updated: May 31, 2016 14:27 IST  

                    Sonia attacks govt over charges against Vadra


                    • PTI

                    File photos of Sonia Gandhi and Robert Vadra
                    The Hindu
                    File photos of Sonia Gandhi and Robert Vadra
                    Congress President Sonia Gandhi today hit back at the government on the charges against her son-in-law Robert Vadra saying it’s a part of a conspiracy of levelling false allegations in its bid for a “Congress- free” India.
                    She dared the government to order an impartial probe if there is something in which she said the truth will come out.
                    On a visit to her Parliamentary constituency, Ms. Gandhi was asked by newsmen on reports citing a probe by Income Tax department into transactions of an arms dealer named Sanjay Bhandari and his links with Mr. Vadra, especially with regard to ownership of a house in central London.
                    “This is a conspiracy for Congress-free country. What is the meaning of Congress-free India. Everyday they make new excuses. They level false charges. If there is something, then there should be an impartial probe. Everything will become clear,” she said.
                    News reports today quoted from purported papers seized by the IT department during searches last month on the arms dealer’s premises that allegedly led to a trail of emails between Mr. Vadra and his assistant on the one hand and the dealer’s aide on the other regarding the purchase of a London house for approximately Rs. 19 crore in 2009 which was subsequently said to have been sold.
                    Mr. Vadra’s legal firm have denied that he owned the London property directly or indirectly. It also denied Mr. Vadra has any business ties with the arms dealer or his aide.
                    Printable version | May 31, 2016 4:09:08 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/sonia-attacks-govt-over-charges-against-vadra/article8671998.ece

                    Remains of rice and mung beans help solve a Madagascan mystery

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                    My comment:

                    The expansion of Austronesians into Madagascar more than 1000 years ago points to the possibility of interaction with India in ancient times by maritime people from the Far East. I have posited a hypothesis of a Maritime Tin Route which linked the largest tin belt of the globe (Mekong delta) with the Bronze Age in ancient India and Ancient Near East. This hypothesis is consistent with a view that Austroasiatic languages evolved from Munda in ancient India.

                    Kalyanaraman

                    Rice remains show when Southeast Asians colonised Madagascar

                    London, May 31 (IANS) Ancient remains of Asian species like rice and mung beans from excavated sites in Madagascar point to the first archaeological evidence that settlers from Southeast Asia might have colonised the island a thousand years ago, says a study.


                    The findings help solve one of the enduring mysteries of the ancient world -- why the inhabitants of Madagascar speak Malagasy, a language otherwise unique to Southeast Asia and the Pacific -- a region located at least 6,000 km away, the researchers said.

                    "Southeast Asians clearly brought crops from their homeland and grew and subsisted on them when they reached Africa ," said Senior Author Nicole Boivin from School of Archaeology at University of Oxford.

                    The findings were published in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

                    Genetic research has confirmed that the inhabitants of Madagascar do indeed share close ancestry with Malaysians, Polynesians, and other speakers of what is classed the Austronesian language family.

                    Until now, however, archaeological evidence of the Austronesian colonisation has been missing.

                    The international research team was able to identify the species of nearly 2,500 ancient plant remains obtained from their excavations at 18 ancient settlement sites in Madagascar, on neighbouring islands and on the eastern African coast.

                    They examined residues obtained from sediments in the archaeological layers, using a system of sieves and water.

                    They looked at whether the earliest crops grown on the sites were African crops or were crops introduced to Africa from elsewhere.

                    They found both types, but noted a distinct pattern, with African crops primarily concentrated on the mainland and the islands closest to the mainland.

                    In Madagascar, in contrast, early subsistence focused on Asian crops. The data suggested an introduction of these crops, both to Madagascar and the neighbouring Comoros Islands, by the eighth and 10th century.

                    "There are a lot of things we still don't understand about Madagascar's past; it remains one of our big enigmas. But what is exciting is that we finally have a way of providing a window into the island's highly mysterious Southeast Asian settlement and distinguishing it from settlements by mainland Africans that we know also happened," Boivin noted.

                    The analyses also suggest that Southeast Asians colonised not only Madagascar but also the nearby islands of the Comoros, because again the crops that grew there were dominated by the same Asian species.
                    By contrast, crops identified on the eastern African coast and near coastal islands like Mafia and Zanzibar were mainly African species like sorghum, pearl millet and baobab.


                    "This took us by surprise. After all, people in the Comoros speak African languages and they don't look like they have Southeast Asian ancestry in the way that populations on Madagascar do," study Lead Author Alison Crowther from University of Queensland, Australia, said.


                    "What was amazing to us was the stark contrast that emerged between the crops on the Eastern African coast and the offshore islands versus those on Madagascar, but also the Comoros," Crowther noted.


                    --IANS

                    Remains of rice and mung beans help solve a Madagascan mystery

                    May 30, 2016
                    Remains of rice and mung beans help solve a Madagascan mystery
                    Crops growing in Madagascar. Credit: Nicole Boivin
                    Researchers have helped solve one of the enduring mysteries of the ancient world: why the inhabitants of Madagascar speak Malagasy, a language otherwise unique to Southeast Asia and the Pacific - a region located at least 6,000 km away. An international research team has identified that ancient crop remains excavated from sites in Madagascar consist of Asian species like rice and mung beans. This is thought to be the first archaeological evidence that settlers from South Asia are likely to have colonised the island over a thousand years ago. The findings are published in the journal, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
                    Genetic research has confirmed that the inhabitants of Madagascar do indeed share close ancestry with Malaysians, Polynesians, and other speakers of what is classed the Austronesian language family. To date, archaeological research has identified human settlements in Madagascar that belong to the first millennium. There are also findings suggesting that Madagascar may have been occupied by hunter-gatherers who probably arrived from Africa by the first or second millennium. Until now, however, of the Austronesian colonisation has been missing. The team were able to identify the species of nearly 2,500 ancient plant  obtained from their excavations at 18 ancient settlement sites in Madagascar, on neighbouring islands and on the eastern African coast. They examined residues obtained from sediments in the archaeological layers, using a system of sieves and water. They looked at whether the earliest  grown on the sites were African crops or were crops introduced to Africa from elsewhere. They found both types, but noted a distinct pattern, with African crops primarily concentrated on the mainland and the islands closest to the mainland. In Madagascar, in contrast, early subsistence focused on Asian crops. The data suggested an introduction of these crops, both to Madagascar and the neighbouring Comoros Islands, by the 8th and 10th century.
                    Senior author Dr Nicole Boivin, from the School of Archaeology at the University of Oxford and Director of the Department of Archaeology at the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, said: "Southeast Asians clearly brought crops from their homeland and grew and subsisted on them when they reached Africa. This means that archaeologists can use crop remains as evidence to provide real material insights into the history of the island. There are a lot of things we still don't understand about Madagascar's past; it remains one of our big enigmas. But what is exciting is that we finally have a way of providing a window into the island's highly mysterious Southeast Asian settlement and distinguishing it from settlements by mainland Africans that we know also happened."
                    Remains of rice and mung beans help solve a Madagascan mystery
                    Residues of plant remains were obtained from sediments in the archaeological layers. Credit: Nicole Boivin
                    The analyses also suggest that Southeast Asians colonised not only Madagascar but also the nearby islands of the Comoros, because again the crops that grew there were dominated by the same Asian species. By contrast, crops identified on the eastern African coast and near coastal islands like Mafia and Zanzibar were mainly African species like sorghum, pearl millet and baobab.
                    Commenting on the Southeast Asian influence in the Comoros, study lead author Dr Alison Crowther, from the University of Queensland, Australia, said: "This took us by surprise. After all, people in the Comoros speak African languages and they don't look like they have Southeast Asian ancestry in the way that populations on Madagascar do. What was amazing to us was the stark contrast that emerged between the crops on the Eastern African coast and the offshore islands versus those on Madagascar, but also the Comoros."
                    Dr Boivin added: "When we started looking more closely into research that has been carried out on Comorian languages, we were able to find numerous esteemed linguists who had argued for the exact thing we seemed to seeing in the Comorian: a settlement by people from Southeast Asia. So we've been able to not only to show for the first time an archaeological signature of Austronesians, we've also shown that it seems to extend beyond Madagascar. This is really exciting, and highlights how much we still have to learn about this fascinating migration."
                    More information: Ancient crops provide first archaeological signature of the westward Austronesian expansion, PNAS,www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1522714113 

                    Remains of rice and mung beans help solve a Madagascan mystery


                    31 May 2016
                    Researchers have helped solve one of the enduring mysteries of the ancient world: why the inhabitants of Madagascar speak Malagasy, a language otherwise unique to Southeast Asia and the Pacific – a region located at least 6,000 km away. An international research team has identified that ancient crop remains excavated from sites in Madagascar consist of Asian species like rice and mung beans. This is thought to be the first archaeological evidence that settlers from South Asia are likely to have colonised the island over a thousand years ago. The findings are published in the journal, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
                    Genetic research has confirmed that the inhabitants of Madagascar do indeed share close ancestry with Malaysians, Polynesians, and other speakers of what is classed the Austronesian language family. To date, archaeological research has identified human settlements in Madagascar that belong to the first millennium. There are also findings suggesting that Madagascar may have been occupied by hunter-gatherers who probably arrived from Africa by the first or second millennium. Until now, however, archaeological evidence of the Austronesian colonisation has been missing. The team were able to identify the species of nearly 2,500 ancient plant remains obtained from their excavations at 18 ancient settlement sites in Madagascar, on neighbouring islands and on the eastern African coast. They examined residues obtained from sediments in the archaeological layers, using a system of sieves and water. They looked at whether the earliest crops grown on the sites were African crops or were crops introduced to Africa from elsewhere. They found both types, but noted a distinct pattern, with African crops primarily concentrated on the mainland and the islands closest to the mainland. In Madagascar, in contrast, early subsistence focused on Asian crops. The data suggested an introduction of these crops, both to Madagascar and the neighbouring Comoros Islands, by the 8th and 10th century.
                    Senior author Dr Nicole Boivin, from the School of Archaeology at the University of Oxford and Director of the Department of Archaeology at the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, said: ‘Southeast Asians clearly brought crops from their homeland and grew and subsisted on them when they reached Africa. This means that archaeologists can use crop remains as evidence to provide real material insights into the history of the island. There are a lot of things we still don’t understand about Madagascar’s past; it remains one of our big enigmas. But what is exciting is that we finally have a way of providing a window into the island’s highly mysterious Southeast Asian settlement and distinguishing it from settlements by mainland Africans that we know also happened.’
                    The analyses also suggest that Southeast Asians colonised not only Madagascar but also the nearby islands of the Comoros, because again the crops that grew there were dominated by the same Asian species. By contrast, crops identified on the eastern African coast and near coastal islands like Mafia and Zanzibar were mainly African species like sorghum, pearl millet and baobab.
                    Commenting on the Southeast Asian influence in the Comoros, study lead author Dr Alison Crowther, from the University of Queensland, Australia, said: ‘This took us by surprise. After all, people in the Comoros speak African languages and they don’t look like they have Southeast Asian ancestry in the way that populations on Madagascar do. What was amazing to us was the stark contrast that emerged between the crops on the Eastern African coast and the offshore islands versus those on Madagascar, but also the Comoros.’
                    Dr Boivin added: ‘When we started looking more closely into research that has been carried out on Comorian languages, we were able to find numerous esteemed linguists who had argued for the exact thing we seemed to seeing in the Comorian archaeological record: a settlement by people from Southeast Asia. So we’ve been able to not only to show for the first time an archaeological signature of Austronesians, we’ve also shown that it seems to extend beyond Madagascar. This is really exciting, and highlights how much we still have to learn about this fascinating migration.’
                    For more information, contact the University of Oxford News Office on +44 (0)1865 280534 or email: news.office@admin.ox.ac.uk
                    Journal Reference:
                    1. Alison Crowther, Leilani Lucas, Richard Helm, Mark Horton, Ceri Shipton, Henry T. Wright, Sarah Walshaw, Matthew Pawlowicz, Chantal Radimilahy, Katerina Douka, Llorenç Picornell-Gelaber, Dorian Q Fuller, and Nicole Boivin.Ancient crops provide first archaeological signature of the westward Austronesian expansionProceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2016

                    Did climate change kill the Indus civilization? -- Arhant Pawariya

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                    Did climate change kill the Indus civilization?
                    Arhant Pawariya May 31, 2016Photo published for Did Climate Change Kill The Indus Civilisation?


                    The Times of India tells us that it’s time to rewrite the history books. New evidence has surfaced which claims that the Indus Valley Civilisation is much older than we initially thought. Even older than the Egyptian and Mesopotamian ones. More than 8,000 years old.
                    The Times of India should be complimented for spotting this valuable research story, published in Scientific Reports, a journal published by Nature publications. Perhaps, it was the first newspaper to cover the story.
                    However, the story has some false claims.
                    First, its not ‘new evidence’. It’s an old study. The authors of the paper themselves have cited Rao, L. S., Sahu, N. B., Sahu, P., Shastry, U. A. & Diwan, S. New light on the excavation of Harappan settlement at Bhirrana. Puratattva 35, 67–75 (2005). 2005, that’s 11 years old news.
                    In fact, their central idea in the paper is about the possibility of a connect between climate, agriculture and subsistence pattern during the Harappan civilization.
                    Also, the claim that scientists have said climate change killed the Indus civilisation is plain wrong. This is not the impression one gets when reading the original research paper. Things are more complicated than that. The authors of the research paper say this in the abstract itself:
                    Our study suggests that other cause like change in subsistence strategy by shifting crop patterns rather than climate change was responsible for Harappan collapse.
                    The research paper, published on 25 May is attributed to Anindya Sarkar, Arati Deshpande Mukherjee, M. K. Bera, B. Das, Navin Juyal, P. Morthekai, R. D. Deshpande, V. S. Shinde, L. S. Rao.
                    Anyway, we will come to the topic of “what caused the downfall of Indus civilisation” (according to the authors) later. First, let’s discuss the finding that’s going viral, courtesy Times of India’s catchy headline.
                    Establishing the antiquity of Harappa Civilisation
                    Based on radiocarbon dating obtained from more than hundred Harappan and nearby sites, Harappan cultural levels have been classified into four phases:
                    - Early Ravi Phase (~5700 years–4800 years Before Present [BP])
                    - Transitional Kot Diji phase (~4800 years–4600 years BP)
                    - Mature phase (~4600 years–3900 years BP)
                    - and Late declining phase (3900 years–3300 years BP).
                    The Indus civilisation evolved from one being representative of pastoral and arable farming to a highly urbanised one which boasted of rich art and culture, a functioning currency system and vibrant trade relations with regions as far as Mesopotamia and Arabia. This prosperous phased was then followed by de-urbanisation and decline.
                    One of the leading experts on Indus Valley, late Gregory Possehl, challenged this conventional chronology and advocated a much older chronology. Based on the spatio-temporal distribution of the archaeological remains spread throughout the subcontinent, the paper says, the time spans of the above four phases were revised (not by them, Times Of India) to ~9000–6300 years BP, 6300–5200 years BP, 5200–3000 years BP and 3000–2500 years BP respectively. Here is the carbon dating evidence that supports this classification.
                    A large number (~70) of conventional and AMS radiocarbon dates indeed support the antiquity of this phase in different parts of the Indus-Ghaggar Hakra river belts viz. Girawad (Pit-23, 6200 years BP), Mithathal (Trench A-1, 8200 years BP), Kalibangan (sample TF-439, 7600 years BP). The recent excavations at Rakhigarhi suggest hitherto unknown largest Harappan settlement in India preserving all the cultural levels including the Hakra phase (sample S-4173, 6400 years BP.
                    The carbon dating of charcoal samples and that of pottery using a technique called Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) reveals:
                    “At Bhirrana the earliest level has provided mean 14C age of 8350 ± 140 years BP (8597 to 8171 years BP). The successive cultural levels at Bhirrana, as deciphered from archeological artefacts along with these 14C ages, are Pre-Harappan Hakra phase (~9500–8000 years BP), Early Harappan (~8000–6500 years BP), Early mature Harappan (~6500–5000 years BP) and mature Harappan (~5000–2800 years BP.)”
                    Bhirrana is a small village in the Fatehabad district of Haryana. Located near the Ghaggar-Hakra river basin, this Harappan site is currently the oldest site of the civilisation and has retained all the cultural levels.
                    How did the scientists confirm the antiquity of the Bhiranna settlement?
                    To check the validity of radiocarbon dates (which already establish that Bhirrana is an 8,000+ years old site) and the antiquity of the settlement, the team of scientists isotopically analysed teeth and bone phosphates excavated from one of the trenches of the settlement. They dated pottery fragments from mature and early mature phases by the OSL method. This is what they found:
                    The pottery at 42 cm, identified as mature Harappan level yielded mean 4800 ± 300 (1σ) years BP age (range 5120 to 4520 year BP) while the pottery from deeper level corresponding to early mature Harappan at 143 cm yielded 5900 ± 250 (1σ) years BP age (range 6185 to 5695 year BP).
                    In the Hakra level (pre-harappan), at 300cm and more depth, the age is found to be 8384 years BP.
                    “Isotope based paleoclimatic information also lends supports to the antiquity of Harappan settlements at Bhirrana,” the scientists claim.
                    (For complete methodology and the explanation of the processes, please read the original research paper.)
                    Did Climate Change lead to the “collapse” of civilisation?
                    First, scientists don’t agree with the assumption that the Indus civilisation suddenly collapsed. The evidence doesn’t support this hypothesis, they say. Why exactly?
                    “Although the collapse of the Harappan as well as several contemporary civilisations like Akkadian (Mesopotamia), Minoan (Crete), Yangtze (China) has been attributed to either weakening of monsoon or pan-Asian aridification (drought events) at ~4100 years BP, the evidence is both contradictory and incomplete. Either the climatic events and cultural levels are asynchronous or the climate change events themselves are regionally diachronous,” they reason.
                    There is no continuous climate record for the particular sites of the civilisation. Plus, the climate reconstructions made for sites like Thar desert or Arabian sea to show a relation between the collapse of Harappa and weakening monsoon cannot give a true representation since these sites are far from the Harappan ones. Climate in those areas could have been influenced by other factors than what might have affected Harappan sites.
                    With the help of isotope base paleoclimatic information, scientists found that the weak monsoon phase existed before 9000 years BP too, Not just in India but throughout Asia. It only intensified from 9000 years BP to 7000 years BP. This intensified monsoon period transformed the Ghaggar-Hakra into mighty rivers. And settlements on their banks became the cradle of civilisation. As the low monsoon phase returned from mature Harappan period onwards, these rivers lost their mojo.
                    Using a simple moisture flux method, the scientists have estimated that the monsoon precipitation during the intensified monsoon period (9000-7000 years BP) was ~100-150 mm higher than today. During the weak monsoon phase (7000 years BP to mature Harappan phase), the mean annual rainfall was similar to present day non-monsoon months. According to another paper published in 2014, this drought phase existed for over 200 years (100 years give and take).
                    This converted the perennial rivers into dry ones. It definitely hurt the civilisation. But it didn’t collapse. People evolved. Settlements survived at most of the sites, including Bhirrana. The Indus civilisation continued to thrive despite weak monsoon phase. So, climate change cannot alone be attributed to the fall of civilisation. Scientists say:
                    It is difficult to point to one single cause that drove the Harappan decline.……..The continued survival of Harappans at Bhirrana suggests adaptation to at least one detrimental factor that is monsoon change.
                    Archeobotanical data suggests that people changed the crop pattern and subsistence strategy. Crop patterns in and around Bhirrana indicate that people shifted from the large-grained cereals like wheat and barley to drought-resistant species of small millets and rice. People moved from large storage system (one of the features of Harappan sites) to an individual household one.
                    This, scientists believe acted as catalyst for the de-urbanisation and later decline of the Harappan civilization. There was no sudden collapse. And multiple factors (agriculture, change in crop pattern etc) other than climate change did the civilisation in.
                    But we shouldn’t ignore the fact that the 200-year drought started this chain of events which culminated in the end of the civilisation. These new findings have major lessons for us. We are still overdependent on monsoon for our agriculture. As far as our water management is concerned, less said the better.
                    Even today, two years of weak monsoons impact the country so adversely. 
                    http://swarajyamag.com/culture/did-climate-change-kill-the-indus-civilisation

                    RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan 'doesn't want extension'. Wishing him all the best in his UChicago tenure from where he is on leave.

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                    RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan 'doesn't want extension'

                    Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan has indicated that he doesn't want to remain in the position after his tenure ends in September, a media report said on Wednesday.
                    Leading Bengali daily Anandabazar Patrika said Rajan had told the central government that once his term ends, he would return to the United States. Quoting sources close to Rajan, the daily said he had plans to join an American university and pursue research on the Indian economy.
                    Rajan recently came under a strong attack from the BJP leader Subramanian Swamy who demanded he be sacked. However, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had indicated that he would want Rajan to continue, the daily said.
                    Several leaders in the BJP have questioned the logic of Swamy's demand. It has been speculated he was being supported by party President Amit Shah.
                    The daily also quoted "informed sources" as saying the Prime Minister had supported a two-year extension for the governor.
                    Rajan also found support in Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley who has told the Prime Minister, according to the daily, that if the Governor is sacked it would send a wrong message around the world.
                    Rajan has also been supported by several industrialists and think tanks around the world who believe that he is one of the finest economists. They have pointed out that Rajan had stuck to the path of reforms ensuring that India moved ahead on a growth trajectory.
                    --IANS
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