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Great Press Enclave Robbery: List of share holders as on 13.09.2011 of AJL

December 12, 2015, 4:06 am
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AJL did not inform us or obtain approval for equity transfer, say shareholders

Written by Maneesh Chhibber , Sandeep Singh | New Delhi | Updated: December 12, 2015 9:23 am
Indira Gandhi, Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Narendra Modi, Gandhi, Shakti Sthal, COngress, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, India photos, India photos today, India news
A number of shareholders of Associated Journals Ltd (AJL) have claimed that the company’s chairman, Motilal Vora, and its directors did not inform them or obtain their approval while deciding to transfer its entire equity to Young Indian Pvt Ltd (YIL) in December 2010.
At least 10 shareholders that The Indian Express spoke to said their approval had not been sought by the management. Vora is also the treasurer of the Congress party.
“This is the first time I am hearing about such a company in which my grandfather had shares. I have no idea what kind of deal was struck. Had a letter or a notice for approval been sent to any of my siblings or at our Allahabad address, I would have been informed,” said former Supreme Court Judge Markandey Katju, whose grandfather Kailash Nath Katju held 131 shares in AJL.
Kailash Nath Katju, incidentally, was one of the original seven shareholders of AJL — they also included Jawaharlal Nehru, P D Tandon and Sri Krishna Dutta Poliwal — with each holding one ordinary share.
Former Congress MP Vishwa Bandhu Gupta, who owns 10 shares in the company, said, “I don’t remember participating in any meeting. Anyway, I have no comment to make on this issue.”
Gupta was one of the directors of AJL, along with Vora and V Dixit. Gutpa’s family owns the Tej newspaper with its office adjacent to the National Herald building in New Delhi.
The list of over 1,000 shareholders of AJL, as on September 30, 2008, included Congress party office-bearers, and a number of people employed in a different professions, mostly from Uttar Pradesh.
Among the shareholders were an assistant manager, a chief chemist, doctors, medical officers, teachers, lawyers, merchants, commission agents, bankers, brokers, talukdars and minor government functionaries.
According to the list, examined by The Indian Express, Abhim Investment (P) Ltd held 100,000 shares in the company. Abhim’s address has been listed as Pratiksha, Plot No 14, 10th Road, Juhu Scheme Mumbai, the same as the residence of actor Amitabh Bachchan.
Mohan Meakin Breweries had 5,000 shares in AJL. When The Indian Express contacted the company seeking comment, a director did not confirm whether the company was approached for approving the deal between AJL and YIL.
Prominent businesswoman Jyotsna Suri, CMD of Bharat Hotels, owned 50,000 shares in AJL.
Some other shareholders are now looking to mount a legal challenge to the acquisition.
Former union law minister, Shanti Bhushan, whose father Vishwamitra owned shares in AJL, said that the deal was questionable.
“I will be talking to my siblings to check if anyone was contacted for seeking approval for the acquisition. We will also apply to get the shares transferred in our name and then become a party to the ongoing case against the Congress leaders,” said Bhushan.
The list also includes the Rattan Deep Trust through its authorised attorney R D Pradhan, a former union home secretary, with a holding of 47,513 shares.
The other listed shareholders were Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha Ghulam Nabi Azad, former Union minister Syed Sibte Razi and the late Madhav Rao Scindia.
Other Congress leaders listed as shareholders include former Congress stalwart Uma Shankar Dikshit, the father-in-law of former Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit, and MP Vijay Darda.
http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/ajl-did-not-inform-us-or-obtain-approval-for-equity-transfer-say-shareholders/99/print/

https://www.scribd.com/doc/293085264/AJL-Share-Holders-List-in-2011-National-Herald-ghotala
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Great Press Enclave Robbery: Why Modi should be willing to sacrifice GST and tell Cong to 'go jump'. Salamn Khushid should be told that criminality is a cognizable offence

December 12, 2015, 5:30 am
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National Herald case: Why Modi should be willing to sacrifice GST and tell Cong to “go jump”

by Dec 12, 2015
The NDA government is in a bind. It is happy to see the Sonia-Rahul duo squirm under the spotlights provided by the National Herald scandal, where the needle of wrongdoing clearly points to them; but the government is also facing another filibuster in Rajya Sabha over key legislative reforms, the goods and services tax (GST) being the most important among them.

While it is obvious to anyone with political IQ that the Congress blockade of the Rajya Sabha is really about providing covering fire and deflect the spotlight away from the Gandhi family's dubious real estate activities, the Congress party yesterday (11 December) claimed the disruptions were about the Vyapam, Lalit Modi and other controversies involving two BJP chief ministers and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj.
]Caught in a scandal? PTICaught in a scandal? PTI
So the chances are the NDA government will buckle under pressure and do backhand deals with the Congress to stop its disruptions. In other words, it will give in to blackmail.

The government would be better advised to call the Congress' bluff. It should under no circumstances help the Congress wriggle out of the National Herald scandal by directly or indirectly pressuring the investigating or prosecuting agencies to go slow. That would be a real subversion of the rule of law.

Narendra Modi should give the Congress a simple message: "Do your worst. We are prepared to sacrifice the GST, and will launch a propaganda campaign to tell the world that the Congress is derailing India to protect one family."

The rapid shift in the Congress stand from disruptions over the Herald case to Vyapam and Lalit Modi shows that the party is vulnerable. The NDA should thus drive home the advantage and allow the Congress to continue with its disruptions and tell the world daily that this is about deflecting attention from the Gandhi family's real estate caper, not Vyapam, which is anyway being investigated by the CBI, and the courts will be monitoring it closely.

The chances are the Congress will blink first. For several reasons.

First, the focus will continue to remain on the Gandhi family's Herald caper. 



Second, disruptions will be seen by the public as evidence that Congress and the Gandhi family have something to hide.

Third, Congress allies will begin to wonder whether they have to play ball just to protect the Gandhis - and the price they will pay for it.

Fourth, the GST is no big loss in the short term as there will only be pain in the first two years of implementation, causing heartburn in the trading community and mild cost-push inflation. It will also reduce state autonomy on finances once it is done. Once states opt in, it will be impossible for them to get out. Sacrificing GST is thus no sweat in the short run. In fact, the chances are the non-Congress parties will tire of the Congress' antics which, they know, is about saving the family. Any prolonged disruption can only benefit the BJP. With state elections due again in a few months' time, the regional parties cannot but be worried about playing the Congress game.

The BJP should, in the meanwhile, prepare to run the reform programme through budgets and the bureaucratic rulebooks - which can be simplified and made to look like reforms.

Legislation may suffer, but not for long. If the BJP is willing to weather this winter of discontent, the Congress will return to the discussion table with its tail between the legs.

Meanwhile, it should assiduously try to divide the Opposition and get them to diss the Congress' tactics.

The BJP should also modify its political goal: it should be Gandhi-mukt Bharat, not Congress-mukt Bharat. The Congress needs to be freed from the clutches of the Gandhi family, not the country from the clutches of the Congress, the party that brought is independence. The control of the country's longest-serving party by one family has done the nation enormous damage and distorted all politics. Time to end it.
http://linkis.com/www.firstpost.com/po/bYKIy
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Fighting corruption which has drained $1.5 trillion out of India will help the economy -- Dr Swamy. NaMo, nationalise kaalaadhan.

December 12, 2015, 6:21 am
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Anti-corruption crusader Subramanian Swamy risks wrecking tax reform | Reuters

by Dec 12, 2015
NEW DELHI Subramanian Swamy, the anti-corruption crusader in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party, has vowed to send opposition leaders Sonia and Rahul Gandhi to jail, denting already faint hopes of political compromise on the key Goods and Services Tax (GST) Bill.
Fresh developments in a three-year-old fraud case brought by Swamy have overshadowed attempts to bridge the political divide in search of an elusive deal that would create a tax union in Asia's third-largest economy.
For Swamy, taking down a dynasty synonymous with the founding of modern India is a bigger immediate priority than passing the GST that has in any case been years in the making.
He says he has the tacit support of Modi, and powerful Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has also voiced his approval.
Swamy, who has said the mother and son deserve to go to jail, told Reuters in an interview that the GST would not help the economy. Fighting corruption, which he says has drained $1.5 trillion out of India, would.
"The cause I am fighting for is far greater because that's where the cancer is," said the 76-year-old Harvard-trained economist and ex-cabinet minister, whose strident Hindu identity politics has attracted a fanatical following.
Swamy met Modi on Thursday and said the prime minister voiced no objections to his case against the Gandhis. Senior aides to Modi say that he sympathised with the case.
"Modi-ji has always wanted to pursue legal cases against the Gandhi family," said one. "This case could end the Gandhi supremacy, and that is good for us."
Modi has tried to undermine the Gandhis since trouncing Congress at the ballot box last year. At the same time, he has pushed for economic reforms, including the GST, which the government says could add up to 2 percentage points to the size of the economy.
In his case, Swamy accuses the Gandhis of fraud, cheating, misappropriation and criminal breach of trust in acquiring the assets of a company that had published the National Herald, a newspaper founded by Rahul's great grandfather Jawaharlal Nehru.
He alleges that, through a series of debt and equity deals, a shell company that Sonia and Rahul controlled acquired property worth about $300 million after paying just $75,000.
The Gandhis deny wrongdoing and allies say the deals caused no financial harm to the Congress party.
SWAMY VS GANDHIS

Irked by Swamy, Congress lawmakers have accused Modi's government of waging a "political vendetta" against the Gandhis. The Rajya Sabha, where Modi needs Congress support to pass the GST, has been disrupted all of this week.
While there are still a few days for GST to be passed and it has been listed for debate next week, the angry mood in Congress and daily protests mean chances of that happening are fading.
Congress national spokesman Sanjay Jha said the political wrangling had "neutralised" Modi's meeting with Sonia Gandhi on Nov. 27, their first since he became prime minister in May 2014, to seek a way forward on the GST.
Swamy, who merged his small political party with Modi's in 2013, is best known for successfully running a legal campaign against the last Congress government over a multi-billion-dollar spectrum-allocation scam.
In a blog post late on Thursday about the case, Jaitley backed Swamy and criticised Congress for disrupting parliamentary business because of it.
"By disrupting democracy, the financial web created by the Congress leaders cannot be undone," he wrote.
A judge had first summoned the Gandhis last year. They appealed to the Delhi High Court, which this week quashed their plea seeking exemption from a personal appearance. The judge hearing the case has opined that it "smacked of criminality".
They have been summoned to appear on Dec. 19, at which they would either face detention or have to post bail, unless the Supreme Court intervenes. Parliament's winter session ends four days later.
Congress says the timing of the court's action has been influenced by politics, but Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) denies this.
"If they don't turn up, issue a warrant and send them to jail," Swamy said in the book-lined study of his South Delhi residence, where case papers were scattered across his desk.
"(It) is a total open and shut case. They are suffering from hubris."
(Writing by Aditya Kalra; Editing by Douglas Busvine and Mike Collett-White)
This story has not been edited by Firstpost staff and is generated by auto-feed.
http://www.firstpost.com/fwire/anti-corruption-crusader-subramanian-swamy-risks-wrecking-tax-reform-reuters-2542874.html
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Varanasi Ganga Aarti Holy River Hindu worship: Pilgrims on Dec. 12, 2015: @narendramodi, @AbeShinzo

December 12, 2015, 7:15 am
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 6 minutes ago
Varanasi looks stunning! PM & I joined the Aarti today.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=An0e4v5Rb3w (7:01)

Varanasi Ganga Aarti Holy River Hindu Worship
Published on Apr 3, 2014
Ganga Aarti Varanasi (Benaras, Kashi), India - The video shows the Hindu religious ritual of worship for the holy river Ganges. The ceremony happens everyday from 6.30 -7.30 pm at Dashashwamedh Ghat on the Ganges river banks. A must watch event while in Varanasi, and is enjoyed by locals and tourists from all over the world.

Dashashwamedh Ghat (दशाश्वमेध घाट) is the main ghat in Varanasi on the Ganges River. It is located close to "Vishwanath Temple" and is probably the most spectacular ghat. Two Hindu mythologies are associated with it: According to one, Lord Brahma created it to welcome Lord Shiva. According to another legend, Lord Brahma sacrificed ten horses during Dasa -Ashwamedha yajna performed here.

Aarti is said to have descended from the Vedic concept of fire rituals, or homa. In the traditional Aarti ceremony, the flower represents the earth (solidity), the water and accompanying handkerchief correspond with the water element (liquidity), the lamp or candle represents the fire component (heat), the peacock fan conveys the precious quality of air (movement), and the yak-tail fan represents the subtle form of ether (space). The incense represents a purified state of mind, and one's "intelligence" is offered through the adherence to rules of timing and order of offerings. Thus, one's entire existence and all facets of material creation are symbolically offered to the Lord via the Aarti ceremony.The word may also refer to the traditional Hindu devotional song that is sung during the ritual.

Varanasi is a city on the banks of the Ganges (Ganga) in Uttar Pradesh, 320 kilometres (200 mi) southeast of the state capital, Lucknow. It is the holiest of the seven sacred cities (Sapta Puri) in Hinduism and Jainism, and played an important role in the development of Buddhism. Some Hindus believe that death at Varanasi brings salvation. It is one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world. Varanasi is also known as the favourite city of the Hindu deity Lord Shiva as it has been mentioned in the Rigveda that this city at older times was known as Kashi or "Shiv ki Nagri".





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Great Press Enclave Robbery: Fake vi\ctimhood of SoniaG, RahulG. Precise booklet on criminal intent adjudged by HC

December 13, 2015, 8:29 pm
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Meluhha lexis for Indus Script, ca. 4th millennium BCE

December 13, 2015, 9:19 pm
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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/obh2ua7

Prologue

Indus Script decipherment results in a Meluhha lexis; a select, short vocabulary list is indicated in this monograph; a comprehensive vocabulary list will relate to ca. 7000 inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora all of which relate to only one category: metalwork catalogues. Such a comprehensive lexis of ancient Indian lingua franca, will span Meluhha (Mleccha), Chandas and all languages of Indian sprachbund.

The lexis relates to semantics of metalwork 1. words and expressions of Bronze Age; and 2. words which signify hieroglyph-multiplexes which are homonyms, rebus catalogues of such metalwork.

The authors of these catalogues were Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk' of Bronze Age, Sarasvati's children who toiled on the banks of Sapta Sindhu 'seven rivers' and laid the foundations of the Hindu civilization, dateable from ca. 8th millennium BCE.
https://friendsofasi.wordpress.com/writings/the-8th-millennium-bc-in-the-lost-river-valley/

The earliest evidence of writing is on a Harappa potsherd with Indus Script dated to ca. 3300 BCE.
Image result for potsherd harpHarappa. Potsherd. Indus writing (HARP) dated to ca. 3500 BCE. tagaraka 'tabernae montana' rebus: tagara 'tin'. kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.

Introduction: Adapted from Sri Ramakrishna's ferryman and scholar story

This is an adaptation of an encounter which Sri Ramakrishna used to narrate which was called 'The story of a ferryman and a scholar’. This narrative is extended by a reference to Indus Script hieroglyphs signifying metalwork catalogues on a boat showing the ferryman as a seafaring merchant carrying supercargo of metalwork ingots and hard metal alloy implements.

A scholar of grammar undertook a journey to cross a river. He hired a boat which ferried passengers across the river.

The scholar asked the ferryman, if he knew grammar and language rules.

The ferryman said, "No, I don't."

The scholar expressed his anguish in Chandas, ‘prosody’: “Ferryman, dear mleccha, you have wasted your life.”

Suddenly the boat started tossing as water levels rose in the river. The ferryman asked the scholar, “Pandita, can you swim?"

"No!" panicked the scholar, lost for words since he did not know the river and hydrology rules.

“Arya, noble atman, you have wasted half of your life," the ferryman felt sorry as he said these words in Mleccha, ’parole’ perfectly intelligible to the scholar, and continued a refrain from the ferryman’s song "Elo! Elelo! He’lava, he’lavo !! You have wasted your whole life, the boat will capsize soon."

While the scholar got the message, he was baffled by the words used in the refrain and wondered about the appropriateness of Indo-European linguistics to deal with survival issues, etymology of and characteristic mispronunciations in the ungrammatical expression, 'elo, elelo, he'lava, he'lavo'. The scholar lapsed into a meditative mood in kamaDha 'penance' with the confidence that the ferryman would somehow save him from drowning, after the boat capsized.
This narrative of the scholar and ferryman is in nuce, in a nutshell, the Itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam, the narrative of Hindu civilization which dates back to ca. 8th millennium BCE.

The expression, Bhāratam Janam occurs in Rigveda (RV 3.53.12). The expression is traceable to the following etyma: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.भरतखंड (p. 603) [ bharatakhaṇḍa ] n (S) भरतवर्ष n S A division of the globe,--that from the Himálaya range to the ocean, India.भरतशास्त्र (p. 603) [ bharataśāstra ] n S The shástra of the drama, the authoritative treatise upon dramatic composition and representation. 2 Used freely in the sense of The laws of the drama and of scenic exhibition.भरताचें भांडें (p. 603) [ bharatācē mbhāṇḍēṃ ] n A vessel made of the metal भरत. 2 See भरिताचें भांडें.भरती (p. 603) [ bharatī ] a Composed of the metal भरत. A hieroglyph to signify भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] is: barad, balad 'ox'.

One side of a molded tablet m 492 Mohenjo-daro (DK 8120, NMI 151. National Museum, Delhi. A person places his foot on the horns of a buffalo while spearing it in front of a cobra hood.

Hieroglyph: kolsa = to kick the foot forward, the foot to come into contact with anything when walking or running; kolsa pasirkedan = I kicked it over (Santali.lex.)mēṛsa = v.a. toss, kick with the foot, hit with the tail (Santali) 
 kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pancaloha’ (Ta.) •kolhe (iron-smelter; kolhuyo, jackal) kol, kollan-, kollar = blacksmith (Ta.lex.)•kol‘to kill’ (Ta.)•sal ‘bos gaurus’, bison; rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali)me~ṛhe~t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron; kolhe m. iron manufactured by the Kolhes (Santali); meṛed (Mun.d.ari); meḍ (Ho.)(Santali.Bodding)

nAga 'serpent' Rebus: nAga 'lead'
Hieroglyph: rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ 

Rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.
paTa 'hood of serpent' Rebus: padanu 'sharpness of weapon' (Telugu)

Hieroglyph: kunta1 ʻ spear ʼ. 2. *kōnta -- . [Perh. ← Gk. konto/s ʻ spear ʼ EWA i 229]1. Pk. kuṁta -- m. ʻ spear ʼ; S. kundu m. ʻ spike of a top ʼ, °dī f. ʻ spike at the bottom of a stick ʼ, °diṛī, °dirī f. ʻ spike of a spear or stick ʼ; Si. kutu ʻ lance ʼ.
2. Pa. konta -- m. ʻ standard ʼ; Pk. koṁta -- m. ʻ spear ʼ; H. kõt m. (f.?) ʻ spear, dart ʼ; -- Si. kota ʻ spear, spire, standard ʼ perh. ← Pa.(CDIAL 3289)

Rebus: kuṇṭha munda (loha) 'hard iron (native metal)'

Allograph: कुंठणें [ kuṇṭhaṇēṃ ] v i (कुंठ S) To be stopped, detained, obstructed, arrested in progress (Marathi)

Tablet. Crocodile above. Peson kicking and spearing a bison, near a seated,horned (with twig) person.Harappa. Harappa Museum, H95-2486 Meadow and Kenoyer 1997
karA 'crocodile' Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
kamaDha 'penance' (Prakritam) Rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner'
kUtI 'twigs' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
muh 'face' Rebus: muhe 'ingot' (Santali)

See: 

 Catalogs of pola, kuṇṭha, goṭa, bichi native metalwork in Meluhha Indus script hieroglyphs  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/09/catalogs-of-pola-kuntha-gota-bichi.html

Meluhha is the spoken form of language and glosses are present in almost all languages of Indian sprachbund  "A sprachbund (/ˈsprɑːkbʊnd/; German: [ˈʃpʁaːxbʊnt], "federation of languages") – also known as a linguistic area, area of linguistic convergence, diffusion area or language crossroads – is a group of languages that have common features resulting from geographical proximity and language contact." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sprachbund

Ferdinand de Saussure, presents Langue (French word meaning 'language') and Parole (French word meaning 'speech').  (de Saussure, F. (1986). Course in general linguistics (3rd ed.). (R. Harris, Trans.). Chicago: Open Court Publishing Company. (Original work published 1972). p. 9-10, 15.)

Langue is abstract, a system of rules and conventions of a signifying system; independent of, and pre-exists, individual users. Parole is an individual phenomenon, a series of speech acts or utterances by a speaker.

In such a framework, chandas is langue, while mleccha is parole. 
√म्लेछ्
mlech
speaking indistinctly, pronouncing incorrectly / avyakta śabda
speaking confusedly, barbarously / avyaktāvāc
cutting, smearing, anointing, accumulating / chedana. A phonetic variant and semantic expansion of the utterance mleccha is milakkha 'mleccha speaker'(Pali). The word mleccha also refers to 'copper' as in mleccha mukha'copper ingot' (Samskritam). An expression milakkhu rajanam signifies 'copper red' (Pali).

The word Meluhha is a variant pronunciation of Pali milakkha. The word Meluhha is attested in an Akkadian cuneiform inscription on a cylinder seal of Shu-Ilishu.

Shu-Ilishu cylinder seal authenticates Meluhha merchant dealing in copper and tin
The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. Akkadian. Cylinder seal Impression. Inscription records that it belongs to ‘S’u-ilis’u, Meluhha interpreter’, i.e., translator of the Meluhhan language (EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI) The Meluhhan being introduced carries an goat on his arm. Musee du Louvre. Ao 22 310, Collection De Clercq 3rd millennium BCE. The Meluhhan is accompanied by a lady carrying a kamaṇḍalu. Since he needed an interpreter, it is reasonably inferred that Meluhhan did not speak Akkadian.Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) rebus: milakkhu 'copper'. Thus, the goat conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha speaker/copper merchant. A phonetic determinant. mrr̤eka, mlekh ‘goat’; Rebus: melukkha Br. mēḻẖ ‘goat’. Te. mr̤eka (DEDR 5087)  meluh.h.a. The kamaṇḍalu carrie by the lady is ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'. Thus, the message on the cylinder seal is a metalwork catalogue signifying an Akkadian trader's transaction with a Meluhhan engaged in copper and tin metalwork. 
The crucible is the center-piece hieroglyph on the cylinder seal.  Hieroglyph: kuThari 'crucible' Rebus: kuThari'storekeeper



Inscription: Sharkalishshari, King of Akkad. Ibnisharrum, the scribe (is) your servant. After Collon 1987: 134 No. 329. Musee du Louvre AO 22303.
lokANDa 'overflowing pot' Rebus: lokhaNDa 'metal implements, excellent implements'
aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' PLUS meDh 'curl' Rebus: meD 'iron'

Hieroglyph: rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ 

Rebus: Pk. raṅga 'tin' P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼOr. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼraṅgaada -- m. ʻ borax ʼ lex.Kho. (Lor.) ruṅ ʻ saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth ʼ  *raṅgapattra ʻ tinfoil ʼ. [raṅga -- 3, páttra -- ]B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.


http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_WSQsPuiQ9Nc/Sw0x5C8A4vI/AAAAAAAAB5A/Ka_YX6nrv5c/s400/Pashupati-sacrifice.jpgbalivárda (balīv° ŚBr.) m. ʻ ox, bull ʼ TBr., balivanda- m. Kāṭh., barivarda -- m. lex. [Poss. a cmpd. of balín -- (cf. *balilla -- ) and a non -- Aryan word for ʻ ox ʼ (cf. esp. Nahālī baddī and poss. IA. forms like Sik. pāḍō ʻ bull < *pāḍḍa -- : EWA ii 419 with lit.)]Pa. balivadda -- m. ʻ ox ʼ, Pk. balĭ̄vadda -- , balidda -- , baladda -- m. (cf. balaya -- m. < *balaka -- ?); L. baledā, mult. baled m. ʻ herd of bullocks ʼ (→ S. ḇaledo m.); P. bald, baldh, balhd m. ʻ ox ʼ, baled, baledā m. ʻ herd of oxen ʼ, ludh. bahld, balēd m. ʻ ox ʼ; Ku. balad m. ʻ ox ʼ, gng. bald, N. (Tarai) barad, A. balad(h), B. balad, Or. baḷada, Bi. barad(h), Mth. barad (hyper -- hindiismbaṛad), Bhoj. baradh, Aw.lakh. bardhu, H. balad, barad(h), bardhā m. (whence baladnā ʻ to bull a cow ʼ), G. baḷad m.
balivardin -- .Addenda: balivárda -- [Cf. Ap. valivaṇḍa -- ʻ mighty ʼ, OP. balavaṇḍā]: WPah.kc. bɔḷəd m., kṭg. bɔḷd m. (LNH 30 bŏḷd), J. baldm., Garh. baḷda ʻ bullock ʼ.(CDIAL 9176)

Bhāratam Janam, ‘metalcaster folk’ who were also seafaring merchants, lived on the banks of Sapta Sindhu, ‘seven rivers’. Many of them were also dhokra kamar, artisans with expertise in 1. cire perdue(lost-wax) techniques of casting  and 2. creation of metal alloys during the Bronze Age.

What then are the semantics of 'elo, elelo' and ‘helava, helavo’? They are a celebration of the splendour of the sun and sung in tune with the tossing of the boat in the waves of the river or ocean:

Ta. el lustre, splendour, light, sun, daytime; elli, ellai sun, daytime; ilaku (ilaki-), ilaṅku (ilaṅki-) to shine, glisten, glitter. Ma.ilakuka to shine, twinkle; ilaṅkuka to shine; el lustre, splendour,light; ella light. Te. (K.) elamu to be shiny, splendid. Cf. 861 Ta.eṟi and 869 Ta. eṉṟu. / ? Cf. Pkt. (DNM) alla- day.(DEDR 829)

Kol. (Kin.) elava a wave. Go. (A.) helva id., flood (DEDR 830) *ullōḍa ʻ commotion ʼ. [ullōla -- m. ʻ large wave ʼ Kād.: √luḍ] Pa. ullōla -- m. ʻ commotion, wave ʼ; Pk. ullōla -- m. ʻ uproar ʼ; Si. ulela ʻ wave, whirling in water, festival ʼ. (CDIAL 2381)

Mleccha speech was a spoken form of eastern Bharatam.

Patanjali explains (Pat. I: 2,3-9: mlecchA mA bhUma. Iti adhyeyam vyAkaraNam. His paraphrase of S’atapatha Brahmana (3.2.1.24) has: te asurA helayo yelaya it kurvantah parA bahuUvuh. tasmAt brAhmaNo na mlecchitavai na apAbhASitvai. Mleccho ha vA eSo yad apazabdah. mlecchA mA bhUma. iti adhyeyam vyAkaraNam. The original text as quoted by Patanjali has: tAm devAh asurebhyo ‘ntarAyams tAm svIkRtyAgnAv eva parigRhya, sarvahutam ajuhavur, Ahutir hi devAnAm say Am evAmUm anuSTubhAjuhavus, tas evainAm tad devAh svyakurvata, te ‘surA Attavacaso; he ‘lavo h ‘lava iti vadantah parAbabhUvuh tatraitAm api vAcam Ucuh upajijnAsyAm sa mlecchas, tasmAn na brAhmaNo mleched, asuryA haiSA vA, natevaiSa dviSatAm sapatnAnAm Adatte, vAcam te ‘syAt, tavacasah parAbhavanti, ya evam etad veda.

Sayana explains that he’lavo stands for he’rayo, that is, ho, the spiteful (enemies)’ which the Asura were unable to pronounce correctly. The Kanva text, however, reads: te hattavAko ‘surA hailo haila iti etAm vAcam vadantah parAbabhUvuh (that is, He ilA, ‘ho, speech’. Mahabhashya provides the third version.

*mrēcchati ~ mlḗcchati ʻ speaks indistinctly ʼ ŚBr. [MIA. mr -- < ml -- ? See Add. -- √mlēch]K. briċhun, pp. bryuċhu ʻ to weep and lament, cry as a child for something wanted or as motherless child ʼ.(CDIAL 10384) 

A. mleccha-; verbal mlecchati, mliṣṭa-, mlecchita-

1.1. Earliest reference is in the later Veda, śatapathabrāhmaṇa, 3.2.1.24: the noun mleccha-, used of Asura celestial beings who speak imprecise language whether ill-pronounced or foreign. The word helayo, variant hailo, is quoted. No vocalization is given for this mythic allusion. 

2. Epic usage. Mahābhārata contrasts mleccha- with the ārya- and has the mleccha-bhāṣā, 'Mleccha language', andmleccha-vāk 'using Mleccha speech'. The Dharmasūtra text Manu-smṛti, 2.23, has the mleccha-deśa- 'Mleccha country' as unfit for Brahmanical sacrifices.

2. 1. The Mahābhārata places Mleccha loosely in east, north, and west. The Rāmāyaṇa has Mleccha for the Matsya people of Rajputana (see S. Levi, Journal Asiatique, XIe Ser., XI, 1, 1918, 123). 

2. Varāhamihira, c. 550 CE, placed the Mleccha in the upara- region, the western. His upara- region refers to the peoples beyond the Sindhu, Indus, for whom Mahābhārata had the epithet pāre-sindhavah 'beyond the Sindhu'. Varāhamihira has peoples reaching from Vokkāṇa- 'Wakhān', through Pancanada- 'Panjab', to the Pārata-, Pārada-, which is the Greek.
 Linguistic evidence

1. (a) Later Veda, mleccha- and verbal mlecchati, with participle in the Scholiast to Pāṇini mliṣṭa-; mlecchita- is also cited. Patanjali has the infinitive mlecchitavai.

(b) Pali, in the oldest texts, Dīgha-nikāya and Vinaya, milakkhu-, milakkhuka-, milakkha-, milakkha-bhāsā, and latermilāca-.

(c) Jaina older Ardha-māgadhī, milakkha- (with Vokkāṇa- and yavana- (Wakhān' and 'Greek'), milakkhu-, milikkhu-, mileccha-, and Māhārāṣṭrī miliṭṭha- 'speaking indistinctly'.

(d) Buddhist Sanskrit mlecha-, whence Saka Khotan mīlaicha-.

(e) New Indo-Aryan in R.L. Turner, Comparative dictionary, no. 10398, Kāśmīrī mīch (with -ch from older -cch-, not -kṣ-); Bengali mech of a Tibeto-Burmese tribe, Sinhalese milidu, milindu 'savage', milis, maladu, Panjābī milech, malech.

The Pali -kkh- was explained as secondary to -cch- by J. Wackernage, Altindische Grammatik, 1, 154; but was unexplained according to Turner, loc. cit.

2. The starting-point of the interpretation should be a form *mlekṣa-, mlikṣ-. Within the Veda there is a variation between -cch- (-ch-) and -kṣ- as in Atharva-veda ṛccharā- besides śukla-yajur-veda, Vājasneyi-samhitā ṛkśalā-'fetter',and within the Atharva-veda in parikṣit- and variant paricchit- 'surrounding'. Hence śatapathabrāhmaṇamleccha- may be traced to older *mlekṣa-. The kṣ was replaced by -kkh- or by retroflex -ch- or by palatalized -cch- in different dialects. Within the Veda there was also variation kśā-, kṣā-, and khyā- from kaś-, corresponding to Avestanxsā- from kas- 'to look at'.

If the oldest form had then *mlekṣa-, this -kṣ- could be accepted as a substitute for a foreign velar fricative


(the sound expressed in Arabic script by خ kh).

If the word *mlekṣ- was a foreign name, it was adapted to the usual Vedic verbal system, giving participle mliṣṭa- in the grammarians, supported by the Jaina Māhārāṣṭrī miliṭṭha-.

The vowel -e- of mleccha- was thus adapted into the ablaut system -e-: -i-.

For recent comments on mleccha, see Wackernage, Altindische Grammatik. Introduction generale. Nouvelle edition...par Louis Renou, 1957, 73; M. Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindischen, 699, mleccha. 




mlecchati - (grammar also perfect tense mimleccha - future mlecchitā - etc.; Ved. infinitive mood mlecchitavai - ), to speak indistinctly.
மிழலை¹ miḻalai, n. < மிழற்று-. cf. mlīṣṭa. Prattle, lisp;மழலைச்சொல். (சூடா.)மிழலை² miḻalai, n.See மிழலைக்கூற்றம். புனலம் புதவின் மிழலையொடு (புறநா. 24).மிழலைக்கூற்றம் miḻalai-k-kūṟṟam, n. < மிழலை² + கூற்றம். A division of Cōḻa-nāṭu; சோணாட்டின் ஒரு பகுதி. (புறநா. 24, உரை.)மிழலைச்சதகம் miḻalai-c-catakam, n. < id. + சதகம்¹. A catakammiḻalai, by Carkkarai-p-pulavar, 16 c.; 16-ஆம் நூற்றாண்டில் சர்க்கரைப்புலவர் மிழலைநாட்டின் பெருமையைப்பற்றிப் பாடிய சதகம்.மிழற்றல் miḻaṟṟal, n. < மிழற்று-. 1. Speaking; சொல்லுகை. (சூடா.) 2. See மிழலை¹. (யாழ். அக.) 3. Noise of speaking; பேசலானெழு மொலி. (யாழ். அக.)மிழற்று-தல் miḻaṟṟu-, 5 v. tr. 1. To prattle, as a child; மழலைச்சொற் பேசுதல். பண் கள் வாய் மிழற்றும் (கம்பரா. நாட்டு. 10). 2. To speak softly; மெல்லக் கூறுதல். யான்பலவும் பேசிற் றானொன்று மிழற்றும் (சீவக. 1626). Ta. miṇumiṇu (-pp-, -tt-) to mumble, speak with a low reiterated sound, murmur as a secret, utter incantations; muṇamuṇa (-pp-, -tt-), muṇumuṇu (-pp-, -tt-) to mutter, murmur; muṇaṅku (muṇaṅki-) to speak in a suppressed tone, mutter in a low tone, murmur; muṉaṅku (muṉaṅki-), muṉaku (muṉaki-) to mutter, murmur, grumble, moan; muṉakkam muttering, murmuring, grumbling, moan; mir̤aṟṟu (mir̤aṟṟi-) to prattle as a child, speak softly; mir̤alai prattle, lisp; mar̤aṟu (mar̤aṟi-) to be indistinct as speech; mar̤alai prattling, babbling. Ma. miṇumiṇukka to mumble, mutter; miṇṭuka to utter, speak low, attempt to speak;miṇṭāṭṭam opening the mouth to speak; miṇṭāte without utterance; muṇemuṇēna mumbling sound. Ka. minuku to speak in an indistinct, faint or low tone, murmur. Tu. muṇumuṇu muttering, mumbling; muṇkuni to say hūṃ expressive of disapproval or unwillingness, cry as a ghost; muṇkele grumbler. Te. minnaka (neg. gerund), (inscr.) miṇṇaka silently, quietly, coolly; (K.)minuku to murmur within oneself; (K.) mun(u)ku to mutter, grumble. / Cf. Skt. miṇmiṇa-, minmina- speaking indistinctly through the nose, Mar. miṇmiṇā speaking low, faintly, indistinctly, H. minminā id.; Pkt. muṇamuṇaï mutters, mumbles. MBE 1969, p. 295, no. 36, for areal etymology (no entry in Turner, CDIAL). (DEDR 4856) मुरमुर (p. 659) [ muramura ] f (Imit.) Muttering, indistinct grumbling.मुरमुरणें (p. 659) [ muramuraṇēṃ ] v i (मुरमुर) To mutter or grumble. 2 unc To whimper. (Marathi)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/10/road-to-meluhha-dt-potts-1982.htmlMleccha, linguistic area; Meluhha -- Locus and interaction area


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/samskritam-is-literary-form-of.htmlSamskritam is literary form of Prakritam. Meluhha is a vernacular of Indian sprachbund of the Bronze Age. 


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/chandas-and-meluhha-mleccha-are-prosody.htmlChandas, 'prosody' and Meluhha (Mleccha, Milakkha Bhāsā), 'parole' in Indian sprachbund

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/narrating-maritime-glory-of-bharatam.htmlNarrating the maritime glory of Bharatam Janam. ēlō ! ēlēlō !! he'lava he'lavo !!! Sense of Bharatiya maritime history retained in folk memories. 

 

Image result for m1429 boat m1429 Mohenjo-dar tablet showing a boat carrying a pair of metal ingots. bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel

 (Gujarati) bagala = an Arab boat of a particular description (Ka.); bagalā (M.); bagarige, bagarage = a kind of vessel (Ka.) bagalo = an Arabian merchant vessel (Gujarati) cf. m1429 seal. karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaṛa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) tamar ‘palm’ (Hebrew) Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ (Santali) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Santali) ḍhālako ‘large ingot’. खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Marathi)  khoṭ f ʻalloy (Lahnda) Thus the pair of ligatured oval glyphs read: khoṭ ḍhālako ‘alloy ingots’ PLUS dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

 

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/10/chandas-and-meluhha-mleccha-yavana-must.html

 

At the outset, a disclaimer. I do not have adhikāra to delineate Chandas, the Vedic diction.

So, I started compiling resources to understand Chandas in the context of Indian linguistic area, sprachbund which included Meluhha/Mleccha.

Vedic speech or verse or chandas as Pāṇini calls it is an inflectional language like the ancient Avestan. Bhāṣā is a literary Prākṛt which included Deśī, Mleccha of Indian sprachbund. Pāṇini recognizes that Prākṛt was the parole, spoken tongue with agglutinative features.

The use of the gloss Bhāṣā is significant. In many vernaculars, cognate words use the term to refer to speech as in Thai bisi ‘to say’, Malay basa ‘to read’.

Chandas is sacred speech. So was Meluhha rendered in mlecchita vikalpa as visible language evolved with intimations of sacredness associated with symbols of the type shown on kudurru or sculptural freizes. 

Meluhha venerated the smithy as a temple and used the same gloss to denote both a temple and a smithy: kole.l

Clearly, chandas and mleccha were in vogue simultaneously. I do not have the linguistic competence to isolate the similarities, variations, exchanges between chandas and mleccha.

Kuiper has demonstrated the presence of Munda words in Sanskrit. The exercise can also be extended to demonstrate Munda (mleccha) words in chandas. 
Manansala makes a claim that the compounding of words in bhāṣā showed the highly-agglutinative nature of the language, a process which seemed only to be borrowed in Chandas. ‘The use of the absolutive or past participle in the proposition becomes firmly established in the Bhasa and related languages…the prevalence of SOV word order and the frequent occurrence of the subject occurring after the verb, as in the Austronesian languages, also mark tendencies which can safely be classified as non-IE…The morphological similarities between Bhasa and the derived languages, with the Dravidian cannot be easily put aside. The evidence shows that morphology is not as easily borrowed as modern philologists assert.’ http://asiapacificuniverse.com/pkm/lang.htm See: http://asiapacificuniverse.com/pkm/vedicindia.html

Here is what GP Singh has to say about mleccha: “Kirātas pre-eminently figure among the tribes described in ancient Indian and classical (Greek and Latin) literature. The ancient Indian writers as well as classical geographers and historians, while dealing with the primitive races of India, have accorded prominence to the Kirātas. They constitute one of the major segments of the tribal communities living in the Himalayan and sub-Himalayan regions, forest tracts, mountainous areas and the Gangetic plains, valleys and delta of India. The Kirātas were widely diffused tribe. Broadly speaking, the areas inhabited by them covered some parts of eastern, north-eastern, central, western, northern, southern and so-called Greater or Farther India. Their habitation even beyond the confines of India can also be proved…The lalita-Vistara proves the Kirātas’ knowledge of writing…The Vasāti tribe of Pāṇini (IV.2.53) and Patanjali (IV.2.52) can be identified with the Basatai of Periplus which include the Kirātas too…He also refers to the Barbaras (IV.3.93) who are generally associated with the Kirātas…The  Nāṭyaśāstra of Bharata Muni (200 BCE-200 CE), one of the rare sources, specifically deals with the Prakrt language of the Kirāta…This text also used the Barbara-Kirāta together. This source provides some clues about the languages spoken by the Barbara-Kirātas inhabiting north-western region…In the Kumārasambhava, the Kirātas have been described as wild tribe living in the hills, mountains and forests. They have been classed as the mlecchas… In one of the old Cham inscriptions of Champa in Indo-China the Kirātas have been associated with Vṛlah race of Champa (Vṛlah-Kirāta-Vita)… The speakers of the mleccha language were called Milakkhas. The term mlekha was used for the first time by the Brahmanas in the sense of a barbarous language spoken by all those (including degraded Aryans and non-Aryan tribes) who wre outside the pale of Aryan culture. From the Buddhist and Jaina texts it is evident that the Kirātas, Pulindas, Andhrakas, Yonakas, Barbaras, Śabaras and others were speakers of this language (Milakkhānāmbhāṣā) which was by and large unintelligible to the Aryans. This language had some thirteen to eighteen forms.” (GP Singh, 2008, Researches into the history and civilization of the Kirātas, New Delhi, Gyan Publishing House, pp. 3, 26, 28, 36, 82).

Varahamihira says: Mleccha yavana honored like ṛṣi-s since they have interest in sciences.....mleccha hi yavanah teṣu samyak śāstram idam sthitam/ ṛṣivat te 'pi pūjyante kim punar daivavid dvijah (Brihat-Samhita 2.14)].पैजवन Mn. vii , 41 is a yavana. (fr. पिजवन) patr. of सु-दास् and of several men RV. 

Mlecchas are yavana ( communities). The yavana communities have a well established < pratishtitam>  understanding of this excellent discipline  < samyak- shaastram> , which is vedanga jyotisha and related ( practices).  ( Internally, with in the community. in the yavana communities) , the  yavana / mleccha  people , learned ( in this discipline) are well honored    (poojyante) .  The model of honoring is on the same lines  ( te  api :  notice the proper construction of the upasarga api) as  Shistas ( = vedic community people)  honor their own community  learned people  who specialize and practice this excellent discipline ( VEDANGA JYOTISHA). What is the reference scale to compare the honor? - <  daivavad = similar to the respect shown to God= daiva). VEDANGA JYOTISHA scaled down practices did exist across the pluralistic beyond- brahmana comunities in India. The learned traditional elders were honored intra community and inside community. The standard was set by the Daivajna Brahmana.  Varahamihira documents the highest standard; and not the historic social tribal practices. 

A reason for the disciplinary rigour in pronunciation insisted for chandas and chastised in meluhha speech is provided in an episode narrated in Bhagavata Purana. It should be underscored that both chandas and meluhha are integral parts of Indian sprachbund, the language of the Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk'.

 

Bhagavat Purana,SB 6.9.11

TEXT 11
hata-putras tatas tvaṣṭā
juhāvendrāya śatrave
indra-śatro vivardhasva
mā ciraṁ jahi vidviṣam

After Viśvarūpa was killed, his father, Tvaṣṭā, performed ritualistic ceremonies to kill Indra. He offered oblations in the sacrificial fire, saying, “O enemy of Indra, flourish to kill your enemy without delay.”

“Tvaṣṭā intended to chant the word indra-śatro, meaning, “O enemy of Indra.” In this mantra, the word indra is in the possessive case (ṣaṣṭhī), and the word indra-śatro is called a tat-puruṣa compound (tatpuruṣa-samāsa). Unfortunately, instead of chanting the mantra short, Tvaṣṭā chanted it long, and its meaning changed from “the enemy of Indra” to “Indra, who is an enemy.” Consequently instead of an enemy of Indra’s, there emerged the body of Vṛtrāsura, of whomIndra was the enemy.”

http://prabhupadabooks.com/sb/6/9/11

Indus Script expression on a seal in Indian Museum, New Delhi (See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/five-indus-script-seals-from-indian.html)
From r. to l.

ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin' (One is inlaid with a pair of three short strokes: kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'; the other is inlaid with three horizontal strokes. One may indicate cast tin and the other may indicate a tin smithy). kolmo 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy'. Thus, tin smithy.

A hieroglyph-multiplex signifying 1. 'selvage' and 2. 'three strands'.
1. Hieroglyph: Ta. aṉsu selvage, edge of a cloth (< Te.). To. oc edge, bank of river, border of thicket. Ka. añcu edge, brim, boundary, bank, shore, selvage, border, skirt. Te. ancu skirt, border or selvage of cloth, edge (of sword, etc.), shore, brim. /Cf. Skt. añcala- edge or border of a garment. (DEDR 57) Rebus: ancu'iron' (Tocharian); ams'u  'Soma' (Rigveda)

2. Hieroglyph:  धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c ; cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-) RV. TS. S3Br.
 &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773) tántu m. ʻ thread, warp ʼ RV. [√tan] Pa. tantu -- m. ʻ thread, cord ʼ, Pk. taṁtu -- m.; Kho. (Lor.) ton ʻ warp ʼ < *tand (whence tandeni ʻ thread between wings of spinning wheel ʼ); S. tandu f. ʻ gold or silver thread ʼ; L. tand (pl. °dũ) f. ʻ yarn, thread being spun, string of the tongue ʼ; P. tand m. ʻ thread ʼ, tanduā, °dūā m. ʻ string of the tongue, frenum of glans penis ʼ; A. tã̄t ʻ warp in the loom, cloth being woven ʼ; B. tã̄t ʻ cord ʼ; M. tã̄tū m. ʻ thread ʼ; Si. tatu, °ta ʻ string of a lute ʼ; -- with -- o, -- ā to retain orig. gender: S. tando m. ʻ cord, twine, strand of rope ʼ; N. tã̄do ʻ bowstring ʼ; H. tã̄tā m. ʻ series, line ʼ; G. tã̄tɔ m. ʻ thread ʼ; -- OG. tāṁtaṇaü m. ʻ thread ʼ < *tāṁtaḍaü, G.tã̄tṇɔ m.(CDIAL 5661)

Rebus: M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam). 

Thus, the hieroglyph-multiplex signifies soma as electrum with three minerals, tri-dhAtu, 'iron, gold, silver' compound ore.

eraka 'knave of wheel' rebus: erako 'moltencast'; arka 'copper'.Ara 'spoke of wheel' rebus: Ara 'brass' as in ArakUTa id. (Samskritam) आर--कूट [p= 149,2]  'a kind of brass' (Monier-Williams)

meḍ signifies 'iron' in Munda while a cognate gloss signifies 'copper' in Slavic languages

The gloss 'med' is an adaptation of the Meluhhan gloss vividly identified in Munda languages. meḍ ‘body’ Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.)  
Santali glosses:


Wilhelm von Hevesy wrote about the Finno-Ugric-Munda kinship, like "Munda-Magyar-Maori, an Indian link between the antipodes new tracks of Hungarian origins" and "Finnisch-Ugrisches aus Indien". (DRIEM, George van: Languages of the Himalayas: an ethnolinguistic handbook. 1997. p.161-162.) Sumerian-Ural-Altaic language affinities have been noted. Given the presence of Meluhha settlements in Sumer, some Meluhha glosses might have been adapted in these languages. One etyma cluster refers to 'iron' exemplified by meD (Ho.). The alternative suggestion for the origin of the gloss med 'copper' in Uralic languages may be explained by the word meD (Ho.) of Munda family of Meluhha language stream:

Sa. <i>mE~R~hE~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mE~RhE~d</i>(M).
Ma. <i>mErhE'd</i> `iron'.
Mu. <i>mERE'd</i> `iron'.
  ~ <i>mE~R~E~'d</i> `iron'.  ! <i>mENhEd</i>(M).
Ho <i>meD</i> `iron'.
Bj. <i>merhd</i>(Hunter) `iron'.
KW <i>mENhEd</i>
@(V168,M080)
http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/AA/Munda/ETYM/Pinnow&Munda

— Slavic glosses for 'copper'
Мед [Med]Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz']Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
KòperKashubian
Бакар [Bakar]Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med']Russian
Meď Slovak
BakerSlovenian
Бакар [Bakar]Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian[unquote]
http://www.vanderkrogt.net/elements/element.php?sym=Cu 
Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic, Altaic) 'copper'.  

One suggestion is that corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry. Schmied, a smith (of tin, gold, silver, or other metal)(German) result in med ‘copper’.

Hieroglyph of a worshipper kneeling: Konḍa (BB) meḍa, meṇḍa id. Pe. menḍa id. 
Manḍ. menḍe id. Kui menḍa id. Kuwi (F.) menda, (S. Su. P.) menḍa, (Isr.) meṇḍa id.
Ta. maṇṭi kneeling, kneeling on one knee as an archer. Ma.maṇṭuka to be seated on the heels. Ka. maṇḍi what is bent, the knee. Tu. maṇḍi knee. Te. maṇḍĭ̄ kneeling on one knee. Pa.maḍtel knee; maḍi kuḍtel kneeling position. Go. (L.) meṇḍā, (G. Mu. Ma.)  Cf. 4645 Ta.maṭaṅku (maṇi-forms). / ? Cf. Skt. maṇḍūkī- (DEDR 4677)

Hieroglyph: Pa. vēdha -- m. ʻ prick, wound ʼ; Pk. vēha -- m. ʻ boring, hole ʼ, P. veh, beh m., H. beh m., G.veh m.(CDIAL 12108) vēdha m. ʻ hitting the mark ʼ MBh., ʻ penetration, hole ʼ VarBr̥S. [√vyadh]

Hieroglyph: Ta. vēr̤am bamboo; European bamboo reed; kaus; sugar-cane; vēy bamboo; vēyal short-sized bamboo. Ma. vēr̤am a reed, esp. Arundo tibialis and Bambusa baccifera.(DEDR 5541) vētasá m. ʻ ratan, reed ʼ RV. [See vēta -- , vētrá -- . - Paš. Gmb. indicate *vētaśa -- Pa. vētasa -- m. ʻ Calamus rotang ʼ, Pk. vēdasa -- , vēasa -- m.; Ash. wiẽs ʻ willow ʼ, Paš.shut. wēš, Gmb. wyãdotdot;š; K. bisa m. ʻ Salix babylonica ʼ, L.haz. bīs, N. baĩs ʻ Salix tetrasperma ʼ. -- Dm. bigyē˜ˊs ʻ willow ʼ (big<-> scarcely < vr̥kṣá -- , but cf. Ḍ. bīk s.v. vēta-- ). -- Pk. vēḍasa -- , °ḍisa -- m. ʻ ratan cane ʼ (CDIAL 12099)

Hieroglyph: mēthí m. ʻ pillar in threshing floor to which oxen are fastened, prop for supporting carriage shafts ʼ AV., °thī -- f. KātyŚr.com., mēdhī -- f. Divyāv. 2. mēṭhī -- f. PañcavBr.com., mēḍhī -- , mēṭī -- f. BhP.1. Pa. mēdhi -- f. ʻ post to tie cattle to, pillar, part of a stūpa ʼ; Pk. mēhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, N. meh(e), miho, miyo, B. mei, Or. maï -- dāṇḍi, Bi. mẽh, mẽhā ʻ the post ʼ, (SMunger) mehā ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. meh, mehā ʻ the post ʼ, (SBhagalpur)mīhã̄ ʻ the bullock next the post ʼ, (SETirhut) mẽhi bāṭi ʻ vessel with a projecting base ʼ.2. Pk. mēḍhi -- m. ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ, mēḍhaka<-> ʻ small stick ʼ; K. mīr, mīrü f. ʻ larger hole in ground which serves as a mark in pitching walnuts ʼ (for semantic relation of ʻ post -- hole ʼ see kūpa -- 2); L. meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ; P. mehṛ f., mehaṛ m. ʻ oxen on threshing floor, crowd ʼ; OA meṛha,  mehra ʻ a circular construction, mound ʼ; Or. meṛhī, meri ʻ post on threshing floor ʼ; Bi. mẽṛ ʻ raised bank between irrigated beds ʼ, (Camparam) mẽṛhā ʻ bullock next the post ʼ, Mth. (SETirhut)mẽṛhā ʻ id. ʼ; M. meḍ(h), meḍhī f., meḍhā m. ʻ post, forked stake ʼ.(CDIAL 10317)

Hieroglyph: *mēṇḍhī ʻ lock of hair, curl ʼ. [Cf. *mēṇḍha -- 1 s.v. *miḍḍa -- ]S. mī˜ḍhī f., °ḍho m.  ʻ braid in a woman's hair ʼ, L. mē̃ḍhī f.; G. mĩḍlɔ, miḍ° m. ʻ braid of hair on a girl's forehead ʼ; M. meḍhā m. ʻ curl, snarl, twist or tangle in cord or thread ʼ.(CDIAL 10312)

Hieroglyph: Ka. mēḍi glomerous fig tree, Ficus racemosa; opposite-leaved fig tree, F. oppositifolia. Te. mēḍi F. glomerata. Kol. (Kin.) mēṛi id. [F. glomerata Roxb. = F. racemosa Wall.](DEDR 5090)udumbára -- , udú° m. ʻ the tree Ficus glomerata ʼ TS., n. ʻ its fruit ʼ ŚBr. 2.uḍumbára -- m. AV. 3. *dumbara. 4. *ḍumbara -- . [Prob. ← Austro -- as. EWA i 104 with lit.]1. Pa. udumbara -- m. ʻ Ficus glomerata ʼ, Dhp. udumara, Pk. uduṁbara -- , uuṁ°, uṁ° m.; Ku. umar ʻ a partic. kind of tree used for burnt offerings ʼ; H. ūmar m., °rī f. ʻ F. glomerata ʼ; OG. ūṁbara m., G. umrɔ, ū̃brɔ, umarṛɔ m. ʻ wild fig tree ʼ, umarṛũ n. ʻ its fruit ʼ; M. ũbar m. ʻ F. glomerata ʼ, n. ʻ its fruit ʼ, Ko. umbar.2. Or. uṛumara ʻ F. glomerata ʼ.3. H. dũbur m., Si. dim̆bul, dum̆°.4. N. ḍumri, A. ḍimaru, B. ḍumur, Or. ḍumara, ḍambura, ḍimbiri, Mth. ḍūmri, Bhoj. ḍūmari, H.ḍūmar m.(CDIAL 1942)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-copper-alloy-anthropomorphic.html

With curved horns, the ’anthropomorph’ is a ligature of a mountain goat or markhor (makara) and a fish incised between the horns. Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards.  At Sheorajpur, three anthropomorphs in metal were found. (Sheorajpur, Dt. Kanpur. Three anthropomorphic figures of copper. AI, 7, 1951, pp. 20, 29).
One anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’

A remarkable legacy of the civilization occurs in the use of ‘fish‘ sign on a copper anthropomorph found in a copper hoard. This is an apparent link of the ‘fish’ broadly with the profession of ‘metal-work’. The ‘fish’ sign is apparently related to the copper object which seems to depict a ‘fighting ram’ symbolized by its in-curving horns. The ‘fish’ sign may relate to a copper furnace. The underlying imagery defined by the style of the copper casting is the pair of curving horns of a fighting ram ligatured into the outspread legs (of a warrior).


The center-piece of the makara symbolism is that it is a big jhasa, big fish, but with ligatured components (alligator snout, elephant trunk, elephant legs and antelope face). Each of these components can be explained (alligator: manger; elephant trunk: sunda; elephant: ibha; antelope: ranku; rebus: mangar ‘smith’; sunda ‘furnace’; ib ‘iron’; ranku ‘tin’); thus the makara jhasa or the big composite fish is a complex of metallurgical repertoire.)

One nidhi was makara (syn. Kohl, antimony); the second was makara (or, jhasa, fish) [bed.a hako (ayo)(syn. bhed.a ‘furnace’; med. ‘iron’; ayas ‘metal’)]; the third was kharva (syn. karba, iron).

bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'

miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: bhaTa ayo meḍh ‘smelter, iron stone ore, metal merchant.’


Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا‎ Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.

Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a  person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.

Hieroglyph: kamadha 'penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'.
Reading rebus three glyphs of text on Ganweriwala tablet: brass-worker, scribe, turner:

1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) 

2. Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana,  kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)

3. khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (G.) 






h182A, h182B







The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text.







dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. The 'drummer' hieroglyph thus announces a cast metal. The technical specifications of the cast metal are further described by other hieroglyphs on side B and on the text of inscription (the text is repeated on both sides of Harappa tablet 182).







kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’. Kanac ‘corner’ Rebus: kancu ‘bronze’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka ‘Rim of jar’ (Santali); karṇaka  rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus:karṇaka ‘scribe’ (Telugu); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc -- satthiya 'svastika' glyph.






sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). 






The hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. 






Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter). *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).





Rebus: ṭhaṭṭar ʻan alloy of copper and bell metalʼ (Nepalese)

The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text.

dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. The 'drummer' hieroglyph thus announces a cast metal. The technical specifications of the cast metal are further described by other hieroglyphs on side B and on the text of inscription (the text is repeated on both sides of Harappa tablet 182).

kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’. Kanac ‘corner’ Rebus: kancu ‘bronze’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka ‘Rim of jar’ (Santali); karṇaka  rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus:karṇaka ‘scribe’ (Telugu); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc -- satthiya 'svastika' glyph.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/ancient-near-east-meluhha-metalwork.html

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/svastika-indus-script-hieroglyph.html

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
December 13, 2015



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Binjor seal with Indus Script deciphered. Binjor attests Vedic River Sarasvati as a Himalayan navigable channel en route to Persian Gulf

December 14, 2015, 12:14 am
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Binjor (4MSR) seal.
Binjor Seal Text.
Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badhoṛ ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)

gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements. 

Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaNDa 'metallic iron alloy implements'.

koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa 

करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'

Thus, the text of Indus Script inscription on the Binjor Seal reads: 'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' PLUS
the hieroglyphs of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device in front read rebus:

kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'.

Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation.
Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of)  'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' 

m 305 Seal. Mohenjo-daro. 

Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badhoṛ ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)

gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements.
aya 'fish' Rebus: aya, ayas 'iron, metal'

Pictorial hieroglyph-multiplex: kuThi 'twig' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' thattAr 'buffalo horn' Rebus: taTThAr 'brass worker' meḍha 'polar star' (Marathi). meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.) karA~ 'arms with bracelets' Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri) Thus, blacksmith working with iron smelter and metal implements of native metal.

ARTS & CULTURE » HERITAGE
Published: April 1, 2015 12:30 IST | Updated: April 2, 2015 11:49 IST
ARCHAEOLOGY

Harappan surprise

A view of the mounds at the 4MSR site near Binjor. Photo:S. Subramanium
Sanjay Kumar Manjul, Director of the Institute of Archaeology and also Director of Excavation at 4MSR, examining a painted pot. Manjul is a specialist in ceramics. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI
A perforated pot found in a trench. A rare feature of the site is that a perforated jar, a perforated pot and a perforated bowl have been found, all telltale signs a Mature Harappan culture. Photo:S. Subramanium
A.K. Pandey, Deputy Director of Excavation, points to the mud-brick structures and a pestle in a trench. The trench also yielded ovens and hearths. At right is a silo lined with mud for storing grains. Photo:S. Subramanium

A view of the trench with rooms made of mud bricks. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI
A view of the trenches, which have revealed mud-brick structures, silos for storing grains, and ovens and hearths. Photo:S. Subramanium

A trench full of pots, jars and other ceramics. It was perhaps a storehouse for grains. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI
A razor blade (left) and a broken celt, both made of copper. Harappan culture belonged to the Bronze Age. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI

A variety of beads found at the site, which yielded evidence of industrial activity to make beads from semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, carnelian, faience, agate and steatite. Photo:S. Subramanium

A chert blade. Such blades were used for skinning hunted animals. Photo:S. Subramanium
Painted terracota pottery. Photo:S. Subramanium 5725 *tarpa1 ʻ matting, sacking ʼ. [Cf. tálpa -- 1 m. ʻ bed (i.e. framework with woven string?) ʼ AV., ʻ seat of a carriage ʼ MBh.: same as *tarpa -- 2?]N. ṭāpo ʻ basket to carry poultry in ʼ, Bi. ṭāp, °pā, °pī; Mth. ṭāpī ʻ bamboo fishing net ʼ, Bhoj. ṭāpā; H. ṭāp, °pā m. ʻ bamboo trap for fish ʼ. -- Ext. -- ḍ -- : S. ṭrapaṛu m. ʻ sackcloth ʼ; L. trappaṛ m. ʻ mat, cloth of goat's or camel's hair ʼ; P. tappaṛ m. ʻ coarse cloth of goat's hair ʼ; G. tāpṛũ ʻ coarse jute cloth ʼ; -- -- r -- : S. ṭrapura f. ʻ saddlecloth ʼ; P. ṭappar m. ʻ sackcloth, mat ʼ, ṭapparā m., °rīf. ʻ thatch, shed ʼ; WPah. (Joshi) ṭaprī f. ʻ hut ʼ; Ku. ṭapariyo ʻ hut ʼ, ṭaparyūṇo ʻ to thatch, roof ʼ; N. ṭaparo ʻ plate made of leaves ʼ; H. ṭāprā m. ʻ thatch, thatched house ʼ; M. ṭāpar f. ʻ muffler ʼ.Addenda: *tarpa -- 1 [tálpa -- 1 in talpaśīˊvan -- RV.]
WPah.Wkc. ṭapre f. ʻ hut ʼ, J. ṭaprī f. Rebus:  5992 trápu n. ʻ tin ʼ AV.
Pa. tipu -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; Pk. taü -- , taüa -- n. ʻ lead ʼ; P. tū̃ m. ʻ tin ʼ; Or. ṭaü ʻ zinc, pewter ʼ; OG. tarūaüṁ n. ʻ lead ʼ, G. tarvũ n. -- Si.tum̆ba ʻ lead ʼ GS74, but rather X tam̆ba < tāmrá -- .
A perforated bowl, with a hole at the bottom, a rare occurence in Harappan sites. Photo:S. Subramanium

A potsherd with a painted flower. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI


A potsherd with a painting of a lion or an animal belonging to the cat family. The animal's elongated body shows the 'Kulli" style of painting of Afghanistan. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI
Ceramics, includinga painted pot with a handle, another rarity. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI

Copper rings. Photo:S. Subramanium

A terracota figurine of a humped bull.

Fabric marks on a piece of clay. Spindle whorls have been found, indicating that the residents there knew how to weave fine fabrics. Photo:S. Subramanium

The impression of a seal on clay, indicating that tax had been paid on goods. This confirms that the site had trade with other Harappan settlements. Photo:S. Subramanium

A part of a gold ear ornament. It is rare to find gold ornaments at Harappan sites. However, gold tubular beads have been found at Khirsara and Lothal, both in Gujarat. Photo:S. Subramanium

A cubicular weight made of chert stone. Photo:S. Subramanium

The fire altar, with a yasti made of an octagonal brick. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI

An idli-shaped terracota cake that retained heat and was used to keep milk warm for children in winter. Photo:R. Ravindran

The skeleton of a woman, about 40 years old. The ASI archaeologists are identifying the grave goods in the trench to determine whether the skeleton belongs to the Early Harappan, Mature Harappan or a later period. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI
Students of the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, and staff of the ASI taking part in the excavation at 4MSR. In the back row, A.K. Pandey is seen showing an instrument used in the excavation. On his left is Sanjay Kumar Manjul. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI
A seal made of steatite stone found in one of the trenches in 4MSR. It is a sure sign that the site belongs to the Mature Harappan phase. The seal has the carving of a unicorn standing in front of an incense burner and five Harappan characters on the top part. Photo:S. Subramanium


The discovery and excavation of a new site, 4MSR, near Binjor, Rajasthan, may yield vital clues about the evolution and continuity of the mature and late phases of the Harappan civilisation and their relationship to the painted grey ware culture that followed. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

SEVEN kilometres from the small town of Anupgarh in Rajasthan, as our taxi was speeding on the road, we spotted the board we were looking for. It simply said “4MSR”. Nobody seems to know what “MSR” stands for. The local people say names like these are given to villages by the Irrigation Department. Houses in the village have spacious, open courtyards where tractors are parked, or cattle are chewing hay in the late afternoon sun. One kilometre from the village, a fascinating site greets us: big tents on four corners of a level ground which is actually the dry bed of the Ghaggar river. At the centre is a badminton court. At the entrance to the bivouac is the tent for security personnel, and it has a bell—a piece of iron railing—hanging next to it. The tent we enter is a spacious one and has a white screen on one side and several rows of chairs in front of it—obviously a classroom.
“To welcome you, we excavated a seal just yesterday. It is made of steatite.” A.K. Pandey, Deputy Director of the excavation at the Harappan site of 4MSR, told the Frontline team. Along with Pandey, who is also the Superintending Archaeologist, Excavation Branch-II, Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), New Delhi, were the staff of the ASI and the students of the Institute of Archaeology, New Delhi, affiliated to the ASI. “It is a square seal, having the figure of a unicorn. Five Harappan letters are incised on its upper part. The seal shows that the people of 4MSR had trade with other areas,” he said.
The site, which is a couple of kilometres from Binjor village, is in Anupgarh tehsil of Sri Ganganagar district, Rajasthan. It is just 7 km from the India-Pakistan border as the crow flies. The archaeologists and the students are excavating a big mound in the alluvial plains of the Ghaggar river. Ghaggar is the modern name given to the Saraswati river. The village residents call the mound Thed and it is about 400 metres from the camp.
There was a swirl of activity on the mound, where 10 trenches have been excavated, each measuring 10 by 10 metres, with four quadrants. Women from 4MSR were sieving the sand dug up from the trench, hoping to find tiny beads or seals. In the pottery yard, more women were sorting out different types of pottery. Behind the pottery yard, Hardeep Singh, a carpenter, was giving the finishing touches to a scabbard he had made while Mangla Ram, an ironsmith, was working up the flames in a chula and sharpening the tools needed for the excavation. Sometimes, Hardeep Singh becomes the ironsmith and Mangla Ram the carpenter.
Sanjay Kumar Manjul, Director, the Institute of Archaeology and head of the excavation at 4MSR, came straight to the topic. “It is natural to ask why there was a need to excavate at 4MSR when so many Harappan sites situated in the Ghaggar river valley have been excavated and reports published on them,” he said. In the Ghaggar river valley itself, he pointed out, explorations and excavations had been done in several sites by archaeologists such as L.P. Tessitore (1916-17), Aurel Stein (1940-41), Amalananda Ghosh, Katy Dalal and others. These sites included Kalibangan, excavated by B.B. Lal, B.K. Thapar and J.P. Joshi, over nine field seasons from 1961 to 1969; 46 GB and Binjor 2, 3 and 4, all situated within a few kilometres of 4MSR and excavated by Amalananda Ghosh; Binjor 1, excavated by Dalal; Rakhigarhi, excavated by Amarendra Nath (1997-2000) and Vasant Shinde (2014 and 2015); and Baror (2003-06), excavated by Urmila Sant and T.J. Baidya.
Manjul explained: “The purpose of the present excavation at 4MSR is to learn about the Early Harappan deposits, 4MSR’s relationship with other contemporary sites and to fill the gap between the Late Harappan phase and the painted grey ware [PGW] culture. We should know about the early farming phase [that existed in the pre-Harappan period]. It is also important to know the continuity of the sequence from the Late Harappan phase to the PGW culture. That is why we have taken up explorations and excavations in this entire area.”
At its height, the Harappan civilisation flourished over 2.5 million sq. km in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. About 2,000 sites have been found, from Sutkagendor in the Makran coast of Balochistan to Alamgirhpur in the east in Uttar Pradesh and from Manda in Jammu to Daimabad in Maharashtra.
The Harappan civilisation is divided into three phases: Early (3000 BCE-2600 BCE), Mature (2600 BCE -1900 BCE) and Late (1900 BCE-1500 BCE). The PGW culture came later and is datable to circa 1200 BCE and belongs to the early historical period.
After Partition, big Harappan sites such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa and Ganweriwala fell on the Pakistani side. Between 1972 and 1974, M.R. Mughal, former Director General of Archaeology and Museums, Pakistan, explored Bahawalpur in the Cholistan region of Punjab, situated on the border with Rajasthan. Mughal found a lot of pottery on the surface there and named it Hakra ware after the Hakra river which flows there and which is called Ghaggar in India. Originating in the Himalayas, the Ghaggar flows through Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Gujarat before joining the Arabian Sea near the Rann of Kutch.
If the cornucopia of artefacts thrown up from the current excavation is any indication, 4MSR has all the characteristics of having been an Early Harappan and Mature Harappan site like Kalibangan situated 120 km away. There are no indications that a Late Harappan phase existed. “A special feature of 4MSR is the discovery of a perforated jar, a perforated bowl with a hole at the bottom and a perforated pot, confirming its status as a Mature Harappan site,” asserted Pandey. What fascinated him was the discovery of pots with handles. “In a nutshell, our excavations have yielded pre-Harappan Hakra ware, Early Harappan pottery and Mature Harappan ceramics,” he said.
What stands out in the excavation is the bonanza of Early Harappan pottery with beautifully painted figures of peacocks, a lion, birds, pipal leaves and fish-net designs. Another discovery, a beautiful pot with a pencil mouth, could have been used to keep precious liquids or perfume.
Other important artefacts obtained from the site are beads made of carnelian, lapis lazuli, steatite, agate and terracotta; copper, shell and terracotta bangles; copper rings and fish hooks; terracotta spindles and whorls; weights made out chert stone; terracotta sling balls, toy-cart frames, figurines of humped bulls, and arrowheads. Two horns of nilgai were found in a trench. Of particular interest is a potsherd with the impression of a fabric. Besides the seal, a sealing (impression of a seal) was found. The centrepiece of the discoveries is a fragment of a gold ornament for the ear. It is rare to find gold ornaments in Harappan sites although tubular gold beads have been found in Khirsara and Lothal, both Harappan sites in Gujarat.
One trench yielded a skeleton, perhaps that of a female, about 40 years old. The ASI team is in the process of identifying the presence of grave goods in the trench to determine the period to which it belongs.
What has come as a bonus is the discovery of a fire altar, with a yasti (a shaft) in the middle. “The yasti is an indication that rituals were performed at the altar,” said Manjul. The yasti here is an octagonal, burnt brick. Although bones were found in the upper level of the deposits in this trench, it could not be ascertained whether they were sacrificial bones. The ASI team traced mud and ash layers at the lower level in the trench and also found a bead inside the fire altar. Pandey said fire altars had been found in Kalibangan and Rakhigarhi, and the yastis were octagonal or cylindrical bricks. There were “signatures” indicating that worship of some kind had taken place at the fire altar here.
Rakhigarhi Rediscovered
According to Manjul, an important reason why so many Harappan settlements came up in the then Saraswati valley was its fertile alluvial plains. Besides, raw materials such as chert, clay and copper were available in the nearby areas.
It was puzzling, Manjul said, that while a lot of pottery belonging to the Mature Harappan period was found at Kalibangan, Baror, Binjor and 4MSR, no pottery belonging to the Late Harappan phase had been found in these and other nearby sites. “The Harappans deserted 4MSR, Binjor and Baror after the Mature Harappan phase. Why?” he asked. Another puzzle was that only the Late Harappan culture existed in the Suratgarh region in Rajasthan. “There is no continuity of the Harappan phases in the Ghaggar river valley. Did a migration take place towards Suratgarh after the Mature Harappan period? We have to find out the reasons why it happened,” Manjul said. (Baror, Binjor and 4MSR are contiguous sites. While Baror is about 20 km from Binjor and 4MSR, Kalibangan is 120 km from 4MSR. Kalibangan is 25 km from Suratgarh).
Again, there was no continuity between the Late Harappan phase and the PGW culture. To find out whether there was any continuity between the Late Harappan phase and the PGW culture, the ASI and the Institute of Archaeology excavated a trial trench in March 2015 in a mound called 86 GB, less than 2 km from 4MSR. There are several sites with PGW deposits within 20 km of 4MSR. “It is important to understand both the cultures, the Late Harappan and the PGW cultures, which are in independent horizons along the Ghaggar river,” Manjul said.
It was ASI Director General Rakesh Tewari and former Joint Director General R.S. Bisht who suggested that the ASI excavate Binjor again, where earlier Amalananda Ghosh and Katy Dalal had dug up several mounds. This led to the Excavation Branch-II, ASI, and the Institute of Archaeology taking up a joint excavation at 4MSR. “If an excavation is done again at Binjor [4MSR], we can combine the results of the excavation done in Cholistan by M.R. Mughal and the excavations here,” Bisht said.
So, when Pandey and his colleagues surveyed Binjor in September 2014, they discovered Thed. “We thought it had been discovered earlier by either [Amalananda] Ghosh or [Katy] Dalal, but nowhere has it been mentioned in the records. Ghosh had mentioned four mounds named Binjor 1, 2, 3 and 4. This mound is not one of them. This is different. This was discovered by me, Ambily C.S. and Vinay Kumar, both assistant archaeologists of the ASI,” Pandey said. On the top of the mound is the grave of Peer Baba, a Muslim holy man who is worshipped by Hindus and Sikhs.
When the excavation began in January 2015, ASI archaeologists found that a lot of waste material had been dumped on the summit of the mound by the local people and the Army, which had camped there soon after Partition. This turned out to be a blessing in disguise because the dump had protected the mound. But modern farming activity had reduced the mound’s size because farmers had cut away its sloping fringes to reclaim land for farming. So, the mound that exists now is only half its original size. Farmers have built a long concrete trough for storing water and laid water channels around the mound to water the wheat fields. In February, when Frontlinevisited the area, all around the mound were vast stretches of wheat fields in bloom. Indeed, for 100 km from Kalibangan to 4MSR, wheat fields, watered by the aquifers of the Ghaggar river, stretch endlessly on either side of the road. Every trench has revealed structures such as walls and small rooms made of mud bricks. Most of the rooms have post holes, where posts stood more than 4,000 years ago to support the roof, or perhaps they held door jambs. The size of the mud bricks is in the ratio of 1:2:4, a typical Mature Harappan feature.
There are successive floor levels made of mud bricks, especially in the industrial area of the site. “It shows that whenever the original floor in which the Harappans were working got damaged, they built another floor over it. Between two floors, we have found a lot of ash, charcoal, bones, pottery and artefacts. There are katcha drains in some trenches,” Pandey said.
The trenches have thrown up remnants of ovens, hearths and furnaces, with white ash and soot embedded in the soil, testifying to the industrial activity of making beads at the site. Hearths were found both inside and outside the Harappan houses. Pandey offered an explanation: During winter, Harappans cooked inside their homes but in summer, they cooked outside. One trench revealed a deep silo, lined with mud, to store grains.
The number of idli-shaped terracotta cakes found in the ovens and hearths is incredible. “The presence of idli-shaped terracotta cakes in great numbers in ovens and hearths shows that they had a great role to play in baking many things,” Pandey said.
V. Muthukumar, assistant archaeologist with the ASI and a trench supervisor at the site, who is now a student of the Institute of Archaeology, explained that the idli-shaped terracotta cakes, heated by flaming charcoal, retained their heat for a long time. These hot terracotta cakes were kept in the oven at night to keep milk warm for children, he said. Hundreds of small riverine shells found in trenches “must have been used to clean pots”, Muthukumar said.
To reach the soil beneath the mound quickly, two trenches had been dug in the south-east and south-west corners. Since water channels ran close to these two trenches, their floors were wet and mud bricks found in these trenches had coagulated because of water seepage. The trench in the south-east corner had mud-brick structures and a “hara” for keeping cattle feed. “This was perhaps a cattle shed,” said Jigme Wangmo, a student who was at work there. Since the mud bricks had got fused, it would be difficult to say with certainty whether the bricks had been used for flooring or building a wall, said Siripuram Rushikesh, also a student.
Indeed, the credit for discovering the steatite seal that was shown to us on our arrival goes to Raj Kumar, a labourer who was working in quadrant three of trench N30 E10. Delighted, he showed it to the trench supervisor, Ambily C.S., who sprinted to show it to Pandey. It was in the same trench that she found the skeleton too.
What has gladdened Pandey is that the excavation has thrown up a variety of artefacts, confirming that 4MSR has all the traits of a Mature Harappan civilisation. These include a jar, a pot and a bowl, all perforated; jars for storage; black-on-red and plain red ceramics; goblets; beakers; dish-on-stand; pots with pencil mouths; a seal; a sealing; a cubicular weight made of chert stone; mud-brick structures; painted pottery with a variety of designs, and so on. Goblets have rims with lines incised at perfect intervals.
“The characteristics of the pottery of the Mature Harappan period are that they are made of well-baked clay and precisely decorated with paintings. Perfection is the hallmark of Mature Harappan ware,” Pandey said.
A remarkable feature is that a bonanza of ceramic assemblage belonging to the Early Harappan period has been found in the lower levels of the trenches. They are akin to the Hakra and Sothi ware of Pakistan, and the Kulli style of paintings of Afghanistan. “We also found plenty of Periano Ghundai [an archaeological mound in Balochistan, Pakistan] reserved slipware. Along with this, an exuberant amount of Kot Dijian [Kot Diji is an archaeological site in Sindh, Pakistan, considered a forerunner of the Harappan Civilisation] style of the painted pottery tradition of Pakistan has been found,” said Manjul. Periano Ghundai is in the Zhop valley of Pakistan. Pottery from this Early Harappan site has designs of peacocks, birds, a lion or perhaps an animal belonging to the cat family, a moustache design and bichrome floral designs, and they are similar to the Kot Diji ware. “The Kot Dijian style of ceramics, which consists of pots with everted, rounded, square and beaked rims, is prominent in the assemblage,” said Prabodh Shirvalkar, Assistant Professor of Archaeology, Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, Pune. The pots are painted with black horizontal bands and wavy lines in panels. An important example, which shows the influence of the Kulli style of painting on ceramics, is the painting of the body portion of an animal belonging to the cat family. The animal has an elongated body and its hind limbs are curved inwards.
Manjul said: “The appearance of the Early Harappan period ceramic assemblage found at 4MSR is dominated by Hakra, Kot Dijian and Sothi elements. This is the first site in this region where so much of cultural mixing or amalgamation is available. This has helped in understanding the development of the Mature Harappan phase and its cultural process. In the transitional phase, there is a combination of Early and Mature Harappan pottery. The ceramic assemblage of Mature Harappan is dominated by black-on-red ware, plain red ware, perforated jars, pots and plates, globular pots and dish-on-stand, but there is a continuation of the early traditions. The gradual transformation from the Early Harappan to the Mature Harappan is very visible here.”


Ganweriwala tablet. Ganeriwala or Ganweriwala (Urdu: گنےریوالا‎ Punjabi: گنیریوالا) is a Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization site in Cholistan, Punjab, Pakistan.

Glyphs on a broken molded tablet, Ganweriwala. The reverse includes the 'rim-of-jar' glyph in a 3-glyph text. Observe shows a  person seated on a stool and a kneeling adorant below.

Hieroglyph: kamadha 'penance' Rebus: kammata 'coiner, mint'.
Reading rebus three glyphs of text on Ganweriwala tablet: brass-worker, scribe, turner:

1. kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) 

2. Glyph of ‘rim of jar’: kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; (CDIAL 2831) kaṇḍa kanka; Rebus: furnace account (scribe). kaṇḍ = fire-altar (Santali); kan = copper (Tamil) khanaka m. one who digs , digger , excavator Rebus: karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk. (Telugu) káraṇa n. ʻ act, deed ʼ RV. [√kr̥1] Pa. karaṇa -- n. ʻdoingʼ; NiDoc. karana,  kaṁraṁna ʻworkʼ; Pk. karaṇa -- n. ʻinstrumentʼ(CDIAL 2790)

3. khareḍo = a currycomb (G.) Rebus: kharādī ‘ turner’ (G.) 

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
December 14, 2015
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Rallies across cities in Bharat demanding Let Parliament Work for the progress of the Nation

December 14, 2015, 1:36 am
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PRESS RELEASE – RALLIES ACROSS CITIES IN INDIA ON STALLING PARLIAMENT STARTING DEC 14TH

admin | December 14, 2015 | Articles | No Comments
FOR IMMEDATE RELEASE
Let Parliament Work

CIVIL SOCIETY GROUP “LET PARLIAMENT WORK” TO ORGANIZE RALLIES ACROSS INDIA TO URGE PARLIAMENT TO WORK TOGETHER FOR THE PROGRESS OF THE NATION.

letParliamentDrive
New Delhi, Dec 13, 2015:   Rallies are being planned across several cities in India such as Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Allahabad, Mirzapur, Jamnagar, Ambala and Indore in the next few days urging political parties across the cross section to come together and work towards the progress of the nation.  Specific details such as time and venue will be at the facebook event page given here.  The tentative list of cities is given below and more are being added.
Wed  Dec 16th:    New Delhi, Mumbai, Lucknow, Allahabad, Mirzapur, Jamnagar, Ahmedabad
Mon Dec 14th:     Bangalore
 Parliament, the citadel of our sovereign, democratic Nation, is wrecked by disruptions causing enormous harm for the progress of our nation.  Demonstration and protests, stalling Parliamentary proceedings have retarded the nation’s development. Every political party having occupied Opposition benches has resorted to stalling, however the increasing degree and intensity of disruption during recent session, particularly with last session fully disrupted, the stalemate has become a fait accompli.
During the last monsoon session only one bill could be passed by both houses of the parliament,  Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha during the entire session.  Rajya Sabha is perpetually adjourned working only 9% of the time whereas Lok Sabha could work for about 48% of the time.  While it is estimated that it costs 2.5 lacs rupees per minute of exchequer money to run parliament, the cost to the nation is a whole lot more.   Bills like Goods and Services  (GST) bill along with other economic bills are extremely critical for the progress of the nation.  Every year GST bill is not passed, it costs 10,000 to 20,000 crores rupees (20-40 billion US dollars), an amount that would foot the bill of entire MNREGA scheme for one year.  Other bills such as Real Estate Bill, Electricity Amendment Bill, Commercial Courts bill, Prevention of Corruption Bill, Whistle blowers Bill,  Micro, Small& Medium Enterprises Bill, Bureau of Standards Bill, Negotiable Instruments Bill and Arbitration and Conciliation Bill that were pending in the Parliament are critical for economy of India.
India has been a citadel of democracy and our Parliament is the symbol of that democracy.   However, sadly the very instrument of democracy is subverted and the cherished goals of our nation are blocked for political gamesmanship.  Our neighboring country China has progressed by leaps and bounds and its economy is 5 times that of India today.   While countries across Asia are progressing, India’s progress is being hampered by our institutions of democracy, our own Parliament.
Heeding “freedom and fundamental duties” enshrined in our Constitution, many organizations in India have joined hands under the banner “Let Parliament Work”. The forum is a civil society group which brings in scientists, doctors lawyers, engineers and professionals from different walks of life. It also includes activists, artists, movie makers, spiritual leaders, entrepreneurs and many eminent personalities from different professions.   An earlier Petition to Members of parliament for smooth functioning of the parliament by India’s industry leaders has received nearly 64,000 signatures.   A video of the situation is available at our website.
To focus attention of all concerned in this National crisis, civil society groups have organized themselves under “Let Parliament Work”. Rallies are being held across several cities in India to urge Honorable members of Parliament to resolve all differences and keep the interests of the nation first.  We urge all concerned citizens of India to take part in the rallies closest to your location and let your voice be heard.
Contact:  
Web:                                     http://LetParliamentWork.com
Email:                                    contact@LetParliamentWork.com
Facebook Group:              https://www.facebook.com/groups/1696057353959031/
Facebook Events:             https://www.facebook.com/events/824698667659313/
Twitter:                                #LetParliamentWork
http://www.satyablog.org/2015/12/14/press-release-rallies-across-cities-in-india-on-stalling-parliament-starting-today/
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Taking Parliament to the cleaners. Will SoniaG and her Congi-s read Nehru quote cited by Arun Jaitley? NaMo, nationalise kaalaadhan.

December 14, 2015, 6:01 am
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Arun Jaitley
3 hrs
PT. NEHRU AND PARLIAMENT

The last Session of the Parliament did not function. The current Session of the Parliament is also threatened with a wash out. The reasons for the wash out of the current Session keep changing by the hour. The nation is waiting for the Parliament to discuss public issues, to legislate and approve a historic Constitution Amendment enabling the GST. All this is being indefinitely delayed. The question we need to ask ourselves is, “are we being fair to ourselves and this country?”
Today, I re-read a speech on the Parliamentary system by Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. It was delivered on 28th March, 1957 – the last day of First Lok Sabha. The speech is a must read for all of us. An important paragraph of the speech reads thus:
“Here, we have sat in this Parliament, the sovereign authority of India, responsible for the governance of India. Surely, there can be no higher responsibility or greater privilege than to be a member of this sovereign body which is responsible for the fate of the vast number of human beings who live in this country. All of us, if not always, at any rate from time to time, must have felt this high sense of responsibility and destiny to which we had been called. Whether we were worthy of it or not is another matter. We have functioned, therefore, during these five years not only on the edge of history but sometimes plunging into the processes of making history.”
Those who claim the legacy of Pandit ji must ask themselves the question, what kind of history are they making.

| Monday , December 14 , 2015 |

Facing washout of session, Jaitley uses Facebook to quote Nehru at Congress

New Delhi, Dec 14 (PTI): Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, staring at a washout of Parliament’s current session as well, invoked Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru to remind the Congress of the responsibility of members for governance through Parliament.
”The last session of the Parliament did not function. The current session of the Parliament is also threatened with a wash out. The reasons for the wash out of the current session keep changing by the hour,” Jaitley said in a Facebook post.
The opposition Congress has been raising various issues to disrupt proceedings in Parliament in this Winter session, upsetting the government’s plan to push through key reforms, including a Bill on the Goods & Services Tax (GST).
”The nation is waiting for Parliament to discuss public issues, to legislate and approve a historic Constitution Amendment enabling the GST. All this is being indefinitely delayed. The question we need to ask ourselves is are we being fair to ourselves and this country?” Jaitley said in the post.
The finance minister also quoted a speech on the Parliamentary system by Pandit Nehru to hammer home his point.
He said that the speech delivered on March 28, 1957, in the last day of first Lok Sabha by Nehru is “a must read for all of us”.
He quoted a paragraph from the speech in which Nehru had said:
“Here, we have sat in this Parliament, the sovereign authority of India, responsible for the governance of India. Surely, there can be no higher responsibility or greater privilege than to be a member of this sovereign body which is responsible for the fate of the vast number of human beings who live in this country. All of us, if not always, at any rate from time to time, must have felt this high sense of responsibility and destiny to which we had been called. Whether we were worthy of it or not is another matter. We have functioned, therefore, during these five years not only on the edge of history but sometimes plunging into the processes of making history.”
Taking a dig at Congress over frequent disruptions in Rajya Sabha, Jaitley said, “Those who claim the legacy of Pandit ji must ask themselves the question, what kind of history are they making.” 

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1151214/jsp/frontpage/story_58399.jsp#.Vm7JD3h97tQ
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Great Press Enclave Robbery: Gandhis will be deprived of the control of all AJL assets -- Shanti Bhushan

December 14, 2015, 6:16 am
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LogoAssociated Journal issuing shares to Young Indian is defrauding minority shareholders: Shanti Bhushan
SUMEET MEHTA  14/12/2015 11:21 AM
Shanti Bhushan talks exclusively to Sumeet Mehta on the law of meetings and how directors of Associated Journal misused their fiduciary position for helping Gandhi family to grab control of AJL by undervaluing and issuing shares to Young Indian
 
Sumeet Mehta (SM): As you told me on the phone, your Late Father was a freedom fighter and went to jail on numerous occasions, and as a prosperous lawyer he supported Associated Journals Ltd by buying some shares. How many shares did your Late Father subscribe to? 
 
Shanti Bhushan (SB): My father had five preference shares whereas Jawaharlal Nehru had only three. Each preference share was Rs 100/= whereas each ordinary share was only Rs 10/=.
 
SM: As you stated on the phone, after your father's sad demise, you have not yet transferred the shares in name of his legal heirs (you and your siblings). What is your assessment on timelines to get your name listed in Shareholders' Register so that you can initiate action against the Directors of AJL?
 
SB: It might take a couple of months to get the names of heirs substituted.
 
SM: What is your view on Directors of AJL issuing shares to Young India and what are the reasons why it is illegal and / or unethical?
 
SB: It was in my opinion unethical and illegal and an abuse of their powers by the Directors to issue nine crore shares of Rs 10/= each to Young Indian – a company with only four shareholders Sonia and Rahul Gandhi with 76 % shares and two of their loyalists Motilal Vora and Oscar Fernandes with 12 % each. The Directors are in a fiduciary position with the shareholders and are required to act in the best interest of the shareholders. Associated Journals is said to be having assets worth Rs 2,000 crores in several cities. The debt was only 90 crores. It could have easily sold or even mortgaged any small asset to raise Rs 90 crores to pay off the debt and retain the company and its assets in the hands of its existing shares without hurting them by making them irrelevant and putting all the assets of the company in the hands of four people. This was a totally malafide act of the Directors. Kapil Sibal has said that preference shareholders had no voting rights. Perhaps under this impression they might not have sent any notice of the EGM to preference shareholders. If so the meeting would be illegal and any decision taken therein null and void. Even preference shareholders had the right to vote under Sec 87 as no dividends had been paid for more than three years.
 
SM: You have stated that your family has not received any notice for AGM / EGM of AJL at your residence at Allahabad. Can you elaborate this and share more light on legal implications of this issue of non-receipt of notice of any General Body Meeting by any shareholder?
 
SB: The settled law of meetings is that if a single member has not been given a notice of the meeting it shall become a nullity.
 
SM: How do you propose to initiate action against Directors of AJL and which are the sections of Companies Act, 2013 that Directors of AJL could have possibly violated?
 
SB: A petition may be filed before the Co Law Board for seeking the quashing of the issue of nine crore shares to the co Young Indian.
 
SM: In case Directors of AJL are held guilty for this issue of shares to Young India in a wrongful manner, what are the implications for Gandhi Family, Directors and Shareholders of Young India, and Directors of AJL? 
 
SB: The Gandhis will be deprived of the control of all these assets.
http://tinyurl.com/qh4el2h
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yaṣṭi.found in fire-altars of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization signifies a baton, skambha of divine authority impacting metalwork of Bharatam Janam

December 14, 2015, 9:01 am
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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/phkh25f

A remarkable discovery is the octoganal brick which is a yaṣṭi.in a fire-altar of Bijnor site on the banks of Vedic River Sarasvati. Thi yaṣṭi attests to the continuum of the Vedic tradition of fire-altars venerating the yaṣṭi as a baton, skambha of divine authority which transforms mere stone and earth into metal ingots, a manifestation of the cosmic dance enacted in the furnace/smelter of a smith. Bhuteswar sculptural friezes provide evidence to reinforce this divine dispensation by describing the nature of the smelting process displaying a tree to signify kuTi rebus: kuThi 'smelter' with kharva 'dwarf' adorning the structure with a garland to signify kharva 'a nidhi or wealth' of Kubera. A Bhutesvar frieze also indicates the skambha with  face signifying ekamukha linga rebus: 
mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali).

Inline image 1Kalibangan. Mature Indus period: terracotta cake incised with horned deity. Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India See notes at http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/functions-served-by-terracotta-cakes-of.html A terracotta type found in Kalibangan has the hieroglyph of a warrior: bhaTa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace', thus reinforcing the smelting process in the fire-altars. Smelters might have used bhaThi 'bellows'. bhástrā f. ʻ leathern bag ʼ ŚBr., ʻ bellows ʼ Kāv., bhastrikā -- f. ʻ little bag ʼ Daś. [Despite EWA ii 489, not from a √bhas ʻ blow ʼ (existence of which is very doubtful). -- Basic meaning is ʻ skin bag ʼ (cf. bakura<-> ʻ bellows ʼ ~ bākurá -- dŕ̊ti -- ʻ goat's skin ʼ), der. from bastá -- m. ʻ goat ʼ RV. (cf.bastājina -- n. ʻ goat's skin ʼ MaitrS. = bāstaṁ carma Mn.); with bh -- (and unexpl. -- st -- ) in Pa. bhasta -- m. ʻ goat ʼ, bhastacamma -- n. ʻ goat's skin ʼ. Phonet. Pa. and all NIA. (except S. with a) may be < *bhāsta -- , cf. bāsta -- above (J. C. W.)]With unexpl. retention of -- st -- : Pa. bhastā -- f. ʻ bellows ʼ (cf. vāta -- puṇṇa -- bhasta -- camma -- n. ʻ goat's skin full ofwind ʼ), biḷāra -- bhastā -- f. ʻ catskin bag ʼ, bhasta -- n. ʻ leather sack (for flour) ʼ; K. khāra -- basta f. ʻ blacksmith's skin bellows ʼ; -- S. bathī f. ʻ quiver ʼ (< *bhathī); A. Or. bhāti ʻ bellows ʼ, Bi. bhāthī, (S of Ganges) bhã̄thī; OAw. bhāthā̆ ʻ quiver ʼ; H. bhāthā m. ʻ quiver ʼ, bhāthī f. ʻ bellows ʼ; G. bhāthɔ,bhātɔ, bhāthṛɔ m. ʻ quiver ʼ (whence bhāthī m. ʻ warrior ʼ); M. bhātā m. ʻ leathern bag, bellows, quiver ʼ, bhātaḍ n. ʻ bellows, quiver ʼ; <-> (X bhráṣṭra -- ?) N. bhã̄ṭi ʻ bellows ʼ, H. bhāṭhī f.
*khallabhastrā -- .Addenda: bhástrā -- : OA. bhāthi ʻ bellows ʼ .(CDIAL 9424) bhráṣṭra n. ʻ frying pan, gridiron ʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj]
Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻ gridiron ʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻ level surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fire ʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻ large pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fire ʼ, baṭhī f. ʻ distilling furnace ʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻ grain -- parcher's oven ʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻ kiln, distillery ʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭhm., °ṭhī f. ʻ furnace ʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻ oven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washing ʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻ brick -- or lime -- kiln ʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻ brick -- kiln, furnace, still ʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻ kiln ʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻ kiln ʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻ kiln, oven, fireplace ʼ; M. bhaṭṭā m. ʻ pot of fire ʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻ forge ʼ. -- X bhástrā -- q.v.bhrāṣṭra -- ; *bhraṣṭrapūra -- , *bhraṣṭrāgāra -- .Addenda: bhráṣṭra -- : S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻ distil (spirits) ʼ.*bhraṣṭrāgāra ʻ grain parching house ʼ. [bhráṣṭra -- , agāra -- ]P. bhaṭhiār, °ālā m. ʻ grainparcher's shop ʼ.(CDIAL 9656, 9658)



The fire altar, with a yasti made of an octagonal brick. Bijnor (4MSR) near Anupgarh, Rajasthan. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI

"(Archaeologist) Pandey said fire altars had been found in Kalibangan and Rakhigarhi, and the yastis were octagonal or cylindrical bricks. There were “signatures” indicating that worship of some kind had taken place at the fire altar here." http://www.frontline.in/arts-and-culture/heritage/harappan-surprise/article7053030.ece Amarendra Nath, archaeologist who excavated Rakhigarhi also noted: “Mature Period II is marked by a fortification wall and fire altars with yaSTi and yonipITha, with muSTikA offerings.”(Puratattgva: Bulletin of the Indian Archaeological Society 29 (1998-1999): 46-49).

Compare these 'shafts' in fire-altars with the pillars or cylindrical offering bases in Dholavira within an 8-shaped stone-wall enclosure:


Also comparable are the skambha pillar atop a smelter in Bhutesvar friezes:
मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda)
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/04/sivalinga-in-dholavira-depicted-as.html
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE (Fig. 6.2).This is the most emphatic representation of linga as a pillar of fire. The pillar is embedded within a brick-kiln with an angular roof and is ligatured to a tree. Hieroglyph: kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter'. In this composition, the artists is depicting the smelter used for smelting to create mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) of mēḍha 'stake' rebus: meḍ 'iron, metal' (Ho. Munda). मेड (p. 662) [ mēḍa ] f (Usually मेढ q. v.) मेडका m A stake, esp. as bifurcated. मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] f A forked stake. Used as a post. Hence a short post generally whether forked or not. मेढा (p. 665) [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. मेढी (p. 665) [ mēḍhī ] f (Dim. of मेढ) A small bifurcated stake: also a small stake, with or without furcation, used as a post to support a cross piece. मेढ्या (p. 665) [ mēḍhyā ] a (मेढ Stake or post.) A term for a person considered as the pillar, prop, or support (of a household, army, or other body), the staff or stay. मेढेजोशी (p. 665) [ mēḍhējōśī ] m A stake-जोशी; a जोशी who keeps account of the तिथि &c., by driving stakes into the ground: also a class, or an individual of it, of fortune-tellers, diviners, presagers, seasonannouncers, almanack-makers &c. They are Shúdras and followers of the मेढेमत q. v. 2 Jocosely. The hereditary or settled (quasi fixed as a stake) जोशी of a village.मेंधला (p. 665) [ mēndhalā ] m In architecture. A common term for the two upper arms of a double चौकठ (door-frame) connecting the two. Called also मेंढरी & घोडा. It answers to छिली the name of the two lower arms or connections. (Marathi)
Relief with Ekamukha linga. Mathura. 1st cent. CE shows a gaNa, dwarf with tuft of hair in front, a unique tradition followed by Dikshitar in Chidambaram. The gaNa is next to the smelter kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' which is identified by the ekamukha sivalinga. mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends;kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali). kharva is a dwarf; kharva is a nidhi of Kubera. karba'iron' (Tulu)  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/indus-script-corpora-muha-metal-from.html

Worship of linga by Gandharva, Shunga period (ca. 2nd cent. BCE), ACCN 3625, Mathura Museum. Worship signified by dwarfs, Gaṇa (hence Gaṇeśa =  Gaṇa +  īśa).

A tree associated with smelter and linga from Bhuteshwar, Mathura Museum. 
Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). 
 
In Atharva Veda stambha is a celestial scaffold, supporting the cosmos and material creation.
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/skambha-sukta-atharva-veda-x-7-pair-of.html Full text of Atharva Veda ( X - 7,8) --- Stambha Suktam with translation (with variant pronunciation as skambha). See Annex A List of occurrences of gloss in Atharva Veda.
avs.8.6[0800605] The black and hairy Asura, and Stambaja and Tundika, Arayas from this girl we drive, from bosom, waist, and parts below.
 
Archaeological finds: cylindrical stele in Kalibangan, a pair of polished stone pillars in Dholavira, s'ivalinga in Harappa, Kalibangan


यष्टि 1 [p=840,3] f. (for 2. » [p= 848,3]) sacrificing Pa1n2. 3-3 , 110 Sch. (prob. w.r. for इष्टि).यष्टि 2 [p=848,3]n. (only L. )or f. (also यष्टी cf. g. बह्व्-ादि ; prob. fr. √ यछ् = यम् ; for 1. यष्टि » [p=840,3]) " any support " , a staff , stick , wand , rod , mace , club , cudgel; pole , pillar , perch S3Br. &c; a flag-staff (» ध्वज-य्°; a stalk , stem , branch , twig Hariv. Ka1v.

ஈட்டி īṭṭi, n. cf. yaṣṭi. [T. īṭe, K. īṭi, M. īṭṭi.] 1. Lance, spear, pike; குந்தம். செறியிலை யீட்டியும் (பரிபா. 5, 66). 2. Black wood. See தோதகத்தி. (L.)

इष्टि 1 [p=169,1] f. impulse , acceleration , hurry; despatch RV.f. seeking , going after RV.f. sacrificing , sacrifice.

ఇటిక (p. 0134) [ iṭika ] or ఇటికె or ఇటుక iṭika. [Tel.] n. Brick. ఇటికెలు కోయు or ఇటుకచేయు to make bricks. వెయ్యి యిటుక కాల్చిరి they burnt 1000 bricks. ఇష్టక (p. 0141) [ iṣṭaka ] ishṭaka. [Skt. derived from ఇటుక.] n. A brick. ఇటుక రాయి.इष्टका [p= 169,3] f. a brick in general; a brick used in building the sacrificial altar VS. AitBr. S3Br. Ka1tyS3r.Mr2icch. &c (Monier-Williams); iṣṭakā इष्टका [इष्-तकन् टाप् Uṇ.3.148] 1 A brick; Mk.3. -2 A brick used in preparing the sacrificial altar &c. लोकादिमग्निं तमुवाच तस्मै या इष्टकी यावतार्वा यथा वा Kaṭh.1.15. -Comp. -गृहम् a brick-house. -चयनम् collecting fire by means of a brick. -चित a. made of bricks; Dk.84; also इष्टकचित; cf. P.VI.3.35. -न्यासः laying the founda- tion of a house. -पथः a road made of bricks. -मात्रा size of the bricks. -राशिः a pile of bricks.इष्टिका iṣṭikā इष्टिका A brick &c.; see इष्टका. (Apte. Samskritam) íṣṭakā f. ʻ brick ʼ VS., iṣṭikā -- f. MBh., iṣṭā -- f. BHSk. [Av. ištya -- n. Mayrhofer EWA i 94 and 557 with lit. <-> Pk. has disyllabic iṭṭā -- and no aspiration like most Ind. lggs.]
Pa. iṭṭhakā -- f. ʻ burnt brick ʼ, Pk. iṭṭagā -- , iṭṭā -- f.; Kho. uṣṭū ʻ sun -- dried brick, large clod of earth ʼ (→ Phal.iṣṭūˊ m. NOPhal 27); L. iṭṭ, pl. iṭṭã f. ʻ brick ʼ, P. iṭṭ f., N. ĩṭ, A. iṭā, B. iṭ, ĩṭ, Or. iṭā, Bi. ī˜ṭ, ī˜ṭā, Mth. ī˜ṭā, Bhoj.ī˜ṭi, H. ī˜ṭh, īṭ, ī˜ṭ, īṭā f., G. ĩṭi f., M. īṭ, vīṭ f., Ko. īṭ f. -- Deriv. Pk. iṭṭāla -- n. ʻ piece of brick ʼ; B. iṭāl, °al ʻ brick ʼ, M. iṭhāḷ f. ʻ a piece of brick heated red over which buttermilk is poured to be flavoured ʼ. -- Si. uḷu ʻ tile ʼ seeuṭa -- .
*iṣṭakālaya -- .Addenda: íṣṭakā -- : S.kcch. eṭṭ f. ʻ brick ʼ, Garh. ī˜ṭ; -- Md. īṭ ʻ tile ʼ ← Ind. (cf. H. M. īṭ).*iṣṭakālaya ʻ brick -- mould ʼ. [íṣṭakā -- , ālaya -- ]
M. iṭāḷẽ n. (CDIAL 1600, 1601)

shrI-sUktam of Rigveda explains the purport of the yaSTi to signify a baton of divine authority:

ArdrAm yaHkariNIm yaShTim suvarNAm padmamAlinIm |
sUryAm hiraNmayIm lakSmIm jAtavedo ma Avaha || 14

Trans. Oh, Ritual-fire, I pray you to invite shrI-devi to me, an alter-ego of everyone, who makes the environ holy let alone worship-environ, wielder of a baton symbolizing divine authority, brilliant in her hue, adorned with golden garlands, motivator of everybody to their respective duties like dawning sun, and who is manifestly self-resplendent in her mien.


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
December 14, 2015
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Great Press Enclave Robbery, Brazen violation of laws. Rs. 7 cr. rent from property in Press Enclave. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan

December 14, 2015, 5:57 pm
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CAUGHT IN A SELF-SPUN WEB OF CHICANERY

Tuesday, 15 December 2015 | Sandhya Jain


The National Herald case could scuttle Sonia Gandhi's spectacular political career and ground Rahul Gandhi's resurgent ambitions. It can puncture the Congress efforts to unite the Opposition to challenge the Modi regime

Congress president Sonia Gandhi and vice president Rahul Gandhi’s attempt to portray a court summons in a case of dubious takeover of the properties of a public limited company has failed the first test of sycophancy. The cloying media acolytes and intellectuals who spared no effort to promote the Amethi MP as the legitimate future ruler of India and attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi ad hominem, have concluded that the case is unwinnable.
Most of them question the wisdom of stalling Parliament to register anger, so now the logjam continues under a different pretext, with ‘political vendetta’ changed to Vyapam et al. Surely Ms Gandhi would realise that rats are jumping ship and the Goods and Services Tax and other pending legislations notwithstanding, the Modi sarkar has been morally strengthened.

It has since emerged that a commercial building is coming up on prime land (3,478 sq m) in Bandra, Mumbai, worth around Rs 200 crore, which was allotted for a Nehru memorial library and research centre nearly three decades ago. Another commercial building has come up on a plot of land taken at Panchkula (Chandigarh) in 2005, for newspapers that were already defunct.

Now, former Union Law Minister Shanti Bhushan has decided to challenge the transfer of shares from Associated Journals Ltd  to Young Indian, a private limited company registered under Section 25 of the Companies Act, 1956. Mr Bhushan’s father owned over 300 shares of AJL in 1938; his 10 children (three deceased) and the heirs of 1000-odd original shareholders were muscled out of their inheritance through serial manipulations which shocked the Congress old guard; the rest is history.
Briefly, AJL was founded in 1937 under the Indian Companies Act 1913; it owned and published the dailies National Herald (English), Navjivan (Hindi), Qaumi Awaz (Urdu), and National Herald International Weekly. The founder members included Jawaharlal Nehru, PD Tandon, J Narendra Deva, KN Katju, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, ML Sakra and KD Paliwal. The publications never acquired the status of papers associated with leaders like Aurobindo and Tilak; they were not official party media but were kept afloat by the Congress until their closure in 2008.

In this period, AJL acquired enormous properties nationwide (New Delhi, Lucknow, Bhopal, Indore, Mumbai, Panchkula and Patna, among others). Most shareholders listed with the Registrar of Companies are dead and companies holding shares defunct. Though these shares were never transferred to the legal heirs, select members of the Nehru-Gandhi family and their associates become shareholders, viz., Indira Gandhi and Feroze Gandhi. The Rattan Deep Trust and Janhit Nidhi introduced Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra into AJL.

As the Gandhis regarded AJL as the personal property of  Jawaharlal Nehru, the Congress in 2011 gave it a loan of Rs 90.25 crore to write off its accumulated debts, mainly employee dues. This violated the Income Tax Act, Companies Act, Representation of People’s Act, and the Congress constitution. The loan was sanctioned by Mr Motilal Vora in his capacity as party treasurer and accepted by him as the CMD of AJL. Ms Sonia Gandhi was then party president and Mr Rahul Gandhi general secretary.

Thereafter, Young Indian, incorporated in November 2010 with a paid up capital of five lakh rupees, stepped forward and declared it would ‘own’ the AJL debt of Rs 90.25 crore; but it did not intend to pay the loan back. Instead, AJL transferred 99.1 per cent of its shares (nine crore shares of Rs 10 each) to Young Indian for a mere Rs 50 lakh and the Congress wrote off the loan as unrecoverable (read gift). The funds used by Young Indian to acquire the whole bonanza are now a separate controversy.

By this peculiar sleight of hand, Young Indian, where Ms Sonia Gandhi and Mr Rahul Gandhi jointly own a controlling 76 per cent shares, became beneficiaries of shares owned by other people, and a whopping loan write-off by Congress. They became de facto owners of AJL’s immovable properties worth roughly Rs 5,000 crore. The balance 24 per cent shares in Young Indian are held by Mr Motilal Vora and Mr Oscar Fernandes. The whole farce was possible because the party funds are entirely controlled by the president and the treasurer.

The bizarre legal rigmarole used to accomplish this takeover was facilitated by Chandrakant & Sevantilal Chartered Accountants, and AJL directors-cum-Young Indian managing committee members, viz., Ms  Gandhi, Mr Rahul Gandhi, Mr Suman Dubey, Mr Sam Pitroda, Mr Oscar Fernandes and Mr Motilal Vora. BJP leader Subramanian Swamy took the matter to court in 2013, alleging criminal conspiracy.

The case moved jerkily, with magistrates often calling in sick, until suddenly on December 4, 2015, Delhi High Court judge Sunil Gaur upheld the trial court summons to the six Congress office bearers and Young Indian Ltd. Justice Gaur felt the Congress  could have written off the loan of Rs 90.25 crore to the publishers of National Herald, instead of assigning its shares to a company in which some of its leaders are directors; he also upheld the freedom of a private citizen (Mr Swamy) to take an interest in cases of corruption. This is a far bigger development than the technicality on which Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s election was set aside by Justice Jagmohan Lal Sinha in 1975; and the repercussions for democracy are immense.

The Gandhi legal team’s claim that no shareholder ever questioned the transfer, has failed with heirs coming forward to say there was no general body meeting of shareholders to discuss and approve this transfer of property to a private firm. As legal heirs may hope to benefit from a real estate bonanza, it is imperative that the court ensure that, as the land was given for publications that have officially ceased, the properties should return to the state.

Much will happen after the Gandhis make a personal appearance in the Metropolitan Magistrate’s court on December 19. Previously, AJL told the court that the loan was given to revive the defunct National Herald, though no move was ever made to do so; Young Indian’s objectives include inculcating democratic and secular values among the youth. The Gandhis will also have to explain the use of media-related property for commercial profit (Herald House in Delhi has been rented to the Ministry of External Affairs for a princely sum).


































































































































http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/edit/caught-in-a-self-spun-web-of-chicanery.html

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Kalibangan terracotta cake hieroglyphs deciphered. Yupa-skambha, Vedic religion in Bronze Age of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization

December 15, 2015, 1:28 am
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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/og6ksat

Indus Script Corpora and archaeological excavations of 'fir-altars' provide evidence for continuity of Vedic religion of fire-worship in many sites of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. 

The metalwork catalogues of deciphered Indus Script Corpora are consistent with the fire-altars found in almost every single site of the civilization consistent with the documentation of yajna, fire-worship, in ancient texts of the Veda. The continuity of Vedic religion, veneration of Ruda-Siva among Bronze Age Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk' is firmly anchored.

kole.l signified 'smithy'. The same word kole.l also signified ' temple' (Kota)

In Hindu civilization tradition, yupa associated with smelter/furnace operations in fire-altars as evidenced in Bijnor, Kalibangan, Lothal and in many yupa pillars of Rajasthan of the historical periods, assume the aniconic form of linga venerated as Jyotirlinga, fierly pillars of light.
A 10th-century four-headed stone lingam (Mukhalinga) from Nepal. The 'mukha' or face on the linga is a hieroglyph read rebus muh 'ingot'.  Hieroglyph: mũh 'face' (Hindi) rebus: mũhe 'ingot' (Santali) mũhã̄ = the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace of the Kolhes; iron produced by the Kolhes and formed like a four-cornered piece a little pointed at each end; mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formed into an equilateral lump a little pointed at each of four ends; kolhe tehen mẽṛhẽt ko mūhā akata = the Kolhes have to-day produced pig iron (Santali) muhA 'the quantity of iron produced at one time in a native smelting furnace' (Santali. Campbell)

"The worship of the lingam originated from the famous hymn in the Atharva-Veda Samhitâ sung in praise of the Yupa-Skambha, the sacrificial post. In that hymn, a description is found of the beginningless and endless Stambha or Skambha, and it is shown that the said Skambha is put in place of the eternal Brahman. Just as the Yajna (sacrificial) fire, its smoke, ashes, and flames, the Soma , and the ox that used to carry on its back the wood for the Vedic sacrifice gave place to the conceptions of the brightness of Shiva's body, his tawny matted hair, his blue throat, and the riding on the bull of the Shiva, the Yupa-Skambha gave place in time to the Shiva-Linga. In the text Linga Purana, the same hymn is expanded in the shape of stories, meant to establish the glory of the great Stambha and the superiority of Shiva as Mahadeva. Jyotirlinga means "The Radiant sign of The Almighty". The Jyotirlingas are mentioned in the Shiva Purana." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shiva

Sources: Harding, Elizabeth U. (1998). "God, the Father". Kali: The Black Goddess of Dakshineswar. Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 156–157

 Vivekananda, Swami. "The Paris Congress of the History of Religions" The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda 4.

Chaturvedi, B. K. (2006), Shiv Purana (First ed.), New Delhi: Diamond Pocket Books (P) Ltd,
Pl. XXII B. Terracotta cake with incised figures on obverse and reverse, Harappan. On one side is a human figure wearing a head-dress having two horns and a plant in the centre; on the other side is an animal-headed human figure with another animal figure, the latter being dragged by the former. 

Decipherment of hieroglyphs on the Kalibangan terracotta cake:

bhaTa 'warrior' rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'
kolmo 'rice plant' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'
koD 'horn' rebus: koD 'workshop'

kola 'tiger' rebus: kolle 'blacksmith', kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron'

Thus, the terracotta cake inscription signifies a iron workshop smelter/furnace and smithy.



The recording of an inscription on a terracotta cake used in a fire-altar continues as a tradition with inscriptions recorded on Yupa, 'pillars' of Rajasthan indicating the type of yajna's performed using those Yupa.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/12/binjor-seal-with-indus-script.html  




The fire altar, with a yasti made of an octagonal brick. Photo:Subhash Chandel, ASI

Binjor (4MSR) seal.
Binjor Seal Text.
Fish + scales, aya ã̄s (amśu) ‘metallic stalks of stone ore’. Vikalpa: badhoṛ ‘a species of fish with many bones’ (Santali) Rebus: baḍhoe ‘a carpenter, worker in wood’; badhoria ‘expert in working in wood’(Santali)

gaNDa 'four' Rebus: khaNDa 'metal implements' Together with cognate ancu 'iron' the message is: native metal implements. 

Thus, the hieroglyph multiplex reads: aya ancu khaNDa 'metallic iron alloy implements'.

koḍi ‘flag’ (Ta.)(DEDR 2049). Rebus 1: koḍ ‘workshop’ (Kuwi) Rebus 2: khŏḍ m. ‘pit’, khö̆ḍü f. ‘small pit’ (Kashmiri. CDIAL 3947)

The bird hieroglyph: karaḍa 

करण्ड  m. a sort of duck L. కారండవము (p. 0274) [ kāraṇḍavamu ] kāraṇḍavamu. [Skt.] n. A sort of duck. (Telugu) karaṭa1 m. ʻ crow ʼ BhP., °aka -- m. lex. [Cf. karaṭu -- , karkaṭu -- m. ʻ Numidian crane ʼ, karēṭu -- , °ēṭavya -- , °ēḍuka -- m. lex., karaṇḍa2 -- m. ʻ duck ʼ lex: see kāraṇḍava -- ]Pk. karaḍa -- m. ʻ crow ʼ, °ḍā -- f. ʻ a partic. kind of bird ʼ; S. karaṛa -- ḍhī˜gu m. ʻ a very large aquatic bird ʼ; L. karṛā m., °ṛī f. ʻ the common teal ʼ.(CDIAL 2787) Rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'

Thus, the text of Indus Script inscription on the Binjor Seal reads: 'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' PLUS
the hieroglyphs of one-horned young bull PLUS standard device in front read rebus:

kõda 'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā 'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār 'turner'.

Hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe'.(Gujarati) Rebus: sangara 'proclamation.
Together, the message of the Binjor Seal with inscribed text is a proclamation, a metalwork catalogue (of)  'metallic iron alloy implements, hard alloy workshop' 


Naga worshippers of fiery pillar, Amaravati stup  Smithy is the temple of Bronze Age: stambha, thãbharā fiery pillar of light, Sivalinga. Rebus-metonymy layered Indus script cipher signifies: tamba, tã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' 
Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Buddha, , Great Stupa of Amaravati

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html
Railing crossbar with monks worshiping a fiery pillar, a symbol of the Buddha,
20130501-075358.jpg
Yupa. Yupa from 4th century.  Kutai Kingdom. Inscription in Samskritam.

Badwa Yupa. "It is one of the four places in Rajasthan where such inscribed stone pillars were erected during the third century CE. which signifies the revival of the Vedic religion. The Badva stone pillar inscription informs that the Maukharis performed a triratra sacrifice in CE. 239. It is probable that these Maukharis owed allegiance to the Malava Republic. Four pillars have been shifted to the State Archaeology Museum at Kota and only one remains at the site." http://asijaipurcircle.com/badva_baran.php#
"

2004092[prasati%2520mulawarman%255B3%255D.jpg] praśasti प्रशस्तिYūpa यूप Indonesia:

kuṇḍuṅgasya mahātmanaḥ;
putro śvavarmmo vikhyātah;
vaṅśakarttā yathāṅśumān;
tasya putrā mahātmānaḥ;
trayas traya ivāgnayaḥ;
teṣān trayāṇām pravaraḥ;
tapo-bala-damānvitaḥ;
śrī mūlavarmmā rājendro;
yaṣṭvā bahusuvarṇnakam;
tasya yajñasya yūpo ‘yam;
dvijendrais samprakalpitaḥ.
http://pustaka-pusaka.blogspot.in/2011/09/prasasti-yupa-bagian-i.html

Yupa Inscriptions The Kutei Stone

Yupa posts in Pallava script from Kutai
Publisher: Lontar Foundation
Place of Publication: Jakarta
Publisher URL: http://www.lontar.org
Created: 2013
Source Rights: National Museum, Indonesia
Medium: Stone
Yupa inscription in Pallava script

**
YUPA PILLARS IN BICHPURIA TEMPLE
"The inscribed stone is a sacrificial pillar, commemorating revival of the rituals during third century A.D. by the Malava Republic. The inscription records the erection of the pillar by Ahisarman, son of Dharaka who was Agnihotri. Ahisarman seems to be a Malava chief.."

http://asijaipurcircle.nic.in/Yupa%20Pillars%20in%20Bichpuria%20temple,%20NAGAR.html
“…Malavas, Yaudheyas, Arjunayanas, Rajanyas etc...seem to have been patrons of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Rajasthan witnessed the revival of Vedic religion under these people in the early centuries of the Common era and thus it was natural to get the largest number of inscribed yupa pillars (sacrificial posts) in various parts of Rajasthan. Dr. Satya Prakash discovered as early as in 1952, a yupa pillar inscribed in Brahmi script and dated Krita (Vikram) Samvat 321 (CD 264) from the village Bichpuria near Nagar (district Tonk) which records the performance of some sacrifice (name not specified) by Dharaka, who is styled as agnihotri. He brought to light this important epigraph and edited the same (Maru Bharti, Pilani, Vol. I, No. 2, February 1953). Rajasthan has provided the largest number of yupa pillars in the country of SaSthi-rAtra sacrifice, two pillars (now in Amber Museum) from Barnala (Jaipur) dated v.s. 284 (CE 227) recording the installation of seven yupa pillars by Vardhana and the second dated v.s. 335 (CE 278) referring to the TrirAtra sacrifice, four yupa pillars from Badva (now in Kotah Museum) three of them of the Maukhari dynasty ruling the area. The three inscribed yupa pillars record the performance of TrirAtr yajnas by Balavardhana, Somadeva and Bala Singh, the three sons of the commander-in-chief of the Maukhari kings. Each of them gave one hundred cows in gift on the occasion and installed sacrificial posts. The undated pillar belongs to DhanutrAta of the same dynasty who is credited with the performance of the AstoyAma yajna and putting up a yupa pillar in commemoration thereof. Sri ViSNuvardhana, son of the celebrated Yas'ovarman, performed puNdarIka yajna in the Malava era 428 (CE 371) and installed a yupa pillar at Vijaigarh (Bayana in Bharatpur region). Dr. Prakash studied in detail these incontrovertible evidences in his interesting paper 'Yupa pillars of Rajasthan' (JRIHR, Vol. IV, No. 2, April-June 1968) and evaluated their contribution in Rajasthan Through the Ages (Vol. 1, Chapter IV, 1966).” (Sharma, RG, 'History and Culture' in: Vijai Shankar Srivastava, ed., Abhinav Publications, 1981, Cultural Contours of India: Dr Satya Prakash Felicitation Volume, pp.81-82).

“The new light that the excavations at Kalibangan have shed on the religious aspects are discovery of the 'fire-places' and the terracotta cakes...The oval fire pits were observed as early as 1960-61, but these could not be then properly understood. Their importance was realised in the subsequent field-seasons. The occurrence of oval, round or rectangular 'fire-altars' has been observed on all the three mounds at Kalibangan in the Harappan context. On the western mound (KLB-1) over a platform was found a rectangular 'fire-altar' of baked bricks. It contained the 'bones of a bovine and antlers, representing perhaps a sacrifice'. Atop another platform were unearthed a row of seven rectangular mud enclosures with varying sizes approximately 50x45 cm, with walls about 10 cm high from the ground surface. These lay by the side of a well. In the centre of each enclosure was placed a cylindrical terracotta phallus-like object. 'The remains of th fire are indicated by ash. The walls of these enclosures are also burnt. All these 'fire-altars' were situated in a room. In the 'city mound' (KLB-2) a room almost in every house contained such fire-altars and they continued to occur in successive levels (Pl. XX, A in Ind. Arch. 1963-64—A review). A shallow pit, oval or rectangular in shape was first excavated. In this pit fire was made and in the centre a cylindrical sun-dried or pre-fired rectangular block or baked brick was fixed. The presene of charcoal lumps suggest that the fire was 'put out in situ'. The occurrence of the triangular or circular terracotta cakes, in these 'fire-altars', suggests that these were used as offerings, baked or unbaked. About the 'fire-altars' found in the citadel-complex it has been suggested that these may have been used for ongregational rituals, whereas in the 'city mound' these were for the individuals. The low mound (KLB-3) towards the eas of the 'city mound', has laid bare very significant data about the religion. This mound is not a habitation site. Here the remains of a huge mud-brick structure, possibly enclosing a smaller one, have come to light. Within this inner structure are several 'fire-altars' containing terracotta cakes, ash and the cylindrical objects. The circumstantial and environmental evidences added together suggest that this low mound is exclusively of religious significance where a temporal edifice existed, which, however, stratigraphically has been equated with the Harappan habitational phase at the site. The cylindrical columns are rectangular, round or fluted. The complete specimens on average are 20-25 cm. High. The terracotta cakes of several forms have been found at the site. But as pointed out earlier only the triangular or discular types have been found in the 'fire-altars'. It may not be out of place to mention that both at Bara and Chandigarh, phallus-shaped rectangular but slightly tapering terracotta objects have been recovered. These, of course, have no association with 'fire-altars' or terracotta cakes. In the light of evidence from Kalibangan and Lothal, it may be surmised that they are aniconic representations of S'iva, as we have today. This tends to be a mutually corroborative phenomenon at these sites which are more or less contemporary. The triangular terracotta cakes had been reported from Mohenjodaro and Harappa. Their proper significance was evaded, for want of a convincing explanation, by a passing remark that these may have some ritualistic use. This glib remark has, of late, come true. On one side is a human figure wearing a head-dress having two horns and a plant in the centre; on the other side is an animal-headed human figure with another animal figure, the latter being dragged by the former. The horned head-gear reminds of the horned deity on the Mohenjodaro seal and the other motif seems to have little significance without the religious affiliation...The cylindrical objects in the 'fire-altars' found at Kalibangan may have been aniconic representation of S'iva. Their association with fire may suggest the earlier manifestation of Jyotirlinga. Agarwala has pointed out that Rudra himself is the Fire-God. He has further elucidated that water and fire are the two parents of the universe – water being the female and fire the male form respectively. It is very interesting to note that in such 'fire-altars' lumps of charcoal have been discovered which are the outcome of the putting out in situ of the blazing embers. It is difficult to deny that these burning pieces of charcoal were extinguished with the use of water as a part of the ritual. If this is true, then we have at Kalibangan the elements of Purusha and Prakriti. As shown by Agarwala, with which the present writer concurs, the cylindrical objects and fire represent the male element (what in later days is reognised as Jyotirlinga) and water represents the female element. This also explains the absense of the terracotta female figurines representing the earth or mother-goddess at Kalibangan, Banawali (Haryana) and Lothal (Gujarat). At both Kalibangan and Lothal, the 'fire-altrs' with their contents described above have been found. Broadly speaking the religious beliefs of the Harappans through both time and space do not differ much as revealed by their homogeneous remains. But local variations did exist as discussed above. Certain new features have also come to light regarding the funerary customs both at Kalibangan and Lothal, which differ from those at other sites. It seems the strong strains of local elements could not be subduded and were rather adopted by the Harappans.” (JS Nigam, 'The religion of the Harapans in Rajasthan' in: Vijai Shankar Srivastava, ed., Abhinav Publications, 1981, Cultural Contours of India: Dr Satya Prakash Felicitation Volume, p.33-34).
Kalibangan. Fire-altar with stele 'linga' and terracotta cakes. Plate XXA. "Within one of the rooms of amost each house was found the curious 'fire-altar', sometimes also in successive levels, indicating their recurrent function." (p.31)


Shahr-i Sokhta, terracotta cakes, Periods II and III, I, MAI 1026 (front and rear); 2. MAI 376 (front and rear); 3. MAI 9794 (3a, photograph of front and read; 3b, drawing -- After Fig. 12 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008)
Inventory of terracotta cakes Shahr-i Sokhta. After Salvatori and Vidale, 1997-79. Table 1 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008)
Number nd percentages of terracotta cakes found t Shahr-i Sokhta, total 31. (After Table 2 in E. Cortesi et al. 2008).


"Terracotta cakes. Variously called 'terracotta tablets', 'triangular plaques' or 'triangular terracotta cakes' these artifacts (fig. 12, tables 2 and 3), made of coarse chaff-tempered clay, are a very common find in several protohistoric sites of the Subcontinent from the late Regionalization Era (2800-2600 BCE) to the Localization Er (1900-1700 BCE). In this latter time0-span they frequently assume irregular round shapes, to finally retain the form of a lump of clay squeezed in the hand. Despite abudant and often unnecessary speculation, archaeological evidence demonstrates tht they were used in pyrotechnological activities, both in domestic and industrial contexts. The most likely hypothesis is tht these objets, in the common kitchen areas, were heated to boil water, and used as kiln setters in other contexts. Shahr-i Sokhta is the only site in the eastern Iranian plateau where such terracotta cakes, triangular or more rarely rectangular, are found in great quantity. Their use, perhaps by families or individuals having special ties with the Indus region, might have been part of simple domestic activities, but this conclusion is questioned by the fact that several terracotta cakes, at Shahr-i Sokhta, bear stamp seal impressions or other graphic signs (in more than 30% of the total cases). In many cases the actual impressions are poorly preserved, and require detailed study. Perhaps these objects used in some form of administrative practice. Although many specimens are fired or burnt, a small percentge of the 'cakes' found at Shahr-i Sokhta is unfired (table 2). On the other hand, their modification in the frame of one or more unknown semantic contexts is not unknown in the Indus valley. At Kalibangan (Haryana, India), for example, two terracotta cake fragments respectively bear a cluster of signs of the Indus writing system and a possible scene of animal sacrifice in front of a possible divinity. While a terracotta cake found at Chanhu-Daro (Sindh, Pakistan) bears a star-like design, anothr has three central depressions. The most important group of incised terracotta cakes comes from Lothal, where the record includes specimens with vertical strokes, central depressions, a V-shaped sign, a triangle, and a cross-like sign identical to those found at Shahr-i Sokhta. Tables 2 and 3 shows a complete inventory of these objects (most so far unpublished), their provenience and proposed dating, and finally summarize their frequencies across the Shahr-i Sokhta sequence. The data suggest that terracotta cakes are absent from Period I. This might be due to the very small amount of excavated deposits in the earliest settlement layers, but the almost total absence of terracotta cakes in layers dtable to phases 8-7, exposed in some extension both in the Eastern Residential Area and in the Centrl Quarter, is remarkable. The majority of the finds belong to Period II, phases 6 and 5 (mount together to about 60% of the cases). As the amount of sediments investigated for Period III in the settlement areas, for various reasons, is much less than what was done for Period II, the percentage of about 40% obtained for Period III (which, we believe, dates to the second hald of the 3rd millennium BCE) actually demonstrates that the use of terracotta cakes at Shahr-i Sokht continued to increase." (E. Cortesi, M. Tosi, A. Lazzari and M. Vidale, 2008, Cultural relationships beyond the Iranian plateau: the Helmand Civilization, Baluchistan and the Indus Valley in the 3rd millennium, pp. 17-18)

Indus terracotta nodules. Source: "Terra cotta nodules and cakes of different shapes are common at most Indus sites. These objects appear to have been used in many different ways depending on their shape and size. The flat triangular and circular shaped cakes may have been heated and used for baking small triangular or circular shaped flat bread. The round and irregular shaped nodules have been found in cooking hearths and at the mouth of pottery kilns where they served as heat baffles. Broken and crushed nodule fragments were used instead of gravel for making a level foundation underneath brick walls."Terracotta cake. Mohenjo-daro Excavation Number: VS3646. Location of find: 1, I, 37 (near NE corner of the room)."People have many different ideas about how these triangular blocks of clay were used. One idea is that they were placed inside kilns to keep in the heat while objects were fired. Another idea is that they were heated in a fire or oven, then placed in pots to boil liquids." Source: http://www.ancientindia.co.uk/indus/explore/nvs_tcake.html
These terracotta cakes are like Ancient Near East tokens used for accounting, as elaborated by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her pioneering researches.
The context in which an incised terracotta cake was found at Kalibangan is instructive. I suggest that terracotta cakes were tokens to count the ingots produced in a 'fire-altar' and crucibles, by metallurgists of Sarasvati civilization. This system of incising is found in scores of miniature incised tablets of Harappa, incised with Indus writing. Some of these tablets are shaped like bun ingots, some are triangular and some are shaped like fish. Each shape should have had some semantic significance, e.g., fish may have connoted ayo 'fish' as a glyph; read rebus: ayas 'metal (alloy)'. A horned person on the Kalibangan terracotta cake described herein might have connoted: kōṭu 'horn'; rebus: खोट khōṭa 'A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. Hence 2 A lump or solid bit'; खोटसाळ khōṭasāḷa 'Alloyed--a metal'(Marathi) A stake associated with the fire-altar was ढांगर [ ḍhāṅgara ] n 'A stout stake or stick as a prop to a Vine or scandent shrub]' (Marathi); rebus:ḍhaṅgar 'smith' (Maithili. Hindi)
Harppa. Two sides of a fish-shaped, incised tablet with Indus writing. Hundreds of inscribed texts on tablets are repetitions; it is, therefore, unlikely that hundreds of such inscribed tablets just contained the same ‘names’ composed of just five ‘alphabets’ or ‘syllables’, even after the direction of writing is firmed up as from right to left.

At Kalibangan, fire Vedic altars have been discovered, similar to those found at Lothal which S.R. Rao thinks could have served no other purpose than a ritualistic one.[18] These altars suggest fire worship or worship of Agni, the Hindu god of fire. It is the only Indus Valley Civilization site where there is no evidence to suggest the worship of the "mother goddess".
Within the fortified citadel complex, the southern half contained many (five or six) raised platforms of mud bricks, mutually separated by corridors. Stairs were attached to these platforms. Vandalism of these platforms by brick robbers makes it difficult to reconstruct the original shape of structures above them but unmistakable remnants of rectangular or oval kuṇḍas or fire-pits of burnt bricks for Vedi (altar)s have been found, with a yūpa or sacrificial post (cylindrical or with rectangular cross-section, sometimes bricks were laid upon each other to construct such a post) in the middle of each kuṇḍa and sacrificial terracotta cakes (piṇḍa) in all these fire-pits. Houses in the lower town also contain similar altars. Burnt charcoals have been found in these fire-pits. The structure of these fire-altars is reminiscent of (Vedic) fire-altars, but the analogy may be coincidental, and these altars are perhaps intended for some specific (perhaps religious) purpose by the community as a whole. In some fire-altars remnants of animals have been found, which suggest a possibility of animal-sacrifice." Source: Elements of Indian Archaeology (Bharatiya Puratatva,in Hindi) by Shri Krishna Ojha, published by Research Publications in Social Sciences, 2/44 Ansari Riad, Daryaganj, New Delhi-2, pp.119-120. (The fifth chapter summarizes the excavation report of Kalibangan in 11 pages).
Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id. Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. (DEDR 1214)
Ka. kunda a pillar of bricks, etc. Tu. kunda pillar, post. Te. kunda id. Malt. 
kunda block, log. ? Cf. Ta. kantu pillar, post. (DEDR 1723)
kándu f. ʻ iron pot ʼ Suśr., °uka -- m. ʻ saucepan ʼ.Pk. kaṁdu -- , kaṁḍu -- m.f. ʻ cooking pot ʼ; K. kō̃da f. ʻ potter's kiln, lime or brick kiln ʼ; -- ext. with -- ḍa -- : K. kã̄dur m. ʻ oven ʼ. -- Deriv. Pk.kaṁḍua -- ʻ sweetseller ʼ (< *kānduka -- ?); H. kã̄dū m. ʻ a caste that makes sweetmeats ʼ. (CDIAL 2726) *kandukara ʻ worker with pans ʼ. [kándu -- , kará -- 1]
K. kã̄dar, kã̄duru dat. °daris m. ʻ baker ʼ.(CDIAL 2728)

Rebus: khāṇḍā 'tools, pots and pans,metal-ware' (Marathi) H. lokhar m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; -- X lauhabhāṇḍa -- : Ku. lokhaṛ ʻ iron tools ʼ; H.lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻ tools, iron, ironware ʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ (LM 400 < -- khaṇḍa -- ).(CDIAL 11171)
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
December 15, 2015
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Kejriwal takes on Modi over CBI raid of Delhi govt officer's office. NaMo,nationalise kaalaadhan.

December 15, 2015, 2:40 am
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Published: December 15, 2015 11:16 IST | Updated: December 15, 2015 15:52 IST  December 15, 2015

Uproar over searches at the office of Delhi CM

  • The Hindu
  • Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi and party MPs stage a protest demonstration at the Parliament complex on Monday. Photo: Sandeep Saxena
    The Hindu
    Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi and party MPs stage a protest demonstration at the Parliament complex on Monday. Photo: Sandeep Saxena
Parliament on Tuesday saw uproar over Central Bureau of Investigation's raid on Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal's office, with Opposition parties rallying behind the AAP leader.
The CBI conducted searches at the office of Secretary to Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.
The Bharatiya Janata Party on Tuesday, in a stern message, asked its MPs to be present in House for the remainder of the winter session of Parliament.
Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on Monday said the winter session of Parliament, which had started with much promise of a détente between the government and the Opposition, was “threatened with a washout.” This diminished significantly the chances of the passage of the Goods and Services Tax Bill, 2014.
Union Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi also made an announcement that all BJP MPs would contribute Rs 10,000 each for Chennai flood relief.
Live updates:
2:47 pm: Lok Sabha on Tuesday witnessed heated exchanges as Congress members alleged “atrocities” on dalits in Punjab, evoking a sharp response from the government as well as the state’s ruling party Shiromani Akali Dal which accused the opposition of “misleading” the House. Full story
2:35 pm: Delhi govt officer’s office was raided, not Kejriwal’s: Jaitley
1:05 pm: Meeting between Amit Shah and senior Ministers gets underway in Parliament: Sources
12:55 pm: This very much goes against the spirit of federalism, says Congress leader Kamal Nath on the CBI raids.
12:43 pm: Union Minister Prakash Javadekar reacts to the Delhi raids
12:34 pm: Rajya Sabha adjourned till 2 p.m. after uproar over CBI raid on Delhi CM office.
12:33 pm: Congress, TMC, RJD members stage walkout in the Lok Sabha, protesting atrocities against Dalits in Punjab.
12:20 pm: CPI(M) condemns CBI raid as well.
12:17 pm: Kejriwal finds support in TMC and Congress in Rajya Sabha.
12:13 pm: The CBI raid had nothing to do with Kerjiwal or his tenure; graft case against Delhi govt. officer also pertains to past: Jaitley in Rajya Sabha.
12:10 p.m.: Rajya Sabha adjourned till 12.30 pm after uproar over CBI raids at Delhi Secretariat.
11:47 am: Rajya Sabha adjourned till noon after uproar over CBI raids at Delhi Secretariat.
11:43 am: Rajya Sabha adjourns briefly following Congress ruckus over developments in Arunachal Pradesh Assembly.
11:26 am: Rajya Sabha adjourned till 11:40 a.m.
11:24 am: Amit Shah, Rajnath Singh and top Cabinet Ministers to meet in Parliament at noon.
11:10 am: The BJP asks its MPs to be present in House for the remainder of the Session.
11:08 am: All BJP MPs to contribute Rs 10,000 each for Chennai flood relief, says Union Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi.
10:17 am: BJP releases booklet on 'National Herald' scam at its parliamentary party meeting.
9:56 am: Congress gives adjournment motion notice in Lok Sabha over the Abohar incident.
9:45 am: BJP parliamentary party meeting begins.
Following is today’s schedule for both Houses of Parliament:
Lok Sabha:
Bills for consideration and passing:
— The Sugar Cess (Amendment) Bill, 2015.
Discussion and voting on the Supplementary Demands for Grants (General) (Second Batch) for 2015—16.
— Appropriation Bills for introduction, consideration and passing
Discussion on price rise.
Rajya Sabha:
Bills for consideration and passing:
— The Whistle Blowers Protection (Amendment) Bill, 2015.
— The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2015.
— The Anti-Hijacking Bill, 2014.
Printable version | Dec 15, 2015 4:07:31 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/live-parliament-proceedings-gst-bill-chennai-flood-relief-national-herald-scam/article7991708.ece

Published: December 15, 2015 10:23 IST | Updated: December 15, 2015 15:32 IST  December 15, 2015

Kejriwal takes on Modi over CBI raid

  • Media personnel wait outside Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal's office. Photo: R.V. Moorthy
    The Hindu
    Media personnel wait outside Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal's office. Photo: R.V. Moorthy
  • Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.
    The Hindu
    Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.

"CBI raids my office...when Modi could not handle me politically, he resorts to this cowardice," he tweets; The investigating agency conducted searches at the office of his secretary based on a complaint

The Central Bureau of Investigation on Tuesday morning conducted searches at the office of Secretary to Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.
“A corruption case has been registered against Rajendra Kumar, Secretary to the Delhi CM, on the allegation that he abused his official position to favour a particular firm in getting tenders from various Delhi government departments in the past few years,” said a CBI official, adding that the action has been taken on the basis of a complaint lodged by a former Delhi Dialogue Commission member secretary, Ashish Joshi.
After taking warrants, the agency initiated searches on the residential and the official premises of Mr. Kejriwal’s Secretary at Delhi Secretariat around 9 a.m.
While the searches were on, the CBI did not reveal the exact purpose of the move. This triggered sharp reaction from Mr. Kejriwal. “CBI raids my office...when Modi could not handle me politically, he resorts to this cowardice,” he tweeted.
“None of the Delhi government staffers were allowed to enter the offices on the third floor,” said an official, adding that the Delhi CM’s office was sealed.
Meanwhile, some senior Delhi government officials claimed the raid was "fallout of Mr. Kejriwal's decision to take the Centre to task over the Shakur Basti Demolition".
Following this, Mr. Kejriwal said: "CBI lying. My own office raided. Files of CM office are being looked into. Let Modi say which file he wants?"
The Delhi Chief Minister said that the CBI was using Principal Secretary Rajender Kumar as an excuse to look through all his files.
Speaking in the Rajya Sabha today, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said: "The CBI raid had nothing to do with Mr. Kerjiwal or his tenure; graft case against Delhi govt. officer also pertains to past."
Responding to the statement, Mr. Kejriwal said: "FM lied in Parliament. My own office files are being looked into to get some evidence against me. Rajender is an excuse."

Kejriwal on CBI raids

The Hindu @the_hindu
  1. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    My question -had Rajender not been my secretary, then wud he have been raided? No. Then who is the target- Rajender or me ?
  2. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    Mamata Di. This is undeclared emergency https://twitter.com/mamataofficial/status/676662689083490304 …
  3. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    FM lied in Parliament. My own office files are being looked into to get some evidence against me. Rajender is an excuse
  4. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    If CBI had any evidence against Rajender, why didn't they share it wid me? I wud hv acted against him(2/2)
  5. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    I am the only CM who dismissed, on my own, a minister n a senior officer on charges of corruption and handed their cases to CBI(1/2)
  6. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    CBI lying. My own office raided. Files of CM office are being looked into. Let Modi say which file he wants?
  7. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    Modi is a coward and a psycopath
  8. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    When Modi cudn't handle me politically, he resorts to this cowardice
  9. Arvind Kejriwal        ✔ @ArvindKejriwal
    CBI raids my office
AAP leaders attack Modi
AAP leaders said that the Centre has now stooped to a new low and the raid showed the 'venom' Mr. Modi has for the Delhi Chief Minister. "Through these raids, Mr. Modi is trying to scare away honest politics," tweeted Manish Sisodia.
Party's Delhi head, Dilip Pandey, said: "Today, Modi govt. brought federal structure to its knees. You lost Delhi, you raided Kerala house, you lost Bihar. Carry it on and u will lose all." More...
Earlier this year, Rajender Kumar’s appointment as Principal Secretary (Home) had led to yet another round of tussle between the Delhi government and the Centre. The Union Home Ministry had refused to recognise his posting, stating that for all official purposes its appointee Dharam Pal was the Principal Secretary (Home).
(With inputs from Maria Akram)

Printable version | Dec 15, 2015 4:05:20 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/kejriwal-says-office-raided-by-cbi/article7991638.ece

| Tuesday , December 15 , 2015 |

CBI raids Delhi babu, Kejriwal claims his office being targeted, calls Modi names

New Delhi, Dec 15 (Agencies): Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal said his office was raided by the Central Bureau of Investigation on Tuesday on the orders of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, but the CBI said it was raiding a senior bureaucrat.
A senior CBI official, who declined to be identified as he was not authorised to speak to the media, said investigators were searching the office of Rajendra Kumar, principal secretary of Delhi’s Aam Aadmi Party government, which is near Kejriwal's office.
Kumar is under investigation for corruption in the so-called CNG fitness scam of 2002.
”Modi is a coward and a psycopath,” Kejriwal tweeted. “When Modi couldn't handle me politically, he resorts to this cowardice.”
Kejriwal dismissed the CBI’s claim that a bureaucrat’s office was being raided.
“CBI lying. My own office raided. Files of CM office are being looked into. Let Modi say which file he wants?” Kejriwal tweeted.
Kejriwal and the Bharatiya Janata Party government at the Centre led by Modi have been involved in a power struggle over the appointment of bureaucrats and the control of police since Kejriwal's party came to power in Delhi earlier this year.
That election victory in New Delhi smashed the aura of invincibility built around Modi in his first major electoral upset since being appointed prime minister.
Sources said CBI officials went to the Delhi Secretariat, which houses office of Kejriwal and other ministers, in the morning and conducted the search in the third floor of the building.
They said the search may be in connection with scam involving appointment of a private party to issue fitness certificates for vehicles running on compressed natural gas.
Parliamentary Affairs Minister Venkaiah Naidu told reporters the CBI is an independent organisation and does not act under the orders of the government.
”It has become a fashion of the Delhi chief minister to quarrel with the central government and take the name of the prime minister for each and everything,” Naidu said.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1151215/jsp/frontpage/story_58583.jsp#.Vm_sOHh96ds

CBI finds cash stash in raids on Kejriwal's top babu, officials of firms in tender scam

New Delhi, Dec 15 (PTI): The Central Bureau of Investigation on Tuesday conducted searches at the office of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and over a dozen other places after it registered a corruption case against Kejriwal’s Principal Secretary Rajendra Kumar.
The agency claimed it has seized a total cash of about Rs 13 lakh, including Rs 2.4 lakh from the residence of Kumar, as it simultaneously conducted raids at about 14 locations in the national capital and Uttar Pradesh.
CBI officials went to the Delhi Secretariat, which houses office of Kejriwal and other ministers, and conducted the operation on the third floor on Tuesday morning.
The agency said it has registered a case against Kumar and others on allegations against the officer that he abused his official position by “favouring a particular firm in the last few years in getting tenders from Delhi government departments”.
”After taking warrants, searches are being conducted in the office and residence of Rajendra Kumar. The allegations against Kumar were raised by Ashish Joshi, former Member Secretary, Delhi Dialogue Commission,” the agency said.
Apart from Kumar, the agency has named A.K. Duggal and G.K. Nanda, former managing directors of Intelligent Communication System India Ltd (ICSIL), R.S. Kaushik, MD of ICSIL, Sandeep Kumar and Dinesh K Gupta, Directors of Endeavour Systems Pvt Ltd and the said firm as accused.
The CBI said Rs 10.5 lakh in cash was recovered from Nanda during the searches and documents pertaining to three immovable properties have been recovered from the residence of Principal Secretary Kumar.
They claimed Kumar was not cooperating with agency in opening his email accounts.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1151215/jsp/frontpage/story_58584.jsp#.Vm_sh3h96ds
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“This Nehru-Gandhi Family is Totally Anti-National” -- Dr. Subramanian Swamy. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

December 15, 2015, 3:30 am
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“This Nehru-Gandhi Family
is Totally Anti-National”

An Interview with Dr Subramanian Swamy
By Surajit Dasgupta --  National Affairs Editor, Swarajya,  13 Dec, 2015

Swarajya’s National Affairs Editor Surajit Dasgupta interviews economist and politician Subramanian Swamy who says things that others would think thrice about before opening their mouths.

Subramanian Swamy—economist, teacher, politician, irrepressible “trouble maker” and relentless hounder of the Nehru-Gandhi family. The case he lodged in 2012 against the Congress’ supposed illegalities involving the little-known but very-wealthy newspaper called National Herald, has reached the Delhi High Court now, which has asked Sonia and Rahul Gandhi to appear before it.

What is the National Herald case?  (You can read our previous interview with Swamy, which explains the issue in easy-to-understand terms.)

For many years now, people have seen YouTube videos where you are seen targeting the Nehru-Gandhi family for various reasons — for their educational background, for the alleged dubious dealings they had had at different places, etc. Do you have something personal against this family?

Not really. When you are fighting an enemy you think is bad for the country, all dimensions of that person’s life are important. It’s there in most democratic countries. (Bill) Clinton, whether he had an affair with (Monica) Lewinsky or not — they brought it all out in the open! Mahatma Gandhi had said ‘there is no such thing for a public person as a public life and a private life. Yes, there are, for instance, supposing I have a quarrel with my wife — that may not be part of my public life; it does not impinge on society. But if you have, say, slept with a Pakistani spy — although there are arguments of mutual consent, blah blah, which the liberal society justifies — it has a public interest value.

You believe this family is that dangerous?

This family is totally anti-national as far as India is concerned (but) I must tell you this much: Rajiv Gandhi and I were very, very close friends, extremely close friends. In Parliament when Indira Gandhi was the Prime Minister, he used to sit next to me along the aisle. After he lost office, he and I used to meet at 2 am everyday for two hours. So I know almost everything about the circumstances in which he got married, and what the relationship between the two (Rajiv and Sonia) was.

I cannot say I am anti-Nehru-Gandhi family per se, but I certainly was, from Day 1 anti-Nehru. Even when I was a school student, I took an intuitive dislike for Jawaharlal Nehru. There was no explanation. I just had it! The dislike was continuous as I learnt more and more about him. I was dead against Indira Gandhi till she returned to power in 1980. She made very strenuous efforts to befriend me — largely because of Rajiv Gandhi’s influence. Towards the time before her death, she and I were good friends. She and I used to meet off and on, and she used to take my view; she certainly took my help on China. And so, I won’t say, in her last days, she and I were opposed to each other, although I didn’t think too much of her.

India-Kashmir-Gandhi Anniversary

I thought well of Rajiv. He was a great patriot, thought he would make a great Prime Minister if he came back for the second time around, and I supported him. Openly, on the floor of Parliament (I said) he didn’t get the Bofors money, (Ottavio) Quattrocchi (Sonia’s close friend) got it, and these were proved quite later, too late.

When I had not researched her (Sonia’s) background, I was friendly with her. But she is a total actress.  When she wants to be friends, she will be great friends with you. At the time when (PV) Narasimha Rao had literally sidelined her — I was a great friend of Narasimha Rao; I had a ministerial rank position in his government as the chairman of a commission — she used to meet me once a week for tea. She, in fact, told me, ‘I’m more Sicilian than an Indian.’ I said, ‘Why do you say that?’ She said, ‘Indians like to be kicked.’ That’s what she told me. ‘Whereas you are a ruthless person,’ she told me. Because at that time I was giving a hard time to (J) Jayalalithaa! Real hard time, you see. I was filing cases left, right and centre.

So, she told me she was more of a Sicilian. And in my last meeting with her, I said, ‘This is my last meeting with you; I’ll never meet you again.’ I told her that ‘you told me you were more Sicilian than Indian’ and ‘now I’ll tell you what a Sicilian is’.

Through Rajiv Gandhi I came to know that she had a long-term association with the George Habash group of Palestinians and she used to send money to them. Once when Rajiv Gandhi was out of power, he made me fly to Tunisia and meet Yasser Arafat to inquire whether the money is reaching or not.

Sonia Gandhi made you fly to Tunisia?

No, Rajiv Gandhi did. I’ll tell you the exact date: 10 October 1990. I flew to Tunisia and met Yasser Arafat who was underground, which means special arrangements had to be made. I was received at the airport and taken to his hideout. Only because she (Sonia) was pestering him (Rajiv) to find out whether the money, after they ceased to be in power, was reaching the Palestinian families that had lost their sons in suicide bomb attacks.

Was that Indian money reaching them?

I don’t know. I didn’t ask. I assume it’s not. I really value Indian money. Dollars, probably pounds (sterling)!

Now, George Habash is a Christian group, but it’s also the group that trained the LTTE. Their connection with the LTTE ended when the Supreme Court held four people guilty to such an extent that they should be hanged; they should be executed; capital punishment should be given to them. She wrote a letter to the President saying that they should not be, and then later on sent her daughter to meet one of the assassins.

Since I was very fond of Rajiv, I couldn’t stomach it. Then I started doing the research. Therefore, to say that I have a pathological hatred for the Nehru-Gandhi family is not correct. Yes, I never liked Nehru, but that was pure policy. And, of course, I later on came to know that he gave up the offer of the UN Security Council, and then what he did on Kashmir, and the files I saw when I was one of the senior-most ministers in the Chandrashekhar government. All this only bolstered that view.

Indira Gandhi, I told you, was a good friend from 1981 to 1984 when she was assassinated. And Rajiv was a buddy. If Rajiv trusted anybody outside some friends I do not know about, I was considered his most trusted friend. Yesterday (8 December) there was a programme on NDTV that had three speakers who were journalists who knew me then. They said it was wrong to say Swamy has some antipathy towards the family; he was very good friends with Rajiv Gandhi.

But because of these varied relationships — you did not like Nehru; you did not quite like Indira Gandhi, but were quite close to her towards the end…

Yeah, I didn’t like her at all.

But you had a working relationship with her between 1980 and 1984.

That’s right. I did work for her; I did jobs for her; I went to China. You can see Deng Xiaoping sitting there with me (points at a photograph on the wall). He met no Indian leader, but he met me.

And then you were very close to Rajiv Gandhi.

Yes.

Because of certain revelations, you grew averse to Sonia Gandhi.

Yes, as the facts started coming out, like when Rajiv Gandhi asked me to go to Tunisia. Why would he have anything to do with the Habash group?

Then later on the LTTE and their connections…And then I noticed her personal behaviour; she was not a woman of her words. I brought down the BJP government at her urging. And having brought it down, she made a deal with (Atal Bihari) Vajpayee to free Quattrocchi from Malaysia so that she could sabotage the formation of an alternative government!

This was 1999 when the NDA lost power by one vote in Parliament?

Yes.

But because of this kind of a political history, your critics find you inconsistent.

Well, that’s a stupid thing to say. I never left the Janata Party. For years they said I have been changing parties all the time. Now they say, ‘He is changing alliances.’ Who hasn’t changed alliances, tell me? Sonia Gandhi brought down the (IK) Gujral government because (M) Karunanidhi was there (as an ally who supported the LTTE). Then, just three years later, she had an alliance with him! And the alliance still continues.

What about Vajpayee? What about today our having an alliance with Mufti Mohammed Saeed in Kashmir? I mean, they don’t know what else to say against me. They can’t say I am stupid; they can’t say I am an illiterate; they can’t say I am dishonest. So, you know, ‘inconsistent’ and ‘maverick’! ‘Maverick’ is a compliment in the United States. These idiots do not even know English, you see.

Would you say, since you had a role to play in bringing down the Vajpayee government, this present government is wary of you?

I don’t get that impression.

(A bit of history here, from Swarajya’s Surajit Dasgupta, Swamy’s interviewer)
Has the RSS been on positive terms with you throughout, considering that you had written an article against them as well?

I had to. I was doing things that were Hindutva. I got Kailash Mansarovar opened. I made the man who ordered the opening of the lock of Babri Masjid a High Court judge as the (then) law minister. Azam Khan would allege to Mulayam Singh Yadav, who was then part of the Janata Party, I was an RSS agent while I was attacked by swayamsevaks, too. I was constantly being called a CIA agent by the (RSS) cadres and Vajpayee himself. If you go through the December 1980 parliamentary proceedings, I had raked him over the coals because he had given an interview saying that as foreign minister he had come across documents that I was a CIA agent. Finally he said he had never said it, which was a lie because it (the interview) was tape-recorded; he was doing these background briefings.

That That article is often cited to establish you are politically inconsistent.

is the Congress’s doing. If I were to take out what JP (Jayaprakash Narayan) said about the RSS; I have not said even one-tenth of that. They have held demonstrations against him near his house. But the RSS never opposed me throughout. As they kept their word, they said, ‘When the time comes, we will ask you to come and rejoin us.’ That’s exactly what happened in 2005. And they told me, ‘Despite all the attacks on us, you never wavered off the Hindutva agenda.’

Finally in 2014, people were speculating that you would be fielded as a candidate, maybe from New Delhi.

I was. I had already been told. Out of the blue, Mr (Arun) Jaitley — I don’t mind you quoting me on that — suddenly asked the (BJP’s) election committee to be reconvened at 10 o’clock in the night on the last day before nominations, when I was about to go the next day to file the nominations, to say that ‘in New Delhi, we need a Punjabi’. What happened to all my anti-corruption campaign? What happened to all my Hindutva? There was no time left for anybody (to file nominations). And his (Jaitley’s) position at the time was enormously powerful — it has weakened of late — and he got me cut out.

Then the party president gave me an assurance that ‘when the first Rajya Sabha (seat) comes up, it will be given to you’. Not given! Then when the ministry was being formed, I was called the night before that ‘tomorrow you will be called by Narendra Modi as finance minister’. I won’t tell you who told me, but they are about as high as they come, and they would not normally tell me; it happened in the night, and it was all over the newspapers that Swamy was going to be the finance minister.

So, in this uncertain scenario, how much of support do you expect in the cases against corruption that you are fighting?

I don’t want any support. Let me tell you one thing. I have known Narendra Modi since 1972. Despite all that has happened to me, I still believe that his heart is in the right place. And we need him. So you will never find me going against Modi, unless the first strike is Modi’s. And that strike won’t be not giving me a parliamentary seat; that won’t matter. I mean, that may make me angry, but it won’t matter as far as he is concerned — because I know if everybody supports (me), he will support (me, too). I like him. He is a good man. Therefore, I really don’t need any help from him. He knows what I am doing and he is appreciative of the fact that I have not done what Arun Shourie did or Ram Jethmalani did. I have a greater cause because I contributed to the victory.

But without any kind of state support, you couldn’t win most of the cases that you have fought against the Nehru-Gandhi family.

No, no, that is not true. I won every case against them. These are propaganda these Congress people do and you people, without verification, accept what the Congress says. Basically, journalists are more comfortable with the people who have a, what shall I say, flexible social attitude.

I will quote you verbatim, rest assured.

I’ll tell you. First thing (about his attacks on Sonia) was their educational qualification. I made that argument and what happened? She (Sonia Gandhi) said it was a typing mistake. I only said to the Supreme Court that this was the longest typing mistake in the history of the world; please include it in the Guinness Book of World Records. The Chief Justice (of India) pleaded to me, ‘Dr Swamy, it’s a stale matter now; be generous, forget about it; she won’t say it again.’ And look at her affidavit of 2004, and see her affidavit of 2006 and 2009. She fought a by-election also after that. She had to correct it.

Yes, her affidavits are different on these dates.

Yes, I won.

And then Rahul Gandhi’s educational qualifications?

But I have not gone to court on that.

The New Indian Express produced a story.

I know about that certificate. I know about it. Let me finish this passport thing, then.

So let’s come to Backops. What is the case?

The case is this much: that the documents presented by the company incorporated in Britain (shows) Rahul Gandhi as the company secretary besides being a director. As the company secretary, you are responsible for all the documents also; as a director, you are not. He is the company secretary; he files documents. At the time of incorporation, they say that he is an Indian citizen. It is disclosed by him that he is an Indian citizen. The company is incorporated in 2003. In the first year, that is 2004, he originally says ‘British citizen’, but somebody has scratched it up, I don’t know who, and put ‘Indian’. Then in 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008 and in the company’s dissolution proceedings, in all these five years, he says that he is a citizen of Britain — ‘British nationality’.

Now, the explanation is not being given by him. It is only being given by the Congress that this was a ‘typing mistake’. I don’t understand how it can happen year after year. I don’t have to prove anything. I have produced the documents filed by him under his signature.

The issue is that he has to explain (the discrepancy). A typing mistake cannot be accepted. Make full disclosure of all the documents you have filed.

Now he is in a dilemma. If he proves that he is an Indian citizen, then he is subject to prosecution under the FCRA (Foreign Contribution Regulation Act) and PMLA (Prevention of Money Laundering Act). Besides, there is the Ethics Committee of the Lok Sabha that can proceed against him for not disclosing this in his election returns. And if he doesn’t, his citizenship goes.

I have also seen an old video of yours which was recorded before the 2014 elections where you said that when he was born, Sonia Gandhi was still an Italian citizen.

Yeah! That’s right. And she made her son an Italian citizen. I have not been able to get that passport yet.

See, getting a passport is not difficult. I must have it attested like these British documents — they are all attested as genuine. And the British (authorities) have also issued a statement that the documents are genuine, but the registrar of companies, which they call Company House, doesn’t take the responsibility of verifying the entries. So it is he who has to explain why he filed company documents as a British national.

Recently the Bihar elections were held and the BJP-led NDA lost it. It is being said that if the Modi government had pursued all cases of corruption against the Congress-led UPA, especially the Congress, by now these leaders would be licking their wounds rather than getting together and putting up a united fight.

I agree 100 per cent.

So, why was this government dithering on it?

This was Mr Jaitley’s strategy: ‘Be nice to them!’ See, in the very beginning I had told Modi, when Jaitley was saying ‘be nice to them’, one of the reasons for keeping me out was that I was the red rag before a bull. Jaitley opposed my entry into the BJP; it was Nitin Gadkari…

Can I quote you on that?

Yes, of course. Jaitley opposed my entry into the BJP. It was Nitin Gadkari, Rajnath Singh and, of course, the RSS that put their foot down. He (Jaitley) raised the issue of my criticism of Vajpayee also.

INDIA-POLITICS-BJP-GADKARI

Nitin Gadkari said, ‘What about our criticism of him? Are we going to talk all our lives about the past?’ When the wife and the husband quarrel, they say awful things to each other; but then they forget about it, no?’

Jaitley’s view was always… and he told me that so openly — he didn’t hide it — ‘Your style of fighting with Sonia is different from our style, and I don’t think you fit into the BJP.’ He has been holding that view.

I have been saying that these people (the Dynasty) are the most ungrateful people born on earth. The nicer you are to them, they think it is because it is their fundamental right that you be nice to them. They will not be grateful. They will not be reconciled to our coming to power. There are international forces like the international Christian community and this coalition of NGOs who don’t like us — because we represent a different stream.

And if we manage to unite the Hindus, what is left in an election? We are 80 per cent. If even half of it unites, we’ve got it made. This time, 31 per cent gave us an absolute majority.

So, are you hopeful that in the coming three years, before the tenure of this particular government ends, the corrupt would be cut to size?

Well, if the present non-aligned policy of Modi continues, of fighting corruption, we will have them all finished off.

What is this non-aligned policy?

Modi doesn’t try to protect the corrupt at the behest of some of my colleagues. Ever since Bihar and the stalling of Parliament, he is convinced what I had said is right. At least that is what I think. He hasn’t said a word of the kind to me like ‘you were right and I was wrong’ or ‘I was misled’ or whatever, but I can see from the movements that he has now become non-aligned; he doesn’t allow anybody to use any influence.

(Editor’s note: Many of the claims and statements contained in this interview are unverifiable as some of the people mentioned – Rajiv Gandhi among them – are not around. Swarajya can neither vouch for them nor refute them).
http://swarajyamag.com/politics/subramanian-swamy-this-nehru-gandhi-family-is-totally-anti-national/
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Delhi CM has gone berserk, Delhi voters should be regretting their vote little anticipating disinhibited behaviour. NaMo, stay firm, nationalise kaalaadhan.

December 15, 2015, 7:22 am
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Not afraid of you, will fight till last breath: Arvind Kejriwal to PM Modi

By: Express News Service | New Delhi | Updated: December 15, 2015 8:17 pm
arvind kejriwal, cbi raid, kejriwal cbiDelhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal alleged that the CBI had instead come looking for files related to the DDCA in which Arun Jaitley is involved. (Source: Express photo by Tashi Tobgyal)
A new, bitter standoff between the Centre and Delhi government, which found an echo in Parliament, plunged the Capital into turmoil Tuesday after the CBI searched the office of the Chief Minister’s Principal Secretary in an alleged corruption case, prompting an angry Arvind Kejriwal to accuse Prime Minister Narendra Modi of using the probe agency to “intimidate” him and his government.
As the AAP and the Centre traded charges, Kejriwal said he was the target of the CBI raid and Principal Secretary Rajendra Kumar was just an “excuse” — a charge Finance Minister Arun Jaitley rejected in Rajya Sabha where the government was attacked for going after Opposition-ruled states.
Announcing “CBI raids my office” via a tweet, Kejriwal attacked the Prime Minister: “I’m telling you Modiji, you may have scared others but I’m not among those who can be intimidated. I’ll fight till my last breath.”
“When Modi cudn’t handle me politically, he resorts to this cowardice. Modi is a coward and psychopath,” he tweeted.
Kejriwal also targeted Jaitley: “FM lied in Parliament. My own office files are being looked into to get some evidence against me. Rajender is an excuse”.
He later told reporters that the CBI was looking for an inquiry committee file relating to Delhi District Cricket Association (DDCA) that “traps” Jaitley.
“It has become necessary to reveal that why did the CBI come to my office today and which was the file they were looking for. Yeh file hai DDCA ka file jiske andar Arun Jaitley phas rahe hain (This is the DDCA file under which Arun Jaitley is getting trapped),” he claimed.
Kejriwal said the committee tasked to probe alleged irregularities in DDCA had submitted its report.
“Jaitley was the DDCA president for many years and I had set up a committee to probe all the corruption that had taken place during his tenure. The committee has submitted its report and a commission of inquiry was to be set up over it, and a file pertaining to it was in my office,” he alleged.
On his remarks against the Prime Minister, he said: “They say that my choice of words were incorrect, but your actions are bad. My words may be bad, I was born in Siwan village of Haryana. Maybe my words were bad. But your actions are bad. You apologise to the nation for your misdeeds and I will apologise for my words,” he said.
The BJP condemned his “disgraceful” remarks and demanded an apology. Union Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad rejected Kejriwal’s claim that CBI raided his office, saying it was not even “touched” by the agency.
“A textbook case of corruption is being given political colour for extraneous reasons… The use of such expressions for our popular Prime Minister is totally uncalled for, unwarranted, disgraceful and condemnable,” he said.
http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/rajendra-kumar-just-an-excuse-i-am-the-target-arvind-kejriwal-on-cbi-raids/
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The new low in Delhi CM's politics. The new low in media, Telegraph Kolkata shows NaMo in police attire. What a set of jokers.

December 15, 2015, 4:05 pm
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Kejriwal keeps up attack on Centre over raid; ex-aides call it ‘drama’

  • HT Correspondent, Hindustan Times, New Delhi
    •  |  
  • Updated: Dec 16, 2015 01:23 IST

Delhi chief minister Kejriwal called Prime Minister Narendra Modi a “psychopath” and “coward” after the CBI raid, triggering a torrent of criticism from BJP leaders in the latest clash between the central and the Delhi governments. (Sonu Mehta/HT Photo)

Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal on Tuesday took a swipe at the Centre, saying the CBI search at the Delhi secretariat was aimed at a file connected to union finance minister Arun Jaitley and his links with the Delhi and District Cricket Association (DDCA). Jaitley refused to comment on the issue beyond terming Kejriwal’s charge as “rubbish”.
The remark came after Kejriwal called Prime Minister Narendra Modi a “psychopath” and “coward” after the CBI raid, triggering a torrent of criticism from BJP leaders in the latest clash between the central and the Delhi governments.
Kejriwal’s tirade against the NDA government on Twitter was backed by several opposition parties but an angry BJP demanded an unconditional apology from the chief minister for his language and accused him of protecting corrupt officials.

Police stand guard outside the Delhi Secretariat in New Delhi on December 15, 2015. (AFP)

“CBI raids my office. When Modi couldn’t handle me politically, he resorted to this cowardice. Modi is a coward and a psycopath (sic),” the CM tweeted as several party leaders called the incident shameful.
The agency refuted the charges, saying its investigators raided the office of senior bureaucrat and the chief minister’s secretary Rajendra Kumar for allegedly favouring private firms in state tenders. Raids were also conducted at 14 other places in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh, sources added.
Kejriwal’s critics said the former anti-corruption crusader was indulging in theatrics and playing the victim with claims of political vendetta.
“I don’t know when the CBI got the complaint regarding the charges and when they registered the FIR. But merely because he (Rajendra) is raided and he happens to be the principal secretary and a trusted man of chief minister Arvind Kejriwal does not make the raid political vendetta,” senior advocate and former AAP leader Prashant Bhushan told ANI.
Yogendra Yadav, also a former founding member of the party, called Tuesday’s happenings “a drama”.
“Both allegations correct: BJP govt guilty of vendetta. AAP govt guilty of drama. Can they PLEASE spare the people and focus on governance!” (sic) Yadav tweeted.

Activists of Aam Admi Party stage a protest against the CBI raid at CM Arvind Kejriwal's office, at GPO in Lucknow on Tuesday. (PTI)

Both Bhushan and Yadav were expelled from the party in April for alleged anti-party activities. They later formed a collective called Swaraj Abhiyan.
The AAP administration has repeatedly accused the Centre of trying to run the city by proxy using lieutenant governor Najeeb Jung. The two sides have clashed on the appointment and transfer of senior bureaucrats and Delhi Police, which reports to the Union home ministry and not the city government.
The fresh tussle has pushed on the back burner a war of words in the past few days between the two governments over a railways anti-encroachment drive at a slum cluster in the Capital during which an infant girl was allegedly killed.
Tuesday’s dramatic raids came days after the Congress paralysed Parliament over the government’s alleged vendetta in the National Herald funds misuse case, where Sonia and Rahul Gandhi are accused of illegally acquiring property worth crores.
Keriwal found support from the Trinamool Congress with its lawmaker Derek O’Brien attacking the raid as “unprecedented in the history of modern India” while speaking in Parliament, even as West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee expressed shock on Twitter.
Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, whose campaign was supported by the AAP during recent polls in his state, also criticised the CBI raid in a show of Opposition unity and possible alignment of anti-BJP parties ahead of the 2019 general elections.
The BJP backed the Central Bureau of Investigation, saying the agency didn’t function under the Centre.
“Kejriwal’s language was unwarranted, shameful and condemnable. We demand an unqualified apology for the baseless allegations,” said Union telecommunications minister Ravi Shankar Prasad.
But the AAP chief scaled up his attack, alleging that the real motive of the raid was to “look at files related to corruption in the Delhi and District Cricket Association which has brought BJP leader and current finance minister Arun Jaitley under the scanner”.
“I was about to set up a commission of inquiry (in the DDCA issue). They (CBI) wanted to look at that file,” he told reporters at the residence of his deputy, Manish Sisodia, where the CM and senior AAP leaders remained in a huddle through the day. “Rajendra Kumar is just an excuse, I am the real target. “
Jaitley, however, rejected Kejriwal’s allegations that there were financial irregularities when he was president of the DDCA for over a decade.
“This morning’s statement appeared to be prima facie incorrect. But the evening one seemed to be absolutely rubbish and I do not think I need to respond to this rubbish,” he said.
Sources say Kejriwal has been keenly pursuing the DDCA case after two former Test cricketers from the city and other functionaries pointed out irregularities in the sports body, which has hobbled from one controversy to another.

“The DDCA is not registered under the Delhi government and it comes under section 25 of the Companies Act,” said the association’s treasurer, Ravinder Manchanda. The Delhi government has no jurisdiction over the DDCA. And we strongly object to the comments made by the Delhi government.”

http://www.hindustantimes.com/india/kejriwal-keeps-up-attack-on-modi-jaitley-over-cbi-raid-ex-aides-call-it-drama/story-kj4V5AAsyBwvxEOhqsVFgK.html

Kejriwal strafes Modi

Pheroze L. Vincent
New Delhi, Dec. 15: Around 10am, chief minister Arvind Kejriwal's aide Arunoday Prakash walked up towards his office on the third floor of Players Building, the secretariat of the Delhi government near the Yamuna river.
As Prakash climbed the stairs, he spotted some men in plain clothes, standing abreast at the two pathways to approach the office.
"One of them said, 'Leave, a CBI raid is in progress'. I wasn't shown any paper or anything," Prakash said.
Thus began one of the most explosive and acrimonious confrontations in contemporary politics, with Kejriwal calling the Prime Minister "a psychopath" and "a coward" and pitching himself to the forefront of the forces arrayed against Narendra Modi.
CBI sleuths had descended on the third floor that houses the chief minister's office and blocked the entry points apparently to search the room of his principal secretary, Rajendra Kumar.
Rajendra, a batchmate of Kejriwal in IIT Kharagpur, is considered the second-most powerful man in the Delhi government after the chief minister. The IAS officer is facing allegations of foul play in awarding government contracts valued at Rs 9.42 crore since 2007.
The CBI had armed itself with a search warrant but had not informed the chief minister that it would be sealing access to his office floor. CBI sources later defended the agency by saying advance information defeats the very purpose of a search, although Kejriwal is not an accused but a chief minister who has taken an oath to keep such secrets.
Kejriwal, said to be giving finishing touches to a plan to spread out beyond Delhi, grabbed the opportunity gifted by the CBI and its masters, concentrating his firepower on Modi.
Minutes after Prakash was blocked, Kejriwal, who was at home, put out a series of tweets. The most vituperative one was "Modi is a coward and a psychopath", which was retweeted 5,400 times by the evening.
Kejriwal had a field day on Twitter. Some samples: "CBI raids my office... When Modi cudn't handle me politically, he resorts to this cowardice... CBI lying. My own office raided. Files of CM office are being looked into. Let Modi say which file he wants?"
Potential federal front aspirant Mamata Banerjee was quick to close ranks with Kejriwal. "Sealing of a Chief Minister's office is unprecedented. I am shocked," the Bengal chief minister tweeted.
Kejriwal responded: "Mamata Di. This is undeclared emergency."
The CBI's timing could not have been worse: it came in the middle of allegations of political vendetta that have disrupted Parliament and paralysed legislative business.
The Delhi raid reached Parliament, too.
Replying to Trinamul's Derek O'Brien in the Rajya Sabha, finance minister Arun Jaitley clarified: "The raid has nothing to do with Mr Arvind Kejriwal. The raid has nothing to do with the tenure of Mr Arvind Kejriwal as the chief minister of Delhi. There is a corruption case. There is a complaint with the CBI against one officer in the Delhi government. The office of that officer is attached to the office of the chief minister."
However, Delhi government sources said the chief minister's staff were kept out of their office by CBI sleuths. Some junior Delhi government officials were asked by the CBI to fish out files from the rooms of Rajendra as well as Kejriwal, deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia claimed.
By noon, Kejriwal had reached Sisodia's bungalow, which was earlier occupied by then chief minister Sheila Dikshit. The AAP leadership went into a huddle and Kejriwal continued to tweet from the house, 2km from the secretariat.
"FM (finance minister) lied in Parliament. My own office files are being looked into to get some evidence against me. Rajendra is an excuse," the chief minister tweeted.
" Rajendra bahana hai, Kejriwal nishana hai (Rajendra is the excuse, Kejriwal is the target)," became a refrain among AAP leaders.
At 6.30pm, Kejriwal stepped out and upped the ante.
"It has become necessary to say why the CBI came today and which was the file they were looking for. This is the DDCA file in which Arun Jaitley is getting trapped," the chief minister said.
The DDCA is the Delhi and District Cricket Association, of which Chetan Chauhan is working president and Jaitley is a former president. Chauhan is believed to be a Jaitley supporter. Some cricket veterans had met Kejriwal in August and complained about mismanagement of the DDCA, following which the government ordered a probe.
Kejriwal added: "Jaitley was the DDCA president for many years and I set up a committee to probe all the corruption that has taken place during his tenure. The committee has submitted its report and a commission of inquiry is going to be set up. This file is in my office."
Jaitley dismissed the charge as "rubbish".
By then, Kejriwal had looked straight at TV cameras, raised his voice and pointed his left index finger to warn his principal adversary: " Mein aapko bata doon, Modiji.... aakhri saans tak, mein mar mitoonga, desh ke liye ladta rahoonga lekin. Aur mein in Modiji ke CBI se, aur tut-panjiyon se, aur geedad-bhabkiyon se nahi darne wala. Yeh mein unko saaf saaf keh dena chahta hoon.... (I am telling you, Modiji.... I will fight till my last breath, till I die, but for my country I will keep on fighting. And I want to tell Modiji's CBI, his lackeys, that I am not scared of their jackal-like empty threats. I want to make this clear to them.)"
Kejriwal added that he would apologise for his words if Modi did so for his deeds.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1151216/jsp/frontpage/story_58763.jsp#.VnCodXh96ds
Updated: December 16, 2015 03:15 IST

Unprecedented searches at Delhi Secretariat trigger Centre-AAP spat

  • DEVESH K. PANDEY
  • http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/unprecedented-searches-at-delhi-secretariat-trigger-centreaap-spat/article7993176.ece?homepage=true
  • Rajender Kumar being taken to the CBI office on Tuesday. Photo: Special Arrangement
    Rajender Kumar being taken to the CBI office on Tuesday. Photo: Special Arrangement
    CBI may seek custody of official; Opposition accuses Narendra Modi government of political vendetta.
    A Central Bureau of Investigation raid on the secretariat of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal on Tuesday morning triggered a political storm, with a united opposition accusing the Narendra Modi government of political vendetta using the CBI. Following the raid, the Delhi CM was locked out of his office for the day.
    The CBI and the Centre dismissed the allegations.
    “Reports from certain quarters regarding search at the office of Chief Minister, Delhi, are baseless. CBI emphatically denies having searched the office of CM, Delhi. False propaganda should not be used to impede our investigation,” the CBI spokesperson said in a statement.
    According to indications emerging from the CBI, the agency may seek custodial interrogation of the accused IAS official Rajender Kumar.
    ‘Not cooperating’

    “He has not been cooperating in the investigations. The official has not provided us access to his email accounts,” said a CBI official.
    The case has been registered under Section 120-B (criminal conspiracy) of the Indian Penal Code and Section 13(2) (criminal misconduct) read with Section 13(1)(d) (abuse of official position) of the Prevention of Corruption Act. Mr. Kumar, a 1989-batch IAS official and Principal Secretary to the Delhi Chief Minister, has been named an accused.
    Among the other accused are Endeavour Systems Private Limited and its two directors Sandeep Kumar and Dinesh Kumar Gupta, besides A.K. Duggal and G.K. Nanda, former managing directors of public sector unit Intelligent Communication System India Limited (ICSIL) and its incumbent managing director R.S. Kaushik. ICSIL is a joint venture between the Telecommunications Consultants India Ltd and the Delhi State Industrial and Infrastructure Development Corporation.
    Raids follow five-,month investigation, says CBI
    The high drama in Delhi started around 9 a.m. on Tuesday when CBI teams swooped down upon 14 places, including the official and residential premises of the Delhi Chief Minister’s Principal Secretary Rajender Kumar and the other six accused named in the corruption case.
    The CBI said the case was registered on Monday as a result of a five-month-long probe into a complaint by former Delhi Dialogue Commission member secretary Ashish Joshi.
    In April, the Kejriwal government had asked Mr. Joshi to relinquish the post, following which orders for his repatriation to the Central government were issued.
    In July, Mr. Joshi had lodged a complaint with Delhi’s Anti-Corruption Branch which transferred it to the CBI on his request. The complaint related to several Delhi government work contracts awarded to Endeavour Systems, mostly through ICSIL, allegedly without following set rules.
    The agency sources alleged that while working in various capacities from 2007 to 2014, the IAS official favoured the accused company bag contracts worth about Rs. 9.5 crore. During the morning searches, the agency seized papers regarding three immovable properties along with Rs.2.3 lakh in cash and foreign currency worth about Rs.3 lakh from Mr. Kumar’s premises. The CBI also seized Rs.10.5 lakh in cash from co-accused G. K. Nanda.



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Great Press Enclave Robbery. Shocking new expose by Gurumurthy unveils YIL UPA Crime Syndicate. NaMo, hand over case to CBI

December 15, 2015, 4:59 pm
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National Herald Scam Part-2: UPA Government as Co-conspirator of Gandhis

By S Gurumurthy
Published: 16th December 2015 05:29 AM
Last Updated: 16th December 2015 05:29 AM
Sonia Gandhi and son Rahul Gandhi | File/PTI
Here is the explosive part two of the conspiracy by the Gandhis and their associates to grab the National Herald (NH), which has so far remained hidden. The only defence of the Gandhis in the NH scam is that Young Indian Limited (YIL), which owns and controls 99 per cent shares of the real-estate rich Associated Journals Limited (AJL) is after all a charity company registered under Section 25 of the Companies Act 1956, which rules out any personal benefit to the Gandhis. This defence, itself fake, is blown to smithereens by the stunning new evidence, unveiling part two of the conspiracy. The Gandhi family formula to park the AJL assets in YIL that claims to be a charity company is only one part of the conspiracy. Only that is known so far.
Also Read:

The next part, the unknown part two of the conspiracy, is to convert and rid the YIL of its charitable facade and make it a regular company. In part two the UPA government also joins as a conspirator. Within four months of the fake charity YIL grabbing AJL’s properties, the conspirators had stealthily moved the UPA government, which was under their thumb, to frame rules to enable YIL to shed its facade of charity and formally become a real estate company of the Gandhis. Read on to know how far and deep the conspirators had gone and co-opted, besides the slavish Congress party, the obliging UPA government in their mission and conspiracy for greed.
YIL: Crime Syndicate
Now probe the claim that YIL is after all a charity company and YIL holds AJL shares for its objects which are charitable. YIL is no genuine charity. It is a facade. YIL’s objects do not include normal charities like relief to poor, or education or medical relief or assisting the disadvantaged sections and the like. Its main object itself is suspicious. Its stated main purpose is to inculcate in youth “commitment to the ideal of democratic and secular society” and make them participate in the “electoral process”. It has everything to do with politics and elections and little to do with charity as normally understood. The YIL’s directors report (April 26, 2012) stunningly says that, “the company acquired the loan owed by AJL” (later converted into equity) “in pursuit of its objects”. That is the takeover of the loan given by the Congress party and acquiring of 99 per cent of shares in AJL are in pursuit of democracy and secularism. How can fraud serve either democracy or secularism? Had the AJL’s loan continued to remain payable to the Congress would that have destroyed democracy and secularism? The YIL’s accounts and annual reports suppress both the loan amount (Rs 90.21 cr) and the fact that it was due to the Congress party; that YIL settled the pliant Congress for Rs 50 lakh and made a windfall gain of Rs 80.7 cr; that is it looted the Congress by almost Rs 90 cr; that the loan of Rs 90 cr plus taken over from Congress has made AJL a 99 per cent subsidiary of YIL; that AJL’s thousands of crores with properties had become YIL’s with zero debt; that, in the process, AJL has turned into a subsidiary of YIL; that YIL holds 99 per cent shares of AJL (whose face value is over Rs 90 crore with real value in thousands of crores).The 99 per cent shares of AJL held by YIL is not shown as an asset at all in YIL’s balance sheet but written off as expenditure, to suppress the very fact that AJL is YIL’s subsidiary. Each one of these actions and omissions indicate fraudulent intent.
Company law says that the balance sheet of AJL (the subsidiary) should be attached to the accounts of YIL (the holding company). The Gandhis circumvent it by saying that they would provide it to the shareholders on request. Who are the shareholders? Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, Motilal Vohra and Oscar Fernandez! That is, only the conspirators, who know the facts, will get them — not others including the public. Every sentence and word in the YIL report is calculated to cover up the fraud. It is more a document of a crime syndicate. Between 2010 and now YIL has done nothing in the cause of democracy and secularism. Its report proclaims robbing the Congress and getting 99 per cent of ownership of AJL as serving the cause of democracy and secularism! Its second (August 8, 2013) and third (August 26, 2014) reports repeat, like a broken tape-recorder, that YIL “is still passing through the nascent phase”. The nascent phase is nothing but the stagnant first phase as the second phase of the conspiracy stood thwarted by the exposure of the first.
New Rules to Convert YIL into Commerce
Here comes the most devastating piece of evidence which exposes part two of the conspiracy which is the ultimate aim of the conspirators. Sibals, Singhvis and Chidambarams say that YIL being a charity company, no personal benefit has accrued to Sonia’s family. This ridiculous defence too has gone for a six now as there is clear proof available that the conspirators had designed to get the law amended to convert the fake charitable YIL and formally make it the personal property of the Gandhis. The Company law that was in force till April 2014 was passed in 1956 and for 55 years it did not allow conversion of a Section 25 company into a commercial entity. The Act had even provided that, if a Section 25 company was wound up, its properties shall be transferred to such other company having objects similar to its objects and not to its members. It means that if YIL was wound up then the AJL shares would go to a Section 25  company with similar objects.
The law was clear that the public nature of the charity company should not be diluted. But after YIL was incorporated in November 2010 and it acquired 99 per cent shares of AJL by March 2011, suddenly a circular went around from the Ministry of Corporate Affairs of the UPA Government in June 2011 proposing draft guidelines for allowing conversion of a Section 25 company into an ordinary company. The circular asked for the response of lower authorities and stakeholders on or before July 15, 2011. Does it need a seer to link the June 2011 circular and part two of the NH conspiracy to convert YIL into a commercial firm of Gandhis?
But before issue of new guidelines for conversion of Section 25 companies into ordinary companies could be completed two developments occurred. One, the new Company law Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha in December 2011 and with the new Bill in Parliament, the guidelines-making process halted delaying the execution of the conspiracy. The next was the exposure of part one of the conspiracy by Dr Subramanian Swamy in November 2012 and his criminal case in January 2013 which effectively frustrated part two of the conspiracy. But finally the conspirators did get the rules they had proposed in June-July 2011 inserted as rules under the new Company law in April 2014, to make way for part two of the conspiracy. Had they come back to power in May 2014 they might have restarted part two of the conspiracy but the people of India frustrated them once and for all. 
Rules Tailormade for YIL
See how the rules for conversion made in April 2014 when the UPA was in power were tailormade for YIL’s conversion from charity to commerce. All that YIL had to do under the new rules to shed its charitable facade was: one, pass a special resolution to discard the charitable mask of YIL for which Sonia’s and Rahul’s voting rights alone would suffice; two, state the reasons why the objects could not be carried on as a charitable company; three, mention the principal or main objects to be altered; four, state the altered object and the reasons for it.
These compliances are clerical as the rules do not say that if the reasons are not just the request for conversion would be rejected. Under the new rules, the YIL will need a ‘No Objection’ from the tax authorities only if it had enjoyed any tax concession. It has not. So no okay from anyone is needed. The only remaining thing YIL has to do is to give an undertaking that no part of the income of the company would be distributed to the past or present members of the company. Since YIL has no income and has only losses, it can easily give an undertaking that it would not distribute any income to Sonia’s family and friends.
The most glaring omissions in the new rules passed by the UPA, designed only for YIL and to further the conspiracy, are that it does not bar distribution of the assets of YIL to its members and it does not direct that YIL’s assets should only go to a similar charitable company. Clearly the new rules have been made keeping in mind that YIL should be allowed to distribute its assets, the AJL shares, to the Gandhi family. The ultimate design of the conspirators is that YIL would be converted into an ordinary company and wound up and, in the winding up, the shares of AJL would be distributed to Sonia, Rahul, Vohra and Pitroda, so that they own 99 per cent of AJL directly. But Dr Swamy’s intervention and the court rulings on his case have made it impossible for them to achieve their nefarious designs.
PS: Unless the probe is handed over to the CBI and the court is made to supervise it to remove apprehensions of political vendetta, the full conspiracy involving the UPA government in the National Herald scam will not come out.
The author is a well- known commentator on political and economic issues.
E-mail: guru@gurumurthy.net
http://www.newindianexpress.com/columns/s_gurumurthy/National-Herald-Scam-Part-2-UPA-Government-as-Co-conspirator-of-Gandhis/2015/12/16/article3179815.ece

Herald Case Puts Chidambaram Back in Spotlight

By N Ravikumar | ENS
Published: 15th December 2015 04:13 AM
Last Updated: 15th December 2015 04:32 AM
CHENNAI: The National Herald case against Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi has drastically changed the equation in Tamil Nadu Congress, with former Union minister P Chidambaram getting back into the good books of the high command, and becoming the party’s voice across national media.
The change was visible during the flood relief distribution in Chennai, where Rahul Gandhi showed a sudden warmth and cordiality towards Chidambaram, who had distanced himself from party activities ever since TNCC president EVKS Elangovan had gained an iron grip over the State unit.
Rahul, who met Chidambaram at the airport, asked the senior leader to accompany him during his visits to the flood-hit areas. According to the jubilant supporters of Chidambaram, the Congress vice-president offered to take the former in his own flight to New Delhi, in case Chidambaram missed his evening flight. The senior leader accompanied Rahul in the latter’s car.
Chidambaram, who went to New Delhi, has become busy taking up the mantle of defending the Congress leaders in the National Herald case. He is acting as a bridge between the Congress leaders and the media, and spending his time countering the arguments of BJP stalwarts like Arun Jaitley. His supporters claimed that the senior leader has gained proximity to the party leadership and is interacting with them on a daily basis, getting their inputs and giving his suggestions on the National Herald case.
During 2014 Parliamentary election, when the grand old party had not a single ally, Chidambaram had refused to contest the polls, earning the dissatisfaction of the high command. After former Union minister GK Vasan quit the Congress and his supporter BS Gnanadesikan, who was the TNCC president, went along with him, EVKS Elangovan was nominated by the high command, without consulting any of the senior leaders, including Chidambaram.
Chidambaram’s son Karti Chidambaram, who is a bitter critic of Elangovan, was at the receiving end of harsh attacks from Elangovan, who seemed to have silenced all the voices against him. Chidambaram was one of the leaders who met Sonia and Rahul to complain against Elangovan’s style of functioning. But, the high command refused to make any leadership change as the Assembly elections are only a few months away.
Congress insiders say the prominence gained by Chidambaram in Delhi is likely to have an impact on Elangovan’s dominance. Even if Elangovan is not removed from TNCC leadership, Chidambaram’s supporters hope to bag a lion’s share during ticket distribution for the Assembly polls. Elangovan may not be able to deny tickets for MLA seats to Chidambaram’s loyalists.
http://www.newindianexpress.com/cities/chennai/Herald-Case-Puts-Chidambaram-Back-in-Spotlight/2015/12/15/article3177868.ece1

National Herald Affair: It’s fraud all the way – S. Gurumurthy

Posted on November 9, 2012 by Admin

S. Gurumurthy“The Gandhi family usurping the AJL’s Rs 2,000 cr real estate, with the funds of the Congress and through Young Indian, is fraud all the way. On the Congress. On the shareholders of AJL. And on the National Herald. Pandit Nehru said: ‘I will not let the National Herald close down even if I have to sell (my own house) Anand Bhawan’. And now? The Gandhis have buried the National Herald and looted its real estate.” – S. Gurumurthy

Subramanian SwamyThe bare facts exposed by Dr Subramanian Swamy on the National Herald affair this month are eloquent, needing very little prose. The fraud is explicit without exposition. Here are the basic facts. Financial crisis forced Associated Journals Limited (AJL), the publishers of National Herald newspaper founded by Pandit Nehru, to close down the paper in 2008. To pay off the employees to help the closure, the Congress Party had given interest-free loan of Rs 90 crore plus to AJL, then.
Herald House, LucknowWith the newspaper shut, AJL had become a mere real estate company in 2008, with property in Delhi, Lucknow and Mumbai worth over Rs 2,000 crore in its balance sheet. Against this, AJL owed just Rs 90-crore plus to the Congress. It had very little liability, besides. The balance real estate of AJL, left after paying off the dues to Congress, legally and morally belonged to AJL’s thousand plus shareholders. Big and small, they had contributed Rs 89 lakh to AJL’s capital, when the Rupee was hundred times more valuable. If AJL’s real estate had been sold and cash distributed to the shareholders, Brahm Dev Narain, a teacher holding just 41 equity shares in AJL, would have got some Rs 84,000. Hundreds of others would have got similar sums.
Copy of the National Herald on view in ChennaiBut, by deep design and defying both law and morals, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi appropriated — actually misappropriated — control of AJL’s Rs 2,000-cr real estate without paying a dime to AJL’s shareholders. In just three months, between November 2010 and February 2011 and in three moves, control of thousands of crore worth property passed onto the Gandhi family. Here unfolds the sordid story.
As the first step, in November 2010, a trust company named “Young Indian” was mysteriously formed with a capital of just Rs 5 lakh, in which Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi owned 38 per cent each (total 76 per cent) and two family retainers, Motilal Vora and Oscar Fernandes, owned the balance 24 per cent, making it cent percent Gandhi family outfit. Second, the very next month, December 2010, the Gandhis got the Congress party to assign the Rs 90-cr plus loan given to AJL in 2008 to Young Indian (read themselves) by paying to the party just Rs 50 lakh. The Congress wrote off the balance Rs 89.75 cr as irrecoverable.
Congress defending Gandhi take-over of National Herald propertiesThis creative — actually criminal — accounting substituted Young Indian for the Congress, entitling Young Indian to recover Rs 90-cr plus due from AJL. Finally, in February 2011, AJL converted the Rs 90-cr plus due to Young Indian into equity shares and allotted them. By this step, Young Indian became almost 99 per cent owner of AJL, and as much of the real estate of AJL. When AJL had assets worth Rs 2,000 cr, why should the Congress write off Rs 89.75 cr due from it as bad debt? Would the Congress have done it for any person outside the Gandhi family? And did the Congress Working Committee or AICC know of, or consent to, donate Rs 89.75 cr to the Gandhis through Young Indian?
More. In the founding documents of Young Indian the one word that is totally absent is “Congress”! The design is self-evident. The Congress should be out completely and the Gandhi family should exclusively grab control of the AJL’s lands at Delhi, Lucknow and Mumbai worth thousands of crores for pittance. And it did happen.
Sam PitrodaThe rest of Young Indian’s story stinks even more. With the Gandhi family and loyalists holding its entire capital, the directors of Young Indian — besides Soniaand Rahul, are Motilal Vora, Oscar Fernandes, Suman Dubey and Sam Pitroda— are time-tested friends of the family. But, what is the object of Young Indian? Young Indian says its first annual report (April 27, 2012), “is engaged in activities to inculcate in the minds of India’s youth commitment to the ideals of democratic and secular society”.
See what is the first act of this idealist company, after its birth in November 2010, to “inculcate” such ideals in youth. Its annual report shows that the company forthwith started its “operations in December 2010”, and as its first act in pursuance of “its objects”, it acquired the “loan owed” by AJL “for a consideration of Rs 50 lakh”, by which it became AJL’s 99 per cent owner. So the first act of Young Indian to promote idealism in Indian youth was to defraud the Congress party of Rs 89.75 crore on the one hand and the shareholders of AJL of thousands of crores of money on the other. See how the plot thickens.
Suman DubeyYoung Indians’ annual report discloses a further design — to alter the character of AJL itself. It says that AJL is recasting “its activities” to align its objects, Young Indian’s “main objects”. Finally to merge AJL into Young Indian? And “as part of the restructuring exercise of” AJL, says the annual report, the “loan was converted into equity”. A joke indeed! Young Indian speaks as if it is helping to restructure AJL.
Young Indian is a pauper. Its director’s report shows that, from its inception in November 2010 to March 2012, its total income was — believe it — just Rs 800! Its total expenditure was Rs 69.79 lakh and its loss, after deducting its income (Rs 800) was Rs 69.78 lakh. Does the AJL, with huge real estate, need an asset-less and income-less pauper Young Indian for its restructure?
See the deepening design. Young Indian’s annual report intentionally conceals the crucial fact that the loan of Rs 90-cr plus owed by AJL to it was originally due to the Congress party — the intention being that Young Indian looted the Congress should be concealed. The report also suppresses the fact that AJL with asset base of a couple of thousands of crores had become (almost) its wholly-owned subsidiary. It says, in fine print, that shareholders — who? Sonia, Rahul, Vora, Oscar, Dubey and Pitroda! — will get information regarding the subsidiary on request.
Motilal VoraThis is a fraud on company law, which mandates that the details of the subsidiary be available to the public. More. Young Indian also totally suppresses its 99 per cent holding in the AJL saying that the shareholding “is treated as application on the object of the company” and so “the same has not been reflected as an investment in shares”. This deceptive accounting jargon means that the payment of `50 lakh for 99 per cent of shares of the AJL worth thousands of crores is shown not as an asset, but as expenditure! Why? Obvious.
To keep the investment out of the balance sheet of Young Indian! The annual report blatantly lies that since the net worth of AJL is negative, its investment in 99 per cent capital of AJL is written off as expenditure.
Oscar Fernandes & Sonia GandhiThe balance sheet of AJL as on March 31, 2011, shows a positive net worth Rs 8 crore; of which Young Indian’s 99 per cent share is Rs 7.92 cr. So the negative net worth story is a fabrication. The real net worth of Young Indian is, of course, over Rs 2,000 cr.
And the final lie. After Dr Swamy’s expose, the Congress, with tears in its eyes, told the nation on November 3, 2012, that revival of National Herald, a symbol of Gandhi-Nehru ideals, was an “emotional issue” for the party, as if it has paid Rs 90 cr plus now for Herald’s revival. It had paid the amount in 2008 to help close, not revive, the Herald. Just three weeks before the Congress shed tears to revive National Herald, on October 11, 2012, ‘The Pioneer’ newspaper reported that Rahul Gandhi was emphatic that Young Indian had no intention of relaunching any newspaper. By an email to ‘The Pioneer’, Rahul Gandhi’s office said: “Young Indian is a not-for-profit company and does not have commercial operations…. The company has no intention of starting any newspaper”. Any more evidence needed to prove that the sobbing story of Herald’s revival is fake? A post facto lie?
Counting Congress rupees!So. The Gandhi family usurping the AJL’s Rs 2,000 cr real estate, with the funds of the Congress and through Young Indian, is fraud all the way. On the Congress. On the shareholders of AJL. And on the National Herald.
Pandit Nehru said: “I will not let the National Herald close down even if I have to sell (my own house) Anand Bhawan”. And now? The Gandhis have buried the National Herald and looted its real estate. – The New Indian Express, 8 November 2012
» S. Gurumurthy is a well-known commentator on political and economic issues. E-mail: comment@gurumurthy.net
https://bharatabharati.wordpress.com/2012/11/09/national-herald-affair-its-fraud-all-the-way-s-gurumurthy/

 


SoniaG, RahulG Heraldgate saga as it unfolded:

Difference between National Herald scam and 2G scam: @1947 vs. @2001 prices -- MRV. One is Rs. Second convertible currency.National Herald
Sonia, Rahul & other side kicks in Congress as NGO for profits: NH, BRLF scams -- RavinarNational Herald
SoniaG, RahulG +++ in prima facie criminal ghotala. (Full debate 49:49). The G's should quit politics.National Herald
How Sonia and Rahul outdid Robert Vadra in real estate caper -- R. Jagannathan. How about Sardinia island realestate?National Herald
SoniaG, RahulG National Herald scam -- grab of public properties: 3 videos (21:31, 7:30, 38:00)National Herald
SoniaG NHL grab case for dummies. How to make Rs. 2k crores with Rs. 50 lakhs capital -- MR Venkatesh.National Herald
SoniaG, RahulG accused in criminal conspiracy and cheating in National Herald case. Full text of Court order.National Herald
SoniaG, RahulG National Herald property grab -- Accused summoned to court on Aug. 7National Herald
SoniaG family National Herald grab: Orders reserved for 26 June. More power to Dr. Swamy's team.National Herald
Swamy seeks probe into ‘take over’ of Associated JournalsNational Herald
Congress leaders conspired to grab National Herald properties: SwamyNational Herald
SoniaG family ghotala up for decision in Patiala House, June 2, 2014: Dr. Swamy's complaint against SoniaG & othersNational Herald
Dr Subramanian Swamy exposed (6:01, 40:23) SoniaG family related mahaghotalasNational Herald
How Sonia, Rahul grabbed National Herald properties -- Saurabh BhattacharyaNational Herald
Date with the Rule of Law. Patiala House Court handle on National Herald loot.National Herald
National Herald Case. RoC confirms Swamy's docs. SoniaG family should hand over the loot back to the nation.National Herald
How 2G's -- SoniaG, RahulG -- plundered the nation: National Herald grabNational Herald
ALL SoniaG family ghotala: Next Govt. should probe. Next court hearing March 6, 2014National Herald
Grab of Rs. 5000 crores & smash of National Herald - Dr. Swamy to testify. Sonia and RahulG should quit.National Herald
Prosecute Sonia and Rahul for National Herald grab - Dr. Swamy (Dainik Jagran)National Herald
Sonia and Rahul accused of Rs. 5000 crore loot, in National Herald grab, criminal breach of trust: Case in court. Congressmen should ask Sonia-Rahul to quit party.National Herald
National Herald grab, criminal breach of trust -- Complaint of Swamy in Patiala House CourtNational Herald
Congress gave Sonia and Rahul free takeover financing -- R. JagannathanNational Herald
Illegal loan of Congress to Associated Journals Ltd. criticised by Shah Commission. Now, Swamy to challenge another AJL illegality by Sonia dynastyNational Herald
Clandestine take-over of National Herald. Reason: Sonia-Rahul may be planning own TV channel by 2014 -- R JagannathanNational Herald


November 19, 2012

Heraldgate: Facts Of The Case


Guest column by  Subramanian Swamy
The daily explosion of scams and their nightly celebration over noisy TV shows have dulled the collective response. No wonder, the biggest of them — the Gandhi family’s illegal takeover of the properties of National Herald — has gone largely unnoticed
To begin with, and briefly: In 2011, Ms Sonia Gandhi and her son, Rahul Gandhi, both MPs and hence public servants under the Prevention of Corruption Act, had floated under Section 25 of the Companies Act, a company called Young Indian Private Ltd.
Rahul & Sonia Gandhi
Sonia & Rahul Gandhi
The Ma-Beta corrupt duo hold 76 per cent of the total equity (38% shares each) in the company, while Motilal Vora, the Congress party Treasurer and Oscar Fernandes, held the remaining 24 per cent. If any person or group holds more than 74 per cent of a company’s equity, then that company can be virtually administered without caring for other shareholders. Thus, Young Indian is a Gandhi private enterprise that is to be directly administered by the duo.
Now we come to the brazen corrupt plot of the duo to acquire another well endowed asset-wise. The Associated Journals Private Ltd (AJPL) is that other company. AJPL is the owner-publisher of National Herald, Navjivan, and Quami Awaz newspapers, set up by prominent Congress leaders in 1938. Jawarharlal Nehru became President of the company.
Because its object was to publish a newspaper, APJL acquired at concessional rates from Central and state governments high-value real estate properties in Delhi, Mumbai, Bhopal, Indore, Haryana, and several places in Uttar Pradesh. In some cities, like Delhi and Lucknow, it built massive offices with the help of public donations for the publishing its newspapers.
But like all Nehru-Gandhi “enterprises”, AJPL’s main mission of publishing newspapers soon ended in failure. By 1970s, all three newspapers were running in terrible losses, andeven failed to pay its employees their wages and salaries. Labour agitation forced the owners to declare lockout. The shareholders’ list by then had got depleted by death, or alienation, or sale and thus AJPL came fully into the grip of the Nehru dynasty with family retainer Motilal Vora as chowkidar-president.
By 2008 or a little earlier, Rahul Gandhi was inducted as a shareholder in AJPL. Rahul Gandhi neglected disclosing this crucial fact in his sworn affidavit filed as a candidate in the 2009 Lok Sabha election. In his sworn assets statement, he has declared as ‘Nil’ his shares in companies, when in fact he owned at least 3 lakh shares in AJPL, as well as the controlling shares in Back-Ops, a company that he set up in the early 2000s. Back Ops’ ownership was later handed over to sister Priyanka by a back-dated letter in 2009,who then promptly wound up the company in 2011 — maintaining the family tradition of failed enterprises. The assets acquired following Back-Ops liquidation went into Priyanka’s folder.
In 2010, “Operation AJPL acquisition” [Sic: Better Operation Grab”] began by Young Indian and executed in four steps:
1) Moribund AJPL obtains an unsecured zero interest loan of more than Rs 90 crore from the All India Congress Committee in 2011 with no stated purpose (but now the spin given by Congress spokesman Devendra Dwidedi is that the loan was to fulfill the “emotional attachment” of the Congress party towards National Herald). Section 13A of the Income Tax Act read with Section 29 A to C of the Representation of the People Act prohibits any political party from giving loans to commercial or related enterprises.Note: Motilal Vora is President of AJPL which received the loan, he is Treasurer of AICC which gave the loan, and he is also a share holder and Director in Young Indian, the prospective buyer of AJPL!
[Sic: Vora is president of the company (AJPL) that received the loan and also treasurer of the Congress (AICC) which gave the loan! And he is also shareholder and director of Young Indian which bought AJPL including the money loaned by the Congress whose treasurer is Vora himself! So it is Vora to Vora to Vora.  All this mere coincidence of course. NSR]
2) Young Indian enters the picture with a proposal made by Young Indian Director Motilal Vora to AJPL president Motilal Vora that he will speak to AICC Treasurer Motilal Vora to unburden AJPL of the loans due to AICC by a financial derivative of transfer of liability to Young Indian. Note: It helps that Sonia Gandhi is AICC president and Rahul Gandhi is AICC senior-most General Secretary.
3) AJPL, acting by a mere Board Resolution dated February 20, 2012 and not by a Shareholders Meeting, sells by transfer of shares to Young Indian for a mere Rs 50 lakh. It is casually overlooked that Young Indian is not a media company which therefore cannot buy a media company that has got land allotted by government and obtainedbank loans on the condition that it is a media company producing newspapers.
Before buying AJPL, Rahul G transfers 2,62,411 of his 3 lakh shares in AJPL to sister Priyanka. Robert Vadra is left out of the deal because Aruna Roy will see to it that Kejriwal will cut him to size, with Ahmed Patel ensuring 24×7 media publicity to scare the wits out of Mr Vadra. [Sic: Mr. Vadra is now believed to be holed up in Dubai or Qatar where Sonia G. and her family (mother and sisters) mostly reside. NSR]
4) The seven-storey Herald House on Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg in New Delhi is now securely with Young Indian. Mother and son decide to rent its space out to government departments and blue chip companies. The Ministry of External Affairs takes two whole floors to open a Passport Seva Kendra which is inaugurated by the then Minister, SM Krishna. Companies interested in renting space are charged six months’ rent in advance.
Sacrificing Sonia or Smt 420?
Thus, the deal was to grab Herald House, whose market worth is reportedly Rs 1,600 crore, and other properties of National Herald/Quami Awaz in Delhi, and another Rs 3,400 crore in different parts of UP, Maharasthra and MP for which Young Indian made a commitment to pay a mere Rs 50 lakh to AICCfor owning the Rs 90 crore odd obtained from AICC as an unsecured zero interest loan and now written off by the AICC. [Sic: 60 lakhs turned into 90 crores to acquire assets worth at least 3000 crores! So, Sonia Gandhi’s ‘sacrifice’ in 2004 after she failed to become PM in 1999 with false numbers of MPs has borne rich fruit. NSR]
Litany of illegalities
Now what illegalities have been committed?
1) The deal is a sham, bogus, and a violation of several laws including Companies, Income-Tax Act, Indian Penal Code Sections 405-08, 420, 467, and 193; Election Law, and Government Residence Allotment Rules.
2) The un-built on land in Mumbai, Indore, Bhopal, Punchkula, Lucknow etc., etc., have been illegally sold to builders of luxury sky scrapers, mall, and housing for Congress Ministers. This is violation of the land allotment orders and a criminal breach of trust.
3) Young Indian filed statements with the RoC in March 2012 disclosing that the shareholders meetings were held in Sonia Gandhi’s Government allotted 10, Janpath . This is in violation of the law since the 10, Janpath, New Delhi is Government provided accommodation for residence, which cannot be used for commercial purposes and business.
4) More than 80 per cent of the persons mentioned in the 2011 shareholders list filed with the RoC are deceased, such prominent persons such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Sharda Prasad, GD Birla etc., as also some defunct Kolkata based companies. Hence the Board Meeting of AJPL handing over the company to Young Indian is violation of the Companies Act and is an offence as well as a fraud on the public.
I urge therefore an immediate SFIO/CBI probe into this dubious stinking deal between Young India and The Associated Journals, and from the Election Commission for the illegality of the AICC I giving a loan to a private company.
Rahul Gandhi also committed perjury when he stated in his election nomination in 2009 that he owned ‘NIL’ shares when he owned in fact over 3 lakh shares of AJPL in 2009.
The bottom line is that National Herald, for which great grand-father Nehru pompously said:”I will sell Anand Bhavan but never National Herald”, has been strangulated to death by Rahul Gandhi and his mother. Young Indian’s objectives do not include bring out a newspaper. Rahul Gandhi himself told the PTI on October 9, 2012 after swallowing AJPL that “We have no intention to start or revive a newspaper”. The last gasp of National Herald, Navjivan, and Quami Awaz has been heard. For just Rs 50 lakh, Rs 5000 crore of property have been obtained.
Ironically, Herald House is built on a cemetery on Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg. The Mama-son duo know of the Biblical saying — from dust to dust.

(The Writer Is President, Janata Party)

Http://Folks.Co.In/Blog/2012/11/19/Heraldgate-Facts-Of-The-Case/

November 9, 2012

S. Gurumurthy

Congress Calculus II: Expert Says It Is Criminal Fraud

The National Herald affair involving the Congress party, Sonia and Rahul Gandhi is not just a political scandal but a fraudulent and possibly criminal enterprise, according to the author, one of the country’s leading experts on corporate accounting and law.
Guest column by S. Gurumurthy
Editor’s introduction: In a previous column, Sandhya Jain had presented the gist of the growing scandal over the misappropriation by Sonia and Rahul Gandhi of the assets of the National Herald and related papers through a bogus trust called Young Indian withthe help of money stolen from the Congress party coffers. Based on my limited experience as a corporate official (as a board director and chairman) I expressed the view that there seemed to some violations of company law. Not being an expert in these fields I was hesitant to go beyond that.
Fortunately we now have an authoritative opinion on the National Herald affair by S. Gurumurthy, one of India’s leading experts on corporate financial practices. FOLKS is grateful to Sri Gurumurthy and the New Indian Express where it appeared on November 8 under the title “National Herald affair: It’s fraud all the way” for allowing FOLKS to carry it. It is slightly edited for clarity and emphasis keeping the readers in mind. [NSR]
Daylight robbery in the name of saving Nehru's legacy
Daylight robbery in the name of saving Nehru’s legacy
National Herald affair
The bare facts exposed by Dr Subramanian Swamy on the National Herald affair this month are eloquent, needing very little prose. The fraud is explicit without exposition. Here are the basic facts. Financial crisis forced Associated Journals Limited (AJL), the publishers of National Herald newspaper founded by Pandit Nehru, to close down the paper in 2008. To pay off the employees to help the closure, the Congress Party had given interest-free loan of Rs 90 crore plus to AJL, then.
With the newspaper shut, AJL had become a mere real estate company in 2008, withproperty in Delhi, Lucknow and Mumbai worth over Rs 2,000 crore in its balance sheet. Against this, AJL owed just Rs 90-crore plus to the Congress. It had very little liability, besides. The balance real estate of AJL, left after paying off the dues to Congress, legally and morally belonged to AJL’s thousand plus shareholders. Big and small, they had contributed Rs 89 lakh to AJL’s capital, when the Rupee was hundred times more valuable. If AJL’s real estate had been sold and cash distributed to the shareholders, Brahm Dev Narain, a teacher holding just 41 equity shares in AJL, would have got some Rs 84,000. Hundreds of others would have got similar sums.
But, by deep design and defying both law and morals, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi appropriated — actually misappropriated — control of AJL’s Rs 2,000-cr real estate without paying a dime to AJL’s shareholders. In just three months, between November 2010 and February 2011 and in three moves, control of thousands of crore worth property passed onto the Gandhi family. Here unfolds the sordid story.
Enter (bogus) ‘Young Indian’
As the first step, in November 2010, a trust company named “Young Indian” was mysteriously formed with a capital of just Rs 5 lakh, in which Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi owned 38 per cent each (total 76 per cent) and two family retainers, Motilal Vora and Oscar Fernandes, owned the balance 24 per cent, making it cent percent Gandhi family outfit. Second, the very next month, December 2010, the Gandhis got the Congress party to assign the Rs 90-cr plus loan given to AJL in 2008 to Young Indian (read themselves) by paying to the party just Rs 50 lakh. The Congress wrote off the balance Rs 89.75 cr as irrecoverable.
This creative — actually criminal — accounting substituted Young Indian for the Congress, entitling Young Indian to recover Rs 90-cr plus due from AJL. Finally, in February 2011, AJL converted the Rs 90-cr plus due to Young Indian into equity shares and allotted them. By this step, Young Indian became almost 99 per cent owner of AJL, and as much of the real estate of AJL. When AJL had assets worth Rs 2,000 cr, why should the Congress write off Rs 89.75 cr due from it as bad debt? [Sic: Who authorized payment of this ‘bad loan’ to young Indian in the first place? You get only one guess. NSR]
Would the Congress have done it for any person outside the Gandhi family? And did the Congress Working Committee or AICC know of, or consent to, donate Rs 89.75 cr to the Gandhis through Young Indian? More. In the founding documents of Young Indian the one word that is totally absent is “Congress”! The design is self-evident. The Congress should be out completely and the Gandhi family should exclusively grab control of the AJL’s lands at Delhi, Lucknow and Mumbai worth thousands of crores for pittance. And it did happen.
The rest of Young Indian’s story stinks even more. With the Gandhi family and loyalists holding its entire capital, the directors of Young Indian — besides Sonia and Rahul, are Vora, Oscar, Suman Dubey and Sam Pitroda — are time-tested friends of the family. But, what is the object of Young Indian? Young Indian says its first annual report (April 27, 2012), “is engaged in activities to inculcate in the minds of India’s youth commitment to the ideals of democratic and secular society”.
See what is the first act of this idealist company, after its birth in November 2010, to “inculcate” such ideals in youth? Its annual report shows that the company forthwith started its “operations in December 2010”, and as its first act in pursuance of “its objects”, it acquired the “loan owed” by AJL “for a consideration of Rs 50 lakh”, by which it became AJL’s 99 per cent owner. So the first act of Young Indian to promote idealism in Indian youth was to defraud the Congress party of Rs 89.75 crore on the one hand and the shareholders of AJL of thousands of crores of money on the other. See how the plot thickens.
Young Indians’ annual report discloses a further design — to alter the character of AJL itself. It says that AJL is recasting “its activities” to align its objects, Young Indian’s “main objects”. Finally to merge AJL into Young Indian? And “as part of the restructuring exercise of” AJL, says the annual report, the “loan was converted into equity”. A joke indeed! Young Indian speaks as if it is helping to restructure AJL.Young Indian is a pauper. Its director’s report shows that, from its inception in November 2010 to March 2012, its total income was — believe it — just Rs 800! Its total expenditure was Rs 69.79 lakh and its loss, after deducting its income (Rs 800) was Rs 69.78 lakh. Does the AJL, with huge real estate, need an asset-less and income-less pauper Young Indian for its restructure?
Erasing ties to the Congress
See the deepening design. Young Indian’s annual report intentionally conceals the crucial fact that the loan of Rs 90-cr plus owed by AJL to it was originally due to the Congress party — the intention being thatYoung Indian looted the Congress should be concealed. The report also suppresses the fact that AJL with asset base of a couple of thousands of crores had become (almost) its wholly-owned subsidiary [of Young Indian, a front for Sonia and Rahul]. It says, in fine print, that shareholders — who? Sonia, Rahul, Vora, Oscar, Dubey and Pitroda! — will get information regarding the subsidiary on request.
This is a fraud on company law, which mandates that the details of the subsidiary be available to the public. More. Young Indian also totally suppresses its 99 per cent holding in the AJL saying that the shareholding “is treated as application on the object of the company” and so “the same has not been reflected as an investment in shares”. This deceptive accounting jargon means that the payment of `50 lakh for 99 per cent of shares of the AJL worth thousands of crores is shown not as an asset, but as expenditure! Why? Obvious.
To keep the investment out of the balance sheet of Young Indian! The annual report blatantly lies that since the net worth of AJL is negative, its investment in 99 per cent capital of AJL is written off as expenditure.
The balance sheet of AJL as on March 31, 2011, shows a positive net worth Rs 8 crore; of which Young Indian’s 99 per cent share is Rs 7.92 cr. So the negative net worth story is a fabrication. The real net worth of Young Indian is, of course, over Rs 2,000 cr.
Crocodile tears
And the final lie. After Dr Swamy’s expose, the Congress, with tears in its eyes, told the nation on November 3, 2012, that revival of National Herald, a symbol of Gandhi-Nehru ideals, was an “emotional issue” for the party, as if it has paid Rs 90 cr plus now for Herald’s revival.
It had paid the amount in 2008 to help close, not revive, the Herald. Just three weeks before the Congress shed tears to revive National Herald, on October 11, 2012, ‘The Pioneer’ newspaper reported that Rahul Gandhi was emphatic that Young Indian had no intention of re-launching any newspaper. By an email to ‘The Pioneer’, Rahul Gandhi’s office said: “Young Indian is a not-for-profit company and does not have commercial operations…. The company has no intention of starting any newspaper”. Any more evidence needed to prove that the sobbing story of Herald’s revival is fake? A post facto lie?
So the Gandhi family usurping the AJL’s Rs 2,000 cr real estate, with the funds of the Congress and through Young Indian, is fraud all the way: On the Congress. On the shareholders of AJL. And on the National Herald.
Pandit Nehru said: “I will not let the National Herald close down even if I have to sell (my own house) Anand Bhawan”. And now? The Gandhis [Sic: Sonia and Rahul. NSR] have buried the National Herald and looted its real estate.
Editor’s comment: Nothing needs to be added to what Gurumurthy has exposed in his expert column. It is a case of gross violation of company law amounting possibly to criminal fraud. My lawyer friends tell me it is a fit case for criminal prosecution. The question really is the political will and the integrity of the nation’s judiciary and law enforcement. Do they have the courage to go after these fraudsters or are they too scared of the possible repercussions? It is a test of their manliness.
The same applies to Manmohan Singh and President Pranab Mukherji. It is an open challenge to them— to prove their fitness for the high office they hold or be shown up as little men happy to be Gandhi family’s litter carriers. There is no sitting on the fence this time. History will judge them by what they do or don’t do with this venal duo.
Published On: Mon, Nov 5th, 2012

Congress Calculus Brings “Roma Rajya”

sandhyajain

Column by Sandhya Jain with introduction by Dr. N.S. Rajaram, Contributing Editor, Folks Magazine.
Indian National Congress is no longer a political party. It is a family business run out of 10 Janpath in New Delhi. Its methods and mores smack of the Italian Mafia which sees law and courts as nuisances to be dispensed with when inconvenient.
Roma way of dealing with evil
Roma way of dealing with evil
This is the conclusion that follows from the article below that appeared in Niti Central under the title “Congress’s unique book-keeping culture.”
Editor’s introduction: The long and sordid record of the Gandhi family, ever since Antonia Maino a.k.a. Sonia Gandhi took over the reins of the Congress shows that it has nothing but contempt for the law of the land, which its members have regularly flouted by signing false affidavits, setting up bogus firms and trusts, interfering with the judiciary, intimidating officials, misusing national institutions like the CBI and the like.
In the specific context of the shenanigans described in the article below, a technical point worth noting is that an “interest free loan” is in reality a gift. All the ‘borrower’ has to do is deposit it in a bank and collect interest. That is the reason why economists talk about the time value of money. It is a basic principle of economics. One can be sure this simple fact lies within the comprehension of a middle-aged child prodigy like Sri Rahul Gandhi.(Editor)
Congress’s unique book-keeping culture
The controversy over the transfer of shares and ownership of the properties and assets of The Associated Journals Ltd to Young Indian, a private firm owned mainly by Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, raises several questions of legality and morality in the conduct of affairs of the Jawaharlal Nehru-founded company from its inception to its recentcontentious dissolution.
These merit a full inquiry into the functioning of the company as well as the plethora of trusts and entities associated with the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to determine if they are functioning as per their mandate or should be wound up. It is pertinent to recall that former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar had urged Prime Minister Manmohan Singh before his death in 2007 to take over all trusts he [Sic: Manmohan Singh] was associated with so that the properties were not misused by persons not associated with the original mandate for which they were created.
Associated Journals was set up at the initiative of Jawaharlal Nehru on November 19, 1937 (birthday of his daughter Indira) under the Indian Companies Act, 1913. It had a capital of Rs 5 lakh divided into 2000 Preference Shares of Rs 100 each carrying a fixed but non-cumulative dividend of five per cent per annum and 30,000 ordinary shares of Rs 10 each.
The Memorandum of Association announced its objective, “To establish and to carry on in the United Provinces and elsewhere the business of news agency, newspaper and magazine proprietors, printers and publishers and all similar and incidental trades thereof and in this connection to do all such things as may appear to the Directors to be in the interests of the Company” [3 (a)].
The signatories included Jawaharlal Nehru, Purushottamdas Tandon, J Narendra Deva, Kailash Nath Katju, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Mohan Lal Sakra and Krishna Dutta Paliwal. The document was witnessed by Govind Ballabh Pant.
That this venture was intended to be commercially viable is stated in article 3 (d) that the company may carry on any other business “which may seem to the company capable to being carried on in connection with the above or calculated directly or indirectly to enhance the value or render profitable any of the company’s property or rights”. [Sic: It was not intended as a charitable institution but a business. NSR]
Though its founders became the ruling establishment of independent India, National Herald, Qaumi Awaz and other papers launched by them never acquired the iconic status of Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s Kesari, Sri Aurobindo’s Bande Mataram, and others that the British Raj crushed with unsparing brutality. After independence, the Herald Group survived on crutches provided by the ruling party and family until even that became unsustainable. [Sic: That is to say it failed as a business. NSR]
Janata Party leader Subramanian Swamy at a Press conference on November 1, 2012, pointed out that in the list of shareholders furnished to the Registrar of Companies, as many as 80 per cent were dead and many firms defunct.
Rulers of the Roma Rajya
Rulers of the Roma Rajya
This is no clerical error but points to a deeper malaise, namely, that after assuming the reins of power in Delhi, the family of the first Prime Minister began to regard and treat the National Herald Group as personal property. As most outsiders thought it was a public trust, no one questioned the manner in which it functioned until its sale to Young Indian opened the proverbial can of worms.
[Sic: It was sold as a business, and not as a trust which it never was nor intended to be. When a shareholder dies and his or her shares are not legally transferred to an eligible person, it reduces the number of shares but the share capital remains the same. As a result the value of each remaining share increases. NSR]
Dead men tell no tales
Taking up only familiar names, we find among shareholders listed as extant on September 2011, Jawaharlal Nehru of Anand Bhawan, Allahabad. Nehru died in 1964. Co-founder Rafi Ahmad Kidwai died in 1954. The 2011 list mentions Feroze Gandhi (died in 1960); Indira Nehru Gandhi (died in 1984); Ghanshyam Das Birla (died in 1983); NS Pandit and Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit (died in 1990); Kailash Nath Katju (died in 1968); Radha Kumud Mukherji; former Chief Justice of India Mirza Hameedullah Beg (died in 1985); Yagya Dutt Sharma (died in 1996); Sucheta Kripalani (died in 1974); Yashpal Kapoor; Mohammed Yunus (died in 2001); BRCC president Rajni Patel; Jitendra Prasad (died in 2001); HY Sharda Prasad (died in 2008); Lalit Suri (died in 2006).
[Sic: Note “…shareholders listed as extant on September 2011…” This suggests that the planning for the swindle was put in place around that time. Incidentally, who represented them at the annual general (body) meeting? Even their corpses could not be present as most of them were cremated. NSR]
Many firms are long extinct. One shareholder, Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee, is possibly not legal as a political party cannot enter into any commercial activity.
The list reflects that from its inception in 1937, Associated Journals did not deem fit to maintain its records properly. When shareholders died, their legal heirs / nominees did not replace them. The same is the case with defunct companies whose promoters and their heirs were entitled to shares of Associated Journals. Keeping defunct shareholders from 1937 to 2011 suggests they comprised a sort of default vote-bank for those controlling the company. The Government would do well to determine the legal heirs of these individuals and entities. [Sic: This I believe is violation of Company Law. NSR]
That this may not have been an accidental omission can be seen from the fact that from time to time members of the Nehru-Gandhi family and their close associates entered the shareholder list — Indira Gandhi and Feroze Gandhi (later their grandchildren). But other offspring [or nominees] did not.
This brings into focus other trusts associated with the family that have come to light during the current controversy. Late Mohammed Yunus’s address (18 Paschim Marg) is also the address of RD Pradhan who runs Rattan Deep Trust from there and serves as its authorised attorney (2008 list). Rahul Gandhi is also authorised attorney of this trust. He is also associated with Janhit Nidhi, a registered public trust at 1/6 INS Building, Rafi Marg, New Delhi.
In September 2011, Rahul Gandhi and Rameshwar Thakur were trustees and authorised attorney of Rattan Deep Trust and Priyanka Gandhi Vadera (spelling as per list) and Rameshwar Thakur were trustees and authorised attorney of Janhit Nidhi. A full disclosure about the mandate and purpose of these trusts and how and why they acquired shares in Associated Journals would be in order.
Editor’s afterword: no Rama Rajya, but Roma Rajya
FOLKS is grateful to Ms Sandhya Jain for her thorough investigation of this sordid affair. This afterword is intended to shed light on the source of the methodology employed in this shenanigan. There is an old saying that “End justifies the means.” It is to the credit of the Italian Mafia that it has eliminated the hypocritical need to justify the means. Its version, now followed by the Gandhi family and the Congress is “End alone matters.” There is no mention of any means, let alone justifying it.
Recognizing this basic fact, that the Congress today is an Italian party governed by the practices of Italian politics than by any Indian mores or principles helps in understanding the workings behind this affair. (There are no mores or principles in Italian politics.) A hundred years ago Sri Aurobindo in his Uttarpara speech may have thundered “Sanatana Dharma alone is for us the nationalism,” but the situation today nothing like it. To understand this it is necessary to have an idea of the Rajadharma in Italy.
Does this mean religion or even dharma has disappeared from Indian politics? Hardly, for religion is not dharma, let alone rajadharma. Only sanatana dharma has been replaced by Mafia dharma. To understand it helps to pay attention to what the former Italian president Francesco Cossiga had to say in a different context. Speaking of the ultimate Italian politician, the then prime minister Giulio Andreotti, but could equally be said of Silvio Berlusconi, Cossiga said: “Andreotti believes in God, the problem is he believes only in God.”
If we replace god by greed, the creed of the Italian Congress become perfectly understandable— as a creed that worships greed. Welcome to the Roma Rajya that India is today.
    • Avatar
      Navaratna Rajaram  2 years ago
      Update to the FOLKS column below: misappropriation in Mumbai
      The following facts came to light soon after the column went on line.
      "Amid allegations that the Congress party gave an interest-free loan to Associated Journals Ltd with an eye on the company’s real estate assets, it now emerges that the company that
      publishes National Herald and Quami Awaz was allotted a prime plot of land by
      the government of Maharashtra in suburban Mumbai, ostensibly for a press and a
      Nehru memorial library, neither of which was built...." DNA reported on November 5.
      Activist Anil Galgali, who used the Right to Information Act to obtain
      details... has now written to chief minister Prithviraj Chavan demanding that
      Associated Journal Ltd’s land be taken back by the government. ...“The plot was
      given for daily news publication, a Nehru library and a research centre in 1983
      but it is still as it is. The government should take the land back and build a
      hostel for students (Scheduled Caste) for which it was originally reserved,”
      Galgali’s letter dated November 2 says.
      “Will you as chief minister be able to initiate proceedings for the state government to reclaim land that is now under the control of Rahul Gandhi? There is a question about this,” Galgali has said in his letter. He goes on to say that the market value of the land is now
      about Rs 1,000 crore.
      ...Young Indian, which now controls Associated Journals has its eye on the
      latter’s considerable real estate assets.
      Congress president Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi are among the main shareholders of Young Indian.
      Question: Is what we have seen so far the proverbial tip of the iceberg? Clearly the same modus operandi is being followed to grab valuable property in the name of Nehru Library.

      National Herald publisher got plot six months after Hooda government came to power

      Written by VARINDER BHATIA | Chandigarh | Updated: December 12, 2015 7:22 am
      national herald, national herald case, national herald plot, ajl, associated journals limited, associated journals, hooda, bhupinder singh hooda, news, latest newsThe property of Associated Journals Ltd in Panchkula.
      On 3,360 square metres of prime space in Panchkula, opposite the Haryana police headquarters, a swanky four-storey building is waiting for occupants.
      This is the property of Associated Journals Ltd (AJL), which got this plot from the previous Congress government, led by Bhupinder Singh Hooda, barely six months after it came to power in Haryana in 2005. At the time, AJL was the publisher of The National Herald newspaper.
      On August 14, 2014, two months before the assembly polls, an Occupation Certificate was issued for the four-storey building on the plot, according to records maintained by Haryana Urban Development Authority (HUDA), which allotted the land.
      Sector 6 is considered as one of the prime sectors of Panchkula and is home to palatial houses, a government hospital and the offices of HUDA, Haryana State Industries and Infrastructural Development Corporation (HSIIDC), the state marketing board, the forest department, etc.
      The AJL plot is categorised as a “government office”, and HUDA records show that the authority had valued the property at Rs 59.3 lakh when it was allotted.
      “AJL made an application to the government seeking allotment of the plot and it was allotted to the land by HUDA. All the dues of the plot have been cleared by the allottee — M/s Associated Journals Limited,” a HUDA official, who did not wish to be named, toldThe Indian Express.
      This is what HUDA records, examined by The Indian Express, show on the Panchkula plot:
      * HUDA allotted the plot C-17, Institutional Area, Sector 6, Panchkula to AJL by way of a “Direct Transfer” on September 28, 2005. The allottee took possession of the property on the same day.
      * The allottee’s permanent and temporary address is recorded as “Herald House, 5-A, Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, 110002”.
      Incidentally, AJL’s records show that on March 20, 2015, previous CM Bhupinder Singh Hooda’s son Deepender Singh was appointed as Additional Director in the company.
      When contacted, Deepender Hooda confirmed that he has been “a director with AJL since 2015”. “Besides and beyond this, I have nothing further to say on this,” the Congress MP from Rohtak told The Indian Express.
      The empty plot is now being taken care of by a security guard, Dinesh Singh, who directed queries to “manager S K Sharma in the New Delhi office”.
      When The Indian Express contacted Sharma at Herald House in New Delhi, he said, “The building is lying locked. We are going to start our operations from there soon. I do not know the exact details about the operations.”
      The acquisition of AJL by Young Indian Pvt Ltd, in which Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi hold 38 per cent shares each, is at the centre of a political storm with a Delhi court summoning both the Congress leaders on December 19.
      The court issued the summons on a complaint filed in 2012 by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy, alleging cheating and breach of trust in the acquisition. The Congress leaders have denied the charges.

      'Democratic' Sonia Vs 'Dictatorial' Modi

      By S Gurumurthy
      Published: 10th December 2015 05:24 AM
      Last Updated: 10th December 2015 05:24 AM
      The Congress party characterises Modi as a dictator and by implication, presents Sonia as a democrat. Whether a popular leader is a dictator or a democrat is tested by conduct. An unpopular dictator is an oxymoron. A dictator may become unpopular but no unpopular person can ever become a dictator. How a leader behaves when in position of power — particularly when his or her position is under threat — offers the most reliable test. A popular Indira Gandhi was tested twice. Once in 1969 when her senior colleagues dissented her individualistic style. She used State power, backstabbed the party and defeated the party nominee in the election for the President of India and captured the party with the help of the enemies of the party by forging an ideological alliance with them. This destroyed the democratic Congress party as the nation knew till then. She put the party under her virtual dictatorship. She changed the very paradigm of national politics from politics of ethics and character to politics of power and success. This brought out her dictatorial mind. The real dictator in her came out when the Allahabad High Court unseated her from Parliament and the Supreme Court made her a Prime Minister without voting rights in Parliament. She struck at the nation, imposed Emergency and, as Nani Palkhiwala said, defaced and defiled the Constitution, courts, Parliament, Opposition, media, and the people at large and put the whole nation under total dictatorship. It is 40 years since and still now, no one in the Congress or from the family of Indira Gandhi has sincerely regretted the Emergency. On the contrary, Rajiv Gandhi, after he got four-fifths majority in the Lok Sabha in 1984, even tried to justify the Emergency. And that Congress party and Sonia Gandhi, claiming to be the proud daughter-in-law of Indira Gandhi, are trying to brand Narendra Modi as dictatorial — by implication, claiming to be democratic. Is it not time then that one compared the democratic credentials of Sonia and Modi?
      Look at how the ‘dictatorial’ Narendra Modi conducted himself when, just three years before he became the Prime Minister, he was under tremendous pressure from the Opposition, media and even the courts. Sonia Gandhi and her party had accused him of being the merchant of death. The UPA, which had made the CBI its Alsatian, used the agency to target him in the Sohrabuddin case. The sordid story was exposed by The New Indian Express (see articles titled, Fixing Shah, by Fabrication, CBI Betrays Court, Bails Out Congress and Interrogating The Media — published in August 2010). The media was applauding every effort to fix and get rid of him. Yet, there was no FIR against him. No complaint had been filed in any court against him. No court had issued him summons. No court had ordered his examination by police. But the Special Investigation Team (SIT) on Gujarat riots summoned him for examination like police would summon any one at their discretion. He was as popular in Gujarat as he is now all over the country. He was a powerful and performing Chief Minister of Gujarat. Also he was seen as the rising national leader within the BJP when the SIT summoned him. But he did not use his party to drum up support for him in the Assembly nor did his party stall Parliament. The Gujarat Assembly functioned and so did Parliament. He could have gathered a million people to give him a great ovation when he went to the SIT office to put pressure on the investigation and on the instigators of the case against him. He respected the summons and drove to the SIT office in his car. He walked down the lane leading to the SIT alone. He was grilled by the SIT for over eight hours. He answered their questions. Satisfied with his answers, the SIT finally exonerated him. But his adversaries would not leave him. They charged the SIT with favouring him. Finally, the Supreme Court had to exonerate him twice — once, when the UPA was in power and next time, a few months ago. This is ‘dictatorial’ Modi’s behaviour.
      Now compare how the ‘democratic’ Sonia behaved after the National Herald case caught up with her, her son and her family loyalists. Here is the National Herald case in brief. In November 2012, Dr Subramanian Swamy exposed how Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi have grabbed properties of National Herald worth thousands of crores through a convoluted criminal strategy. After that, this newspaper carried a detailed article, National Herald Affair: It’s Fraud All The Way (TNIE, November 8, 2012), explaining the fraud. In January 2013, Dr Swamy filed a criminal complaint against Sonia, her son and family loyalists, including Motilal Vohra, the Congress party treasurer, charging them with conspiracy, fraud, cheating, and criminal breach of trust to rob the shareholders and the public of thousands of crores. All this happened when the UPA was in power. Rahul Gandhi threatened to file a defamation suit against Dr Swamy. Swamy challenged him but Rahul ran away. In June 2014, a Delhi criminal court took cognisance of the offence and issued summons. Forthwith, Sonia Gandhi and other five accused, including Rahul, filed petitions in the Delhi High Court to quash the criminal proceedings. They kept delaying the hearing till they thought they got the judge they felt comfortable with. One judge recused himself and so did the next. The matter went to the third judge, who Sonia and her co-accused did not like, and he too recused himself. All the accused petitioned to have the matter heard by the second judge who had recused himself earlier. The case was posted before the very judge, who Sonia and her co-accused felt comfortable with. It is that very same judge, who decided on December 7, 2015 that the lower court has rightly ordered their trial and summoned them, and asked them to appear before the metropolitan magistrate. Still, hell broke loose. The very next day the Congress president was seen instigating her MPs to stall Parliament. When the Speaker asked them why were they disturbing the House, they shouted they saw in the National Herald case “political vendetta” and “democracy in danger”. When the Speaker asked them to spell out what they want and offered to allow them to raise the issue and speak in the House, they ran away from speaking in the House. Obviously, they only had instructions to stall the House. The same theatrics were repeated in the Rajya Sabha. Not that they did not talk in the House. They couldn’t. Why?
      It needs no seer to say that the prosecution on the National Herald fraud was an act of the judiciary and the Modi government had had nothing to do with it. There was no CBI or Income Tax or the Enforcement Directorate in the picture which could link the prosecution to the government. It was the private complaint of Dr Subramanian Swamy on which the magistrate held that Sonia, Rahul and the four family loyalists had created a trust company fully controlled by them as a cloak or sham of a special purpose vehicle to convert public money and to acquire control over thousands of crores of assets of National Herald. The court held that the accused acted as a consortium to achieve the nefarious purpose and asked them to face trial. This was the prima facie assessment of the court under the law. The government had no role in this process at all. It was between Sonia Gandhi and her co-conspirators on the one hand and Dr Subramanian Swamy on the other, with the court playing the neutral and judicial role. This order was passed in June 2014. Did Sonia or Rahul or any of the accused or the Congress party even hint that the magistrate had acted outside the law? Stop Parliament? In contrast, they all went to the Delhi High Court to quash the order and summons of the magistrate. The judge, whom they were comfortable with, decided on December 7 that they better face the criminal case as the magistrate had rightly decided.
      The very next day, the ‘democratic Sonia’ ordered her party to stall Parliament. Even as she was overseeing the closure of Parliament for the day on December 8 and her son was on a flying visit to Tamil Nadu to offer relief to the flood-affected people, their lawyers were standing before the magistrate and pleading that Sonia, Rahul and the other accused were “keen to appear before the court”. Where is vendetta then, Madam Sonia? The court has granted them 10 days and directed them to appear on December 19. It remains to be seen whether the ‘democratic’ Sonia and Rahul will walk alone and appear before the court like Modi did before the police or gather a huge crowd for theatrics and disturb the court like the Gandhis disturbed the Shah Commission.
      A caveat: Obviously stressed by the court notice on charges of swallowing thousands of crores of properties of National Herald by using the Congress party, Sonia Gandhi said, “Why should I be scared of anyone? I am Indira Gandhi’s daughter-in-law.” She said this after personally directing the Congress party to halt Parliament on Tuesday. This is ‘democratic’ Sonia, the daughter-in-law of Indira Gandhi, the saviour of democracy in India, charging Modi with ‘dictatorship’. There cannot be a more cruel joke on democracy.
      The author is a well- known commentator on political and economic issues.
      E-mail: guru@gurumurthy.net
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      Great Press Enclave Robbery. ED bureaucrat hick-ups in National Herald Case

      December 15, 2015, 7:12 pm
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      ED Officer Who Sought Closure of National Herald Case Shifted

      By PTI
      Published: 15th December 2015 07:50 PM
      Last Updated: 15th December 2015 07:50 PM
      NEW DELHI: The Enforcement Directorate officer, who had recommended closure of National Herald case, has been shunted out of the agency and posted in Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI).
      Himanshu Kumar Lal has been appointed as Deputy Secretary in the UIDAI under the Department of Electronics and Information Technology.
      The order said the official would be serving in the new posting for remainder of his tenure on central deputation till December 26 next year.
      Lal, an IPS officer of 2003 cadre of Odhisa cadre, was posted as Joint Director in the ED and had favoured closing the case in his report to the Department of Revenue.
      There is no "predicate offence" that could be made out against the two Congress leaders (Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi), a requisite for filing an FIR under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), the official had said in his report earlier this year.
      This report was flagged by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy in his complaint to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in August this year in which he had demanded appointment of full time Director of ED, which was being handled Rajan S Katoch as additional charge.
      Immediately after the complaint of Swamy, the government appointed Special Director of ED Karnal Singh as the new incharge thereby curtailing the three-month extension given to Katoch barely two weeks ago.
      http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/ED-Officer-Who-Sought-Closure-of-National-Herald-Case-Shifted/2015/12/15/article3179226.ece
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      Media images and twitterati of the sick episode of a CM gone berserk, a blot on the Republic. NaMo, nationalise kaalaadhan.

      December 15, 2015, 9:22 pm
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      A day after CBI raid, Kejriwal points finger at Arun Jaitley over DDCA irregularities

      By: Express Web Desk | New Delhi | Updated: December 16, 2015 10:18 am
      arvind kejriwal, AAP, aam aadmi party, CBI raid, CBI raid Kejriwal, Arun Jaitley, DDCA, DDCA probe, Arun Jaitley DDCA, Narendra ModiDelhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal addressing the media on Tuesday evening
      A day after the CBI conducted a raid in the offices at the Delhi secretariat, Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal today said the files seized from his office have no relation whatsoever to the allegations being probed.
      He pointed fingers at Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, who was the president of the Delhi District Cricket Association (DDCA) for some time.
      “CBI kept reading DDCA file in my office. They wud hv seized it. But after my media briefing, they left it. Not clear if they took a copy,” wrote Kejriwal on Twitter.
      He also took potshots at the FM asking why he was scared of a probe into the alleged irregularities at the DDCA.
      The CBI had searched the office of Principal Secretary Rajender Kumar in connection with a corruption case where the officer has allegedly abused his position to award contracts to a particular firm.
      The raid had major political ramifications when Kejriwal alleged that it was conducted at the behest of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who’s currently away on a visit to Kerala. The CM went on to call PM Modi a ‘coward and a psychopath.’
      The issue was raised by Trinamool Congress leaders in Parliament as well where they said the government was trying to disrupt the functioning of state government and breaking the rules of cooperative federalism.
      The BJP on its part has demanded Kejriwal’s apology for levelling baseless allegations against the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).
      http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/arvind-kejriwal-arun-jaitley-cbi-raid-ddca-probe-narendra-modi-aap/99/print/

      Arvind Kejriwal ✔@ArvindKejriwal
      Docs seized from my office.No relation to allegations being probed. Item 7 -file movement register of last one month
      9:28 AM - 16 Dec 2015

      ANI ✔@ANI_news
      AAP functionary himself has filed this complaint- Mr. Joshi, what do they (AAP) have to say about this? Union Minister Venkaiah Naidu
      10:32 AM - 16 Dec 2015
      ANI ✔@ANI_news
      A party(AAP)who says they are crusaders against corruption is worried & want to stall the Parliament: Venkaiah Naidu
      10:29 AM - 16 Dec 2015

      Day after CBI raid, Kejriwal targets FM Jaitley in new tweets

      16 mins ago

      Arvind Kejriwal vs Narendra Modi: Gloves are off

      View image on Twitter
      ANI ✔@ANI_news
      It is absolutely shameful, disgusting, obnoxious & outrageous: Jitendra Singh (MoS, PMO) on Delhi CM's remark on PM
      10:25 AM - 16 Dec 2015
      TIMES NOW ✔@TimesNow
      Time will tell if the allegations Kejriwal has made on Jaitley are true or not: PL Punia  
      10:13 AM - 16 Dec 2015

      10:41 PM (IST), Dec 15

      CBI registers a case against Delhi CM's Principal Secretary Rajender Kumar and 6 others on allegations of criminal conspiracy and criminal misconduct.

      06:45 PM (IST), Dec 15

      His (Arvind Kejriwal) morning statement appeared to be prima facie incorrect, but evening one seems to be absolute rubbish: Arun Jaitley


      ANI ✔@ANI_news
      And I don't think I need to respond to rubbish: Arun Jaitley on Delhi CM's allegations against him.
      06:42 PM (IST), Dec 15

      WATCH: Will even send son to jail if found guilty of corruption, says Kejriwal

      06:34 PM (IST), Dec 15
      I don't think I need to respond to rubbish.
      Arun Jaitley in response to Arvind Kejriwal's DDCA corruption accusations
      05:51 PM (IST), Dec 15

      Rajinder Kumar gave contracts worth several crores to Endeavour Systems. Booked for criminal misconduct and conspiracy: CBI

      05:47 PM (IST), Dec 15
      I'm not scared of PM Modi. If my son is found guilty of corruption tomorrow, I will send him to jail him too: Delhi CM Kejriwal 
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