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Indus Script hieroglyph 'twisted rope' on 14 Ancient Near East seals/artifacts deciphered, linked to Dhā̆rvā̆ḍ iron-ore town Karnataka, India

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'Twisted rope' which is identified as an Indus Script hieroglyph is signified on the following 14 artifacts of Ancient Near East, dated from ca. 2400 to 1650 BCE:
Bogazkoy seal impression with 'twisted rope' hieroglyph (Fig. 13) eruvai'kite'dula'pair'eraka'wing' Rebus: eruvai dul'copper  cast metal'eraka'moltencast' PLUS dhāu 'strand of rope' Rebus: dhāv 'red ore' (ferrite) ti-dhāu 'three strands' Rebus: ti-dhāv'three ferrite ores: magnetite, hematite, laterite'.

Fig. 1 First cylinder seal-impressed jar from Taip 1, Turkmenistan
Fig. 2 Hematite cylinder seal of Old Syria ca. 1820-1730 BCE
Fig. 3 Hematite seal. Old Syria. ca. 1720-1650 BCE
Fig. 4 Cylinder seal modern impression. Mitanni. 2nd millennium BCE
Fig. 5 Cylinder seal modern impression. Old Syria. ca. 1720-1650 BCE
Fig. 6 Cylinder seal. Mitanni. 2nd millennium BCE 
Fig. 7 Stone cylinder seal. Old Syria ca. 1720-1650 BCE
Fig. 8 Hematite cylinder seal. Old Syria. ca. early 2nd millennium BCE
Fig. 9 Fragment of an Iranian Chlorite Vase. 2500-2400 BCE 

Fig.10 Shahdad standard. ca. 2400 BCE Line drawing
Fig.11 Cylinder seal. 2 seated lions. Twisted rope. Louvre AO7296
Fig.12 Cylinder seal. Sumerian. 18th cent. BCE. Louvre AO 22366
Fig.13 Bogazkoy Seal impression ca. 18th cent. BCE
Fig.14 Dudu plaque.Votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash, ca. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu)


The orthography of the 'twisted rope' is characterised by an endless twist, sometimes signified with three strands of the rope. 


Meluhha rebus-metonymy Indus Script cipher on all the 14 seals/artifacts is: 

Hieroglyph: ti-dhAtu 'three strands' Rebus: ti-dhAtu'three red stone ores: magnetite, hematite, laterite'. 


The three ores are: poLa 'magnetite', bica 'hematite', goTa 'laterite'. The hieroglyphs signifying these mineral ores are: poLa 'zebu', bica 'scorpion' goTa 'round object or seed'.

Some associated hieroglyphs on the 14 seals/artifacts are: 

 

Hieroglyph: poLa'zebu' Rebus: poLa'magnetite' (Fig.1)

Hieroglyph: bica'scorpion' Rebus: bica'hematite'(Fig.4)

Hieroglyph: karaNDava 'aquatic bird' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy'. (Fig.7)
Hieroglyph: kuThAru 'monkey' Rebus: kuThAru 'armourer'. (Fig.2)
Hieroglyph: arye 'lion' (Akkadian) Rebus: arA 'brass'. (Fig.2)
Hieroglyph: eruvai 'kite' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. (Fig.13)
Hieroglyph: eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'. (Fig.14)
Hieroglyph: dhangar 'bull' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' (Fig.2)
Hieroglyph: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'. (Fig.4)

Hieroglyph: kolmo'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi'smithy/forge' (Fig.1)
Hieroglyph: dula'pair' Rebus: dul'cast metal'. (Fig.3)

The semantic elaboration of dhāv 'a red stone ore' is identified in the gloss: dhā̆vaḍ'iron-smelters'. There is a place-name in Karnataka called dhā̆rvā̆ 

The suffix  -vā̆ḍ in the place-name is also explained in the context of ‘rope’ hieroglyph: vaṭa2 ʻ string ʼ lex. [Prob. ← Drav. Tam. vaṭam, Kan. vaṭi, vaṭara, &c. DED 4268] N. bariyo ʻ cord, rope ʼ; Bi. barah ʻ rope working irrigation lever ʼ, barhā ʻ thick well -- rope ʼ, Mth. barahā ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 11212) Ta. vaṭam cable, large rope, cord, bowstring, strands of a garland, chains of a necklace; vaṭi rope; vaṭṭi (-pp-, -tt-) to tie. Ma. vaṭam rope, a rope of cowhide (in plough), dancing rope, thick rope for dragging timber. Ka. vaṭa, vaṭara, vaṭi string, rope, tie. Te. vaṭi rope, cord. Go. (Mu.) vaṭiya strong rope made of paddy straw (Voc. 3150). Cf. 3184 Ta. tār̤vaṭam. / Cf. Skt. vaṭa- string, rope, tie; vaṭāraka-, vaṭākara-, varāṭaka- cord, string(DEDR 5220). 

Dhā̆rvā̆  is an ancient major trading down dealing -- even today -- with iron ore and mineral-belt of Sahyadri mountain ranges in western Karnataka. The word dhāv is derived from dhātu which has two meanings: 'strand of rope' (Rigveda)(hieroglyph) and 'mineral' (metalwork ciphertext of Indian sprachbund.)

I suggest that Shahdad which has a standard of ca. 2400 BCE with the 'twisted rope' hieroglyph -- and hence dealing with ferrote ores (magnetite, hematite, laterite) -- should be recognized as a twin iron-ore town of Dhā̆rvā̆  It is hypothesised that further archaeometallurgical researchers into ancient iron ore mines of Dhā̆rvā̆  region are likely to show possible with an archaeological settlement of Sarasvati_Sindhu civilization: Daimabad from where a seal was discovered showing the most-frequently used Indus Script hieroglyph: rim of jar.
Image result for rim of jar meluhha daimabadDaimabad seal. Rim of jar hieroglyph. karNI 'rim of jar' Rebus: karNI 'supercargo', karNIka 'scribe'.

dhāī  wisp of fibers added to a rope (Sindhi) Rebus: dhātu 'mineral ore' (Samskritam) dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi)






Fig. 1 First cylinder seal-impressed jar from Taip 1, Turkmenistan 

(Photo: Kohl 1984: Pl. 15c; drawings after Collon 1987: nos. 600, 599. (After Fig. 5 Eric Olijdam, 2008, A possible central Asian origin for seal-impressed jar from the 'Temple Tower' at Failaka, in: Eric Olijdam and Richard H. Spoor, eds., 2008, Intercultural relations between south and southwest Asia, Studies in commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996), Society for Arabian Studies Monographs No. 7 [eds. D. Kennet & St J. Simpson], BAR International Series 1826 pp. 268-287). https://www.academia.edu/403945/A_Possible_Central_Asian_Origin_for_the_Seal-Impressed_Jar_from_the_Temple_Tower_at_Failaka 

Decipherment of Indus Script hieroglyphs:

Hieroglyphs on the cylinder impression of the jar are: zebu, stalk (tree?), one-horned young bull (?), twisted rope, birds in flight, mountain-range

dhāī  wisp of fibers added to a rope (Sindhi) Rebus: dhātu'mineral ore' (Samskritam) dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ(Marathi)

poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite ore'

kōḍe, kōḍiya. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. Rebus: koḍ artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (Assamese) 

kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' 

eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper (red)'

dAng 'mountain-range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'

Thus, the storage jar contents are the message conveyed by the hieroglyph-multiplex: copper smithy workshop magnetite ore, iron castings.

Cylinder seal

Fig. 2 Hematite cylinder seal of Old Syria ca. 1820-1730 BCE

Period: Old Syrian
Date: ca. 1820–1730 B.C.E
Geography: Syria
Medium: Hematite
Dimensions: H. 1 1/16 in. (2.7 cm); Diam. 1/2 in. (1.2 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999

Accession Number: 1999.325.142 Metmuseum
Cylinder seal
Fig. 3 Hematite seal. Old Syria. ca. 1720-1650 BCE

Period: Old Syrian
Date: ca. 1720–1650 B.C.E
Geography: Syria
Medium: Hematite
Dimensions: H. 15/16 in. (2.4 cm); Diam. 3/8 in. (1 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
Accession Number: 1999.325.155 Metmuseum

Cylinder seal and modern impression: male and griffin demon slaying animal; terminal: animal attack scenes, guilloche

Fig. 4 Cylinder seal modern impression. Mitanni. 2nd millennium BCE

(male and griffin demon slaying animal; terminal: animal attack scenes, guilloche)


Period: Mitanni
Date: 2nd millennium B.C.E
Geography: Mesopotamia or Syria
Culture: Mitanni
Medium: Hematite
Dimensions: H. 13/16 in. (2 cm); Diam. 7/16 in. (1.1 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
Accession Number: 1999.325.165 Metmuseum
Cylinder seal and modern impression: royal figures approaching weather god; divinities

Fig. 5 Cylinder seal modern impression. Old Syria. ca. 1720-1650 BCE 

(royal figures approaching weather god; divinities)

Period: Old Syrian
Date: ca. 1720–1650 B.C.E
Geography: Syria
Medium: Hematite
Dimensions: H, 1 1/8 in. (2.9 cm); Diam. 7/16 in. (1.1 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
Accession Number: 1999.325.147 Metmuseum
Cylinder seal

Fig. 6 Cylinder seal. Mitanni. 2nd millennium BCE

Period: Mitanni
Date: ca. late 2nd millennium B.C.E
Geography: Mesopotamia or Syria
Culture: Mitanni
Medium: Hematite
Dimensions: H. 1 in. (2.6 cm); Diam. 1/2 in. (1.2 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
Accession Number: 1999.325.190 Metmuseum
Cylinder seal
Fig. 7 Stone cylinder seal. Old Syria ca. 1720-1650 BCE

Period: Old Syrian
Date: ca. 1720–1650 B.C.
Geography: Syria
Medium: Stone
Dimensions: H. 1.9 cm x Diam. 1.1 cm
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Bequest of W. Gedney Beatty, 1941

Accession Number: 41.160.189 Metmuseum

Cylinder seal
Fig. 8 Hematite cylinder seal. Old Syria. ca. early 2nd millennium BCE

Period: Old Syrian
Date: ca. early 2nd millennium B.C.E
Geography: Syria
Medium: Hematite
Dimensions: H. 11/16 in. (1.7 cm); Diam. 5/16 in. (0.8 cm)
Classification: Stone-Cylinder Seals
Credit Line: Gift of Nanette B. Kelekian, in memory of Charles Dikran and Beatrice Kelekian, 1999
Accession Number: 1999.325.161 Metmuseum


  • Fig. 9 Fragment of an Iranian Chlorite Vase. 2500-2400 BCE
  • Decorated with the lion headed eagle (Imdugud) found in the temple of Ishtar during the 1933 - 1934 fieldwork by Parrot. Dated 2500 - 2400 BCE. Louvre Museum collection AO 17553. 


Fig. 10 Shahdad standard. ca. 2400 BCE Line drawing
Fig. 11 Cylinder seal. 2 seated lions. Twisted rope. Louvre AO7296



Fig.12 Cylinder seal. Sumerian. 18th cent. BCE. Louvre AO 22366


Fig. 13 Bogazkoy Seal impression ca. 18th cent. BCE 

(Two-headed eagle, a twisted cord below. From Bogazköy . 18th c. BCE (Museum Ankara). 

Fig. 13 Bogazkoy Seal impression Decipherment:

eruvai 'kite' Rebus: eruvai 'copper' dhAtu 'strands of rope' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral' (Note the three strands of the rope hieroglyph on the seal impression from Bogazkoy; it is read: tridhAtu 'three mineral elements'). It signifies copper compound of three minerals; maybe, arsenic copper? or arsenic bronze, as distinct from tin bronze?
Copper and arsenic ores
Ore nameChemical formula
ArsenopyriteFeAsS
EnargiteCu3AsS4
OliveniteCu2(AsO4)OH
TennantiteCu12As4S13
MalachiteCu2(OH)2CO3
AzuriteCu3(OH)2(CO3)2
Sulfide deposits frequently are a mix of different metal sulfides, such as copper, zinc, silver, lead, arsenic and other metals. (Sphalerite (ZnS2), for example, is not uncommon in copper sulfide deposits, and the metal smelted would be brass, which is both harder and more durable than bronze.)The metals could theoretically be separated out, but the alloys resulting were typically much stronger than the metals individually.

 


Dudu plaque ca. 2400 BCE signifies sanga of Ningirsu.

Shahdad standard ca. 2400 BCE signifies dhāvaḍ 'iron-smelters'. (Note: the gloss explains the place name Dharwar close to the iron ore mines in Deccan Plateau of India). 

The continuum of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization in an extensive civilizational contact area from 3rd millennium BCE and the metalwork competence of Bhāratam Janam is explained by this link of Dharwar city of Karnataka to the artifacts of over 4000 years Before Present found in Ancient Near East (Sumer/Elam/Mesopotamia). This is a moment for celebration of Dharwar and Shahdad as twin cities from ancient Bronze Age times.

Both artifacts -- Dudu plaque and Shahdad standard -- signify a three-stranded twisted rope hieroglyph, (together with other metalwork signifying hieroglyphs). The hieroglyph-multiplexes on both artifacts signify workers with tridhātu 'three minerals (metals of soft red stones)'. 

These inscribed artifacts herald a Bronze Age advance into the Iron Age of Ancient Iran. The language used to render the Indus Script cipher is Proto-Prakritam. No wonder, speakers of Proto-Prakritam were present in Ancient Iran.

sanga 'priest' is a loanword in Sumerian/Akkadian. The presence of such a sanga may also explain Gudea as an Assur, in the tradition of ancient metalworkers speaking Proto-Prakritam of Indian sprachbund.

The Sumerian/Akkadian word sanga, is a loan from Proto-Prakritam or Meluhha of Indian sprachbund. saṁghapati m. ʻ chief of a brotherhood ʼ Śatr. [saṁghá -- , páti -- ]G. saṅghvī m. ʻ leader of a body of pilgrims, a partic. surname ʼ.(CDIAL 12857) saṁghá m. ʻ association, a community ʼ Mn. [√han1]
Pa. saṅgha -- m. ʻ assembly, the priesthood ʼ; Aś. saṁgha -- m. ʻ the Buddhist community ʼ; Pk. saṁgha -- m. ʻ assembly, collection ʼ; OSi. (Brāhmī inscr.) saga, Si. san̆ga ʻ crowd, collection ʼ. -- Rather < saṅga -- : S. saṅgu m. ʻ body of pilgrims ʼ (whence sã̄go m. ʻ caravan ʼ), L. P. saṅg m. (CDIAL 12854).

dhātu (f.) [Sk. dhātu to dadhāti, Idg. *dhē, cp. Gr. ti/qhmi, a)na/ -- qhma, Sk. dhāman, dhāṭr (=Lat. conditor); Goth. gadēds; Ohg. tāt, tuom (in meaning -- ˚=dhātu, cp. E. serf -- dom "condition of . . .") tuon=E. to do; & with k -- suffix Lat. facio, Gr. (e)/)qhk(a), Sk. dhāka; see also dhamma] element... -- kusala skilled in the elements M iii.62; ˚kusalatā proficiency in the (18) elements D iii.212; Dhs 1333; -- ghara "house for a relic," a dagoba SnA 194. -- cetiya a shrine over a relic DhA iii.29 (Pali)

Ti˚ [Vedic tris, Av. priś, Gr. tri/s, Lat. ter (fr. ters>*tris, cp. testis>*tristo, trecenti>*tricenti), Icl. prisvar, Ohg. driror] base of numeral three in compn; consisting of three, threefold; in numerical cpds. also= three (3 times)...-- vidha 3 fold, of sacrifice (yañña) D i.128, 134, 143; of aggi (fire) J i.4 & Miln 97; Vism 147 (˚kalyāṇatā).  (Pali)

Hieroglyph: 'three strands of rope': tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV (CDIAL 6283) ti-dhātu (Proto-Prakritam, Meluhha) signifies three elements (minerals of 'soft red stones').The Meluhha glosses: dhāūdhāv connote a soft red stone. (See cognate etyma of Indian sprachbund appended).

I suggest that the 'twist' hieroglyphs on Dudu plaque and on Shahdad standard signify ti-dhātu 'three strands of rope' Rebus: ti-dhātu 'three minerals'. The dhā- suffix signifies 'elements, minerals': dhāvaḍ 'iron-smelters'. dhāvḍī ʻcomposed of or relating to ironʼ. Thus, the hieroglyph 'twist' is signified by the Proto-Prakritam gloss: ti-dhātu semantically 'three metal/mineral elements.' Thus Dudu, sanga of Ningirsu and the sanga 'priest' shown on Shahdad standard can be identified as dhāvaḍ 'iron (metal)-smelters'.

This decipherment is consistent with other hieroglyphs shown the Dudu plaque and on Shahdad standard.

 


Location of Lagash. At the time of Hammurabi, Lagash was located near the shoreline of the gulf.
Location of Shahdad
Oldest standard in the world. Shahdad standard, 2400 BCE (Prof. Mahmoud Rexa Maheri, Prof. Dept. of Civil Engineering, Shiraz University, dates this to ca. 3000 BCE Oct. 15, 2015 "Following an archeological survey of the South-East Iran in 1930's by Sir Auriel Stein, in 1960's and 1970's a number of archeological expeditions spent a few seasons digging at different locations through theKerman province. Of these, three teams are worthy of mention; one team from Harvard University lead by Professor Lamberg-Karlovsky focused on different layers of the 7000 years old Tape-Yahya at Sogan valley; another team from Illinois University lead by Professor Joseph Caldwell worked on the remains of Tal-i-Iblis, another 7000 years old settlement and a third team by Iranian Department of Archaeology, lead by Mr Hakemi, dug the rich graveyards of the 6000 years old Shahdad near the great Lut desert. The wealth of discoveries though great, went almost unnoticed by the public in the pursuant academic research in the form of Doctorate theses and expedition reports and scientific journal papers. Little attempt was also made to correlate the findings at different sites.http://www.mrmaheri.com/page.php?id=1-5-1)
Source: http://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/Images2/Pre-Median/Shahdad_Standard.jpg "The discovered standard in Shahdad is consisted of a squared metal piece, 23.4 in 23.4 centimetres in size, mounted on a 128-centimeter metal axle which the flag can turn over it. An eagle with opened wings which is in a landing position can be seen on top of the axle. The flag is engraved with some designs which depicting requesting water from rein goddess, which reveal irrigation method which was practiced during the third and fourth millennia BCE in Shahdad.http://www.cais-soas.com/News/2007/May2007/14-05-iran.htm



The upper section of the Shahdad Standard, grave No. 114, Object No. 1049 (p.24)


Three pots are shown of three sizes in the context of kneeling adorants seated in front of the person seated on a stool. meṇḍā 'kneeling position' (Gondi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Munda)

eruvai 'kite' Rebus:eruvai 'copper'

dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'

arya 'lion' (Akkadian) Rebus: Ara 'brass'

kul, kOla 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'

poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'

kōla = woman (Nahali) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five 

metals, pañcaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil)

kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. Kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ = a furnace

altar (Santali)

If the date palm denotes tamar (Hebrew language), ‘palm tree, date palm’ the rebus reading would be: tam(b)ra, ‘copper’ (Pkt.)

kuṭi ‘tree’. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter’ (Santali). The two trees are shown ligatured to 

a rectangle with ten square divisions and a dot in each square. The dot may 

denote an ingot in a furnace mould.

Hieroglyph: BHSk. gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ piece, part ʼ(CDIAL 3791)

Hieroglyph: Paš. lauṛ. khaṇḍā ʻ cultivated field ʼ, °ḍī ʻ small do. ʼ (→ Par. kheṇ ʻ field ʼ IIFL i 265); Gaw. khaṇḍa ʻ hill pasture ʼ (see also bel.)(CDIAL 3792)

Rebus: khaṇḍa 'implements'
 Santali glosses


Glyph of rectangle with divisions: baṭai = to divide, share (Santali) [Note the 

glyphs of nine rectangles divided.] Rebus: bhaṭa = an oven, kiln, furnace 

(Santali) 


ā= a branch of a tree (G.) Rebus: hāḷako = a large ingot (G.) ḍhāḷakī = a metal heated and poured into a mould; a solid piece of metal; an ingot (G.)

Three sets of entwined 'glyphs (like twisted ropes) are shown around the entire narrative of the  Shahdad standard.

Twisted rope as hieroglyph:

Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn.Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773).

  • File:Relief Dudu Louvre AO2394.jpg
  • Votive relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu, in the days of King Entemena of Lagash.
  • Mésopotamie, room 1a: La Mésopotamie du Néolithique à l'époque des Dynasties archaïques de SumerRichelieu, ground floor.
    This work is part of the collections of the Louvre (Department of Near Eastern Antiquities).
    Louvre Museum: excavated by Ernest de Sarzec. Place: Girsu (modern city of Telloh, Iraq). Musée du Louvre, Atlas database: entry 11378 Votive relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu, in the days of King Entemena of Lagash. Oil shale, ca. 2400 BC. Found in Telloh, ancient city of Girsu. |H. 25 cm (9 ¾ in.), W. 23 cm (9 in.), D. 8 cm (3 in.) 

    • Votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash C. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu) Bituminous stone H. 25 cm; W. 23 cm; Th. 8 cm De Sarzec excavations, 1881 AO 2354 
  • Hieroglyph: dhA 'rope strand' Rebus: dhAtu 'mineral element' Alternative: मेढा mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) eruvai 'eagle' 
  • Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. 

  • eraka 'wing' Rebus: erako 'moltencast copper'.

  • Plaques perforated in the center and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief were particularly widespread in the 2nd and 3rd Early Dynastic Periods (2800-2340 BC), and have been found at many sites in Mesopotamian and more rarely in Syria or Iran. The perforated plaque of Dudu, high priest of Ningirsu in the reign of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC), belongs to this tradition. It has some distinctive features, however, such as being made of bitumen.

    Dudu, priest of Ningirsu

    The bas-relief is perforated in the middle and divided into four unequal sections. A figure occupying the height of two registers faces right, leaning on what appears to be a long staff. He is dressed in the kaunakes, a skirt of sheepskin or other material tufted in imitation of it. His name is inscribed alongside: Dudu, rendered by the pictograph for the foot, "du," repeated. Dudu was high priest of the god Ningirsu at the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash (c.2450 BC). Incised to his left is the lion-headed eagle, symbol of the god Ningirsu and emblem of Lagash, as found in other perforated plaques from Telloh, as well as on other objects such as the mace head of Mesilim, king of Kish, and the silver vase of Entemena, king of Lagash. On this plaque, however, the two lions, usually impassive, are reaching up to bite the wings of the lion-headed eagle. Lower down is a calf, lying in the same position as the heifers on Entemena's vase. The lower register is decorated with a plait-like motif, according to some scholars a symbol of running water.

    Perforated plaques

    This plaque belongs to the category of perforated plaques, widespread throughout Phases I and II of the Early Dynastic Period, c.2800-2340 BCE, and found at many sites in Mesopotamia (especially in the Diyala region), and more rarely in Syria (Mari) and Iran (Susa). Some 120 examples are known, of which about 50 come from religious buildings. These plaques are usually rectangular in form, perforated in the middle and decorated with scenes incised or carved in relief. They are most commonly of limestone or gypsum: this plaque, being of bitumen, is an exception to the rule.

    Bibliography

    André B, Naissance de l'écriture : cunéiformes et hiéroglyphes, (notice), Paris, Exposition du Grand Palais, 7 mai au 9 août 1982, Paris, Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1982, p. 85, n 42.Contenau G., Manuel d'archéologie orientale, Paris, Picard, 1927, p. 487, fig. 357.Heuzey L., Les Antiquités chaldéennes, Paris, Librairie des Imprimeries Réunies, 1902, n 12.Orthmann W., Der Alte Orient, Berlin, Propylaën (14), 1975, pl. 88. Sarzec É., Découvertes en Chaldée, Paris, Leroux, 1884-1912, pp. 204-209.Thureau-Dangin, Les inscriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad, Paris, Leroux, 1905, p. 59.

  • The image may be read as a series of rebuses or ideograms. A priest dedicates an object to his god, represented by his symbol, and flanked perhaps by representations of sacrificial offerings: an animal for slaughter and a libation of running water. The dedicatory inscription, confined to the area left free by the image in the upper part , runs over the body of the calf: "For Ningirsu of the Eninnu, Dudu, priest of Ningirsu ... brought [this material] and fashioned it as a mace stand." See alternative readings provided for the 'twist' hieroglyph. Maybe, the calf is NOT an animal for slaughter but a gloss which sounds similar to the name of the sanga, 'priest': Dudu. The calf is called dUDa (Indian sprachbund). It may also have sounded: dāmuri ʻcalfʼ evoking the rebus of dAv 'strands of rope' rebus: dhAtu 'mineral elements'.

  • The precise function of such plaques is unknown, and the purpose of the central perforation remains a mystery. The inscription here at first led scholars to consider them as mace stands, which seems unlikely. Some have thought they were to be hung on a wall, the hole in the center taking a large nail or peg. Others have suggested they might be part of a door-closing mechanism. Perforated plaques such as this are most commonly organized in horizontal registers, showing various ceremonies, banquets (particularly in the Diyala), the construction of buildings (as in the perforated plaque of Ur-Nanshe), and scenes of cultic rituals (as in the perforated plaque showing "the Libation to the Goddess of Fertility"). The iconography is often standardized, almost certainly an indication that they represent a common culture covering the whole of Mesopotamia, and that they had a specific significance understood by all." http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/perforated-plaque-dudu
  • Perforated plaque of Dudu with 'twisted rope' and other Indus Script hieroglyphs

    I suggest that the hieroglyphs on the Dudu plaque are: eagle, pair of lions, twisted rope, calf

    Hieroglyph: eruvai 'kite' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'

    Hieroglyph: arye 'lion' (Akkadian) Rebus: Ara 'brass'

    Hieroglyph:  dām m. ʻ young ungelt ox ʼ: damya ʻ tameable ʼ, m. ʻ young bullock to be tamed ʼ Mn. [~ *dāmiya -- . -- √dam]Pa. damma -- ʻ to be tamed (esp. of a young bullock) ʼ; Pk. damma -- ʻ to be tamed ʼ; S. ḍ̠amu ʻ tamed ʼ; -- ext. -- ḍa -- : A. damrā ʻ young bull ʼ, dāmuri ʻ calf ʼ; B.dāmṛā ʻ castrated bullock ʼ; Or. dāmaṛī ʻ heifer ʼ, dāmaṛiā ʻ bullcalf, young castrated bullock ʼ, dāmuṛ°ṛi ʻ young bullock ʼ.Addenda: damya -- : WPah.kṭg. dām m. ʻ young ungelt ox ʼ.(CDIAL 6184). This is a phonetic determinative of the 'twisted rope' hieroglyph: dhāī˜ f.dāˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ (Rigveda)


    Dudu, sanga priest of Ningirsu, dedicatory plaque with image of Anzud (Imdugud)

    Fig. 14 Dudu plaque. Votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash, ca. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu)
    • Bituminous stone
      H. 25 cm; W. 23 cm; Th. 8 cm
    • De Sarzec excavations, 1881 , 1881
      AO 2354
  • Anzud with two lions.  
  • Hieroglyph: endless knot motif
    After Fig. 52, p.85 in Prudence Hopper opcit. Plaque with male figures, serpents and quadruped. Bitumen compound. H. 9 7/8 in (25 cm); w. 8 ½ in. (21.5 cm); d. 3 3/8 in. (8.5 cm). ca. 2600-2500 BCE. Acropole, temple of Ninhursag Sb 2724. The scene is described: “Two beardless, long-haired, nude male figures, their heads in profile and their bodies in three-quarter view, face the center of the composition…upper centre, where two intertwined serpents with their tails in their mouths appear above the upraised hands. At the base of the plaque, between the feet of the two figures, a small calf or lamb strides to the right. An irregular oblong cavity or break was made in the centre of the scene at a later date.”

    The hieroglyphs on this plaque are: kid and endless-knot motif (or three strands of rope twisted).

    Hieroglyph: 'kid': करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं) A kid. Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c.(Marathi)

    I suggest that the center of the composition is NOT set of  intertwined serpents, but an endless knot motif signifying a coiled rope being twisted from three strands of fibre.




Twisted rope as hieroglyph on a plaque. 

Alternative hieroglyph: मेढा [ mēḍhā ] 'a curl or snarl; twist in thread' (Marathi) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) eruvai 'eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'. kōḍe, kōḍiya. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. Rebus: koḍ artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (Assamese) मेढा [ mēḍhā ] A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi)(CDIAL 10312).L. meṛh f. ʻrope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floorʼ(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)    


Displaying ScreenShot1762.bmpThis hieroglyph-multiplex seen on a cylinder seal is deciphered: Hieroglyph: ti-dhātu 'three-strands of rope' Rebus: ti-dhāū, ti-dhāv; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul ''cast metal' PLUS arye 'lion' Rebus: Ara 'brass' (which may be an alloy of copper, zinc and tin minerals and/or arsenopyrites including ferrous ore elements). Thus, the hieoglyph-multiplex composition signifies dul Ara 'cast brass alloy' of ti-dhātu 'three minerals'.

 A stranded rope as a hieroglyph signifies dhAtu rebus metal, mineral, ore. This occurs on Ancient Near East objects with hieroglyphs such as votive bas-relief of Dudu, priest of Ningirsu in the time of Entemena, prince of Lagash C. 2400 BCE Tello (ancient Girsu), eagle and stranded rope from Bogazhkoy. Indus Script decipherment of these hieroglyph-multiplexes confirms the underlying Prakritam as an Indo-European language and Indus Script Corpora is emphatically  catalogus catalogorum of metalwork of the Bronze Age in Ancient Near East.
m1406 Seal using three-stranded rope: dhAtu Rebus: iron ore.

Hieroglyph:  धातु [p= 513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3. constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf.त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-RV. TS. S3Br. &c (Monier-Williams) dhāˊtu  *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).; S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

Rebus: M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; (CDIAL 6773) धातु  primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral, ore (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोक] ib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]) (Monier-Williams. Samskritam)


There are two Railway stations in India called Dharwad and Ib. Both are related to Prakritam words with the semantic significance: iron worker, iron ore.

dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ (Marathi)(CDIAL 6773)

ib 'iron' (Santali) karba 'iron'; ajirda karba 'native metal iron' (Tulu) karabha 'trunk of elephant' Rebus: karba 'iron' ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron ore' (Santali) The gloss ajirda (Tulu) is cognate with aduru, ayas. Hence, it is likely that the gloss ayas of Rigveda signifies native, unsmelted metal of iron ore.
Glazed steatite . Cylinder seal. 3.4cm high; imported from Indus valley. Rhinoceros, elephant, crocodile (lizard? ).Tell Asmar (Eshnunna), Iraq. Elephant, rhinoceros, crocodile hieroglyphs: ib 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' kANDa 'rhinoceros' Rebus: kANDa 'iron implements' karA 'crocodile' Rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)


Located on the Map of India are regions with Fe (Iron ore) mines: the locations include Dharwad and Ib.

Dharwad is the district headquarters of Dharwad district in the state of KarnatakaIndia. It was merged with the city of Hubli in 1961 to form the twin cities of Hubli-Dharwad. It covers an area of 200.23 km² and is located 425 km northwest of Bengaluru, onNH 4, between Bengaluru and Pune...The word "Dharwad" means a place of rest in a long travel or a small habitation. For centuries, Dharwad acted as a gateway between the Malenaadu (western mountains) and the Bayalu seeme (plains) and it became a resting place for travellers. Inscriptions found near Durga Devi temple in Narendra (a nearby village) and RLS High School date back to the 12th century and have references to Dharwad. This makes Dharwad at least 900 years old.  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dharwad The place is located in the region of hematite (iron ore) -- e.g. Sandur taluk
 


The station derives its name from Ib River flowing nearby. Ib railway station came up with the opening of the Nagpur-Asansol main line of Bengal Nagpur Railway in 1891. It became a station on the crosscountry Howrah-Nagpur-Mumbai line in 1900 In 1900, when Bengal Nagpur Railway was building a bridge across the Ib River, coal was accidentally discovered in what later became Ib Valley Coalfieldhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ib_railway_station
dhAtu is a gloss which signifies metal, mineral, ore. It is likely that in early Bronze Age, the mineral specifically referred to is iron ore or meteoric iron as naturally occurring native, unsmelted metal called aduru, ayas. A gloss dhāvaḍ has the meaning: iron smelters. This gloss derived rom dhAtu can be explained in an archaeometallurgical context with evidences from Indus Script Corpora.

This suggestion is premised on a Marathi gloss (Prakritam, Meluhha pronunciation) cognate with dhAtu: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (Marathi)

This note suggests that the place names in India of Dharwad and Ib are related to nearby iron ore regions and lived in by iron workers. The names are derived from two etyma streams: 1 dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ 

(whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻa caste of iron -- smeltersʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); dhātu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ 2. ib 'iron' kara +iba, karba 'iron'. For example, the place name Dharwad is relatable to dhāvaḍ 'iron-smelters'. Archaeological explorations near Dharwad and Ib may indicate evidences for iron smelting.

 This etymon indicates the possible reading of the tall flagpost carried by kneeling persons with six locks of hair: baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace'. Associated with nAga 'serpent' Rebus: nAga 'lead'

The banner flagpost carried by four flag-bearers includes a banner associated with fish. aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-unravels-announcement-of.html presents the picture of a 11-ft tall banner from Girsu (Telloh)
Red jasper H. 1 1/8 in. (2.8 cm), Diam. 5/8 in. (1.6 cm) cylinder Seal with four hieroglyphs and four kneeling persons (with six curls on their hair) holding flagposts, c. 2220-2159 B.C.E., Akkadian (Metropolitan Museum of Art) Cylinder Seal (with modern impression). The four hieroglyphs are: from l. to r. 1. crucible PLUS storage pot of ingots, 2. sun, 3. narrow-necked pot with overflowing water, 4. fish A hooded snake is on the edge of the composition. (The dark red color of jasper reinforces the semantics: eruvai 'dark red, copper' Hieroglyph: eruvai 'reed'; see four reedposts held. 

If the hieroglyph on the leftmost is moon, a possible rebus reading: قمر ḳamar
قمر ḳamar, s.m. (9th) The moon. Sing. and Pl. See سپوږمي or سپوګمي (Pashto) Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'

Situated at the end of a small delta on a dry plain, Shahdad was excavated by an Iranian team in the 1970s. (Courtesy Maurizio Tosi) An Iranian-Italian team, including archaeologist Massimo Vidale (right), surveyed the site in 2009. (Courtesy Massimo Vidale) The peripatetic English explorer Sir Aurel Stein, famous for his archaeological work surveying large swaths of Central Asia and the Middle East, slipped into Persia at the end of 1915 and found the first hints of eastern Iran's lost cities. Stein traversed what he described as "a big stretch of gravel and sandy desert" and encountered "the usual...robber bands from across the Afghan border, without any exciting incident." What did excite Stein was the discovery of what he called "the most surprising prehistoric site" on the eastern edge of the Dasht-e Lut. Locals called it Shahr-i-Sokhta ("Burnt City") because of signs of ancient destruction. It wasn't until a half-century later that Tosi and his team hacked their way through the thick salt crust and discovered a metropolis rivaling those of the first great urban centers in Mesopotamia and the Indus. Radiocarbon data showed that the site was founded around 3200 B.C., just as the first substantial cities in Mesopotamia were being built, and flourished for more than a thousand years. During its heyday in the middle of the third millennium B.C., the city covered more than 150 hectares and may have been home to more than 20,000 people, perhaps as populous as the large cities of Umma in Mesopotamia and Mohenjo-Daro on the Indus River. A vast shallow lake and wells likely provided the necessary water, allowing for cultivated fields and grazing for animals. Built of mudbrick, the city boasted a large palace, separate neighborhoods for pottery-making, metalworking, and other industrial activities, and distinct areas for the production of local goods. Most residents lived in modest one-room houses, though some were larger compounds with six to eight rooms. Bags of goods and storerooms were often "locked" with stamp seals, a procedure common in Mesopotamia in the era. Shahr-i-Sokhta boomed as the demand for precious goods among elites in the region and elsewhere grew. Though situated in inhospitable terrain, the city was close to tin, copper, and turquoise mines, and lay on the route bringing lapis lazuli from Afghanistan to the west. Craftsmen worked shells from the Persian Gulf, carnelian from India, and local metals such as tin and copper. Some they made into finished products, and others were exported in unfinished form. Lapis blocks brought from the Hindu Kush mountains, for example, were cut into smaller chunks and sent on to Mesopotamia and as far west as Syria. Unworked blocks of lapis weighing more than 100 pounds in total were unearthed in the ruined palace of Ebla, close to the Mediterranean Sea. Archaeologist Massimo Vidale of the University of Padua says that the elites in eastern Iranian cities like Shahr-i-Sokhta were not simply slaves to Mesopotamian markets. They apparently kept the best-quality lapis for themselves, and sent west what they did not want. Lapis beads found in the royal tombs of Ur, for example, are intricately carved, but of generally low-quality stone compared to those of Shahr-i-Sokhta. Pottery was produced on a massive scale. Nearly 100 kilns were clustered in one part of town and the craftspeople also had a thriving textile industry. Hundreds of wooden spindle whorls and combs were uncovered, as were well-preserved textile fragments made of goat hair and wool that show a wide variation in their weave. According to Irene Good, a specialist in ancient textiles at Oxford University, this group of textile fragments constitutes one of the most important in the world, given their great antiquity and the insight they provide into an early stage of the evolution of wool production. Textiles were big business in the third millennium B.C., according to Mesopotamian texts, but actual textiles from this era had never before been found.A metal flag found at Shahdad, one of eastern Iran's early urban sites, dates to around 2400 B.C. The flag depicts a man and woman facing each other, one of the recurrent themes in the region's art at this time. (Courtesy Maurizio Tosi) This plain ceramic jar, found recently at Shahdad, contains residue of a white cosmetic whose complex formula is evidence for an extensive knowledge of chemistry among the city's ancient inhabitants. (Courtesy Massimo Vidale) The artifacts also show the breadth of Shahr-i-Sokhta's connections. Some excavated red-and-black ceramics share traits with those found in the hills and steppes of distant Turkmenistan to the north, while others are similar to pots made in Pakistan to the east, then home to the Indus civilization. Tosi's team found a clay tablet written in a script called Proto-Elamite, which emerged at the end of the fourth millennium B.C., just after the advent of the first known writing system, cuneiform, which evolved in Mesopotamia. Other such tablets and sealings with Proto-Elamite signs have also been found in eastern Iran, such as at Tepe Yahya. This script was used for only a few centuries starting around 3200 B.C. and may have emerged in Susa, just east of Mesopotamia. By the middle of the third millennium B.C., however, it was no longer in use. Most of the eastern Iranian tablets record simple transactions involving sheep, goats, and grain and could have been used to keep track of goods in large households. While Tosi's team was digging at Shahr-i-Sokhta, Iranian archaeologist Ali Hakemi was working at another site, Shahdad, on the western side of the Dasht-e Lut. This settlement emerged as early as the fifth millennium B.C. on a delta at the edge of the desert. By the early third millennium B.C., Shahdad began to grow quickly as international trade with Mesopotamia expanded. Tomb excavations revealed spectacular artifacts amid stone blocks once painted in vibrant colors. These include several extraordinary, nearly life-size clay statues placed with the dead. The city's artisans worked lapis lazuli, silver, lead, turquoise, and other materials imported from as far away as eastern Afghanistan, as well as shells from the distant Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean. Evidence shows that ancient Shahdad had a large metalworking industry by this time. During a recent survey, a new generation of archaeologists found a vast hill—nearly 300 feet by 300 feet—covered with slag from smelting copper. Vidale says that analysis of the copper ore suggests that the smiths were savvy enough to add a small amount of arsenic in the later stages of the process to strengthen the final product. Shahdad's metalworkers also created such remarkable artifacts as a metal flag dating to about 2400 B.C. Mounted on a copper pole topped with a bird, perhaps an eagle, the squared flag depicts two figures facing one another on a rich background of animals, plants, and goddesses. The flag has no parallels and its use is unknown. Vidale has also found evidence of a sweet-smelling nature. During a spring 2009 visit to Shahdad, he discovered a small stone container lying on the ground. The vessel, which appears to date to the late fourth millennium B.C., was made of chlorite, a dark soft stone favored by ancient artisans in southeast Iran. Using X-ray diffraction at an Iranian lab, he discovered lead carbonate—used as a white cosmetic—sealed in the bottom of the jar. He identified fatty material that likely was added as a binder, as well as traces of coumarin, a fragrant chemical compound found in plants and used in some perfumes. Further analysis showed small traces of copper, possibly the result of a user dipping a small metal applicator into the container. Other sites in eastern Iran are only now being investigated. For the past two years, Iranian archaeologists Hassan Fazeli Nashli and Hassain Ali Kavosh from the University of Tehran have been digging in a small settlement a few miles east of Shahdad called Tepe Graziani, named for the Italian archaeologist who first surveyed the site. They are trying to understand the role of the city's outer settlements by examining this ancient mound, which is 30 feet high, 525 feet wide, and 720 feet long. Excavators have uncovered a wealth of artifacts including a variety of small sculptures depicting crude human figures, humped bulls, and a Bactrian camel dating to approximately 2900 B.C. A bronze mirror, fishhooks, daggers, and pins are among the metal finds. There are also wooden combs that survived in the arid climate. "The site is small but very rich," says Fazeli, adding that it may have been a prosperous suburban production center for Shahdad. Sites such as Shahdad and Shahr-i-Sokhta and their suburbs were not simply islands of settlements in what otherwise was empty desert. Fazeli adds that some 900 Bronze Age sites have been found on the Sistan plain, which borders Afghanistan and Pakistan. Mortazavi, meanwhile, has been examining the area around the Bampur Valley, in Iran's extreme southeast. This area was a corridor between the Iranian plateau and the Indus Valley, as well as between Shahr-i-Sokhta to the north and the Persian Gulf to the south. A 2006 survey along the Damin River identified 19 Bronze Age sites in an area of less than 20 square miles. That river periodically vanishes, and farmers depend on underground channels called qanats to transport water. Despite the lack of large rivers, ancient eastern Iranians were very savvy in marshaling their few water resources. Using satellite remote sensing data, Vidale has found remains of what might be ancient canals or qanats around Shahdad, but more work is necessary to understand how inhabitants supported themselves in this harsh climate 5,000 years ago, as they still do today.





kolmo 'rice-plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' melh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 

'copper' bica 'scorpion' Rebus: bica 'laterite' kulA 'hooded serpent' Rebus: kolhe 

'smelter'.



The legs are made of copper. The vase features an image of Anzud (also known as Imdugud), the lion-headed eagle, grasping two lions with his talons.
Detail drawing of the Enmetena vase. Lions kisse the antelopes.

Inscribed vase of silver and copper of Entemena, king of Lagash, with dedication to the god Ningirsu, around 2400 BC, Musée du Louvre, Paris. Found in Telloh, ancient city of Girsu.
The dedicatory inscriptions wrap around the neck of the vase: 

.
Translation of the inscriptions from the CDLI (P222539):


For Ningirsu, the hero of Enlil,
Enmetena, ruler of Lagash,
chosen by the heart of Nanshe,
chief ruler of Ningirsu,
son of Enannatum, ruler of Lagash,
for the king who loved him, Ningirsu,
(this) gurgur-vessel of refined silver,
from which Ningirsu will consume the monthly oil (offering),
he had fashioned for him.
For his life, before Ningirsu of the Eninnu (temple)
he had it set up.
At that time Dudu
was the temple administrator of Ningirsu.



Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash. Limestone, Early Dynastic III (2550–2500 BC). Found in Telloh (ancient city of Girsu).Louvre AO2344 At the top he creates the foundation for a shrine, at the bottom he presides over the dedication (Louvre).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lagash#/media/File:Relief_Ur-Nanshe_Louvre_AO2344.jpg Inscription: “Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, son of Gunidu, built the temple of Ningirsu; he built the temple of Nanshe; he built Apsubanda...boats from the (distant) land of Dilmun carried the wood (for him)”. This is the oldest known written record of Dilmun and importation of goods intoMesopotamia( Pouysségur, Patrick , ed. "Perforated Relief of King Ur-Nanshe." Lourve Museum. Louvre Museum). http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/doku.php?id=ur-nanshe
Votive relief of Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, representing the bird-god Anzu (or Im-dugud) as a lion-headed eagle. Alabaster, Early Dynastic III (2550–2500 BC). Found in Telloh, ancient city of Girsu https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ur-Nanshe#/media/File:Relief_Im-dugud_Louvre_AO2783.jpg

Decipherment:

Hieroglyph: eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper'; kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kol 'working in iron'; arya 'lion' Rebus: Ara 'brass' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

Etyma: Indian sprachbund

kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Te.) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.)Pk. Kolhuya -- , kulha — m. ʻ jackal ʼ < *kōḍhu -- ; H.kolhā, °lā m. ʻ jackal ʼ, adj. ʻ crafty ʼ; G. kohlũ, °lũ n. ʻ jackal ʼ, M. kolhā, °lā m. krōṣṭŕ̊ ʻ crying ʼ BhP., m. ʻ jackal ʼ RV. = krṓṣṭu — m. Pāṇ. [√kruś] Pa. koṭṭhu -- , °uka — and kotthu -- , °uka — m. ʻ jackal ʼ, Pk. Koṭṭhu — m.; Si. Koṭa ʻ jackal ʼ, koṭiya ʻ leopard ʼ GS 42 (CDIAL 3615). कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [ kōlhēṃ ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kol ‘alloy of five metals, pañcaloha’ (Ta.)

mehao = v.a.m. entwine itself; wind round, wrap round roll up (Santali); mahnā cover, encase (Hindi) (Santali.lex.Bodding) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Mu.)  meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) mhẽt ‘iron’; mhẽt icena ‘the iron is rusty’; ispat mhẽt ‘steel’, dul mhẽt ‘cast iron’;mhẽt khaṇḍa ‘iron implements’ (Santalime(Ho.)(Santali.lex.Bodding)  meed, med, mdiron; enga meed soft iron; sani meed hard iron; ispāt meed steel; dul meed cast iron; i meed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bica meed iron extracted from stone orebali meed iron extracted from sand ore (Mu.lex.)

měď (copper)(Czech) mіdʹ (copper, cuprum, orichalc)(Ukrainian) medʹ (copper, cuprum, Cu), mednyy (copper, cupreous, brassy, brazen, brass), omednyatʹ (copper, coppering), sulʹfatmedi (Copper), politseyskiy (policeman, constable, peeler, policemen, redcap), pokryvatʹ medʹyu (copper), payalʹnik (soldering iron, copper, soldering pen, soldering-iron), mednyy kotel (copper), medno-krasnyy (copper), mednaya moneta (copper). медь (copper, cuprum, Cu), медный (copper, cupreous, brassy, brazen, brass), омеднять (copper, coppering), Сульфатмеди (Copper), полицейский (policeman, constable, peeler, policemen, redcap), покрывать медью (copper), паяльник (soldering iron, copper, soldering pen, soldering-iron), медный котел (copper), медно-красный (copper), медная монета (copper).(Russian)
 

పోలడు [ pōlaḍu ] , పోలిగాడు or దూడలపోలడు pōlaḍu. [Tel.] n. An eagle. పసులపోలిగాడు the bird called the Black Drongo. Dicrurus ater. (F.B.I.)

Te. dūḍa a calf. Go. (ASu.) ḍuḍḍe female young of buffalo. Konḍa dūṛa calf (< Te.). (DEDR 3378) దూడ (p. 0604) [ dūḍa ] dūḍa. [Tel.] n. A calf. దూడలు అరిచినవి the calves were bleating. దూడలగొట్టిగాడు dūḍala-goṭṭi-gāḍu. n. The bird called an Adjutant, Leptoptilus dubius (F.B.I.) దూడలపోలిగాడు dūḍala-pōligāḍu. n. An eagle. Te. kōḍiya, kōḍe young bull; adj. male (e.g. kōḍe dūḍa bull calf), young, youthful; kōḍekã̄ḍu a young man. Kol.(Haig) kōḍē bull. Nk. khoṛe male calf. Konḍa kōḍi cow; kōṛe young bullock. Pe. kōḍi cow. Manḍ. kūḍi id. Kui kōḍi id., ox.Kuwi (F.) kōdi cow; (S.) kajja kōḍi bull; (Su. P.) kōḍi cow(DEDR 2199)

Ta. eruvai blood, (?) copper. Ka. ere a dark-red or dark-brown colour, a dark or dusky colour; (Badaga) erande sp. fruit, red in colour. Te. rēcu, rēcu-kukka a sort of ounce or lynx said to climb trees and to destroy tigers; (B.) a hound or wild dog.Kol. resn a·te wild dog (i.e. *res na·te; see 3650). Pa. iric netta id. Ga. (S.3rēs nete hunting dog, hound. Go. (Ma.) erm ney, (D.) erom nay, (Mu.) arm/aṛm nay wild dog (Voc. 353); (M.) rac nāī, (Ko.) rasi ney id. (Voc. 3010). For 'wild dog', cf. 1931 Ta. ce- red, esp. the items for 'red dog, wild dog'. (DEDR 817)

Ta. eruvai a kind of kite whose head is white and whose body is brown; eagle. Ma. eruva eagle, kite.(DEDR 818)

 Ta. eruvai European bamboo reed; a species of Cyperus; straight sedge tuber. Ma. eruva a kind of grass.(DEDR 819)
dhāˊtu ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf.tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.).S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

Dāma (nt.) [Sk. dāman to dyati to bind (Gr. di/dhmi), *dē, as in Gr. de/sma (rope)dia/dhma (diadem), u(po/dhma (sandal)] a bond, fetter, rope; chain, wreath, garland S iv.163 (read dāmena for damena), 282, (id.); A iii.393 (dāmena baddho); Sn 28 (=vacchakānaŋ bandhanatthāya katā ganthitā nandhipasayuttā rajjubandhanavisesā); Vism 108. Usually -- ˚, viz. anoja -- puppha˚ J i.9; vi.227; olambaka˚ VvA 32; kusuma˚ J iii.394; gandha˚ J i.178; VvA 173, 198; puppha˚ Ji.397; VvA 198; mālā˚ J ii.104; rajata˚ J i.50; iii.184; iv.91; rattapuppha˚ J iii.30; sumana˚ J iv.455. (Pali) दामन् n. [दो-मनिन्] 1 A string, thread, fillet, rope-2 A chaplet, a garland in general; आद्ये बद्धा विरहदिवसे या शिखा दाम हित्वा Me.93; कनकचम्पकदामगौरीम् Ch. P.1; Śi.4.5. -3 A line, streak (as of lightning); वुद्युद्- दाम्ना हेमराजीव विन्ध्यम् M.3.2; Me.27. -4 A large bandage. -5 Ved. A gift. -6 A portion, share. -7 A girdle. -Comp. -अञ्चलम्, -अञ्जनम् a foot-rope for horses, &c.; सस्रुः सरोषपरिचारकवार्यमाणा दामाञ्चलस्खलितलोलपदं तुरङ्गाः Śi.5.61. -उदरः an epithet of Kṛiṣṇa. dāmanī दामनी A foot-rope. dāmā दामा A string, cord. धामन् dhāman A fetter. dāˊman1 ʻ rope ʼ RV. 2. *dāmana -- , dāmanī -- f. ʻ long rope to which calves are tethered ʼ Hariv. 3. *dāmara -- . [*dāmara -- is der. fr. n/r n. stem. -- √2]1. Pa. dāma -- , inst. °mēna n. ʻ rope, fetter, garland ʼ, Pk. dāma -- n.; Wg. dām ʻ rope, thread, bandage ʼ; Tir. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Paš.lauṛ. dām ʻ thick thread ʼ, gul. dūm ʻ net snare ʼ (IIFL iii 3, 54 ← Ind. or Pers.); Shum. dām ʻ rope ʼ; Sh.gil. (Lor.) dōmo ʻ twine, short bit of goat's hair cord ʼ, gur. dōm m. ʻ thread ʼ (→ Ḍ. dōṅ ʻ thread ʼ); K. gu -- dômu m. ʻ cow's tethering rope ʼ; P. dã̄udāvã̄ m. ʻ hobble for a horse ʼ; WPah.bhad. daũ n. ʻ rope to tie cattle ʼ, bhal. daõ m., jaun. dã̄w; A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ; B. dāmdāmā ʻ cord ʼ; Or. duã̄ ʻ tether ʼ, dāĩ ʻ long tether to which many beasts are tied ʼ; H. dām m.f. ʻ rope, string, fetter ʼ, dāmā m. ʻ id., garland ʼ; G. dām n. ʻ tether ʼ, M. dāvẽ n.; Si. dama ʻ chain, rope ʼ, (SigGr) dam ʻ garland ʼ. -- Ext. in Paš.dar. damaṭāˊ°ṭīˊ, nir. weg. damaṭék ʻ rope ʼ, Shum.ḍamaṭik, Woṭ. damṓṛ m., Sv. dåmoṛīˊ; -- with -- ll -- : N. dāmlo ʻ tether for cow ʼ, dã̄walidāũlidāmli ʻ bird -- trap of string ʼ, dã̄waldāmal ʻ coeval ʼ (< ʻ tied together ʼ?); M. dã̄vlī f. ʻ small tie -- rope ʼ.
2. Pk. dāvaṇa -- n., dāmaṇī -- f. ʻ tethering rope ʼ; S. ḍ̠āvaṇuḍ̠āṇu m. ʻ forefeet shackles ʼ, ḍ̠āviṇīḍ̠āṇī f. ʻ guard to support nose -- ring ʼ; L. ḍã̄vaṇ m., ḍã̄vaṇīḍāuṇī(Ju. ḍ̠ -- ) f. ʻ hobble ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ strip at foot of bed, triple cord of silk worn by women on head ʼ, awāṇ. dāvuṇ ʻ picket rope ʼ; P. dāuṇdauṇ, ludh. daun f. m. ʻ string for bedstead, hobble for horse ʼ, dāuṇī f. ʻ gold ornament worn on woman's forehead ʼ; Ku. dauṇo m., °ṇī f. ʻ peg for tying cattle to ʼ, gng. dɔ̃ṛ ʻ place for keeping cattle, bedding for cattle ʼ; A. dan ʻ long cord on which a net or screen is stretched, thong ʼ, danā ʻ bridle ʼ; B. dāmni ʻ rope ʼ; Or. daaṇa ʻ string at the fringe of a casting net on which pebbles are strung ʼ, dāuṇi ʻ rope for tying bullocks together when threshing ʼ; H. dāwan m. ʻ girdle ʼ, dāwanī f. ʻ rope ʼ, dã̄wanī f. ʻ a woman's orna<-> ment ʼ; G. dāmaṇḍā° n. ʻ tether, hobble ʼ, dāmṇũ n. ʻ thin rope, string ʼ, dāmṇī f. ʻ rope, woman's head -- ornament ʼ; M. dāvaṇ f. ʻ picket -- rope ʼ. -- Words denoting the act of driving animals to tread out corn are poss. nomina actionis from *dāmayati2.
3. L. ḍãvarāvaṇ, (Ju.) ḍ̠ã̄v° ʻ to hobble ʼ; A. dāmri ʻ long rope for tying several buffalo -- calves together ʼ, Or. daũ̈rādaürā ʻ rope ʼ; Bi. daũrī ʻ rope to which threshing bullocks are tied, the act of treading out the grain ʼ, Mth. dã̄mardaũraṛ ʻ rope to which the bullocks are tied ʼ; H. dã̄wrī f. ʻ id., rope, string ʼ, dãwrī f. ʻ the act of driving bullocks round to tread out the corn ʼ. -- X *dhāgga<-> q.v.*dāmayati2; *dāmakara -- , *dāmadhāra -- ; uddāma -- , prōddāma -- ; *antadāmanī -- , *galadāman -- , *galadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāman -- , *gōḍḍadāmana -- , *gōḍḍadāmara -- .dāmán -- 2 m. (f.?) ʻ gift ʼ RV. [√1]. See dāˊtu -- .*dāmana -- ʻ rope ʼ see dāˊman -- 1.Addenda: dāˊman -- 1. 1. Brj. dã̄u m. ʻ tying ʼ.3. *dāmara -- : Brj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ.(CDIAL 6283)
धातुः [धा-आधारे तुन्] -कुशल a. skilful in working in metals, metallurgist.

धम dhama a. (-मा, -मी f.) [धम् ध्माने-अच्] (Usually at the end of comp.) 
1 Blowing; अग्निंधम, नाडिंधम. -2 Melting, fusing. -मः 1 The moon. -2 An epithet of Kṛiṣṇa. -3 Of Yama, the god of death. -4 Of Brahmā.धमकः dhamakḥ A blacksmith. धमनिः नी f. 1 A reed, blow-pipe; वेणुधमन्या प्रबोध्य Vaiśvadeva. धामनिका धामनी See धमनी.

dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- (CDIAL 6773)

dhākḥ धाकः [धा-उणा ˚ क तस्य नेत्वम्] 1 An ox. -2 A receptacle, reservoir. -3 Food, boiled rice. -4 A post, pillar, column. -5 Brahman. -6 A supporter.
See: 

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/07/ancient-near-east-shahdad-bronze-age.html  Ancient Near East: Shahdad bronze-age inscriptional evidence, a tribute to Ali Hakemi

See: 


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
Oct. 18, 2015





Tracing the roots of a Meluhha expression dhāvaḍa iron-smelters of ancient times signified by Indus Script hieroglyph 'three twisted strands of rope'

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A 19th century account about Dhavads as blacksmiths is given in the context of census of craftsmen in Bombay Presidency, Konkan in particular:

“Of Craftsmen, there are nine classes with a strength of 11,330 souls or 6.2 per cent of the whole Hindu population. Of these 2100 were Mithgavdas, saltmakers; 175 were Koshtis, weavers, found only in the villages of Tulas and Kasal; 1380 Telis, oilmen; 1210 Sonars, goldsmiths; 2100 Kumbhars, potters; 475 Dhavads, blacksmiths; 3760 Sutars, carpenters; 30 Shimpis, tailors; and 100 Chitaris, painters. Rising Early in the morning they are soon at work and keep working till noon. After a meal and a two hours’ rest they begin again and continue till the evening, when after supper they go early to bed. All except the goldsmith are poor, and most of the saltmakers, oilmen, and weavers, and some carpenters and potters eke out their earnings by field work. Getting little help from their wives and children they carry on their work on the humblest scale with no stock in hand, and making articles only when ordered. The estimated monthly charges of a family of four persons, a man, his wife and two children, are, for a goldsmith, about Pound 1 10s. (Rs. 15); for a carpenter from 16s. to Pound 1 (Rs. 8 – Rs. 10); and for a mason from 10s. to 12s. (Rs. 5-Rs.6).” (Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, 1880, Volume 10, Govt. Central Press, Bombay, p.415).

The semantic evolution of the lexis related to dhāvaḍa'iron-smelters of ancient times' -- an expression also explained orthographically by strands of rope --is traceable from expressions of Indian sprachbund.

Dhavad is an expression derived from the root: धा [ dhā ] which means, 'time, turn' and is used as a suffix to signify numeral counts: एकधा, द्विधा, त्रिधा, चतुर्धा. This root semantics explains why the morphemes of the phoneme dhā- gets three meanings: 1. धाऊ [ dhāū ] m f A certain soft and red stone (which yields iron after smelting); 2. धातु [ dhātu ] 'A primary or elementary substance, a mineral'; 3. धातु [ dhātu ] in grammar 'the root of a verb.' 

 The choice of 'dotted circle' in an early writing system to signify syllable tha in Brahmi is perhaps derived from the root phoneme: धा [dhā]. It is unclear if the same 'dotted circle' hieroglyph connotes the word:  धाऊ [ dhāū ] m f A certain soft and red stone (which yields iron after smelting). In Indus Script decipherment the 'dotted circle' has been read rebus: kandit'bead' Rebus: kanda'fire-altar'.

In Rigveda, the derived morpheme धातु [ dhātu ], derived from root dhā- is explained as 'strand of rope' or 'element': dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf.tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā](CDIAL 6773)
See Bogazkoy seal of 18th cent. BCE which shows three strands of rope: tridhā. Twisting wisps of fibre in three strands creates a rope. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/indus-script-hieroglyph-twisted-rope-on.html

This hieroglyph becomes a framework for rebus-metonymy rendering of iron-worker or iron-smelter's work with  धाव [ dhāva ] m f A certain soft, red stone > धातु 'minerals or ferrite ores' which were identified in three categories: magnetite, hematite, ilmenite. hence, workers with धाव [ dhāva ], धातु were called धावड [ dhāvaḍa ] 'smelters of iron';धावडी [ dhāvaḍī ] 'relating to iron'. 

In Rigveda, the root is explained as:  धातु  [p=513,3] m. layer , stratum Ka1tyS3r. Kaus3.constituent part , ingredient (esp. [ and in RV. only] ifc. , where often = " fold " e.g. त्रि-ध्/आतु , threefold &c cf. त्रिविष्टि- , सप्त- , सु-RV. TS.S3Br. &c

धातु primary element of the earth i.e. metal , mineral , are (esp. a mineral of a red colour) Mn. MBh. &c element of words i.e. grammatical or verbal root or stem Nir. Pra1t. MBh. &c (with the southern Buddhists धातु means either the 6 elements [see above] Dharmas. xxv ; or the 18 elementary spheres [धातु-लोकib. lviii ; or the ashes of the body , relics L. [cf. -गर्भ]).

In compounds: त्रि--धातु [p= 458,3] mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6 m. (scil. पुरोड्/आशN. of an oblation TS. ii , 3 , 6. 1 ( -त्व्/अ n. abstr.)m. गणे* L.n. the aggregate of the 3 minerals or of the 3 humours W.

धा [ dhā ] ind (S) Time, turn, occasion. In comp. with the numerals; as एकधा, द्विधा, त्रिधा, चतुर्धा.

धावाकरी [ dhāvākarī ] m One constantly invoking a god (calling धावाधावा! run! run!)

धावडी [ dhāvaḍī ] a Relating to the class धावड. Hence 2 Composed of or relating to iron. धावड [ dhāvaḍa ] m A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron. In these parts they are Muhammadans. धाव [ dhāva ] m f A certain soft, red stone. Baboons are said to draw it from the bottom of brooks, and to besmear their faces with it. धाऊ [ dhāū ] m f A certain soft and red stone. See धावधातु [ dhātu ] A metal or mineral; A primary or elementary substance; viz. earth, water, fire, air, आकाश. 7 A property of a primary element,--odor, flavor, color, touch, and sound. The root of a verb.धातुमय [ dhātumaya ] a (S) Composed or consisting of metal, metallic. धातुमाक्षिक [ dhātumākṣika ] n S A mineral substance, a sulphuret of iron.धातुवाद [ dhātuvāda ] m S Mineralogy or chemistry.धातुवादी [ dhātuvādī ] m S A mineralogist or a chemist; a man conversant about metals and minerals.धातुस्पर्श [ dhātusparśa ] m (S) Touch or contact of metal. A term, together with the power of neg. con., for Absolute poverty; absolute lack of metal (i. e. gold, silver, or copper). Ex. ह्याच्या घरांत धा0 नाहीं. 2 A term, with neg. con., for Utter absence of (gold or silver) trinkets. Ex. त्या बायकोच्या अंगास धा0 म्हटला तर नाहींच.

धवड [ dhavaḍa ] m (Or धावड) A class or an individual of it. They are smelters of iron.

धार [ dhāra ] f (धारा S) The edge of a weapon or tool; and hence, the edge or brink of a precipice &c.: and by meton., A sword; a fierce disposition; a fierce person. A line or chain of hills. धार करणें To edge or sharpen. धारकरी [ dhārakarī ] m (धार Sword, करी Affix.) A warrior, a hero, a doughty man of the sword.धारराव [ dhārarāva ] m (धार & राव. Bold man of the sword--a title given to some one for his prowess.)--An empty boaster of valiant deeds; a Rodomonte, a Gascon, a Hector. धारा [ dhārā ] Edge (of a weapon or a tool).

धारवाडी कांटा [ dhāravāḍī kāṇṭā ] m A balance of धारवाड. These balances are of exquisite delicacy. Hence applied descriptively to any correct dealing or procedure.

It is hypothesised that archaeo-metallurgical investigations in the ancient workings of mines and smelters using the minerals from the mineral belt of Sahyadri mountain ranges (Western Ghat) close to Dharwar of Karnataka are likely to yield chronologically verifiable data of metalwork techniques developed during the Bronze Age by dhāvaḍa 'iron-smelters of ancient times'. This investigation is crucial to document the contributions made by speakers of Indian sprachbund to the Bronze Age advances in metallurgical competence which explains expression in the non-rusting iron pillars of Delhi (earlier Vidisha) and Kodachadri Hills of Karnataka, both artifacts datable well Before Common Era. Such ancient mine-workings and smelters may also be found around Ib, a Railway station between Nagpur and Howrah, not far from Rourkela Steel Plant. ibha 'elephant'kariba'trunk of elephant' Rebus: ib'iron'karba'iron'. We may even be able to document why the iconography of Ganesha evolved with a sangaDa'joining of animal parts' Rebus: sangara'proclamation' from the evidence provided by compositions such as the following dated to ca. 2500 BCE.


It appears that the ancient artisans were experimenting with 'joined animal' hieroglyph-multiplexes to convey the message of their competence in ancient metallurgy during the Bronze Age. In this ligature of elephant and buffalo, the message is: iron working and working with pewter alloys.


The elephant head ligatured with a buffalo at Nausharo is a curtain-raiser for the practice of ligaturing in Indian tradition for utsava bera'idols carried on processions'. 

The phrase utsava bera denotes that processions of the type shown on Mesopotamian cylinder seals or Mohenjo-daro tablets are trade processions for bera'bargaining, trade'. Thus, the processions with hieroglyphs may be part of trade-exchange fairs of ancient times. It is significant that the utsava bera of Ganesa is shown together with a rat or mouse -- as vāhana: ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. mūṣa'rat, mouse' Rebus: mūṣa'crucible'.  Thus both rat/mouse and elephant face ligatured to a body, are Meluhha hieroglyphs related to metallurgical processes.

rāngo ‘water buffalo bull’ (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559) Rebus: rango ‘pewter’. ranga, rang pewter is an alloy of tin, lead, and antimony (anjana) (Santali).  
Slide 44 harappa.com Elephant figurine head with painted designs from Harappa.. 
Hieroglyph-multiplex, Bharhut Stupa II. The depiction displays the oneness of all life forms. It is a delightful and joyous creature, with the features of an elephant, a bull, a deer and even a horse with safflower decorations. karaDI 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' ibha 'elephant' kariba 'trunk of elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' karba 'iron' barad 'bull' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'. ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
October 19, 2015

Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher' -- Review of S. Kalyanaraman's book by Dr. Shrinivas Tilak

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Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher' by S. Kalyanaraman (2015 Herndon VA Sarasvari Research Center)

October 18, 2015
I Introduction

Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher'(2015)is a product of Dr Srinivas Kalyanaraman’s reflections on his four decades long research on the Indus Script summarized in the trilogy of his published works on this topic: the Indus Script Corpora constituting catalogus catalogorum of metalwork produced during the Bronze Age in ancient India. The trilogy comprises--1. Indus Script Cipher -- Hieroglyhphs of Indian Linguistic Area (2010) 2. Indus Script: Meluhha metalwork hieroglyphs (2014), and 3. Philosophy of Symbolic forms in Meluhha cipher (2014). The reflective process adopted by Dr Kalyanaraman (hereafter K) is reminiscent of a lion that has traversed some distance in the jungle and now looks back to examine the path he chose and how he covered that distance. The casting of a retrospective glance by the lion is part of the ancient Indian management principle of course correction while at the same time keeping the onward march with his options open (siṁhāvalokana . What well known American education reformer John Dewey said fits with this ancient maxim of Siṁhāvalokana after some re-adaptation: We indeed learn from experience... but we learn more from reflectingon past accomplishment and experience where reflection refers to the deliberate process of assimilating and synthesizing new insights with accumulated knowledge, old stock of hypotheses, and presuppositions and reinterpreting them.
II Core thesis
The core thesis of K’s research stands on three founding concepts: Rosetta Stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, and Meluhha cipher (they also figure in the title of the book). The key to decipher the Indus Script Corpora lies in literary/ritual and the trade and commercial activities of the people of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization who called themselves Bhāratam Janam (metal caster folk = Mleccha/Meluhha) and catalogued their life-activities in (1) Ŗgveda and (2) in Indus Script Corpora, which now numbers about seven thousand inscriptions of cipher text. They were poets and philosophers of sacred fire (agni) as well as workers in smithy and forge and these two activities were conveyed by one and same word (kole.l). Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization produced creative works that employed recurring (1) literary and rhetorical devices (chanda= prosody) and (2) pictorial motifs that were linked to spoken forms of Mleccha/Meluhha language words. They are two sides of the trope: one is literary/musical side that used the prosody; the other is life-activity side (mlechhita vikalpa) which used the 'metalwork catalogue' to create the Indus Script Corpora.
K also presupposes that Indian languages of today are derivatives of the lingua franca (i.e. Mleccha/Meluhha language) of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. Key lexemes of modern Indian languages provide the morphemes that can be used to attach ‘sound-bites’ of the homonyms to the pictorials in inscriptions of the script. This, in turn, attests to the continuity of the civilization in the present-day spoken languages of the [Indian] sub-continent. The pictorials in inscriptions represent ‘meaningful’ messages related to everyday life activities of ancient Indians. K provides readings of these messages from ‘homonyms’ of the morphemes attached to the pictorials. He pinpoints the ‘sound bites’ of the lingua franca of the civilization by tentatively identifying homonyms for the pictorials in inscriptions (Kalyanaraman 2015: 16-17).
Rosetta stones
Rosetta stone refers to a carved stone found in 196 BCE in a town called Rosetta (Rashid) bearing the same text/message in three different languages two of which are already known (Egyptian and Greek) and in three scripts (hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek) to enable priests, government officials, and rules of Egypt to read the message inscribed on a given stone. By pairing up words from the language that a scholar may know (say Greek) to symbols in the unknown language, it is possible to decipher the unknown language. ‘Rosetta stone’ thus can act as a metaphor. In his latest book K makes use of six such [Rosetta] stones bearing inscriptions in Indus Script in his effort to improve upon his ongoing research in the decipherment of the Indus Script. Toward that objective, he also takes into account hundreds of punch-marked coins found across India—from Gandhara (Afghanistan) to Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka. A common feature of these stones and coins is, he informs the reader, hieroglyphs that point to metals and metal works.
Mlecchita vikalpa
Vātsyāyana in his Kāmasūtra lists ‘Mlecchita vikalpa’ [Mleccha alternative or option] under one of the sixty-four arts to be taught to the youth in a chapter titled: Vidyāsamuddeśa (objectives of education). Hemacandra Muni's Dēśīnāmamālā lists many examples of indistinct speech which are recognized as derivative forms (tatsamaand tadbhava) of Prakrit in Sanskrit. Hence, mleccha/meluhha is identifiable as ancient Prakrit form of Indian Sprachbund (linguistic union). According to K the underlying language of the glyphs which furnish the glyptic elements and concordant homonyms happened to be in the Mleccha/Meluhha language, which was distinct only to the extent that it did not always employ the grammatically correct forms as speakers of Sanskrit (the language in which the Vedic canon and other sacred literature are preserved). The speakers of Mleccha are not generally described as belonging to one particular area or a social group which suggests that they were spread all across the Indian cultural zone and constituted a substantial majority of the population of India. By profession they were traders, artisans, and metal workers (Kalyanaraman 2010: 40-41). Since mleccha in Sanskrit also denotes copper, Mlecchita vikalpa may also be understood as metal worker’s speech forms.
The Mleccha/Meluhha component of the Indian cultural zone circafive thousand years ago went unnoticed simply because it has always been around as a dialectical continuum stretching from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, from Dholavira to Dacca. The prehistory of Indian civilization too is all around emphasizing the cultural continuity to present day. Like the postman in G.K. Chesterton’s The Innocence of Father Brown, India’s ancestral postmen have always been around delivering the message in emphatic glyphs constituting over three thousand epigraphs on lexemes of the linguistic area of this civilization whose substratum language is Mleccha. Somehow, even modern Indians failed to notice the postman even though the seals were discovered close to the banks of River Sarasvati in the recent past (Kalyanaraman 2015: 262). Thanks to K’s researches, however, it is possible to recognize and identify the Mleccha/Meluhha messenger, his language, and the legacy he has left for all Indians.
Meluhha cipher
K tells us that onset of Bronze Age in the Sarasvati/Sindhu basin gave rise to several new technologies that ranged from cire perduecasting technique to production of alloys (bronzes/brasses/pewter) complementing arsenical copper. This development, in turn, necessitated the invention and development of a writing system, that later came to be known as Meluhha cipher as evidenced in the now extant corpora of over seven thousand inscriptions .The cipher included a code and a code key (like including with shipment a font that you may have used to generate a file?) known as the rebus; see below) to transform and transfer information and messages that were deliberately obscured so that the messages could not be read or understood even if they were intercepted. Their trade associates in other parts of the world who received the messages were able to securely decipher the text of the coded message by performing an inverse substitution using the code keys ((Kalyanaraman 2014: 12).
III Revising rebus method
K’s basic method of deciphering the Indus Script originates in the well known dictum of Tolkappiyam (a work on the grammar of the Tamil language): all words are semantic indicators (ellaac collum porul kur-ittanave) which leads him to incorporate elements of the method known as the rebus.Rebus (in Latin ablative plural of res = things) means ‘of or by things’ and by extension ‘not by words but by things.’ An example illustrates the rebus principle--The sounds in the sentence, ‘I can see you’ can be written down by using the pictograph of ‘eye-can-sea-ewe’ (Kalyanaraman 2015:262).[1]
As a result of his siṁhāvalokana, K is able to shed additional light on his interpretive effort of Indus Script Corpora by introducing Theodore Nelson’s concept of 'hypertext' as hieroglyph multiplex text (or 'hyper-cipher text'), i.e., a body of written or pictorial material of hieroglyphs in such a complex interconnected way that it constitutes a rebus-metonymy-tiered cipher, rendering a cipher text.[2] He then suggests that a similar cipher composed of hieroglyphs was used in rebus-metonymy-tiered-mlecchita vikalpa (Kalyanaraman 2015: 270-271). Metonymy, a sub-category of metaphor, is a rhetorical figure or trope by which the name of a referent is replaced by the name of an attribute, or of an entity related in some semantic way. Thus, in a statement ‘The White House released its official report today,’ ‘The White House’ stands for the US presidential administration (Wales 2011: 267-268).
Following Wales, K explains that two tiers of substitution occur in the Indus Script cipher: tier 1--semantic metonymy where homonym or similar-sounding word is substituted to create the ciphertext or encrypted message and tier 2--orthographic metonymy where picture substitutes for phonetics of a word. Decryption of ciphertext is achieved by applying the two tiers of the cipher to arrive at the decrypted, plain text. Thus, the ‘blacksmith’ is encrypted in the Indus Script Corpora as follows--A seemingly unrelated semantic unit (sememe) is brought together in metaphor (as a semantic function) by the similar-sounding phonetic structure associated with another sememe. When a sememe 'blacksmith' is brought together with a sememe 'bull,' the similar sounding phonetic structure of the two sememes will bring the two in a semantic function of a metaphor (see Kalyanaraman 2015 https://www.academia.edu/11283552/Explaining_a_writing_system_as_ciphertext_layered_rebus-metonymy_in_ancient_Indus_Script_Corpora_from_ca._3500_BCE; accessed on Oct 14, 2015). K’s interpretive effort enables him to decode most hieroglyphs as pointing to the repertoire of miners and metal smiths of the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization.
Subjecting data to Occam's razor
Named after the 14th- century English logician and Franciscan friar William of Ockham, Occam's razor is a principle which states that the explanation of any phenomenon should make as few assumptions as possible, eliminating those that make no difference in the observable predictions of the explanatory hypothesis or theory. The razor evokes an act of shaving away unnecessary assumptions in order to arrive at the simplest explanation. Many scientists have adopted or reinvented Occam's razor, as in Leibniz's ‘identity of observables’ and Isaac Newton’ rule: We are to admit no more causes of natural things than such as are both true and sufficient to explain their appearances (Gibbs 1996). Put differently, when you have two competing theories that make exactly the same predictions, the simpler one is the better.
V Reinterpreting history of art in India
K’s reflections call for re-evaluation of interpretations of some art-historians of ancient art in India and in Southeast Asia because their accounts remain restricted to astronomical or religious contexts. Some of them wax eloquent on and conjecture that the Peepal tree was an aniconic representation of the Bodhi tree and hence the Buddha. For K such conjectures may not always be the total truth or reality and hence, not a full representation of messages conveyed by artifacts. This unfortunate situation has arisen because some art historians have failed to take into account the spoken/written languages of the artisans who created the artifacts and glosses from the languages which had signified the messages conveyed by hieroglyphs--a lotus, a rhizome, ox-hide ingot graphics or a dwarf.
K concurs with Hans J. Nissen’s view that writing initially was a means of recording the details of economic transactions. Seals and clay counters (small clay artifacts in geometric shapes that represented numbers or quantities) had been used since the sixth millennium. In order to reconstruct specific transactions, seals were relied upon to identify the participants, and token (or counters) identified the amounts and numbers of the commodities involved. Writing represented an answer to the urgent needs of the economic administration and not a desire to write religious, historical, or literary texts (see http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/art-historians-dilemma-and-occams-razor.html).
In light of the above, K reminds us that the artisans of Bharhut were literate as can be discerned from inscriptions in the known Brāhmī script. Along with Kharoshthi syllabic script, it was used to explain images--for example citing references to Jātaka stories on many Bauddha monuments extending all over Central Asia and Bharata (Luders et al 1963: 158-159)(Kalyanaraman 2015: 158-159). Yet, besides inscriptions the literate artisans also used images and hieroglyphs because they complemented the Indus Script writing tradition with the ability to convey precise comprehensive messages about lay life-activities of metal workers.
K reminds any would be historian of art in ancient India that sculptural artifacts act as hieroglyphic representations of everyday, mundane life-activities of the people of the times--for example, the output of metal smiths and lapidaries producing wealth. In ancient Indian tradition a temple often also served as a smithy the two being denoted by one gloss: kole.l. This gloss is engraved on a number of hieroglyphs in rebus-metonymy-tiered cipher renderings by engravers, scribes, sculptors, and architects who created the magnificence of Bharhut sculpture complex in modern Madhyapradesh (Kalyanaraman 2015: 159). Accordingly, artifacts or sculptural representations do not necessarily and narrowly relate to Bauddha or Jaina or Hindu religious themes. They may, rather, relate to depiction of and signify life-activities creating wealth through lapidary-metalwork activities, trading activities and working with stones, minerals, metals, alloys. Others produced cire perdue metal castings which had exchange value across civilization contact areas (Kalyanaraman 2015: 159).
The key question that any art historian should therefore ask before interpreting images or an ancient sculptural frieze is this: how did the artisan ‘name’ a hieroglyph, what did the artisan ‘say’ about the images in his/her spoken mother tongue, lingua franca or speech forms of the guild or community of artisans? The moral of the story in art appreciation or art history is this: start with finding the name of the artifact in the lingua franca of the artisan (Kalyanaraman 2015: 159, 168-169).
K’s decipherment of an exquisite bronze statue from Mohenjo-daro, referred to as 'dancing girl,' conveys hieroglyph based Mleccha/Meluhha messages unambiguously in orthographic and artistic expressions. This is consistent with his conviction that the Indus Script Corpora is catalogus catalogorum of metalwork of the Bronze Age. K argues that the object held in her hand is a lamp which possibly was used with a wick and oil to shed light on a demonstration piece, an exhibit of the metallurgical competence of the artisans of Mohenjo-daro.
The Śrīvatsa hieroglyph multiplex occurs on top of the third architrave of North gate (toraņa) of Sanchi stūpa along with two sets of hieroglyphs: A spoked wheel ligatured to four elephants as the centre-piece and a pair of winged-tigers flanking the entire set of hieroglyphs. This entire hieroglyph multiplex signifies, to K, an announcement (like an advertisement board comparable to the Dholavira Gateway Board): welcoming visitors/pilgrims to the quarter of the town (vaṭhara) of Vidiśā (Besanagara) in modern Madhyapradesh inhabited by smelters, iron workers, and metal casters. It also served as a temple of worship because in Mleccha/Meluhha semantic tradition, as noted above, kole.l signifies both a smithy and a temple (See http://tinyurl.com/ofda5rw).
In sum, siṁhāvalokana suggests to K that hieroglyph-writing of Indus Script could be better understood from an economic angle following the insight based on Nissen’s argument above. As the evolution of the Bronze Age introduced new products that impacted on urban living, it became necessary to document and communicate information about the metalwork from an everyday, mundane perspective. Yet, many art historians start with a caveat emptor, underlining the importance of relating an object to the cultural and historical settings and proceed to make strings of assumptions about facets of life activities being impacted by religion, divinity, or rulership. To resolve the art historians' dilemma, which leads to added assumptions, K decides to apply his retrospective glance and brings in Occam's razor to prune or to shave out such unnecessary accretions. 
V Reinterpretation of Śivalińga
Archaeo-metallurgy
As in other ancient advanced civilizations, metals and minerals figured prominently in trade carried out in the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization. Harappans were involved in an extensive and complex system of mutual relations and trading network, facilitating transactions of a variety of metals and minerals. Copper was the first metal that had been used for manufacturing different tools and artefacts. Bronze, a copper alloy with a percentage of tin, was produced by adding tin to copper in order to increase pliability and strength of copper making it more fluid and easier to cast. His study of bronze technology and the examination of copper based alloy artefacts from the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization brought K to archaeo-metallurgical investigation in order to correlate the linguistic evidence with archaeological data and other historical facts pertaining to the Indus Script Corpora. Thanks to the relatively better preserved data and evidence on metal objects and artefacts, K was able to posit that itinerant Mleccha/Meluhha metal smiths with their metal wares contributed significantly in the rise of social elites in the complex Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization.
Lińga and lokhaņḑa
An architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (gaņas) worshipping with flower garlands a Śivalińga on a platform with wall under a Peepal tree encircled by railing found at Bhuteshwar Mahadeo temple in Mathura (ca. 2nd cent BCE; Srivastava 1999). The symbolism invested in a relief at Candi Sukuh, a fifteenth century mountain sanctuary in Central Java, is continuous with Bhuteswar temple friezes of Mathura in modern Uttar Pradesh thus linking Śivalińga to a smelter and processes of the smith working with minerals to produce metallic implements. For K, the tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the lińgaand is comparable to the monumental six feet tall inscribed stone lińga discovered in Candi Sukuh. Another lińgaat Candi Cetho shows a pair of balls at the top of the generative organ which K reads rebus as Meluhha hieroglyph composition for iron, metal ware (lo-khaņḑa; Kalyanaraman 2015: 272-274).
K explains the presence of lińga and yūpa-skaṁbha (pillar used in yajἢa) in a stellain fire-altars uncovered in Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization archaeological sites where the lińgaserves as a hieroglyph denoting 'ingot smelter.' Such metallurgical, allegorical interpretations of the everyday lifestyle and activities of people engaged in metals and metal ware trade is K’s significant contribution to the decipherment of the Indus script as revealed through over three thousand inscriptions on seals, tablets, copper tablets and on metallic weapons. He reads in these inscriptions lists and catalogs of bronze/brass/copper weapons produced by the fire- and metal-workers of the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization.
India has a fascinating history of cultural relationship with South-East Asia, spanning across more than the last two millennia, mainly with the spread of Buddhism and Hinduism, deeply impacting the cultural, religious and social lives of people in countries such as Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Vietnam. The Hindu-Buddhist monuments in South-East Asia stand testimony of this peaceful and mutually beneficial interaction. K observes that seafaring merchants spread their wares on the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi in the East to Haifa, Israel in the West. These artisans from Indian Sprachbund also took their culture and Śivalińgas up to Hanoi, Vietnam as evidenced by the exquisite cire perdue castings found on bronze drums at Dong Son with such Indus Script hieroglyphs as heron, antelope, or the sun (see http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/hieroglyphs-on-dong-son-drums-relate-to.html).
Lińga and liberation
At Candi Sukuh there is a relief sculpture that depicts two workers forging a weapon in a smithy. This scene has resisted satisfactory explication since no textual source has been adduced for the iconography. The scholars accordingly find such a mundane metallurgical endeavor incongruous in a sanctuary devoted to ancestor worship and to rites aimed at securing liberation from earthly bonds after death. Stanley O’Connor, an eminent scholar of archaeology in Southeast Asia, finds in the Candi Sukuh relief a visionary assertion that the operations of the smith and smelter parallel cosmic processes. With their ability to alter the mode of being of metals, these smiths also seem to possess, argues O’Connor, the key to the means of spiritual transcendence. In support of his argument that iron working was a metaphor for spiritual transmutation in ancient Java, O’Connor presents evidence that includes myths surrounding the smith; a description of śrāddha rites in the fourteenth century text, the Negara Kertagrama, and Tantric rites in palace ceremonies in Central Java (O’Connor 1985).[3]
An inclusive and integrative spirit pervades all forms of inquiry in Indian thinking. Having inherited that legacy, K connects the extant hieroglyph-multiplex and iconogrpahic advances in archaeo-metallurgy and Indus Script Corpora with the adhyātmikainquiry in the Skaṁbha Sūkta of Atharvaveda unraveling the purification processes signified by the Śivalińga is made in that very spirit. This redemptive vision nuanced by metallurgy as offered by O’Connor, informs K’s retrospective gaze: that the artisans have enacted in visual terms the deeply felt correspondence between metallurgy and the human urge for transcendence, that the relief surrounding a Śivalińga is relevant to its context, that its meaning is rooted in an important religious and imaginative complex--the Śivalińga and its worship.
At a conference on the History of Religions (Sorbonne University, Paris; September 1900) Swami Vivekananda connected Śivalińga worship to the search for liberation as spelled out in the Skaṁbha Sūkta. Śivalińga is metaphorical rendering of the effulgence (sun and moon) associated with the pillar of light in this Sukta yielding the imagery of a representation of a fiery pillar with unfathomable beginning and unreachable end thus of infinity of Mahādeva representing transcendent self (paramātman) for the self (ātman) in search of liberation (mokşa). Thus interpreted, the Sūkta connects with the frieze at Airavateśvara Temple at Darasuram near Kumbhakonam where Śiva is depicted emerging out of the lińga with Brahmā as swan (haṁsa) searching in the heavens and Vişņu digging into the earth to find the end-less, beginningless form of the Skaṁbha. For K, the iconographic reinforcement of Candi Sukuh as detailed by O’Connor validates Swami Vivekananda's inspired explanation of the Skaṁbha Sūkta from Atharvaveda (10:7) as a representation of Yūpa-Skaṁbha. Following O’’Connor’s insight that iron working was a metaphor for spiritual transmutation in ancient Java, K surmises that both the Bauddha dagobaand Śivalińga serve as a metaphor for the axis mundi linking earth and heaven.
VI Concluding observations
K’s latest book can serve as a useful introduction and guide to his trilogy that is close two thousand pages long. Readers will be thankful to him for lucidly explaining the operation of the rebus method he employs with reference to metonymy. But they will be perplexed by his reinterpretation of history of art in ancient India, which is at odds with that of archaeo-metallurgy in the Sindhu-Sarasvati civilization. While he advises the art historian to stress only the mundane and material (i.e. laukika); the archaeologist is encouraged to take into account both the mundane and transcendent (laukika + lokottara) perspectives in the interpretation of the Śivalińga. In fact, when he approvingly writes that the pinnacle of ancient India’s achievement in metallurgy is signified by the iron pillars of Dhar, Mount Abu, Udayagiri (now in Delhi Qutb Minar premises), and Kodachadri, he seems to favor lokottara over the laukikaperspective. Artisans erected flag staffs (dhwaja skaṁbhas) to serve as the guidepost of lives. They are not artifacts engineered to pronounce their glorious achievements but to praise and celebrate the glory of the divine, sacred principle. Such was the dedication, l'acte gratuite of Bhāratam Janam (see http://tinyurl.com/nfq3bsv). This line of thinking in India generally avoids any either/or binary model opting instead for the ‘this and that too’ (i.e. laukika + lokottara) model. Being reductionist in orientation, Occam’s razor perhaps does not fit in, and cannot be suitably applied to, the Indian way of thinking as A. K. Ramanujan might have argued. Hopefully, in his next siṁhāvalokana Dr Kalyanaraman will reflect on this methodological quandary.
VII References
Amzallag, Nissim. 2009. From metallurgy to bronze age civilizations: the synthetic theory. In American Journal of Archaeology 113 (2009): 497-519.
Eliade, Mircea. Mircea  Eliade 1962. The Forge and the Crucible: The Origins and Structures of Alchemy, trans. Stephen Corrin. New York: Harper.
Gibbs, Phil. 1996. What is Occam's Razor?http://math.ucr.edu/home/baez/physics/General/occam.html(accessed October 8, 2015.
Kalyanaraman, S. 2015. Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher.' Herndon VA: Sarasvari Researc Center
Kalyanaraman. S. 2015 An object lesson for Art historians: learn Meluhha lingua franca of Indus Script Corpora, of Bharatam Janam.[http://tinyurl.com/q8ldehr]; June 29, 2015
Kalyanaraman. S. 2014. Philosophy of Symbolic Forms in Meluhha Cipher. Herndon: Sarasvati Research Center.
_________http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/worship-of-sivalingam-in-harappa.html Swami Vivekananda explains Yupa-skambha and AV skambha sukta; http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/10/skambha-sukta-in-atharva-veda-and.html
___________Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes of Mohenjo-daro dancing girl holding a lamp deciphered
_________Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/qe9yu4l
_________ Explaining a writing system as ciphertext, layered rebus-metonymy in ancient Indus Script Corpora, from ca. 3500 BCE
________http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html Histoire ancienne des Etats hindouises along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi.
Luders, H., Waldschmidt, E., Mehendale, M. A. eds. 1963. Bharhut Inscriptions. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum II. Ootacamund: Archaeological Survey of India.
Nelson, T.H. 1965. A file structure for the Complex, the changing and the indeterminate. In Proceedings of the 20th ACM National Conference, New York, Association for Computing Machinery (1965: 84-100).
O'Connor, Stanley J., 1985. Metallurgy and Immortality at Caṇḍi Sukuh, Central Java. Indonesia, Vol 39 (April 1985).
Raman, K. V. 2001. Story of a mystical river: review of Sarasvati by S. Kalyanaraman. Chennai: Hindu, May 1, 2001.
Srivastava, A.K. 1999. Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625.
Wales, Katie. 2011. Dictionary of Stylistics.
* Dr Shrinivas Tilak (PhD History of religions, McGill University, Montreal, Canada) is an independent researcher based in Guelph, Ontario, Canada. His publications include The Myth of Sarvodaya: A study in Vinoba's concept (New Delhi: Breakthrough Communications 1984); Religion and Aging in the Indian Tradition (Albany, N. Y.: State University of New York Press, 1989), Understanding karma in light of Paul Ricoeur's philosophical anthropology and hermeneutics  (Charleston, SC: BookSurge, revised, paperback edition, 2007), and Reawakening to a secular Hindu nation: M. S. Golwalkar’s vision of a Dharmasāpekşa Hindurāşţra (Charleston, SC: BookSurge, 2009).




[1] A homonym is one group of words that share the same spelling and the same pronunciation but having different meanings.
[2]Theodor Holm Nelson coined the term 'hypertext' and noted: a body of written or pictorial material interconnected as 'a body of written or pictorial material interconnected in such a complex way that it could not conveniently be presented or represented on paper.’ The hieroglyph multiplex text is used for enhanced cyber-security in Information Technology and in rapidly evolving Computer-wireless, cell-phone or tablet cloud applications (Nelson 1965).

[3]For an understanding of the relationship between metallurgy and spiritual transcendence (see Eliade 1962).

Too small for big idol, city bursts. Durga Puja in Deshapriya Park, Kolkata

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Maa Durga 32 namesby amipiyu92,534 views
We are worshipers of victory. Durga is personified victory of Dharma.Bharat and Dharma are synonymous. It is reflected in collective conductof nation of Bharat as such.  That in turn conferred great prosperity on on India and people of India, which in turn attracted looters and freebooters. Invariably they were driven out of India some times right away , yet times little later. In the life of nation a century or two, thoughat the time may appear too long for suffering people,  are not that long.Some of the victorious over Asuri forces, Demonic invaders, earned thetitle of Vikramaditya. One of them initiated worship of Bharat depicted asfierce Kaali trampling on a pale faced invader,symbol of  Huns , who were routed anddriven away from natural frontiers of India , in NW corner. There used to be sculpture of Durga at the entrance of Khyber pass once. 
[The Goddess Durga riding on her pet tiger defeats the army of Demons or anti-gods. From book Kali, The Feminine Force, by Ajit Mookerjee]


Shakti pooja or worship of Durga , Kaali and other various forms of Parvathi, Siva' s inseparable consort is very popular in Bengal.  Hence only a Bengali, Bankim Chandra could write Vandemataram that extols India as mother, possessing all divine qualities of Shakti, Saraswathi and Laxmi, who is also a 'ripudala samharini', slayer of enemy hordes, which has been our history, victory over demonic forces.

Please see the story below. Increasing crowds thronging for her worship is a good sign . It indicates end of demonic forces in Bengal along with their cohorts in so called secular parties who aid and abet them. 

Best wishes,

                                                                                                                          G V Chelvapilla
Monday , October 19 , 2015 |


Too small for big idol, city bursts

- Overwhelmed by surging crowds and clogged roads, police ‘close’ puja with giant structure
HOW THEY CAME TO SEE...

The Sarat Bose Road-Rashbehari Avenue crossing at 5.27pm on Sunday, swamped by thousands who had turned up to catch a glimpse of the giant idol. Pictures by Bishwarup Dutta
Stampede at Pandal For a Glimpse of Kolkata's Largest Durga Idol
...THE IDOL...

The 88-foot-tall idol, advertised as the “world’s biggest Durga”, at Deshapriya Park. The idol actually being worshipped during the Pujas is a smaller one installed at the foot of the giant Durga. Late on Sunday night, the police commissioner said: “I think that it is closed”
...AND WHAT HAPPENED TO THE CITY

The car of police commissioner Surajit Kar Purkayastha is parked outside the Esplanade Metro station on Sunday evening. The police chief, probably realising that he would not be able to reach Deshapriya Park through the clogged roads, took the subway, got off at Kalighat Metro and walked to the crisis spot

Calcutta, Oct. 18: Swamped by a "tidal wave" to catch a glimpse of the "biggest Durga in the world", Calcutta police have virtually closed down the Deshapriya Park puja.
The towering structure drew tens of thousands of visitors on Panchami, triggering a near-stampede, paralysing traffic on vast stretches of south Calcutta and overwhelming the police, who usually put their best foot forward during the Puja season.
Several people were hurt, according to reports from hospitals till late tonight, but the nature of the injuries was said not to be life-threatening.
From 5pm to 8pm, no vehicles were allowed on the stretch between Rashbehari crossing and Gariahat.
At a news conference at 11pm, Calcutta police commissioner Surajit Kar Purkayastha hinted that the puja would not be reopened this year, which would be an unprecedented step. He advised people to go to other pujas.
The 78-year-old puja has installed gigantic idols of Durga and her children - the one of the goddess is 88 feet tall, according to the police - in the park next to Priya Cinema.
An advertising campaign promoting the idol as the biggest in the world has been running in the city for months. But it is not clear why the civic authorities and the police could not foresee the turnout and put in place crowd-management measures or prevent the installation of the structure in advance if they had concluded it would be a hazard.
As usual, a political factor has crept in amid suggestions that the civic body did not take too close a look because of the backers of the puja. Local fingers point at (or salute) Trinamul councillor and mayoral council member Debashis Kumar. His brother Sudipto Kumar is the secretary of the Deshapriya Park Durgotsav organising committee.
When the puja organisers held a media conference in August to unveil the grand plans, Debashis was on the dais. In Trinamul ranks, he is said to be close to minister and Ekdalia Evergreen puja heavyweight Subrata Mukherjee.
Today, tens of thousands converged on the park from the morning. Many more stood outside, unwittingly disrupting traffic as they clicked pictures of the idols that tower above trees and advertising hoardings bordering the park.
At the crossing where Rashbehari Avenue meets Sarat Bose Road, the police struggled to keep pedestrians inside the rope-marked passage.
The impact was felt at Metro stations, too. Trains coming from opposite directions disgorged passengers simultaneously at Kalighat station, with many headed to Deshapriya Park. "We had to delay trains at various stations to prevent a stampede at Kalighat," said a Metro official. In the evening, to dissuade passengers from getting off at Kalighat station, announcements were made at several stations that the Deshapriya Park puja had been closed.
Around 5.30pm, a near-stampede took place inside the park. Three women, members of the same family, had to be taken to the emergency observation ward of CMRI in Alipore. One suffered fractures in her right hand after several people fell on her.
Hironmoy Chatterjee, president, Deshapriya Park Durgotsav, said: "We did all that the police asked us to do.... There was no problem once the visitors got inside the park. It is just that the public have taken over the roads. People are coming like tidal waves. How can they be stopped?"
Outside, the signs of a lack of preparedness were visible. The edge of the pavements did not have barricades yet; while the police had removed hawkers from Gariahat on Friday afternoon, they did not do so from the pavements around Deshapriya Park.
By all accounts, the police appeared to have ignored tell-tale signs of the build-up.
Pandal-hopping used to begin from Sashthi, which falls tomorrow this year. But this time many pujas were inaugurated early because the organisers wanted VIPs like the chief minister and the governor to do the honours. Coupled with the weekend, the early openings ensured that the Puja season began yesterday itself while the police were preparing for a Monday kick-off.
At the news conference, the police commissioner said: "For the time being, the puja is closed." He said the decision had been taken to ensure the safety of people.
Asked when the puja will again be opened to the public, Purkayastha said: "I think that it is closed."
He added: "I appeal to the people... there are many other good pujas in Calcutta, visit those pujas."
Another officer had said earlier in the day: "The puja committee has not been issued police permission yet."
According to norms set by the high court, the height of a puja pandal cannot be more than 40 feet. Monday being the last working day before the police's administrative holiday season officially kicks in, technically the police can deny the permission tomorrow.
However, experience should have alerted the police.
FD Block in Salt Lake had installed a huge idol in 2011, crafted by the same artist, Mintu Pal, who created the one at Deshapriya Park. The Salt Lake idol was planned at 104 feet but, denied permission, the height was cut to half.
The 52-feet fibreglass idol was one of the biggest crowdpullers that year. According to the organisers, almost 21 lakh people visited the pandal from Tritiya (two days before Panchami) to Dashami noon.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1151019/jsp/frontpage/story_48828.jsp#.ViRSK8UrLIU

The NJAC Judgement--An Alternative View -- Arun Jaitley

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http://www.huffingtonpost.in/arun-jaitley/the-njac-judgementan-alte_b_8324780.html?utm_source=TOInewHP_TILwidget&utm_medium=ABtest&utm_campaign=TOInewHP

Nov. 2012 report: RahulG acting like Walmart brand ambassador. Now, Fed investigations report on millions of $ bribes paid in India. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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Published: October 19, 2015 10:32 IST | Updated: October 19, 2015 10:33 IST  

Walmart paid millions of dollars in bribes in India: report

  • PTI
There was no immediate response from Walmart’s corporate headquarters here on the Wall Street Journal’s report on its bribery in India.
Reuters
There was no immediate response from Walmart’s corporate headquarters here on the Wall Street Journal’s report on its bribery in India.

The Wall Street Journal said Walmart’s "suspected bribery" unearthed in India involves thousands of small payments to low-level local officials.

America’s multinational retail corporation Walmart is suspected to have paid bribes worth millions of dollars in India, according to a media report.

In a major report, The Wall Street Journal said Walmart’s “suspected bribery” unearthed in India involves thousands of small payments to low-level local officials to help move goods through customs or obtain real-estate permits.

“The vast majority of the suspicious payments were less than $200, and some were as low as $5, the people said, but when added together they totalled millions of dollars,” the daily said. In 2013, Walmart shelved plans to open retail stores in India by severing a joint venture with Bharti Enterprises Ltd and instead decided to become solely a wholesaler, the report said.

Walmart, who was pushing the previous UPA regime for opening of the multi-brand retail sector was also involved in lobbying before the U.S. Congress in this regard, Congressional disclosure reports have said in the past few years.

According to the report, Walmart’s massive bribery efforts is unlikely to bring in any penalty on it as its Indian operation does not yield any profit under the provisions of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) of the United States.

“Because penalties under the FCPA are often connected to the amount of profit the alleged misconduct generated, the payments in India wouldn’t be likely to result in any sizable penalty, since Walmart’s operations there haven’t been particularly profitable, said people familiar with the matter,” the daily reported.

There was no immediate response from Walmart’s corporate headquarters here on the Wall Street Journal’s report on its bribery in India. According to The Wall Street Journal, federal investigators “found evidence of bribery in India, centering on widespread but relatively small payments made to local officials there,” during the course of its “high-profile federal probe” into allegations of widespread corruption at Walmart Stores Inc’s operations in Mexico.

The investigations though have found little in the way of major offenses in Mexico, and is likely to result in a much smaller case than investigators first expected, the daily said.
http://www.thehindu.com/business/Industry/walmart-paid-millions-of-dollars-in-bribes-in-india-report/article7779884.ece?homepage=true

Wal-Mart Bribery Probe Finds Few Signs of Major Misconduct in Mexico

WASHINGTON—A high-profile federal probe into allegations of widespread corruption at Wal-Mart Stores Inc.’s operations in Mexico has found little in the way of major offenses, and is likely to result in a much smaller case than investigators first expected, according to people familiar with the probe.
The three-year investigation isn’t over, but most of the work has been completed, and it is possible the case could be resolved with a fine and no criminal charges leveled against individual Wal-Mart executives, these people said.
As part of the same investigation, investigators found evidence of bribery in India, centering on widespread but relatively small payments made to local officials there, the people said. Wal-Mart is likely to face U.S. foreign-bribery charges under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act over those payments, they said.
Wal-Mart spokesman Greg Hitt declined to discuss the particulars of the investigation, but said the company is “cooperating fully with the government in this matter.’’
Mr. Hitt added that adherence to anticorruption laws is “a key priority’’ for the retailer, which works with third-party compliance experts “as we continuously review and strengthen our programs around the world.’’
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A Justice Department spokeswoman would say only, “We have an active ongoing FCPA investigation and will decline to comment further.’’
The Justice Department launched its investigation after a pair of 2012 New York Timesarticles about alleged bribes the world’s largest retailer by revenue might have paid in Mexico to obtain permits to build stores there, the people said. Mexico is home to about 20% of Wal-Mart’s roughly 11,500 locations.
The articles portrayed in detail millions of dollars Wal-Mart’s Mexico unit allegedly paid to middlemen. They described permits that had previously been hard to obtain coming through within days or weeks after the alleged payments. The articles also described how senior Wal-Mart executives appeared to shut down an internal inquiry into the suspicious payments.
The U.S. government’s probe involved some two dozen prosecutors, agents and investigators from the Justice Department, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Internal Revenue Service’s criminal investigations unit, said people familiar with the matter.
These people said a grand jury was convened in Virginia to weigh whether the company or its executives violated the FCPA, which bars U.S. companies and individuals from paying bribes overseas to win business. The grand jury’s current status couldn’t be established.
The probe uncovered evidence that contradicted some of the allegations in the New York Times articles, said people familiar with the investigation. The five-year statute of limitations made it very unlikely that other instances of alleged misconduct could be prosecuted, these people said. But it is still possible, these people said, that new evidence could emerge at the final stages of the investigation to change officials’ view of the case.
They said the federal findings so far largely match up with the results of an internal probe Wal-Mart launched in the wake of questions from the New York Times.
Matt Purdy, the New York Times’ deputy executive editor, said the stories “were largely based on internal Wal-Mart documents that described hundreds of suspect payments involving millions of dollars. One of those documents, written by Wal-Mart’s own investigators, concluded that there was ‘reasonable suspicion’ to believe Wal-Mart de Mexico repeatedly violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. To this day, Wal-Mart has not taken issue with the articles we published. Instead, the company says it has spent tens of millions of dollars to improve its compliance with anticorruption laws and it has removed several key executives involved in the matter.”
In the wake of the articles, which were awarded the Pulitzer Prize for investigative journalism, Wal-Mart said in a Mexican regulatory filing that it had removed its general counsel in Mexico, “in the interests of the investigation,” but declined to elaborate. It also says it undertook an extensive internal probe of the bribery allegations, and has spent more than $650 million on the probe and related compliance upgrades.
Much of the suspected bribery investigators unearthed in India involves thousands of small payments to low-level local officials to help move goods through customs or obtain real-estate permits. The vast majority of the suspicious payments were less than $200, and some were as low as $5, the people said, but when added together they totaled millions of dollars.
The people said investigators found similar payments in Mexico, but the bulk of such activity seemed to be in India. In 2013 Wal-Mart shelved plans to open retail stores in India by severing a joint venture with Bharti Enterprises Ltd., and instead decided to become solely a wholesaler there.
Because penalties under the FCPA are often connected to the amount of profit the alleged misconduct generated, the payments in India wouldn’t be likely to result in any sizable penalty, since Wal-Mart’s operations there haven’t been particularly profitable, said people familiar with the matter.
Industry watchers and legal experts said the initial revelations suggested a more dramatic outcome. After the first New York Times report on the alleged Mexican bribes in April 2012, Wal-Mart’s shares fell around 5%, erasing $10 billion in market value. Shares in its Mexico subsidiary, Wal-Mart de Mexico SAB, tumbled 12% on the report.
“It’s totally unexpected,” said Richard Cassin, an expert on foreign-bribery law who writes about FCPA cases, referring to the unlikelihood of a large criminal fine or charges against any Wal-Mart executives. “There weren’t a lot of outright denials from the company…There was a big assumption that with Wal-Mart, where there was smoke there was fire.”
The Justice Department and the SEC have stepped up their efforts to enforce the FCPA in recent years. In the largest such case to date, German engineering conglomerate SiemensAG pleaded guilty and paid $800 million to U.S. authorities in 2008 to resolve charges that it paid over $800 million in bribes to win contracts around the world. These ranged from a $1 billion national identity card project in Argentina to a mobile phone project in Bangladesh.
More recently, French power company Alstom SA pleaded guilty last December and paid $772 million to resolve charges that it paid tens of millions of dollars in bribes in Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and elsewhere to win power and transportation contracts.
Write to Aruna Viswanatha at Aruna.Viswanatha@wsj.com and Devlin Barrett atdevlin.barrett@wsj.com
Comments
Angela Luft
Mexico and India taking bribes? Oh my stars and garters! I'll avert my virginal eyes away from such filth. Where's my fainting couch?
Jeff Schriner
Yeah...our politicians don't take bribes...They just get paid  $500,000 for a 20 minute speech through a tax free charitable donation!  

Nothing to see there.....oh no no no....
George Simpson
There's no such thing as a 'bribe' in Mexico.  The payment is just part of the permit fee. The Justice Dept. is just looking to fine any and every company it can. Trying to impose the FCPA on the rest of the world is making sure that US companies lose a lot of business.

Our politicians don't ask for bribes; they just ask for 'campaign contributions'.
Howard Nielsen
In Mexico it's above the table
In the U.S. It's under the table or $'s for speakers
http://www.wsj.com/articles/wal-mart-bribery-probe-finds-little-misconduct-in-mexico-1445215737
TDP senior leader Revanth Reddy has said that Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi was acting like the brand ambassador of Walmart.

Rahul Acting Like Walmart Brand Ambassador: Revant

TDP senior leader Revanth Reddy has said that Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi was acting like the brand ambassador of Walmart.
Speaking to the media here on Monday, he has strongly assailed the Congress party and the UPA government to organize a big rally to invite FDIs in retail market in the country. He said it was as if Raahul Gandhi was acting like ambassador of foreign brands in the name of Public Conclave held by the Congress at Ramlila grounds on Sunday. He has demanded that the surname Gandhi should be removed by Sonia and Rahul, as they are fighting for foreign investments while the Mahatma had opposed just that during his freedom struggle. He said it was strange that Sonia Gandhi who was encouraging corruption described it as cancer.
He said though Sonia spoke on corruption for 16 minutes, PM for 20 minutes and Rahul Gandhi for 18 minutes, they had not said what action they proposed on the corrupt, excepting describing corruption as cancer. He said members of Sonia Gandhi family who were facing corruption charges should remove Gadhi from their names. He said Congress party was making the country as the playground for corruption, in the name of liberalization. He has demanded that Congress should state the steps it would be taking to curb corruption and urged the people to boycott the party. (NSS)
http://www.siasat.com/news/rahul-acting-walmart-brand-ambassador-revant-365827/

Bankrupting ISRO -- Sam Rajappa

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Bankrupting ISRO
Sam Rajappa
19 October, 2015








title=Petty jealousies and rampant factionalism have landed the Indian Space Research Organisation with a hefty bill of $ 672 million (Rs 4,435 crore) which could well bankrupt the organisation with an annual budget of about Rs 4,000 crore. The Paris-based International Chamber of Commerce Tribunal has ordered Antrix Corporation, commercial arm of ISRO, to pay Devas Multimedia, a Bangalore-based private company, $ 672 million for breach of contract. Devas has already filed an application in the Delhi High Court to direct Antrix to implement the Tribunal’s order without further delay. Antrix Corporation entered into an agreement with Devas in January 2005 to provide satellite digital multimedia broadcast services to fixed, portable and mobile receivers, the first of its kind in the country.
The cost of building, launching and operating two specially designed satellites, GSAT-6 and GSAT-6A with 60 MHz S-band spectrum, for the use of Devas for 12 years with the option to extend the lease by another 12 years, was to be borne by ISRO. Devas would make a onetime payment of Rs. 1,350 crore and remit 15 per cent of the profit to Antrix. Failure to perfect the cryogenic engine in time, an essential component of the Geosynchronous Launch Vehicle capable of placing the GSTAT satellites, each weighing more than 2,000 kg, in predetermined orbit at an altitude of 36,000 km, came in the way of ISRO fulfilling its part of the contract. The satellite policy formulated by the government in 2000 wanted to liberalise the use of satellites for private operations. It was in keeping with that policy that the Antrix-Devas contract was drawn up.
K Radhakrishnan who took over as chairman of ISRO in 2009, was neither a rocket scientist nor a satellite expert, core competencies to head the organisation. He was an electrical engineer by training and an accomplished Carnatic vocalist and Kathakali artiste. He was at a loss to implement the contract which had a time-frame with hefty penalty for delay. His predecessor, G Madhavan Nair, had drawn up a 20-year perspective plan for ISRO in which pride of place was given to perfecting the GSLV. The launch of GSTAT-4 by GSLV D-3 on 15 April 2010 was not successful. Radhakrishnan rearranged priorities and GSLV, which had minor glitches to be rectified, was relegated to the backburner. His concern was the Mars mission even if it meant a few photographs only taken from a distance of 380 km at a time NASA of the USA was researching Martian resources to create fuel, water, oxygen and building materials to establish a human colony on the Red Planet.

Outsourcing the launch of GSTAT-6 and GSTAT-6A to European Space Agency having its spaceport at Kouru in French Guyana would have been prohibitive. Such a contingency was not factored into the Antrix-Devas contract. Radhakrishnan chose the easy way out by advising Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to annul the contract pleading huge corruption was involved in the deal which was tersely described as “public investment for private profit.” Information was leaked to a financial daily that the Comptroller and Auditor-General had detected a loss of Rs. 2 lakh crore to the exchequer in the spectrum allotted to Devas for the two satellites. It was the time the Rs 1.75 lakh crore 2G spectrum scandal shook the nation and the UPA government did not want to face another scandal of greater magnitude. The news did not take into consideration the celestial spectrum used in satellites costs a thousand times less than terrestrial spectrum like 2G. Vinod Rai, who was the GAG from 2008 to 2013, says in his book, Not Just an Accountant, that there was no basis for the alleged Rs. 2 lakh crore loss. The CAG report, presented in Parliament, was silent on the loss. Was there a conspiracy to discredit Madhavan Nair?
A review committee appointed by Manmohan Singh comprising BK Chaturvedi, former Cabinet Secretary, and Roddam Narasimha, former member of the Space Commission, expressed the view that short-selling of spectrum or selling it cheaply were not substantiated and had no basis. For operationalising the agreement, Devas was required to obtain separate licences for the terrestrial segment and was required to follow government procedures. Under the government’s Satellite Communications Policy, spectrum allocation should be carried out in consultation with the Insaat Coordination Committee. But the ICC never met since the UPA came to power in 2004 till the agreement was reached. The Chaturvedi Committee found fault with ISRO for not keeping the Space Commission and the Cabinet informed fully about spectrum allocation. These are mere procedural lapses. The Prime Minister’s Office issued a statement claiming no decision was taken by the government to allocate S-Band spectrum to Antrix or Devas and therefore “the question of revenue loss does not arise and any such reports are without basis in fact.”
ISRO meanwhile appointed BN Suresh, a retired scientist, and G Balachandran, financial adviser, to examine the technical and financial aspect of the Antrix-Devas deal. Clause 12 (b) of the agreement stated that Devas had the technology to design Digital Multimedia Receivers and Commercial Information Devices and had the ownership and the right to use the intellectual property involved in their designs. Suresh found out the technology claimed by Devas was not confidential and proprietary Balachandran expressed the view that due diligence was not exercised in the scrutiny of the contract. Neither of them detected any financial irregularity or corruption in the deal. Not satisfied with the reports of the committees, Manmohan Singh appointed one more committee under the chairmanship of Pratyush Sinha, former CVC. The inclusion of Radhakrishnan in the Sinha committee was inappropriate as he was a member of the Antrix board at the time of the deal which was to be investigated. Based in its recommendation which has not been made public, the Cabinet Committee on Security presided over by Manmohan Singh decided to annul the agreement in February 2011 on the ground that the government will not be able to provide the orbit slot in S-band to Antrix for commercial purposes in view of “imminent requirement of vital strategic and societal applications.” When the government could have annulled the contract on the ground of false information provided by Devas in Clause 12 (b) of the agreement, which Radhakrishnan was well aware of, what made him persuade the CCS to invoke a questionable clause of force majeure for the annulment? The first of the two contracted satellites, GSTAT-6, claimed to be of imminent strategic requirement, was launched only on 28 August 2015. GSTAT-6A is yet to see the light of day.
The Antrix-Devas agreement included an arbitration clause in the event one of the parties wanted to renege on the contract. Once the decision to annul the contract was taken by the government, Antrix should have pointed out the false information provided by Devas that it had the ability to design multimedia receivers and commercial information receivers with ownership and Intellectual Property Rights, which it clearly did not have, and avoided the untenable claim of “imminent requirement of vital strategic and societal applications.” Radhakrishnan, in his capacity as chairman of Antrix, obtained the approval of the Cabinet CCS to invoke non-existing Force Majeure to cancel the contract. According to Article 11 (b) of the agreement, Antrix should establish first that events beyond its reasonable control existed. It failed to prove any such event in spite of engaging Messrs Curtis, Mallet-Prevost, Colts and Mosie, one of the most expensive legal firms in New York City, to argue its case. We now have the embarrassing spectacle of Antrix invoking Section 9 of the Arbitration and Conciliation Act before the Delhi High Court and pleading that it does not have the immediate financial capacity to pay damages to Devas and Justice JR Midha observing, “Prima facie I am of the opinion that Section 9 of the Act is not maintainable.” The UPA government rewarded Radhakrishnan with Padma Bhushan and sent Madhavan Nair to the doghouse. 


http://www.thestatesman.com/news/opinion/bankrupting-isro/97883.html

Indus Script Corpora of lost-wax casting artifacts from Dong Son to Nahal Mishmar, 5th millennium BCE beginnings in Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization

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By the 5th millennium BCE, armlets of copper plus added lead, were cast at Mehergarh by lost-wax process. 

(Davey. CJ, 2009, The early history of lost wax casting. Metallurgy and Civilisation, J. Mei and Th. Rehren eds. Archetype, London, 147-154). 

At the end of 5th millennium BCE, Shahi Tump evidences lost-wax casting. 

(Mille, B., Bessenval, R. and Bourgarit, D. Early ‘lost-wax casting’ in Balochistan (Pakistan): the “Leopards Weight “ from Shahi-Tump. Persiens antike Pracht, Bergbau-Handwerk-Archäologie, T. Stöllner, R. Slotta and A. Vatandoust (eds). Der Anschnitt Beiheft 12: Deutsches Bergbau Museum, Bochum (2004): 274- 280).

It is suggested that a narrative based on archaeo-metallurgical researchers documenting lost-wax casting techniques and artifacts from Dong Son (Hanoi) to Nahal Mishmar (Haifa) along the Maritime Tin Route is likely to be a riveting narrative. The narrative will certainly herald the contributions made by artisans of the Bronze Age reinforced by the metalwork catalogues of Indus Script Corpora which have documented the technological splendour. 

This splendour will be matched by utsava bera which are taken in processions all over Bharatam, that is India, even today, during days of temple festivities attesting the abiding nature of the awe-inspiring cire perdue bronze or brass castings..


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/revisiting-cire-perdue-in.html  Revisiting cire perdue in archaeological context and Meluhha hieroglyphs. 
Akkadian head made by lost-wax cassting method found at Nineveh 2300-2159 BCE (from Iraq 3 pl.6 British School of Archaeology in Iraq)


Mohenodaro seal. Pict-103 Horned (female with breasts hanging down?) person with a tail and bovine legs standing near a tree fisting a horned tiger rearing on its hindlegs.
Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyphs written on two sides. Hieroglyph: Ku. ḍokro, ḍokhro ʻ old man ʼ; B. ḍokrā ʻ old, decrepit ʼ, Or. ḍokarā; H. ḍokrā ʻ decrepit ʼ; G. ḍokɔ m. ʻ penis ʼ, ḍokrɔ m. ʻ old man ʼ, M. ḍokrā m. -- Kho. (Lor.) duk ʻ hunched up, hump of camel ʼ; K. ḍọ̆ku ʻ humpbacked ʼ perh. < *ḍōkka -- 2. Or. dhokaṛa ʻ decrepit, hanging down (of breasts) ʼ.(CDIAL 5567). M. ḍhẽg n. ʻ groin ʼ, ḍhẽgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. M. dhõgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. (CDIAL 5585). Glyph: Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner’s lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Tiger has head turned backwards. క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali) 

Hieroglyph: N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛīf. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N.ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra ‘cire perdue’ casting metalsmith. 

Plate II. Chlorite artifacts referred to as 'handbags' f-g (w 24 cm, thks 4.8 cm.); h (w 19.5 cm, h 19.4 cm, thks 4 cm); j (2 28 cm; h 24 cm, thks 3 cm); k (w 18.5, h 18.3, thks 3.2) Jiroft IV. Iconography of chlorite artifacts. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jiroft-iv-iconography-of-chlorite-artifacts


The profession of the specialist working with metals using the specialized technique of cire perdue (lost-wax casting) during the early bronze age was called dhokra kamar

This professional title, dhokra kamar, is evidenced by Meluhha hieroglyphs on a seal from Mohenjo-daro and on a tablet from Dholavira of Sarasvati Civilization. In ancient Indian texts, such as Manasollasa, Silparatna, Manasara,the cire perdue technique is referred to as madhucchiṭa vidhānam मधु madhu -उच्छिष्टम्,-उत्थभ्,-उत्थितभ् 1 bees'-wax; शस्त्रासवमधूच्छिष्टं मधु लाक्षा च बर्हिषः Y.3.37; मधूच्छिष्टेन केचिच्च जध्नुरन्योन्यमुत्कटाः Rām.5.62.11.-2 the casting of an image in wax; Mānasāra; the name of 68th chapter. This technique was clearly attested in the Epic Rāmāyaa. मधुशिष्ट madhuśiṣṭa 'wax' (Monier-Williams, p. 780).


First recorded use of wax for casting by sculptors (After figure in LB Hunt (embedded) document)
Hieroglyphs of Indus Script Cipher are sitnified on the Shahi Tump leopard weight which has been produced using the lost-wax casting method. The hieroglyphs are: 1. leopard; 2. ibex or antelope; 3. bees (flies). The rebus-metonymy readings in Meluhha are:

karaḍa  ‘panther’; karaḍa tiger (Pkt); खरडा [ kharaḍā ]  A leopard. खरड्या [ kharaḍyā ] m or खरड्यावाघ m A leopard (Marathi). Kol. keḍiak  tiger. Nk.  khaṛeyak  panther.  Go. (A.) khaṛyal tiger; (Haig) kariyāl panther Kui kṛāḍi, krānḍi tiger, leopard, hyena.  Kuwi (F.) kṛani tiger; (S.) klā'ni tiger, leopard; (Su. P. Isr.) kṛaˀni (pl. -ŋa) tiger. / Cf. Pkt. (DNM) karaḍa- id. (DEDR 1132).Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)  kharādī ' turner, a person who fashions or shapes objects on a lathe' (Gujarati)

Hieroglyph: miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) mr̤eka, melh 'goat' (Telugu. Brahui) Rebus: melukkha 'milakkha, copper'. If the animal carried on the right hand of the Gudimallam hunter is an antelope, the possible readings are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'.

Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats.  Te. mē̃ka,  mēka goat. 
Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.)mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087). Meluhha, mleccha (Akkadian. Sanskrit). Milakkha, Milāca ‘hillman’ (Pali) milakkhu ‘dialect’ (Pali) mleccha ‘copper’ (Prakritam).

The bees are metaphors for wax used in the lost-wax casting method. 

Hieroglyph: माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Rebus: ‘pyrites’: माक्षिक [p= 805,2] n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh. उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवःस्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम्तुत्थंकांस्यंरातिश्चसुन्दूरंशिलाजतु उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिक, शिलाजित&c).(Samskritam)  

Tin Road between Ashur-Kultepe and Meluhha hieroglyphs




Leopard weight. Shahi Tump. H.16.7cm; dia.13.5cm; base dia 6cm; handle on top. 
Seashells inlays on frieze. The pair of leopard and ibex is shown twice, separated by stylized flies.


Balochistan Anthropology

Leopards weight from Shahi-Tump (Baluchistan). "The artefact was discovered in a grave, in the Kech valley, in eastern Balochistan. It belongs to the Shahi Tump - Makran civilisation (end of 4th millennium -- beginning of 3rd millennium BCe). Ht. 200 mm. weight: 13.5 kg. The shell has been manufactured by lost-wax foundry of a copper alloy (12.6%b, 2.6%As), then it has been filled up through lead (99.5%) foundry. The shell is engraved with figures of leopards hunting wild goats, made of polished fragments of shellfishes. No identification of the artefact's use has been given. (Scientific team: B. Mille, D. Bourgarit, R. Besenval, Musee Guimet, Paris)." 

Mille, B., R. besenval, D. Bourgarit, Early lost-wax casting in Balochistan (Pakistan): the 'Leopards Weight' from Shahi-Tump in Persiens antike Pracht, Bergau-Handwerk-Archaologie, T. Stollner, R. Slotta, A. Vatandoust, A. ed., p. 274-80. Bouchum: Deutsches Bergbau Museum, 2004.
Mille B., D. Bourgarit, R. Besenval, 2005, Metallurgical study of the 'Leopards Weight' from Shahi-Tump (eastern Balochistan) in South Asian Archaeology 2001, C. Jarrige, V. Lefevre, ed., p. 237-244. Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 2005.

Bourgarit, D., N. Taher, B. Mille & J.-P. Mohen Copper Metallurgy in the Kutch (India) during the Indus Civilization: First Results from Dholavira in South Asian Archaeology 2001, C. Jarrige, V. Lefevre, ed., p. 27-34. Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 2005.
Two dancing girls from Mohenjo-daro made of bronze, cire perdue casting. Both seem to be carrying diya or 'lamps' on their hands to ignite the smelters/furnaces of the Meluhha smelters and smiths, artisans, lapidaries of the Bronze Age.
Bronze statue of a girl c.2500 BC, now displayed at Karachi Museum, Pakistan.
Dancing girl. Mohenjo-daro. Now displayed at National Museum, New Delhi.Lost-wax copper alloy casting. c. 2500 BCE. 
The Buddha. Sultanganj, Bihar. Gupta-Pala 5th - 7th cent. CE. Lost wax copper iron hollow casting. Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery.

mákṣā f., mákṣ -- m. f. ʻ fly ʼ RV., mákṣikā -- f. ʻ fly, bee ʼ RV., makṣika -- m. Mn.Pa. makkhikā -- f. ʻ fly ʼ, Pk. makkhiā -- f., macchī -- , °chiā -- f.; Gy. hung. makh ʻ fly ʼ, wel. makhī f., gr. makí f., pol. mačin, germ. mačlin, pal. mắki ʻ mosquito ʼ,măkīˊla ʻ sandfly ʼ, măkīˊli ʻ house -- fly ʼ; Ash. mačī˜ˊ ʻ bee ʼ; Paš.dar. mēček ʻ bee ʼ, weg. mečīˊk ʻ mosquito ʼ, ar. mučəkmučag ʻ fly ʼ; Mai. māc̣hī ʻ fly ʼ; Sh.gil.măṣīˊ f., (Lor.) m*lc̣ī ʻ fly ʼ (→ Ḍ. m*lc̣hi f.), gur. măc̣hīˊ ʻ fly ʼ (ʻ bee ʼ in gur. măc̣hi̯kraṇ, koh. măc̣hi -- gŭn ʻ beehive ʼ); K. mȧchi f. ʻ fly, bee, dark spot ʼ; S. makha,makhi f. ʻ fly, bee, swarm of bees, sight of gun ʼ, makho m. ʻ a kind of large fly ʼ; L. (Ju.) makhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, khet. makkīˊ; P. makkh f. ʻ horsefly, gnat, any stinging fly ʼ, m. ʻ flies ʼ, makkhī f. ʻ fly ʼ; WPah.rudh. makkhī ʻ bee ʼ, jaun. mākwā ʻ fly ʼ; Ku. mākho ʻ fly ʼ, gng. mã̄kh, N. mākho, A. mākhi, B. Or. māchi, Bi. māchī, Mth. māchī,mã̄chīmakhī (← H.?), Bhoj. māchī; OAw. mākhī, lakh. māchī ʻ fly ʼ, ma -- mākhī ʻ bee ʼ (mádhu -- ); H. māchīmākhīmakkhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, makkhā m. ʻ large fly, gadfly ʼ; G. mākhmākhī f. ʻ fly ʼ, mākhɔ m. ʻ large fly ʼ; M. mās f. ʻ swarm of flies ʼ, n. ʻ flies in general ʼ, māśī f. ʻ fly ʼ, Ko. māsumāśi; Si. balu -- mäkka, st. -- mäki -- ʻ flea ʼ, mässa, st. mäsi -- ʻ fly ʼ; Md. mehi ʻ fly ʼ.
*makṣātara -- , *mākṣa -- , mākṣiká -- ; *makṣākiraṇa -- , *makṣācamara -- , *makṣācālana -- , *makṣikākula -- ; *madhumakṣikā -- .
Addenda: mákṣā -- : S.kcch. makh f. ʻ fly ʼ; WPah.kṭg. mákkhɔmáṅkhɔ m. ʻ fly, large fly ʼ, mákkhi (kc. makhe) f. ʻ fly, bee ʼ, máṅkhi f., J. mākhī f.pl., Garh. mākhi. (CDIAL 9696) 
mākṣiká ʻ pertaining to a bee ʼ MārkP., n. ʻ honey ʼ Suśr. 2. *mākṣa -- . [mákṣā -- ]

1. WPah.bhad. māċhī ʻ bee ʼ, khaś. mākhī; -- Pk. makkhia -- , macchia -- n. ʻ honey ʼ; Ash. mačimačík ʻ sweet, good ʼ, mačianá ʻ honey ʼ; Wg. mác̣imäc̣ ʻ honey ʼ, Kt. mac̣ī˜, Pr. maṭék, Shum. mac̣hī, Gaw. māc̣hī, Kal.rumb. Kho. mac̣hí, Bshk. mē̃c̣h, Phal. mn/ac̣hīmḗc̣hī, Sh. măc̣hīˊ f., S. L. mākhī f., WPah.bhiḍ. māċhī n., H.mākhī f.
2. K. mã̄ch, dat. °chas m. ʻ honey ʼ, WPah.bhal. māch n. -- For form and meaning of Paš. māšmōṣ ʻ honey ʼ see NTS ii 265, IIFL iii 3, 126.
*mākṣakulika -- , *mākṣikakara -- , *mākṣikamadhu -- .
Addenda: mākṣika -- : Kho. mac̣hi ʻ honey ʼ BKhoT 70.(CDIAL 9989)*mākṣikakara or *mākṣakara -- ʻ bee ʼ. [Cf. madhu- kara -- m. ŚārṅgP., °kāra -- m. BhP., °kārī -- f. R. <-> mākṣiká -- , kará -- 1]
Ash. mačarīk°čerīˊk ʻ bee ʼ, Wg. mac̣arīˊk, Kt. mačerík NTS ii 265, mac̣e° Rep1 59, Pr. mučeríkməṣkeríkmuṭkurīˊk, Shum. mã̄c̣hāˊrik, Kal.rumb. mac̣hḗrik, Bshk.māˊc̣ēr, Phal. māc̣hurīˊ f.; Sh.koh. măc̣hāri f. ʻ bee ʼ, gil. (Lor.) m*lc̣hari ʻ bee, wasp, hornet ʼ (in latter meaning poss. < *makṣātara -- ); P. makhīr m. ʻ bee ʼ, kgr. ʻ honey ʼ; -- Gaw. mã̄c̣(h)oṛík with unexpl. --  -- . (CDIAL 9990)  *mākṣikamadhu ʻ honey ʼ. [mākṣiká -- , mádhu -- ]
P. mākhyō̃ f., mākho m. ʻ honey, honeycomb ʼ.(CDIAL 9991) مچئِي mac̱ẖaʿī, s.f. (6th) A bee in general. Sing. and Pl. سره مچئِي saraʿh-mac̱ẖaʿī, s.f. (6th). Sing. and Pl.; or دنډاره ḏḏanḏḏāraʿh, s.f. (3rd) A hornet, a wasp. Pl. يْ ey. See ډنبره (Pashto) माक्षिक [p= 805,2] mfn. (fr. मक्षिका) coming from or belonging to a bee Ma1rkP. मक्षिकः makṣikḥ मक्षि makṣi (क्षी kṣī) का kāमक्षिकः मक्षि (क्षी) का A fly, bee; भो उपस्थितं नयनमधु संनिहिता मक्षिका च M.2.-Comp.-मलम् wax.  madhu

मधु a. -मक्षः, -क्षा, -मक्षिका a bee. (Samskritam) )


माक्षिक [p= 805,2] n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh. उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवः स्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम् । तुत्थं कांस्यं च रातिश्च सुन्दूरं च शिलाजतु ॥ उपरसः uparasḥउपरसः 1 A secondary mineral, (red chalk, bitumen, माक्षिक, शिलाजित &c).(Samskritam) மாக்கிகம் mākkikam, n. < mākṣika. 1. Bismuth pyrites; நிமிளை. (நாமதீப. 382.) 2. Honey; தேன். (நாமதீப. 410.) செம்புத்தீக்கல் cempu-t-tīkkal
n. < செம்பு +. Copper pyrites, sulphide of copper and iron; இரும்புஞ்செம்புங்கலந்த உலோகக்கட்டி. Loc.

Craddock, PT, 2014, The Metal Casting Traditions of South Asia: Continuity and Innovation in: Indian Journal of History of Science, 50.1 (2015) 55-82 



While the lost wax method of casting metals is well-documented in ancient texts of India, such documentation does NOT exist for the artifacts found in Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East, Vietnam, in particular where Dong Son Bronze Drum tradition is evidenced with the finds of over 200 ancient drums all over the Far East.
File:Dong Son bronze drums.JPG


Image on the Ngoc Lu bronze drum's surface,Vietnam
The drum bears the decorative patterns of Ngoc Lu bronze drums Metalworkers recently cast the world's biggest bronze drum at the private workshop of artisan Le Van Bay in the central province of Thanh Hoa's Thieu Hoa District. Lost wax casting. Dong Son Bronze Drum surface. " BY The drum weighs eight tonnes, measures two metres in height and has a surface diameter of 2.7m. It bears the decorative patterns of Ngoc Lu bronze drums, which belong to the Dong Son civilisation(700BCE-100 CE).The drum was cast by 20 workers over two months in response to an order from local businessmen. It will likely be completed by early November and exhibited at the locality before being handed over to the buyers.The world’s current biggest bronze drum, cast in China, has a surface of 1.8m in diameter.Artisan Le Van Bay also cast the biggest bronze drum in Southeast Asia in 2009, 1.51 metres tall with a weight of 739 kilograms.(Source: Viet Nam News) " See: http://www.talkvietnam.com/tag/the-drum-surface/ The article replicates the ancient method of casting practised in the Far East.

 

Image result for lost wax casting mehrgarhImage result for lost wax casting mehrgarhImage result for lost wax casting mehrgarh


Nahal Mishmar. Mid-4th millennium BCE. Cu: 6% As: 12%.

Meluhha standard compares with Nahal Mishmar standard. Meluhha (Asur) guild processions.

Meluhha dhokra art from 5th millennium BCE at Nahal (Nachal) Mishmar, transiting into Bronze Age 

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-dhokra-art-from-5th-millennium.html
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
October 19, 2015


NH SoniaG RahulG ghotala: hearing in Delhi HC postponed to Nov. 6. A case that tests the health of the justice system. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

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NATIONAL HERALD CASE: HEARING POSTPONED TO NOV 6

Tuesday, 20 October 2015 | PNS | New Delhi
The hearing of the controversial National Herald case on Monday was postponed to November 6 due to the non- availability of Justice Sunil Gaur. The complainant Subramanian Swamy was supposed to start arguments after the two-day-long arguments of Congress leaders — including Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi.
According to the registry officials, Justice Gaur had taken leave for two days due to “health reasons.” The High Court will be on Dussehra holidays from Wednesday and open on October 28. Due to the convenience of all high profile advocates engaged in the politically sensitive case, the case was thus posted to November 6.
Earlier, Sonia and Rahul had demanded the change of judge in the case. After Justice Gaur was shifted from the case in mid-September, it was allotted to Justice PS Teji.  He started hearing the case from October 8 and posted it for further hearing on October 15, rejecting Kapil Sibal’s demand to shift the case to November.
On October 14, the Congress leaders filed the petition for shifting back the case to Justice Gaur. Before hearing the petition, the High Court had returned the case back to Justice Gaur. He started final hearing in the case on October 15 and 16 and posted it for October 19. Congress leaders’ advocates Sibal, Abhishek Sinhgvi, Harin Raval, RS Cheema and Ramesh Gupta have completed their arguments. 

http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/national-herald-case-hearing-postponed-to-nov-6.html

Examine the politics behind the Sahitya Akademi Award returns -- Dr. SL Bhyrappa (Trans. by Sandeep Balakrishna)

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This is a slightly edited translation of Kannada Litterateur and novelist Dr. S L Bhyrappa’s views shared with the Kannada daily Vijaya Vani over the ongoing Sahitya Akademi award returns.


The political agenda of the writers returning the Sahitya Akademi awards must be subject to public examination. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s relative, Nayantara Sahgal is the progenitor of this ugly culture of returning the awards.
In the backdrop of Indira Gandhi’s assassination, the Congress-administered Delhi witnessed the genocide of 2500 Sikhs. The new Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi justified this genocide in the now-infamous quote of “when a big tree falls, the earth shakes.”
Perhaps this genocide didn’t prick her conscience back then because during that period, Nayantara Sahgal received an award from the Kendra (Central) Sahitya Akademi. However, now, it appears that thanks only to the Dadri incident, her dormant conscience has suddenly woken up.
And so, in this background, people need to examine the secret behind returning the Sahitya Akademi award.

What exactly is Ashok Vajpeyi’s Contribution?


Ashok Vajpeyi
Ashok Vajpayei who returned the Sahitya Akademi award with Nayantara Sahgal was the right hand man of former Congress central minister Arjun Singh. Throughout his career, Vajpayei has done work for the Congress party. His award is the fruit of that service. However, he has returned it after Dadri.
Apart from being aware of the fact that he was close to the Congress, the people of India don’t know his exact contribution to literature. Therefore, his political agenda behind returning the award is clear.
After returning the award, these writers have waxed eloquent about morals, ethics and principles. However, we need to investigate their political background and subject them to public scrutiny. Such scrutiny will expose their true psyche. Which is when we will be able to accurately pinpoint who in the literary world is an‘actual litterateur’ and who is a ‘political litterateur.’

Hunger for Publicity

If recent news is anything to go by, one gets more publicity upon returning an award than when actually receiving it. Thanks to this hunger for publicity, some of the award-returnees have taken to falsely roaring that intolerance is rising in the society.
The Dadri incident belongs to a small village in Uttar Pradesh, which is ruled by the Samajwadi Party. In the same manner, Dr. M.M. Kalburgi’s murder too, occurred in Karnataka, which is ruled by the Congress party. It’s thus clear that neither case has anything to do with the Central Government. Yet, some writers have embarked on a ploy to somehow establish a link between these two incidents to the Central Government.

Dr. M.M. Kalburgi
A CID inquiry is ongoing in the case of Dr. M.M. Kalburgi’s murder. And so, what can Prime Minister Modi do in this regard? Hypothetically, if Modi had issued some sort of guideline or suggestion, these same writers would’ve alleged, hollering that “Modi is curtailing the autonomy of the states!”
Let it be repeated that there’s no connection between the Dadri incident and Modi. Despite this, by brandishing the weapon of award returns, there is an ongoing conspiracy of trying to put Modi in a jam.
Thanks to Modi’s efforts, significant amounts of funds are flowing into India from abroad. Rattled by this, there are efforts aimed at ensuring that obstacles are erected at every step to impede progress in Modi’s work.  This diabolical aim is at the root of much of this propaganda.
The Opposition parties’ tactic seems to be this: it’s fine even if foreign investments don’t flow into India but anti-Modi propaganda must not stop at any cost. These writers have joined hands with them.
Salman Rushdie’s book was banned during the Congress regime. Equally, Taslima Nasrin was hounded,too, during the Congress regime. Why didn’t these writers speak up back then? Because they didn’t have the courage to tell the truth of an ugly political agenda.
And why did they surrender to silence over M.F. Hussain’s perverse paintings of Hindu Goddesses? They stitched their mouths under the excuse that insulting Hindu Gods constituted freedom of expression. Some of them vocally supported Hussain himselfbecause playing with Hindu sentiments was the mark of progressiveness.

Whose Freedom of Expression?

Compared to the past, today, there needs to be an even more vigorous and widespread debate over freedom of expression at the national level.
This freedom is not restricted to just one group. It is not correct to raise this point only when it concerns this group. This term needs to have the same meaning when it applies to everybody. However, it appears that the cry of “freedom of expression is under threat” is invoked only when critical questions are raised in public about certain groups or communities. Thanks to this phenomenon, the notion of freedom of speech has been wantonly abused.
This is why there needs to be a debate on this at the national level.
Besides, there’s absolutely no connection between the Sahitya Akademi—which is an autonomous body—and the questions these writers are raising.
Attempts were made to meddle in the affairs of the Akademi during Congress rule. An IAS officer was sent as the Government’s representative to the Akademi’s Working Committee. In a Committee meeting, I had vehemently opposed this move when I was the Convener of the Kendra Sahitya Akademi. Back then, a Congress-affiliated Kannada litterateur had remained mum in the meeting with an eye on securing the vice chancellorship of a university.
The Akademi has more or less retained its autonomy despite this sort of rampant political interference. Besides, it must be remembered that the Akademi as it exists now was constituted during the Congress government.

Stealth Tactics and Smokescreens

The stealth tactic behind returning the Akademi awards is to “record” a protest against the Central Government. This tactic seeks to plant in the minds of the people the misleading notion that the Kendra (Central) Sahitya Akademi functions under the Central Government. The shrill propaganda of ‘save the autonomy of the Akademi’ is also geared towards furthering this misleading notion.
Who among the award-returnees can be counted as a serious litterateur? These are all either affiliated to one specific party or are Leftist political writers. It is in this context that people need to understand these writers.
In both the Kalburgi and Dadri cases, there have been attempts by some of these writers to politicize both issues by trying to create smokescreens and to confound the public.
There needs to a public debate that clearly shows up the ideological and political affiliations of these award-returnees.

Behind the Conspiracy…

On 14 October, The Hindu carried an article by one Abhijit Sengupta titled Saving the Sahitya Akademi in the nature of a public letter which begins with “Dear Mr. Prime Minister.”
Together with Ashok Vajpeyi, Sengupta had submitted a proposal/report to the then UPA Government recommending the dismantling of the existing democratic system in the Akademi,and further recommended that the Central Government directly appoint the Sahitya Akademi’s Chairperson.
However, the UPA government fell before anything could move forward in the direction. That still didn’t deter them from renewing their efforts in this regard. They continue to attempt this.
Their manoeuvre is simple: like the Lalit Kala Akademi, they seek to put the Sahitya Akademi directly under Government control and lobby to get one of their people appointed as its Chairperson. The tragic fact is that Satchidanandan who was the Akademi’s Secretary for over five years, too, is involved in this manoeuvre.
Litterateurs must not be involved in this project of destroying the Akademi’s autonomy.
Sandeep Balakrishna is a columnist and author of Tipu Sultan: the Tyrant of Mysore. He has translated S.L. Bhyrappa’s “Aavarana: the Veil” from Kannada to English.
http://indiafacts.co.in/examine-the-politics-behind-the-sahitya-akademi-award-returns-dr-s-l-bhyrappa/

Selective intellectualism of Ramachandra Guha - Kush Arora. A tour de force by Kush. Guha should go into hiding in a guha.

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Selective intellectualism of Ramachandra Guha


Indus Script Corpora and recognizing a धातृ पट्टी frontlet worn by a founder of a guild of metal-smelters

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/oahjrkk
A 'dotted circle', a 'trefoil' are vivid hieroglyphs on Indus Script Corpora. They signify an important person rendered in a statue wearing an uttariyam (shawl) decorated with these hieroglyphs, leaving the right-shoulder bear and wearing what are perhaps golden fillets on the forehead and on the right shoulder. The fillets also have the central badge to signify 'dotted circle'. What does the hieroglyph connote when voiced in Meluhha speech? A possible lead is in the orthography of the syllable 'tha' in Brahmi signified by a 'dotted circle'. 

Two alternative renderings dhātr̥potr̥ 'founder, purifier':

If the three 'dotted circles' which constitute the trefoil represent three strands of fibre which get twisted into a rope, the signified word is: ti-dhāū 'three strands'.
If so, the expression which was intended to be evoked in rebus-metonymy is: Rebus: ti-dhā̆vaḍ 'iron-smelter, iron-worker in three ferrite ores: poLa, bica, goTa 'magnetite, hematite, ilmenite'; dhātr̥ धातृ 'founder, arranger'; dhaṛwāī m. ʻmarket officer who weighs grainʼ. 

See a variant rendering assuming 'dotted circle' to be a 'pierced, perforated bead' the image on the sculpture is read as potr̥ 'soma purifier priest', pot 'jeweller's polishing stone' at  

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/stone-smithy-guild-on-meluhha-standard.html 
Pa. kandi (pl. -l) necklace, beads. Ga. (P.) kandi (pl. -l) bead, (pl.) necklace; (S.2kandiṭ bead. (DEDR 1215) Rebus: kanda'fire-altar'. Hieroglyph: 
Ko. kaṇṭ-po·t flesh of hind thigh of animal; kaṇṭ-ka·l calf of leg. Ka. kaṇḍa flesh, meat. Koḍ. kaṇḍa piece or lump of meat. Te. kaṇḍa id., flesh. Nk. khaṇḍepiece, piece of flesh. Ga. (S.3kaṇḍa muscle (< Te.). Go. (Tr.) khānḍum (pl. khānḍk), (Ch.) khānḍ, khānḍum, (Ph.) khānḍk flesh; (SR.) khānḍum id., mutton (Voc. 1001). Konḍa kaṇḍa meat, flesh, muscle. Kuwi (Isr.) kaṇḍa piece. / Probably < Skt. khaṇḍa- (Turner, CDIAL, no. 3792) with development of meaning: piece > piece of flesh > flesh.(DEDR 1175). 
Steatite statue fragment; Mohenjodaro (Sd 767); trefoil-decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989: 196, fig. 1; Parpola, 1994, p. 213.

Sumerian marble calf with inlaid trefoils of blue stone. From the late Uruk era, cira 3000 B.C.Sumerian marble calf with inlaid trefoils of blue stone. From the late Uruk era, Jemdet Nasr cira 3300 - 2900 B.C.E 5.3 cm. long; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; Parpola, 1994, p. 213.


See: 


It is possible that the 'dotted circles' ligatured to the 'standard device' on Indus Script Corpora is intended to signify a retroflex consonant: as in सङ्घाट sanghATa, joinery (sangaḍ 'lathe''portable furnace').
m006 Mohenjo-daro seal.

In Devanagari, the written form of Samskritam, धा is used as a suffix in numeral counts: f. instr. (= nom.) perhaps in the suffix धा (which forms adverbs from numerals e.g. एक-ध्/आ , द्व्/इ-धा &c ).  [p=508,1] mf()n. ( √1. धा ; cf. 2. धाifc. placing , putting holding , possessing , having bestowing , granting , causing &c (cf. अ-दोम-ध्/अ , गर्भ-ध्/अ)m. N. of ब्रह्मा or कुबेर L. धा 
[p= 513,3] only thrice cl.2 P. ध्/आति RV.  ; to appoint , establish , constitute RV. S3Br. (Monier-Williams) 

Thus, त्रिधा  tridhā ind. In three ways, or in three parts; एकैव मूर्तिर्बिभिदे त्रिधा सा Ku.7.44; ज्ञानं कर्म च कर्ता च त्रिधैव गुणभेदतः Bg.18.19.Brahmi syllables 
Comparison of some Brahmi and other script syllabaries

A possible rebus-metonymy rendering of 'trefoil' hieroglyph-multiplex orthographically a joined set of three dotted circles: धा PLUS तृ

धातृ a[p= 514,1] m. establisher , founder , creator , bearer , supporter (cf. वसु-) , orderer , arranger RV. &c N. of a divine being who personifies these functions (in Vedic times presiding over generation , matrimony , health , wealth , time and season , and associated or identified with सवितृ , प्रजा-पति , त्वष्टृ,
बृहस्पति , मित्र , अर्यमन् , विष्णु &c RV. x AV. TS. S3Br. &c ; later chiefly the creator and maintainer of the world = ब्रह्मा or प्रजा-पति MBh. Ka1v. Pur. ; in ep. one of the 12 आदित्यs and brother of वि-धातृ and लक्ष्मी , son of ब्रह्मा MBh. ; or ofभृगु and ख्याति Pur. ; Fate personified Ka1v. )N. of a ऋषि in the 4th मन्व्-न्तर Hariv. (C. धामन्)of an author Cat. ; (त्रीf. » धात्री([cf. Zd. da1tar;Gk. Î¸ÎµÏ„ήρ;
 Slav. de8teli.])धात्री , &c » col.1.

तृ [p= 453,1]n. (= स्त्/ऋnom. pl. त्/आरस् , the stars RV. viii , 55 , 2 cf. तारा.

The fillets worn are पट्ट [p= 579,2]m. (fr. पत्त्र?) a slab , tablet (for painting or writing upon) MBh.; a bandage , ligature , strip , fillet (of cloth , leather &c MBh. Sus3r.a frontlet , turban (5 kinds , viz. those of kings , queens , princes , generals , and the प्रसाद-पट्टस् , or turban of honour ; cf.VarBr2S. xlix) , tiara , diadem MBh. Ka1v. Ra1jat. (ifc. f().)coloured or fine cloth , woven silk (= कौशेयKa1v. Pan5c. (cf. चीन-प्° , पट्टा*ंशुक &c ); an upper or outer garment Bhat2t2. पट्टी f. a forehead ornament L.f. a city , town (cf. -निवसन).

Thus, together, the expression signified by the ornamentation on the stone sculpture is: धातृ पट्टी to signify the frontlet worn by a founder of a guild of artisans.

Semantics of Hieroglyph: ti-dhāū 'threefold'Rebus: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻa partic. soft red stoneʼ (Marathi):

त्रि--धातु [p= 458,3]mfn. consisting of 3 parts , triple , threefold (used like Lat. triplex to denote excessive) RV. S3Br. v , 5 , 5 , 6 dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf.tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]
Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773)

 *dhaṭavāhin ʻ scales -- carrier ʼ. [dhaṭa -- 1, vāhin -- ]S. L. P. dhaṛvāī m. ʻ village weighman ʼ; H. dhaṛwāī m. ʻ market officer who weighs grain ʼ, M. dhaḍvaī m.(CDIAL 6710).

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
October 20, 2015



When a Constitution Bench mocks like messiah at the Constitution, mistrusts the citizens, the Court itself becomes a political mockery. Scrap the NJAC judgment.

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Perils of the messiah complex


Arghya Sengupta


19 October 2015

[The NJAC judgment is, at its core, founded on a combination of mistrust of government, lack of respect for the people of India and with unquestioned faith in the absolute competence of judges]


I write this open letter to the Supreme Court judges who gave the verdict neither in my capacity as a scholar who has researched extensively for a doctoral degree on independence and accountability of the Indian higher judiciary, nor as an advocate who assisted the Union of India in the NJAC case. 

I write this as a citizen of India, who felt it my civic duty to communicate my deep despair at what has been perpetuated by you in the NJAC judgment in my name and in the name of the Constitution of India, which derives its legitimacy from the people.

There is one other reason as to why I write this as a citizen. 

I cannot even begin to engage with the four majority views as a matter of constitutional law. So deeply flawed is the opinion as a matter of law, so shorn of logic, defying established canons of constitutional interpretation and replete with non-sequiturs that it would take more space than the editors of any newspaper will allow anyone, to make a decent fist of it.

Let me provide an example — Justice Khehar, you, in Paragraph 182, strike down as unconstitutional the inclusion of two eminent persons on the NJAC for having not laid down “qualifications of eligibility” and “having left the same vague and undefined”. 

The merits of your view aside, any student of constitutional law will know that the judge has a range of tools at his disposal to save a statute from unconstitutionality, which he is mandated by judicial discipline to use. 

Most significantly, if the provision suffers from vagueness in laying down qualifications then there is nothing stopping a judge from ‘reading down’ a provision to provide precisely those qualifications that are absent. 

The alacrity with which such a well-established norm was dispensed with, to strike down a constitutional amendment, without any effort to read it down, demonstrates a lack of respect, not just of Parliament, but of the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court itself.

The NJAC judgment is at its core, founded on a combination of mistrust of government, lack of respect for the people of India together with unquestioned faith in your own absolute competence as judges. It is this combination that causes me anguish. 

The working of the judicial collegium to appoint judges has shown that Justice Verma’s belief, that his brother judges would successfully rise above their prejudices by appointing persons solely on merit, was naïve. 

Not only have you, notably Justices Khehar and Lokur in the majority, seemingly ignored this unhappy legacy, but have also exacerbated it by basing your judgments on a self-serving image of the Supreme Court. 

To elucidate, in Paragraph 196, Justice Khehar, you write: 

“At the present juncture, it seems difficult to repose faith and confidence in the civil society, to play any effective role in that direction. For the simple reason, that it is not yet sufficiently motivated, nor adequately determined, to be in a position to act as a directional deterrent to the political executive establishment. It is therefore, that the higher judiciary which is the saviour of the fundamental rights of the citizens of this country…”

I say this plainly — the Constitution gives you no authority to comment on the maturity of civil society while deciding a dispute as a judge. 

It is this contempt for the people of India — for what else is civil society but the people — coupled with the belief that you, as judges, are cut of a different cloth, that is deeply troubling. 

Given the extensive psychological literature you have quoted in your judgment, you might even know what this state of mind is called — a messiah complex.

This complex is entrenched with a sanguine lack of reflexivity about your own shortcomings. 

This is exemplified in a passage in Justice Lokur’s opinion (Para 529) reasoning why the view of the Chief Justice of India in appointments must prevail: 

“It is possible that the executive might have an objection to the sexual orientation of a person being considered for appointment as a judge but the Chief Justice of India may be of the opinion that that would have no impact on his/ her ability to effectively discharge judicial functions or the potential of that person to be a good judge. (Footnote: Australia and South Africa have had a gay judge on the Bench. The present political executive in India would perhaps not permit the appointment of a gay person on the Bench.)”

Your statement could not be more ironic, given that the most recent champion of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that penalises sex against the order of nature, is your own Court. 

With the author of the said judgment serving for an extended spell on the collegium, your lack of reflexivity is quite incredible.

In other, less mature democracies, such partisan comments against elected representatives might be seen as demonstrating incapacity for continuing as a judge. 

Thankfully in India we have not seen that day yet. 

But when such insinuations at the entire political class are made from the Bench (Justice Khehar, paragraph 201), I am constrained to draw an unhappy inference: the majority judges acted less as guarantors of the Constitution and more as politicians on the Bench in handing down this judgment.

ADM Jabalpur revisited

Sirs, it was exactly 40 years ago that the Supreme Court experienced its darkest hour when four majority judges pronounced their four concurring opinions in ADM Jabalpur , handing over the life and liberty of citizens to the benefactions of the government. 

Justice Khanna had struck a brave voice of dissent.

Now, in an ironic twist of fate, you have pronounced four further concurring opinions in what history will judge as the ADM Jabalpur of our times. 

Like ADM Jabalpur , 40 years from now, as judicial primacy in appointments continues unabated, the NJAC judgment will leave the Supreme Court much to atone for. 

As Justice Khanna’s opinion does today, Justice Chelameswar’s dissent will then provide the only silver lining. 

To arrogate power is human; to humbly surrender it because the law demands it, as Justice Chelameswar does, requires a fortitude that time will recognise as rare. His wise words, unheeded by the majority, will then be enshrined in the annals of the Court’s history: ‘reform that you may preserve’.

Arghya Sengupta is founder and research director of the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, a New Delhi-based legal think-tank
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RELATED PLEASE :

NJAC Verdict: Excerpts of Justice Chelameswar's Opinion Against SC Judgement


19 October 2015


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What SC striking down NJAC means for our democracy


Mohan Guruswamy


17 October 2015


How the Supreme Court perpetuates itself reminds me of how the India International Centre's (IIC) Board of Life Trustees perpetuate themselves. All decision-making at the IIC is vested with the Board of Trustees. Each trustee is expected to be "an eminent authority in his/her field, bringing years of experience to the governing of the Centre". A life trustee's term is till the end of life. When the rare vacancy arises, the surviving life trustees meet to decide on who the next life trustee should be. There are two elected trustees too, but the real clout in the IIC is with the very clubby group of life trustees.


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Verdict Lacks Credibility


S. Gurumurthy


18 October 2015


The Gita of J. Robert Oppenheimer. Man is fashioned from his faith -- Hijiya, James A (2000)

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n8H7Jibx-c0  

Atomic Age - J. Robert Oppenheimer Quote Uploaded on Sep 26, 2006
J. Robert Oppenheimer was an American theoretical physicist, best known for his role as the scientific director of the Manhattan Project, the World War II effort to develop the first nuclear weapons, at the secret Los Alamos laboratory in New Mexico. He is known colloquially as "the father of the atomic bomb". Taken from the Atomic Age video collection.

James A. Hijiya notes that Oppenheimer’s paraphrase of the Gita is “one of the most-cited and least-interpreted quotations” of the atomic age and provides this introductory quote:

“The essential idea in the reply which Krishna offered to Arjuna was that through the discharge of the duties of one’s station without thought of fruit one was on the way to salvation.” – John McKenzie, Hindu Ethics: A historical and critical essay, Oxford University, 1922, 125. 
J. Robert Oppenheimer, from the Emilio Segrè Visual Archives.
J. Robert Oppenheimer, from the Emilio Segrè Visual Archives.


After the fireball of the Trinity Test, Oppenheimer said: "I remembered the line from the Hindu scripture, the Bhagavad-Gita; Vishnu is trying to persuade the Prince that he should do his duty and, to impress him, takes on his multi-armed form and says, “Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds.” I suppose we all thought that, one way or another."
A rare color photograph of Oppenheimer from October 1945, with General Groves and University of California President Robert Sproul, at the Army-Navy "E" Award ceremony. Source.
rare color photograph of Oppenheimer from October 1945, with General Groves and University of California President Robert Sproul, at the Army-Navy “E” Award ceremony.


Gita verse 11:32
Chapter 11, verse 32 of the Gita
Translation:
Lord Krsna said: I am terrible time the destroyer of all beings in all worlds, engaged to destroy all beings in this world; of those heroic soldiers presently situated in the opposing army, even without you none will be spared.


The Gita of J. Robert Oppenheimer -- Hijiya, James A., Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 144, No. 2, June 2000 (Prof. of History, Univ. of Massachusetts Dartmouth), pp. 123-167


In fine, Prof. Hijiya notes:


[quote]Far from trapping Oppenheimer in a fog, Hindu ideas helped liberate him to act and to create his magnum opus, the atomic bomb. The Gita may have made the difference between Oppenheimer and hamlet. ‘Uncounted millions,’ claimed Arthur Ryder in his introduction to the Gita, ‘have drawn from it comfort and joy. In it they have found an end to perplexity, a clear, if difficult, road to salvation.’…A verse that Ryder used as an epigraph to one section of his introduction and that Oppenheimer used (in his own translation) as an epitaph for Franklin Roosevelt might well serve to describe Oppenheimer himself: For man is fashioned from his faith, And is what he believes. (17:3).[unquote] (opcit.,p.166)

Daily Views of Earth Available on New NASA Website

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Daily Views of Earth Available on New NASA Website

An image of rotating earth.NASA launched a new website Monday so the world can see images of the full, sunlit side of the Earth every day. The images are taken by a NASA camera one million miles away on the Deep Space Climate Observatory (DSCOVR), a partnership between NASA, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and the U.S. Air Force.
Once a day NASA will post at least a dozen new color images of Earth acquired from 12 to 36 hours earlier by NASA’s Earth Polychromatic Imaging Camera (EPIC). Each daily sequence of images will show the Earth as it rotates, thus revealing the whole globe over the course of a day. The new website also features an archive of EPIC images searchable by date and continent.
The primary objective of NOAA’s DSCOVR mission is to maintain the nation’s real-time solar wind monitoring capabilities, which are critical to the accuracy and lead time of space weather alerts and forecasts from NOAA. NASA has two Earth-observing instruments on the spacecraft. EPIC's images of Earth allow scientists to study daily variations over the entire globe in such features as vegetation, ozone, aerosols, and cloud height and reflectivity.
EPIC is a four megapixel CCD camera and telescope. The color Earth images are created by combining three separate single-color images to create a photographic-quality imageequivalent to a 12-megapixel camera. The camera takes a series of 10 images using different narrowband filters -- from ultraviolet to near infrared -- to produce a variety of science products. The red, green and blue channel images are used to create the color images. Each image is about 3 megabytes in size. 
"The effective resolution of the DSCOVR EPIC camera is somewhere between 6.2 and 9.4 miles (10 and 15 kilometers)," said Adam Szabo, DSCOVR project scientist at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center, Greenbelt, Maryland.
Since Earth is extremely bright in the darkness of space, EPIC has to take very short exposure images (20-100 milliseconds). The much fainter stars are not visible in the background as a result of the short exposure times.
The DSCOVR spacecraft orbits around the L1 Lagrange point directly between Earth and the sun. This orbit keeps the spacecraft near the L1 point and requires only occasional small maneuvers, but its orbit can vary from 4 to 15 degrees away from the sun-Earth line over several years.
EPIC was built by Lockheed Martin’s Advanced Technology Center, in Palo Alto, California. Using an 11.8-inch (30-centimeter) telescope and 2048 x 2048 CCD detector, EPIC measures in the ultraviolet, visible and near-infrared areas of the spectrum. The data from all 10 wavelengths are posted through a website hosted by the Atmospheric Science Data Center at NASA's Langley Research Center, Hampton, Virginia. All images are in the public domain. 
NASA uses the vantage point of space to increase our understanding of our home planet, improve lives, and safeguard our future. NASA develops new ways to observe and study Earth's interconnected natural systems with long-term data records. The agency freely shares this unique knowledge and works with institutions around the world to gain new insights into how our planet is changing.
For daily images from EPIC, visit: http://epic.gsfc.nasa.gov/
For more information about the DSCOVR mission, visit: http://www.nesdis.noaa.gov/DSCOVR/

From a Million Miles Away,
NASA Camera Shows Moon Crossing Face of Earth


A NASA camera aboard the Deep Space Climate Observatory (DSCOVR) satellite captured a unique view of the moon as it moved in front of the sunlit side of Earth last month. The series of test images shows the fully illuminated “dark side” of the moon that is never visible from Earth.
The images were captured by NASA’s Earth Polychromatic Imaging Camera (EPIC), a four megapixel CCD camera and telescope on the DSCOVR satellite orbiting 1 million miles from Earth. From its position between the sun and Earth, DSCOVR conducts its primary mission of real-time solar wind monitoring for the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA).

Lockheed begins construction of US presidential choppers in India

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Lockheed begins construction of US presidential choppers in India

In pic: H-92. VH-92 Super Hawk VH variant is a much advanced version of H-92. 

Lockheed begins construction of US presidential choppers in India

Construction of the first lot of six VH 92 Super Hawk helicopters that transport the US president has begun in India.

The new generation helicopter is based on the Sikorsky S-92, whose cabin, some other parts and wire harnesses are made only in India in collaboration with Tata Advanced Systems Ltd (TASL) at Hyderabad.

Work on the cabins, the initial building blocks for the VVIP helicopters, began recently at this facility, according to a report by India Strategic defence magazine (www.indiastrategic.in).

The VH variant is a much advanced version of the civilian S-92 rotorcraft or its military version, the H-92 with more powerful twin engines, fly-by-wire systems and highly advanced communication and electronic warfare (EW) protection suites.

The US president is perhaps the most protected person in the world, and appropriately, the Tata-made aluminum and metal cabin may be reinforced with Kevlar and strong composite materials.

Precise details are nearly impossible to get, and even timelines for the presidential aircraft are never disclosed.

In any case, all the fittings are to be done in the US itself, and what is delivered when and where is also determined there. In a couple of years though, after harsh tests and trials, the next US president may take off from the White House in one of these India-made cabins.

TASL makes 48 cabins a year, and which six of these cabins are selected for the VVIP helicopters will be decided by experts from the US Secret Sevice, the Marine Corps and Lockheed Martin in the US itself.

The presidential helicopter fleet is maintained by the US Marine Corps and any machine that the head of the state boards gets the call-sign Marine One. At least five of these aircraft travel with the President wherever he goes, even when abroad. He stays connected with his office through satellites or connectivity by other systems irrespective of wherever he is.

Sikorsky had won the $1.24 billion deal in May 2014 to develop and build six new generation VVIP configuration machines, with the number going up gradually to 23 over the next few years and their value going up to an estimated $3 billion.

The project envisaged cooperation with Lockheed Martin for onboard protection and communication suites. Its financial component is to be additional for all the space-age gizmos and tech suites that it will put on board those machines.

Signnificantly, Lockheed is now in command and control of all of Sikorsky's famed flying machines as only recently, it acquired the Sikorsky Aircraft Corporation from United Technologies Corporation (UTC).

Lockheed Martin is the world's biggest military systems' giant, and the TASL project is now part of its own very impressive portfolio.

Notably, when Sikorsky won the deal for the VH-92, it was described as the world's most advanced executive transport helicopter by its president, Mick Maurer.

Sikorsky has been flying US presidents since 1957, beginning with Dwight D. Eisenhower. The current versions that the president flies in are designated VH-3D and VH-69, based on the older generation of Sikorsky machines.

It may be recalled that the Tata-Sikorsky (76:24) venture had rolled out is first cabin in 2010, about a year after the assembly line was shifted from Japan to India. Reliable sources told India Strategic that by now, tens of these cabins have been exported to the US for completion and deployment globally as required.

The construction of the VIP configuration variant incidentally is an example of how UTC initiated a venture in India with an eye on the future for the company and a vision for the growing US-India Strategic relations. This, in fact, has often been emphasized by Sikorsky's India and South Asia Managing Director Air Vice Marshal A.J.S. Walia (retd).

The spacious S-92 is already being used for VIP travel in some countries, and is also on offer to India for both government and civilian roles.

(Image: Indiatimes) http://www.businessinsider.in/Lockheed-begins-construction-of-US-presidential-choppers-in-India/articleshow/49466598.cms?utm_source=ten_minutes_with=Referral=Content_Patnership

'But we won't allow anyone to exploit us. Enough is enough.' -- Pempilai Orumai പെമ്പില്ലി ഒരുമി

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The Indian women who took on a multinational and won

  • 19 October 2015
  •  
  • From the sectionIndia
Tea workers in IndiaImage copyrightGetty Images
Image captionThe women have taken on not only the company that employs them but also the trade unions supposed to represent them
This is the story of an extraordinary uprising, a movement of 6,000 barely educated women labourers who took on one of the most powerful companies in the world.
In a country plagued by sexism they challenged the male-dominated world of trade unions and politics, refusing to allow men to take over their campaign.
And what's more, they won.
You may well have enjoyed the fruits of their labour. The women are tea pickers from the beautiful south Indian state of Kerala. They work for a huge plantation company, Kanan Devan Hills Plantations, which is part-owned and largely controlled by the Indian multinational, Tata, the owner of Tetley Tea.
The spark that ignited the protest was a decision to cut the bonus paid to tea pickers, but its roots go much deeper than that.

Going solo

Tea workers in India are not well treated. When I investigated the industry in Assam last month I found living and working conditions so bad, and wages so low, that tea workers and their families were left malnourished and vulnerable to fatal illnesses.
It seems conditions in Kerala are not much different.
Part of the women's complaint is that they live in one-bed huts without toilets and other basic amenities and, while they earn significantly more than the tea workers in Assam, they say the 230 rupees (£2.30; $3.50) they are paid for a day's work is half what a daily wage labourer in Kerala would get.
Women tea workers in IndiaImage copyrightAFP
Image caption"We pick the tea and carry the bags on our shoulders, you carry off the money bags"
But when, in early September, the women in Kerala demanded the bonus be reinstated - along with a hike in daily wages and better living conditions - it was not just a challenge to the company that employs them, but also to the trade unions that are supposed to represent them.
The women workers say the male trade union leaders are in cahoots with the company management, denying women their entitlements while ensuring they get the plum jobs themselves.
When tea prices collapsed a few years back, and some estate owners abandoned their plantations, the women argue that trade union leaders always managed to keep their jobs.
They also say that the trade unions haven't done enough to stop their men from drinking away their earnings without regard for their children's education or the medical needs of their families.
And they showed that they could launch an effective protest without the help of the trade unions.

'Women's Unity'

When 6,000 women occupied the main road to the headquarters of the plantation company it was organised by the women themselves, most of whom have no history of union agitation.
They called themselves "Pempilai Orumai", or women's unity.
In effect the women laid siege to the Munnar, one of Kerala's most popular tourist destinations. Trade and tourism were brought to a near standstill.
Many slogans were directed squarely at the union leaders. "We pick the tea and carry the bags on our shoulders, you carry off the money bags," read one. "We live in tin sheds, you enjoy bungalows," said another.
Women tea workers listen as an unseen NGO worker speaksImage copyrightAFP
Image captionA group of semi-literate women had taken on the most powerful interests in the state and won.
When male trade union leaders tried to join the protest they were chased away. The women attacked one former trade union leader with their sandals. He had to be rescued by the police.
In another incident they tore down the flag poles outside the trade union offices.
They also saw off local politicians who wanted to be seen offering their support.
The women insisted they would continue the protest until their demands were met.
At first the plantation company was defiant but, after nine days of protest and marathon negotiations overseen by the chief minister of the state, it gave in.
It was a stunning victory: a group of semi-literate women had taken on the most powerful interests in the state and won.
The women had represented the workforce at the talks and forced management to accept their demand to bring back the 20% bonus. Meanwhile the male trade union leaders had to swallow their pride and sign the deal the women had negotiated.

Nothing to lose

But the battle isn't over yet.
The issue of the pay rise was to be negotiated separately and, when the women's demand for an increase in wages wasn't met, the unions launched an indefinite campaign to raise rates from 232 rupees to 500 rupees a day.
In part this was an attempt to seize the initiative back, following the success of the women's campaign.
Women tea workers balance bags of plucked leaves on their headsImage copyrightAFP
Image caption"We won't allow anyone to exploit us. Enough is enough."
The women have refused to be part of the union effort and launched their own independent demand for higher wages.
Earlier this month some male union activists are alleged to have attacked the women's demonstration by throwing rocks. Six people suffered minor injuries.
But the women are determined to continue. "We have nothing to lose", Lissy Sunny, one of the leaders of Pempilai Orumai, told the Indian news website Catch.
"Hunger and suffering are part of our lives. We don't care even if we starve to death.
"But we won't allow anyone to exploit us. Enough is enough."
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-34513824

Ancient civilization: Cracking the Indus script -- Andrew Robinson

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Ancient civilization: Cracking the Indus script

Andrew Robinson reflects on the most tantalizing of all the undeciphered scripts — that used in the civilization of the Indus valley in the third millennium bc.

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Robert Harding/Corbis
The mysterious Indus unicorn on a roughly 4,000-year-old sealstone, found at the Mohenjo-daro site.
The Indus civilization flourished for half a millennium from about 2600 bc to 1900 bc. Then it mysteriously declined and vanished from view. It remained invisible for almost 4,000 years until its ruins were discovered by accident in the 1920s by British and Indian archaeologists. Following almost a century of excavation, it is today regarded as a civilization worthy of comparison with those of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, as the beginning of Indian civilization and possibly as the origin of Hinduism.
More than a thousand Indus settlements covered at least 800,000 square kilometres of what is now Pakistan and northwestern India. It was the most extensive urban culture of its period, with a population of perhaps 1 million and a vigorous maritime export trade to the Gulf and cities such as Ur in Mesopotamia, where objects inscribed with Indus signs have been discovered. Astonishingly, the culture has left no archaeological evidence of armies or warfare.
Most Indus settlements were villages; some were towns, and at least five were substantial cities (see 'Where unicorns roamed'). The two largest, Mohenjo-daro — a World Heritage Site listed by the United Nations — located near the Indus river, and Harappa, by one of the tributaries, boasted street planning and house drainage worthy of the twentieth century ad. They hosted the world's first known toilets, along with complex stone weights, elaborately drilled gemstone necklaces and exquisitely carved seal stones featuring one of the world's stubbornly undeciphered scripts.

Follow the script

The Indus script is made up of partially pictographic signs and human and animal motifs including a puzzling 'unicorn'. These are inscribed on miniature steatite (soapstone) seal stones, terracotta tablets and occasionally on metal. The designs are “little masterpieces of controlled realism, with a monumental strength in one sense out of all proportion to their size and in another entirely related to it”, wrote the best-known excavator of the Indus civilization, Mortimer Wheeler, in 19681.
Once seen, the seal stones are never forgotten. I became smitten in the late 1980s when tasked to research the Indus script by a leading documentary producer. He hoped to entice the world's code-crackers with a substantial public prize. In the end, neither competition nor documentary got off the ground. But for me, important seeds were sown.
More than 100 attempts at decipherment have been published by professional scholars and others since the 1920s. Now — as a result of increased collaboration between archaeologists, linguists and experts in the digital humanities — it looks possible that the Indus script may yield some of its secrets.
Since the discovery of the Rosetta Stone in Egypt in 1799, and the consequent decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs beginning in the 1820s, epigraphers have learnt how to read an encouraging number of once-enigmatic ancient scripts. For example, the Brahmi script from India was 'cracked' in the 1830s; cuneiform scripts (characterized by wedge-shaped impressions in clay) from Mesopotamia in the second half of the nineteenth century; the Linear B script from Greece in the 1950s; and the Mayan glyphs from Central America in the late twentieth century.
Several important scripts still have scholars scratching their heads: for example, Linear A, Etruscan from Italy, Rongorongo from Easter Island, the signs on the Phaistos Disc from the Greek island of Crete and, of course, the Indus script.
In 1932, Flinders Petrie — the most celebrated Egyptologist of his day — proposed an Indus decipherment on the basis of the supposed similarity of its pictographic principles to those of Egyptian hieroglyphs. In 1983, Indus excavator Walter Fairservis at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City, claimed in Scientific American2 that he could read the signs in a form of ancient Dravidian: the language family from southern India that includes Tamil. In 1987, Assyriologist James Kinnier Wilson at the University of Cambridge, UK, published an 'Indo-Sumerian' decipherment, based on a comparison of the Indus signs with similar-looking ones in cuneiform accounting tablets from Mesopotamia.

Three problems

In the 1990s and after, many Indian authors — including some academics — have claimed that the Indus script can be read in a form of early Sanskrit, the ancestral language of most north Indian languages including Hindi. In doing so, they support the controversial views of India's Hindu nationalist politicians that there has been a continuous, Sanskrit-speaking, Indian identity since the third millennium bc.
Whatever their differences, all Indus researchers agree that there is no consensus on the meaning of the script. There are three main problems. First, no firm information is available about its underlying language. Was this an ancestor of Sanskrit or Dravidian, or of some other Indian language family, such as Munda, or was it a language that has disappeared? Linear B was deciphered because the tablets turned out to be in an archaic form of Greek; Mayan glyphs because Mayan languages are still spoken. Second, no names of Indus rulers or personages are known from myths or historical records: no equivalents of Rameses or Ptolemy, who were known to hieroglyphic decipherers from records of ancient Egypt available in Greek.
Third, there is, as yet, no Indus bilingual inscription comparable to the Rosetta Stone (written in Egyptian and Greek). It is conceivable that such a treasure may exist in Mesopotamia, given its trade links with the Indus civilization. The Mayan decipherment started in 1876 using a sixteenth-century Spanish manuscript that recorded a discussion in colonial Yucatan between a Spanish priest and a Yucatec Mayan-speaking elder about ancient Mayan writing.

Ancient Art and Architecture Collection/Bridgeman Images
Mohenjo-daro existed at the same time as the civilizations of ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia and Crete.

What we know

Indus scholars have achieved much in recent decades. A superb three-volume photographic corpus3 of Indus inscriptions, edited by the indefatigable Asko Parpola, an Indologist at the University of Helsinki, was published between 1987 and 2010 with the support of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; a fourth and final volume is still to come. The direction of writing — chiefly right to left — has been established by analysis of the positioning of groups of characters in many differing inscriptions. The segmentation of texts containing repeated sequences of characters, syntactic structures, the numeral system and the measuring system are partly understood.
Views vary on how many signs there are in the Indus script. In 1982, archaeologist Shikaripura Ranganatha Rao published a Sanskrit-based decipherment with just 62 signs4. Parpola put5 the number at about 425 in 1994 — an estimate supported by the leading Indus script researcher in India, Iravatham Mahadevan. At the other extreme is an implausibly high estimate6 of 958 signs, published this year by Bryan Wells, arising from his PhD at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Nevertheless, almost every researcher accepts that the script contains too many signs to be either an alphabet or a syllabary (in which signs represent syllables), like Linear B. It is probably a logo-syllabic script — such as Sumerian cuneiform or Mayan glyphs — that is, a mixture of hundreds of logographic signs representing words and concepts, such as &, £ and %, and a much smaller subset representing syllables.
As for the language, the balance of evidence favours a proto-Dravidian language, not Sanskrit. Many scholars have proposed plausible Dravidian meanings for a few groups of characters based on Old Tamil, although none of these 'translations' has gained universal acceptance.
“No firm information is available about its underlying language.”
A minority of researchers query whether the Indus script was capable of expressing a spoken language, mainly because of the brevity of inscriptions. The carvings average five characters per text, and the longest has only 26. In 2004, historian Steve Farmer, computational linguist Richard Sproat (now a research scientist at Google) and Sanskrit researcher Michael Witzel at Harvard University caused a stir with a joint paper7 comparing the Indus script with a system of non-phonetic symbols akin to those of medieval European heraldry or the Neolithic Vinča culture from central and southeastern Europe8.
This theory seems unlikely, for various reasons. Notably, sequential ordering and an agreed direction of writing are universal features of writing systems. Such rules are not crucial in symbolic systems. Moreover, the Indus civilization must have been well aware through its trade links of how cuneiform functioned as a full writing system.
Nevertheless, the brevity of Indus texts may indeed suggest that it represented only limited aspects of an Indus language. This is true of the earliest, proto-cuneiform, writing on clay tablets from Mesopotamia, around 3300 bc, where the symbols record only calculations with various products (such as barley) and the names of officials.

Digital approach

The dissident paper has stimulated some fresh approaches. Wells — a vehement believer that the Indus script is a full writing system — working with the geoinformation scientist Andreas Fuls at the Technical University of Berlin, has created the first, publicly available, electronic corpus of Indus texts (see www.archaeoastronomie.de). Although not complete, it includes all the texts from the US-led Harappa Archaeological Research Project.
A group led by computer scientist Rajesh Rao at the University of Washington in Seattle has demonstrated the potential of a digital approach. The team has calculated the conditional entropies — that is, the amount of randomness in the choice of a token (character or word) given a preceding token — in natural-language scripts, such as Sumerian cuneiform and the English alphabet, and in non-linguistic systems, such as the computer programming language Fortran and human DNA. The conditional entropies of the Indus script seem to be most similar to those of Sumerian cuneiform. “Our results increase the probability that the script represents language,” the Rao group has written9. Sproat strongly disagrees10.
On the ground in Pakistan and India, more inscriptions continue to be discovered — although not, as yet, any texts longer than 26 characters. Unfortunately, less than 10% of the known Indus sites have been excavated. The difficulty — apart from funding — is the politically troubled nature of the region. Many of the most promising unexcavated sites lie in the Pakistani desert region of Cholistan near the tense border with India. One such is the city of Ganweriwala, discovered in the 1970s and apparently comparable in size with Mohenjo-daro and Harappa.
If these sites, and some others within Pakistan and India, were to be excavated, there seems a reasonable prospect of a widely accepted, if incomplete, decipherment of the Indus script. It took more than a century to decipher the less challenging Mayan script, following several false starts, hiatuses and extensive excavation throughout the twentieth century. Indus-script decipherers have been on the much barer trail — older by two millennia — for less than a century, and excavation of Indus sites in Pakistan has stagnated in recent decades.
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doi:10.1038/526499a
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References

  1. Wheeler, M. The Indus Civilization 3rd edn 101 (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1968).
    Show context
  2. Fairservis, W. A. Sci. Am. 2485866 (1983).
    Show context
  3. Parpola, A. et al. (eds) Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions Vols 1–3.1 (Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1987, 1991, 2010).
    Show context
  4. Rao, S. R. The Decipherment of the Indus Script (Asia Publishing, 1982).
    Show context
  5. Parpola, A. Deciphering the Indus Script (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994).
    Show context
  6. Wells, B. K. The Archaeology and Epigraphy of Indus Writing (Archaeopress, 2015).
    Show context
  7. Farmer, S.Sproat, R. & Witzel, M. Electron. J. Vedic Stud. 111957 (2004); available athttp://go.nature.com/vasrw5
    Show context
  8. Lawler, A. Science 30620262029 (2004).
    Show context
  9. Rao, R. P. N. et alScience 324, 1165 (2009).
    Show context
  10. Sproat, R. Language 90457481 (2014).
    Show context

Affiliations

  1. Andrew Robinson is a science writer based in London. He is the author of Lost Languages: The Enigma of the World's Undeciphered Scripts and, most recently, The Indus: Lost Civilizations.

Corresponding author


Correspondence to: 

http://www.nature.com/news/ancient-civilization-cracking-the-indus-script-1.18587


Thank you

Your message has been sent to Andrew Robinson

Ancient civilization: Cracking the Indus script
doi:10.1038/526499a
Message:
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/indus-s cript-deciphered-rosetta-stones.html Indus s cript deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita vilalpa, 'meluhha cipher' by S. Kalyanaraman (2015 Herndon VA Sarasvari Research Center) Reviewed by Dr Shrinivas Tilak* * Dr Shrinivas Tilak (PhD History of religions, McGill University, Montreal, Canada) is an independent researcher based in Guelph, Ontario, Canada. His publications include The Myth of Sarvodaya: A study in Vinoba's concept (New Delhi: Breakthrough Communications 1984); Religion and Aging in the Indian Tradition (Albany, N. Y.: State University of New York Press, 1989), Understanding karma in light of Paul Ricoeur's philosophical anthropology and hermeneutics (Charleston, SC: BookSurge, revised, paperback edition, 2007), and Reawakening to a secular Hindu nation: M. S. Golwalkar’s vision of a Dharmasāpekşa Hindurāşţra (Charleston, SC: BookSurge, 2009).

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
October 20, 2015

Commented posted on Nature comments forum 
http://www.nature.com/news/ancient-civilization-cracking-the-indus-script-1.18587
:
October 20, 2015

Thanks to Andrew Robinson and Nature, for a precise report on the issues which have impacted a decipherment of Indus Script. I look forward to this comment forum provided by Nature for objective review of the possibility of cracking the code as Andrew indicates. Use of an average 5 logographs on most inscriptions is an indicator that the messages may be catalogues of artisanal work to promote trade exchanges with contact areas. As many as 2000+ sites out of a total of c. 2600 sites of the civilization are on the banks of River Sarasvati which flowed through most of north-west India. Even new sites excavated such as Kanmer, Farmana, Golo Dhoro have yielded inscriptions. An effective clearing house mechanism is needed to enable discussions among researchers interested in cracking the code. Thanks to Bryan Wells and Andreas Fuls who have compiled a remarkable corpora including recent finds of inscriptions which add to the photographic corpora of Asko Parpola et al. Recent publication of Dholavira and Rakhigarhi excavation reports also add to the script corpora. I have claimed that the entire Indus Script Corpora which now has over 7000 entries is catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, listing types of mineras, metals, alloys, smelters, furnaces, braziers, castings, ingots, metal implements produced (and possibly offered for trade) through seafaring merchants. Hence, the so-called Dilmun or Persian Gulf seals with Indus Script hieroglyphs. Andrew has provided a lead referring to the limited use of proto-cuneiform for numerical tallies of selected commodities. It appears that Indus Script was also limited to exclusively catalogue metalwork, as a support system to document the archaeometallurgical advances related, for e.g., to production of new alloys (using tin or zinc -- and perhaps other pyrites -- to produce bronze/brass alloys of copper), new methods of cire perdue casting.I have sent a message to Andrew listing a recent review by Prof. Shrinivas Tilak of my work and the cipher of the writing system. I have also posted monographs on academia.edu.providing sets of examples of metalwork catalogues signified by pictorial motifs as 'field symbols' and logographs as 'signs'. I look forward to discussing further on this forum with learned scholars and researchers. Thanks and regards. S. Kalyanaraman

Here is the link to a review of my book by Prof. Shrinivas Tilak.http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot...
Mirror:https://www.academia.edu/16971... Indus Script deciphered: Rosetta stones, Mlecchita Vikalpa, ‘meluhha
cipher’ – Review of S. Kalyanaraman’s book by Dr. Shrinivas Tilak

Cracking the code of Indus Script. Use of hieroglyph-multiplexes to signify Meluhha metal catalogues

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/np4euct

A link to an article by Andrew Robinson on cracking the Indus Script code is at http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/ancient-civilization-cracking-indus.html. Andrew provides a significant insight that proto-cuneiform waa used for numerical tallies of selected commodities. This yields a clue to the possible evolution of Indus Script as a code for signifying the metals used by lapidaries and smiths, particularly tin-bronzes which could be used to produce metal implements, replacing the scarce arsenical-coppers. Invention of tin-bronzes is matched by a writing system to promote trade exchanges across civilization areas.

The code is simple rebus in Meluhha (Mleccha), Prakritam of Indian sprachbund (linguistic area).

Pleased join me in the discussions at http://www.nature.com/news/ancient-civilization-cracking-the-indus-script-1.18587

Two issues need to be highlighted:

1. Inventions of tin-bronzes to substitute for scarcity of naturally-occurring arsenical copper.

2. Maritime Tin Route linking the largest tin belt of the world in Mekong River delta in Ancient Far East with the archaeometallurgically-attested artifacts including cylinder seals in Ancient Near East.

Products made of tin-bronzes constituted a revolutionary advance of the Bronze Age and led to long-distance maritime trade exchanges across Eurasia. A good example of the antiquity of artisanal competence in using material resources is provided by turbinella pyrum, s'ankha which is a signature resource indigenous to the Indian Ocean coastline. Columella of this conch-shell was also used to create cylinder seals. (Gensheimer, TR, 1984, The role of shell in Mesopotamia: evidence for trade exchange with Oman and the Indus Valley, in: Paleorient. Annee 1984. Volume 10. Numero 1, pp. 65-73).

Examples of seals made of turbinella pyrum or sea shell:
thumbnail imageSix cylinder seals of various materials including marble, shell, agate, chlorite, and steatite. N. Syria and Mesopotamia, ca. late 4th to early 3rd millennium BCE. The large shell seal, second from the left, was carved from the columella of Turbinella pyrum, the Indian s'ankha shell. Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History Catalog Number YPM ANT 295376


Seal. Bet Dwarka. Made of turbinella pyrum. Note the characteristic Indus Script feature of faces of three animals joined to a bovine body. These are deciphered as hieroglyph-multiplex in Meluhha, Prakritam to signify metalwork: sangaa ‘joined animal parts’ rebus: sangara'proclamation';  barad'bull' rebus: bharata'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'; ranku'antelope' rebus: ranku'tin'; kõda'young bull, bull-calf' rebus: kõdā'to turn in a lathe'; kōnda 'engraver, lapidary'; kundār'turner'.
S’ankha  wide bangle and other ornaments from a burial of a woman at Nausharo. Tomb MR3T.21, Mehrgarh, Period 1A, ca. 6500 BCE. The nearest source for the conch-shell is Makran coast near Karachi, 500 km. south (After Fig. 2.10 in Kenoyer, JM, 1998, Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization, Karachi, OUP).


The discovery of over 200 bronze Dong Son drums is a a revelation on two counts: 1. the use of large resources of tin available in the region of Mekong River delta; and 2. cire perdue method of metal casting to achieve exquisite depiction of many Indus Script hieroglyphs on the surfaces of the drums. This discovery provides a lead to delineate a Maritime Tin Route which preceded the Silk Road. There are indications that another signature tune of the Indian civilization, the etched carnelian beads of Gujarat were found in ancient Bangkok. With the known spread of Austro-Asiatic languages from India to the Ancient Far East, the exploitation of tin resources of the Far East and possible trade exchanges through seafaring merchants with Indian merchants acting as intermediaries can be hypothesised for further archaeo-metallurgical investigations. The presence of about 2000 Indus Script hieroglyphs on so-called Dilmun or Persian Gulf seals and also on cylinder seals and other artifacts of the Tin route between Assur and Kultepe points to the continued use of Indus Script together with proto-cuneiform and cuneiform syllabic writing systems. The finds of three pure tin ingots with Indus Script hieroglyphs in a shipwreck in Haifa, Israel also evidence the extensive areas of contacts established by metalworkers of the Bronze Age. Cire perdue artifacts of Dong Son bronze drum surfaces are matched by the cire perdue lead weight of Shahi Tump and cire perdue artifacts of Nahal Mishmar copper-arsenical hoard. The links among these widely-dispersed evidences over space and time, are provided by Indus Script hieroglyphs.
Sample of Dong Son bronze drum surface with Indus script hieroglyphs. 2nd millennium BCE
The potsherd with the engraving.Hieroglyph of Indus Script. Dancing-girl on potsherd, Bhirrana. ca 4th millennium BCE
Dancing girl statue. 3rd millennium BCE. Mohenjo-daro. National Museum. Delhi
Sample of Nahal Mishmar hoard with Indus Script hieroglyphs. 4th millennium BCE. kole.l 'temple' Rebus: kole.l 'smithy'. karaDa 'aquatic bird' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy of copper, tin, zinc'.

 Sample of Shahi Tump lead weight with Indus Script hieroglyphs. Beginning of 3rd millennium BCE.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
October 21, 2015

NJAC Judgment Reflects Craving to Arrogate Power -- Justice KT Thomas

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I fondly hope that the Bench would reconsider their judgement and refer it to a larger Bench for deliberation. Such an act of prayascittam will raise the stature of the 5-judge bench and will be a salutary contribution to the Rule of Law in the Republic.


S. Kalyanaraman,
Sarasvati Research Centre

Judgment Reflects Craving to Arrogate Power

Published: 21st October 2015 06:00 AM
Last Updated: 21st October 2015 07:50 AM


This is an unfortunate judgment. Look at the background of the Constitutional amendment. It was felt almost unanimously that the collegium system is studded with flaws like subjectivity, partiality and lack of transparency. Some of the most eligible persons could not get into both levels of the court (High Court and Supreme Court) as they were not inclined to do any lobbying work. In fact, the two jurists, Fali S Nariman and J S Verma, who were principally responsible for evolving the collegium system, stated subsequently that they did not anticipate so many flaws for the system. Nariman went to the extent of saying that he would have been prepared to have lost the case that he won in formulating the collegium system.


In fact, F S Nariman pleaded with Justice M N Venkatachelliah Commission, which was appointed for suggesting reforms for the Constitution that a National Judicial Commission (NJC) should be a part of the recommendations of the committee. Almost all the doyens of the legal fraternity welcomed the proposal made by the Justice M N Venkatachaliah Commission for creating National Judicial Commission in which both the Executive and the civil society should also be involved along with judges.
One should not ignore the fact that the Constitution Amendment was passed by both houses of Parliament with near 100 per cent unanimity and got the approval from 28 state legislatures. It is one of the rarest events in our Constitutional history to have such unanimity by all the members of Parliament who voted. According to me, such a Constitutional provision should not have been struck down merely because the executive is also given a say in the matter of selection of justice. The presence of two eminent citizens in the selection process should have been welcomed by the judges, particularly when they were chosen by a collegium consisting of the Chief Justice of India (CJI), the leader of the House, and the leader of the main Opposition party. The majority decision of the five-judge bench reflects a craving of the judiciary to arrogate to itself the power of appointment. In my view it was not palatable to a Constitutional democracy.
I had been a member of the collegium at the High Court level and at the Supreme Court level. From the past experience, I would welcome the minimal participation of a member from the executive and also the civil society in the selection process to avert unworthy persons from sliding in. The very fact that one of the senior judges of the five-judge bench in the present case advanced very sturdy and valid points for holding that the Amendment was not vitiated by any virus, was enough not to throw the Constitutional provision overboard on the mere assumption that such minimal involvement of executive representative and civil society would vitiate the selection.
Independence of Judiciary, which is highlighted in the majority judgment as impaired by the amendment, should mostly be dependent on the function of the judges during the post-appointment stage, and not in widening the scope of pre-appointment deliberations. Political background of persons to be considered for judgeship should not be treated as disqualification. Such persons have closer association with the people at different levels and they know the pulse of persons suffering from social injustices. In fact, history of our judicial development during the post-Constitution period, shows that the great expansion of Constitutional philosophy was contributed, among others, by judgments rendered by those judges who had background in political activities.
It is to be remembered that the clamour for replacement of collegium system did not come first from politicians; it was from the legal community as instances of faulty selections did not remain sparse, but were on the increase.
The possibility of using veto by two persons in the NJAC seemed to be over-emphasised by the majority judgments of the Supreme Court.  We may bear in mind that vetoing is not for appointing, but for preventing the appointment of persons whom the non-judge members consider unworthy. Though judges are better persons to discern the legal acumen of the candidate, I feel that non-judges are better persons to know all the other aspects of a candidate. Is it not advisable to use such sources also to decide on the suitability of the candidate?
There is no conception that judges are infallible. Even in judicial exercise, the scope of fallibility of judges is not in minimal dimension. If judges can be fallible in making the selection of judges, then can anyone say that they be eliminated from the selection process? On the same logic, the possibility of eminent citizens wrongly vetoing is not enough to keep them out.
The concept of NJAC was initially formulated not by the executive but by a committee of judges and jurists (Justice M N Venkitachelliah Committee for Constitutional Reforms). In fact, the impugned amendment was made after further improving the proposal through parliamentary deliberations. For example, when Lok Sabha passed the Amendment Bill, it said that only a unanimous decision by the commission will bind the President of India. When the Bill reached the Upper House, the members pointed out the possibility of occurring repeated statements whenever unanimity could not be achieved.  Hence the word unanimous was replaced by ‘majority’ in the final shape of the Bill.
In my view, the five-judge bench of the Supreme Court failed in two aspects: (1) a matter involving such momentous importance supported by the entire Parliament and the entire federal units of the Republic should have been referred to a much larger bench, at least as large a bench as that which formulated the collegium system.
May we remember that even an issue concerning education was considered by a bench of 11 judges of the Supreme Court in TMA Pai case. (2) Every endeavour should have been made to protect the people’s verdict reflected in the Constitution amendment by a process of reading down the doubtful clauses either restricting or expanding its scope through the interpretative process as was done by the Supreme Court in the case dealing with Article 21 (Maneka Gandhi case), Article 356 (SRM Bommai case) Article 15 (Mandal case, in which the theory of Creamy layer was evolved).
The author is a former Supreme Court judge. Email: ktthomas37@hotmail.com
http://www.newindianexpress.com/columns/Judgment-Reflects-Craving-to-Arrogate-Power/2015/10/21/article3089930.ece
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