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Uyghur hand in terror blasts in China and Thailand -- EP Today, Brussels James Duglous Crickton.

August 28, 2015, 3:29 am
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Xinjiang to Tianjin

By by James Duglous Crickton for Maria Rutowicz  Posted by James Duglous Crickton (about the submitter)    

Scene of bomb blast in central Bangkok, Aug. 17, 2015
(image by Wikipedia)   DMCA
So, you are getting ready for your biggest party in years -- all dressed up, getting the house in order, cleaning up the cutlery, putting a shine to everything around. You have called in the guests, some of whom are coming, some you have had to call despite knowing they won't turn up, and others who are still not sure how to deal with the new fellow knocking to join the big league. Like a good host, you are watching out to make sure the street is clean, the area around is nice, safe and inviting. And then boom! The expected but unhoped-for happens. How do you go about salvaging the party? That is the question the Communist Party of China is struggling with as it rushes to counter the Tianjin blast of 12 August.
To celebrate the 70th anniversary of Chinese victory in the War of Resistance against Japan and Fascist powers, the Party is organizing a big military parade in Beijing on 3 September. As happens in China, factories around the capital have been ordered shut from early August till the end of the event, promising 'blue skies' in a city that has just regained its position as the most polluted in the world. Security has been stepped-up -- to the extent that parcels and mail packets without clearly identified details of senders and recipients are not allowed to and from Beijing. The military has been on high alert, under the newly installed regional military commander who is a confidant of Party chief Xi Jinping.
With everything seemingly in place, an unexplained explosion in Tianjin, a mere 160 km from the capital, threatened to ruin the Party's party. With over 114 dead so far, the needle of suspicion has been squarely pointed in the direction of a chemicals warehouse. Which would have been understandable, but for the fact that the man appointed to investigate the incident was no local official, or even someone at the Centre responsible for industrial safety. Beijing, in an immediate measure, named the Public Security Minister, Guo Shengkun to look at matters! Clearly, someone in the leadership compound in Beijing was concerned about the veracity of the chemicals-warehouse theory. There was, in Beijing's estimation, more than meets the eye.
In these fraught times, when Beijing will host not just the 3 September military parade, but also the World Athletics Championships from 22 to 30 August, and perhaps the sixth Tibet Work Conference later in September, the people and guests needed to be reassured. They need to be told that the blast that killed over a hundred was just a case of corruption gone wrong -- at such a sensitive time, no one can, and should, utter the Uyghur word.
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While Uyghurs are terrorists who are to be criticized all through the year, let there not be any suggestion in the media of even the remote possibility that they might have been involved in the Tianjin blast. Let us not highlight, for example, that Tianjin has a colony of Uyghurs, has had it for many years. This shall remain the secret of the Party, away from the eyes of the world. For acknowledging an Uyghur role in the blast means the muscular policies of Xi Jinping have failed, despite a strike-hard campaign that has been on in the restive Xinjiang province in the north west of China.
It is this sleight of hand that is behind the seemingly confused response from the local authorities. Their hand had been stayed from investigating too closely -- the Centre must have a look first, decide what is true, and even more importantly, reach a conclusion on what shall be the 'disseminated truth'. And gaining a consensus on this 'disseminated truth' has taken over a week -- the Mayor of Tianjin, the man who should have been at the forefront of all efforts, made his formal appearance only on 19 August, a full week after the incident. Weibo chatter on China's version of Twitter spoke of Uyghurs, but traces of such posts were cleared post-haste -- we don't want unauthorized thoughts proliferating cyberspace, especially as we are drafting a draconian cyber-security law.
As if this was not enough, another bomb went off, this time in far off Bangkok. Sadly, the world beyond the borders could not be controlled as that within could. So there were stories about how this was a retaliation for Thailand having sent back 109 Uyghurs to China a month ago. How the temple, the site of the blast, was frequented by Chinese nationals, and thus an attractive target for the Uyghurs to show their disgruntlement with both China and Thailand over the deportations. So plausible is this scenario, and cutting so close to the bone, that the Chinese Embassy in Thailand felt it necessary to counter these thoughts. Not with the certitude of someone who knows, but the fudging of one who would rather prefer smoke and mirrors. The Embassy, disingenuously, insists that there is no Uygur involvement in the incident, while also stressing that results of Thai investigations need to be awaited.
The problem for China in all this is that having played up the Uyghur threat for months, it is now faced with the situation where it is natural to link the intense blast in Tianjin to them, as well as the less-intensive Bangkok explosion. Deny as it does, Beijing knows within the Party and government that its demonization of the Uyghurs has come back to haunt it. Hide as it does, it must face up to the fact that the suppression of Uyghurs has been behind these explosions, whatever the Party propagandists say.
Saving the Party, it seems, is more important for China than saving the party. Covering up the facts of the explosion in Tianjin carries within it the seeds of further action by Uyghurs -- Beijing is providing enough opportunities. And let us not forget, 1 October 2015 marks the 60th anniversary of the setting up of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region by China -- another attractive occasion for those straining for freedom.
The writer works for EP Today, a monthly news magazine from Brussels, Belgium. 

http://www.opednews.com/articles/Xinjiang-to-Tianjin-by-James-Duglous-Cric-Demonization_Deportation_Explosion_Military-150821-829.html

Uyghur hand in blasts in China and Thailand

The August 12 blast in Tianjin, China, which killed 114 people, and the blast in Bangkok, Thailand, recently, was the handiwork of Chinese separatist Uyghur groups, and which the Chinese Government has been trying to hide, suggests a revealing story published in the Brussels-based European Parliament (EP) Today.
This has been proved by the fact that Beijing named Public Security Minister Guo Shengkun to supervise the investigation of the alleged chemicals warehouse blast instead of allowing a local official or someone centrally responsible for industrial safety to probe the matter.
It seems clear from the EP Today story that the Chinese leadership may have thought there was something more than meets the eye with regard to the veracity of the chemical warehouse blast theory, and therefore, ordered a senior minister of the government to take charge of the probe directly.
According to EP Today, the Chinese Government is sensitive about anybody uttering the word Uyghur, and describes Uyghurs as terrorists who are to be criticized always. China also discourages its media from mentioning or publishing any report of a possible Uyghur involvement in the Tianjin blast. It also says that the fact that Tianjin has had a colony of Uyghurs for years must be kept under wraps and not highlighted.
EP Today says in its story that this particular aspect must remain a secret of the ruling Communist Party, and away from the eyes of the world.
China believes that acknowledging an Uyghur role in the Tianjin blast, would nullify President Xi Jinping’s “strike hard campaign” against so-called rebels in the restive north-west province of Xinjiang.
So far, there has been a confused response to the incident and who is actually behind it. Local authorities have been prevented from investigating the incident too closely, and there is a clear order, “that the Centre must have a look first, decide what is true or the disseminated truth.”
For example, on Weibo, the Chinese version of Twitter, spoke of Uyghurs, but traces of such posts were removed almost immediately, as they were seen as “unauthorized thoughts proliferating cyber space” especially when the Chinese Government is in the process of drafting and finalizing a draconian Cyber Security Law.
When it comes to the recent explosion in a temple complex in Bangkok, Thailand, the EP Today story claims that there were reports in circulation that the bombing was retaliation for Thailand sending back 109 Uyghurs back to China a month ago.
It is also mentioned that the temple was targeted because it is frequented by Chinese nationals, and that the Uyghurs wanted to send an appropriate message across to the Chinese leadership that they could strike when they want and wherever they want.
The article concludes by saying that the problem that China now faces is that having played up the Uyghur threat for months, it is now confronted by a situation where it is natural to link the Tianjin and Bangkok blasts to them. A cover -up at this point of time risks further action from the Uyghurs, as Beijing is providing them with enough opportunities.
http://www.financialexpress.com/article/miscellaneous/uyghur-hand-in-blasts-in-china-and-thailand/126712/
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OROP, small gaps will be resolved -- Manohar Parrikar. The agitating Jai Jawan should withdraw their protests and trust NDA Government.

August 28, 2015, 6:03 am
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Govt. filling ‘small gaps’ in OROP: Parikkar

  • PTI Updated: August 28, 2015 17:02 IST  

The Prime Minister’s Office is "directly involved" in the efforts to resolve the One-Rank-One-Pension issue, says Parrikar

The Prime Minister’s Office is “directly involved” in the efforts to resolve the One-Rank-One-Pension (OROP) issue and the government is working to fill in the “small gaps” in it, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar said today said.
He also said that some time should be given to resolve the matter.

“Now the small gaps are being filled. Give it some time for completion. In principle, the Prime Minister on August 15 (Independence Day speech) has given an approval. Now, PMO is directly involved...then by saying that do it in these many days will not help.

“All efforts are being made to solve the issue,” Parrikar told reporters here on the sidelines of an event.

Talks between agitating ex-servicemen and the government failed to make a headway yesterday in resolving sticky issues for OROP implementation.
Asked about the shelling on the border by the Pakistani forces, the Defence Minister said the security forces are on “alert” and taking action.

Earlier, addressing a conference, he said the defence industry can give a boost to the ‘Make in India’ campaign through micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs).

“More than 40 per cent of India’s engineering exports are through MSMEs. But for them the defence sector is like a hurdle due to stringent conditions because if one has to export goods, they have to be first sold locally. One has to develop the product first.

“I have got letters from over 30 owners of MSMEs expressing their frustration that they have spent crores on technology, but that is not being used,” Parrikar told the India MSME Expo and Summit 2015.

He said that “flexibility” needs to be brought into the procurement process and his ministry will bring amendments in the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP).

Batting for a greater role for MSMEs, Parrikar said it was important to give them a boost ”...if a war erupts it is the local industry a country needs to rely on rather than a foreign one”.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/pmo-directly-involved-in-efforts-to-resolve-orop-issue-parrikar/article7590974.ece
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US cautions Pak against brandishing of nuclear status. NaMo, announce thorium-based nuke doctrine, resume tests.

August 28, 2015, 6:27 am
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| Friday , August 28 , 2015 |

US cautions Pak against brandishing of nuclear status


title=
John Kirby (Twitter)
Read more at http://www.thestatesman.com/news/world/only-talks-can-produce-results-between-india-and-pak-us/85718.html#OFuGDr6dep6bgbpC.99
Washington, Aug. 28 (PTI): The United States has cautioned Pakistan that brandishing its nuclear status in the wake of the cancellation of talks with India would not help reduce tensions between the two countries.

The U.S. also asked India and Pakistan to resolve their long-standing issues through constructive dialogue.

”[U.S.] Secretary [of State, John] Kerry has said repeatedly that he wants the two nations to continue to work together, with constructive dialogue, to resolve their issues, and we understand that there are issues that are longstanding,” State Department Spokesman John Kirby told reporters at his daily news conference on Thursday.


”But that's what really needs to happen, is sitting down, dialogue, cooperation, talking through these things, and trying to work through some meaningful solutions,” Kirby said in response to a question.

When asked about statements coming from Pakistan that it was a nuclear-armed country, Kirby said, “What we want to see are the tensions decrease, and speculation about the potential use of nuclear weapons certainly isn't doing anything to help decrease tensions, if in fact those comments were made.”

After the cancellation of National Security Agency-level talks earlier in August, Pakistan's National Security Adviser Sartaj Aziz had said that since taking over the government last year Prime Minister Narendra Modi considers India as a regional power, forgetting that Pakistan is a “nuclear power”.

”Modi's India acts as if they are a regional superpower, but we are also a nuclear-armed country and we know how to defend ourselves,” Aziz had said. 

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150828/jsp/frontpage/story_39550.jsp#.VeBgX9Sqqko
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Anti-Indian p-secs write to Silicon Valley Hindu Americans ahead of NaMo visit. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

August 29, 2015, 3:02 am
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Want to see full list of anti-Indian "south Asia" academic zealots--Anti NaMo Letter to Silicon Valley Indians posted on a self-proclaimed Academe blog.

Reproduced here in utter disgust.

Kalyanaraman


PS: The signatories include Columbia University's Akeel Bilgrami, Stanford University's Thomas Blom Hansen and the University of Chicago's Wendy Doniger. (Selected at )
k

Faculty Statement on Narendra Modi Visit to Silicon Valley

As faculty who engage South Asia in our research and teaching, we write to express our concerns about the uncritical fanfare being generated over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Silicon Valley to promote “Digital India” on September 27, 2015.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Silicon Valley highlights the role of a country that has contributed much to the growth and development of Silicon Valley industries, and builds on this legacy in extending American business collaboration and partnerships with India. However Indian entrepreneurial success also brings with it key responsibilities and obligations with regard to the forms of e-governance envisioned by “Digital India.”
We are concerned that the project’s potential for increased transparency in bureaucratic dealings with people is threatened by its lack of safeguards about privacy of information, and thus its potential for abuse. As it stands, “Digital India” seems to ignore key questions raised in India by critics concerned about the collection of personal information and the near certainty that such digital systems will be used to enhance surveillance and repress the constitutionally- protected rights of citizens. These issues are being discussed energetically in public in India and abroad. Those who live and work in Silicon Valley have a particular responsibility to demand that the government of India factor these critical concerns into its planning for digital futures.
We acknowledge that Narendra Modi, as Prime Minister of a country that has contributed much to the growth and development of Silicon Valley industries, has the right to visit the United States, and to seek American business collaboration and partnerships with India. However, as educators who pay particular attention to history, we remind Mr. Modi’s audiences of the powerful reasons for him being denied the right to enter the U.S. from 2005-2014, for there is still an active case in Indian courts that questions his role in the Gujarat violence of 2002 when 1,000 died. Modi’s first year in office as the Prime Minister of India includes well publicized episodes of censorship and harassment of those critical of his policies, bans and restrictions on NGOs leading to a constriction of the space of civic engagement, ongoing violations of religious freedom, and a steady impingement on the independence of the judiciary. Under Mr. Modi’s tenure as Prime Minister, academic freedom is also at risk: foreign scholars have been denied entry to India to attend international conferences, there has been interference with the governance of top Indian universities and academic institutions such as the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, the Indian Institutes of Technology and Nalanda University; as well as underqualified or incompetent key appointments made to the Indian Council of Historical Research, the Film and Television Institute of India, and the National Book Trust. A proposed bill to bring the Indian Institutes of Management under direct control of government is also worrisome. These alarming trends require that we, as educators, remain vigilant not only about modes of e-governance in India but about the political future of the country.
We urge those who lead Silicon Valley technology enterprises to be mindful of not violating their own codes of corporate responsibility when conducting business with a government which has, on several occasions already, demonstrated its disregard for human rights and civil liberties, as well as the autonomy of educational and cultural institutions.
Signed,
Meena Alexander, Distinguished Professor of English, Hunter College and the Graduate Center, City University of New York
Arjun Appadurai, Paulette Goddard Professor of Media, Culture, and Communication, New York University
Anjali Arondekar, Associate Professor of Women’s Studies, UC Santa Cruz
Fredrick Asher, Professor of Art History and South Asian Studies, University of Minnesota
Paola Bacchetta, Associate Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies University of California, Berkeley
Sarada Balagopalan, Associate Professor of Childhood Studies, Rutgers University, Camden
Radhika Balakrishnan, Prof of Women’s and Gender Studies, Rutgers University
Shahzad Bashir, Professor of Religious Studies, Stanford University
Manu Bhagavan, Professor of History and Human Rights, Hunter College and the Graduate Center, The City University of New York
Mona Bhan Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology DePauw University
Srimati Basu, Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies, University of Kentucky
Prashant Bharadwaj, Associate Professor of Economics, University of California, San Diego
Nilanjana Bhattacharjya, Faculty Fellow, Barrett Honors College, Arizona State University
Nandini Bhattacharya, Professor of English, Texas A &M University, College- Station
Tithi Bhattacharya, Associate Professor of South Asian History, Purdue University
Amit R. Baishya, Assistant Professor of English, University of Oklahoma
Akeel Bilgrami, Sidney Morgenbesser Professor of Philosophy and Director, South Asian Institute, Columbia University
Purnima Bose, Associate Professor, English and International Studies, Indiana University-Bloomington
Christopher Candland, Associate Professor of Political Science, Wellesley College
Paula Chakravartty, Associate Professor, Gallatin School, & Department of Media, Culture and Communication, New York University
Shefali Chandra, Associate Professor of South Asian History Washington University, St. Louis
S. Charusheela, Associate Professor, School of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences, University of Washington, Bothell
Partha Chatterjee, Professor of Anthropology and South Asian Studies, Columbia University
Indrani Chatterjee Professor of History and South Asian Studies, University of Texas, Austin
Swati Chattopadhyay Professor History of Art and Architecture, University of California, Santa Barbara
Marty Chen, School of Public Policy, Harvard Kennedy School and Affiliated Professor, Harvard Graduate School of Design
Rohit Chopra, Associate Professor of Communication, Santa Clara University
Elora Chowdhury Associate Professor & Chair, Women’s and Gender Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston
E. Valentine Daniel, Professor of Anthropology, Colombia University
Monisha Das Gupta, Associate Professor of Ethnic Studies and Women’s Studies, University of Hawaii, Manoa
Jigna Desai, Professor of Gender, Women, and Sexuality Studies, University of Minnesota
Pawan Dhingra, Professor of Sociology, Tufts University
Wendy Doniger, Professor of the History of Religions, University of Chicago
Richard Falk, Professor of International Law Emeritus, Princeton University
Bishnupriya Ghosh, Professor of English University of California, Santa Barbara
Huma Ahmed-Ghosh, Professor and Chair of Women’s Studies, San Diego State University
Durba Ghosh, Associate Professor of History, Cornell University
Sumanth Gopinath, Associate Professor of Music Theory, School of Music, University of Minnesota
Nitin Govil, Associate Professor of Cinema & Media Studies, University of Southern California
Paul Greenough, Professor of History and Community and Behavioral Health and Director, South Asian Studies Program, University of Iowa
Inderpal Grewal, Professor of South Asian Studies, Yale University
Sumit Guha, Frances Higginbotham Nalle Centennial Professor of History, University of Texas, Austin
Thomas Blom Hansen, Professor of Anthropology and Director of the Center for South Asia, Stanford University
Syed Akbar Hyder, Associate Professor of South Asian Studies, University of Texas, Austin
Nalini Iyer, Professor of English, Seattle University
Priya Jaikumar, Associate Professor of Cinema and Media Studies, University of Southern California
Pranav Jani, Associate Professor of English, Ohio State University
Sheila Jasanoff, Professor of Science and Technology Studies, Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government
Arun W. Jones, Associate Professor, Candler School of Theology, Emory University
May Joseph, Professor of Social Science, Pratt Institute
Priya Joshi, Associate Professor of English and Associate Director, Center for the Humanities, Temple University
Sampath Kannan, Henry Salvatore Professor of Computer and Information Science, University of Pennsylvania
Suvir Kaul, A.M. Rosenthal Professor of English, University of Pennsylvania Waqas Khwaja, Professor of English, Agnes Scott College
Naveeda Khan, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Johns Hopkins University
Nyla Ali Khan, Visiting Professor of Women’s Studies, University of Oklahoma, Norman
Satish Kolluri, Associate Professor of Communications, Pace University
Ruby Lal, Professor of Middle East and South Asian Studies, Emory University
Sarah Lamb, Professor of Anthropology and Head of the Division of Social Sciences, Brandeis University; Co-Chair of South Asian Studies
Karen Leonard, Professor of Anthropology, Emeritus, University of California, Irvine
David Lelyveld, Professor of History, Emeritus, William Paterson University
Jinee Lokaneeta, Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Drew University
Ania Loomba, Catherine Bryson Professor of English, University of Pennsylvania
David Ludden, Professor of History, New York University
Ritty Lukose, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Gender and Sexuality Studies, and South Asian Studies, the Gallatin School, New York University
Sudhir Mahadevan Assistant Professor of Film Studies, Comparative Literature, Cinema and Media, University of Washington, Seattle
Tayyab Mahmud, Professor of Law and Director, Center for Global Justice Seattle University School of Law
Sunaina Maira, Professor of Asian American Studies, University of California, Davis
Bakirathi Mani, Associate Professor of English Literature, Swarthmore College
Rebecca J. Manring, Associate Professor of India Studies and Religious Studies Indiana University-Bloomington
Monika Mehta, Associate Professor, Department of English, Binghamton University
Jisha Menon, Assistant Professor of Theatre and Performance Studies, Stanford University
Kalyani Devaki Menon, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, DePaul University
Sally Engle Merry, Silver Professor of Anthropology, New York University
Raza Mir, Professor of Management, Cotsakos College of Business, William Paterson University
Deepti Misri, Associate Professor of Women and Gender Studies University of Colorado, Boulder
Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Chair and Distinguished Professor of Women’s & Gender Studies, and Dean’s Professor of Humanities, Syracuse University
Satya P. Mohanty, Professor of English, Cornell University
Megan Moodie, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Cruz
Projit B. Mukharji, Martin Meyerson Assistant Professor in Interdisciplinary Studies, History & Sociology of Science, University of Pennsylvania
Madhavi Murty, Assistant Professor of Feminist Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz
Vijaya Nagarajan, Associate Professor of Theology & Religious Studies, Program in Environmental Studies, University of San Francisco
Gyanendra Pandey, Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor of History, Emory University
Carla Petievich, Visiting Professor of South Asian Studies, University of Texas, Austin
Sheldon Pollock, Professor of South Asian Studies, Columbia University Kavita Philip, Associate Professor of History, University of California, Irvine
Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair of South Asian History, Trinity College
Jasbir K. Puar, Associate Professor of Women’s and Gender Studies, Rutgers University
Balakrishnan Rajagopal, Professor of Law and Development, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
R. Radhakrishnan, Chancellor’s Professor of English and Comparative Literature, University of California, Irvine
Gloria Raheja, Professor of Anthropology, University of Minnesota
Junaid Rana, Associate Professor of Asian American Studies, University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana
Anupama Rao, Professor of Anthropology, Barnard College
Velcheru Narayana Rao, Distinguished Visiting Professor of Middle Eastern and South Asian Studies, Emory University
Kasturi Ray, Associate Professor of Women and Gender Studies/Co-Director, South Asian Studies, San Francisco State University
M.V. Ramana, Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Sumathi Ramaswamy, Professor of History, Duke University
Chandan Reddy, Associate Professor of English, University of Washington, Seattle
Gayatri Reddy, Associate Professor of Women’s Studies, University of Illinois, Chicago
Parama Roy, Professor of English, University of California, Davis
Sharmila Rudrappa, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Texas at Austin
G.S. Sahota, Assistant Professor of Literature, University of California, Santa Cruz
Yasmin Saikia, Hardt-Nickachos Chair in Peace Studies & Professor of History, Center for the Study of Religion and Conflict, Arizona State University
Arun Saldanha, Associate Professor of Geography, Environment and Society University of Minnesota
Juned Shaikh, Assistant Professor of History, University of California, Santa Cruz
Nitasha Tamar Sharma, Charles Deering McCormick Professor of Teaching Excellence and Associate Professor of African American Studies and Asian American Studies, Northwestern University
Elora Shehabuddin, Associate Professor of Humanities and Political Science, Rice University
Bhaskar Sarkar, Associate Professor of Film and Media Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara
Priya Satia, Associate Professor of History, Stanford University
Aradhana Sharma, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Wesleyan University
Snehal Shinghavi, Associate Professor of English and South Asian Studies, University of Texas, Austin
Ajay Skaria, Professor of History, University of Minnesota
Shalini Shankar, Chair and Associate Professor of Asian American Studies, Northwestern University
S. Shankar, Professor of English, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa Amritjit Singh, Langston Hughes Professor of English, Ohio University
Mytheli Sreenivas, Associate Professor of History and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, Ohio State University
Rajini Srikanth, Professor, English, University of Massachusetts Boston Nidhi Srinivas, Associate Professor of Nonprofit Management, The New School
Ajantha Subramanian, Professor of Anthropology and South Asian Studies, Harvard University
Banu Subramaniam, Professor, Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Kaushik Sunder Rajan, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Chicago
Raja Swamy, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Tennessee Tariq Thachil, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Yale University
Ashwini Tambe, Associate Professor of Women’s Studies, University of Maryland, College-Park
Vamsi Vakulabharanam, Associate
Professor of Economics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Jyotnsa Vaid, Professor of Psychology, Texas A&M University
Sylvia Vatuk, Professor of Anthropology, Emeritus, University of Illinois, Chicago
Kamala Visweswaran, Professor of Ethnic Studies, University of California, San Diego
Kalindi Vora, Associate Professor of Ethnic Studies, University of California, San Diego
Bonnie Zare, Professor of Gender & Women’s Studies, University of Wyoming
Narendra_Modi_address_on_24_April_2014_(2)
“Narendra Modi address on 24 April 2014 (2)” by Narendra Modi – Shri Narendra Modi addressed rallies in Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. Licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons –https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Narendra_Modi_address_on_24_April_2014_(2).jpg#/media/File:Narendra_Modi_address_on_24_April_2014_(2).jpg

37 comments on “Faculty Statement on Narendra Modi Visit to Silicon Valley”

  2. Ganapathy V Iyer
    August 28, 2015
    Ridiculous and baseless article.
    Reply
  3. ksr960
    August 28, 2015
    This seems to be orchestrated considering the transparency of US security agencies. I would suggest you to question those US agencies first, if possible..because thats where IS is where you chose to live
    Reply
  4. Dave Mun
    August 28, 2015
    These professors (sepoys) have deep hatred for Narendra modi and hence such statements by them as a group. They repeatedly used Gujarat riots to make their point which they think that by repeating same thing over and over again it will become truth. Being professors they have enough brainpower to do their research to find the truth..enough online to prove them wrong. If anything, Modi has been victim of this malicious propaganda. From day one its not Modi’s past that bothers them it is what he stands for. He stands for India that is proud of its sanskrit/eastern philosophy, its culture and its contribution to the world through time. He represent majority India that has been under the indirect rule of the foreign educated Sepoys who have tried to control Indians both externally and internally by imposing western philosophy through their control of education policies. Now they have lost control over it for the first time since independence and hence all this anxiety in them. In carrying out their malicious agenda they forget Narendra Modi is PM of country and his visit is to market country to improve the image of the country and to create jobs for all Indian youth irrespective of what they represent. With the exception of few all NRIs welcome PM of India who’s visit has potential to improve living standards of many Indians and improve India-US relations. Only such sepoys with malicious agenda will go to the extent to harm the whole country..just shows how much they really care for India
    Reply
    • mmsrinivas
      August 28, 2015
      very well said!!
      Reply
    • Madhukar Dube
      August 29, 2015
      Rather that making unsupported statements, one must prove that the facts stated above are untrue and concerns irrelevant.
      Reply
  5. dinesh
    August 28, 2015
    we are lucky that these anti indians are in usa .. they dont have any partiotism for india nor are they interested about its history and culture.May the indian government cancel their OCI cards and cease all their properties in india
    Reply
  6. Who
    August 28, 2015
    What a pathetic lot all of you professors are. Suffer!!!!! Because all of you lost and Modi and majority of India won. I am so happy when I see such articles. It shows how much you are suffering. I really hope all of you are having sleepless nights! Suffer!!!!!
    Reply
  7. panini
    August 28, 2015
    @Academeblog: This is a great service you have done listing all haters names in one place. Now we know whose opinions do not count, whom we don’t have to care about and also avoid the supporting universities and/or the departments. Thank you!!
    Reply
  8. MAHESH SHAH
    August 28, 2015
    The above listed faculty are part of same old paid agents of anti modi brigade who failed to block him in 2014..Silicon valley is full of innovators and enterprenuers who make their fortune by seer hard work and not jokers..
    Reply
  9. Ajay Dahiya
    August 28, 2015
    What a load of bullsh*t. Thank God these guys are not in India. Such a shame that these guys are of Indian origin. I hope these clowns never return to India as we don’t deserve these kinds of snakes on our land.
    Reply
  10. Radhacharan Patel
    August 28, 2015
    Now I know what the term ” useful idiots” mean.
    Reply
  11. S. Kumar
    August 28, 2015
    These ‘pade likhe bewakoofs’ are insulting India by insulting its democratically elected Prime Minister. Shoo off!
    Reply
  12. Karan
    August 28, 2015
    If you read the comments posted by Modi’s fan here, it just talks about hatred and verbal abuse. The big thing Modi is teaching Indians are verbal abuse, hatred and arrogance. Before make in India, Modi should “Make India first” (no corruption, respect for women, respect for all religion, abolish caste system and many more)
    Reply
    • Rajesh Kumar Singh
      August 28, 2015
      This is the standard response of known Modi haters that has nothing to do with facts. The article itself smacks of rabid hatred towards Modi. It’s a group of known Modi haters with leftist leanings carrying on with their ancient narrative that disregards the truth. The fact is the present political dispensation led by Modi is the most tolerant in the history of India where his detractors seem to have a freer run than ever before. In the process they have been getting exposed and losing their credibility. The signees to this appeal will suffer the same ignominy as a section of the English media in India that has been trying its best to influence electoral choices and failing all the time. They even promote road-side ruffians and small-time megalomaniacs as revolutionaries to somehow thwart the attempts of Modi to transform India into a truly FEDERAL Republic. This group of congenital liars and Modi baiters has run the establishment so far with the help of funds provided by dubious NGOs. These freeloaders don’t enjoy that luxury any more. This disturbs them and thus they indulge in such diatribe.
      Reply
      • mmsrinivas
        August 28, 2015
        Perfect!!
      • Badari Narayanan
        August 29, 2015
        @Rajesh Kumar Singh: Well said
        List of lies / dirty insinuations
        1. near certainty that such digital systems will be used to enhance surveillance and repress the constitutionally- protected rights of citizens
        2. powerful reasons for him being denied the right to enter the U.S. from 2005-2014
        3. there is still an active case in Indian courts that questions his role in the Gujarat violence of 2002
        4. well publicized episodes of censorship and harassment of those critical of his policies, bans and restrictions on NGOs
        5. academic freedom is also at risk
        6. interference with the governance of top Indian universities and academic institutions
        7. government … demonstrated its disregard for human rights and civil liberties
        None of these filth who have signed this ‘petition’ belong even remotely to silicon valley
    • GNanda (@pnanda2014)
      August 28, 2015
      Wow!! Surprising that these “professors” who are supposed to carry and promote the baton of honesty and integrity could stoop down to such low levels and mention outright lies. I’ve been following the politics in India closely and I can say that the accusations this corrupted lot has mentioned are baseless. The GOI has NOT interfered more than necessary with TIFR, Nalanda etc. I happen to research the case of Nalanda a bit and fact of the matter is that the previous Chancellor Amartaya Sen (who btw happens to be dear to many on the list here) promoted a culture of nepotism, un-accountability and favoritism at Nalanda including questionable, unqualified appointments, inflated expenses and salaries. Even respected APJ Abdul Kalam wrote to President of India about the state of mismanagement at Nalanda especially related to faculty appointments. It’s highly ironic that Mr. Sen who apparently “cares” much about the Nalanda project didn’t even bother to attend the Opening Ceremony!!! One media site noted “While Prof Amartya Sen has been a critic of Narendra Modi and BJP Government, his relative silence on corruption during the UPA’s rule it would seem was purposeful. It can be said that he has been a beneficiary of the UPA’s arbitrariness and distribution of favours in the form of total control over the Nalanda University project. Nalanda University some believe had become a private estate with public money in the name of autonomy.”
      Moreover, the GOI didn’t ask Sen to resign but he voluntarily did that obviously because of his political affiliation to create an illusion of “interference” to please his political masters. The GOI simply asked him to submit the plan and details about the university…is that unreasonable??? The same illusion of interference was created in other cases mentioned by Congress sympathetic elements in the media who are still rattled by their crushing defeat in elections and are trying all unscrupulous means to stay relevant…Congress/UPA within the realm of their mandate appointed their unqualified but political sympathizers in key positions including CBFC, FTII etc and no media raised an eyebrow but now that NDA Govt. appoints, why is that a problem? E.g Leela Samson was the head of CBFC but had ZERO film industry experience. Her notable achievement was that she was the former dance instructor for Sonia Gandhi’s daughter!! . In contrast, all the NDA appointments have been those with relevant industry experience BUT they are being targetted because of their ideology and not their performance!!! How fair is that?? Simply disgusting and pathetic behavior by Congress and it’s crony supporters.
      These “professors” mentioned above would do themselves a favour to not engage in dishonest behaviour showing lack of integrity and poor character and show respect to the principles of ethics and integrity that they are supposed to uphold. By relying on rumour mills and false propaganda, they are bringing disrepute to the academic profession. After all, isn’t quest for science and knowledge about facts thorough and open minded and objective research and analysis to form objective, educated opinions based on facts??? These professors are engaging in propaganda out of their own personal biases and hatred and are using their positions to promote it in a very unprofessional and dishonest way. This should be condemned by all who support high academic standards!!!
      As a NRI concerned about academic standards, I for one would never ever in my professional or personal career associate with people of such low morals and integrity…
      Further noting:
      #1 It’s also suspect that a lot of names are from the same university and directly points to some peer pressure tactics especially if pressure is suggestive and applied top down. Would an assistant/associate professor risk his/her tenure/funding by not being in the “good books” of a senior???
      #2 I expect a follow on document/letter by the leaders of this group providing proof for substantiating with objective and fact based research these false allegations of interference, made in this letter namely academic freedom at risk: foreign scholars have been denied entry to India to attend international conferences, government demonstrating its disregard for human rights and civil liberties, as well as the autonomy of educational and cultural institutions. constriction of the space of civic engagement, ongoing violations of religious freedom, and a steady impingement on the independence of the judiciary. If I don’t see the proof, then I will personally sue the leaders of this group for misrepresentation leading to defamation and lack of adherence to academic standards of ethics, honesty, and integrity and abuse of position and power.
      Reply
      • Badari Narayanan
        August 29, 2015
        Way to go. Every right thinking Indian will support you in exposing these curs
  13. Sakthi
    August 28, 2015
    U.S. Should check the internet history of this perverted desi professors most of them are sexual addicts what voice these English professors and psychology professors to talk about technology most of their children will be sex or drug addicts or married to white or black and divorced shame on you Jai Chands
    Reply
  14. Life (@Lifedrops)
    August 28, 2015
    Good that we have list of these names which includes many persons of Indian origin. I have a request for them-please never come back to India. We Indians here have changed our course i.e. of development and self respect. We have voted Narendra Modi by giving his party absolute majority in the Indian parliament. Before giving us sermons on civil liberty and human rights, respect democracy and democratically elected govt. We understand some of yours latent love for communism, which makes you unable to digest the massive mandate India has given. To make facts clear, your statement contains baseless allegations and false notions. There is no case even remotely linked to Gujrat riots linking Modi is pending in any court of law. IIT, TIFR, IIMs are as pure as before. No foreign scholar has been denied entry. You have falsely accused of interference in judiciary, which no govt can do. We support restriction of NGOs that spearhead antinational movements, naxalism and evangelism with huge foreign donations. Modi is visiting USA as head of state to advance the cause of India and carrying our gratitude to hundreds of Indians who have made a mark in Sillicon Valley. Spreading falsehood denigrates your own country and President Obama also understands how crooked you people are. We don’t need you anymore here, your intelligence is menace for the whole world.
    Reply
  15. Arvind
    August 28, 2015
    I expected better from academics. That is having a open mind. Even though all of you hate Modi to the core, you should have taken your time and watched all his speeches which are available on YouTube. He has exhorted for women rights, cleanliness, Dalits, poor, casteless society and so many other progressive ideas. Only persons with closed minds would have written this one-sided fact less tirade
    Reply
  16. Amit Shah
    August 28, 2015
    Bravo
    Reply
  17. Ashok Kapur
    August 29, 2015
    The Techies of Silicon Valley are true revolutionaries .They do not give speeches or make false promises .They do not monopolize knowledge but deliver it to your fingertips .Thereby, lifting the the curtain off the dark ages and the controlled media ,that in the past has made heroes out of zeroes .Does not matter whether they are recognizing Modi or Modi is recognizing them…it is time to feel proud ,as Indians ,that the world today recognizes, for our brain power…after 67 wasted years since independence !Do not talk of Gujrat riots without talking about the massacres in 1947 and 1984 .Even the Brits to their credit ,held inquiry into 1919 Jallianwalla massacre. Give Modi a chance…or you have an option throw him out in four years !….A Silicon Valley Indian
    Reply
  18. Subash
    August 29, 2015
    The list is filled with hateful regressive group of people.Nothing more.My fellow Indians have articulated clearly above whats wrong and unacceptable with this list of hatemongers.I will resist myself from repeating them.Nothing can stop Mr Modi from continuing with his hard work of development and progress for India, the largest democracy in the world.Mr Modi got the highest mandate in 30 yrs.All the elites on this list are burning with jealousy and feel helpless that a man born in a poor family to a mother who was working as a maid to raise her children.This list of elitists are potentially going to loose the generous share of the wealth generated by numerous scams under previous corrupt UPA regime of India. Unfortunately, this kind of ill advised attempts will be defeated by large majority of citizens in welcoming a great leader who liberated India from the clutches of corrupt bureaucracy and nepotism to build a true inclusive transparent democracy.
    Reply
  19. ajith
    August 29, 2015
    One of the things that I like about Modi is his guts/courage to take head-on with so called intellectual elitists or bogged down by their opinions. Best example is Amartya Sen. Of course he is great in his own field of work but was an utter failure when it comes to Nalanda university. No one can continue forever on past laurels, why should it be different for intellectual elitists ? I guess, what makes this group worry is the “RESERVATION” of high posts that they enjoyed even after continued failure just because of the intellectual tag during earlier governments.
    It is funny this elitists group hates to look at anything good that he does and pick only on the failures. It looks so biased when all of them wake-up and team-up on a failure and keep mum for rest of the time when things are going good.
    Reply
  20. Nanda
    August 29, 2015
    What a hatred. I can imagine how your hearts are burning in hatred. Be sure to watch Modi’s silicon valley reception and speech and burn more. Please share your reactions after that, I really enjoy when you anti indian thinkers and traitors suffer
    Reply
  21. bhartiya (@Bhartiya12)
    August 29, 2015
    WHO CARES ABOUT THESE GARBAGE ACADEMIA – THEY ARE ALL FROM USELESS DEPARTMENTS/FIELDS – NO ENGINEERING/MEDICINE ACADEMIA SO WHO CARES
    Reply
  22. Shaan Weirdperson
    August 29, 2015
    This derogatory article of a smear campaign against Modi, Hinduism, India is exactly what I expected from the US India Studies Academia-Industry. They are the last champions of their colonial masters And Eurocentric hatred of living native civilizations and traditions. They earn their bread and butter from hate speeches again people like Modi and misportrayal of Hinduism. It will be amusing to see them stoop even lower… As I am sure they are fully capable of.
    Nations and traditions that are built on mountains of corpses, genocides, ethnic cleansing, racial supremacy, exclusivist salvationism and juvenile history-centric prophetic revelations want to teach us “Human Rights”… Very Interesting indeed.
    Reply
  23. Leicesteryog
    August 29, 2015
    Political nature of statement is evident from the titles of Academia Signatories. Where are the technocrats/entrepreneurs maybe they are all for the visit.
    Reply
  24. Rajeshwar Rao
    August 29, 2015
    What a bunch of croc. Most people on the list are non-entities and seem to want a piece of the limelight through such statements, dressed up as expressions of concern.
    It’s a cosy life — striking leftist positions while choosing to live in the beating heart of world capitalism and making no effort to come back (the justification usually being that academic life and academic research requires them to be abroad).
    These NRI academics really need to get a life
    Reply
  25. D.Vishweshwara Bhat
    August 29, 2015
    Did these people the signatories to the above questions on alleged conduct of PM Narendra Modi when thousands of innocent Iraqi people, people of Afghanistan were raieded bombed with all modern warfare machinery at their command by the western powers USA, Britan, France etc asked any questions and did they seek proceedings against them for genocide of these innocents.
    Common you educated men of repute why can’t move for genocide against those leaders as even now people in these countries are languishing in inhuman state.
    Reply
  26. Balasubramanian S
    August 29, 2015
    It is good we have an exhaustive list of the minuscule anti-India, Hindu hating population living in the US and working as foot soldiers for propagating a distorted global view about India and Hinduism in particular, in the garb of South Asian Studies. The agenda intent and covert strategy is well exposed by Mr. Rajiv Malhotra of Infinity foundation in his various books published and in particular the book “Breaking India”. Not bad to get a ready list of Breaking India stalwarts as well as their despicable foot soldiers.
    Reply
  27. Kes
    August 29, 2015
    How long will these people peddle their hateful lies against India’s democratically elected leader? Do court rulings mean nothing to them? Interesting that not a single Engineering / Science professor has joined this hategroup.
    Reply
  28. sarita
    August 29, 2015
    Dear Indians,
    Lets all attend this talk by PM Narendra Modi in Huge numbers to make it a grander success than his NYC show.Already ally of my 78 friends acquaintances in Silicon valley are very much excited by this and plan to attend his talk.Come along with your whole family,Friends,Relatives. Thank you all
    Reply
  29. Soumya Mohapatra
    August 29, 2015
    I fail to understand how a bunch of so called ‘Intelligencia’ continue to abuse the will of the people of the largest democracy ! How these people (Mis)guided by their commie ideologies can continue to peddle lies like ‘for there is an active case in Indian courts that questions his handling of riots…’ I would love to tell this misinformed gang of commies that the fiercely independent Supreme Court of India, the highest judicial authority has in an independent enquiry supervised by it found That the PM of India was not be held responsible.. Even after the courts rejecting this fanciful story that the commies have been spreading, even after the electorate in India giving the PM n his party a BIG thumbs up.
    I know some ppl will call me abusive when I see all this but honestly if their thick heads can’t get some simple facts clear n they continue to spread lies and hatred about India and the democratically elected PM of India, they deserve no better !!!
    Reply

http://academeblog.org/2015/08/27/faculty-statement-on-modi-visit-to-silicon-valley/

↧

Indus Script deciphered -- squirrel hieroglyph tuttūḍ signifies pewter-zinc-alloy, tutthanāga attested in Zawar retort assembly

August 29, 2015, 3:24 am
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The scintillating insights provided by J. Kharakwal and L Gurjar (2006) in an archaeometallurgical excursus are gratefully acknowledged. (See their monograph on zinc and brass -- excerpts attached in Annex for ready reference). 


Thanks to Asko Parpola for the brilliant identification of 'squirrel' hieroglyph in Indus Script Corpora. (www.harappa.com/script/indus-writing.pdf page 128) 

Parpola's decipherment of the hieroglyph as aNIl or aNilpiLLai [from caṇilů (Tulu) or variant] (http://www.harappa.com/script/script-indus-parpola.pdf) is, however, refuted. The orthographic identification is accepted but the faith-based decipherment in Tamil language is NOT accepted because there is a gloss in Indian sprachbund (Proto-Prakritam or Meluhha) which -- in mlecchita vikalpa or Meluhha cipher -- signifies a squirrel and also 'pewter or zinc alloy' which is consistent with the semantic and archaeometallurgical context in which hieroglyhs are used in epigraphs of Indus Script as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, metalcastings.


The Indian sprachbund Proto-Prakritam gloss is: tuttūḍ"squirrel' (Sora) Rebus: 
tuth 'blue vitriol or sulphate of copper'(Bengali) A reconstruction of Proto-Prakritam morpheme is NOT attempted as the build-up of the Proto-Prakritam or Meluhha lexis progresses. There are many phonemic variants in Indian languages, 
anyone of which could lead to the *Proto-Prakritam etymon. On Nindowari seal, the 'squirrel' hieroglyph is shown together with the hieroglyph-multiplex of 'one-horned young bull' which signifies a 'turner'. It is possible that the tuttha signified rebus by the  'squirrel' hieroglyph is a 'turned' or 'furnaced' copper sulphate  which could have yielded 'pewter-zinc alloy' in a distillation resort of the type deployed in  Zawar, Rajasthan.

తుత్తినాగము [ tuttināgamu ] tutti-nāgamu. [Chinese.] n. Pewter. Zinc. లోహవిశేషము (Telugu)


The focus is on the hierolyph: squirrel with variant orthographic representations on three Indus Script inscriptions.

Squirrel hieroglyph of Indus Script: Nindowari seal Nd-1; Mohenjo-daro seal m-1202; Harappa tablet h-771; Harappa tablet h-419


  
 

Nindowari seal Nd-1


















m1202

h771
h419



Decipherment of Nd-1 epigraph:


tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; dhAL 'slanted stroke' Rebus: dhALako 'large ingot' khANDa 'notch' Rebus: khANDa 'metal implements'; kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'; dula 'two, pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'; kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'; maṇḍā 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani); koDa 'one' Rebus: koD 'workshop'; aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'; kanac 'corner' Rebus: kancu 'bronze'. konda 'young bull' Rebus: kondar 'turner' koD 'horn' Rebus: koD 'workshop' sangaDa 'lathe, portable furnace' Rebus: sangar 'fortification' sanghAta 'adamantine glue' (Varahamihira)


Decipherment of m1202 epigraph:


barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: bharat 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'goldsmith guild'


muhA 'ingot'; dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' muhA 'ingot' (Together, dul muhA  'cast iron ingot'); tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'; aduru 'harrow' Rebus: aduru 'native unsmelted metal';bhaTa 'warrior' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace';  kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'; muhA 'ingot, quantity of iron ore smelted out of the smelter'.


Decipherment of h771:


dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' muhA 'ingot' (Together, dul muhA  'cast iron ingot'); tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; dula 'two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal or casting'. Thus, the epigraph with three hieroglyph-multiplexes read rebus: metal castings, cast metal ingot, pewter-zinc alloy.

Decipherment of h-419:

tuttha 'squirrel' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter, zinc alloy'; maṇḍā 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani)
h723 moulded tablet Harappa dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' muhA 'ingot' (Together, dul muhA  'cast iron ingot'); dula 'two' Rebus: dul 'cast metal, metalcasting'; kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'


h669 seal Harappa  dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' dhALako 'ingot' (Togethr, dul dhALako 'cast metal ingot'); aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' (Rigveda); kanda kanka 'rim of pot' Rebus: khaNDa 'implements' karNI 'supercargo, scribe'

Mahadevan concordance Sign 130 variants. This hieroglyph may signify: tutta 'goad' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter-zinc alloy'

Allograph: tutta (goad) (Pali) tṓttra n. ʻ goad for cattle or elephants ʼ ŚBr. [√tud]
Pa. tutta -- n. (with u from tudáti?), Pk. totta -- , tutta<-> n.; Si. tutta ʻ elephant goad ʼ.(CDIAL 5966) It is possible that one of the 500+ 'signs' or hieroglyph-multiplexes of Indus Script Corpora signifies this etymon cluster: tutta 'goad' Rebus: tuttha 'pewter-zinc alloy'.  A crook maybe signified by: मेंढा [ mēṇḍhā ] A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Mu.)



The contribution made in this note is to advance Indus Script decipherment, to relate the excellence in metalwork achieved by metalcasters, Sarasvati's children, Bhāratam janam'metalcaster folk' documented in the Indus Script Corpora, to identify the language they spoke and the technical specifications of metalcastings, metalwork provided in catalogus catalogorum, the Corpora. 

The metalcasters of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization were experimenting with many alloys and had also evidenced cire perdue lost-wax casting of exquisite art pieces such as the Mohenjo-daro dancing girl whose gait also becomes a hieroglyph in the Indus Script: meṭṭu 'dance step' Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho. Mu.)


meḍ ‘dance’ (Santali) మెట్ట [ meṭṭa ] or మిట్ట meṭṭa. மெட்டு¹-தல் meṭṭu-, v. tr. cf. நெட்டு-. [K. meṭṭu.] To spurn or push with the foot; காலால்தாக்குதல்.நிகளத்தைமெட்டிமெட்டிப்பொடிபடுத்தி (பழனிப்பிள்ளைத். 12). (Tamil) 

meṭṭu ‘to put or place down the foot or feet; to step, to pace, to walk (Ka.)


Image result for bhirrana potsherdmeḍ ‘dance’ (Santali)


Bhirrana potsherd 'dance step' hieroglyph.Glosses of Pashto and Kashmiri signifying sulphate of copper or iron are: توتیا sabz totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Green vitriol, or sulphate of iron.(Pashto)  thŏth blue vitriol, sulphate of copper (Kashmiri) Cognate glosses are used in almost all languages of Indian sprachbund.






Indian palm squirrel, Bengaluru, India  Funambulus palmarum
Hieroglyph: tuttūḍ"squirrel' (Sora):So. tuttUD(R)  ~ tuttum(R) `squirrel'. Sa. toR `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.Mu. tuRu `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.Ho tu `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.Bh. tuR `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.KW tu`Ru`Ku. tur `a squirrel (%Sciurus_tristiatus, %Sciurus_palmarum)'.@(V243,M072)(Munda etyma) tarukuTi 'squirrel' (Kannada)

Note: -ūḍ suffix in Sora glosstuttūḍ finds expression in the following etyma:Ta. uṟukku (uṟukki-) to jump, leap over; uṟuttai squirrel. Te. uṟu to retreat, retire, withdraw; uṟuku to jump, run away; uṟuta squirrel. Konḍa uRk- to run away. Kuwi (Isr.) urk- (-it-) to dance.(DEDR 713) Ka. uḍute squirrel. Te. uḍuta id.(DEDR 590) The gloss uruku finds a parallel in Proto-Mon-khmerSee: Thai kra-rook:


412 *prɔɔk squirrel.A: (Bahnaric, Khmuic, Palaungic, Viet-Mương, North & Central Aslian). Sre pro (→ Stieng prɔh?), Chrauprɔːʔ, Biat, Bahnar prɔːk, Jeh proːk (GRADIN & GRADIN 1979), Kammu-Yuan prɔːk, Palaung [ə]prɔʔ(MILNE 1931), Vietnamese [con] sóc, Sakai prōkn (i.e. Semai; SKEAT & BLAGDEN 1906 M 136 (c)); →Lao, Ahom *rook (BENEDICT 1975 226, bat…); Cham, Jarai prɔːʔ, Röglai proʔ, North Röglai proːʔ.Cf. Khmer kɔmprok, apparently < *koːn prɔːk, for which cf. Vietnamese; → Thai krarɔ̂ɔk (with kr- by hypercorrection) at early stage. 
http://sealang.net/monkhmer/sidwell2007proto.pdf Sidwell, Paul, Proto-Mon-khmer vocalism: moving on from short's 'alternances'.

Rebus: तुत्थ tuttha [p= 450,2] n. (m. L. ) blue vitriol (used as an eye-ointment) Sus3r.; fire;n. a rock Un2. k. (Monier-Williams) upadhātuḥ उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवः स्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम् । तुत्थं कांस्यं च रातिश्च सुन्दूरं च शिलाजतु ॥ (Apte. Samskritam) Ta. turu rust, verdigris, flaw; turucu, turuci blue vitriol, spot, dirt, blemish, stain, defect, rust; turicu fault, crime, sorrow, affliction, perversity, blue vitriol; tukku, tuppu rust. Ma. turiśu blue vitriol; turumpu, turuvu rust. Ka. tukku rust of iron; tutta, tuttu, tutte blue vitriol. Tu. tukků rust; mair(ů)suttu, (Eng.-Tu. Dict.) mairůtuttu blue vitriol. Te. t(r)uppu rust; (SAN) trukku id., verdigris. / Cf. Skt.tuttha- blue vitriol; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5855 (DEDR 3343). tutthá n. (m. lex.), tutthaka -- n. ʻ blue vitriol (used as an eye ointment) ʼ Suśr., tūtaka -- lex. 2. *thōttha -- 4. 3. *tūtta -- . 4. *tōtta -- 2. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 381; cf. dhūrta -- 2 n. ʻ iron filings ʼ lex.]1. N. tutho ʻ blue vitriol or sulphate of copper ʼ, B. tuth.2. K. thŏth, dat. °thas m., P. thothā m.3. S. tūtio m., A. tutiyā, B. tũte, Or. tutiā, H. tūtā, tūtiyā m., M. tutiyā m.4. M. totā m.(CDIAL 5855) तुतिया [ tutiyā ] m ( H) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper.तुत्या [ tutyā ] m An implement of the goldsmith.तोता [ tōtā ] m ( H) (Properly तुतिया) Blue vitriol.(Marathi) <taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>, Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper',H.<tutIya>.  %31451.  #31231. Ju<taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>,Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper', (Munda etyma) S توتیا totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Tutty, protoxyd of zinc. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. توتیاوي totīʿāwī. نیل توتیا nīl totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper. سبز توتیا sabz totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Green vitriol, or sulphate of iron.(Pashto) thŏth 1 थ्वथ् । कण्टकः, अन्तरायः, निरोध, शिरोवेष्टनवस्त्रम् m. (sg. dat. thŏthas थ्वथस्), blue vitriol, sulphate of copper (cf. nīla-tho, p. 634a, l. 26)(Kashmiri) sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada)

Tutanage is the Chinese name for spelter, which we erroneously apply to the metal of which canisters are made, that are brought over with the tea from China. It being a coarse pewter made with the lead carried from England and tin got in the kingdom of Quintang. (John Woodward.) 
http://johnsonsdictionaryonline.com/?p=5362 
tutenaga nickel silver containing about 45 percent copper, with varying proportions of nickel and zinc and often smalleramounts of other metals.(< Marathi tuttināg, allegedly derived from Sanskrit tuttha- sulfate of copper + nāga tin, lead)http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/tutenag

In archaeometallurgical investigations, a copper-nickel-zinc alloy called paktong was traded from China from ca. 4th century. Alfred Bonnin's book Tutenag & Paktong (1924) led to researches which pointd to smelting process used in Southwest China. Another contribution is Keith Pinn, 1999, Paktong: the Chinese alloy in Europe, 1680-1820, Suffolk. Antique Collectors' Club. (See Mei Jianjun's review at http://www.eastm.org/index.php/journal/article/download/305/239) Paktong was used for products such as buckles, salvers, buttons, snuffer stands.Bonnin, Alfred, 1924, Tutenag and Paktong. With notes on other alloys in domestic use during the eighteenth century, Oxford University Press, Humphrey Milford. Bonnin notes that tutenag or paktong referred to a brittle white metal or alloy which was used in place of silver in the 18th century for fireplaces, fenders and candlesticks.
"...doubtful is the etymology of the Turkish birinj (brass and bronze!) from the Sanskrit vrIhi and the Greek oryza, bryza, because brass has the gloss of polished rice! The general Persian term for zinc ores and zinc oxide is tutiya, which occurs frequently in medieval literature as tutia or totia! Laufer has suggested that the Chinese t'ou shi (a metallic product from Sassanian Persia) was brass, but this is not sure, neither is its connection with tutiya! The Sanskrit tuttha is derived from tutiya..." (Forbes, Robert James, 1964, Metallurgy in antiquity: a notebook for archaeologists and technologists, Brill Archive, p.288).
"Pewter is an alloy of tin with small additions of lead and other metals. Although it was in use for many centuries, and was displaced finally by pottery and porcelain, little remains that is earlier than the seventeenth century. It is a soft metal and subject to corrosion from the atmosphere, and it is perhaps remarkable that so much that is old has survived...Pewter was used for the making of domestic articles for everyday use: candlesticks, jugs, plates and dishes, tankards, spoons, and so forth...Paktong. This is an alloy of coper, nickel and zinc, which resembles silver...Paktong was imported into England from China, whence came also a pure zinc known as Tutenag. Writers often confused the two..." (Husain, R., The history of Pewter and Paktong at http://www.streetdirectory.com/travel_guide/34038/hobbies/the_history_of_pewter_and_paktong.html)

Celebration of tutthanAga in Zawar and Ahed temples, Rajasthan

Ancient zinc, sphalerite retorts in Zawar



Sphalerite


A beautiful cluster of green sphalerites mined 1980 - 85 from the Mogila Orebody, Deveti Septemvri Complex, Madan District, Southern Rhodope Mtns, Plovdiv Region, Bulgaria.



Old Zinc Retorts and broken pieces of retorts, ZawarZinc retors assembly. Zawar. Gemmy orange sphalerites from La Mure, Isère, Rhône-Alpes, France. https://www.cs.cmu.edu/~adg/adg-psimages.html Sphalerite, the purplish ore mineral of zinc.

Zinc is a bluish-white, lustrous, diamagnetic metal. In nonscientific contexts zinc is known as ‘spelter’. Zinc is recovered from a number of different zinc ores. The types of zinc ores include sulfide, carbonate, silicate and oxide. Most significant of these ores are zinc sulphide or sphalerite i.e. (Zn,Fe)S, zinc carbonate or smithsonite (ZnCO3), zinc silicate or willemite (Zn2SiO4) and zinc oxide or zincite (ZnO). Ores of lead, zinc, cadmium and silver often occur together. Sphalerite or zinc blende is the most important zinc ore as it contains 64.06% zinc. It occurs mostly as veins.

The ancient assemblage of retorts for sublimation of sphalerite is stunning. The assembly of retorts shows an industrial-scale smelting operation to produce zinc mineral, a key additive to copper alloys such as pewter and brass. "Centuries before zinc was recognized as a distinct element, zinc ores were used for making brass. A prehistoric statuette containing 87.5% zinc was found in a Dacian archaeological site in Transylvania (modern Romania). Palestinian brass from the 14th to 10th centuries BC contains 23% zinc. The primitive alloys with less than 28 per cent zinc were prevalent in many parts of the world before India. Brass in Taxashila has been dated from third century BC to fifth century AD. A vase from Takshashila is of particular interest because of its 34.34 percent zinc content and has been dated to the third century BC. Recently two brass bangles belonging to the Kushana period are discovered from Senuwar (U.P.), which also shows 35 percent zinc.The Indians were the first to know about metal zinc, the bluish-white, lustrous metal and smelt on a large scale. The testimony to it is the presence of huge numbers of retorts and ruins spread over a large area in old Zawar village in southeastern Rajasthan. References to medicinal uses of zinc are in the Charaka Samhita, which is believed to have been written as early as 300 BCE in India."


                   Statue of Nag - Nagini: Zawar Mata temple


At Ahed excavation site statues of the Gods of both Hindu and Jain religion are found. Of particular importance is the statue of Parvati a deity of importance to Dravidians. Also the Nag- Nagini statue indicates the presence of Naga people around Ahed those days.







See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/02/meluhha-metallurgy-and-hieroglyphs_8.html?q=nagini


Glosses signifying 'squirrel' in Indian spachbund

``^squirrel'':Kh. ciRRa  ~ ciDRa `squirrel'.Sa. ciDri'j.ciDri'j  ~ cuDru'j.cuDru'j `the call of the striped squirrel'.@(V325)(Munda etyma)


2518 (a) Kol. siḍḍe squirrel. Nk. śiḍḍe id. Go. (W. Ph.) ciḍrāl, (Mu.) ciḍral (pl. ciḍrahk) id. (Voc. 1314). Kur. ciṛrā, ciḍrā id. / For similar words in Munda languages, see Pinnow, p. 157, Emeneau, JAOS 82.109, and Pfeiffer, p. 170.(b) Konḍa sirkuli squirrel. Pe. hirkoli id. Kui siruni, siruṛi, (K.) heruṛi id. Kuwi (Mah.) her'uṛi, (Ḍ.) hir'uni id. / Cf. Skt. cikroḍa- id. (Vaijayantī; > Te. cikrōḍamu id.), H. cīkhur id. DED(S, N) 2077.


2959 Manḍ. ṭilka squirrel. Kuwi (Su.) ṭilli, (F.) tilli, (Mah.) ṭili orli id. 
4189 Pa. piṛca squirrel.? Go. (Tr.) warcē small striped squirrel; (A. Y.) verce squirrel (Voc. 3290)Ta. turu rust, verdigris, flaw; turucu, turuci blue vitriol, spot, dirt, blemish, stain, defect, rust; turicu fault, crime, sorrow, affliction, perversity, blue vitriol; tukku, tuppu rust. Ma. turiśu blue vitriol; turumpu, turuvu rust. 


śrḗṣṭha ʻ most splendid, best ʼ RV. [śrīˊ -- ]Pa. seṭṭha -- ʻ best ʼ, Aś.shah. man. sreṭha -- , gir. sesṭa -- , kāl. seṭha -- , Dhp. śeṭha -- , Pk. seṭṭha -- , siṭṭha -- ; N. seṭh ʻ great, noble, superior ʼ; Or. seṭha ʻ chief, principal ʼ; Si. seṭa, °ṭu ʻ noble, excellent ʼ. śrēṣṭhin m. ʻ distinguished man ʼ AitBr., ʻ foreman of a guild ʼ, °nī -- f. ʻ his wife ʼ Hariv. [śrḗṣṭha -- ]Pa. seṭṭhin -- m. ʻ guild -- master ʼ, Dhp. śeṭhi, Pk. seṭṭhi -- , siṭṭhi -- m., °iṇī -- f.; S. seṭhi m. ʻ wholesale merchant ʼ; P. seṭh m. ʻ head of a guild, banker ʼ, seṭhaṇ, °ṇī f.; Ku.gng. śēṭh ʻ rich man ʼ; N. seṭh ʻ banker ʼ; B. seṭh ʻ head of a guild, merchant ʼ; Or. seṭhi ʻ caste of washermen ʼ; Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sēṭhi ʻ merchant, banker ʼ, H. seṭh m., °ṭhan f.; G. śeṭh, śeṭhiyɔ m. ʻ wholesale merchant, employer, master ʼ; M. śeṭh, °ṭhī, śeṭ, °ṭī m. ʻ respectful term for banker or merchant ʼ; Si. siṭu, hi° ʻ banker, nobleman ʼ H. Smith JA 1950, 208 (or < śiṣṭá -- 2?)(CDIAL 12725, 12726)
*śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri]Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ2]Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724)

*śrēṣṭrī1 ʻ clinger ʼ. [√śriṣ1]Phal. šē̃ṣṭrĭ̄ ʻ flying squirrel ʼ?(CDIAL 12723)
Pk. daddara -- m. ʻ ladder, staircase ʼ; Ku. dādar ʻ slats on roof to which slates or tiles are fastened ʼ; M. dādar n. ʻ ladderlike and movable staircase, shutter over a staircase, bridge ʼ, dādrī f. ʻ bridge ʼ, dādrā m. ʻ shutter over staircase, hole in roof for smoke -- vent, cloth tied over a vessel ʼ dardara -- : G. dādar, dādrɔ m. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 6196)

6199 dardru m. ʻ a kind of bird ʼ Car., dadru -- 2 m. ʻ tortoise ʼ Uṇ.vr̥. [Cf. dardurá -- ? duḍi -- ?]Wg. də̃ŕəlīk, Phal. dādu ʻ hare (?) ʼ Morgenstierne; Kal. dadrṓk ʻ squirrel ʼ; Kho. dodór ʻ small lizard, chameleon ʼ BelvalkarVol 89 (or poss. < dardurá -- 1): -- doubtful bec. of uncertainty of meanings.

kalandaka -- , °anta°, °aṇḍa°, °añja° m. ʻ squirrel ʼ BHSk ii 171.Pa. kalanda -- , °aka -- m., Si. kalan̆dayā. (CDIAL 2917)

खार (p. 205) [ khāra ] m (क्षार S) Salt, mineral or vegetable, natural or factitious. 2 Impure alkaline salt obtained by burning plants (esp.अघाडा or Achyranthes aspera and माठ or पोकळा), boiling the ashes, straining the lixivium, and evaporating the water. 

بلونګړيَ bilūngaṟṟaey, s.m. (1st) A squirrel. See also ګیدړي Pl. يِ ī. (Pashto)

खार (p. 205) [ khāra ] A squirrel, Sciurus palmarum. खारी (p. 205) [ khārī ] f (Usually खार) A squirrel. 
खडी (p. 193) [ khaḍī ] f खटी S) A squirrel खडू (p. 193) [ khaḍū ] f खडूळ f A squirrel.
gilahȧri गिल््ह&above;रि&below; or gilahȧri गिलह&above;रि&below; f. a squirrel (Gr.M.). (Kashmiri)

खडी (p. 193) [ khaḍī ] f खटी S) A species of steatites used to rub over the writing-board, or to whitewash walls: also an unctuous and whitish stone, a sort of pipeclay. 2 A composition (of talc, gum &c.) for raising figures on cloth: also the figures raised. 

2315 Ta. aṇil, aṇilam, (Ag., p. 175) aṇiyal, (Koll.) aṇṇattān squirrel. Ma. aṇil, aṇṇal, aṇṇān id.; eṇuṅku a variety of mountain squirrel.Ko. e·ṇḍḷ squirrel. (DEDR 2315) To. aṇil id. Ka. aṇal, aṇil, aḷale, aḷil, aḷul, aḷḷūma, āḷindaki, iṇaci, (Bark.) caṇila id. Koḍ. aṇekoṭṭï id. Tu. caṇilů, canilů, taṇilů, (B-K. also) aṇilů id

चानी (p. 278) [ cānī ] f R W A squirrel.P سنجاب sanjāb or سنجاپ sanjāp, s.m. (2nd) Ermine, the grey squirrel. Pl. سنجابونه sanjābūnah or سنجاپونه sanjāpūnah. (Pashto)
शेकरा (p. 797) [ śēkarā ] m शेकरी f शेकरू m f An animal of the Squirrel kind, Sciurus Elphinstonii. 



S. Kalyanaraman


Sarasvati Research Center


August 29, 2015



Annex:


Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective


Authors: J. Kharakwal, L. Gurjar


Abstract

Brass has a much longer history than zinc. There has been a bit of confusion about the early beginning of zinc as several claims are made out side of India. Both literary as well as archaeological records reveal that production of pure zinc had begun in the second half of the first millennium BC, though production on commercial scale begun in the early Medieval times. This paper attempts to examine the archaeological record and literary evidence to understand the actual beginning of brass and zinc in India.


DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/aa.06112






Published on 01 Dec 2006



Introduction







Zinc (Zn) is a non ferrous base metal, which is generally found in bluish-white, yellow, brown or in black colour. Its chief and important minerals are sphalerite or zinc blende, smithsonite, calamine, zincite, willemite and franklinite. As it boils at around 900° C, which is lower than the temperature it can be smelted at, therefore it is difficult to smelt this metal. Hence zinc technology was mastered later than that of copper and iron. For pure zinc production, therefore distillation technology was developed, in which India has the distinction of being the first. Zinc is used for galvanising iron and steel, brass making, alloying, manufacture of white pigment in chemicals and medicines. But in ancient times it was mainly used for brass making. In fact brass has a much longer history than zinc. Brass can be produced either by smelting copper ores containing zinc or copper and zinc ore in reduced condition or by mixing copper and zinc metals.


Early evidence of zinc has been claimed from several parts of Europe and Middle East e.g., Switzerland, Greece, Cyprus and Palestine. But all these claims, except for the evidence of the sheet of zinc from the Athenian Agora (300 BC) are doubtful (Craddock et al. , 1998: IS). Recent studies have shown that such small percentages of zinc may occur due to accidental use of copper ore associated with zinc or its ore.


Brasses containing up to 25 percent zinc have been reported from the fifth and third millennium BC contexts from China, but it seems that they did not play any role in the development of zinc production technology in the Far East. It is generally held that the Chinese started using zinc and brass from the last quarter of the third century BC when the Han Dynasty flourished in China. Craddock and Zhou have suggested that zinc was introduced in China through Buddhism around 2000 years ago. However, Weirong and Xiangxi (1994: 16-17) inform that the earliest literary record about brass mentioned as tutty is known from the Buddhist literature belonging to the Tan dynasty (619-917 AD). Brass ( thou-shih ) was not a common commodity in the early centuries of the Christian Era at least prior to 3 rdcentury AD in China. Bowman et al. (1989) have analysed 550 coins ranging from 3rd century BC (Zhao dynasty) to the late 19 th century (Ch'ing dynasty). They have found that the percentage of zinc suddenly increased by 20% or even up to 28% in brasses of the early 17 th century AD. It is also supported by the well known textual evidence of T'ien Kung K'ai Wu , written in 1637 (Sung and Sun 1966). It is the first definite evidence of metallic zinc in China, which also mentions details of alloys used for coins. Weirong (1993) has examined ancient Chinese literature and archaeological record and claims that metallic zinc was not used in China prior to the 16 th century AD.


As far as India is concerned the firm evidence of zinc smelting is known only from Rajasthan. The antiquity of mining various types of ores in Rajasthan goes back to Bronze Age (mid-fourth millennium BC) as the evidence of Ganeshwar-Jodhpura cultural complex in north Rajasthan and Ahar culture in southern Rajasthan would indicate (Agrawal and Kharakwal, 2003; Misra et al. 1995; Shinde et al. 2001-02). Both these cultural complexes have yielded over 5000 copper-bronze objects (Hooja and Kumar, 1995) ranging from 4 th to 1 st millennium BC. Apart from these, the Mesolithic site of Bagor in Bhilwara district also yielded a few copper arrowheads (Misra, 1973). There are large number of ancient copper, iron, lead working and smelting sites across Rajasthan in the Aravallis, indicating a long tradition of metallurgy. Besides metal tools, a variety of pottery, beads of semi precious stones, terracotta, paste and other antiquarian material is known from such early settlements. These early farmers were practicing diverse crafts using pyrotechnologies. It appears that large scale production of different metals e.g., copper at Singhana, Toda Dariba, Banera, Suras, Bhagal, Kotri, lead-silver at Ajmer, Agucha and Dariba, zinc at Zawar and iron at Dokan, Iswal, Karanpur, Loharia, Parsola, Bigod, Jhikari-Amargarh, belonging to the medieval times (Kharakwal, 2005) was the result of such long experience of metal technology involving pyrotechniques. In fact the Aravallis are a polymetallic zone like Anatolia.


This paper is an attempt to present an overview of the archaeometallurgical researches on zinc and the position of zinc and brass in archaeological perspective in India.


Zawar: The Oldest Production Center of Zinc


Zawar (24°21'N; 73°43'E) is located on the bank of the River Tiri, about 38 km south of Udaipur town in the Aravalli hills in Rajasthan (Fig. 1). It is the only known ancient zinc smelting site in India (Craddock et al. , 1985). The entire valley of Tiri at Zawar is marked by immense heaps of slag and retorts, which indicate a long tradition of zinc smelting at Zawar. On some slag-mounds are found remains of houses made of used retorts (Fig. 2) and stones, perhaps belonging to the smelters/smiths. 


location map




Fig. 1: Map showing location of Zawar (after Craddock et al 1985) 





site photo




Fig. 2: Residential structures made of discarded retorts 





Though archaeometallurgical activity at Zawar was casually recorded by several Indian and British scholars between 17 th and 20 th century, the credit of highlighting the importance of the ancient remains however goes to Crookshank (1947), Carsus (1960), Morgan (1976), Strackzeck et al. (1967) and Werner (1976 see in Gurjar et al. , 2001). Perhaps these reports encouraged P.T. Craddock of British Museum and K.T.M. Hegde of M.S. University of Baroda to initiate archaeometallurgical study at Zawar jointly with Hindustan Zinc Limited, Udaipur in 1983 (Craddock et al. , 1983, 1985; Gurjar et al. , 2001; Hegde, 1989; Paliwal et al. , 1986; Willies, 1984). This team carried out extensive investigations both for ancient mining as well as smelting of zinc at Zawar. They discovered incredible evidence for mining and furnaces used for zinc smelting, besides primitive smelting retorts from the dam fill at Zawar.


Besides Zawar, the evidence of early zinc mining and smelting has also been found 2 km south east of village Kaya in form of a small retort heap and ancient mine workings in the adjacent hills. It is the northwestern continuation of Zawar mineralization. These remains have not been studied in detail but considering the shape of retorts it can be safely concluded that they are of the same period. Kaya is located 6 km north of Zawar, and about 15 km south of Udaipur town.


Mining


Zinc ores are widely distributed in the country, but major deposits are found in the Aravallis. In recent years one of the largest lead-zinc deposits have been discovered at Agucha in Bhilwara district (Tewari and Kavadia 1984), though the well known ancient lead-zinc workings are located in the Zawar area of Udaipur district. Zinc (Zn) is generally found in veins in association with galena, chalcopyrite, ironpyrite, silver and cadmium and other sulphide ores (Raghunandan et al. , 1981). The Aravalli range in southern Rajasthan is composed of rugged and gorgeous hills of pre-Cambrian metamorphic rocks with narrow valleys. These rocks are rich in zinc ore in the form of sphalerite veins in association with galena and copper bearing deposits. This mineralized belt of Zawar extends for about 25 km. The major mineralization of sphalerite and galena with varying quantities of pyrite have been found in the form of sheeted zones, veins, stringers and lenticular bodies (Raghunandan et al. , 1981). Since these minerals are quite distinct from each other it was possible to separate them manually and this explains why zinc mining and smelting developed only at Zawar.


There are extensive remains of old workings in Zawarmala, Mochia Magra, Balaria, and at Hiran Magra in Zawar area in the form of deep trenches, shafts, open stopes, long serpentine galleries and inclines. These mines are narrow and vary from 10 to 300 m in length. There is extensive evidence of underground mining too (Fig. 3). It appears that this mining continued for several hundred years as indicated by the enormous mound of slag and smelting debris. 


site photo




Fig. 3: The ancient mine in Zawar 





Once the ore was located on ground, based on the presence of gossan or mineralized veins, the miners followed the down ward extension along dip and pitch of the ore-shoot and developed huge inclined stopes and chambers underground. These stopes and branched chambers were supported by finger like inclines further down. Arch shaped pillars (about 4XSm) were left to support the roof while developing such stopes and chambers (Gurjar et al. , 2001). Mining was carried out by fire setting as evidenced by the rounded profile of galleries and stope chambers, the supporting pillars, smooth surface of rock faces with sooty deposits and the floors are buried deep in charcoal, ashes and calcined rocks (HindZinc Tech 1989). After dousing the fire the rocks were broken with chisels, pick axe, hoes and other iron implements. A few such objects have been discovered from Mochia mines (Craddock et al. , 1989: 62, p13). Extensive use of wood in the form of ladders, roof support, haulage scaffold ( 14 C date: 2350±120 BP) have been found in the mines.


Extensive open pit mining followed by underground method was carried out at Rajpura Dariba. An opencast mine of lead-zinc (300 m long and 100 m wide) developed over east lode at Dariba, (Raghunandan et al. 1981 :86-87) is a remarkable evidence of ancient mining technology practiced in southern Rajasthan. Excavation carried out by Hindustan Zinc Limited in 1986 has brought out the presence of massive timber revetment in the hanging wall of the open pit. This consists of three or probably four benches each 4m high with closely placed vertical posts, held back by three pairs of horizontal timbers and are pinned by long timbers to provide support to weak hanging wall.


Here, in one of the underground mines of the East Load the miners reached up to a depth of 263 m, in the 3 rd 4 th century BC (Craddock et al. 1989:59; Willies et al.1984). Such mines are rarely known in the ancient world. A 14 C date from Dariba indicates that deep underground mining had begun in the second half of the second millennium BC. At Agucha also extensive evidence of mining of rich galena pockets datable to the Mauryan times has been discovered (Tiwari and Kavdia, 1984: 84-85). The smelting debris and mining clearly indicates that it was carried out for lead and silver.


For dewatering mines launders of hollowed timber (3 m long and 20 cm wide) were used, which have been dated back to 2 nd century BC (Bhatnagar and Gurjar, 1989: 6). It is likely that some kind of buckets may have also been used for pulling out water from such deep mines. The possibility of shallow depressions at certain interval in the slanting wall of the mines for collection of water can not be ruled out.


A few shallow conical and U shaped pits have been reported in hard rocks at Baroi and Dariba. They may have been used for crushing/ breaking rock fragments in order to separate and beneficiate the ore before smelting. At Dariba such pits having a diameter of 27-30 cm and 60-70 cm deep were found close to a large opencast in calc-silicate rock. While at Baroi in Zawar these were 8-12 cm in diameter and 10-18 cm deep and found on the surface next to ancient mine workings.


It is interesting to note that mining of such non-ferrous metals was also recorded in the contemporary literature like Kautilya's Arthasastra (2.12.23, 2.17.14 & 4.1.35), which mentions that there was a superintendent of mines in the Mauryan Empire (Kangle, 1972). His duty was to identify metals and establish factories. While describing silver ores the text clearly mentions that it occurs with nag (lead) andanjan (zinc). Since there is extensive evidence of mining and smelting of lead, zinc and silver at Zawar, Dariba and Aguchha in Rajasthan, it is quite likely that Kautilya was aware of this activity. Harry (1991) points out that the imperial Maurya series of coins, particularly silver ones, containing one fourth of copper, strongly indicates the mining of silver and zinc from southern Rajasthan. Mining of such ores had surely begun in Rajasthan by the middle of the first millennium BC, if not earlier.


Some scholars have argued that Zawar should be identified as Aranyakupgiri of the Samoli inscription (Halder, 1929-30) belonging to seventh century AD. The word Aranyakupgiri of the inscription perhaps stands for deep well like mines. Of course such mines were there in Zawar during this time, but the inscription may refer to the mines of Basantgarh located near Samoli in Sirohi district rather than Zawar.


The underground mining of ores at Agucha, Dariba and at Zawar may have been the result of a gradual development of mining technology in Southern Rajasthan going way back to the middle of the fourth millennium BC when Bronze Age cultures had just appeared on the scene in the region.


What is interesting is the fact that no evidence of smelting of zinc has been found so far prior to 9 th century BC. Craddock et al. have pointed out that mining of zinc ore was surely done in Zawarmala in 3 rd -4 th century BC. Perhaps the evidence of smelting ranging from 4 th century BC to 9 th century is buried under the massive dumping of retorts and smelting debris and temple complexes. The evidence of a large stone structure and Early Historic pottery shapes exposed near the Jain temple in old Zawar also confirms the same. 


Table 1. Radio Carbon Dates for Zawar Mines (After Gurjar et al. , 2001)

























BM No.ContextMaterialDate BPCalibrated dates
BM-2017RRetortcharcoalmodern1550 to 1635 AD 
Modern
BM-2065RRetortcharcoalmodern760 to 360 BP
LW/1982/2 
BM-2148R		wood2350±120285 to 255 BC
BM-2149RLW/1982/1, 
Launder in escape route		wood2140±110365 BC to 90 AD
BM-2222RTrench layer 3charcoal240±1101510 to 1690 AD or 
1730 to 1810 AD or 
1925 AD to modern
BM-2223RSite 30, N side of furnacecharcoal530±501320 to 1345 AD or 
1390 to 1435 AD
BM-2243Rsample 33, site 34charcoal350±1301420 to 1670 AD
BM-2484site 5, layer 3, slag heapcharcoal100±451695 to 1730 AD or 
1815 to 1920 AD
BM-2485site 14, layer 3charcoal1950±6025 BC to 115 AD
BM-2486site 29, layer 2, small pit or hearthcharcoal200±351660 to 1675 AD or 
1745 to 1800 or 
1940 AD to modern
BM-2487site 2, trench 2, slag heapcharcoal1930±8040 BC to 145 AD; 
170 to 180 AD
BM-2488site 7, trench 2, slag heapcharcoal1370±80595 to 720 AD or 
740 to 765 AD
BM-2638furnace blockcharcoalmodern
BM-2639ZWLW/22, Pratap khancharcoal2040±70160 to 135 BC or 
125 BC to 25 AD
BM-2481ZM/LW/85/13 small chamber off main galleriescharcoalmodernmodern
BM-2482ZM/LW/85/14 short ladder waywood2150±110365 to 100 BC
BM-2483ZM/LW/85/8, burned layerwood2180±35355 to 290 BC or 
250 to 195 BC
BM-2634ZWLW/87/26, top chambercharcoal1340±100600 to 790 AD
Balaria
BM-2338support timber western slopewood 
(outer ring)		170±501660 to 1695 AD or 
1725 to 1820 AD or 
1860 to 1865 AD, 
1920 to modern
BM-2381Gallerywood 
(outer ring)		2360±60750 to 720 BC or 
525 to 385 BC
BM-2666ZW/LW/87/32charcoal390±501440 to 1520 AD or 
1590 to 1629 AD




The consistency of these radiocarbon dates clearly suggest that mining activity was carried out during the Early Historic period and medieval times (Craddock et al. , 1989:48).


Traditionally Maharana Lakha or Laksha Singh (14 th century), who was ruling in the last quarter of the 14 th century, is believed to have re-opened these mines. He might have opened several new mines rather than reopening the old ones. Besides, Maharana Pratap (16 th century) is also credited for opening new mines at Zawar. One of the major mines at Zawarmala is known after him. It seems that large scale production of zinc continued despite political instability in southern Rajasthan during the late medieval times.


It was Abul Fazl who for the first time in 1596 in his well known Ain-i-Akbarirecorded the zinc mines of Zawar (Blochmann, 1989: 41-43). The mining and smelting activity was not only registered in the contemporary local records and literature (e.g., Nainsi ri Khyat in 1657; Bakshikhana Bahi 91, Rajasthan State Archives records of Udaipur and Bikaner and others) but also in the writings of several scholars of the 19 th and 20 th century, mostly British (Anon, 1872; Brooke, 1850; Carsus, 1960; Erskine, 1908; Shyamal Das, 1986 I (originally published in 1886): 305; Tod, 1950: 221-222).


Mining of several ores for example iron, copper, lead was being done as late as the 19 th century in several parts of Rajasthan. Unfortunately the Zawar zinc operation came to a halt around 1812 AD, unlike the Chinese traditional zinc smelting. A few British officers attempted to restart these mines in the middle and late nineteenth century with the financial support of Maharana Sarup Singh (1842-61), Shambhu Singh (1861-1874 AD) and Sajjan Singh (1874-1884 AD), but failed. It is believed that due to political instability in Mewar, frequent attacks of the Mughals, Pindaris and the Marathas and recurrent famines in the 18 th century these mines were abandoned.


Smelting and Production


The entire valley of the Tiri in Zawar is dotted by massive dumpings of slag and earthen retorts indicating a long tradition and commercial production of zinc. Several radiocarbon dates (see table 1) bracketed between 12 th and 18 th century also conform this activity. Gurjar et al. (2001: 633) write, "the earliest evidence of zinc smelting on industrial scale is the carbon date of 840±110 AD for one of the heaps of white ash removed from zinc smelting furnace. The fragment of relatively small, primitive retorts and perforated plates found in the earth fill of dam across the Tidi (Tiri) river may belong to the period or they must at least predate the dam itself. It appears that the main expansion of the industrial phase of zinc production began at Zawar sometime from 11 thor 12 th century" .


At Zawarmala a bank of seven distillation furnaces (Fig. 4), roughly squarish on plan (66x69 cm), were discovered by Craddock et al. Each furnace had two chambers, upper and lower, separated by a thick perforated plate of clay. It is presumed by the excavators that the furnaces may have looked like truncated pyramids and their height may have been about 60 cm. Brinjal shaped earthen retorts, filled with charge, were placed on the perforated plate in inverted position in the upper chamber. As many as 36 retorts were placed in each furnace for smelting and they were heated for three to five hours. The retorts were made in two parts and luted together after filling the charge. To prepare the charge the ore was subjected to crushing and grinding and mixed with some organic material and cow dung! rolled into tiny balls and left in the sun for drying. These balls then were placed in retorts after drying. A thin wooden stick was placed in the narrow opening of retort, which perhaps prevented falling of charge in the lower chamber before heating when they are initially inverted in the furnace, and at the same time would facilitate the escape of zinc vapour formed during heating. Such special retorts, ranging from 20 to 35 cm in length and 8 to 12cm in diameter, were developed by the metallurgists at Zawar for zinc distillation. Identification of different size of retorts is sure indication of different shape and size of furnaces at Zawar, as the evidence of a bigger furnace (base 110 cm square) from old Zawar would also indicate. After heating, zinc vapor was collected and condensed in the lower chamber in small earthen pots. It was surely an ingenious method that was devised for downward distillation of zinc vapour by the Zawar metallurgists. Thus, it was for the first time anywhere in the world that pure zinc was produced by distillation process on a commercial scale at Zawar. Gangopadhyay et al. (1984) and Freestone et al. (1985) have carried out technical studies of ore and retorts. Craddock (1995 :309- 321) compares these furnaces with koshthi type furnaces illustrated in Rasaratnasamuchchaya, an alchemical text datable to 13 th century, and other earlier texts on the same subject. Thanks to the joint efforts of the Hindustan Zinc, British Museum and M.S. University Baroda for such wonderful discovery that is possibly the ancestor of all high temperature pyrotechnical industries of the world. 


site photo


Fig. 4: Zinc smelting furnaces at Zawar


It has been estimated that each retort may have been filled with one kilogram of charge out of which 400 gram of zinc may have been produced. Thus each furnace produced around 25 to 30 kg of zinc in one activity of smelting. It has been estimated that 600,000 tons of smelting debris at Zawar, produced about 32,000 tones of metallic zinc in four hundred years (between 1400 and 1800 AD). If we estimate this production from 12 th century to 18 th century the quantity of metal would certainly be more than 50,000 tonnes. Colonel Tod in his well known work, Ann als and Antiquities of Rajasthan, has reported that the mines of Mewar were very productive during the eighteenth century, and in the year of 1759 alone the mines earned Rs. 2,22,000 (Tod, 1950: 222, 399). Tod writes that about haifa century ago these mines were earning Rs. three lakhs annually. Dariba mines yielded Rs. 80,000. He has recorded these mines as Tin mines of Zawar. Since we do not have any evidence of ancient tin working in Mewar region his tin mines must be nothing but zinc mines of Zawar. Moreover the Imperial Gazetteer of India Provincial Series Rajputana (1908: 52) clearly mention that these mines were famous for silver and zinc and were worked on a large scale until 1812-13 when the worst famine took place (Kachhawaha, 1992: 26-27; Malu, 1987; Singh, 1947).


The production of zinc was perhaps very high under the rule of Maharana Jagat Singh and Maharana Raj Singh during 17 th century as the local records of AD 1634-35 and 1657 reveal that annual revenue of Zawar was rupees 2,50,000 and 1,75,002 respectively. It is also clearly indicated in the record that per day income of these mines was Rs. 700; this estimate was confirmed by Muhnot Nainsi in his famous work Nainsi ri Khyat (1657) (Ranawat, 1987). Another record belonging to the reign of Maharana Raj Singh, reads that the revenue earned in a year from Zawar was Rs. 17,96,944 (Bhati, 1995: 1, 2, 11, 12, 14). Gurjar et al. (2001: 634) have examined a record of the same king dated to 1655 AD, preserved in the State Archives, Udaipur which mentions an income of Rs. 1,70,967 in a single month from Zawar! We are however, not sure whether this income was obtained only from mining and smelting. As the entire area of Zawar is gorgeous and agriculture may not have been enough to generate revenue, therefore it is likely that the entire revenue was earned from mining and production of zinc. Erskine (1908) also informs that these mines were certainly an important source of income right from fourteenth to early nineteenth century as they yielded more than two lakh rupees annual revenue for Maharana's treasury at least until 1766. Thus the annual income from Zawar was quite handsome and it is likely that due to large scale production of zinc Zawar may have become one of the main sources of state revenue and an important trade centre between the 12 th and early 19 th century AD. The discovery of an earthen pot containing a coin hoard datable to 16 thcentury by L.K. Gurjar in 1984 (Gurjar et al. 2001) at old Zawar also suggests that this area was an important commercial center. There are remains of few structures on top of a hillock at Zawar, which, according to knowledgeable villagers, belong to Vela Vania (a trader known as Vela). Perhaps Vela Vania was involved in zinc trade.


It is worth mentioning here that most of the existing forts, huge water reservoirs, temple complexes, water structures, and other monuments in Mewar were built between 10 th and 18 th centuries AD. It is likely that the revenue earned due to brisk trade of zinc at Zawar was utilized for construction of these large monuments.


Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective


Only a few Harappan bronzes have yielded a small percentage of zinc. For example Lothal, a Harappan sites in Gujarat (2200-1500 BC) (Rao, 1985), has yielded around haifa dozen copper based objects containing zinc, which varies from 0.15 to 6.04 % (Nautiyal, et al. 1981). One of the objects (antiquity No. 4189), though not identified, contains 70.7% of copper, 6.04 % of zinc and 0.9% Fe, which could be termed as the earliest evidence of brass in India. From Kalibangan, another Harappan site in north Rajasthan, a long spear head of copper was found containing 3.4% of zinc (Lal et al. 2003: 266). There is some evidence of brass from the early Iron Age when we come across two examples from Atranjikhera (1200- 600 BC), a Painted Grey Ware culture site in the Ganga doab. One of the objects leaded bronze contains 1.68% tin, 9.0% lead and 6.28% of zinc whereas the other one assayed 20.72% of tin and 16.20% of zinc (Gaur 1983: 483-90). Unless we have more examples of bronzes containing appreciable percentage of zinc replacing tin, arsenic or other elements we can not infer that the Bronze or Early Iron Age cultures were aware of the nature and property of zinc. Nevertheless these examples perhaps represent the early or experimental stage of zinc in India. The archaeological record indicates that in the second half of the first millennium BC the percentage of zinc started increasing and intentional use of brass appears on the scene. Such evidence has been found from Taxila, Timargarh and Senuwar.


Taxila, located about 30 km north of Rawalpindi in Pakistan, has yielded a large variety of metal objects including those of copper, bronze, brass and iron (Marshall, 1951 :567 -69). Several brass objects datable from the 4 th century BC to 1 st century AD have been discovered. One of them was a vase from Bhir mound, which predates the arrival of the Greeks at Taxila (Biswas, 1993) and has assayed 34.34 % of zinc, 4.25% of tin and small quantity of lead (3.0%), iron (1.77%) and nickel (0.4%). Another evidence of real brass was discovered recently at Senuwar in the Ganga Valley from the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) levels (Singh, 2004: 594). It has 64.324% of copper and 35.52% of zinc.


Brasses made by cementation method generally contain less than 28% of zinc and rarely could go up to 33% (Werner, 1970). Since the examples of Taxila and Senuwar have yielded more than 33 % of zinc, therefore these are the earliest definite examples of real brasses. They must have been made by mixing metallic zinc with copper. Zinc is a volatile metal and due to its low boiling point (907° C), which is lower than the temperature it could be smelted, it is difficult to smelt. Unlike other metals, it comes out in the vapour form from the furnace and gets reoxidised, if it is not condensed. Craddock et al. have pointed out that zinc ore was mined way back from 5 th century BC (PRL 932 430±100 BC; BM 2381 380±5O BC) at Zawar and metallic or pure zinc was produced here by distillation process for the first time in the world. The production of metallic zinc has been traced back to 9 thcentury AD at Zawar, but there is a strong possibility that the older evidence is buried under the immense heaps. Though Taxila folks were aware of the distillation process (Habib, 2000), yet in the absence of definitive evidence we cannot claim that they employed this process for obtaining zinc. It is possible, though not proven that metallic zinc was produced at Zawar way back from the 6th century BC, from here it reached at Taxila and Senuwar. The other possibility is that zinc was scrapped from the cooler parts of the furnaces at both sites!


Besides these, Prakash (Athavale and Thapar, 1967: 132 table IV) and Mahurjhari in Mahararashtra (Deo, 1973; Joshi 1973:77), Asura sites in Chhotanagpur region (Caldwell, 1920: 409-411; Roy, 1920: 404- 405) have yielded brasses, which have been dated to the second half of the first millennium BC. Most of these brasses have more than 15% of zinc and some of them contain between 22 to 28 percent of zinc. This kind of evidence clearly points out they were made by cementation process.


Several circular or rectangular punch-marked and other coins of brass, . bracketed between the 2 nd century BC and 4 th century AD (Smith, 1906) (see Table 2), are known mostly from northern India. Since none of them is analysed we do not know if they are real brasses (objects containing more 28% zinc are called real brasses) or made by cementation process. What is interesting is that most of these coins belong to the regional kings, indicating popularity of brass in India. This kind of evidence goes against the assumption that the Greeks introduced brass in India. The archaeological record clearly points out that the Indians knew brass prior to the arrival of the Greeks. 



























No.PeriodKing/SiteNo.ShapeReference
1200 BCGomitra1Not statedSmith, 1906: 205
2200 BCMitasa (Gomitra?) or Satasa1Not statedSmith, 1906: 205
32 nd cent. BCUnidentified1Not statedSmith, 1906: 194
42 nd cent. BCGomitra (Mathura)1CircularSmith, 1906: 193
52 nd cent. BCUttama Datta (Mathura)1Not statedSmith, 1906: 193
62 nd cent. BCBhavadatta (Mathura)1Not statedSmith, 1906: 193
72 nd cent. BCPurushadatta (Mathura)1Not statedSmith, 1906: 192
82 nd cent. BCAmoghbhuti (Kuninda king)6CircularSmith, 1906: 168-169
92 nd cent. BCRajanya (Naga or Narwar)4Not statedSmith, 1906: 179-180
102 nd cent. BCAsvaghosa (Kosam)1CircularSmith, 1906: 155
11150 BC - 100 ADDhana Deva (Ayodhya)1RectangularSmith, 1906: 148
12150 BC - 100 ADSiva Datta (Ayodhya)3RectangularSmith, 1906: 149
13150 BC - 100 ADAjaverma (Ayodhya)1CircularSmith, 1906: 150
14125 - 80 ADHagamasha (Satrap of Mathura)1Not statedSmith, 1906: 196
15100 BCAudumbara king1CircularSmith, 1906: 166
161 st cent. BC - ADYaudheya kings3Not statedSmith, 1906: 181
171 st cent. BC - ADAgnimitra (Panchala and Kaushala)2CircularSmith, 1906: 186-187
181 st cent. BC - ADBhumitra (Panchala and Kaushala)1CircularSmith, 1906: 187
191 st -1 nd cent. AD?Devasa (Kosam)8CircularSmith, 1906: 207
201 st -1 nd cent. ADUnidentified1RectangularSmith, 1906: 201
212 nd cent. ADUnidentified2CircularSmith, 1906: 203-204
223 rd -4 th cent. ADPasaka (Kushana type)1Not statedSmith, 1906: 89
23MedievalUnknown (Jajjapura/i) Sri Siva type1Not statedSmith, 1906: 333
243 rd -4 th cent. ADBasata (later Kushana)5Not statedChatterjee, 1957: 103


Table 2: Early brass coins of lndia (After Smith 1906)




Beside coins, several other brass antiquities have also been reported from the Early Historic sites in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, which include lids, caskets, bangles, finger rings, utensils, icons, chariot and religious object and utensil (Biswas, 1993, .1994: 360; Biswas and Biswas, 1996: 132).


Since zinc could change the colour of copper and impart it a golden glitter, it was preferred for making Hindu, Buddhist and Jain icons throughout the historical period. For example among the brass icons of the Himalayan region (from Tibet to Gandhar) lead is present in appreciable amount and the percentage of zinc varies from 4 to 35 (Chakrabarti, and Lahiri, 1996: 108-109; Reedy, 1988). Obviously these brasses were made by selection of ore, cementation process and mixing metallic zinc with copper. In the absence of a source of zinc in the Himalayan region it may be suggested that metallic zinc may have been supplied from Zawar. The higher percentage of lead in these brasses clearly suggests that it was deliberately added to increase the casting ability of the metal. Such leaded brasses were calledkakatundi in ancient India.


Craddock (1981 :20-31) has reported analysis of 121 Tibetan and Himalayan icons/metal works by atomic absorption spectrophotometer for 13 elements in each sample down to 10ppm level. He has shown that as many as 45 artifacts have more than 28% of zinc, which might have been made by mixing copper and zinc. The percentage of zinc in such artifacts ranges from 28 to 54. It seems that most of the brasses of his list belong to Medieval and later Medieval times.


From Phopnarkala and East Nimar, in Madhya Pradesh, several standing brass images of Buddha have been discovered (Sharma and Sharma, 2000) assigned to the Gupta-Vakataka period (5 th -6 th centuries AD). These brasses contain high percentage of zinc ranging from 21 to 30%, which means that they were made by cementation process (Tondan, 1983).


In the first half of the seventh century AD (AD 629-645) Hiuen Tsiang, a Chinese scholar of Buddhism, extensively traveled in India. He saw a magnificent vihara(residential complex of Buddhist monks) of brass near Nalanda under construction during the reign of Raja Siladitya (Harshavardhan AD 606-647). It would have been more than 100 feet long when completed (Beal, 2000 vol. ii: 174). He also noticed brass images ( teou-shih ) of Buddhist and Brahmanic deities at several places in northern India (Beal, 2000 vol. i: 51, 89, 166, 177,197, 198, vol. ii: 45, 46,174).


The metal art of Eastern Indian complex, mainly coming from Bihar, West Bengal and Bangladesh, is also fairly well known. A large number of ancient bronzes, belonging to Pala and Sena School of art datable between 8 th to 12 th centuries AD contain considerable amount of zinc (Leoshko and Reedy, 1994; Pal, 1988; Reedy, 1991a, b).


A large number of bronzes and brasses mostly icons of Jain and Hindu deities, containing appreciable amount of zinc, have been reported from various parts of Gujarat, and are datable to 6 th to 14 th centuries AD (Swarnakamal, 1978). Most of the late medieval brasses were made by mixing metallic zinc with copper as the percentage of zinc has been found to exceed more than 28%. In some cases lead is present up to 9.5%, which must have been useful rending fluidity to the metal. It is likely that all these brasses were made of using metallic zinc from Zawar. Biswas (1993) writes that the icon of seated Tirthankara dated AD 1752 from Gujarat is one the finest example of the late medieval brasses in India, which was made a few years before the Maratha invasion of Mewar. 




Table 3: Elemental percentage of brasses datable to 14 th to 18 th centuries AD 


(after Biswas, 1993 and Swarnakamal, 1978)













No.ObjectProvena.PeriodCu%Zn%Sn%Pb%Fe%Impurities
1AmbikaGujarat135068.418.51.69.5-Fe, Ag, Bi
2Model of temple with 4 doors"148068.628.90.21.6-Fe, Mg, Bi
3Vishnu-Narayan"148558.936.80.52.1-Fe, Al, Ag, Si, Mg, Bi
4Rajput PrinceRajasthan15 th -16th72.921.80.42.71.0Al 0.3, Mg, Ag
5Kal BhairavaGujarat155476.713.81.26.31.5Al, Mg
6Chauri BearerGujarat17 th58.335.51.52.30.8Fe, Ni, Al, Ag, Cd, Si, Mg
7DipalakshamiRajasthan17 th58.833.20.94.5-Al 1.6, Mg
8"Gujarat18 th52.839.91.12.9-Fe, Al
9Tirthankara (seated)Gujarat175262.336.0-0.5-Fe, Ag, Bi
10Sadakasari Lokesvara form of AvlokitesvaraNepal60.535.32.752.37-Fe, Ni, As, Au





Table 3 contains a few brasses from medieval and late medieval period of India, most of which have a high percentage of zinc. All those examples containing more than 33% were certainly made of metallic zinc. In some cases lead is present up to 9.5%, which must have been useful rending fluidity to the metal. The metallurgists were obviously skilful to produce high quality of brass. It is quite likely that all these brasses were made by using metallic zinc from Zawar. The Mughals, who ruled over India between 12 th and 16 th centuries, had metalkarkhanas (factories), in which a large number of brasses for example utensil, decorative pieces, guns, mortars and so on were produced perhaps employing zinc from Zawar (Neogi, 1979: 40-42).


It is held that the artillery made of iron, bronze and brass was introduced in India during the Mughal period. Large cannons and guns made of brass have been reported from Agra, Bengal and other places (Neogi, 1979). There are a few brass cannons at Udaipur too, which might have been made by zinc obtained from Zawar.


Bidri Ware


The Bidri Ware of Bidar in South India, belonging to medieval period, is well known for its glossy black surface decorated with exquisite silver inlay art (Gairola, 1956). It is a zinc alloy decorated with silver or gold inlay. La Niece and Martin (1987) have done detailed technical study of27 vessels of this ware from the Victoria and Albert Museum's collection. Their results show that the content of zinc varies from 76 to 98%, copper 2 to 10% and lead 0.4 to 19%. Lead isotope studies have indicated that the zinc was not obtained from Zawar for Bidri ware (Craddock et al. 1989: 52-53). This kind of result has brought about a challenge to look for other zinc production sites in India, if this metal was not imported from outside!


Literary Evidence


Ayurvedic treatises such as Susrut Samhita (5 th century BC) and Charak Samhita (2nd century BC) record the use of essence of various minerals and metals e.g., gold, silver, copper, tin, bronze and brass for preparation of medicine. These texts also mention that the instruments used for curing delicate parts of the body were made of gold, silver, copper, iron, brass, tooth, horn, jewels and of special variety of wood (Datt Ram, 1900: 12; Sharma, 2001 II: 444). Both these texts record brass as riti or ritika. It is interesting that both Charak Samhita and Susruta Samhita refer topushpanjan, which was prepared by heating a metal in air and was used for curing eyes and wounds ( Chikitsasthanam 26.250) (Shukla and Tripathai, 2002: 661; Ray, 1956: 60). This could be identified as zinc oxide as Craddock (1989: 27) points out that "no other metal would react in the air to produce an oxide suitable for medicinal purpose". Therefore, these Ayurvedic texts are perhaps the earliest literary evidence of zinc in India.


Kautilya's Arthasastra is one of the earliest firm datable (4 th century BC) textual evidence for mining and smelting of metals, which reveals that the director of metals was responsible for establishing factories of various metals such as copper ( tamra ), lead ( sisa ), tin ( trapu ), brass ( arakuta ), bronze ( kamsa or kamsya ), talaand iron (Kangle, 1960 vol I: 59 and vol II: 124; Kangle, 1972 vol II: 108). Brass has also been frequently mentioned in ancient Sanskrit and Buddhist literature and was popularly known as harita, riti, ritika, arkuta or arkutah, pitala and so on (Chakrabarti and Lahiri, 1996: 149; Neogi, 1979: 41; Sastri, 1997:208). The termkamsakuta of Digha-nikaya and Dhammapada Atthakatha has been interpreted as brass coins by Chatterjee (1957: 104-111). He strongly argues that brass currency was in vogue between 6 th and 4 th century BC in India, though we don't have chemical analysis of known coins of this period. Darius I, a Persian king, had a few Indian cups, which were indistinguishable in appearance from gold except for their smell (Hett, 1993: 257). This may only be the Indian brass.


Strabo quotes the explanation of Nearchus about India, who traveled the north-western part of this country with the Macedonian army in 4 th century BC, and writes that "they use brass that is cast, and not the kind that is forged; and he does not state the reason, although he mentions the strange result that follows the use of the vessels made of cast brass. that when they fall to the ground they break into pieces like pottery"(Jones, 1954: 117). This kind of evidence indicates that Indians were making brass way back in 4 th century BC. But we do not know whether it happened due to absence of lead or high percentage of zinc?


The alchemist Nagarjuna is well known for his treatise on alchemy titledRasaratnakara, which was perhaps originally written, as Biswas (1993: 317, 1994: 361-362; Ray, 1956: 116-118) argues, between 2 nd and 4 th century AD and compiled around 7 th or 8 th centuries AD. Nagatjuna was certainly a great scientist, who, for the first time, not only described cementation process but also zinc production by distillation technique (Biswas, 1993: 317; 1994: 361-362; Ray 1956: 129). This is therefore the earliest literary evidence, which records that brass is an alloy of copper and zinc. Rasarnavam Rastantram, an alchemical text datable to 12 th century AD, is an important alchemical text, in which both brass and zinc have been recorded. This text clearly records zinc making process (Craddock et al,1989: 31; Ray, 1956: 118), besides different kinds of zinc ores e.g., mratica rasak, gud rasak and pashan rasak. Apart from these there are a few other alchemical texts such as Rasakalpa, Rasarnavatantra, Rasprakash Sudhakar of Yasodhara,Rasendrachudamani of Somadeva and Rasachintamani of Madanantadeva (all datable from 10 th to 12 th centuries AD), also explain different kind of brasses and zinc- making by distillation process (Ray, 1956: 171-191). The description by Yasodhara for extraction of zinc appears to be the best one as Craddock et al. 's (1989) work has shown that it fits well with the process used at Zawar. These texts reveal that koshthi type furnaces were used for smelting and had an arrangement of two chambers separated by a perforated plate. For distillation tiryakpatana yantra were used. The Rasaratnasamuchchaya, a late 13 th or early 14 th century work of iatro chemistry, is the best available literary evidence of zinc production process. In fact the zinc smelting process described by Yasodhara earlier has more or less been repeated in this text besides the illustrations of apparatus by Somadeva. Bhavamisra in the 16 th century in his well known work,Bhavaprakasanighantu, recorded as many as seven different kinds of alloys (upadhatus ) including bronze and brass (Chunekar and Pandey, 2002: 609). He has recorded two different kinds of brasses such as Rajariti and Brahmariti. Besides, two other types of brasses ( pittala ) i.e., ritika and kaktundi have also been recorded (Neogi, 1979: 41).


Besides these, Allan (1979: 43-45) cites the work of Abu Dulaf, Al-risalat al-thqniya,datable to 9 th -10 th centuries AD, who described production of a variety of tutiyain Iran. He recorded that the Indian tutiya was preferred in Persia (Allan, 1979: 43-45), which obviously might have been better than the Persian one. It is likely that the Persians imported Indian tutiya. The Persians also recorded Indian tutiya as the vapour of tin (Allan, 1979: 44), which might be zinc (Craddock et al. 1989: 74) from Zawar. Thus the Persian literary source also supports production of zinc in India in 9 th -10 th centuries AD. And brass has surely longer history than zinc.


All the aforesaid literary references clearly suggest that metallic zinc was known in India several centuries before the actual dated evidence of commercial production at Zawar.


Thus the aforesaid archaeological and literary evidence indicates that Indians had started using zinc rich ores from second millennium BC, though we can not claim that it was intentional. Of course stray discoveries of brasses have been made from Bronze and Early Iron Age sites, but we can not conclude that it was a common metal. The discovery of coins and other objects indicates that it became popular only in the second half of the first millennium BC.


Zinc in Europe


William Champion established a zinc-smelting furnace in 1738 AD at Bristol in England and started commercial production in 1743. His furnace was quite similar to the Zawar example with downward distillation (Day, 1973:75-76). What is interesting is that Champion used exactly the same technique of distillation per descensum that was used at Zawar and even used 1.5% (weight) common salt in the zinc smelting charge (Biswas, 1993: 327). Thus his arrangement of retorts and technique was identical to Zawar. Dr. Lane is believed to have smelted zinc ore at his copper work in Swansea in 1720 (Porter, 1991: 60) around 20 years before Champion started zinc production in England. Was it Lane who came to Zawar and learnt zinc smelting technique and attempted it at Swansea, from where Champion, Henkel and 'others copied the Indian process!


Craddock gives credit to the Portuguese ships for transporting zinc from India to China and eventually introduction of zinc technology. He emphatically states that the Zawar process is the ancestor of all known zinc smelting techniques in the world.


Conclusion


Though, early evidence of metallic zinc is known from Athenian Agora and Taxila (datable 4 th to 2 nd centuries BC), there is no evidence of regular production of metallic zinc at these sites. However, recent discovery of brasses from Senuwar has now strongly indicated that metallic zinc was surely being produced during the Early Historic phase in India. It can be suggested that zinc was no more a rare metal. To date the oldest evidence of pure zinc comes from Zawar as early as 9 thcentury AD, when distilration process was employed to make pure zinc. The Bhils of Southern Rajasthan are held to be the aborigines of this region (Hooja 1994) and prepare alcohol by traditional down-word distillation method. Interestingly zinc was also produced Zawar by using same principle of distillation. Moreover, Brooke (1850) has recorded that until 1840 the Bhils of Zawar knew distillation process of pure zinc. Therefore the credit of innovating special retorts and furnaces for distillation of zinc surely goes to the Bhil tribe of Southern Rajasthan. It was surely this local knowledge which they could successfully employ for distillation of zinc. Thus the Zawar metallurgists brought about a break through in non-ferrous metal extraction around 12 th century, if not earlier, by producing it on commercial scale. On the other hand in China commercial production of zinc started almost three hundred years later than India. It appears that brass was introduced in China in the early centuries of the Christian Era through Buddhism, though the idea of zinc distillation process may have traveled in 16 th century via international trade to China. From China it was exported to Europe in the middle of the 17 th century AD under the name totamu or tutenag, which was derived from Tutthanaga - a name of zinc in South Indian languages (Bonnin, 1924; Deshpande, 1996). However, Indian zinc had already reached Europe prior to this and had created great curiosity about this metal. Thus the commercial production of zinc at Zawar had begun almost three hundred years earlier than China, if not earlier. Therefore, Zawar has globally stolen the march by becoming the oldest commercial center of zinc in the world. William Champion's furnace in the 18 th century at Bristol was based on Indian downward distillation process, the idea of which may have reached there through the Portuguese or East India Company or by some European traveler. Hence Zawar, in the words of Craddock, is the· ancestor of all zinc production techniques of the world. It was an industrial activity, which laid the basis of various modern chemical and extractive industries.


Acknowledgements


We would like to record our sincere thanks to Prof. D. P. Agrawal and Rajiv Malhotra for constant encouragement to work on archaeometallurgy in Rajasthan. We are grateful to Profs. P. T. Craddock, V. H. Sonawane, K. K. Bhan, Toshiki Osada, G. L Possehl, V. S. Shinde, K. S. Gupta, S. Balasubramaniam, Michael Witzel, Meena Gaur and Drs Piyush Bhatt, S. Aruni, Shahida Ansari, P. Dobal, J. Meena, R. Barhat, B. M. Jawalia, S. K. Sharma, Vishnu Mali, H. Chaudhary and Mr. P. Goyal, L. C. Patel and Miss Noriko Hase for helping us at various stages while collecting data for this paper.


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http://www.ancient-asia-journal.com/articles/10.5334/aa.06112/

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Aurangzeb's 'Gyan Vapi Masjid', Ruins of Kashi Vishwanath Mandir-- Kanchan Gupta

                     

                                              August 29, 2015, 8:02 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Kanchan Gupta added 3 new photos.
1 hr · 
Aurangzeb's 'Gyan Vapi Masjid'
Mughal emperor Aurangzeb destroyed Kashi Vishwanath Mandir (he also sacked Somnath Mandir apart from innumerable Hindu shrines) and built his 'grand mosque' on the site. Such was Aurangzeb's arrogance, such his contempt for Hindus, he retained portions of the sacred temple's wall to humiliate the kafirs and constantly remind them that he was 'Alamgir', they his wretched subjects.
In 'Rambles into Sacred Realms: Journeys in Pen & Paint', by Krish V. Krishnan, the gifted artist/writer records what he saw and felt upon seeing 'Gyan Vapi Masjid' in Banaras
"Huge minarets and white domes in the front disguised the remains of an ancient temple behind.
A ruthless Muslim emperor had razed an ancient temple to the ground and intentionally left these walls intact as a reminder of his intolerant might over other beliefs. In a fit of rage, he raided the temple’s sanctum and hurled the sivalinga (stone shaft symbolising Shiva) into the Gyan Vapi, the Well of Knowledge."
Kanchan Gupta's photo.
Kanchan Gupta's photo.
Kanchan Gupta's photo.
Like   Comment   
  • Most Recent
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  • Alo Pal Thank you for this post. Am at Jahangir with my students will add this to my Aurangzeb portion.
    Like · Reply · 2 · 1 hr
  • Krishna Thakur We would like to have more such kind of information and interpretation.
    Like · Reply · 1 · 1 hr
  • Varon B K Sharma People should be made more and more aware of the atrocities of the mughals
    Like · Reply · 2 · 1 hr
  • Ashok Dhar It is shameful that Congress Govt named roads in the name of Aurangzeb the cruel king, an Iconoclast who all his life persecuted every non sunni community including Hindus, Shias and Sikhs. What was congress trying to prove by naming these roads on the name of Mughal kings who were all fanatic cruel kings with an exception of Akbar. Modi Govt has to correct these deliberate wrong doings of Congress, the muslim appeasers.

  • One of the finest prints from the British Raj era is 'Temple Of Vishveshwur, Benares' by James Prinsep.
    It shows the ruins of Kashi Vishwanath Mandir, sacked by Aurangzeb, and the masjid he built in its place.

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Red fades to saffron in Kerala -- Varghese K. George

                     

                                              August 29, 2015, 9:15 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Published: August 29, 2015 00:38 IST | Updated: August 29, 2015 16:11 IST   August 29, 2015
Red fades to saffron in Kerala
MARCHING AHEAD “There has been a rise in Hindu religiosity, on the lines of the Christian and Muslim revivalist movements that accompanied the remittance-fuelled affluence of these communities.” Picture shows an RSS parade on Vijayadasami in Kozhikode. File photo: K. Ragesh
The Hindu
MARCHING AHEAD “There has been a rise in Hindu religiosity, on the lines of the Christian and Muslim revivalist movements that accompanied the remittance-fuelled affluence of these communities.” Picture shows an RSS parade on Vijayadasami in Kozhikode. File photo: K. Ragesh
With changing social equations putting enormous pressure on Left politics in Kerala, the Sangh Parivar is on a quiet roll. Can the Left wing marshal a response?
Anup Yasodharan grew up on Marxist slogans in Pattakkala, a hilly village by the Manimala river in Central Travancore. His grandfather and father were active workers of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)]. Today, the articulate and polite 22-year-old is the leader of a Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) shakha in his village. Anup’s baptism into Hindutva is instructive.
The rupture between the Dalit family and the CPI (M) party came in 2002, when the party unit abandoned them in favour of a rich Christian expatriate, who bought the land that lay between their house and the main road and blocked their access. “One comrade, who was considered the dearest to us, shouted, ‘Why should these **** (a derogatory term for their caste) want to drive to their houses?’ says Anup. Then a little boy, Anup felt disowned by his own people. RSS activists from nearby helped the family. As Anup drifted towards the RSS, his mother put up strong resistance. “The Party ran in their veins,” recalls Anup.
Caste barrier
But an encounter with a Hindutva polemicist changed his mother’s mind as well in 2008. “Waiting for the bus in a nearby town, she happened to listen to this leader,” says Anup. Of the many things she was swayed by that day, one question still rankles. “A Christian comrade can go to the church, a Muslim comrade can go to the mosque but a Hindu comrade cannot go to the temple. Why?”
Anup was then able to persuade his mother that he would start an RSS shakha in the same courtyard where comrades had once assembled. The RSS formally arrived in this village, 83 years after its birth. The shakha today has 17 members, including some Christians, and there are three more shakhas within a three-km radius. A flag post and a Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) unit in the local market came up later, accompanied by violent clashes between them and CPI (M) workers.
While Anup and his mother found ‘minority appeasement’ in the CPI (M)’s politics, that is often a charge against the Congress, given its links with Muslim and Christian groups. Even Congress veteran A.K. Antony said a decade ago that the minority communities extracted unreasonable patronage from the Congress. “The BJP exploited Hindu sentiments against the Congress’s minority appeasement,” said V. S. Achuthanandan, popular Marxist leader, after the BJP performed impressively in a recent by-election. The irony is that while a family committed to the party felt that the CPI(M) was not sensitive to Hindu sentiments, its most popular leader often accuses the UDF of ‘minority appeasement’. But the ironies don’t end there.
The CPI(M) is a victim of its successes in the State, particularly in empowering lower castes. Inter-caste marriages are quite common though Dalits still face exclusion. Simultaneously, there has been a rise in Hindu religiosity, on the lines of, and partly in reaction to, the Christian and Muslim revivalist movements that accompanied the remittance-fuelled affluence of these two communities. For instance, the Sri Krishna Jayanti processions organised by Bala Gokulam, an RSS-leaning forum, have become increasingly popular in recent times. Anup and his friends started one in 2007 with 31 people; last year it had 220 people. Some were Christians.
Demographic change
The three drivers of Left politics — the backward castes, students and the working class — have changed their character in the last decade. Having overcome explicit discrimination, oppressed castes are anxious to set their own terms. Self-financing professional colleges have turned Kerala’s once-robust arts education sector into a forlorn dry land, weakening the Students’ Federation of India (SFI). And the working class? They are mostly migrants from West Bengal and Assam these days.
Demographic changes are unsettling social equations in the State in favour of the Parivar. Not only has a socially alien working class disrupted Left recruitment, new social prejudices, prompted by their presence, complicate Left politics.
In Pattakkala, several dozen migrants live a contented life but are sadly caricatured by the local populace as remnants of the Left’s failure in West Bengal or are suspected to be illegal Bangladeshi migrants, only because many of them are Muslims.
Consequently, the Muslim in Kerala is now an immigrant too, in addition to being an emigrant. The material success of the Gulf emigrants — who are now a formidable presence in Kerala’s public spaces — has made them targets of jealousy. As opposed to the more prevalent stereotyping of Muslims as uneducated, religious and having large families, the Muslims in Kerala face a different insinuation — ‘where is all this money from?’ A report by a team led by the late Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, on the Nadapuram communal riots in north Kerala in 2001, cited the overbearing social conduct of neo-rich Muslims and the increasing jealousy among Hindus as one of the reasons for the violence.
The emergence of some Muslim extremist groups adds fuel to the fire. Even before it was officially released, the 2011 census data on religion was loosely — and as it turns out, wrongly — cited by many to suggest that Christians and Muslims constitute more than half of the State’s population. Even CPI State Secretary Kanam Rajendran did so, suggesting that the Left has not been considerate towards Hindus.
Marshalling a response
Though these changes have been under way for more than a decade, the 2014 elections were the first demonstration of the electoral implications of these changes, when the BJP gained seven lakh more votes, roughly the margin that separates the winner from the loser, as the LDF and the UDF rotate power in the State. Expecting to benefit from the growth of the BJP at the cost of the Left in the 2016 Assembly elections, the Congress has taken a benign view.
Acutely aware of the situation, the LDF, and particularly the CPI(M), is trying to marshal its responses, through innovations to reach out to new sections, and negating the campaign that it is uncaring of Hindu sentiments.
In Kollam district, secretary K. N. Balagopal’s campaign to dig 200,000 rainwater harvesting pits this monsoon and in Ernakulum, secretary P. Rajeev’s initiative to give first-aid training to trade union workers who could help victims of road accidents have struck a chord. Palliative and geriatric care, organic farming are some of the initiatives that respond to the needs of a post-modern society, where empowerment politics may 0have run its course. Karate classes and yoga training by party associates seek to connect with the youth.
Dealing with ‘Hindu sentiments’, however, is a much more fraught challenge. Democratic Youth Federatio of India (DYFI) workers recently carried a nilavilakku, the traditional Kerala lamp, to a function attended by an Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) Minister who had refused to light one as he considered it un-Islamic; but the State leadership disowned the protest. CPI (M) veteran Pinarayi Vijayan rejected Kanam Rajendran’s suggestion that Left secularism amounted to minority appeasement, asserting that the LDF could not countenance communalism. Accused by both Hindu and Muslim groups of ‘appeasing’ the other, and by caste associations of being hostile, the CPI(M) is in an unenviable situation.
In all this turmoil, the Congress hopes to retain the State for a second consecutive term — it will be a first, if it happens. But things are not that simple. “Now we have Left workers coming to us. But Congress supporters will soon follow,” said V. Muraleedharan, State president of the BJP. Meanwhile, in a first, in the forthcoming local body elections, the BJP will nominate candidates in all wards in Puramatton Panchayat where Pattakkala falls.
varghese.g@thehindu.co.in
Printable version | Aug 29, 2015 9:44:17 PM | http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/red-fades-to-saffron-in-kerala/article7591378.ece

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Sun TV and the Maran Brothers -- Paranjoy Guha Thakurta. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

                     

                                              August 29, 2015, 9:22 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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The Business of Politics
Vol - L No. 35, August 29, 2015 | Paranjoy Guha Thakurta

Sun TV and the Maran Brothers

On 12 August 2015 the Supreme Court restrained the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) from arresting former Union Minister for Communications Dayanidhi Maran till 14 September. He had earlier been summoned by the CBI for questioning after being accused of installing a “telephone exchange” with 323 lines at his residence at a cost of Rs 400 crore for the benefit of the Sun Television group led by his elder brother Kalanithi Maran. The three-judge bench of the apex court suspected “political vendetta” behind the CBI’s intentions, which the Attorney General (AG) of India Mukul Rohatgi denied.
Two days earlier, the Madras High Court had cancelled the anticipatory bail granted to Dayanidhi and directed him to surrender before the CBI. The Supreme Court bench observed that while the first information report (FIR) in this particular criminal case had been registered two years ago, the accused person had not been arrested. The judges pointed out that the assessment of the loss to the government-owned telecommunications company Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL) was estimated at Rs 1.20 crore by the CBI, which Dayanidhi said he was willing to pay; though petitioner Swaminathan Gurumurthy had alleged that the total loss to the exchequer on account of the illegal installation and use of these lines by Sun is Rs 400 crore. The judges remarked (Mahapatra 2015):
We are not saying it is not misuse of power. But it is not that kind of corruption that requires arrest. Nobody should get away with such a crime if proved. But custody for what purpose? If you think the phone lines were fixed as part of [a] conspiracy, question him [Dayanidhi], question the BSNL officials. Why arrest him? Have you arrested the BSNL officials who agreed to comply with the illegal orders of the minister? Have you made it a matter of prestige to arrest him? ...You (CBI) file a charge-sheet and prove the charges against him...
AG Rohatgi had told the bench that the former minister misused the phone lines for data transfer, video streaming and television broadcasting for his brother’s company. He alleged that there had been a conspiracy between Dayanidhi and officials of Sun TV and BSNL. The judges were not convinced by these arguments; they wondered why the AG was appearing in an anticipatory bail case.
On 18 August, the Press Trust of India reported that the government had issued instructions that two petitions be filed against orders issued by the Delhi and Madras High Courts favouring a company in the Sun group that runs the Red FM chain of radio stations. This company had been unsuccessfully sought to be prevented by the government from participating in a public auction of airwaves on the ground that there were criminal charges pending against its promoters and directors, notably Kalanithi Maran, and that these charges had implications on the maintenance of the “economic security of the nation.”
These are among the new developments in the long drama involving the Sun group’s promoters, the Maran family and their media operations. In Tamil Nadu, more than in most Indian states, politics and the media have for long been intimately intertwined. The two biggest political parties in the state, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) (now in power in the state) have been led by media personalities. Many—if not most—prominent producers, directors and scriptwriters of films, publishers of newspapers and magazines, radio and television broadcasters and providers of content on the internet are affiliated to one of the two dominant political parties. Even the relatively smaller political parties in Tamil Nadu own and operate media organisations as control over the media is perceived as an important source of political power in the state.
Story of Sun Rise
Over the three decades since it was set up, the Sun group of companies controlled by the Maran family has become one of India’s biggest media conglomerates with around 5,000 employees and 30,000 shareholders. It operates one of the country’s largest network of television channels, 33 of them, in the four languages of southern India (Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada) which reportedly reach out to nearly 100 million households. In addition, the group owns 45 FM (frequency modulation) radio stations, besides at least two daily newspapers and six periodicals. It is engaged in distributing media content through cable and direct-to-home (DTH) operations. The group’s channels are available outside India in countries and regions like the United States, Canada, Europe, Singapore, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand.
The Sun group also produces and distributes feature films: it had released 21 feature films till the middle of 2015. It used to own the franchise of the Hyderabad Sunrisers cricket team that participates in the Indian Premier League (IPL). The Sun group is also connected to a telecom company (Aircel) and had diversified into civil aviation (SpiceJet). While the Sun group’s links to Aircel are mired in controversy, the group has sold its interests in SpiceJet to one of the company’s original promoters after the low-cost airline incurred losses, was on the verge of having to ground its aircraft and had defaulted on paying taxes deducted at source (TDS) to the Income Tax Department.
The group’s flagship company, Sun TV Network, increased its total income from Rs 2,223.62 crore in 2013–14 to Rs 2,395.38 crore in 2014–15 while its net profit went up from Rs 748.01 crore to Rs 782.04 crore in this period. These figures do not tell the full story about the size of the group which includes over a dozen closely-held private limited companies and other entities. Among the media brands that are part of the group are Sun TV, Sun News, KTV, Sun Music, Chutti TV, Sumangali Cable, Adithya TV, Chintu TV, Kiran TV, Khushi TV, Udaya Comedy, Udaya Music, Gemini TV, Gemini Comedy, Gemini Movies, Dinakaran, Suryan FM 93.5 and Red FM 93.5. Sun TV is controlled by Sun TV Network, Suryan FM is owned by Kal Radio, Red FM is owned by South Asia FM and Dinakaran is owned by Kal Publications. Kal Radio and South Asia FM are subsidiaries of Sun TV Network and the Maran family has 75% control over these companies.
One study by Anuradha Bhattacharjee and Anushi Agrawal has mapped how the market shares of the Sun group across different media segments have grown (Table 1) in the first decade of the new millennium.
Table 1: Market Shares of Sun Group (%)
Segment2000200420082011
Television9.514.418.523.9
FilmsNANA0.90.8
Direct to HomeNA0.019.217.0
Wireless Telephones2.92.92.01.9
Sources: Registrar of Companies, Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy and FICCI–KPMG reports. Compiled in Anuradha Bhattacharjee and Anushi Agrawal, “Measuring and Mapping of Media Ownership and Concentration in India and Calculation of Company Power Index of 12 Major Media Common Ownership Units (2000–12),” Indian Council of Social Science Research, unpublished.
Using market share as a proxy for control over media and information disseminated, the study estimated that the “company power index” of the Sun group rose from 65.56 in 2000 to 82.4 in 2008 and further to 152.85 in 2011. It argued that the group’s political links implied that it enjoyed more market power than what the index numbers imply. Further, the study pointed out that the only other group with a comparable sweeping presence across media sectors is Reliance Industries. In 2012, after Reliance invested in the Network18 group, it entered into an agreement with the Sun group for distribution of signals in the four southern states of the country—indicating a monopolistic presence of the group’s Sumangali and Kal cable television networks in Tamil Nadu.
The head of the Sun group, 50-year-old Kalanithi Maran (whose name, incidentally means “treasure trove” in Sanskrit) is the grand-nephew of the DMK head and former Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu Muthuvel Karunanidhi. He is the older son of Murasoli Maran, former union commerce minister. Having studied in the US, he returned to India in 1987 to oversee the working of his father’s weekly magazine, Kungumam. He then started producing TV programmes and his group entered the cable TV distribution business. The group’s flagship firm Sun TV Network was originally incorporated as Sumangali Publications in December 1985. It was only two decades later that it became a public limited company. Sun TV was launched first in Tamil in April 1993 with three hours of daily programming and became a 24-hour channel in January 1995. It did not look back thereafter, launching a number of news and entertainment TV channels and radio stations in different languages.
Over this period, the Maran family became fabulously rich. One ranking by Business Standard in September 2014 ranked Sun TV chairman Kalanithi Maran and his wife and executive director Kavery Kalanithi as the “richest” corporate executives in India, more wealthy than members of the Jindal, Birla and Munjal families as well as “professionals” like A M Naik (Larsen & Toubro), Vishal Sikka (Infosys) and N Chandrasekharan (Tata Consultancy Services). In 2013–14, the couple’s remuneration (salary, perquisites and allowances) stood at Rs 59.89 crore each. Interestingly, in the two previous years, the Maran couple had earned even more: in 2012–13, they each took Rs 112.4 crore as salary, perquisites and other allowances, while in 2011–12, they each earned Rs 114 crore. According to Forbes magazine, Kalanithi was the 23rd richest person in India in 2014 with a net worth of $2.3 billion.
The Political Son Rise
After Murasoli Maran died in November 2003, Karunanidhi offered Kalanithi a ticket to contest the 2004 Lok Sabha elections from the Chennai Central constituency. He turned down the offer which then went to his younger brother Dayanidhi who won the elections and went on to become the Union Minister for Communications and Information Technology in the first United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government in which the DMK was a constituent of the ruling coalition. Dayanidhi reportedly loves the good life and used to be Karunanidhi’s main interlocutor with former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UPA chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi.
Things seemed to be moving quite smoothly for the Maran brothers till 2007 when Dinakaran, a newspaper in the Sun group, ranked Dayanidhi as the “best performing” minister from Tamil Nadu in the central government ahead of the then Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, former DMK Minister for Shipping, Road Transport and Highways T R Baalu, former Minister of State for Environment and Forests Andimuthu Raja and Anbumani Ramadoss of the Pattali Makkal Katchi. Later that year, in May, the newspaper published another survey rating Karunanidhi’s younger son M K Stalin higher than his elder sibling M K Alagiri. This led to Alagiri’s supporters ransacking and firebombing the offices of Dinakaran and Sun TV. Three employees died in the violence.
Karunanidhi ensured that Dayanidhi’s ministerial portfolio was taken away from him and Raja was made minister for communications. Karunanidhi’s family then launched Kalaignar TV to rival Sun TV. Sharad Kumar, who was with Sun TV, ran Kalaignar TV. Arasu Cable Corporation was set up by Karunanidhi’s family to compete with Sumangali Cable Vision controlled by the Marans’ Sun group. Initially, Karunanidhi rebuffed attempts by the Marans to reconcile. Then, they patched up just before the April–May 2009 Lok Sabha elections. Dayanidhi was given a DMK ticket to contest; he won and became union minister for textiles while Raja was given a second term as communications minister in the second UPA government. Through this period of turmoil, Kalanidhi kept his head down and concentrated on growing his business. In 2010, he made a “bold” decision to enter the aviation business by buying SpiceJet.
The Maran family-owned Sun TV has been accused of brazenly browbeating its competitors to preserve its dominant market positions. Kal Cables blocked signals of rival TV channels (including Jaya TV which supports J Jayalalithaa, the AIADMK chief and current Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu) from its distribution networks whenever the DMK was in power in the state (1996–2001, 2006–11). The DMK has also been part of successive ruling coalitions in Delhi, including the United Front, the National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the UPA led by the Congress.
In its 2011 election manifesto, the AIADMK had promised to end the monopoly of the Sun group in the cable TV distribution business in the state. In June that year, a month after the AIADMK was elected to power, nine cases of cheating and intimidation were filed against Sun Pictures and its then chief operating officer Hansraj Saxena, who spent almost two months in police custody. In September that year, during the launch of Arasu Cable to compete with Sumangali and Kal, Chief Minister Jayalalithaa remarked (Ramasubramanian 2015):
For Rs 70 a month, people can enjoy more than 90 channels. So far, the money went to one family, but hereafter it will come to the state exchequer, and we are fulfilling our poll promise of breaking that monopoly.
The AIADMK was not the only rival of the Marans. The brothers ran afoul of the former head of the Tata group, Ratan Tata, allegedly because Sun TV did not want to compete on a level playing field with the DTH TV distribution services of Tata Sky. In a now-infamous, handwritten letter to Karunanidhi dated 13 November 2007, Tata praised Raja’s “rational, fair and action-oriented leadership” of the department of telecommunications (DOT). This letter was personally delivered to the then Tamil Nadu Chief Minister by lobbyist Niira Radia a few months after Raja had replaced Dayanidhi as union telecom minister. Tata, the then Chairman of Tata Sons, was questioned about this letter by Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee (PAC). He acknowledged that he had a “chemistry problem” with Dayanidhi. The PAC report which was made public in April 2011 stated (Arun 2011):
The committee is surprised that a person of Tata’s stature sent a personal letter to the DMK patriarch (Karunanidhi) when the latter had nothing to do with framing and implementation of policies at the central level… The Radia tapes only reveal the proverbial tip of the iceberg and provide glimpses of the often unreported backroom deals, shady trade-offs, the role of middlemen who have acquired a certain halo of respectability...
Maxis and Aircel
Tata was not the only businessman who had an open tiff with the Marans. On 6 June 2011, C Sivasankaran came to the Delhi headquarters of the CBI and lodged a formal complaint alleging that he had been arm-twisted by the Marans to sell his telecom company Aircel to the Malaysia-based Maxis group. Dayanidhi, however, claimed that “nobody can force anyone to sell his business” (Business Standard 2014a). Sivasankaran had put Aircel up for sale even before he became telecom minister in May 2004, Dayanidhi contended.
Earlier, in January 2011, Justice Shivaraj Patil had investigated the “appropriateness of procedures” followed by the DoT in issuing telecom licences with spectrum between 2001 and 2009. His report stated that the DoT took no action on Aircel’s applications for spectrum in six telecom circles (or geographical areas) when Dayanidhi was telecom minister and further claimed that the government-owned BSNL did not deliberately provide interconnectivity facilities to Aircel during this period.
In October 2005, Maxis began the process of acquiring Aircel. According to the FIR lodged by the CBI six years later in October 2011, Sivasankaran alleged that he received a call from Dayanidhi instructing him to “work with Maxis on the issue.” Subsequently, Sivasankaran met Kalanithi in November 2005 and the following month, he announced that he was selling Aircel to Maxis. What happened thereafter is noteworthy. Astro All Asia Networks, a company related to the Maxis group, invested Rs 629 crore in Sun Direct, the DTH firm in the Sun group. This amount included a premium of Rs 549 crore given directly to Kalanithi and Kavery who were issued shares at par value.
In July 2011, Dayanidhi was dropped from the union cabinet as textiles minister and in October that year, the CBI conducted search-and-seizure raids on the residences of the Marans located at Chennai’s Boat Club Road. As time passed, more facts about the murky Aircel–Maxis deal became known. On Sivasankaran’s complaint to the CBI that he was “forced” to sell his stake in Aircel to Maxis, in May 2014, the CBI told the Supreme Court that there was a difference of opinion between the then CBI Director (Ranjit Sinha) and the agency’s prosecution wing on the filing of a charge sheet in this criminal case. The AG had opined that there was enough prosecutable evidence. Thereafter, the Malaysia-based Maxis Communications Berhad, an accused in the case, urged current Finance Minister Arun Jaitley that it be treated in a fair manner. It cited opinions by two retired Chief Justices of India that sought to refute the CBI’s allegations against the Marans.
According to the DNA newspaper (8 August 2015), an audit report of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) alleged that former Finance Minister Chidambaram violated rules of the government’s Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) by approving the Aircel–Maxis deal worth Rs 3,514.45 crore without referring it to the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA). The rules of the FIPB state that the finance minister can only approve proposals worth Rs 600 crore and it is mandatory that he refers all proposals above this amount to the CCEA.
The CAG audit report claims the finance ministry knew in January 2006 that the Maxis group would invest $800 million in Aircel through its Mauritius-based subsidiary, Global Communication Service Holding (GCSH). The report unravels a complicated set of transactions and arrives at a conclusion that the total investment of the Maxis group in Aircel was 99.3%, rendering it ineligible to acquire the latter. This was because the rules of the government do not allow a foreign firm to hold more than 74% shares in an Indian telecom company. The government auditor has alleged that the DoT did not do the necessary due diligence on the transaction despite filings by the Maxis group in the stock exchange in Malaysia which clearly specified that it held 99.3% of Aircel’s shares.
In May 2012, this issue was raised in the Rajya Sabha where Chidambaram stated that the discrepancies in the valuation of shares need to be addressed within the purview of the law. The CAG report argued that in 74 meetings of the FIPB between 2007 and 2014, the board had recommended all proposals above Rs 600 crore to the CCEA for approval, the sole exception being the Aircel–Maxis proposal. When asked about his role in the episode, Chidambaram told DNA (Rai 2015):
Please talk to FIPB officials. These were clarified by (the then Finance Minister) Mr (Pranab) Mukherjee in Parliament. There was no additional foreign investment in the company. Only the promoter changed. Mr Ashok Chawla was Additional Secretary and Mr Ashok Jha was Secretary, DEA (Department of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance).
The trial court and the Supreme Court have already ruled that Chidambaram was prima facie not involved in the criminal case against the Marans and the Sun group. Meanwhile, in a fresh development on 2 April 2015, the enforcement directorate (in the finance ministry) attached assets worth Rs 742.58 crore held by the Maran brothers and Kalanithi’s wife Kavery under the provisions of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act. On 22 August, the Supreme Court stayed the enforcement directorate’s move to provisionally attach assets of the Sun TV group in this case.
Dayanidhi has accused the CBI of using “third degree tactics” to get former Sun TV employees like Saxena to depose against him (Ravishankar 2015). He has accused the CBI of framing him to “please an RSS ideologue from Tamil Nadu”—the reference is to chartered accountant and journalist Swaminathan Gurumurthy, convenor of the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch, which is affiliated to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and who first wrote about the telephone exchange scam in 2011. Dayanidhi has also accused a “father and son duo” of trying to bring him down in order to destroy the DMK—the veiled reference in this instance is to Chidambaram and his son Karti (Ravishankar 2015). Dayanidhi has predictably also alleged that AIADMK head and Chief Minister Jayalalithaa has carried on a “witch-hunt” against him and his family.
The 2G Telecom Scam
The Marans are being sought to be implicated in the second-generation (2G) telecom spectrum scandal at the centre of which was A Raja who gave out 122 telecom licences ostensibly on a first-come-first-served basis, 85 of them to companies which “suppressed facts, disclosed incomplete information and submitted fictitious documents” to the DoT to obtain access to scarce spectrum. Raja was forced to resign as telecom minister, taken into custody in February 2011 and kept behind bars for 15 months. A year later, in February 2012, the Supreme Court cancelled all 122 licences that had been issued during his tenure as minister.
M K Kanimozhi (daughter of Karunanidhi and the Marans’ cousin), referred to by the CBI as the “active brain” and 20% owner of Kalaignar TV, was accused of working closely with Raja. She and Raja have been accused of getting DB Realty promoter Shahid Balwa to route Rs 200 crore into the company that owns Kalaignar TV. Like Raja, she too had to spend more than six months behind bars before she was released on bail in November 2011. Dayanidhi has been accused by the CBI of being involved in this criminal case under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
Former chairman of the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India Pradip Baijal has alleged that former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had asked him to “cooperate” with the then Telecom Minister Dayanidhi Maran who warned him of “serious consequences” if he recommended the granting of unified licences. This has been alleged by Pradip Baijal, a former officer of the Indian Administrative Service, in his self-published book (2015). He has also alleged that after a routine meeting in 2004, Tata told him that Dayanidhi had “threatened” him with dire consequences if he did not accept the merger of the DTH firm Tata Sky with Sun TV. “Looking back, I believe he (Tata) probably mentioned this to me to assess whether I, as a broadcasting regulator, would try to follow Dayanidhi Maran’s instructions to damage the new Tata Sky DTH channel,” he wrote.
Dayanidhi Maran’s role in the 2G scam goes back earlier. In February 2006, five days after Manmohan Singh created a group of ministers (GOM) (comprising the ministers of defence, finance, home, parliamentary affairs and telecom) to look into allocation and pricing of spectrum, Maran wrote to the former Prime Minister (Khetan and Kirpal 2011):
You may recall my meeting with you on 1st February 2006 when we had inter-alia discussed the issue of the Group of Ministers relating to the vacation of spectrum by defence. You had kindly assured me that the Terms of Reference of the GoM would be drawn up exactly the way we wanted, which was to focus only on the issue of vacation of spectrum. I am, however, surprised to note that the GoM as constituted has much wider Terms of Reference, some of which I feel impinge upon the work normally to be carried out by the ministry itself. I shall be grateful if you could kindly instruct the concerned to modify the Terms of References suggested by us which are enclosed.
The then Prime Minister had apparently decided that a GoM would be involved in the exercise of spectrum pricing and allocation, but later Maran “forced” or “persuaded” him to rescind the decision. Manmohan Singh has gone on record saying he did nothing to enrich himself.
Competition and Corruption
The fallout of all these charges is that the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) under Rajnath Singh has sought to deny the Sun group security clearance for its TV channels and radio stations by revoking its broadcast licences from December 2015. The group has also been sought to be prevented by the government from participating in the auction for licences to set up FM radio stations. However, what is especially interesting is that another ministry in the Narendra Modi government, that is, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (I&B) headed by Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, has opposed the MHA’s decision to revoke the Sun group’s broadcasting licences.
The I&B Ministry’s position has been endorsed by AG Rohatgi who has argued that a television channel or radio station cannot be denied the right to operate on grounds that criminal cases are pending against its owners. Denial of broadcast licences, according to him, violates the fundamental right of freedom of speech and expression guaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. Rohatgi also referred to the right of viewers to receive information as part of their fundamental right to free expression and described the MHA’s move as “illegal.” Whereas the government accepts the AG’s opinion under most circumstances, technically it is not obliged to do so.
The MHA has stuck to its stand that corruption has often been found to be a precursor to threats to the country’s economic security. The MHA further stated that it might reconsider its decision if the ownership of the network changed or if the criminal charges against the owners of the Sun group are dismissed by courts of law.
Not surprisingly, the Maran brothers have strongly protested the MHA’s moves. Kalanithi Maran wrote a letter on 11 June 2015 to Rajnath Singh denying all allegations of corruption against the Sun group. He questioned the “duplicity” of the MHA, citing other TV and radio companies which have similar cases pending against them but are allowed to operate freely, without being termed a security hazard. He also stated that Sun had been “singled out” by the MHA and pointed to 17 instances of “criminal/economic offences/cases/investigations that are pending against various media companies or its directors/promotes/shareholders.”
Among these are CNN IBN and IBN 7 owned by Reliance Industries, Mavis Satcom, which runs Jaya TV, Alliance Broadcasting which runs News 7, the TV channel from Odisha Kamyab TV (whose head is allegedly linked to the Saradha scandal), Positiv Television, which broadcasts Focus News and is linked to former Congress Member of Parliament Naveen Jindal, Zee Media Corporation, BIG FM and BIG TV of the Anil Dhirubhai Ambani group, Multi Screen Media which runs Sony TV and Set Max besides groups like Sahara and Bharti Airtel.
Sun’s competitors think otherwise. “Kal Cables had the monopoly throughout Tamil Nadu for many years,” says P V Kalyanasundaram, Managing Director, Polymer TV, adding that he had to go to the Telecom Disputes Settlement and Appellate Tribunal to obtain an order instructing Kal Cables to beam its signals. “They (Kal Cables) still blocked our signals. So why are political parties talking about freedom of speech now?” he asked (Ramasubramanian 2015).
Certain media groups have indirectly come out in support of the Sun group’s position. The Economic Times (published by the Times group) argued on 16 July 2015 that “it is wrong to conflate a business with its shareholders” and claimed that the “notion that Sun’s television or radio channels threaten national security is, on the face of it, ridiculous.” It added:
True, a probe is on, against the promoters, the Marans, for multiple abuses of their political clout as powerful UPA allies. But this is no reason to take Sun off air. If every business in India, whose principal shareholders are under investigation for some economic offence or the other, is to be halted, the wheels of commerce in the country would grind to a halt. If an offence is established against the Marans, they can be penalised with fines or imprisonment. In an extreme case, they can be made to divest their holding in the media business as well. But shutting down their media business, without any charge being established as yet, is an attack on media freedom. It is also anti-competitive and could result in undue business gain for some other player in the Tamil media market. The government’s action against Sun smacks of extreme high-handedness.
An important issue that has been thrown up in these series of episodes relating to the Sun group is the implication of the absence of restrictions on cross-media ownership in India. Like the Times group, the Sun group has holdings and interests across different media and is in addition linked to a political party. However, there is no regulatory oversight on its activities by a body comparable to the Office of Communications (Ofcom) of the United Kingdom or the Federal Communications Commission of the United States. If the Sun group was operating in these countries, it may never have been able to expand in the way it has in India.
The other aspect of the developments concerning the Sun group is the way in which these have highlighted the unethical nexus between politics, business and the media. The fact that Jaitley as I&B Minister has openly disagreed with the MHA headed by Rajnath Singh and expressed concern about the negative impact of the MHA’s decision on the broadcasting sector has led to speculation that the dispute can be resolved only by the intervention of Prime Minister Modi. The political compulsions of the BJP to keep the AIADMK led by Jayalalithaa on its side on specific issues should also be kept in mind. The business rivals of the Sun group who have allegedly been at the receiving end of Marans’ bullying tactics are working hard to grab their pound of flesh while the DMK is out of power. The legal outcomes of the charges against the Marans are being closely watched.

References
Arun, B S (2011): “Radia’s Reticence Indicates Guilt Conscience, Finds Committee,” Deccan Herald, 28 April, available athttp://www.deccanherald.com/content/157533/radias-%3Cb%3Ereticence %3C/archives.php, accessed on 22 August 2015
Baijal, Pradip (2015): The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power and Private Enterprise—A Practitioner’s Diary, self published.
Business Standard (2014a): “The Story of Marans: Sun King and His Brother,” 30 August, available at http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/the-sun-king-and-his-brother-114082900874_1.html, accessed on 22 August 2015.
— (2014b): “Kalanithi Maran & Wife Are Highest Paid Chiefs in India Inc,” 10 September, available at http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/kalanithi-maran-his-wife-continues-to-be-highest-paid-ceos-in-india-inc-114090900907_1.html, accessed on 22 August 2015.
Economic Times (2015): “Authoritarian and Anti-competition: We Condemn Arbitrary Actions Against Sun TV Network,” Editorial, 22 July, available athttp://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/et-editorials/authoritarian-and-anti-competition-we-condemn-arbitrary-actions-against-sun-tv-network/, accessed on 22 August 2015.
Khetan, Ashish and Raman Kirpal (2011): “Hello? Who Will Bell This Cat,” Tehelka, 4 June, available at http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main49.asp?filename=Ne040611Coverstory.asp, accessed on 22 August 2015.
Mahapatra, Dhananjay (2015): “SC Smells ‘Political Vendetta,’ Stays Maran’s Arrest till September 14,” Times of India, 12 August, available athttp://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/48448760.cms?_ga=1.113081924.1594995835.1440327446, accessed on 22 August 2015.
Rai, Dipu (2015): “Aircel-Maxis Deal: P Chidambaram Twisted FIPB Norms,” 8 August, DNA, available at http://www.dnaindia.com/money/report-aircel-maxis-deal-p-chidambaram-twisted-fipb-norms-2112152, accessed on 22 August 2015.
Ramasubramanian, S (2015): “As Marans’ Sun TV Takes on Home Ministry, Other Tamil Channels Take on Sun TV,” Scroll.in, 21 July, available athttp://scroll.in/article/742394/as-marans-sun-tv-takes-on-home-ministry-other-tamil-channels-take-on-sun-tv, accessed on 22 August 2015.
Ravishankar, Sandhya (2015): “BSNL Scam: Wake Up Maran, the Call’s Lost,” Daily O, 22 January, available at http://www.dailyo.in/politics/bsnl-exchange-scam-marans-are-getting-what-they-deserve-dayanidhi-kalanithi-karunanidhi-aircel-maxis/story/1/1617.html, accessed on 22 August 2015.

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Svastika, Indus Script hieroglyph multiplex hypertext 'zinc, spelter, pewter alloy'

                     

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/orhmlu4

Thomas Wilson curator of US National Museum had in 1894 presented a remarkable Annual Report on Swastika symbol and its migrations. This work is advanced further with the Indus Script decipherment of the Meluhha glosses: sattva 'glyph' Rebus:sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) In the context of archaeometallurgical indicators, the svastika hieroglyph multiplex seems to have connoted an alloying process of zinc with other minerals to create pewter or brasses of various kinds. Svastika hypertexts appear in remarkable contexts of Indus Script Corpora which help prove the early significance of this hieroglyph related to metalcasters and turners' work involving creation of new alloys during the Bronze Age.

Focus of this note is on one hieroglyph: svastika evidenced on Indus Script Corpora and deriving the semantics of the hieroglyph and rebus-metonymy rendering in Indus Script cipher.

Svastika hieroglyph multiplex is a remarkable hypertext of Indus Script Corpora, which signify catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.

Svastika signifies zinc metal, spelter. This validates Thomas Wilson's indication --after a wide-ranging survey of migrations of the hieroglyph across Eurasia and across continents -- that svastika symbol connoted a commodity, apart from its being a hieroglyph, a sacred symbol in many cultures.

"Spelter, while sometimes used merely as a synonym for zinc, is often used to identify a zinc alloy. In this sense it might be an alloy of equal parts copper and zinc, i.e. a brass, used for hard soldering and brazing, or as an alloy, containing lead, that is used instead of bronze." 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spelter

Hieroglyph: sattva 'svastika' glyph Rebus: sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) సత్తుతపెల a vessel made of pewter ज&above;स्ति&below; । त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम्  jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. 


मेढा  [ mēḍhā ] m A stake, esp. as forked. 2 A dense arrangement of stakes, a palisade, a paling. 3 A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl.(Marathi) Rebus: meḍ 'iron, copper' (Munda. Slavic)


dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’





The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is: ṭhaṭṭha brass (i.e. alloy of copper + zinc). Glosses for zinc are: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter).






*ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).







h182A, h182B




The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text.





dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. The 'drummer' hieroglyph thus announces a cast metal. The technical specifications of the cast metal are further described by other hieroglyphs on side B and on the text of inscription (the text is repeated on both sides of Harappa tablet 182).







kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’. Kanac ‘corner’ Rebus: kancu ‘bronze’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka ‘Rim of jar’ (Santali); karṇaka  rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus:karṇaka ‘scribe’ (Telugu); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc -- satthiya 'svastika' glyph.






A Gold Rhyton with two tigers;  svastika incised on thigh of tiger; found in historical site of Gilanhttp://www.fouman.com/Y/Image/History/Gilan_Gold_Rhyton_Lion.jpg


sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जसथ् ।रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas ज्तस), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ् ज़स््थ् ्or zasuth ज़सुथ ्। रप m. (sg. dat. zastas ु ज़्तस),् zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). jastuvu; । रपू्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri). Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus: zinc (for) brass (or pewter). *ṭhaṭṭha1 ʻbrassʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass?]N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 1.Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H.ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493).







The drummer hieroglyph is associated with svastika glyph on this tablet (har609) and also on h182A tablet of Harappa with an identical text.




dhollu ‘drummer’ (Western Pahari) Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. The 'drummer' hieroglyph thus announces a cast metal. The technical specifications of the cast metal are further described by other hieroglyphs on side B and on the text of inscription (the text is repeated on both sides of Harappa tablet 182).




kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'alloy of five metals, pancaloha' (Tamil). ḍhol ‘drum’ (Gujarati.Marathi)(CDIAL 5608) Rebus: large stone; dul ‘to cast in a mould’. Kanac ‘corner’ Rebus: kancu ‘bronze’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. kanka ‘Rim of jar’ (Santali); karṇaka  rim of jar’(Skt.) Rebus:karṇaka ‘scribe’ (Telugu); gaṇaka id. (Skt.) (Santali) Thus, the tablets denote blacksmith's alloy cast metal accounting including the use of alloying mineral zinc -- satthiya 'svastika' glyph.




See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/12/ancient-near-east-meluhha-metalwork.html










The distinction between pictorial motifs and signs gets blurred in many compositions presented in the script inscriptions.


Thus, a svastika  appears together with an elephant or a tiger 
The 'svastika' is a  pictorial and also a sign--Sign 148




Mohejodaro, tablet in bas relief (M-478)


m0478B tablet erga = act of clearing jungle (Kui) [Note image showing two men carrying uprooted trees].




Aḍaru twig; aḍiri small and thin branch of a tree; aḍari small branches (Ka.); aḍaru twig (Tu.)(DEDR 67). Aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) Vikalpa: kūtī = bunch of twigs (Skt.) Rebus: kuṭhi = furnace (Santali) ḍhaṁkhara — m.n. ʻbranch without leaves or fruitʼ (Prakrit) (CDIAL 5524)


•era, er-a = eraka = ?nave; erako_lu = the iron axle of a carriage (Ka.M.); cf. irasu (Ka.lex.)


•era_ = claws of an animal that can do no harm (G.)


•era female, applied to women only, and generally as a mark of respect, wife; hopon era a daughter; era hopon a man’s family; manjhi era the village chief’s wife; gosae era a female Santal deity; bud.hi era an old woman; era uru wife and children; nabi era a prophetess; diku era a Hindu woman (Santali)




•Rebus: er-r-a = red; eraka = copper (Ka.) erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) erako molten cast (Tu.lex.)  agasa_le, agasa_li, agasa_lava_d.u = a goldsmith (Te.lex.)


 Hieroglyph: Looking back: krammara 'look back' (Telugu) kamar 'smith, artisan' (Santali)




erka = ekke (Tbh. of arka) aka (Tbh. of arka) copper (metal); crystal (Ka.lex.) cf. eruvai = copper (Ta.lex.) eraka, er-aka = any metal infusion (Ka.Tu.); 






^  Inverted V, m478 (lid above rim of narrow-necked jar)


The rimmed jar next to the tiger with turned head has a lid. Lid ‘ad.aren’; rebus: aduru ‘native metal’





karnika 'rim of jar' Rebus: karni 'supercargo' (Marathi) Thus, together, the jar with lid composite hieroglyhph denotes 'native metal supercargo'.





kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi = (smelter) furnace (Santali) 


eraka, hero = a messenger; a spy (G.lex.) kola ‘tiger, jackal’ (Kon.); rebus: kol working in iron, blacksmith, ‘alloy of five metals, panchaloha’ (Tamil) kol ‘furnace, forge’ (Kuwi) kolami ‘smithy’ (Te.) heraka = spy (Skt.); er to look at or for (Pkt.); er uk- to play 'peeping tom' (Ko.) Rebus: eraka ‘copper’ (Ka.) kōṭu  branch of tree, Rebus: खोट [ khōṭa ] f A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down); an ingot or wedge. 





karn.aka = handle of a vessel; ka_n.a_, kanna_ = rim, edge; 


kan.t.u = rim of a vessel; kan.t.ud.iyo = a small earthen vessel


kan.d.a kanka = rim of a water-pot; kan:kha, kankha = rim of a vessel




svastika pewter (Kannada); jasta = zinc (Hindi) yasada (Jaina Pkt.)


karibha 'trunk of elephant' ibha 'elephant' Rebus: karba 'iron' (Tulu)


kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' krammara 'turn back' Rebus: kamar 'smith'


heraka 'spy' Rebus: eraka 'moltencast, copper'


meDha 'ram' Rebus: meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho)


bAraNe ' an offering of food to a demon' (Tulu) Rebus: baran, bharat (5 copper, 4 zinc and 1 tin) (Punjabi. Bengali) bhaTa 'worshipper' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' baTa 'iron' (Gujarati)


saman 'make an offering (Santali) samanon 'gold' (Santali)


minDAl 'markhor' (Torwali) meDho 'ram' (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: me~Rhet, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali)


heraka 'spy' (Samskritam) Rebus:eraka 'molten metal, copper'


maNDa 'branch, twig' (Telugu) Rebus: maNDA 'warehouse, workshop' (Konkani)\karibha, jata kola Rebus: karba, ib, jasta, 'iron, zinc, metal (alloy of five metals)


maNDi 'kneeling position' Rebus: mADa 'shrine; mandil 'temple' (Santali)






Fig. 183. (After T. Wilson opcit)
HUT URN IN THE VATICAN MUSEUM.
“Burning altar” mark associated with
Swastikas. Etruria (Bronze Age). "They belonged to the Bronze Age, and antedated the Etruscan civilization. This was demonstrated by the finds at Corneto-Tarquinii. Tombs to the number of about 300, containing them, were found, mostly in 1880-81, at a lower level than, and were superseded by, the Etruscan tombs. They contained the weapons, tools, and ornaments peculiar to the Bronze Age—swords, hatchets, pins, fibulæ, bronze and pottery vases, etc., the characteristics of which were different from Etruscan objects of similar purpose, so they could be satisfactorily identified and segregated. The hut urns were receptacles for the ashes of the cremated dead, which, undisturbed, are to be seen in the museum. The vases forming part of this grave furniture bore the Swastika mark; three have two Swastikas, one three, one four, and another no less than eight." (T. Wilson opcit p.857)
Fig. 175. (After T Wilson opcit)

DETAIL OF ARCHAIC
BŒOTIAN VASE.

Serpents, crosses, and
Swastikas (normal, right,
left, and meander).
Goodyear, “Grammar of
the Lotus,” pl. 60, fig. 9
Fig. 174. (After T Wilson opcit)
ARCHAIC GREEK VASE WITH FIVE SWASTIKAS OF FOUR DIFFERENT FORMS.
Athens. Birch, “History of Ancient Pottery,” quoted by Waring in
“Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,” pl. 41, fig. 15; Dennis, “The
Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,” i, p. 91. "The Swastika comes from India as an ornament in form of a cone (conique) of metal, gold, silver, or bronze gilt, worn on the ears (see G. Perrot: “Histoire de l’Art,” iii, p. 562 et fig. 384), and nose-rings (see S. Reinach: “Chronique d’Orient,” 3e série, t. iv, 1886). I was the first to make known the nose-ring worn by the goddess Aphrodite-Astarte, even at Cyprus. In the Indies the women still wear these ornaments in their nostrils and ears. The fellahin of Egypt also wear similar jewelry; but as Egyptian art gives us no example of the usage of these ornaments in antiquity, it is only from the Indies that the Phenicians could have borrowed them. The nose-ring is unknown in the antiquity of all countries which surrounded the island of Cyprus." (p.851, T Wildon opcit)

"The Swastika has been discovered in Greece and in the islands of the Archipelago on objects of bronze and gold, but the principal vehicle was pottery; and of these the greatest number were the painted vases. It is remarkable that the vases on which the Swastika appears in the largest proportion should be the oldest, those belonging to the Archaic period. Those already shown as having been found at Naukratis, in Egypt, are assigned by Mr. Flinders Petrie to the sixth and fifth centuries B. C., and their presence is accounted for by migrations from Greece." (p.839 T Wilson opcit)

"Whatever else the sign Swastika may have stood for, and however many meanings it may have had, it was always ornamental. It may have been used with any or all the above significations, but it was always ornamental as well. The Swastika sign had great extension and spread itself practically over the world, largely, if not entirely, in prehistoric times, though its use in some countries has continued into modern times." (T. Wilson, p.772)


Fig. 166. (After T Wilson opcit)
CYPRIAN VASE WITH SWASTIKAS AND FIGURES OF BIRDS.
Perrot and Chipiez, “History of Art in Phenicia and Cyprus,” II, p. 300, fig. 237;
Goodyear, “Grammar of the Lotus,” pl. 48, figs. 6, 12; Cesnola, “Cyprus, its
Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,” Appendix by Murray, p. 412, pl. 44, fig. 34.
Fig. 158. (After T Wilson opcit)

CYPRIAN VASE WITH LOTUS AND
SWASTIKAS AND FIGURE OF BIRD.

Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City.
Goodyear, “Grammar of the Lotus,” pl. 60, fig. 15.

Fig. 178.(After T Wilson opcit)

CYPRIAN VASE WITH FIGURES OF
BIRDS AND SWASTIKA IN PANEL.

Musée St. Germain. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull.
Soc. d’Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 674, fig. 6.

http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img214.jpg (After Fig. 201, T. Wilson, p.864)Spearhed with svastika (croix swasticale) and triskelion. Brandenburg. Germany. Waring, 'Ceramic art in remote age,' p. 44. fig. 21 and 'Viking age' I, fig. 336

http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img215.jpg
Fig. 202 (T. Wilson opcit).

BRONZE PIN WITH SWASTIKA, POINTILLÉ,
FROM MOUND IN BAVARIA.

Chantre, Matériaux pour l’Histoire Primitive
et Naturelle de l’Homme, 1854, pp. 14, 120.
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img228.jpg After Fig. 220 (T. Wilson opcit.) Stone altar with svastika on pedestal. France museum of Toulouse De Mortillet. 'Musee Prehistorique', fig. 1267


http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img239.jpg After Figs. 231 to 234 (T. Wilson, opcit.). Ancient Hindu coins with svastika, normal and ogee. Waring, 'Ceramic art in remote ages,' pl. 41, figs. 20-24
.
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/images/img240.jpg After Fig. 235 (T. Wilson opcit). Ancient coin with svastika. Gaza. Palestine. Waring 'Ceramic art in remote ages,' pl. 42, fig.6


Fig. 32. (After T Wilson opcit)
FOOTPRINT OF BUDDHA WITH SWASTIKA, FROM AMARAVATI TOPE.
From a figure by Fergusson and Schliemann.
Plate 5. Buffalo with Swastika on Forehead. (After T. Wilson opcit)
Presented to Emperor of Sung Dynasty.
From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National
Museum by Mr. Yang Yü, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C. "In the Chinese language the sign of the Swastika is pronounced wan, and stands for “many,” “a great number,” “ten thousand,” “infinity,” and by a synecdoche is construed to mean “long life, a multitude of blessings, great happiness,” etc.; as is said in French, “mille pardons,” “mille remercîments,” a thousand thanks, etc." (T. Wilson opcit, p.800)


The possible migrations of the Swastika, and its appearance in widely separated countries and among differently cultured peoples, afford the principal interest in this subject to archæologists and anthropologists...The Swastika was certainly prehistoric in its origin. It was in extensive use during the existence of the third, fourth, and fifth cities of the site of ancient Troy, of the hill of Hissarlik; so also in the Bronze Age, apparently during its entire existence, throughout western Europe from the Mediterranean Sea to the Arctic Ocean...Professor Sayce is of the opinion that the Swastika was a Hittite symbol and passed by communication to the Aryans or some of their important branches before their final dispersion took place, but he agrees that it was unknown in Assyria, Babylonia, Phenicia, or among the Egyptians...Whether the Swastika was in use among the Chaldeans, Hittites, or the Aryans before or during their dispersion, or whether it was used by the Brahmins before the Buddhists came to India is, after all, but a matter of detail of its migrations; for it may be fairly contended that the Swastika was in use, more or less common among the people of the Bronze Age anterior to either the Chaldeans, Hittites, or the Aryans...Looking over the entire prehistoric world, we find the Swastika used on small and comparatively insignificant objects, those in common use, such as vases, pots, jugs, implements, tools, household goods and utensils, objects of the toilet, ornaments, etc., and infrequently on statues, altars, and the like. In Armenia it was found on bronze pins and buttons; in the Trojan cities on spindle-whorls; in Greece on pottery, on gold and bronze ornaments, and fibulæ. In the Bronze Age in western Europe, including Etruria, it is found on the common objects of life, such as pottery, the bronze fibulæ, ceintures, spindle-whorls, etc. (pp. 950, 951)

Source: Wilson, Thomas, 1894, The Swastika, the earliest known symbol and its migration. Annual Report, US National Museum, pages 757-1011. Washington, DC. Govt. Printing Office. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/40812-h.htm


Thomas Wilson, Curator, Prehistoric Anthropology, US National Museum. His work on the Svastika (spelt swastika) presented in Annual Report 1894 (pp. 763 to 1011) is available at 
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40812/40812-h/40812-h.htm (Photo from an obituary written by OT Mason, 1902. After Fig. 10 in: 
http://www.sil.si.edu/smithsoniancontributions/Anthropology/pdf_hi/SCtA-0048.pdf

Thomas Wilson notes in the Preface: "The principal object of this paper has been to gather and put in a compact form such information as is obtainable concerning the Swastika, leaving to others the task of adjustment of these facts and their[Pg 764] arrangement into an harmonious theory. The only conclusion sought to be deduced from the facts stated is as to the possible migration in prehistoric times of the Swastika and similar objects. No conclusion is attempted as to the time or place of origin, or the primitive meaning of the Swastika, because these are considered to be lost in antiquity. The straight line, the circle, the cross, the triangle, are simple forms, easily made, and might have been invented and re-invented in every age of primitive man and in every quarter of the globe, each time being an independent invention, meaning much or little, meaning different things among different peoples or at different times among the same people; or they may have had no settled or definite meaning. But the Swastika was probably the first to be made with a definite intention and a continuous or consecutive meaning, the knowledge of which passed from person to person, from tribe to tribe, from people to people, and from nation to nation, until, with possibly changed meanings, it has finally circled the globe." (ibid., p. 764)

In the historical periods, starting from ca. 3rd cent. BCE, some hieroglyphs of Indus Script get venerated as sacred symbols. This cultural phenomenon is explained by the occurrence -- in Jaina Ananta gumpha of Khandagiri caves -- of svastika hieroglyph together with 'lathe/furnace standard device' and 'mollusc' component in hieroglyph-multiplex variously designated by art historians as s'rivatsa/nandipada /triratna. 


Why did Indus script hieroglyphs -- e.g., svastika, portable furnace, pair of fish, fish tied to a pair of molluscs, safflower, pair of fish, fish tail -- get venerated as sacred symbols, displayed on homage tablets, say, on the Jaina AyagapaTTa अयागपट्ट of Kankali Tila, Mathura, ca. 1st or 3rd century BCE?

The context is clear and unambiguous from a pair of glosses of Indian sprachbund attested in Kota language: kole.l 'smithy' kole.l 'temple'. Indus script hieroglyphs which signified products and resources of a smithy (e.g., minerals, metals, alloys, smelters, furnaces, supercargo) also signified the cosmic phenomenon held in awe by the Bharatam Janam, metlcaster folk that mere dhatu 'minerals or earth stones or sand' could upon smelting yield metal implements, and weapons. The operations in a smithy/forge became a representation of a cosmic dance. Hence, kole.l signified both a smithy and a temple.
 Srivatsa with kanka, 'eyes' (Kui). 
Begram ivories. Plate 389 Reference: Hackin, 1954, fig.195, no catalog N°. According to an inscription on the southern gate of Sanchi stupa,
it has been carved by ivory carvers of Vidisha.Southern Gateway panel information:West pillar Front East Face has an inscription. Vedisakehi dantakarehi rupa-kammam katam - On the border of this panel – Epigraphia Indica vol II – written in Brahmi, language is Pali –  the carving of this sculpture is done by the ivory carvers of Vedisa (Vidisha). http://puratattva.in/2012/03/21/sanchi-buddham-dhammam-sangahm-5-1484 
Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string. Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi (F.) kannū (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. (DEDR 1159).



śrivatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions Pl. 33, Nandipāda-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sanchi, Sarnath and Mathura] Pl. 27, Svastika symbol: distribution in cultural periods] The association of śrivatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina āyāgapaṭas (snake-hood?) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE).  śrivatsa  symbol seems to have evolved from a stylied glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the Sanchi stupa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘śrivatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina āyāgapaṭa, a fish is ligatured within the śrivatsa  glyph,  emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with śrivatsa glyph.

(After Plates in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)


Khandagiri caves (2nd cent. BCE) Cave 3 (Jaina Ananta gumpha). Fire-altar?, śrivatsa, svastika
(hieroglyphs) (King Kharavela, a Jaina who ruled Kalinga has an inscription dated 161 BCE) contemporaneous with Bharhut and Sanchi and early Bodhgaya.





clip_image003
clip_image004[3]Tree shown on a tablet from Harappa.
[Pl. 39, Savita Sharma, opcit. Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many tablets showing Sarasvati hieroglyphs].

Kushana period, 1st century C.E.From Mathura Red Sandstone 89x92cm
books.google.com/books?id=evtIAQAAIAAJ&q=In+the+image...
Ayagapatta, Kankali Tila, Mathura.








Vishnu Sandstone Relief From Meerut India Indian Civilization 10th Century Dharma chakra. Srivatsa. Gada.

Rebus: dhamma 'dharma' (Pali) Hieroglyphs: dām 'garland, rope':
Hieroglyphs: hangi 'mollusc' + dām 'rope, garland' dã̄u m. ʻtyingʼ; puci 'tail' Rebus: puja 'worship'

Rebus: ariya sanghika dhamma puja 'veneration of arya sangha dharma'

Hieroglyph: Four hieroglyphs are depicted. Fish-tails pair are tied together. The rebus readings are as above: ayira (ariya) dhamma puja 'veneration of arya dharma'.


ayira 'fish' Rebus:ayira, ariya, 'person of noble character'. युगल yugala 'twin' Rebus: जुळणें (p. 323) [ juḷaṇēṃ ] v c & i (युगल S through जुंवळ) To put together in harmonious connection or orderly disposition (Marathi). Thus an arya with orderly disposition.

sathiya 'svastika glyph' Rebus: Sacca (adj.) [cp. Sk. satya] real, true D i.182; M ii.169; iii.207; Dh 408; nt. saccaŋ truly, verily, certainly Miln 120; saccaŋ kira is it really true? D i.113; Vin i.45, 60; J (Pali)

सांगाडा [ sāṅgāḍā ] m The skeleton, box, or frame (of a building, boat, the body &c.), the hull, shell, compages. 2 Applied, as Hulk is, to any animal or thing huge and unwieldy.
सांगाडी [ sāṅgāḍī ] f The machine within which a turner confines and steadies the piece he has to turn. Rebus: सांगाती [ sāṅgātī ] a (Better संगती) A companion, associate, fellow.Buddha-pada (feet of Buddha), carved on a rectangular slab. The margin of the slab was carved with scroll of acanthus and rosettes.  The foot-print shows important symbols like triratna, svastika, srivatsa,ankusa and elliptical objects, meticulously carved in low-relief. From Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh, being assignable on paleographical grounds to circa 1st century B.C --2nd century CE,
An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre, from Mathura
 The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum. 

An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura
An ayagapata or Jain homage tablet, with small figure of a tirthankara in the centre and inscription below, from Mathura. "Photograph taken by Edmund William Smith in 1880s-90s of a Jain homage tablet. The tablet was set up by the wife of Bhadranadi, and it was found in December 1890 near the centre of the mound of the Jain stupa at Kankali Tila. Mathura has extensive archaeological remains as it was a large and important city from the middle of the first millennium onwards. It rose to particular prominence under the Kushans as the town was their southern capital. The Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jain faiths all thrived at Mathura, and we find deities and motifs from all three and others represented in sculpture. In reference to this photograph in the list of photographic negatives, Bloch wrote that, "The technical name of such a panel was ayagapata [homage panel]." The figure in the centre is described as a Tirthamkara, a Jain prophet. The piece is now in the Lucknow Museum." http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/photocoll/a/largeimage58907.html
View of the Jaina stupa excavated at Kankali Tila, Mathura.
Manoharpura. Svastika. Top of āyāgapaṭa. Red Sandstone. Lucknow State Museum. (Scan no.0053009, 0053011, 0053012 ) See: https://www.academia.edu/11522244/A_temple_at_Sanchi_for_Dhamma_by_a_k%C4%81ra%E1%B9%87ik%C4%81_sanghin_guild_of_scribes_in_Indus_writing_cipher_continuum


Ayagapata (After Huntington)

Jain votive tablet from Mathurå. From Czuma 1985, catalogue number 3. Fish-tail is the hieroglyph together with svastika hieroglyph, fish-pair hieroglyph, safflower hieroglyph, cord (tying together molluscs and arrow?)hieroglyph multiplex, lathe multiplex (the standard device shown generally in front of a one-horned young bull on Indus Script corpora), flower bud (lotus) ligatured to the fish-tail.  All these are venerating hieroglyphs surrounding the Tirthankara in the central medallion.

Pali etyma point to the use of 卐 with semant. 'auspicious mark'; on the Sanchi stupa; the cognate gloss is: sotthika, sotthiya 'blessed'. 

Or. ṭaü ʻ zinc, pewter ʼ(CDIAL 5992). jasta 'zinc' (Hindi) sathya, satva 'zinc' (Kannada) The hieroglyph used on Indus writing consists of two forms: 卐卍. Considering the phonetic variant of Hindi gloss, it has been suggested for decipherment of Meluhha hieroglyphs in archaeometallurgical context that the early forms for both the hieroglyph and the rebus reading was: satya.

The semant. expansion relating the hieroglyph to 'welfare' may be related to the resulting alloy of brass achieved by alloying zinc with copper. The brass alloy shines like gold and was a metal of significant value, as significant as the tin (cassiterite) mineral, another alloying metal which was tin-bronze in great demand during the Bronze Age in view of the scarcity of naturally occurring copper+arsenic or arsenical bronze.

I suggest that the Meluhha gloss was a phonetic variant recorded in Pali etyma: sotthiya. This gloss was represented on Sanchi stupa inscription and also on Jaina ayagapata offerings by worshippers of ariya, ayira dhamma, by the same hieroglyph (either clockwise-twisting or anti-clockwise twisting rotatory symbol of svastika). Linguists may like to pursue this line further to suggest the semant. evolution of the hieroglyph over time, from the days of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization to the narratives of Sanchi stupa or Ayagapata of Kankali Tila.

स्वस्ति [ svasti ] ind S A particle of benediction. Ex. राजा तुला स्वस्ति असो O king! may it be well with thee!; रामाय स्वस्ति रावणाय स्वस्ति! 2 An auspicious particle. 3 A term of sanction or approbation (so be it, amen &c.) 4 Used as s n Welfare, weal, happiness.स्वस्तिक [ svastika ] n m S A mystical figure the inscription of which upon any person or thing is considered to be lucky. It is, amongst the जैन, the emblem of the seventh deified teacher of the present era. It consists of 卍. 2 A temple of a particular form with a portico in front. 3 Any auspicious or lucky object.(Marathi)

svasti f. ʻ good fortune ʼ RV. [su -- 2, √as1]Pa. suvatthi -- , sotthi -- f. ʻ well -- being ʼ, NiDoc. śvasti; Pk. satthi -- , sotthi -- f. ʻ blessing, welfare ʼ; Si. seta ʻ good fortune ʼ < *soti (H. Smith EGS 185 < sustha -- ). svastika ʻ *auspicious ʼ, m. ʻ auspicious mark ʼ R. [svastí -- ]Pa. sotthika -- , °iya -- ʻ auspicious ʼ; Pk. satthia -- , sot° m. ʻ auspicious mark ʼ; H. sathiyā, sati° m. ʻ mystical mark of good luck ʼ; G. sāthiyɔ m. ʻ auspicious mark painted on the front of a house ʼ.(CDIAL 13915, 13916)

 Nibbānasotthi (welfare). saccena suvatthi hotu nibbānaŋ Sn 235.Sotthi (f.) [Sk. svasti=su+asti] well -- being, safety, bless ing A iii.38=iv.266 ("brings future happiness"); J i.335; s. hotu hail! D i.96; sotthiŋ in safety, safely Dh 219 (=anupaddavena DhA iii.293); Pv iv.64(=nirupaddava PvA 262); Sn 269; sotthinā safely, prosperously D i.72, 96; ii.346; M i.135; J ii.87; iii.201. suvatthi the same J iv.32. See sotthika & sovatthika. -- kamma a blessing J i.343. -- kāra an utterer of blessings, a herald J vi.43. -- gata safe wandering, prosperous journey Mhvs 8, 10; sotthigamana the same J i.272. -- bhāva well -- being, prosperity, safety J i.209; iii.44; DhA ii.58; PvA 250. -- vācaka utterer of blessings, a herald Miln 359. -- sālā a hospital Mhvs 10, 101.Sotthika (& ˚iya) (adj.) [fr. sotthi] happy, auspicious, blessed, safe VvA 95; DhA ii.227 (˚iya; in phrase dīgha˚ one who is happy for long [?]).Sotthivant (adj.) [sotthi+vant] lucky, happy, safe Vv 8452.Sovatthika (adj.) [either fr. sotthi with diaeresis, or fr. su+atthi+ka=Sk. svastika] safe M i.117; Vv 187 (=sotthika VvA 95); J vi.339 (in the shape of a svastika?); Pv iv.33 (=sotthi -- bhāva -- vāha PvA 250). -- âlankāra a kind of auspicious mark J vi.488. (Pali)

...

[quote]Cunningham, later the first director of the Archaeological Survey of India, makes the claim in: The Bhilsa Topes (1854). Cunningham, surveyed the great stupa complex at Sanchi in 1851, where he famously found caskets of relics labelled 'Sāriputta' and 'Mahā Mogallāna'. [1] The Bhilsa Topes records the features, contents, artwork and inscriptions found in and around these stupas. All of the inscriptions he records are in Brāhmī script. What he says, in a note on p.18, is: "The swasti of Sanskrit is the suti of Pali; the mystic cross, or swastika is only a monogrammatic symbol formed by the combination of the two syllables, su + ti = suti." There are two problems with this. While there is a word suti in Pali it is equivalent to Sanskrit śruti'hearing'. The Pali equivalent ofsvasti is sotthi; and svastika is either sotthiya or sotthika. Cunningham is simply mistaken about this. The two letters su + ti in Brāhmī script are not much like thesvastika. This can easily been seen in the accompanying image on the right, where I have written the word in the Brāhmī script. I've included the Sanskrit and Pali words for comparison. Cunningham's imagination has run away with him. Below are two examples of donation inscriptions from the south gate of the Sanchi stupa complex taken from Cunningham's book (plate XLX, p.449). 

"Note that both begin with a lucky svastika. The top line reads 卐 vīrasu bhikhuno dānaṃ - i.e. "the donation of Bhikkhu Vīrasu." The lower inscription also ends with dānaṃ, and the name in this case is perhaps pānajāla (I'm unsure about jā). Professor Greg Schopen has noted that these inscriptions recording donations from bhikkhus and bhikkhunis seem to contradict the traditional narratives of monks and nuns not owning property or handling money. The last symbol on line 2 apparently represents the three jewels, and frequently accompanies such inscriptions...Müller [in Schliemann(2), p.346-7] notes that svasti occurs throughout 'the Veda' [sic; presumably he means the Ṛgveda where it appears a few dozen times]. It occurs both as a noun meaning 'happiness', and an adverb meaning 'well' or 'hail'. Müller suggests it would correspond to Greek εὐστική (eustikē) from εὐστώ (eustō), however neither form occurs in my Greek Dictionaries. Though svasti occurs in the Ṛgveda, svastika does not. Müller traces the earliest occurrence of svastika to Pāṇini's grammar, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, in the context of ear markers for cows to show who their owner was. Pāṇini discusses a point of grammar when making a compound using svastika and karṇa, the word for ear. I've seen no earlier reference to the word svastika, though the symbol itself was in use in the Indus Valley civilisation.[unquote]

1. Cunningham, Alexander. (1854) The Bhilsa topes, or, Buddhist monuments of central India : comprising a brief historical sketch of the rise, progress, and decline of Buddhism; with an account of the opening and examination of the various groups of topes around Bhilsa. London : Smith, Elder. [possibly the earliest recorded use of the word swastika in English].
2. Schliemann, Henry. (1880). Ilios : the city and country of the Trojans : the results of researches and discoveries on the site of Troy and through the Troad in the years 1871-72-73-78-79. London : John Murray.

http://jayarava.blogspot.in/2011/05/svastika.html

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/deciphering-indus-script-meluhha.html

Views of Koenraad Elst and Carl Sagan on Svastika symbol

"Koenraad Elst points out that swastika had been a fairly prevalent symbol of the pre-Christian Europe and remained pretty much in vogue even until the 20th century. British troops preparing to help Finland in the war of winter 1939-40 against Soviet aggression painted swastikas, then a common Finnish symbol, on their airplanes. It was also a symbol of Austrian and German völkisch subculture where it was associated with the celebration of the summer solstice. In 1919, the dentist Friedrich Krohn adopted it as the symbol of the DAP because it was understood as the symbol of the Nordic culture. Hitler adopted a variant of the DAP symbol and added the three color scheme of the Second Reich to rival the Communist hammer and sickle as a psychological weapon of propaganda (Elst, Koenraad: The Saffron Swastika, Volume 1, pp. 31-32)...Besides pre-Christian and Christian Europe, the swastika has been depicted across many ancient cultures over several millennia. Carl Sagan infers that it was inspired by the sightings of comets by the ancients. In India, it was marked on doorsteps as it was believed to bring good fortune. It was prevalent worldwide by the second millennium as Heinrich Schliemann, the discoverer of Troy, found. It was depicted in Buddhist caverns in Afghanistan. Jaina, who emphasize on avoidance of harm, have considered it a sign of benediction. The indigenous peoples of North America depicted it in their pottery, blankets, and beadwork. It was widely used in Hellenic Europe and Brazil. One also finds depictions of the swastika, turning both ways, from the seals of the Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) dating back to 2,500 BCE, as well as on coins in the 6th century BCE Greece (Sagan, Carl and Druyan, Ann: Comet, pp. 181-186)" loc.cit.: http://indiafacts.co.in/the-swastika-is-not-a-symbol-of-hatred/

Svastika is a hieroglyph used in Indus Script corpora.
It denoted jasta, 'zinc'
Mirror:
https://www.academia.edu/8362658/Meluhha_hieroglyph_5_svastika_read_rebus_tuttha_sulphate_of_zinc

A hieroglyph which is repeatedly deployed in Indus writing is svastika. What is the ancient reading and meaning?

I suggest that it reads sattva. Its rebus rendering and meaning is zastas 'spelter or sphalerite or sulphate of zinc.'

Zinc occurs in sphalerite, or sulphate of zinc in five colours.

The Meluhha gloss for 'five' is: taṭṭal Homonym is: ṭhaṭṭha ʻbrassʼ(i.e. alloy of copper + zinc).

Glosses for zinc are: sattu (Tamil), satta, sattva (Kannada) jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter; zasath ज़स््थ् or zasuth ज़सुथ् । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. zastas ज़स्तस्), zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast). 
jastuvu; । त्रपूद्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü), made of zinc or pewter.(Kashmiri).

Hence the hieroglyph: svastika repeated five times. Five svastika are thus read: taṭṭal sattva Rebus:  zinc (for) brass (or pewter).See five svastika on Mohenjodaro prism tablet (m488)
The text inscription on the tablet reads: cast bronze supercargo. It is notable that sphalerite can also be of high iron varieties and hence, the use of ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron' together with svastika on a Mohenjodaro tablet.

Hence, the gloss to denote sulphate of zinc: తుత్తము [ tuttamu ] or తుత్తరము tuttamu. [Tel.] n. Vitriol. పాకతుత్తము white vitriol, sulphate of zinc. మైలతుత్తము sulphate of copper, blue-stone. తుత్తినాగము [ tuttināgamu ] tutti-nāgamu. [Chinese.] n. Pewter. Zinc. లోహవిశేషము.துத்தம்² tuttam, n. < tuttha. 1. A prepared arsenic, vitriol, sulphate of zinc or copper; வைப்புப்பாஷாணவகை. (சூடா.) 2. Tutty, blue or white vitriol used as collyrium; கண் மருந்தாக உதவும் துரிசு. (தைலவ. தைல. 69.)
சத்து³ cattu, n. prob. šilā-jatu. 1. A variety of gypsum; கர்ப்பூரசிலாசத்து. (சங். அக.) 2. Sulphate of zinc; துத்தம். (பைஷஜ. 86.)

Hieroglyphs, allographs:

தட்டல் taṭṭal Five, a slang term; ஐந்து என்பதன் குழூஉக்குறி. (J.)

தட்டு¹-தல் taṭṭu-To obstruct, hinder, ward off; தடுத்தல். தகையினாற் காறட்டி வீழ்க்கும் (கலித். 97, 17) Tu. taḍè hindrance, obstacle Ma. taṭa resistance, warding off (as with a shield), what impedes, resists, stays, or stops, a prop Ka. taḍa impeding, check, impediment, obstacle, delay(DEDR 3031)

Ta. taṭṭi screen as of cuscuss grass, rattan, etc., tatty; taṭṭu screen folded or plain;taṭukku screen, mat, seat. Ma. taṭṭi screen, tatty, mat used as a door; taṭukku little mat for sitting on, as of school children. Ka. taṭṭi frame of bamboos, etc., a tatti, matting, bamboo mat; taḍaku, taḍike frame of bamboos, straw, leaves, etc., used as a door, blind, screen, etc., tatty; daḍḍi tatty, screen, curtain, what screens or encloses, cage; flat roof of a house. Tu. taṭṭi screen or blind made of split bamboos, cadjan, palm-leaves, etc.; daḍèscreen, blind; taḍamè a kind of stile or narrow entrance to a garden. Kor. (O.) taḍambe a gate. Te. taḍaka hurdle or tatty, screen made of bamboos, etc.; daḍi screen of mats, leaves or the like, fence. Kol. (SR.) taḍkā plaited bamboos, thatch; (Kin.) taṛka mat; (W.) daṭam door Pali taṭṭikā- palmleaf matting; Pkt. (DNM) ṭaṭṭī- fence; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5990 (DEDR 3036)1. Pa. taṭṭikā -- f. ʻ mat ʼ, taṭṭaka -- m. ʻ flat bowl ʼ; Pk. taṭṭī -- f. ʻ hedge ʼ, ṭaṭṭī -- , °ṭiā -- f. ʻ screen, curtain ʼ; K. ṭāṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ sackcloth ʼ; S. ṭaṭī f. ʻ Hindu bier ʼ; L. traṭṭī f. ʻ screen ʼ; P. taraṭṭī, ṭaṭṭī f. ʻ bamboo matting, screen ʼ(CDIAL 5990)

*ṭhaṭṭh ʻ strike ʼ. [Onom.?]N. ṭhaṭāunu ʻ to strike, beat ʼ, ṭhaṭāi ʻ striking ʼ, ṭhaṭāk -- ṭhuṭuk ʻ noise of beating ʼ; H.ṭhaṭhānā ʻ to beat ʼ, ṭhaṭhāī f. ʻ noise of beating ʼ.(CDIAL 5490)

Ta. taṭam road, way, path, route, gate, footstep. 
Ir. (Bhattacharya 1958; Z.) daḍḍa road.  Ko. daṛv path, way.(DEDR 3014)

Rebus readings:

தட்டான்¹ taṭṭāṉ, n. < தட்டு-. [M. taṭṭān.] Gold or silver smith, one of 18 kuṭimakkaḷ, q. v.; பொற்கொல்லன். (திவா.) Te. taṭravã̄ḍu goldsmith or silversmith. Cf. Turner,CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes.

*ṭhaṭṭha ʻ brass ʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass? -- N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 2. *ṭhaṭṭhakara -- 1. Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār, °rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H. ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493)

Tatta1 [pp. of tapati] heated, hot, glowing; of metals: in a melted state (cp. uttatta) Aii.122≈(tattena talena osiñcante, as punishment); Dh 308 (ayoguḷa); J ii.352 (id.); iv.306 (tattatapo "of red -- hot heat," i. e. in severe self -- torture); Miln 26, 45 (adv. red -- hot); PvA 221 (tatta -- lohasecanaŋ the pouring over of glowing copper, one of the punishments in Niraya).(Pali)


தட்டுமுட்டு taṭṭu-muṭṭu, n. Redupl. of தட்டு² [T. M. Tu. taṭṭumuṭṭu.] 1. Furniture, goods and chattels, articles of various kinds; வீட்டுச்சாமான்கள். தட்டுமுட்டு விற்று மாற்றாது (பணவிடு. 225). 2. Apparatus, tools, instruments, utensils; கருவி கள். 3. Luggage, baggage; மூட்டைகள். (W.)Ta. taṭṭumuṭṭu furniture, goods and chattels, utensils, luggage. Ma. taṭṭumuṭṭu kitchen utensils, household stuff. Tu. taṭṭimuṭṭu id.(DEDR 3041)

அஞ்சுவர்ணத்தோன் añcu-varṇattōṉ, n. < id. +. Zinc; 
துத்தநாகம். (R.) அஞ்சுவண்ணம் añcu-vaṇṇam, n. < அஞ்சு +. A trade guild; ஒருசார் வணிகர் குழு. (T. A. S. ii, 69.) அஞ்சுபஞ்சலத்தார் añcu-pañcalattār

, n. < அஞ்சு + பஞ்சாளத்தார். Pañca-kammāḷar, the five artisan classes; பஞ்சகம்மாளர். (I. M. P. Cg. 371.)


Sphalerite or zinc sulfide
Its color is usually yellow, brown, or gray to gray-black, and it may be shiny or dull. Itsluster is adamantine, resinous to submetallic for high iron varieties. It has a yellow or light brown streak, a Mohs hardness of 3.5–4, and a specific gravity of 3.9–4.1. Some specimens have a red iridescence within the gray-black crystals; these are called "ruby sphalerite." The pale yellow and red varieties have very little iron and are translucent. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sphalerite 

Indus writing mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher)--1
- Adoration of pattaṇī ʻferrymanʼ, paṭṭaṟai‘guild’, kole.l‘smithy, temple’

Meluhha hieroglyphs on Indus script catalogs document metalwork. A gloss for smithy, kole.l, also means a temple.

http://youtu.be/jFUyzMGWbkc

Indus writing mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher)—2
-- Semantics & orthography of svastikahieroglyph

Zinc was alloyed with other mineral ores to create hard alloys. Svastika hieroglyph also denoted zinc in Meluhha: sattva which also meant the alloy 'pewter'. Archaeological evidence shows condensation retorts to produce zinc metal. A demonstration of Bronze Age competence in smelting and creating alloys.

http://youtu.be/jRjpJsZvNo8




Begram ivory. Hackin 1939, p.77, fig.124 Ivory?The plaque depicts an elephant and a winged lion facing each other.. The scene is bordered on both sides by a wavy leaf or branch. The lion stands on the right side facing left, its front paw held up and touching the elephant's forehead.
Bronze tripod. Begram 26, Kabul Museum. From Hackin, MDAFA XI, 1954, fig. 340. Legs of the tripod are tiger paws. kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' kolhe 'smelters'.  Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi) 

ibha m. ʻ elephant ʼ Mn. Pa. ibha -- m., Pk. ibha -- , iha -- , Si. iba Geiger EGS 22: rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 1587) Rebus: ib 'iron' (Santali)

2135 Kur. xolā tail. Malt. qoli id. 

kul ‘tiger’ (Santali); kōlu id. (Telugu) kōlupuli = Bengal tiger (Te.) कोल्हा [ kōlhā ] कोल्हें [kōlhēṃ] A jackal (Marathi) Rebus: kol, kolhe, ‘the koles, iron smelters speaking a language akin to that of Santals’ (Santali) kol ‘working in iron’ (Tamil) kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv.
Pk. kōla -- m.; B. kol ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribe ʼ.(CDIAL 3532) 

Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. 
Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith(Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.)kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)

Fortification wall of Begram. From Ghirshman, Begram, 1946. Fortification compares with the fortification in hundreds of Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization sites, e.g. Dholavira, Surkotada, Khirsara

(After Fig. 6 in Sanjyot Mehendale)

Map of South Asia in the Magadhan and Achaemenid periods. From J. Schwartzber, A historical atlas of south Asia, 1978

త్వష్ట [ tvaṣṭa ] tvashṭa. [Skt.] n. A carpenter, వడ్లవాడు. The maker of the universe. విశ్వకర్త. One of the 12 Adityas, ద్వాదశాదిత్యులలో నొకడు.వడ్రంగి, వడ్లంగి, వడ్లవాడు [ vaḍraṅgi, vaḍlaṅgi, vaḍlavāḍu ] or వడ్లబత్తుడు vaḍrangi. [Tel.] n. A carpenter. వడ్రంగము, వడ్లపని, వడ్రము or వడ్లంగితనము vaḍrangamu. n. The trade of a carpenter. వడ్లవానివృత్తి. వడ్రంగిపని. వడ్రంగిపిట్ట or వడ్లంగిపిట్ట vaḍrangi-piṭṭa. n. A woodpecker. దార్వాఘాటము. వడ్లకంకణము vaḍla-kankaṇamu. n. A curlew. ఉల్లంకులలో భేదము. వడ్లత or వడ్లది vaḍlata. n. A woman of the carpenter caste. వర్ధకి [ vardhaki ] vardhaki. [Skt.] n. A carpenter. వడ్లవాడు.

Ta. taṭṭu (taṭṭi-) to knock, tap, pat, strike against, dash against, strike, beat, hammer, thresh; n. knocking, patting, breaking, striking against, collision; taṭṭam clapping of the hands; taṭṭal knocking, striking, clapping, tapping, beating time; taṭṭāṉ gold or silver smith; fem. taṭṭātti. Ma. taṭṭu a blow, knock; taṭṭuka to tap, dash, hit, strike against, knock; taṭṭān goldsmith; 
fem. taṭṭātti; taṭṭāran washerman; taṭṭikka to cause to hit; taṭṭippu beating. 
Ko. taṭ- (tac-) to pat, strike, kill, (curse) affects, sharpen, disregard (words); taṭ a·ṛ- (a·c) to stagger from fatigue. To. toṭ a slap; toṭ- (toṭy-) to strike (with hammer), pat, (sin) strikes; toṛ- (toṭ-) to bump foot; toṭxn, toṭxïn goldsmith; fem. toṭty, toṭxity; toṭk ïn- (ïḏ-) to be tired, exhausted. Ka. taṭṭu to tap, touch, come close, pat, strike, beat, clap, slap, knock, clap on a thing (as cowdung on a wall), drive, beat off or back, remove; n. slap or pat, blow, blow or knock of disease, danger, death, fatigue, exhaustion. Koḍ. taṭṭ- (taṭṭi-) to touch, pat, ward off, strike off, (curse) effects; taṭṭë goldsmith; fem. taṭṭati (Shanmugam). Tu. taṭṭāvuni to cause to hit, strike. Te. taṭṭu to strike, beat, knock, pat, clap, slap; n. stripe, welt; taṭravã̄ḍu goldsmith or silversmith.Kur. taṛnā (taṛcas) to flog, lash, whip. Malt. taṛce to slap. Cf. 3156 Ka. tāṭu. / Cf. Turner, CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes. (DEDR 3039)


Ek Mukhi Siva Linga, Kushana period (Government Museum, Lucknow). The Siva Linga is one of the most profound symbols of humankind. It is the "mark" of the unmanifest eternal manifesting itself in innumerable forms of the world. Simultaneously, it embodies the vital forces of nature in the manifest world.
http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2420/stories/20071019505206400.htm


"Yolamira, silver drachm, early type.....c. 125-150 AD......Diademed bust right, dotted border /Swastika right, Brahmi legend ..... Yolamirasa Bagarevaputasa Pāratarāja ......(Of Yolamira, son of Bagareva, Pārata King).....The names Yolamira and Bagareva betray the Iranian origin of this dynasty. The suffix Mira refers to the Iranian deity Mithra. Yolamira means "Warrior Mithra." Bagareva means "rich God." "The Pāratarājas are identified as such by their coins: two series of coins, one mostly in copper bearing legends in Kharoshthi and the other mostly in silver bearing legends in Brahmi. Among coins known so far, there has been no overlap between the two series, which appear to be quite separate from one another, despite commonalities of content. The notable feature of both series is that almost all of the coins bear the name ‘Pāratarāja’ as part of the legend, and they nearly always bear a swastika on the reverse (the exceptions being some very small fractions that seem to eliminate the swastika and/or the long legend, including the words ‘Pāratarāja’, for lack of space). The coins are very rare and, when found, are discovered almost exclusively in the Pakistani province of Baluchistan, reportedly mostly in the area of Loralai..."......NEW LIGHT ON THE PĀRATARĀJAS by PANKAJ TANDON.......http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf http://balkhandshambhala.blogspot.in/

FIG. 20. ANCIENT INDIAN COIN. (Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)

Fig. 20. Ancient Indian Coin.
The Migration of Symbols, by Goblet d'Alviella, [1894
(Archæological Survey of India, vol. x., pl. ii., fig. 8.)

Many coins and seals of ancient India carry the Swastika symbol.


  Satavahana coin, Copper, die-struck symbol of lion standing to right and a bigSwastika above on obverse, tree on reverse with a counter mark. As these coins are un-inscribed their issues cannot be ascertained with certainty. They ae actually regarded as the earliest coins of India.



Yolamira, silver drachm, early type c. 125-150 CE.  Legend around Swastika is inBrahmi lipi (script).  


 Kuninda, an ancient central Himalayan kingdom, c. 1st century BCE, silver coin. Rev: Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbols triratna, surrounded by a Swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Legend in Kharosthi script.

  Corinthia, Circa 550-500 BC. Stater (Silver). Pegasos, with curved wing, flying to left; below, koppa. Reverse. Incuse in the form of a Swastika to left. (Source: Wikipedia)
http://flagstamps.blogspot.in/2013/08/the-ancient-symbol-of-swastika-its-uses_5258.html
Bharhut 


"According to Bon tradition, the founder of the orthodox Bon doctrine was Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche of Tagzig...... some writers identify the region with Balkh/Bactria. The name Shenrab has an Iranian sound to it.....One of the most powerful and resonant words in pre-Buddhist Tibet was yungdrung (g.yung drung). It was a the key terms for the old royal religion, the mythological backdrop to the kingly lineage of the Tibetan Empire. For example, the inscription of the tomb of Trisong Detsen has the line: “In accord with the eternal (yungdrung) customs (tsuglag), the Emperor and Divine Son Trisong Detsen was made the ruler of men.” I discussed how to translate that term tsuglag in an earlier post. Here, as you no doubt noticed, I have translated yungdrung here as “eternal”. Eternity seems to be the general meaning of yungdrung in the early religion. In addition, the word was associated with the ancient Indo-European swastika design, which in Tibet was the graphic symbol of the eternal...what did the early Buddhist writers and translators do with this term? Many of them just attached it to the word “dharma” (i.e. Buddhism), no doubt in an attempt to transfer its prestige from the earlier religion to Buddhism. Thus we see “the eternal dharma” (g.yung drung chos) in many Dunhuang manuscripts.".....http://earlytibet.com/2008/04/30/buddhism-and-bon-iii-what-is-yungdrung/

"the Pāradas of the Mahabharata, the Puranas and other Indian sources........
"...coins of Yolamira is in itself a breakthrough, as this is one king for whom we have independent evidence. Konow reports on some pottery fragments from Tor Dherai in the Loralai district that carry an inscription relating to one Shahi Yolamira. Konow says the name Yolamira is not known to us. These coins, found in the same area, provide further evidence of the existence of this king, and can place him in some historical context.....Once again, the validity of this reading is buttressed by examining the meaning of the name. In Bactrian, the name Yola-mira means ‘warrior Mithra’....http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf
"...Of the Shahi Yola Mira, the master of the vihara, this water hall (is) the religious gift, in his own Yola-Mira-shahi-Vihara, to the order of the four quarters, in the acceptance of the Sarvastivadin teachers. And from this right donation may there be in future a share for (his) mother and father, in future a share for all beings and long life for the master of the law’ .......Sten Konow, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II pt. I, pp. 173
"....As permanent monasteries became established, the name "Vihara" was kept. Some Viharas became extremely important institutions, some of them evolving into major Buddhist Universities with thousands of students, such as Nalanda."
"fixing the reign of this dynasty in the interior of Baluchistan during the second and perhaps the third centuries AD fills an important gap in the history of the region. Very little has hitherto been known of the politics of this area from the time of Alexander’s departure to the arrival of Islamic invaders in the early eighth century. Some historians have tended to assume that the Kushans must have held sway over this region, but that hypothesis does not appear to be correct, as the Pāratarājas appear to have been ruling precisely at the time when the Kushan empire was at its zenith...".......http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf
"Given Konow’s suggestion that Kanishka began the use of the term Shahi, a suggested date for the Pāratarājas would be around the middle of the second century, give or take a quarter century or so."........http://people.bu.edu/ptandon/Paratarajas.pdf

"The swastika mark is not encountered on Kushan coins, but it is an element on Kushanshah coins.."..http://www.academia.edu/2078818/The_Mint_Cities_of_the_Kushan_Empire
"The Kabul Shahi also called Shahiya dynasties ruled one of the Middle kingdoms of India which included portions of the Kabulistan and the old province of Gandhara (now in northern Pakistan), from the decline of the Kushan Empire in the 3rd century to the early 9th century. The kingdom was known as Kabul Shahi (Kabul-shāhān or Ratbél-shāhān in Persian کابلشاهان یا رتبیل شاهان) between 565 and 879 when they had Kapisa and Kabul as their capitals, and later as Hindu Shahi.....The Shahis of Kabul/Gandhara are generally divided into the two eras of the "Buddhist Shahis" and the "Hindu Shahis", with the change-over thought to have occurred sometime around 870 AD with the Arab conquest....."....Sehrai, Fidaullah (1979). Hund: The Forgotten City of Gandhara,

"The mountainous region of Central Asia comprising the eastern parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan and northwest India has always known war. Even now, the area, high in the Hindu Kush mountains, proves difficult to hold......In the sixth century C.E., the place was known as Gondhara, and nominally controlled by the Huns—a people famed for being great horsemen and even greater warriors. Some 200 years later, Gondhara was ruled by a succession of kings called the Hindu Shahi.....It was the Hindu Shahi kings who first minted these silver coins—a simple and elegant representation of the diversity of the region. On one side is the Hun soldier on horseback; on the reverse, the bull that is so sacred to the Hindus."....http://www2.educationalcoin.com/2012/12/21/bull-horse/
Charles Frederick Oldham The Sun and the Serpent: A Contribution to the History of Serpent-worship, 1905..Serpent worship; The Shahis of Afghanistan

"King standing facing, head turned to right, Brāhmi legend at left: Koziya....Koziya issued several differnt types of copper drachms, some of very fine style, such as this one. So Koziya must have risen to the throne as a teenager and probably had quite a long reign, given the wide variety of types he issued."....http://coinindia.com/galleries-parata-rajas.html
**************************
"Bagolago is a Bactrian term.....the Bagolago at Mat (Mathura)......equivalent Prakit term 'devakula' appears in the inscriptions....the Mat site is one of three certain complexes (others are Surkh Khotal and Rabat) which are part of the same sort of ritual activity....There may be many more similar sites....as many as eight sites.......There is no way for certain what a Bagolago was....The sites have several features in common. They are not public spaces...have an association with water...had erections of both Kings and Gods....unclear if the kings attended the gods or vice-versa......there served some dynastic purpose but terms such as 'dynastic shrine' or 'dynastic cult' may be too strong....the presence of the Bagolago at Mat emphasizes the importance of Mathura....Mathura was the capital of Surasena which the Kushans ruled....http://www.academia.edu/2078818/The_Mint_Cities_of_the_Kushan_Empire
" The meager remains of Bactrian so far described are usefully supplemented by some identifiable Bactrian loanwords in other, better-known languages. As well as words already attested in Bactrian (e.g., Pers, xidēv < Bactr. xoadēo “lord,” Kroraina Prakrit personal name Vaǵamareǵa < bago “god” plus marēgo “servant”) these include some new vocabulary".....bagolaggo [-ŋg] “temple”),..... most of the “Bactrian” legends are virtually identical in vocabulary and phraseology to their Pahlavi equivalents. A legend such as bago pirōzo oazarko košano šauo “Lord Pērōz, great Kušānšāh” may be compared with the Pahl.....http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bactrian-language
"..... 'devakula' in Mathura we will return to this type of site later. ..... the only Jain Stupa known from the period; and most important, the Bagolago at Mat."
Kula-Deva (Sanskrit) ......Domestic god
कुल ...kula: chief ...family ...inhabited country ...residence of a family ...seat of a community ...lineage [ family ] ...clan ...high station ...caste ...race ...noble or eminent family or race ...tribe
"Kanishka...........SHAR had many meanings in the ancient cultures of the Near East, it meant both celestial bodies and master. UONONKCHE, which can be also read as VONONTE, was the name of a number of historical personalities - for example the Parphian king Vonones, its successor Vonones, the second name or more exactly - the title of the conqueror of Bactria - the Kushan ruler Kanishka, called Uanando Bagolago. All names stem from the epithet Vanand ('victorious, presented with the grace of the Gods'), which is of very ancient origin with roots in the Sumero-Accadian and from there in the Sanskrit culture. Since the eastern Iranian languages replaced "o" with "a" (which is also characteristic to the modern Mundjan and Tadjik languages), in Old Parphian this epithet was pronounced as VONONES, while for the Kushans - as UANAND.. ".....http://ashrafonline.net/vb/showthread.php?p=316003
Канишки (Канишка) звучало Uanando Bagolago
نصف الأبجدية الهركليفية 14/28 اكتشفت من طرف العلماء العرب في ... ......The best example is a stamp of Tervel, where next to the face of the ruler are ... the conqueror of Bactria - the Kushan Ruler Kanishka, called Uanando Bagolago....http://ar.cyclopaedia.net/wiki/Kushan_Ruler
"Kanishka I (Sanskrit: कनिष्क; Bactrian: Κανηϸκι, Kaneshki; Middle Chinese: 迦腻色伽 (Ka-ni-sak-ka > New Chinese: Jianisejia), or Kanishka the Great, was the emperor of the Kushan dynasty in 127–151 AD.....famous for his military, political, and spiritual achievements. A descendant of Kushan empire founder Kujula Kadphises, Kanishka came to rule an empire in Bactria extending from Turfan in the Tarim Basin to Pataliputra on the Gangetic plain during the Golden Age of the Kushanas. The main capital of his empire was located at Puruṣapura in Gandhara (Peshawar in present Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan), with two other major capitals at ancient Kapisa (present Bagram, Afghanistan) and Mathura, India. His conequests and patronage of Buddhism played an important role in the development of the Silk Road, and the transmission of Mahayana Buddhism from Gandhara across the Karakoram range to China."
Iranian/Indic phase.....Following the transition to the Bactrian language on coins, Iranian and Indic divinities replace the Greek ones: ΜΑΝΑΟΒΑΓΟ (manaobago, Vohu Manah ).......Vohu Manah is the Avestan language term for a Zoroastrian concept, generally translated as "Good Purpose" or "Good Mind" (cognate with Sanskrit vasu manas), referring to the good moral state of mind that enables an individual to accomplish his duties.
Surkh Kotal...... 36.03N, 68.55E......."That Surkh Kotal was a major site of direct importance to the Kushan dynasty is beyond doubt. It is the site of a bagolago, a dynastic shrine associated with the period from Wima Kadphises to Huvishka........http://www.kushan.org/sources/coin/sites.htm......Ball, 1982: no.1123 ....Ball, W (1982) Archaeological Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Catalogue des Sites Archaeologiques D'Afghanistan. 2 Volumes.
"The Rabatak inscription is an inscription written on a rock in the Bactrian language and the Greek script, which was found in 1993 at the site of Rabatak, near Surkh Kotal in Afghanistan. The inscription relates to the rule of the Kushan emperor Kanishka, and gives remarkable clues on the genealogy of the Kushan dynasty."
"Jamal Garhai is ancient Gandharan site located 13 kilometers from Mardan in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in northern Pakistan. Jamal Garhi was a Buddhist monastery from the first until the fifth century AD at a time when Buddhism flourished.....The most remarkable find in Jamal Garhi is the circular stupa situated on high ground to the west of the main clump of edifices. The stupa is surrounded by a ring of cubicles that may have either served as shrines housing images of Buddha or prayer chambers for the devout. The superior stonework and symmetry of the stupa are notable..... The Central Asiatic Kushans, originally fire worshippers, had embraced Buddhism and followed their new faith with the customary zeal of recent converts. In fact, Huvishka’s predecessor, the great Kanishka, is commemorated to this day for his ardent pursuit of ordering some of the most monumental stupas ever to be raised...........http://odysseuslahori.blogspot.com/2014/10/Jamal-Garhi.html
"The Kushan empire emerged as one of the most powerful empire empire during first century A.D. in central Asia.....Kushanas had very unique system of administrative system. King was highest level of administration. King and kingship was linked with divine rule.The Kushana kings generally used exalted titles like maharajadhiraja (king of kings), daivaputra (son of heaven), soter (Saviour) and kaisara (Caesar). The Kushans had appointed ksatrapas and mahaksatrapas for different units of the empire. There were other officials performing both civil and military functions, called dandanayaka and mahadandanayaka.......The Kushans seem to have followed the earlier existing pattern of the Indo-Greeks and Parthians by appointing ksatrapas and mahaksatrapas for different units of the empire. There were other officials performing both civil and military functions, called dandanayaka and mahadandanayaka. At village level, gramika and padrapala– both signifying ‘village headman’, who collected the king’s dues and took cognizance of crimes in his area."......
"It seems that the Kushans, upon becoming masters of Bactria, at first continued the traditional use of Greek as a medium of written communication. As a spoken language they had adopted Bactrian, the native idiom of the country, which they afterwards elevated to the status of a written language and employed for official purposes, perhaps as a result of increasing national or dynastic pride. The earliest known inscriptions in Bactrian (the “unfinished inscription” from Surkh Kotal, cf. A. D. H. Bivar, BSOAS 26, 1963, pp. 498-502, and the Dašt-e Nāvūr trilingual) belong to the reign of Vima Kadphises. A few decades later, early in the reign of Kanishka I, Bactrian replaced Greek on the Kushan coins. After this period Greek ceased to be used as an official language in Bactria (although later instances of its use by Greek settlers are known, cf. P. M. Fraser, Afghan Studies 3-4, 1982, pp. 77f.)."....http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bactrian-language
Mithraic Studies: Proceedings of the First International Congress.....Page 138 ...By John R. Hinnells

http://balkhandshambhala.blogspot.in/


Necklaces with a number of pendants

aṣṭamangalaka hāra

aṣṭamangalaka hāra  depicted on a pillar of a gateway(toran.a) at the stupa of Sanchi, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, Thedeeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi:fig. 62] The hāra  or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifsindicating weapons (cakra,  paraśu,an:kuśa), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull. 
•
(cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher,The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27).The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala,1977, Bhāratīya Kalā , Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as:sun,śukra,  padmasara,an:kuśa, vaijayanti, pan:kaja,mīna-mithuna,śrīvatsa, paraśu,
darpaṇa and kamala. "The axe (paraśu) and an:kuśa pendants are common at sites of north India and some oftheir finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur."(Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sanchi: A cultural Study , Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma,1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and S'un:ga Periods,Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125). 

After Pl. 30 C in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian symbols, numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agama Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, UP., 1975, Aspects of Jain Art and Architecture, p.77)

In his 1890 monograph, Theobald lists 312 'symbols' deployed on punch-marked coins. He revises the list to 342 symbols in his 1901 monograph. It should be noted that many of the symbols recorded on punch-marked coins also survive on later coinages, in particular of Ujjain and Eran and on many cast coins of janapadas. DR Bhandarkar’s view is that the early punch-marked coinage in Hindustan is datable to 10th century BCE though the numismatists claim that the earliest coinage is that of Lydia of 7th century BCE.

“The coins to which these notes refer, though presenting neither king’s names, dates of inscription of any sort, are nevertheless very interesting not only from their being the earliest money coined in India, and of a purely indigenous character, but from their being stamped with a number of symbols, some of which we can, with the utmost confidence, declare to have originated in distant lands and in the remotest antiquity…The coins to which I shall confine my remarks are those to which the term ‘punch-marked’ properly applies. The ‘punch’ used to produce these coins differed from the ordinary dies which subsequently came into use, in that they covered only a portion of the surface of the coin or ‘blank’, and impressed only one, of the many symbols usually seen on their pieces…One thing which is specially striking about most of the symb ols representing animals is, the fidelity and spirit with which certain portions of it may be of an animal, or certain attitudes are represented…Man, Woman, the Elephant, Bull, Dog, Rhinoceros, Goat, Hare, Peacock, Turtle, Snake, Fish, Frog, are all recognizable at a glance…First, there is the historical record of Quintus Curtius, who describes the Raja of Taxila (the modern Shahdheri, 20miles north-west from Rawal Pindi) as offering Alexander 80 talents of coined silver (‘signati argenti’). Now what other, except these punch-marked coins could these pieces of coined silver have been? Again, the name by which these coins are spoken of in the Buddhist sutras, about 200 BCE was ‘purana’, which simply signies ‘old’, whence the General argunes that the word ‘old as applied to the indigenous ‘karsha’, was used to distinguish it from the new and more recent issues of the Greeks. Then again a mere comparison of the two classes of coins almost itself suffices to refute the idea of the Indian coins being derived from the Greek. The Greek coins present us with a portrait of the king, with his name and titles in two languages together with a great number and variety of monograms indicating, in many instances where they have been deciphered by the ingenuity and perseverance of General Cunningham and others, the names of the mint cities where the coins were struck, and it is our ignorance of the geographical names of the period that probably has prevented the whole of them receiving their proper attribution; but with the indigenous coins it is far otherwise, as they display neither king’s head, neame, titles or mongrams of any description…It is true that General Cunningham considers that many of these symbols, though not monograms in a strict sense, are nevertheless marks which indicate the mints where the coins were struck or the tribes among whom they were current, and this contention in no wise invalidates the supposition contended for by me either that the majority of them possess an esoteric meaning or have originated in other lands at a period anterior to their adoption for the purpose they fulfil on the coins in Hindustan.” (W. Theobald, 1890, Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, and on their relationship to the archaic symbolism of other races and distant lands, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), Part 1. History , Literature etc., Nos. III & IV, 1890, pp. 181 to 184)



W. Theobald, 1890, Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, and on their relationship to the archaic symbolism of other races and distant lands, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), Part 1. History , Literature etc., Nos. III & IV, 1890, pp. 181 to 268, Plates VIII to XI

W. Theobald, 1901, A revision of the symbols on the ‘Karshapana’ Coinage, described in Vol. LIX, JASB, 1890, Part I, No. 3, and Descriptions of many additional symbols, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bombay Branch (JASB), No. 2, 1901 (Read December, 1899).

Plates VIII to XI of Theobald, 1890 listing symbols on punch-marked coins...


The 'symbols' which are a continuum from Indus script hieroglyphs all of which relate to metalwork are:




















Meluhha glosses read rebus related to metalwork for these Indus script hieroglyphs are detailed in the book, Indus Script -- Meluhha metalwork hieroglyphs (2014).

The date 1800 BCE is significant in the context of the Ganga River valley of Indian civilization. In the sites of Dadupur, Lahuradewa, Malhar, Raja Nal-ka-tila, iron smelting activities have been attested with the remains of a smelter discovered, dated to ca. 1800 BCE. (Rakesh Tewari, 2003,The origins of iron-working in India: new evidence from the Central Ganga Plain and the Eastern Vindhyas  

http://antiquity.ac.uk/ProjGall/tewari/tewari.pdf 

Tewari, R., RK Srivastava & KK Singh, 2002, Excavation at Lahuradewa, Dist. Sant Kabir Nagar, Uttar Pradesh, Puratattva 32: 54-62).
table
Dates for early iron use from Indian sites (After Table 1. Rakesh Sinha opcit.)
Technologies used in Mehergarh (5500 - 3500 BCE) included stone and copper drills, updraft kilns, large pit kilns and copper melting crucibles.

Nageshwar: Fire altar (After Fig. 3 in Nagaraja Rao, MS, 1986).
http://asi.nic.in/nmma_reviews/Indian%20Archaeology%201983-84%20A%20Review.pdf
Large updraft kiln of the Harappan period (ca. 2400 BCE) found during excavations on Mound E Harappa, 1989 (After Fig. 8.8, Kenoyer, 2000). See: Discussion on stone structures in Dholavira:  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-metallurgical-roots-and-spread.html

Lothal: bead-making kilnLothal. Bead-making kiln. Rao,S.R. 1979. Lothal--A Harappan Port Town 1955-62, Vol. I. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.; Rao, S.R. 1985. Lothal--A Harapan Port Town 1955-62. Vol. II. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.
Harappa. Bead makers' kiln where the heat was distributed equally to all the holes. The 8-shaped stone structure indicates that this is a bead-maker's kiln. The 8-shaped stone structures with an altar or stone stool in the middle can thus be explained functionally as an anvil used by the bead makers to drill holes through beads and to forge material including metal artifacts.
Vitrified kiln walls were discovered in Harappa.
Harappa. Kiln (furnace) 1999, Mound F, Trench 43: Period 5 kiln, plan and section views.
excavationDamaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body, exposed at lohsanwa mound, Period II, Malhar, Dist. Chandauli. (After Rakesh Sinha opcit.)
The Sindhu-Sarasvati river valley Indian civilization life-activities of metalwork thus continues into the Ganga river valley. The extension of the civilization into the third river valley of Brahmaputra (another perennial Himalayan river system) is as yet an open question subject to archaeological confirmation. The mapping of bronze age sites along the eastern and northeastern parts of India and extending into the Burma, Malay Peninsula and eastwards upto Vietnam (coterminus with the Austro-Asiatic language speaking communities along the Himalayan rivers of Irrawaddy, Salween and Mekong) point to the possibility that the transition of chalco-lithic cultures into the Bronze-iron age (or Metal Alloys age) was a continuum traceable from Mehergarh to Hanoi (Vietnam). 
This continuum of metalwork as a principal life-activity (and trade) may also explain the remarkable discovery of the Bronze Age site of Ban Chiang in Thailand (dated to early 2nd millennium BCE). It should be noted that the site of Ban Chiang is proximate to the largest reserves of Tin (cassiterite) ore in the world which stretched along a massive mineral resource belt in Malay Peninsula into the Northeast India (Brahmaputra river valley). The chronological sequencing of metalworking with tin is an archaeometallurgical challenge which archaeologists and metallurgicals have to unravel in a multi-disciplinary endeavour.
The exploration metalwork in the in Northeastern India, in Brahmaputra river valley can relate to the remarkable fire-altar discovered in Uttarakashi:
Syena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi Distt. Fire-altar shaped like a falcon.
Excavated site (1996): Purola Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30° 52’54” N Long. 77° 05’33” E "The ancient site at Purola is located on the left bank of river Kamal. The excavation yielded the remains of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) from the earliest level along with other associated materials include terracotta figurines, beads, potter-stamp, the dental and femur portions of domesticated horse (Equas Cabalus Linn). The most important finding from the site is a brick alter identified as Syenachiti by the excavator. The structure is in the shape of a flying eagle Garuda, head facing east with outstretched wings. In the center of the structure is the chiti is a square chamber yielded remains of pottery assignable to circa first century B.C. to second century AD. In addition copper coin of Kuninda and other material i.e. ash, bone pieces etc and a thin gold leaf impressed with a human figure tentatively identified as Agni have also been recovered from the central chamber.Note: Many ancient metallic coins (called Kuninda copper coins) were discovered at Purola. cf. Devendra Handa, 2007, Tribal coins of ancient India, ISBN: 8173053170, Aryan Books International."
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/syena-orthography.html

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/03/x.html?q=a+temple+at+sanchi

Glosses linked to zinc, pewter


तुत्थ tuttha [p= 450,2] n. (m. L. ) blue vitriol (used as an eye-ointment) Sus3r.; fire;n. a rock Un2. k. (Monier-Williams) upadhātuḥ उपधातुः An inferior metal, semi-metal. They are seven; सप्तोपधातवः स्वर्णं माक्षिकं तारमाक्षिकम् । तुत्थं कांस्यं च रातिश्च सुन्दूरं च शिलाजतु ॥ (Apte. Samskritam) Ta. turu rust, verdigris, flaw; turucu, turuci blue vitriol, spot, dirt, blemish, stain, defect, rust; turicu fault, crime, sorrow, affliction, perversity, blue vitriol; tukku, tuppu rust. Ma. turiśu blue vitriol; turumpu, turuvu rust. Ka. tukku rust of iron; tutta, tuttu, tutte blue vitriol. Tu. tukků rust; mair(ů)suttu, (Eng.-Tu. Dict.) mairůtuttu blue vitriol. Te. t(r)uppu rust; (SAN) trukku id., verdigris. / Cf. Skt.tuttha- blue vitriol; Turner, CDIAL, no. 5855 (DEDR 3343). tutthá n. (m. lex.), tutthaka -- n. ʻ blue vitriol (used as an eye ointment) ʼ Suśr., tūtaka -- lex. 2. *thōttha -- 4. 3. *tūtta -- . 4. *tōtta -- 2. [Prob. ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 381; cf. dhūrta -- 2 n. ʻ iron filings ʼ lex.]1. N. tutho ʻ blue vitriol or sulphate of copper ʼ, B. tuth.2. K. thŏth, dat. °thas m., P. thothā m.3. S. tūtio m., A. tutiyā, B. tũte, Or. tutiā, H. tūtā, tūtiyā m., M. tutiyā m.4. M. totā m.(CDIAL 5855) तुतिया [ tutiyā ] m ( H) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper.तुत्या [ tutyā ] m An implement of the goldsmith.तोता [ tōtā ] m ( H) (Properly तुतिया) Blue vitriol.(Marathi) <taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>, Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper',H.<tutIya>.  %31451.  #31231. Ju<taTia>(M),,<tatia>(P)  {N} ``metal ^cup, ^frying_^pan''.  *Ho<cele>, H.<kARahi>,Sa.<tutiA> `blue vitriol, bluestone, sulphate of copper', (Munda etyma) S توتیا totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Tutty, protoxyd of zinc. (E.) Sing. and Pl.); (W.) Pl. توتیاوي totīʿāwī. نیل توتیا nīl totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Blue vitriol, sulphate of copper. سبز توتیا sabz totī-yā, s.f. (6th) Green vitriol, or sulphate of iron.(Pashto) thŏth 1 थ्वथ् । कण्टकः, अन्तरायः, निरोध, शिरोवेष्टनवस्त्रम् m. (sg. dat. thŏthas थ्वथस्), blue vitriol, sulphate of copper (cf. nīla-tho, p. 634a, l. 26)(Kashmiri) sattu, satavu, satuvu 'pewter' (Kannada) సత్తుతపెల a vessel made of pewter ज&above;स्ति&below; । त्रपुधातुविशेषनिर्मितम्  jasth जस्थ । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. jastas जस्तस्), zinc, spelter; pewter. jastuvu जस्तुवु&below; । त्रपूद्भवः adj. (f. jastüvü जस्त&above;वू&below;), made of zinc or pewter. zasath ज़स््थ् or zasuth ज़सुथ् । त्रपु m. (sg. dat. zastas ज़स्तस्), zinc, spelter, pewter (cf. Hindī jast).(Kashmiri) س jas, s.m. (6th) Pewter. Sing. and Pl. See also HI جست jast, s.m. (6th) Pewter. Sing. and Pl. . (P) jastaʿh, Pewter, Pl. يْ ey.(Pashto) खर्परसूत्र (p. 199) [ kharparasūtra ] n S A factitious metal, a sort of pewter. खापरसूत (p. 205) [ khāparasūta ] n (खर्परसूत्र S) A factitious metal, a sort of pewter.जस्त (p. 311) [ jasta ] n ( H) A coarse kind of pewter, Spelter or Tutanag.जस्तफूल or जस्ताचें फूल (p. 311) [ jastaphūla or jastācē mphūla ] n Pewter puffed out like a sponge by exposure to heat.जस्ती (p. 311) [ jastī ] a (जस्त) Relating to जस्त or pewter. भटूर or भटोर (p. 598) [ bhaṭūra or bhaṭōra ] n A factitious metal (of copper, lead, and pewter &c.)भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. 2 Green carbonate of lime. सुरई (p. 861) [ surī ] f (सुरा S through or H) A goblet for cooling water. It is commonly of pewter and is long-necked.(Marathi) H جست जस्त jast, s.m. Zine, spelter; tutenag; prince's metal; pewter:—rūp-jast, s.m. Pewter:—kālā jast, s.m. A sort of blende, or sulphuret of zinc.  H جستي जस्ती jastī [jast, q.v.+ई(इन्)+कः], adj. Of, or made of, zinc, or pewter; pewter. H رانگ 
रांग rāng [S. रङ्गं], s.f. = H رانگا रांगा rāṅgā [S. रङ्ग+कं], s.m. Pewter; tin:—rāṅg-bharā, s.m. A maker of pewter toys, a toyman (=rang-bhariyā):—rāṅg honā, v.n. To be melted or liquefied; (fig.) to fall or deteriorate in value.A رصاص raṣāṣ (v.n. fr. رصّ 'to stick or join together'), s.m. Lead; pewter; tin.A رصاص raṣṣāṣ (v.n. fr. رصّ; see raṣāṣ), s.m. A seller of lead; a worker in lead and pewter, a tinman.H روپ रूप rūp [Prk. रुप्पं; S. रूप्यं], s.m. Silver (=rūpā); base silver:—rūp-jast, s.m. Mixed metal, a metal composed of quicksilver, tin, and lead (of which ḥuqqa bottoms, &c. are made); pewter:—rūp-ras, s.m. Killed or calcined silver.(Urdu) কংস, কংশ (p. 0192) [ kaṃsa, kaṃśa ] n bell metal—an alloy of copper and tin, pewter; a vessel of bell metal. রূপ (p. 0916) [ rūpa ]  ̃দস্তা n. pewter, white metal; German silver. (Bengali) rūḥi tutiyā, Mercury; a sort of pewter; wine;--rūḥi ḥayātī, The vital spirit A قردیر qazdīr, Tin, 
pewter.G قسطیر qist̤īr, Tin, pewter.شیر kafshīr, Solder; borax; lead, tin, pewter;--kafshīr kardan, To solder;--kafshīr giriftan (paẕīruftan), To be sol- dered, closed up, united; to heal.(Persian)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-deciphered-squirrel.html Annex: Zinc and Brass in Archaeological Perspective Authors: J. Kharakwal, L. Gurjar
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Indus Script deciphered: crane or egret on Dong Son bronze drums & kankachiti, fire-altar in Vedic tradition

                     

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/p6jl4x6
The lexis of Proto-Prakritam or Meluhha includes a word for crane in the maritime region of Indian Ocean. The word kokku and cognates occur in all the ancient languages of the region extending from India to Vietnam. The Dong Son bronze drums show a hieroglyph of crane or egret engraved using cire perdue lost-wax casting technique. The rebus readings of Indus Script are a pointer to the interpretation of this hieroglyph of the Bronze Age from the tin belt of the globe.
śyenaciti 'falcon altar' or kankaciti 'heron altar' are variant bird-shaped sacred spaces and structures described in the Śulbasūtras related to Vedic Yajnas. Such structures are also attested in archaeometallurgy. Many sites with such altars are also associated with coin-mints and metalwork [as for example, in Sanghol and sites such as Purola (Uttarakashi) linked with Kunindas in northern Bharatam].

Hieroglyphs of kanka 'heron' on Dong Son bronze drums.

Bird, boat hieroglyphs on Dong Son drums 

Hieroglyph: कंकर [ kaṅkara ](Commonly कांकर) A brace of a drum. (Marathi)
Hieroglyph: kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS

Rebus: kāgni m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop. [ka -- 3 or kā -- , agní -- ]K. kang m. ʻ brazier, fireplace ʼ?(CDIAL 2999) *kāṅgārikā ʻ poor or small brazier ʼ. [Cf. kāgni -- m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop.: ka -- 3 or kā -- , aṅgāri -- ]K. kã̄gürü, kã̄gar f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ whence kangar m. ʻ large do. ʼ (or < *kāṅgāra -- ?); H. kã̄grī f. ʻ small portable brazier ʼ.(CDIAL 3006)

कंकर [ kaṅkara ] m Gravel: also a single pebble or particle. Pr. नरमदेंत जितके कं0 तितके शंकर. (Marathi) karkara2 m.n. ʻ stone ʼ, m. ʻ bone ʼ lex. [Prob. same as karkara -- 1: for semant. development ʻ ice ~ hail ~ stone ʼ cf. aśáni -- , úpala -- ] Pk. kakkara -- m. ʻ stone, pebble ʼ; S. kakiro m. ʻ stone ʼ, °rī f. ʻ stone in the bladder ʼ; L. kakrā m. ʻ gravel ʼ; A. kã̄kar ʻ stone, pebble ʼ; B. kã̄kar ʻ gravel ʼ, Or.kāṅkara, kaṅ°; Bi. kãkrāhī ʻ gravelly soil ʼ; OAw. kāṁkara ʻ gravel ʼ; H. kã̄kar, kaṅkar, °krā m. ʻ nodule of limestone ʼ, kã̄krī, kaṅk° f. ʻ gravel ʼ; G. kã̄krɔ m. ʻ pebble ʼ, °rī f. ʻ small pebble, sand ʼ, kākriyũ ʻ abounding in pebbles ʼ, n. ʻ stony field ʼ; M. kaṅkar m. ʻ pebble, gravel ʼ. S.kcch. kakro m. ʻ pebble ʼ. (CDIAL 2820) কঙ্কর, কাঁকর [ kaṅkara, kān̐kara ] n gravel, a coarse grain of sand, a very small particle of stone, grit. ☐ a. coarse; harsh. কাঁকুরে [ kān̐kurē ] a gravelly, gritty; full of or mixed with stones.(Bengali)

"An agni (a technical term not to be identified as fire) is a raised altar made of bricks for keeping the fire and is considered as the seat of fire (agni-kshetra). The fire-altars were of two types, the perpetual one called nitya and the optional one called kamya. The perpetual fire-altars are the garhapatya (round), theahavaniya (square) and the daksinagni (semi-circle) on which the nityasacrifices like agnihotra, ishtis, etc. are performed. The syena-chiti, the prauga-chiti, the kanka-chiti, the drona-chiti, the ratha-cakra-chiti, the alaja-chiti, thechandas-chiti, the ubhayata-prauga-chiti, the paricayya-chiti, the kurma-chitiand the smasana-chiti are included in the list of kamya-chitis. "

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/06/suparna-syena-patanga-garuda-takes-to.html  

Baudhayana Srautasutra on Layout of kanka citi:



An extract from the book


with Commentary by Parameswaran Murthiyedath




Sutra 12 (Kankaciti)



Sutra 12.1 Kankacita etenatma Puccam ca vyakhyatam






(The Kankacita defined here will have a body and a tail)






The Kankacita is known to have the shape of a heron.









Sutra 12.2



sirasi pancopadadhyat 


tasyakrtirvyakhyata 


sirasi pancopadadhya


ttasyakrtirvyakhyata






(the head will be obtained as 5 by definition of its shape)






As per the definition the head will be obtained as 5.






This states that the length of the head along the east west is 5 aratni from the body. With the same words a meaning that the area of the head is 5 sq. aratni could also be derived. Both meanings are true and so meant.









Sutra 12.3



Saptapancasaddaksine paksa upadadhyat


tathottare 


Saptapancasaddaksinepaksa upadadhya


ttathottare






(5 and 7 to south the wing will be obtained next the north)






The wing at south will be obtained as 5 and 7and likewise the north. Again, The wing tips are at a distance of 12aratni’s to south (5+7) and at the same time it means that the area of the wings are 57 sq. aratni.






Sutra 12.4



Vyayamena sapradesna paksayorapanamah pancamabhagiyardhyabhih sat sat patrani kuryat adhyardhavasisyate vyayamena sapradesnapaksayorapanamah pancamabhagiyardhyabhih sat sat patrani kuryat adhyardhavasisyate






(by vyayama measure with the pradesa the wings bent with the pancami and adhyardha six and six wing cuts as stated an adhyardha will be balanced)






Table 1: Area of Kankacit



Sutra 12.7


athestakanam vikarah  pancamabhagiyah savayavah  padestakam caturbhih parigrhniyadardhapradesenadhyardhapradesena







Demoiselle Cranes at Tal Chappar.jpg"The demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo) is a species of crane found in central Eurasia, ranging from the Black Sea to Mongolia and North Eastern China. There is also a small breeding population in Turkey. These cranes are migratory birds. Birds from western Eurasia will spend the winter in Africa whilst the birds from Asia, Mongolia and China will spend the winter in the Indian subcontinent. The bird is symbolically significant in the culture of North India, where it is known as thekoonj." (R. K. Gaur, Indian birds, Brijbasi Printers, 1994, ... The smallest member of the crane family, the demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo ) is a distinctive looking bird, with ashy grey ... The local name for this crane — koonj — is onomatopoeic, deriving from the Sanskrit 'kraunch', the origin of the word crane itself ...)

Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To. košk heron. Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane. Pa. kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle (pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi, (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane. Br. xāxūr demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595. (DEDR 2125)  2595 kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko]
Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).CDIAL 2595) कोकणघार [ kōkaṇaghāra ] f (Nashik &c.) Konkan̤-kite. A term for the Damoiselle crane or Ardea virgo. Commonly करकोची.(Marathi)
280 *kuk; *kuək egret. A: (Khmer, South Bahnaric) Khmer kok heron, egret, Biat kok egret.
B: (Bahnaric) Chrau kɔːʔ cattle egret, Bahnar [klaːŋ] kɔːk generic term for egrets &c. (GUILLEMINET 1959-63); probably → Cham kɔːʔ; Vietnamese cò. 
Sidwell, Paul, 2007, Proto-Mon-Khmer vocalism: moving on from short's 'alternances', Centre for Research in computational linguistics & Australian National University  http://sealang.net/monkhmer/sidwell2007proto.pdf

So. koDa(R)/ kol `the long-legged crane'.
Kh. kOlE? `heron, parrot'.
Sa. kereO'd `screamingly (of fowls), to scream'.
Mu. kea'd(H)
  ~ kerea'd(N) `the Roseringed Paroquet (%Palaeornis_torquatus)'.
@(C010)


S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
August 30, 2015

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Intellectual traditions of ancient India, deliberaions of 3-day seminar. Kudos to Jain University for the natl seminar.

                     

                                              August 30, 2015, 4:36 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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 @indiafactsorg
Indology | 28-08-2015

A three day National Seminar on Intellectual Traditions of Ancient India was organized by the Center for Ancient History and Culture (CAHC), Jain University Bangalore, starting on 27th of August. It started with an inaugural address by Prof. Iyengar on the importance of bringing India’s ancient traditions to the modern generation.  Prof. Sudershan Rao, the Chairman for the Indian Council of Historical Research, was the chief guest and spoke on the necessity of scientific temperament in historical research. Prof. Subbarayappa took the audience through a brief journey on the differences between the metaphysical traditions of Indian Rishis, starting from the Vedic idea of “rta”, the pre-Socratic philosophical ideas, and ancient Chinese metaphysics.  Founder Chairman Dr. Chenraj Roychand encouraged young students to participate in this three day seminar.
The first exposition was delivered by Prof. Michael Danino on “Harappan Roots of Some Indian-Knowledge Systems”. The Indus-Saraswati civilization is believed to have disappeared without a trace leaving no impact on the subsequent Gangetic civilization.  However considerable evidence now exists to prove that the later Indic civilization was a continuation of Harappan roots. Similarity of architectural measurements, town-planning, water-management, yogic postures in Harappan seal, iconography of deities, etc prove without a doubt that there exists a strong link between the Harappan times and the later Hindu civilization. For example, nearly 200 Swastika terracotta symbols have been found in the Indus-Saraswati  sites. We still have to wait for deciphering of the Indus script to get a more comprehensive idea about the Indus culture, however certain strong clues and evidences point easily to a civilizational continuum.
The next session by Professor K. Ramasubramanian from IIT Bombay was on the “Beauty and Richness of Sanskrit Grammar”.  He gave a brief introduction on history of Sanskrit and its formalization by the legendary Panini in his Astadhyayi. Expertise in Vyakarana or Sanskrit grammar was considered even by astronomers like Bhaskara as mandatory for gaining proficiency in any Shastra.  He engaged the audience with an example of wordplay through Chitrabandha, demonstrating its use in the compositions of Vedanta Desikan. He touched upon the Maheshwara Sutras, Vak Purusha, and how Sanskrit can be useful for machine translations and text processing. However, Prof Ramasubramanian cautioned that this would require a tremendous synergy between linguists and experts in computer programming. He clarified that Sanskrit, contrary to popular misconception, is not a context-free language. Infact, no human language can be context-free.
Post lunch session started with (Retd.) Professor of Mathematics, Dr. Padmavathamma’s lecture on the “Importance of Mathematics in the Jaina Tradition“. Many Jaina mathematicians had made a stellar contribution to the field of Indian mathematics by simplifying complicated ideas, freeing mathematics from religion and rituals and making an independent study of the same. Mahaviracharya composed the Ganitasarasangraha as a compendium of mathematical ideas which was first translated in 1912 by Professor Rangacharya. Many other Jaina texts like Tiloyapannatti touch upon various aspects of mathematics and cosmology.
Professor Ramasubramanian took another brilliant session on “Calculus inlaid in prose and poetry”.  In ancient India mathematics was presented in the style of sutras like the Sulbasutras.  However from the 5th century mathematics has been transmitted in the form of metrical compositions which were passed down orally from one generation to another. The composers were such experts in language and mathematics that they could effortlessly transmit knowledge of Infinite Series, Pi,  and various Trigonometrical functions through the medium of enchanting and exquisite verses., at times even using double entendre!  Without a thorough study of the history of these commentaries, many have tried to object to the idea that Calculus had its birth in India.  The subject evolved over centuries from Aryabhatta to Brahmagupta, ontu Bhaskara and Madhava between 12th to 14th century, finally culminating in the works of Jyesthadeva and Sankara Variyar in the 16th century.  Some scholars suggest that these works from the Kerala school were transmitted via Jesuits to Europe and this influenced the development of calculus in Europe.
Finally the day ended with a delightful puppet-play by the Dhaatu Puppet Theater group from Bangalore on a story from the Upanishadic times, giving a glimpse of the Gurukula system and the great scholastic debate between the young Astavakra and Vandi in the court of King Janaka.


Day two of the seminar on Intellectual Tradition of Ancient India (ITAI) started with a…

 @indiafactsorg
Indology | 29-08-2015


Day two of the seminar on Intellectual Tradition of Ancient India (ITAI) started with a talk on the “Origin and Growth of Astronomy in India” by professor Mayank Vahia.
The origin and development of astronomy has been an important landmark in the evolution of the human brain and culture. The growth of astronomy in India can be divided into the four distinct phases of early astronomy, settlement astronomy, astronomy of civilization and modern astronomy. The early phases marked the recording of the movement of the Sun and its relation to seasons, followed by the second stage where calendars were made, and constellations and zodiacs were identified. The next phase of astronomy started with Aryabhatta, which was highly mathematical as well as precise. Later came modern astronomy.
In the next session on “Rediscovering the Saraswati River“, professor Michel Danino spoke on the history of the Saraswati River which was regarded both as a goddess and a river in the Rig Veda. The river disappeared in the post-Vedic period, but in 1855 the dry bed of the river was identified and it currently known as the Ghaggar-Hakra basin. From 1940, archaeological explorations have found hundreds of Harappan sites in the Saraswati’s basin. Further evidence points to a connection between the disappearance of the Saraswati and the break-up of the Indus-Saraswati civilization.
Professor Kannan, in the third session spoke on the Chandas. Ancient Indian poetry dates back to the vast and accented literature of the Veda-s. Chanda-shastras became a celebrated part of Vedanga. Pingala, sometimes identified as the younger brother of Panini of 5th century, contributed immensely to this branch. He spoke of the various kinds of meters in Sanskrit poetry and their ramifications and arrangements.
The next session was on “Combinatorial Techniques in India: Chandas and Sangita” by Professor M.D. Srinivas. In the 8th chapter of his Chandashastra, Pingala introduces six prataya-s for studying combinatorics of Vedic and classical Sanskrit meters. These played a major role in the development of combinatorics not only in prosody but in music as well. Pingala’s “meru” as explained in the commentaries of Halayudha of 10th century, is the earliest known version of the Pascal triangle.   It was a beautiful session on the various intricacies of Ancient Indian musical meters and rhythms.
Professor Alex Hankey took the next session on “Biophysics of Meditation in the Light of Complex Biology.” He spoke on the pancha-koshyas, consciousness, samadhi and how other Indian traditional yogic ideas have found resonance in complexity biology and information-flow studies. He spoke engagingly on various effects of mediation on the mind-body and how modern psychology is far behind in comprehending these yogic processes.
The day ended with a beautiful Avadhanam performed by Dr. R Shankar. Avadhanam is an ancient Indian art-form which required tremendous multi-tasking ability, creativity, linguistics, concentration power and memory. The poet who performs an avadhanam is known as an avadhani. A panel of equally talented poet-scholars, called pracchaka-s pose questions pertaining to different creative domains for which the avadhani is expected to provide spontaneous answers in the form of verses.
http://indiafacts.co.in/seminar-on-intellectual-traditions-of-ancient-india-day-1/
http://indiafacts.co.in/seminar-on-intellectual-traditions-of-ancient-india-day-2/

Day 3 of the Seminar on Intellectual Traditions of Ancient India started with a talk…
 @indiafactsorg
Indology | 30-08-2015

Day 3 of the Seminar on Intellectual Traditions of Ancient India started with a talk on “Cryptographic Poetry in Sanskrit” by Professor K.S.Kannan. One elementary technique that has been put into a high technical usage leading to a very high economy of words is the method of dittoing, technically known as anuvritti and adikara in Panini’s scheme. It is never easy to do a spell check in Sanskrit due to its sheer versatility, words never attested by usage can be coined afresh, drawing from the rules set down by Panini. The talk also covered citrakavya or pattern poetry.
The next talk was on the “Science behind Raga Music” by R.N.Iyengar. The idea of raga in Indian classical music can be identified for its aesthetic sensibility and amazing variety. Whenever a raga is presented as alapana, the evolution of the sound is fresh and different without disturbing the predefined structure. The invariance of a raga is attributed to its aroha-avaroha. Bharata in 3rd Century AD wrote about dvigunibhava – the doubling of the character of the 1st and the last note in an octave – by experiments with Dhruva-vina and Cala-vina. This is known in science as the doubling of frequency. A raga can be described as sample time series of musical notes (svaras) evolving as per a defined probability distribution over its sample space.
The next talk was on “Simulating Aspects of Harappan Civilization” by Mayank Vahia. The lecture focused on various ideas of computer science that can be used on the available data to understand various aspects of the ancient civilization. Modeling the evolution of various stages of the civilization, studying the grammar of the script, studying the network of the growth of township, simulation of people-movement in the subcontinent etc are some of the areas which can be explored using computer science. Twenty six different parameters define and impact a civilization and the can be studied to create a network map of the growth of human culture.
The next session was a talk on “How Relevant is Panini Today?” by Professor Amba Kulkarni. The Astadhyayi of Panini is the oldest existing grammar for any human language with tremendous details yet small enough to memorize. Presented in 4000 sutra-s with around 7000 words, it has been described by Broomfield as “one of the greatest monuments of human language.” Many scholars believe that while it was written to describe the Sanskrit language, it provides a general grammatical framework for analysis of other languages as well and so it has influenced the Western linguistic theory in many ways. What makes the study of Astadhyayi important is various concepts it uses for language analysis. The organization of the text in 4000 sutra-s is similar to any computer program but allows certain non-formal elements that require a human being to interpret. Therefore Panini can be described as the foremost informaticien, at least 25 centuries before computers came into existence. All these and more are relevant reasons for studying Astadhyayi today with greater rigor.
The final talk was by S. Vishwanath on “Perspectives of an IT professional.”  He spoke of the necessity of appreciating and leveraging solutions to various problems of today’s age from the ancient intellectual traditions of India.
The seminar ended with a session on feedback and panel discussion.

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Expert claims Tin Route existed before Silk Route -- Kumar Chellappan

                     

                                              August 30, 2015, 3:24 pm
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Bird, boat hieroglyphs on Dong Son drums

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/hieroglyphs-on-dong-son-drums-relate-to.html

EXPERT CLAIMS TIN ROUTE EXISTED BEFORE SILK ROUTE
Monday, 31 August 2015 | Kumar Chellappan | CHENNAI

Even as the Chinese are trying to revive the age old Maritime Silk Route by inter-linking major ports along the Indian Ocean to bring back their maritime superiority in the region, an Indologist based in Chennai has come out with an interesting finding. “There existed a Maritime Tin Route which is older than the Silk Route by more than 2000 years,” S Kalyanaraman, an Indologist of repute told The Pioneer.
His four-decade long research and studies have proved the existence of a Maritime Tin Route beginning from Hanoi in Vietnam and reaching up to Haifa in Israel. While studying the Tin Route, he also deciphered more than 7,000 inscriptions excavated from the Indus and Saraswati valleys and from ancient Eurasia.
Tin was available in plenty along the Mekong Delta which extends from Himalaya ranges to the Indian Ocean through Vietnam, Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand. The language Khmer spoken in this belt originated from India, according to David Stampe, a linguistic professor from University of Hawaii.
The tin meant for consumption in Eurasia was routed through India because the country was known for its expertise in metallurgy. “Indians were good metal workers, according to Rig Veda. They knew how to create alloys with two or three ores. One such alloy was called Bharata, which became the basis for Sage Viswamitra’s identification of these metal workers as Bharatam Janam,” said Kalyanaraman whose research work has been published as Indus Script Deciphered conclusively proving Indus culture and Vedic Culture were one and the same.
The significance of Kalyanaraman’s decipherment is that the Aryan invasion theory propagated by a section of historians and archaeologists gets a “sound” beating. He also claims that the ancient Indus script is proof that the sub-continent had its own writing system based on an ancient Indian language by the name of “Meluhha”. The Meluhha is the same as Proto-Prakritam.
“Proto-Prakritam words could be signified by picture-writing. For example, Kolha signified a tiger and in Indus script this word stands for tiger and also metal work. A person working with iron was known as Kollan. Kolle stands for black smith,” explained the former banker who quit Asian Development Bank job to pursue research in Indus Script deciphering. Interestingly, Kollan in Tamil and Malayalam stands for blacksmith.
Many Proto-Prakritam words had two meanings. Kara means a crocodile. A similar sounding word Khar also means blacksmith, according to his findings. The picture writings deciphered by him prove beyond doubt that ancient Proto-Prakritam unified all Indian languages. “This means that there were no Aryan-Dravidian-Munda divide and people in far East too used Proto-Prakritam words,” explained Kalyanaraman. To substantiate his findings, he pointed out that crane (a popular maritime bird) was called kokku in all these languages.
The picture of Kokku (crane) has been widely used in Dong Son Bronze drums made out of tin and copper.

http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/expert-claims-tin-route-existed-before-silk-route.html

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Indus script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork on  Maritime Tin Route hieroglyphs (allographs) crane, one eye, comb 

                     

                                              August 30, 2015, 4:56 pm
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/nwbgd6c
Use of hieroglyphs to communicate metalwork messages was a common practice along the Maritime Tin Route which existed earlier than the Silk Route stretching from the tin belt of Mekong delta (Hanoi, Vietnam) to the Fertile Crescent (Haifa, Israel). The note traces the etymological and archaeometallurgical journey of seafaring Meluhha merchants using the Indus Script inscriptions as the compass to guide the research vessel of Bronze Age civilizations.
This note explains the rebus readings of hieroglyphs (allographs): crane, one eye, comb in the context of Bronze Age metalwork.
kanga 'crane, one-eye, comb' rebus: kang'brazier, firplace'; ranku'antelope' rebus: ranku'tin'

कङ्क [p= 242,1]m. (fr. the above according to T. ), a heron (the first heron is supposed to be a son of सुरसा MBh. i , 2633) VS. xxiv , 31 SV. MBh. Mr2icch. &c(Monier-Williams)  A heron (कङ्क).-2 A raven, crow.(Samskritam. Apte)

কঙ্ক, কাঁক (p. 0192) [ kaṅka, kān̐ka ] n the heron.কাঁক1 (p. 0215) [ kān̐ka1 ] n the heron. (Bengali. Samsad Dictionary, Sailendra Biswas) kanka [Sk. kanka, to sound-- root kn̊, cp. kinkiṇī & see note on gala] a heron M i.364, 429; J v.475.   -- patta a heron's plume J v.475.(Pali) கங்கபத்திரம் kaṅka-pattiram, n. < kaṅka + patra. 1. Eagle's feather; பருந்தினிறகு. கங் கபத்திர நன்னீழல் (இரகு. நாட்டுப். 59). 2. Arrow winged with the feathers of an eagle or heron; அம்பு. (திவா.)(Tamil)कंक [ kaṅka ] m S A heron or curlew. (Marathi)

கங்கம்¹ kaṅkam, n. cf. கங்கு¹. 1. Spark of fire; தீப்பொறி. (W.)கங்கு kaṅkuCinder, glowing coal; தீப்பொறி. Loc. (Tamil) Ko. kaṇk thin dry sticks used as kindling or in a bunch as a torch. Ka. kaṇike, kaṇuku stalk of the great millet when deprived of its ear; kaṇḍike a stalk or stem. Tu. kaṇaků fuel, firewood. Te. kaṇika a stick. Pa. kaṛcid (pl. kaṛcil) wood for fuel; kaṛpa thin stick, twig, beanstick (or with 1370 Ta. kar̤ai). Ga.(Oll.) kaṛsid (pl. kaṛsil), (S.) kaḍcil wood for fuel (or with 1370 Ta. kar̤ai); (P.) kanve stick. ? Kuwi kandi (F.) stick (dried), (Isr.) twig, stick. Kur. kaŋkwood, fuel, timber. Malt. kanku wood. (DEDR 1165)

Allographs: கங்கு¹ kaṅku, n. 1. Ridge to retain water in paddy fields; வயல்வரம்பு. கங்குபயில்வயல் (சேதுபு. திருநாட். 66). 2. Dam, anicut; அணை,கங்குங்கரையுமறப் பெருகுகிற (திவ். திருப்பா. 8, வ்யா. 108). 3. Side of a bank or ridge; வரம்பின் பக்கம். (திவா.) 4. Limit, border; எல்லை. (ஈடு, 5, 4, 7.) 5. Row, regular order; வரிசை. கங்கு கங்காய் முனைதரப்பொங்கி (இராமநா. ஆரணி. 14). 6. Base of a palmyra stem; பனைமட்டையின் அடிப் புறம். (J.)(Tamil) kaṅku m. ʻ a panic seed ʼ VarBr̥S. 2. kaṅgu -- f. ʻ Panicum italicum ʼ VarBr̥S., °gū -- f. lex. °guka -- m., °gukā -- f., gaṅkuka -- m. Suśr. [A word of the Mlecchas for Aryan yava -- according to Gotama Nyāya -- sūtra 2, 56, quoted by Mayrhofer EWA i 138, who comparing priyáṅgu -- as a pop. etymology of a form with initial p<-> suggests Austro -- as. origin. This is further borne out by the form *ṭaṅgunī -- s.v. *kaṅkunī -- ] 1. L. kaṅgṛī f. ʻ millet ʼ; Or. kaṅku ʻ Panicum italicum ʼ (← Sk.?); H. kã̄k m. ʻ P. italicum ʼ, kã̄kṛā m. ʻ cotton seed ʼ. 2. Pa. kaṅgu -- f. ʻ millet ʼ, Pk. kaṁgu -- f. n.; Or. kaṅgu ʻ P. italicum ʼ, kāṅgu ʻ a kind of grain or pulse ʼ = kāṅgurā, °gula; G. kã̄g m. ʻ a kind of grain ʼ, kã̄grɔ m. ʻ dish of this grain and pulse ʼ; M. kã̄g,°gū m. ʻ millet, P. italicum ʼ.(DEDR 2605)

Hieroglyph: kanko, 'hawk': Kulala a vulture, hawk, falcon, either in combn with kāka or gijjha, or both. Kāka+k˚ Vin iv.40; Sn 675 (=SnA 250); gijjha+k˚ PvA 198; gijjhā kākā k˚ Viniii.106; kākā k˚ gijjhā M i.58; cp. gijjho kanko kulalo M i.364, 429.(Pali)
The lexis of Proto-Prakritam or Meluhha includes a word for crane in the maritime region of Indian Ocean. The word kokku and cognates occur in all the ancient languages of the region extending from India to Vietnam. The Dong Son bronze drums show a hieroglyph of crane or egret engraved using cire perdue lost-wax casting technique. The rebus readings of Indus Script are a pointer to the interpretation of this hieroglyph of the Bronze Age from the tin belt of the globe.
śyenaciti 'falcon altar' or kankaciti 'heron altar' are variant bird-shaped sacred spaces and structures described in the Śulbasūtras related to Vedic Yajnas. Such structures are also attested in archaeometallurgy. Many sites with such altars are also associated with coin-mints and metalwork [as for example, in Sanghol and sites such as Purola (Uttarakashi) linked with Kunindas in northern Bharatam]. 
It is suggested that kanka, kanga were the Proto-Prakritam words which signified a crane.
kang 'crane' Rebus: kang 'brazier, fireplace'; ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'

Hieroglyphs of kanka 'heron' on Dong Son bronze drums.


kan:kar., kan:kur. = very tall and thin, large hands and feet; kan:kar dare = a high tree with few branches [also, ran:gap = thin, slim; ran:kar., ran:kur. = high, tall (Santali); Rebus: ran: = pewter; ran: t.od.or = a wristlet of pewter; ran:ta = pewter, to varnish (Santali)] 

Gadd seal 6. (cut down into Ur III mausolea from Larsa level; U. 16220), enstatite; Legrain, 1951, No. 632; Collon, 1987, Fig. 611 Cylinder seal; BM 122947;humped bull stands before a palm-tree, a thorny stone(?), tabernae montana (five-petalled fragrant flower); snake; person with long legs; behind the bull a scorpion ... Deciphered Indus writing: pola 'zebu, bos indicus'; pola ‘magnetite ore’ (Munda. Asuri); bichi 'scorpion'; 'hematite ore'; tagaraka 'tabernae montana'; tagara 'tin'; ranga 'thorny'; Rebus: pewter, alloy of tin and antimony;  kankar., kankur. = very tall and thin, large hands and feet; kankar dare = a high tree with few branches (Santali) Rebus: kanka, kanaka = gold (Samskritam); kan = copper (Tamil) nAga 'snake' nAga 'lead' (Samskritam).

gan:gar gon:ghor, khan:gar khon:ghor = full of holes; alope umoloka non.d.e gan:ghar gon:ghor t.hen = do not take shelter here, a place where there are so many holes (from which scorpions and snakes may emerge) (Santali) khan:ghar, ghan:ghar, ghan:ghar gon:ghor `full of holes' (Santali);
The + glyph of Sibri evidence is comparable to the large-sized 'dot', dotted circles and + glyph shown on this Mohenjo-daro seal m0352 with dotted circles repeated on 5 sides A to F. 
Rebus readings of m0352 glyphs: khangar khonghor 'full of holes' Rebus: kang 'brazier, furnace' (Kashmiri). Thus, the 'cross' symbolises a furnace.

That the gloss is kang is evidenced by the display of dotted circles PLUS tabernae montana (tagaraka) on combs and also on an axe:
The glyph is tabernae montana, ‘mountain tulip’. A soft-stone flask, 6 cm. tall, from Bactria (northern Afghanistan) showing a winged female deity (?) flanked by two flowers similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq.(After Pottier, M.H., 1984, Materiel funeraire e la Bactriane meridionale de l'Age du Bronze, Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations: plate 20.150) Two flowers are similar to those shown on the comb from Tell Abraq. Ivory comb with Mountain Tulip motif and dotted circles. TA 1649 Tell Abraq. [D.T. Potts, South and Central Asian elements at Tell Abraq (Emirate of Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emirates), c. 2200 BC—AD 400, in Asko Parpola and Petteri Koskikallio, South Asian Archaeology 1993: , pp. 615-666] Tell Abraq comb and axe with epigraph After Fig. 7 Holly Pittman, 1984, Art of the Bronze Age: Southeastern Iran, Western Central Asia, and the Indus Valley, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 29-30].
Tell Abraq axe with epigraph (‘tulip’ glyph + a person raising his arm above his shoulder and wielding a tool + dotted circles on body) [After Fig. 7 Holly Pittman, 1984, Art of the Bronze Age: Southeastern Iran, Western Central Asia, and the Indus Valley, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 29-30]. 
tabar = a broad axe (Punjabi). Rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’ tagara ‘tabernae montana’, ‘tulip’. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’. Glyph: eṛaka ‘upraised arm’ (Tamil); rebus: eraka = copper (Kannada) 
A rebus reading of the hieroglyph is: tagaraka, tabernae montana. Rebus: tagara ‘tin’ (Kannada); tamara id. (Skt.) Allograph: ṭagara ‘ram’.  Since tagaraka is used as an aromatic unguent for the hair, fragrance, the glyph gets depicted on a stone flask, an ivory comb and axe of Tell Abraq.
two late bronze age tin ingots from the harbor of Haifa, Israel contain glyphs used in epigraphs with Indus Writing of Sarasvati 
civilization!See:http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/11/archaeological-mystery-solved-site-of.htmlThe inscriptions on two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa have been discussed in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010) -- The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz)http://www.indojudaic.com/index.php?option=com_contact&view=contact&id=1&Itemid=8 
Fig. 4 Inscribed tin ingot with a moulded head, from Haifa (Artzy, 1983: 53). (Michal Artzy, 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, BASOR 250, pp. 51-55) https://www.academia.edu/5476188/Artzy-1983-Tin-Ignot Face on this tin ingot: mũhe ‘face’ (Santali) Rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Santali). The three hieroglyphs are: ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) ranku 'liquid measure' Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali). dāṭu = cross (Te.); dhatu = mineral (Santali) Hindi. dhāṭnā ‘to send out, pour out, cast (metal)’ (CDIAL 6771). [The 'cross' or X hieroglyph is incised on all three tin ingots found in a shipweck in Haifa.]

Thus, the Indus Script hieroglyphs technically describe and catalogue the nature of the metalwork involved in creating the pure tin ingots.

Ta. kan copper work, copper, workmanship; kannan brazier. Ma. kannan id. DEDR 1402

Ancient Indis Tabletkaṇga 'eye' (Pe.) Rebus: kang m. ʻ brazier, fireplace ʼ?(Kashmiri)(CDIAL 2999)

Harappa. Molded tablet. Plano convex molded tablet showing a female deity battling two tigers and standing above an elephant. A single Indus script depicting a spoked wheel is above the head of the deity. On the reverse (89), an individual is spearing a water buffalo with one foot pressing the head down and one arm holding the tip of a horn. A gharial [crocodile] is depicted above the sacrifice scene and a figure seated in yogic position, wearing a horned headdress, looks on. The horned headdress has a branch with three prongs or leaves emerging from the center.Material: terra cotta
Dimensions: 3.91 length, 1.5 to 1.62 cm width Harappa, Lot 4651-01 Harappa Museum, H95-2486
Meadow and Kenoyer 1997 Source: harappa.com Slide 90

Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye. Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string.Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Tu. kaṇṇů eye, nipple, star in peacock's feather, rent, tear. Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather. Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave. Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Nk. (Ch.) kan (pl. -l) eye. Pa.(S. only) kan (pl. kanul) eye. Ga. (Oll.) kaṇ (pl. kaṇkul) id.; kaṇul maṭṭa eyebrow; kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole; (S.) kanu (pl. kankul) eye. Go. (Tr.) kan (pl.kank) id.; (A.) kaṛ (pl. kaṛk) id. Konḍa kaṇ id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi(F.) kannū (pl. kar&nangle;ka), (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. Kur. xann eye, eye of tuber; xannērnā (of newly born babies or animals) to begin to see, have the use of one's eyesight (for ērnā, see 903). Malt. qanu eye. Br. xan id., bud. (DEDR 1159) kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV.
Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa, °ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Wg. kŕãmacrdotdot;, Pr. k&schwatildemacr;, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260,kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. kã̄&rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu;A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān, °nā, kanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. °ni, kanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān,°nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).
S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ.(CDIAL 3019) Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.(Konkani)

Demoiselle Cranes at Tal Chappar.jpg"The demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo) is a species of crane found in central Eurasia, ranging from the Black Sea to Mongolia and North Eastern China. There is also a small breeding population in Turkey. These cranes are migratory birds. Birds from western Eurasia will spend the winter in Africa whilst the birds from Asia, Mongolia and China will spend the winter in the Indian subcontinent. The bird is symbolically significant in the culture of North India, where it is known as thekoonj." (R. K. Gaur, Indian birds, Brijbasi Printers, 1994, ... The smallest member of the crane family, the demoiselle crane (Anthropoides virgo ) is a distinctive looking bird, with ashy grey ... The local name for this crane — koonj — is onomatopoeic, deriving from the Sanskrit 'kraunch', the origin of the word crane itself ...)

S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang);  kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko]Pa. kaṅka -- m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka -- m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; -- witho from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).(CDIAL 2595) कोकणघार [ kōkaṇaghāra ] f (Nashik &c.) Konkan̤-kite. A term for the Damoiselle crane or Ardea virgo. Commonly करकोची.(Marathi) 280 *kuk; *kuək egret. A: (Khmer, South Bahnaric) Ta. kokku common crane, Grus cinerea; stork, paddy bird; kuruku heron, stork, crane, bird, gallinaceous fowl, aṉṟil bird. Ma. kokku, kokkan, kocca, kuriyan paddy bird, heron; kuru heron. To. košk heron. Ka. kokku, kokkare crane; kukku heron, crane. Tu. korṅgu crane, stork. Te. koṅga, kokkera, kokkarāyi crane; pegguru, begguru (< peru-kuru) adjutant crane. Kol. (Kin.) koŋga crane. Pa. kokkal (pl. kokkacil) id. Ga. (S) kokkāle (pl. kokkāsil) heron; (S.2) koŋalin (pl. koŋasil), (S.3) kokalin crane. Go. (L.) koruku id. (Voc. 921); (Mu.) kokoḍal heron, duck (Voc. 870); (Ma. Ko.) koŋga crane (Voc. 874). Kui kohko paddy bird. Kuwi (S.) kongi, (Ṭ.) kokoṛa crane. Br. xāxūr demoiselle crane. / Cf. Skt. kaṅka- heron; Turner, CDIAL, no. 2595. (DEDR 2125) Khmer kok heron, egret, Biat kok egret.B: (Bahnaric) Chrau kɔːʔ cattle egret, Bahnar [klaːŋ] kɔːk generic term for egrets &c. (GUILLEMINET 1959-63); probably → Cham kɔːʔ; Vietnamese cò. (Sidwell, Paul, 2007, Proto-Mon-Khmer vocalism: moving on from short's 'alternances', Centre for Research in computational linguistics & Australian National University)  http://sealang.net/monkhmer/sidwell2007proto.pdf

Rebus: kāgni m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop. [ka -- 3 or kā -- , agní -- ]K. kang m. ʻ brazier, fireplace ʼ?(CDIAL 2999) *kāṅgārikā ʻ poor or small brazier ʼ. [Cf. kāgni -- m. ʻ a small fire ʼ Vop.: ka -- 3 or kā -- , aṅgāri -- ]K. kã̄gürü, kã̄gar f. ʻ portable brazier ʼ whence kangar m. ʻ large do. ʼ (or < *kāṅgāra -- ?); H. kã̄grī f. ʻ small portable brazier ʼ.(CDIAL 3006)

Hieroglyph: कंकर [ kaṅkara ](Commonly कांकर) A brace of a drum. (Marathi)
Hieroglyph: kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS
Bird, boat hieroglyphs on Dong Son drums 

कंकर [ kaṅkara ] m Gravel: also a single pebble or particle. Pr. नरमदेंत जितके कं0 तितके शंकर. (Marathi) karkara2 m.n. ʻ stone ʼ, m. ʻ bone ʼ lex. [Prob. same as karkara -- 1: for semant. development ʻ ice ~ hail ~ stone ʼ cf. aśáni -- , úpala -- ] Pk. kakkara -- m. ʻ stone, pebble ʼ; S. kakiro m. ʻ stone ʼ, °rī f. ʻ stone in the bladder ʼ; L. kakrā m. ʻ gravel ʼ; A. kã̄kar ʻ stone, pebble ʼ; B. kã̄kar ʻ gravel ʼ, Or. kāṅkara, kaṅ°; Bi. kãkrāhī ʻ gravelly soil ʼ; OAw. kāṁkara ʻ gravel ʼ; H. kã̄kar, kaṅkar, °krā m. ʻ nodule of limestone ʼ, kã̄krī, kaṅk° f. ʻ gravel ʼ; G. kã̄krɔ m. ʻ pebble ʼ, °rī f. ʻ small pebble, sand ʼ, kākriyũ ʻ abounding in pebbles ʼ, n. ʻ stony field ʼ; M. kaṅkar m. ʻ pebble, gravel ʼ. S.kcch. kakro m. ʻ pebble ʼ. (CDIAL 2820) কঙ্কর, কাঁকর [ kaṅkara, kān̐kara ] n gravel, a coarse grain of sand, a very small particle of stone, grit. ☐ a. coarse; harsh. কাঁকুরে [ kān̐kurē ] a gravelly, gritty; full of or mixed with stones.(Bengali)


Sutra 12.4 Baudhayana Srautasutra on Kankaciti



Vyayamena sapradesna paksayorapanamah pancamabhagiyardhyabhih sat sat patrani kuryat adhyardhavasisyate vyayamena sapradesnapaksayorapanamah pancamabhagiyardhyabhih sat sat patrani kuryat adhyardhavasisyate



(by vyayama measure with the pradesa the wings bent with the pancami and adhyardha six and six wing cuts as stated an adhyardha will be balanced)






Table 1: Area of Kankacit



Sutra 12.7


athestakanam vikarah  pancamabhagiyah savayavah  padestakam caturbhih parigrhniyadardhapradesenadhyardhapradesena








Phal. kāṅga ʻ combing ʼ in ṣiṣ k° dūm ʻ I comb my hair ʼkhyḗṅgia, kēṅgī f., ; kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb (Punjabi) káṅkata m. ʻ comb ʼ AV., n. lex., °tī -- , °tikã -- f. lex. 2. *kaṅkaṭa -- 2. 3. *kaṅkaśa -- . [Of doubtful IE. origin WP i 335, EWA i 137: aberrant -- uta -- as well as -- aśa -- replacing -- ata -- in MIA. and NIA.]1. Pk. kaṁkaya -- m. ʻ comb ʼ, kaṁkaya -- , °kaï -- m. ʻ name of a tree ʼ; Gy. eur. kangli f.; Wg. kuṇi -- přũ ʻ man's comb ʼ (for kuṇi -- cf. kuṇälík beside kuṅälíks.v. kr̥muka -- ; -- přũ see prapavaṇa -- ); Bshk. kēṅg ʻ comb ʼ, Gaw. khēṅgīˊ, Sv. khḗṅgiā, Tor. kyäṅg ʻ comb ʼ (Dard. forms, esp. Gaw., Sv., Phal. but not Sh., prob. ← L. P. type < *kaṅgahiā -- , see 3 below); Sh. kōṅyi̯ f. (→ Ḍ. k*lṅi f.), gil. (Lor.) kōĩ f. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kōũ m. ʻ woman's comb ʼ, pales. kōgō m. ʻ comb ʼ; K. kanguwu m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kangañ f. ʻ woman's ʼ; WPah. bhad. kãˊkei ʻ a comb -- like fern ʼ, bhal. kãkei f. ʻ comb, plant with comb -- like leaves ʼ; N. kāṅiyo, kāĩyo ʻ comb ʼ, A. kã̄kai, B. kã̄kui; Or. kaṅkāi, kaṅkuā ʻ comb ʼ, kakuā ʻ ladder -- like bier for carrying corpse to the burning -- ghat ʼ; Bi. kakwā ʻ comb ʼ, kakahā, °hī, Mth. kakwā, Aw. lakh. kakawā, Bhoj. kakahī f.; H. kakaiyā ʻ shaped like a comb (of a brick) ʼ; G. (non -- Aryan tribes of Dharampur)kākhāī f. ʻ comb ʼ; M. kaṅkvā m. ʻ comb ʼ, kã̄kaī f. ʻ a partic. shell fish and its shell ʼ; -- S. kaṅgu m. ʻ a partic. kind of small fish ʼ < *kaṅkuta -- ? -- Ext. with --l -- in Ku. kã̄gilo, kāĩlo ʻ comb ʼ.2. G. (Soraṭh) kã̄gaṛ m. ʻ a weaver's instrument ʼ?3. L. kaṅghī f. ʻ comb, a fish of the perch family ʼ, awāṇ. kaghī ʻ comb ʼ; P. kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb ʼ, °ghī f. ʻ small comb for men, large one for women ʼ (→ H. kaṅghā m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, °gahī, °ghī f. ʻ woman's ʼ, kaṅghuā m. ʻ rake or harrow ʼ; Bi. kãgahī ʻ comb ʼ, Or. kaṅgei, M. kaṅgvā); -- G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ or < *kaṅkataśikha -- .WPah.kṭg. kaṅgi f. ʻ comb ʼ; J. kāṅgṛu m. ʻ small comb ʼ.(CDIAL 2598)

Rebus: large furnace, fireplace: kang कंग् । आवसथ्यो &1;ग्निः m. the fire-receptacle or fire-place, kept burning in former times in the courtyard of a Kāshmīrī house for the benefit of guests, etc., and distinct from the three religious domestic fires of a Hindū; (at the present day) a fire-place or brazier lit in the open air on mountain sides, etc., for the sake of warmth or for keeping off wild beasts. nāra-kang, a fire-receptacle; hence, met. a shower of sparks (falling on a person) (Rām. 182). 

kan:gar `portable furnace' (Kashmiri)

Cf. kã̄gürü, which is the fem. of this word in a dim. sense (Gr.Gr. 33, 37). kã̄gürü काँग्् or kã̄gürü
 काँग or kã̄gar काँग््र्् । हसब्तिका f. (sg. dat. kã̄grĕ काँग्र्य or kã̄garĕ काँगर्य, abl. kã̄gri काँग्रि), the portable brazier, or kāngrī, much used in Kashmīr (K.Pr. kángár, 129, 131, 178; káṅgrí, 5, 128, 129). For particulars see El. s.v. kángri; L. 7, 25, kangar;and K.Pr. 129. The word is a fem. dim. of kang, q.v. (Gr.Gr. 37). kã̄gri-khŏphürükã̄gri-khŏphürü काँग्रि-ख्वफ््&above;रू&below; । भग्ना काष्ठाङ्गारिका f. a worn-out brazier. -khôru -खोरु&below; । काष्ठाङ्गारिका<-> र्धभागः m. the outer half (made of woven twigs) of a brazier, remaining after the inner earthenware bowl has been broken or removed; see khôru. -kŏnḍolu -क्वंड&above;लु&below; । हसन्तिकापात्रम् m. the circular earthenware bowl of a brazier, which contains the burning fuel. -köñü -का&above;ञू&below; । हसन्तिकालता f. the covering of woven twigs outside the earthenware bowl of a brazier; see köñü 2.

It is an archaeometallurgical challenge to trace the Maritime Tin Route from the tin belt of the world on Mekong River delta in the Far East and trace the contributions made by seafaring merchants of Meluhha in reaching the tin mineral resource to sustain the Tin-Bronze Age which was a revolution unleashed ca. 5th millennium BCE.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Reseach Center
August 31, 2015

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Indus Script Hieroglyph-multiplex hypertext on al-Sabah Kuwait gold disc Meluhha brassworker's artisanal repertoire

                     

                                              August 30, 2015, 9:18 pm
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/ofqblnp  Thanks to Benoy Behl for disseminating the photograph of an exquisite gold disc now in al-Sabah collection of Kuwait National Museum. This gold disc is a veritable metalwork catalogue, consistent with the entire Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.  The uniqueness of the collection of hieroglyph-multiplexs on this gold disc is that a large number of metalwork catalogue items (more than 12) have been presented on a circular space with 9.6 cm diameter validating the Maritime Tin Route which linked Hanoi to Haifa through the Persian Gulf.

"Gold disc. al-Sabah Collection, Kuwait National Museum. 9.6 cm diameter, which was obviously from the Indus Valley period in  India. Typical of that period, it depicts zebu, bulls, human attendants, ibex, fish, partridges, bees, pipal free an animal-headed standard." Benoy K. Behl https://www.facebook.com/BenoyKBehlArtCulture

Source: http://tinyurl.com/nom5kkv
In the context of the bronze-age, the hieroglyphs are read rebus in Meluhha (mleccha) speech as metalware catalogs. 
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/indus-writing-as-metalware-catalogs-and_21.html 
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/tokens-and-bullae-evolve-into-indus.html

See examples of Dilmun seal readings at http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/05/see-httpbharatkalyan97.html 
See examples of Sumer Samarra bowls: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/bronze-age-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html
In this perspective, the hieroglyphs on the Kuwait Museum gold disc can be read rebus:
1. A pair of tabernae montana flowers tagara 'tabernae montana' flower; rebus: tagara 'tin'
2. A pair of rams tagara 'ram'; rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) Next to one ram: kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Alternative: kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
3. Ficus religiosa leaves on a tree branch (5) loa 'ficus leaf'; rebus: loh 'metal'. kol in Tamil means pancaloha'alloy of five metals'. PLUS flanking pair of lotus flowers: tAmarasa 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' thus, denoting copper castings.
4. A pair of bulls tethered to the tree branch: barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) PLUS kola 'man' Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kur.i 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Alternative: ḍhangar 'bull'; rebus ḍhangar 'blacksmith' poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'.
Two persons touch the two bulls: meḍ ‘body’ (Mu.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Thus, the hieroglyph composition denotes ironsmiths.
5. A pair of antelopes looking back: krammara 'look back'; rebus: kamar 'smith' (Santali); tagara 'antelope'; rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) Alternative: melh, mr..eka'goat' (Brahui. Telugu) Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' (Pali), mleccha-mukha 'copper' (Samskritam)
6. A pair of antelopes mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; rebus: mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Mu.) 
7. A pair of combs kāṅga'comb' Rebus: kanga'brazier, fireplace'

Phal. kāṅga ʻ combing ʼ in ṣiṣ k° dūm ʻI comb my hairʼ  khyḗṅgia, kēṅgī f.;
kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb (Punjabi) káṅkata m. ʻ comb ʼ AV., n. lex., °tī -- , °tikã -- f. lex. 2. *kaṅkaṭa -- 2. 3. *kaṅkaśa -- . [Of doubtful IE. origin WP i 335, EWA i 137: aberrant -- uta -- as well as -- aśa -- replacing -- ata -- in MIA. and NIA.]1. Pk. kaṁkaya -- m. ʻ comb ʼ, kaṁkaya -- , °kaï -- m. ʻ name of a tree ʼ; Gy. eur. kangli f.; Wg. kuṇi -- přũ ʻ man's comb ʼ (for kuṇi -- cf. kuṇälík beside kuṅälíks.v. kr̥muka -- ; -- přũ see prapavaṇa -- ); Bshk. kēṅg ʻ comb ʼ, Gaw. khēṅgīˊ, Sv. khḗṅgiā, Tor. kyäṅg ʻ comb ʼ (Dard. forms, esp. Gaw., Sv., Phal. but not Sh., prob. ← L. P. type < *kaṅgahiā -- , see 3 below); Sh. kōṅyi̯ f. (→ Ḍ. k*lṅi f.), gil. (Lor.) kōĩ f. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kōũ m. ʻ woman's comb ʼ, pales. kōgō m. ʻ comb ʼ; K. kanguwu m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kangañ f. ʻ woman's ʼ; WPah. bhad. kãˊkei ʻ a comb -- like fern ʼ, bhal. kãkei f. ʻ comb, plant with comb -- like leaves ʼ; N. kāṅiyo, kāĩyo ʻ comb ʼ, A. kã̄kai, B. kã̄kui; Or. kaṅkāi, kaṅkuā ʻ comb ʼ, kakuā ʻ ladder -- like bier for carrying corpse to the burning -- ghat ʼ; Bi. kakwā ʻ comb ʼ, kakahā, °hī, Mth. kakwā, Aw. lakh. kakawā, Bhoj. kakahī f.; H. kakaiyā ʻ shaped like a comb (of a brick) ʼ; G. (non -- Aryan tribes of Dharampur)kākhāī f. ʻ comb ʼ; M. kaṅkvā m. ʻ comb ʼ, kã̄kaī f. ʻ a partic. shell fish and its shell ʼ; -- S. kaṅgu m. ʻ a partic. kind of small fish ʼ < *kaṅkuta -- ? -- Ext. with --l -- in Ku. kã̄gilo, kāĩlo ʻ comb ʼ.2. G. (Soraṭh) kã̄gaṛ m. ʻ a weaver's instrument ʼ?3. L. kaṅghī f. ʻ comb, a fish of the perch family ʼ, awāṇ. kaghī ʻ comb ʼ; P. kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb ʼ, °ghī f. ʻ small comb for men, large one for women ʼ (→ H. kaṅghā m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, °gahī, °ghī f. ʻ woman's ʼ, kaṅghuā m. ʻ rake or harrow ʼ; Bi. kãgahī ʻ comb ʼ, Or. kaṅgei, M. kaṅgvā); -- G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ or < *kaṅkataśikha -- .WPah.kṭg. kaṅgi f. ʻ comb ʼ; J. kāṅgṛu m. ʻ small comb ʼ.(CDIAL 2598)

Rebus: large furnace, fireplace: kang कंग् । आवसथ्यो &1;ग्निः m. the fire-receptacle or fire-place, kept burning in former times in the courtyard of a Kāshmīrī house for the benefit of guests, etc., and distinct from the three religious domestic fires of a Hindū; (at the present day) a fire-place or brazier lit in the open air on mountain sides, etc., for the sake of warmth or for keeping off wild beasts. nāra-kang, a fire-receptacle; hence, met. a shower of sparks (falling on a person) (Rām. 182). kan:gar `portable furnace' (Kashmiri)Cf. kã̄gürü, which is the fem. of this word in a dim. sense (Gr.Gr. 33, 7). kã̄gürü काँग्् or 
kã̄gürü काँग or kã̄gar काँग््र्् । हसब्तिका f. (sg. dat. kã̄grĕ काँग्र्य or kã̄garĕ काँगर्य, abl. kã̄gri काँग्रि), the portable brazier, or kāngrī, much used in Kashmīr (K.Pr. kángár, 129, 131, 178; káṅgrí, 5, 128, 129). For particulars see El. s.v. kángri; L. 7, 25, kangar;and K.Pr. 129. The word is a fem. dim. of kang, q.v. (Gr.Gr. 37). kã̄gri-khŏphürükã̄gri-khŏphürü काँग्रि-ख्वफ््&above;रू&below; । भग्ना काष्ठाङ्गारिका f. a worn-out brazier. -khôru -खोरु&below; । काष्ठाङ्गारिका<-> र्धभागः m. the outer half (made of woven twigs) of a brazier, remaining after the inner earthenware bowl has been broken or removed; see khôru. -kŏnḍolu -क्वंड । हसन्तिकापात्रम् m. the circular earthenware bowl of a brazier, which contains the burning fuel. -köñü -का&above;ञू&below; । हसन्तिकालता f. the covering of woven twigs outside the earthenware bowl of a brazier.

It is an archaeometallurgical challenge to trace the Maritime Tin Route from the tin belt of the world on Mekong River delta in the Far East and trace the contributions made by seafaring merchants of Meluhha in reaching the tin mineral resource to sustain the Tin-Bronze Age which was a revolution unleashed ca. 5th millennium BCE. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-corpora-as-catalogus.html
8. A pair of fishes ayo 'fish' (Mu.); rebus: ayo 'metal, iron' (Gujarati); ayas 'metal' (Sanskrit)
9.A pair of buffaloes tethered to a post-standard kāṛā ‘buffalo’ கண்டி kaṇṭi buffalo bull (Tamil); rebus: kaṇḍ 'stone ore'; kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’.
10. A pair of birds Rebus 1: kōḍi. [Tel.] n. A fowl, a bird. (Telugu) Rebus: khōṭ ‘alloyed ingots’. Rebus 2: kol ‘the name of a bird, the Indian cuckoo’ (Santali) kol 'iron, smithy, forge'. Rebus 3: baṭa = quail (Santali) Rebus: baṭa = furnace, kiln (Santali) bhrāṣṭra = furnace (Skt.) baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati) 
11. The buffaloes, birds flank a post-standard with curved horns on top of a stylized 'eye' PLUS 'eyebrows' with one-horn on either side of two faces
mũh ‘face’; rebus: mũh ‘ingot’ (Mu.) 
ṭhaṭera ‘buffalo horns’. ṭhaṭerā   ‘brass worker’ (Punjabi) 
Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye.  Rebus: kanga ' large portable brazier, fire-place' (Kashmiri).
Thus the stylized standard is read rebus: Hieroglyph components: kanga + ṭhaṭerā 'one eye + buffalo horn' Rebus: kanga'large portable barzier' (Kashmiri) +  ṭhaṭerā   ‘brass worker’ (Punjabi) 

 Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string.Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Tu. kaṇṇů eye, nipple, star in peacock's feather, rent, tear. Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather. Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave. Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Nk. (Ch.) kan (pl. -l) eye. Pa.(S. only) kan (pl. kanul) eye. Ga. (Oll.) kaṇ (pl. kaṇkul) id.; kaṇul maṭṭa eyebrow; kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole; (S.) kanu (pl. kankul) eye. Go. (Tr.) kan (pl.kank) id.; (A.) kaṛ (pl. kaṛk) id. Konḍa kaṇ id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi(F.) kannū (pl. kar&nangle;ka), (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. Kur. xann eye, eye of tuber; xannērnā (of newly born babies or animals) to begin to see, have the use of one's eyesight (for ērnā, see 903). Malt. qanu eye. Br. xan id., bud. (DEDR 1159) kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV. Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa, °ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Wg. kŕãmacrdotdot;, Pr. k&schwatildemacr;, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260,kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. kã̄&rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu;A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān, °nā, kanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. °ni, kanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān,°nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ.(CDIAL 3019) Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.(Konkani)
Alternative: dol ‘eye’; Rebus: dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali)Alternative: kandi  ‘hole, opening’ (Ka.)[Note the eye shown as a dotted circle on many Dilmun seals.]; kan ‘eye’ (Ka.); rebus: kandi (pl. –l) necklace, beads (Pa.);kaṇḍ 'stone ore' Alternative: kã̄gsī f. ʻcombʼ (Gujarati); rebus 1: kangar ‘portable furnace’ (Kashmiri); rebus 2: kamsa 'bronze'.
khuṇḍ ʻtethering peg or post' (Western Pahari) Rebus: kūṭa ‘workshop’; kuṭi= smelter furnace (Santali); Rebus 2: kuṇḍ 'fire-altar'

Why are animals shown in pairs?

dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Mu.)
Thus, all the hieroglyphs on the gold disc can be read as Indus writing related to one bronze-age artifact category: metalware catalog entries.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
August 31, 2015


                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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How an economist wrecked the Nalanda revival -- SR Ramaswamy (Kannada) trs. Sandeep Balakrishna. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

                     

                                              August 30, 2015, 9:49 pm
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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The same economist is seen involved in the anti-national letter of some psec academe to Silican valley execs. 
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/anti-indian-p-secs-write-to-silicon.html
Shame on you Amartya, return the Bharat Ratna award you received. That was a blind-folded error of an award.

NaMo, two steps: 1. Restitute kaalaadhan; 2. Constitute Hindu mahasagar parivaar, Indian Ocean Community a counterpoise to European Community. This IOC will be an engine of growth for the Rashtram of Indian Ocean States governed by dharma-dhamm, the eternal cosmic principle which Gautama the Buddha called: esha dhammo sanantano in Dhammapada.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center


 7 hours ago
Heh! Amartya Sen just won't let go. He's now got desis in US universities, mostly Bongs, to petition Silicon Valley against PM 
 Aug 29
Some Eng Lit, Pol Sc, arty-culti rent-a-cause windbags who are digital illiterates rant at Modi.  calls them 'experts'. Really ?

How an Economist Wrecked the Nalanda Revival
S. R. RamaswamyDr S. R. Ramaswamy, D. Litt, Hon. Editor-in-chief, Utthana, Kannada monthly

This is a translation of the original essay by S.R. Ramaswamy that appeared in the…
This is a translation of the original essay by S.R. Ramaswamy that appeared in the September 2015 issue of the Kannada monthly, Utthana. Translated by Sandeep Balakrishna.
Nalanda University
Nalanda University was established as an university of eminence in Bihar during the period when both Sanatana Dharma and Buddhism were at their peak. It provided free accommodation and feeless education to all those interested in pursuing knowledge.

Apart from the various corners of India, students from Tibet, China, Japan, Sri Lanka, Java, Sumatra, Korea, Indonesia, Iran, Turkey, and Greece had enrolled there. Chief among the subjects taught there included Grammar (Vyakarana), Logic (Tarkam), Astronomy, Astrology, Medicine, Mathematics, Vedas (including all the Vedangas, or “limbs of the Veda”), Yoga and Philosophy.

Because the influence and power of Christianity had escalated hugely in Europe, the pursuit of knowledge retrogressed in proportion to this escalation. The burning down of the world class, mammoth library at Alexandria, the public humiliation and murder of the world-famous scholar, Hypatia is now common knowledge. Thanks to this Christianity-induced blind fanaticism, Europe was immersed in darkness for several centuries where knowledge and learning was concerned.
A Golden Era
However, from the perspective of scholarship and development of knowledge, this period was the Golden Era in India. Great centres of learning flourished across the vast spectrum of Bharata: Nalanda, Vikramashila, and Odantapuri in Bihar; Jagddala and Somapura in Bengal; Pushpagiri in Odisha; Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh; Nagarjunakonda in Andhra Pradesh; Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu; Manyakheta in Karnataka; Valabhi in Gujarat; Sharada in Kashmir; Takshashila (now in Pakistan).

The crown of such awe-inspiring centres of learning was undoubtedly the vast university complex established in the 5th Century at Nalanda, about 95 Kilometres to the Southeast of Patna. Since then, for about 600 years, it flourished in peak form.

Nalanda has a rich, glorious and elaborate history. There are stray evidences that tell us that it existed even before the time of Mahavira and Buddha. Mahavira had stayed there during the monsoon season for fourteen times. Even the Buddha, during the course of his mendicant-wandering (Parivraja), had stayed back there on several occasions. One of Buddha’s prominent disciples named Sariputra was born in a village called Nala, near Rajagriha (today’s Rajgir).
Quotes about Nalanda
Quotes about Nalanda
Some hold the view that the name “Nalanda” was also known as “Nala” and “Nalaka.” The sprawling and expansive Nalanda Vihara was built by Ashoka in the Third Century BCE. In later years, the progenitor of the Mahayana School, Nagarjuna (2nd Century), the proponent of Madhyamika Prasthana, Aryadeva (4thCentury), Vasubandhu (5th Century) and other towering Buddhists had made Nalanda their home for long periods.

In 1197, this grand educational complex became one of the most high-profile victims of the destructive Islamic iconoclast, Bhaktiyar Khilji who mercilessly razed it to the ground.

In its pristine days, the Nalanda University, which towered over the world of scholarship, was characterized by these features:
  • Accommodation for 10000 students and 3000 teachers at a time
  • Numerous conference halls, study rooms, eight sprawling gardens, and 10 massive temples
  • Boasted of having the most prestigious library in the whole world
A nine-storied library named Dharma Ganga contained a repository of lakhs of books on almost every conceivable branch of knowledge including specialist literature. It is now a fact of history that when Bhakhtiyar Khilji set fire to it, it burnt over several months.

That only the brightest would be admitted can be adduced by the fact that the university’s gatekeepers would test an aspirant’s knowledge of basic Sanskrit proficiency.

Equally, Vikramashila and Odantapuri universities also imparted knowledge to about four thousand students. Both these universities too, were destroyed by Muslim invaders.

Today, the entire notoriety for reducing this magnificent, ancient centre of learning to an object of derisive ridicule lies squarely at the door of the infamous Amartya Sen who headed its so-called revival.
Disillusionment Meets Expectation
The announcement of the project to revive the Nalanda University—which had once symbolized Indian culture as well as the world’s best traditions of excellence in learning—as a global centre of educational excellence naturally received enthusiastic response across the country.

Before it was destroyed at the end of the 12th Century, the fact that it attracted the best talent in droves from nations like China, Korea, and Japan is recorded by the Chinese traveler, Huien Tsang whose praise of Nalanda’s greatness is widely known.

The revival project was well-received by Australia, Japan, and Vietnam among other nations. However, it is tragic that this lofty and prestigious initiative was mired in controversies right from its inception.

The heart of the ancient Nalanda University lay in the study and the imparting of traditional learning in various subjects. Therefore, it caused immense public disappointment when the economist Amartya Sen, who has absolutely no knowledge of these traditional disciplines, was appointed to head the revival project.
Amartya Sen
Amartya Sen
The fact that Amartya Sen, throughout his long career, has heaped scorn on everything that is rooted in the Indian tradition, is self-evident. In this background, the widespread allegation that he has used the Nalanda revival project to further his own agenda is not baseless.

Amartya Sen has justified the inherent, barbaric violence and iconoclasm of Muslim invaders as “but this nature is in their blood.” In the same vein, Amartya Sen’s wisdom-laden thesis denies Hindus the right to avenge this unprovoked violence. Indeed, Amartya Sen grants only Muslims the right to take pride in this “nature is in their blood.”

In a letter dated 4 July 2011 to the then External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna, former Indian President (late) Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam recommended that important positions like Chancellor and Vice Chancellors should be awarded to scholars who are renowned throughout the nation for their learning and scholarship. We can estimate the disappointment felt by Dr. Abdul Kalam over Amartya Sen’s antics from this letter. Indeed, the seed for reviving the Nalanda University was sown by Dr. Kalam in 2006. He had criticized the decision to appoint an economist like Amartya Sen who has no background in traditional scholarship as the Vice Chancellor despite the availability of several distinguished scholars who were definitely more qualified and suitable for the position.
Wanton Flouting of Rules
As early as May 2010, the Government had issued a set of guidelines and rules governing the university. This received the President’s seal of approval on 21st September of the same year.  Given this, can anybody justify the fact of Amartya Sen (or anybody) flouting these rules and guidelines?

The UPA government constituted an 11-member Committee, which included Amartya Sen, to study the feasibility and do the groundwork for the Nalanda University revival project. However, even after the Nalanda University was officially inaugurated, Amartya Sen continued to use his position as the member of the said Committee to decide on the new University’s syllabus and other programmes. This became controversial. He also ignored the rules governing the University, which the Government had by then issued.

Amartya Sen who was mandated to submit a detailed Project Report on the progress of the Nalanda University project within nine months failed to do so even after three years. Despite this, it’s pretty strange that his own Committee elevated him to the position of Chancellor of the University in 2011.

After this momentous appointment, a chain of rule-violations ensued. Gopa Sabharwal who was appointed as Vice Chancellor was unfit for the post on all counts. She was merely a Reader in Sociology in the Delhi-based Lady Shriram College and had no knowledge about the history or the details of the project to revive the Nalanda University. Neither did she possess any qualifications mandated by the UGC for those aspiring to become Vice Chancellors. Her salary at the Nalanda University was ₹ 5.6 Lakhs, twice that of the Vice Chancellor of Delhi University.

Neither did it stop there.

Gopa Sabharwal then appointed her counterpart at Delhi University, Associate Professor Anjana Sharma as Officer on Special Duty at Nalanda at a princely salary of ₹ 3.3 Lakhs, a sum that no central university anywhere in India offers to an Associate Professor.

Indeed, there’s no shortage of evidence to show the flagrant violations that occurred in appointments and proceedings at Nalanda.

Amartya Sen inducted the then Prime Minister’s daughter Upinder Singh in his pet Advisory Committee. Her colleague Nayanajyoti Lahiri was awarded the title of “Expert.” Neither of these are renowned as experts in any discipline.
Even after the new university came into existence officially, Amartya Sen remotely continued his Nalanda durbar from Delhi.
Lack of Direction
The Manmohan Singh Government branded Nalanda as an International University in order to insure it from potential financial irregularities, by keeping finance-related rules out of its direct purview. However, in practice, the Government treated it as merely a national university. Its expenses, which exceeded ₹ 1000 crores were entirely borne by Indian taxpayers.

From the early days of Nalanda’s conception, the widely held expectation was this: as far as possible, it must revive, retain, preserve and perpetuate the vision, ideal, and framework of the original Nalanda (i.e. up to the 12th Century), which placed the greatest emphasis on Buddhist studies. In this backdrop, establishing a School of Information Technology only clarifies the directionlessness of Amartya Sen’s gang.
Historical quotes about Nalanda
Historical quotes about Nalanda
Amartya Sen’s brazen flouting of rules counts as an act of unparalleled shamelessness with the result that the revival project has completely lost track from the original, noble vision with which it was conceived. After his term expired in July 2015, when the Government didn’t express any interest in his continuance at the University, he took to the media to shamelessly claim “political interference in education” (for e.g. Indian Express article dated 20 May 2015).

One can spot the irony here: when the Manmohan Singh Government appointed Amartya Sen as the head of the revival project despite his being totally unqualified for the task, why didn’t it occur to this eminence that there was “political interference in education?”

Ideally, Amartya Sen should have been independent. However, by opting to become both the handmaiden and beneficiary of the UPA Government’s largesse, he has openly advertised his pettiness. He would frequently talk about “my friend, Manmohan Singh.” Ever the one to find some or the other fault, Amartya Sen never managed to find a single fault throughout the UPA’s decade-long tenure.

Indeed, it is open knowledge that the sole qualification of Amartya Sen to head the Nalanda University was his proximity with Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi.

What compels Amartya Sen who has crossed 81 years in age to still insist on doling out guidance?

In the end, it is a profound tragedy of our times that a lofty project like the revival of the ancient Nalanda University continues to suffer under the foot of stumblebums.

Sandeep Balakrishna is a columnist and author of Tipu Sultan: the Tyrant of Mysore. He has translated S.L. Bhyrappa’s “Aavarana: the Veil” from Kannada to English.

http://indiafacts.co.in/how-an-economist-wrecked-the-nalanda-revival/

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Ram Jethmalani joins OROP protest, calls Jaitley enemy of nation. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

                     

                                              August 31, 2015, 1:19 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Ram Jethmalani joins defence veterans in fight for One Rank One Pension, calls Jaitley enemy of nation
Posted on: 11:39 AM IST Aug 31, 2015
Sumit Pande CNN-IBN





New Delhi: Eminent Supreme Court lawyer Ram Jethmalani on Monday joined defence veterans protesting over delay in One Rank One Pension at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. Ex-servicemen have been protesting for 78 days with 10 being on fast-unto-death and many on relay hunger strike.
The Former Bharatiya Janata Party leader has been at loggerheads with the Modi government for some time. He had been critical about the government's efforts in tackling black money.
Jethmalani was very critical of Finance Minister Arun Jaitley. "Finance Minister is your enemy and the enemy of the nation. They might go to court against me."
Jethmalani said, "I have come here to assure you all support and help you on your cause. I want to fight the evil forces that have entered into our political system. I've no other ambition left in life except to return love and affection. The politicians unfortunately have let down the entire nation."
One Rank One Pension scheme has been a long-standing demand of nearly 3 million ex-servicemen and war widows in the country. It seeks to ensure that a uniform pension is paid to defence personnel who retire at the same rank with the same length of service, irrespective of their date of retirement.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-wcx6MbXKF0  Published on Aug 31, 2015
Eminent lawyer Ram Jethmalani went in support of ex-army officer who are protesting against One Rank, One Pension (OROP), "Being a founder of BJP, I want to devote my life for the welfare of this country," he said.
Till now, nine war veterans and a father of a martyr are on fast-unto-death. Colonel Pushpender Singh, Havaldar Major Singh, Havaldar Ashok Chauhan, Havaldar Sahib Singh, Major Piar Chand Rana, Naik Uday Singh, Commander AK Sharma, Vijay Singh Yadav, SWR Keshav Singh and Samwal Ram Yadav, father of martyr Sunil Kumar Yadav are on fast-unto-death.

http://www.ibnlive.com/news/politics/ram-jethmalani-joins-defence-veterans-in-fight-for-one-rank-one-pension-calls-jaitley-enemy-of-nation-1059338.html

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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रामचरितमानस digital version released by NaMo. Kudos to Prasar Bharati team and to Surya Prakash, Chairman, Prasar Bharati

                     

                                              August 31, 2015, 1:36 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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पीएम मोदी ने लांच किया ‘रामचरितमानस’ का डिजिटल संस्करण
Publish Date:Sun, 30 Aug 2015 04:08 PM (IST) | Updated Date:Mon, 31 Aug 2015 01:01 PM (IST)
पीएम मोदी ने लांच किया ‘रामचरितमानस’ का डिजिटल संस्करण
नई दिल्ली। प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने आकाशवाणी द्वारा तैयार ‘रामचरितमानस’ के विशेष डिजिटल संस्करण को आज जारी कर दिया। इस मौके पर उन्होंने कहा कि रामचरितमानस ने हमारी हस्ती बनाए रखी है.. इसलिए मिटती नहीं।
उन्होंने रामचरितमानस के डिजिटल वर्जन को संगीत, संस्कार और संस्कृति की साधना बताया। उन्होंने कहा कि रामचरितमानस के इस वर्जन से दूसरे सरकारी कर्मचारियों को प्रेरणा मिलेगी। लांचिंग के दौरान मोदी ने कहा कि क्या संयोग है कि यह कार्यक्रम पंचवटी नाम के कक्ष में हो रहा है। इस अवसर पर सूचना एवं प्रसारण मंत्री अरुण जेटली, सूचना एवं प्रसारण राज्यमंत्री राज्यवर्धन सिंह राठौर, प्रसार भारती के अध्यक्ष ए सूर्यप्रकाश, सूचना एवं प्रसारण सचिव बिमल जुलका एवं अन्य अधिकारी उपस्थिति रहे।
बताते चलें कि गोस्वामी तुलसीदास की कृति की रिकार्डिंग आकाशवाणी द्वारा कई सालों में की गयी है और उसका नियमित रूप से विशेषकर हिंदी अंचल में प्रसारण किया जाता रहा है। भोपाल घराने के जाने माने गायकों ने रामचरित मानस की चौपाइयाें एवं दोहे को आवाज दी है।
आकाशवाणी भोपाल ने 1980 में तत्कालीन केंद्र निदेशक समर बहादुर सिंह के मार्गदर्शन में पहली बार ‘रामचरितमानस’ को स्वरबद्ध किया था और रिकार्ड किया था।
‘रामचरितमानस’ के डिजिटल संस्करण के शुरू होने के साथ ही प्रसारक महसूस करता है कि वह न केवल घरेलू श्रोता बल्कि विदेशों में अपने श्रोताओं तक पहुंचेगा। अधिकारियों ने बताया कि यह बडे पैमाने पर डिजटलीकरण की आकाशवाणी की कोशिश का हिस्सा है ताकि जनप्रसारक वैश्विक रूप से अपने श्रोताओं तक पहुंच सके। आकाशवाणी के कई चैनल मोबाइल एप्प पर उपलब्ध हैं और प्रसारक इंटरनेट पर भी अपनी अधिक उपस्थिति बना रहा है।
- See more at: http://www.jagran.com/news/national-prime-minister-releases-digitized-version-of-epic-ramcharitmanas-12809991.html#sthash.UXoWzHX9.dpuf

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bI31uB3jzsY&feature=youtu.be

https://twitter.com/search?q=Ramcharitmanas&f=images&src=tyah
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Top Home Ministry officials skip talks on Sun TV's security clearance. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

                     

                                              August 31, 2015, 3:53 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Top Home Ministry officials skip talks on Sun TV’s security clearance
By ET Bureau | 15 Jun, 2015, 04.00AM IST

MIB is holding discussions with law ministry officials over definition of economic security & legal implications of the case. 
MIB is holding discussions with law ministry officials over definition of economic security & legal implications of the case.  
NEW DELHI: Top home ministry officials have refrained from participating in a consultation process initiated with the law ministry by the ministry of information and broadcasting (MIB) over the last one week regarding the denial of security clearance to Sun TV. 

In the past one week since ET broke the story on June 6, MIB officials have already held meetings with the law secretary and top officials in the law ministry with discussions over the definition of economic security and legal implications of the case. But top MHA officials, it is believed, kept away from these meetings, in a signal of further intensification of the tussle between the two ministries. The matter could now be referred to Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi even as Sun TV promoter Kalanithi Maran is set to be in Delhi this week to meet top officials from both home ministry and MIB and press his case for a security clearance. 

The MIB expects the MHA to come around if the AG's opinion is in Sun TV's favour but MHA officials told ET that are wary of an Hindalco case redux. MHA officials say a review at their level, on MIB's insistence or Sun TV promoter Kalanithi Maran's letter for the same may mean a "lurking danger" of CBI questioning at some stage why the decision was changed. In Hindalco case, former coal secretary PC Parakh and ex-PM Manmohan Singh were summoned by court for changing a government decision and allotting the company a coal mine. 

AMHA official said the law ministry or AG has to first "take onus" of any recommendation that the cases against the promoters of Sun TV can be delinked from the security clearance to the company. "Let a legal authority take responsibility for such a review of the existing position... we will then take a call," a MHA official said. Sun TV has said it will move Madras High Court if the government does not change its stand. "We would prefer the matter to be settled in the court as well and MIB to contest," the MHA official said. At MIB, officials confirm that top MHA officials are reluctant to change their stand or attend meetings for discussions. 

Top Home Ministry officials skip talks on Sun TV’s security clearance
"MHA officials need to participate in our consultations with law secretary which will help us to be on the same page. They must explain what in their scrutiny of the Sun TV network was seen as a threat to the nation so that when the matter is taken to the court, we are not faulted. But they are reluctant to even review their stance or participate in meetings with law ministry officials," a MIB official said. 

The home ministry had said that the grant of security licences to Sun TV would impact 'economic security' of the country. The home ministry has maintained that Sun TV could not be granted security clearance as its promoters were facing serious charges in connection with several investigations. 

The ministry had cited three reasons: the Aircel-Maxis deal corruption case, money laundering case against Marans being probed by ED and case relating to operation of an illegal exchange. The denial of clearance had prompted Kalanithi Maran to write to finance ministerArun Jaitley and home minister Rajnath Singh asking them to intervene on the issue saying his company was never involved in any anti-nationaland was being singled out in the denial.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/industry/media/entertainment/media/top-home-ministry-officials-skip-talks-on-sun-tvs-security-clearance/articleshow/47669337.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Indira considered (1981) military strike on Pak's nuke sites: Full text of CIA document NaMo, announce thorium-based nuke doctrine, resume tests.

                     

                                              August 31, 2015, 9:44 am
                     


                     
                     

                     
                     
                                          
                     
                                          
                     
                   


                   
                   


                     
                     

                       
                       

                         
                              
                         

                          
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Central Intelligence Agency
June 23, 2015 document full text is embedded. This was redacted from 2009 document.

http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/89801/DOC_0005403744.pdf

https://www.scribd.com/doc/277163104/India-s-Reaction-to-Nuclear-Developments-in-Pakistan-Sept-8-1981

http://cdn.theatlantic.com/static/coma/images/issues/201112/map-pakistan-big.jpg (2011)

loc.cit>: http://hotair.com/archives/2011/11/23/did-bachmann-leak-classified-info-about-pakistans-nuke-program-last-night/


http://blogs.reuters.com/pakistan/2009/08/13/graphic-pakistani-nuclear-facilities/


http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/05/20/pakistan-expanding-nuclea_n_205659.html?ir=India&adsSiteOverride=in 20 June 2009

http://www.slideshare.net/shahrukh87/nuclear-power-in-pakistan

Image analysis of the Fourth Military Reactor at the Khushab Nuclear Site
Image
http://forums.bharat-rakshak.com/viewtopic.php?p=1072978

http://ktwop.com/2015/03/16/saudi-arabia-netanyahu-and-gop-make-unusual-bedfellows/


Map of major Pakistani Air Force bases, including the nuclear sites of Kamra and Sargodha. Pakistani air bases are the most likely sites to house nuclear...
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2007/12/al_qaeda_taliban_tar.php

http://www.worldfuturefund.org/Reports2013/Drones/obamadrones.html


Published on CIA FOIA (foia.cia.gov) (http://www.foia.cia.gov)
INDIA'S REACTIONS TO NUCLEAR DEVELOPMENTS IN PAKISTAN
Document Type: 
FOIA [1]
Keywords: 
PAKISTAN [2]
NUCLEAR WEAPONS [3]
NUCLEAR WEAPONS [3]
PAKISTAN [2]
Collection: 
FOIA Collection [4]
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
0005403744
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
U
Document Page Count: 
12
File: 
AttachmentSize
 DOC_0005403744.pdf [5]433.52 KB
Document Creation Date: 
June 23, 2015
Document Release Date: 
December 16, 2009
Sequence Number: 
Case Number: 
F-2006-00752
Publication Date: 
September 8, 1981
Body: 
Director of
Central
Intelligence
APPROVED FOR RELEASED
DATE: 11-30-2009
India's Reactions to Nuclear
Developments in Pakistan
(b)(1)
(b)(3)
SNIE 31/.32-81
8 September 1981
Copy 3 4 2
  Sources an
(WNINTEL)
NATIONAL 3M
Unouthor' osure
DISSEMINATION CONTROL ABBREVIATIONS
NOFORN- Not Releasable to Foreign Nationals
NOCONTRACT- Not Releasable to Contractors or
Contractor /Consultants
PROPIN- Caution-Proprietary Information Involved
NFIBONLY- NFIB Departments Only
ORCON- Dissemination and Extraction of Information
Controlled by Originator
REL This Information Has Been Authorized for
Release to ...
Foreign Government Information
  INDIA'S REACTIONS TO NUCLEAR
DEVELOPMENTS IN PAKISTAN
Information available as of 1 September 1981 was
used in the preparation of this Estimate.
  THIS ESTIMATE IS ISSUED BY THE DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL
INTELLIGENCE.
The following intelligence organizations participated in the preparation of the
Estimate:
The Central Intelligence Agency, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Security
Agency, and the intelligence organizations of the Departments of State and Treasury.
Also Participating:
The Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of the Army
The Director of Naval Intelligence, Department of the Navy
The Assistant Chief of Staff, Intelligence, Department of the Air Force
  Pakistan is pursuing a nuclear explosives development program
which, if carried to the production of weapons, would be regarded by
New Delhi as a direct threat to India and to its regional and global am-
bitions. The available evidence is insufficient to predict India's response
to this threat. Prime Minister Gandhi has dealt with the problem
through indirect pressure and, although that course is unlikely to be
adequate over the long run, we do not believe that Gandhi has made a
decision to take any direct action. India is developing contingency
options for destroying Pakistan's nuclear facilities, for responding to a
Pakistani nuclear test by exploding an Indian test device, and for coping
with an established Pakistani nuclear weapons capability.
An uncertainty in estimating what Gandhi will do about the
Pakistani problem in the near term is the extent of Indian concern about
US arms sales to Islamabad, particularly the F-16 aircraft. India has
long exaggerated the threat posed by US arms sales to Pakistan in order
to discourage the United States from providing Islamabad with sophisti-
cated arms.
The US proposal to sell F-16s to Pakistan is now being associated by
New Delhi with the potential Pakistani nuclear threat. Reporting
received since.7 June, when Israel used F-16s to destroy a reactor in
Iraq, indicates that high-level officials in the Indian Government are
genuinely alarmed about F-16s going to Pakistan and the extent to
which this limits India's options for dealing with Pakistan's nuclear
activities. India fears that, with the F-16, Pakistan has the capacity to
counterattack effectively against some Indian nuclear facilities. More-
over, it fears that a rearmed Pakistan backed by a US commitment will
become more adventurous and hostile toward India.
In the extreme case, if Indian concerns increase over the next two
or three months, we believe the conditions could be ripe for a decision
by Prime Minister Gandhi to instigate a military confrontation with
Pakistan, primarily to provide a framework for destroying Pakistan's
nuclear facilities. We judge that the sense of urgency in New Delhi is
not likely to dissipate in the coming months.
Over the next 12 to 24 months, our estimate nonetheless is that In-
dia will follow a wait-and-see strategy-waiting for Pakistan to conduct
  a nuclear test, with the intention of exploding an Indian device in
response and assessing Pakistan's further ambitions. If Pakistan persists
toward nuclear weapons production, or if Pakistan moves to acquire a
strategic stockpile of nuclear material, then New Delhi will face a
choice of accepting the high probability of a nuclear arms race or
destroying Pakistan's nuclear facilities. Any final Indian decision is
likely to depend critically on political and strategic circumstances
prevailing at that time.
  1. India is following Pakistani progress toward a
nuclear weapons production capability with growing
concern. In India's view, Pakistani production of nu-
clear weapons would pose a direct threat to Indian
national security. India's broader goal of becoming a
major global power through its preeminence in South
Asia would be threatened by a Pakistani nuclear
challenge to such preeminence. It would dilute the
effectiveness of India's superiority in conventional
military capabilities and would require New Delhi to
authorize a costly Indian nuclear weapons production
program. Therefore, the Indian Government has been
considering ways to prevent Pakistan from becoming a
nuclear weapons state.
2. Pakistan is approaching a capability to produce
plutonium and highly enriched uranium for use in a
nuclear explosives development program, Prime Min-
ister Gandhi evidently responded to the threat by
authorizing Indian nuclear test preparations. In Febru-
ary excavation was begun in the Thar Desert to permit
the underground explosion of an Indian test device on
3. In May preparations bad
been completed by India for a 40-kiloton nuclear
test-presumabl reparation of the
device itself, as excavation at the test site was still
under way. India reportedly was to explode the device
about one week after the expected Pakistani test,
prevent Pakistan from conducting a nuclear test.
Evidently, the Indian Government calculated that a
Pakistani nuclear explosion per se would not constitute
a national security threat, and that the damage to
India's image of preeminence in the region could be
minimized by a resumption of the peaceful nuclear
explosive (PNE) program.'
4. A small group of Indian strategists who have
argued for nuclear weapons production since China's
nuclear test program began are now citing the Paki-
nuclear deterrent on two fronts. Prime Minister Gan-
dhi approved the publication of a long editorial by one
of these nuclear weapons advocates. Work under way
s intended to
give India by late 1982 its first supply of plutonium
totally unencumbered by any international controls
and therefore usable in nuclear weapons. We believe,
however, that India probably is preparing for contin-
gencies rather than beginning a weapons production
program. As New Delhi's primary objective is to
prevent Pakistan from producing nuclear weapons,
Indian deployment of nuclear weapons would be
' There is some evidence that India's plans for resuming its PNE
test program include efforts to develop a thermonuclear device.
After India's test in 1974, Indian scientists spoke of plans to develop
a thermonuclear PNE as a logical next step in their explosives
program. That program appears to have ceased shortly after the
1974 test, but recent indications are that various laboratories in
India's Department of Atomic Energy have been tasked to work on
the development of a hydrogen test device. Estimates of the time
and effort required to design a successful thermonuclear device vary
widely, but the complexity of the design problem probably would
not deter the Indians from attempting the development of a
thermonuclear explosive. India is aware that China's third test was
thermonuclear and that it occurred only 17 months after the first
Chinese test in 1964, and much useful information has been
published since then. Pakistan's explosion of an initial fission device
would pale in the light of an Indian thermonuclear test, serving New
Delhi's objective of showing to Islamabad the futility of a nuclear
arms race and attempting to show to the rest of the world that
India's regional preeminence remained secure.
  likely in the near term only if other efforts failed to
stop the Pakistanis.'
stroy the Osirak nuclear reactor in Iraq and the
announcement days later of US plans to supply F-16s
to Pakistan. Before the Israeli raid, Indian leaders may
have been resigned to the sale of F-16s over their
protests and they seemed to regard Pakistan's nuclear
activities as a separate threat. Since then, however,
Indian concern about the two threats has intensified.
ings by top officials in the Ministry of External Affairs
indicate that this reaction by the military probably is
widely shared. The Indian Government probably is
concerned that its options are. narrowing-that its
contingency plans for stopping the Pakistani nuclear
program by force could not be implemented without
inviting reciprocal attacks which, if conducted with
F-16s, could not be adequately thwarted by existing
Indian air defenses.
6. In mid-July the Indian service chiefs reportedly
were to consider Indian arms requirements as a result
of Pakistan's expected acquisition of US arms. The
results of the intended meeting are not known. At the
time of the meeting a senior Indian defense official
reportedly was considering the possibilities of starting
began to arrive. Earlier in July a senior Indian defense
official stated that, though no decision had been made
keeping this option ready,
not in question.
from the plant. The difficulty of acquiring necessary
components and rebuilding the plant probably would
shielding surrounding the equipment. Nevertheless,
enough damage almost certainly would be done in an
9. Prime Minister Gandhi probably has not yet
October or November, according to one report), the
conditions could be ripe for Prime Minister Gandhi to
estimate, however, is that India will follow a wait-and-
see strategy. As the shock of the Israeli strike fades,
is still under discussion. Political strategists probably
will focus attention on the potentially extreme political
The reprocessing facilities will begin to contain highly radio-
active material as soon as they begin to treat irradiated nuclear feel,
did not consider the possibility of local radioactive contamination to
be a driving factor in determining the feasibility or timing of an
  Gandhi has been told that, if the United States were to
halt the sale of F-16s, Pakistan would undoubtedly test
and produce nuclear weapons. India probably would
react to a Pakistani test by conducting an Indian test in
response. New Delhi would hope that an Indian test
(and the predictable wave of international pressure)
would deter the Pakistanis from proceeding with a
nuclear weapons program, but in all probability Paki-
stan would continue producing weapons-usable nu-
clear material. If that were the case, India would have
to consider whether to try to destroy Pakistan's nuclear
facilities before a nuclear stockpile rendered the mili-
tary option ineffective. Alternatively, Pakistan may
decide to delay a nuclear test while awaiting the full
implementation of the US arms deal. If Pakistan
defers nuclear testing, the Indians will face the pros-
pect of Pakistani accumulation of a significant stock-
pile of nuclear material for eventual weapons use.
Thus, in this case too, India would confront a decision
either to strike Pakistan's nuclear facilities or to face a
high probability of eventual Pakistani production of
nuclear weapons.
11. A critical factor in estimating what Gandhi
would do, when ultimately faced with the choice of
either attacking Pakistan or allowing Pakistan to pro-
duce a stockpile of weapons-usable nuclear material, is
her attitude toward exercising India's own nuclear
weapons option. If the Indians were adamantly op-
posed to developing their own nuclear weapons, they
probably would try to destroy Pakistan's nuclear facili-
ties before a significant stockpile of nuclear material
could be produced. If, on the other hand, the Indians
are seriously considering the establishment of their
own nuclear strike capability against China, destruc-
tion of Pakistan's nuclear facilities would become a
less attractive option. From the Indian perspective, it
would have the serious drawback of inviting Chinese
intervention. Moreover, the international reaction to
an Indian attack probably would be severe, Reliance
on the option of building a nuclear deterrent force to
deal with the Pakistani nuclear threat would extend
India's time for reaction until nearly the point when
Pakistan actually began to produce deployable nuclear
weapons, which probably would not occur before late
PNE tests, perhaps permitting a thermonuclear test,
recommendations have recently been
made in favor of exercising the nuclear weapons
option and that the detailed recommendations were
circulated widely in the Indian Government. We have
also noted that Gandhi has at least some interest in this
viewpoint. But we do not know whether the Prime
Minister favors that course, and we have not observed
any activity by the Indian military that would suggest
authorization for a nuclear weapons program. The
considerations discussed in the annex suggest that
India would ultimately choose to meet the Pakistani
nuclear challenge by establishing a superior nuclear
force, but the decision is likely to depend critically on
the prevailing political and strategic circumstances,
13. If India chose to rely on nuclear deterrence, the
present pace of Pakistan's nuclear program would
point to nuclear testing by both countries in late 1982
or 1983. India's basic objectives (as noted in paragraph
1) would require Indian efforts to be more impressive
than Pakistan's accomplishments. It is possible that
Pakistan would be sufficiently impressed by India's
capability to decide that its best course lay in avoiding
a nuclear arms race. Even so, mutual suspicion and
miscalculation probably would defeat such restraint.
14. If, on the other hand, India chose to attack
defeat, presenting the United States with the dilemma
of direct involvement or seeing the defeat of a security
partner. The Soviet Union might attempt to exploit the
hostilities, for example, by launching limited strikes
under Afghan colors against insurgent camps across
the Pakistani border.'
' For a discussionof possible Soviet actions against Pakistan, see
SNIE 11/32-81 ,?"'~ The Soviet Threat to Pakistan,
12 August 1981.
  favor o producing nuc ear weapons applicable to use
against China includes two Indian considerations. The
first is that China poses a threat to Indian freedom of
action in South Asia. Either by coercive diplomacy or
by supporting insurrection in small neighboring states,
China is likely eventually to restrict India's control
over events in the region unless deterred by a strong
and determined government in New Delhi. The sec-
ond consideration is that China poses a more direct
threat to India's security because it is likely to encour-
age and support Pakistani aggression against India by
providing military equipment to Islamabad or by
tying up Indian troops along the northeastern border
during an Indo-Pakistani conflict. Nuclear weapons,
according to Indian proponents, would end the present
dangerous degree of asymmetry between China's
power and that of India and could, in time, produce a
climate conducive to improving relations between the
two countries.
2. Also, Indian nuclear weapons advocates regard
production of nuclear weapons as a means to reassert
India's regional preeminence in the face of increasing
Soviet and US activity in the area. Events in Iran and
Afghanistan and the subsequent reactions by super-
powers probably have led many Indians, including
Gandhi, to conclude that New Delhi is nearly helpless
to influence the resolution of important problems in
the region. Nuclear weapons, according to some In-
dian strategists, would lead the superpowers to accord
India greater respect, if not as the nation having
overall responsibility for maintaining peace in the
region-the status to which India ultimately aspires-
then at least as an equal participant in resolving
regional crises.
3. Despite these incentives, there are several techni-
cal and political reasons why the Indian Government
might prefer to delay launching a nuclear weapons
program. India's early pledges to use its Canadian-
supplied research reactor only for peaceful purposes,
for example, may make Gandhi reluctant to use this
facility for weapons production, and India's other
operational reactors are covered by international non-
proliferation safeguards. India is building a research
reactor and a power reactor that will be able to begin
producing unsafeguarded plutonium in large quanti-
ties in late 1982, if all proceeds according to plan.'
Thus, Gandhi would find it expedient to defer weap-
ons production, at least until about 1983, In the
meantime, unsafeguarded plutonium from the Cana-
dian-supplied CIRUS reactor could be used to conduct
"peaceful" underground nuclear tests.
4. The Indians would have some economic consid-
erations in deciding whether to become a nuclear
weapon state. Although the cost of producing a small
stockpile of fission bombs would probably not be great,
Gandhi probably would realize at the outset that
embarking on a nuclear weapons program would
entail a commitment to ever-increasing defense bud-
gets. One Indian proposal is to spend $10 billion over
five years-presumably by increasing the defense
budget somewhat from its current level of about 3.5
percent of India's gross national product-to pay for
the production of several hundred nuclear-armed mis-
siles and aircraft recommended for deployment
against China. Another major cost of establishing a
nuclear deterrent would be the expense required to
' The plan includes using domestically produced heavy water in
the reactors. India's persistent problems in producing this water, and
its critical need to increase electrical power generating capacity, will
create conflicting desires. India will want to start up the power
reactor as soon as possible, which means using heavy water available
from the Soviet Union under safeguards. The Indians would like to
operate the power reactor without safeguards, however, which
might require postponing the startup date. India might choose to
keep its new research reactor free of safeguards-to support a
weapons program-while using safeguarded heavy water in the
power reactor to ensure its timely startup; this course would argue
for a deferral of overt weapons development until the Soviet Union
had finished supplying the desired heavy water.
7
'*SL`am
  create a nuclear strike force with adequate personnel,
training, and command and control procedures. Hid-
den costs would take the form of increased require-
ments for nonnuclear equipment and capabilities-
costs relating to enhanced early warning systems, for
example.
5. Costs would not prohibit India from becoming a
nuclear weapon state, but they would relate impor-
tantly to the pace at which India's nuclear force would
grow. Although India could rapidly outpace Pakistan
in the deployment of simple fission bombs without
straining its economy, the government would wish to
minimize the time between declaring itself a nuclear
weapon state and establishing a credible deterrent to
Chinese aggression. The present state of Indian nu-
clear and missile capabilities is such that the creation
of a nuclear weapons force in the near future probably
would call for a greater infusion of funds-more of a
crash effort-than would be required later in the
decade.
6. India possesses the technology necessary to de-
velop a ballistic missile system of sufficient range and
payload capabilities to strike important Chinese tar-
gets. This technology is embodied in work being done
by the Indian Department of Space, which has pro-
duced and tested a satellite launch vehicle, designated
the SLV-3, similar to the US Scout. Designed to be
deliver a nuclear payload) to a
target 0 kilometers distant. A strap-on
booster engine under development could increase
either the range or payload. India, however, lacks the
production capability needed to support a ballistic
missile program. Also, a more accurate guidance sys-
tem probably would be required by the military.'
Several years probably would be required, therefore,
before India could begin to produce intermediate-
range ballistic missiles.
' Historically, the military has not been noted to be involved in
the work of India's Department of Space, although the Ministry of
Defense is believed to be developing missile-propulsion and inertial-
guidance systems.
  1. This document was disseminated by the National Foreign Assessment Center. This copy
is for the information and use of the recipient and of persons under his or her jurisdiction on a
need-to-know basis. Additional essential dissemination may be authorized by the following
officials within their respective departments:
a. Director of Intelligence and Research, for the Department of State
b. Director, Defense Intelligence Agency, for the Office of the Secretary of Defense
and the organization of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
c. Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, for the Department of the Army
d. Director of Naval Intelligence, for the Department of the Navy
e. Assistant Chief of Staff, Intelligence, for the Department of the Air Force
I. Director of Intelligence, for Headquarters, Marine Corps
g. Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Intelligence Analysis, for the Depart-
ment of Energy
h. Assistant Director, FBI, for the Federal Bureau of Investigation
i. Director of NSA, for the Notional Security Agency
j. Special Assistant to the Secretary for National Security, for the Department of the
Treasury
k. The Deputy Director for National Foreign Assessment for any other Department or
Agency
2. This document may be retained, or destroyed by burning in accordance with applicable
security regulations, or returned to the National Foreign Assessment Center.
3. When this document is disseminated overseas, the overseas recipients may retain it for a
period not in excess of one year. At the end of this period, the document should be destroyed
or returned to the forwarding agency, or permission should be requested of the forwarding
agency to retain it in accordance with IAC-D-69/2, 22 June 1953,
4. The title of this document when used separately from the text is UNCLASSIFIED.
Source URL: http://www.foia.cia.gov/document/0005403744
Links
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[2] http://www.foia.cia.gov/keyword/pakistan
[3] http://www.foia.cia.gov/keyword/nuclear-weapons
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[5] http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/89801/DOC_0005403744.pdf

http://www.foia.cia.gov/print/1823940

http://www.foia.cia.gov/document/0005403744






Nation
Indira considered military strike on Pak's nuke sites: CIA document
Published on: Aug 31 2015 4:26PM
Indira considered military strike on Pak's nuke sites: CIA documentFile photo of Indira Gandhi
Washington, August 31
After her return to power as prime minister in 1980, Indira Gandhi had considered a military strike on Pakistan's nuclear installations to prevent it from acquiring weapons capabilities, a declassified document by Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has claimed.
The document titled 'India's Reaction to Nuclear Developments in Pakistan', which has the date September 8, 1981, shows then Prime Minister had considered such a move at a time when the US was at an advanced stage of providing its fighter jets F-16 to Pakistan.
A redacted version of the 12-page document was posted on the CIA website in June this year, according to which the then Indian government led by Gandhi in 1981 was concerned about the progress made by Pakistan on its nuclear weapons programme and believed that Islamabad was steps away from acquiring a nuclear weapon. The US had the same assessment.
"In the extreme case, if Indian concerns increase over the next two or three months, we believe the conditions could be ripe for a decision by Prime Minister Gandhi to instigate a military confrontation with Pakistan, primarily to provide a framework for destroying Pakistan's nuclear facilities," the then highly sensitive CIA report claimed.
At the time of writing of the report, CIA said Gandhi had taken no decision.
According to the report, Pakistan was in an advanced stage of producing plutonium and highly enriched uranium for use in nuclear weapons. Gandhi evidently responded to the threat by authorising Indian nuclear test preparations.
"In February (1981), excavation was begun in the Thar desert to permit the underground explosion of an Indian test device on short notice," the CIA said, adding that in May, preparations had been completed by India for a 40-kiloton nuclear test.
The CIA said India reportedly was to explode the device about one week after the expected Pakistani test.
"Evidently, the Indian Government calculated that a Pakistani nuclear explosion per se would not constitute a national security threat, and that the damage to India's image of pre-eminence in the region could be minimised by a resumption of the peaceful nuclear explosive (PNE) programme," the CIA said.
"Prime Minister Gandhi probably has not made a decision to exercise a military option against Pakistan. In the extreme case, if India's concern about deliveries of F-16s to Pakistan increases before the optimum time for exercising the military option (in October or November according to one report), the conditions could be ripe for Prime Minister Gandhi to carry out the contingency strike plan," it said.
"Our best estimate, however, is that India will follow a wait and see strategy," the report added.
According to the report, a critical factor in estimating what Gandhi would do when ultimately faced with the choice of either attacking Pakistan or allowing the country to produce a stockpile of weapons-usable nuclear material was her attitude toward exercising India's own nuclear weapons option.
"If the Indians were adamantly opposed to developing their own nuclear weapons, they probably would try to destroy Pakistan's nuclear facilities before a significant stockpile of nuclear material could be produced," the report said.
"If, on the other hand, the Indians are seriously considering the establishment of their own nuclear strike capability against China, destruction of Pakistan's nuclear facilities would become a less attractive option. From the Indian perspective, it would have the serious drawback of inviting Chinese intervention," the CIA felt.
http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/indira-considered-military-strike-on-pak-s-nuke-sites-cia-document/126877.html
"Moreover, the international reaction to an Indian attack probably would be severe, reliance on the option of building a nuclear deterrent force to deal with the Pakistani nuclear threat would extend India's time for reaction until nearly the point when Pakistan actually began to produce deployable nuclear weapons, which probably would not occur before late PNE tests, perhaps permitting a thermonuclear test," it said.
CIA’s document said recommendations had been made in favour of exercising the nuclear weapons option and that the detailed recommendations were circulated widely in the Indian government.
"We have also noted that Gandhi has at least some interest in this viewpoint. But we do not know whether the Prime Minister favours that course and we have not observed any activity by the Indian military that would suggest authorisation for a nuclear weapons programme," the report said. — PTI


                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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Home secy shunted  - Three issues cited -- Nishit Dholabhai and Imran Ahmed Siddiqui. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan.

                     

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| Tuesday , September 1 , 2015 |
Home secy shunted
- Three issues cited
Nishit Dholabhai and Imran Ahmed Siddiqui
Mehrishi
New Delhi, Aug. 31: The Centre has replaced the Union home secretary long before his tenure was scheduled to end, plucking a thorn in its side as part of a bureaucratic shuffle aimed at tightening its grip on the "wobbly" command structure.
Rajiv Mehrishi, a Rajasthan-cadre IAS officer who was the finance secretary till today, has taken over from L.C. Goyal as the Union home secretary. Goyal, who was appointed home secretary seven months ago in February, has proceeded on voluntary retirement.
Home secretaries can serve for two years from the date of appointment, irrespective of the scheduled date of retirement, which means Goyal could have continued in his post for another year and five months.
Within hours of suggestions being aired that Goyal had been eased out, what appears to be an olive branch was extended to him.
Goyal was appointed the chairman and managing director of the India Trade Promotion Organisation (ITPO). Moving on from internal security, Goyal will run the agency, which organises trade fairs and his base will shift from North Block on Raisina Hill to Pragati Maidan.
Sources said the government was miffed with Goyal because of his reported reluctance to scotch suggestions that the home ministry was not kept in the loop when the Naga peace draft was signed recently. He had also urged caution in the Teesta Setalvad case (the activist was granted anticipatory bail in spite of the Centre's best efforts to get her arrested) and differences had cropped up over renewing the Sun TV network's clearance.
Others said the shift was part of a bigger exercise aimed at putting in place an overhauled apparatus before pre-budget discussions began and amid a perception that the Modi government had not been able to do much since the landslide victory last year.
Asked whether the three issues led to his sudden replacement, Goyal told The Telegraph : "As a government servant, I discharged my duties and have nothing against the government. I just decided to call it a day and there is no question of being upset with the government. There is speculation but it's incorrect."
The soft-spoken officer added: "I am not angry with this government. It was my personal decision to call it a day."
Asked about his new trade fair assignment, Goyal said: "I am not aware of it. Nobody has told me about it so far.... I do not know."
Sources said home minister Rajnath Singh had met Goyal on Friday for nearly an hour. "Goyal was told to put in his papers on Friday evening and apply for voluntary retirement. The next morning he came to his office and submitted his resignation," said an official.
A few officials agreed to speak to this newspaper on the three issues on the condition of anonymity. On August 3, the Naga agreement was signed under the direct supervision of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A few days later, Goyal wrote to R.N Ravi, the interlocutor for the Naga peace talks, asking for a copy of the agreement, according to an official.
"The home ministry was not kept in the loop and the content of the agreement was not shared with it. Goyal's letter asking for it made some officials in the PMO very angry," an official said.
On Sun TV, Goyal was apparently among those adamant on not giving clearance to the network citing security concerns stemming from a case against the promoters, the Marans. But the information and broadcasting ministry is said to be against linking the case and the broadcasting licence.
"In the Teesta case, the government wanted speedy action. But Goyal asked his officials to play by the book, which meant time-consuming investigations. This angered the government," an official said.
Recently, the Enforcement Directorate chief was replaced amid suggestions that the Centre was unhappy with him because the agency felt that prima facie, no case could be made out against Sonia Gandhi in a newspaper trust case.
Goyal had replaced Anil Goswami as home secretary in February after the latter was accused of interfering in the CBI probe into the Saradha scam on behalf of an accused.
Goyal should have retired this month in the normal course but his stint as home secretary had made him immune to the retirement cut-off for two years.
Similarly, Mehrishi, a 1978-batch officer, was scheduled to retire today. But his assignment in the home ministry will ensure that he can continue in the post for two years unless he is removed by the government midway.
Six top positions - the cabinet secretary, foreign secretary, defence secretary, home secretary, director of the Intelligence Bureau and the secretary of the Research and Analysis Wing - have fixed two-year tenures from the date of appointment.
A history postgraduate from St Stephen's college, Mehrishi is believed to be close to finance minister Arun Jaitley. Mehrishi was the economic affairs secretary till today. (The finance ministry has five secretaries, the senior-most of whom - Mehrishi in this instance - is also known as the finance secretary.)
This is the third significant secretarial displacement from a top department by the Modi government in seven months. The first was the overnight removal of foreign secretary Sujatha Singh and her replacement with S. Jaishankar days after US President Barack Obama's January visit.
In early February, Goswami was removed and Goyal appointed. Now, Goyal's two-year term has been cut short.
During the UPA administration, RAW chief K.C. Verma had retired prematurely in 2010 to ensure a desired chain of succession in the agency.
Mehrishi has got special dispensation in one more aspect. He has been appointed though he does not have any previous experience at the home ministry. Former home secretaries such as Goyal and his predecessors Goswami, R.K. Singh (who is now a BJP MP) and G.K. Pillai had served in director or joint secretary ranks in the home ministry at some point in their careers.
Mehrishi had worked in the President's secretariat and the cabinet secretariat.
That the new appointment was made directly by the Prime Minister was apparent from the statement put out by the Prime Minister's Office, besides a release from the department of personnel and training (DoPT) on new appointments by the appointments committee of the cabinet (ACC). Usually, appointments cleared by the ACC are announced only by the DoPT.
"The Prime Minister has also approved the request of Shri L.C. Goyal, IAS, seeking voluntary retirement from government service due to personal reasons with immediate effect," the PMO release said.
Another aspect that stands out is the position of Rajnath. The ACC is made of the Prime Minister and the home minister.
The Opposition is certain to cite the media release from South Block to imply that the Prime Minister's Office is deciding appointments in North Block. Last year, Rajnath had to face sarcastic remarks from the Opposition because he was allegedly not being consulted by the PMO on key appointments in his own ministry.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150901/jsp/frontpage/story_40154.jsp#.VeTk0dSqqko

                       


                           
                       
                     


                   


                   
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