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De-Recognition Of APSC In IIT Madras –The Unspoken Side

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30 May, 2015
De-Recognition Of APSC In IIT Madras –The Unspoken Side
The Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle (APSC) has been de-recognised for the simple reason that they did not follow standard procedures common for all such institute bodies while conducting their activities. We, a few students of IITM, are saddened by the fact that a straightforward debate based on facts has not occurred on this issue.
For the last few days, we have witnessed a media spectacle around the issue of IIT Madras de-recognising a body called Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle (APSC). While IITM has tried to set the facts clear with an official statement, the initial media reports which twisted the truth and the subsequent statements to the media that stretched it further, have created quite a different perception of the whole issue in people’s minds. We, a few students of IITM are saddened by these developments, by the fact that a straightforward debate based on facts has not occurred on this issue and that the media is pursuing spectacular and outlandish statements instead of the truth. They are ready to hear only one side of the story and hence, we would like to set this straight. We, as students of the institute, have some concern for what’s happening in it, and the perception of the institute held by the people. Therefore, we are writing this article.
There are numerous student bodies, functioning in the institute, which foster debates on socio-economic and political issues. The institute fundsthese organizations covering their day to day running costs, allows the usage of the institute infrastructure for their running, and these organizations are allowed to use the name of the institute and the logo in their official communications. In return they are expected to follow certain guidelines for their activities. This is made to ensure that no political or offensive statements or activities are carried out by these organizations. While this has been described as the death of freedom of speech in the institute, this is merely done because the institute which funds these organizations sees them as a part of the institute and anything that they say are seen as directly attributable to IITM which, at the end of the day, is a government institute.
There have been instances where speakers from outside the institute have taken a political stand on issues but not the student body themselves. This being said, let us also emphasize on the fact that unlike most other colleges in India, IIT Madras does not allow political activities within its campus. While discussion on political activities have never been discouraged, and debates happen constantly on most issues, outright political activity is something that the institute has not tolerated and we’ve been better off because of that.
APSC was formed as a student body in April, last year with the motto of initiating discussions on ‘Socio-political-cultural’ issues. While they have been maintaining that what they do has always been to foster a debate among the students regarding these issues, it is really obvious that they have been acting from day one with a clear political agenda. This can be seen from the way their posters and pamphlets are written and from the way the debates are conducted. While there is nothing wrong in taking a stand on issues relating to the political sphere and in individual students protesting against what they see as State overreach, the issue reaches the point of precipitation when an organization funded and provided for by the institute takes a blatant political position and tries to drive a wedge among the students.
To understand the political nature of this body, take a look at the email that was sent across for a debate on ‘Language Politics in India’ or the position taken by them on the issue ‘Name Boards – A Hindutva Project’ (see the poster ‘Name Boards’).
name boards (1)
APSC’s Notice on ‘Name Boards’

While there is nothing wrong in taking a stand on an individual issue and fostering a debate on it, it is a violation of the trust that the institute places in you when you use it for political gains; as is happening here, obvious to even a layman. Statements such as the government is acting with a ‘fascist, Hindutva agenda’ and that the ‘Government is trying to selling mother India to the corporates’ hardly qualify as statements that foster a debate, as opposed to what the APSC says. (See the poster ‘Contemporary Relevance of Ambedkar’)
While the guidelines set by the institute certainly have to be followed on these issues, there is also a question of decorum during debates. There is an unwritten rule in India that during debates, we try to avoid hurting the sentiments of any group. While this in no way should impede a debate on relevant issues, and while this should not stifle a healthy discussion on issues related to rights of individuals, it should never reach a level of indecency where one’s calling for the death of a particular religion. This has happened within debates of APSC against Hinduism and this is condemnable no matter which religion they are making such statements against.
Additionally, while speaking for ‘oppressed classes’ is fine and appreciated, one would expect respect for sentiments and abstention from using casteist, hateful statements against a community. This has been a regular trend at most of APSC debates with fiery statements against ‘Brahmanical hegemony’ and ‘Brahmanical invasion of South India’. We would still maintain that such statements at an individual level are fine and stifling them would clearly amount to curtailing freedom of speech. Although for an organization, funded and nurtured by IIT Madras, whose voice is said to represent the voice of the student body of IIT Madras, to make such statements is atrocious and unacceptable.
During the much hyped and televised debates on the issue, we have seen many statements from the members of APSC, and from ill-informed reporters looking for a scandal which suggests that there is a lack of freedom of speech in IIT Madras and that there is stifling of debates on issues, due to the fear of government repression. However, does freedom of speech amount to the institute funding a group which makes casteist, political statements, and distributes pamphlets which says ‘Manu Dharma reigns in the campus?’ (See poster ‘Manu Dharma’) (Even though a different group’s name is on it, this was shared by the body on their FB page)
IIT Madras Notice
The body, APSC, has been de-recognised for the simple reason that they did not follow standard procedures common for all such institute bodies while conducting their activities. Their activities can be termed as nothing short of divisive and politically motivated. If the institute is not authorized to stop providing money and infrastructure meant for educational purposes to a political body, then we don’t see any relevance for an administration, in the first place. It is pertinent to note, contrary to popular perception, the institute was not acting on the direction of MHRD.
The MHRD merely asked for comments on this particular issue which was brought to their notice by a student. The letter which was sent contained no instructions, or requests for banning the body. The truth is that the body has not been banned in the institute, unlike what members of APSC and the media howl about. They have merely been de-recognised. They are free to conduct their activities on their own. They merely cannot use the name of IITM in their pamphlets and communication (as they have been doing), and they do not get institutional funding for their activities.
De-recognising a body that has not only misused institutional funding and carried an unapologetic political agenda in the name of fostering discussion but also made despicable comments against a religion/specific castes was the least that could have been done by the institute. Members of the organization should stop using ‘Death to freedom of speech’ as a mask and a rallying cry for their own protection. And the media, for once, should check out the facts of the issue before sensationalizing the issue.
Swarajya received the above post from a group of IIT Madras students. Their identities have been withheld on request.
http://swarajyamag.com/politics/de-recognition-of-apsc-in-iit-madras-the-unspoken-side/

Muslim-Periyar Farce - Ravinar. It is time to start IIT Societies for Ek Bharat, Shreshtha Bharat

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Thursday, June 4, 2015

Muslim-Periyar Farce - Ravinar


One boy…  boy for sale… He’s going cheap” … Thus sang Harry Secombe in the Charles Dickens classic ‘Oliver Twist’. Class, caste, gender, power discrimination has been with us for ages. England had it, so did America, the West and the whole wide world. The US had slavery despite proclaiming all men equal under the eyes of God. Former President of US John Quincy Adams quoted a Southern racist “Even in Eden, where only two were created – one was created subordinate to the other”. Yes, Eve was supposedly created subordinate to Adam. The Islamic world had slaves, harems, Jizia and murdered ‘Kafirs’. So what’s new?

The real idea of Independent India was “One nation, One people… under one roof”. Let bygones be bygones and move on. But no! The Congress nonsense, right down from Nehru to the latest Pappu, has spared no effort to divide Indians along caste lines. The Gandhi-Nehru tag-team nurtured unjustified hatred for Hindus; especially the upper castes. The Congress dumped and sidelined heroes like Sardar Patel, LB Shastri, Maulana Azad and even Dr. BR Ambedkar and promoted their own silly clan as the fake saviors of India. Two incidents in recent days amplify this nonsense. One by a Muslim woman called Misbah Qadri from Mumbai, who (unfortunately) claims to be a journalist and the other by a hate-mongering group called ‘Ambedkar-Periyar Study Circle’ (APSC) at the IIT Madras. Who is Periyar? He is the biggest Dravidian champion hate-monger not just against Hindus but against India. He ran a rag called Dravidian which once had this cover:

What does it say? It says “August 15th is a Black Day for us” – that “us” means Dravidians; signed Thanthai Periyar – Thantai means the Head! And this is the India-hating man that the IIT-M study circle claims to represent. 

We should have been way past our caste divides post-Independence. Let bygones be bygones. But Congress and anti-Hindu-abusive Periyar type idiots perpetuated it
Permantalised!

And the hate-mongers of APSC know well that Periyar was a hate-monger and will not sell. So they coupled the noble name of Dr. Ambedkar as “Lipstick” for their pigs to look good. Remember, Periyar was a hater who hated everyone – all Hindus including Dalits. So to even link Ambedkar (an icon for Dalits) can tell you the kind of mischief the APSC were up to. So in the last few days an anonymous letter to the ministry of HRD about hate-mongering by the APSC triggered an action by the management by IIT-M in de-recognising APSC. Promptly, the media morons started off a campaign claiming MHRD is choking FoE by banning this APSC. For what reason? That the APSC was dissenting and criticizing PM Narendra Modi. And that Smriti Irani, Modi Sarkar and IITM were punishing the pigs of APSC for criticizing ModiSarkar.

Really? The filthy Commie-Chrislamist bigots of our media criticized (mostly with fake stuff) and even abused Modi for 13 years and still do. Not one has ever been punished. Not one has ever been banned (except me). And ModiSarkar or Smriti Irani would ban some piddly idiots called APSC? That’s the game of fakery that the MSM played starting with TOI and the usual bigot called Arnab Goswami followed by the three little piglets… NDTV, IndiaToday group and CNN-IBN. So what really happened? Here’s what:

The above was a leaflet distributed by the APSC at IITM. There is really nothing that seriously criticizes ModiSarkar or the GOI. But there is something more sinister. It quotes Ambedkar as saying “You must destroy the religion of Shrutis and Smritis… Hinduism is a chamber of horrors”. I’m not sure if Ambedkar said that but that is not material for me. Even Chrislamist criminals have sought and wanted to destroy Hinduism. But in this day and age this abuse of Hindus and Hinduism is unacceptable and clearly a violation of Indian law. And the morons of APSC constitute a “Study circle” of such extreme hatred?

In response to the complaint to MHRD by some anonymous students the IITM management rightly derecognized this criminal APSC. They did so rightly. The APSC issued this hate-mongering nonsense under the title of IIT Madras which they are not entitled to do. All student organisations under an institute are subject to codes and guidelines of the institute. Clearly, the hate-mongering APSC not only violated the institute codes for which they were derecognized but they have violated Indian laws on hate speech against any community. And as usual our media LIED about the whole episode. A group of IITM students emailed me on how the criminal TOI group and Arnab Goswami used fake pics to portray the protests of the APSC pigs. Here’s what I tweeted:

The above mail was sent to me through the contact link on this site. The criminal TOI pigs not only used fake pics to create a fake controversy about Smriti Irani and ModiSarkar, they even deleted their fraudulent article with fraudulent pics from their web pages. But the morons at TOI still don’t know that the Internet has an elephant’s memory. This is the crime the TOI committed:

Based on this a criminal campaign against Smriti Irani and ModiSarkar was carried out by Arnab Goswami at Timesnow, TOI and all other media crooks from IndiaToday group, NDTV (as usual) and CNN-IBN and others. That the APSC is nothing but a hate-mongering group is beyond doubt and freedom of speech is not something you exercise to spread hatred under the banner of a national institute. If these pigs have any guts, they should have gone to Marina Beach or Pondy Bazar and screamed their heart out against Hindus with as many abuses as they wanted. Using the banner of a national institute to spew hatred against Hindus is neither acceptable nor should be tolerated. We have already have a Commie “Slaughter-all-Hindus”  house called JNU (named after the very man who divided India on caste lines) which has become a den for anti-Hindu Commie pigs. Any more attempts to build such Commie Slaughter-Hindu dens should be dealt with instantly and nipped in the bud. I applaud IITM for their action for derecognizing this APSC. No compromise, no condoning!

These anti-Hindu APSC follow no legacy of Ambedkar whatsoever like I stated earlier. They just coupled his name to the evil hate-monger and India-hater called Periyar to find some legitimacy against their evil Periyar crap. And the APSC morons are not Hindus either. They are Chrislamist Commie pigs claiming to be a harassed section while lullabying their lives at one of the most premium institutes of India. They are not Dalits either because Periyar hated Dalits.  Under such Periyar banners many unidentified groups in TN trash and violently attack Hindus almost every day. That such hate-mongers get into premium institutes and try to turn it into a political playground is condemnable. Such groups are nothing but puppets of Commies and Chrislamists who are sworn to destroy Hindus and Hinduism. I am under no doubt about this and neither should they.

And what about castes? It’s a social mechanism of association across the world. Hindus have various castes, Christians have Lutherans, Methodists or Mormons and so on. Muslims have Shias, Sunnis, Ahmedias or Bohras. Brahmins marry Brahmins, Banias marry Banias and so on. The important issue is – Is there DISCRIMINATION based on religion or caste? I don’t think the pigs of APSC have been discriminated against for their religion or their caste and therefore their anti-Hindu campaign is nothing but criminal. The media stokes this communal flame for no other reason but to tar ModiSarkar. And this corrupt, criminal media is a protector of FoE? They are the biggest abusers of FoE as can be seen by TOI’s fraudulent articles and pics and all others have done such criminal acts too.

In the next part of this post we will discuss the criminal nonsense perpetrated by MSM over the fake Misbah Qadri housing issue. And we will see how the fake Muslim victimhood is actually built on extreme intolerance by their own community. That ModiSarkar blocks criticism is true because @PMOIndia blocked me and then unblocked. But in the case of APSC or Misbah or the Periyar crappers, the media is an eternal liar. 


25 comments:

  1. That rag name was Dravidan not Dravidian .
    Reply
  2. So many enemies of Hindus, outside & insode, unfortunately many of us are yet to break the nehruvian mindset and see things in their true perspective. Let's hope we wake up before its too late to prevent another partition
    Reply
    Replies
    1. This was and is called "the divide and rule". It was applied by colonizers to divide there slave citizens so as to weaken there resolve and struggle for freedom. They nurtured many groups e.g. Muslim League and Justice party (party of periyar) etc. to future their goal of spreading disunity among there slave citizens. Almost all post colonial societies has suffered and still suffering its consequences (like Sri lanka, Rwanda and Burundi etc.) but no where in the world it was as less bloody as in India because despite all these lunatic groups the core of our country is Hinduism. These groups take the tolerance of Hindus as granted. They don't understand this one simple fact that if it were not the Hinduism which is the core of our culture they had been finished by now.
  3. The matter has been reviewed in great detail in the link given below. Very well analysed.

    http://indiafacts.co.in/something-awry-in-iit-madras-the-full-story/
    Reply
  4. Well written. Abrahamic religions cannot tolerate pluralism unlike Hinduism. Every caste represents a variety of cultures and practices and trying to get rid of caste seems to be the catch word of every Macaulay putra / putri. Any rational person will realise that caste is not the problem, caste based discrimination is
    Reply
  5. what's going on is not to serve the dalit or oppressed causes nor to defend memories of periyar or ambedkar. it's just the christian empire striking back in reaction to the screws being tightened on them by the home ministry.
    there is no point is castigating these guys; we need to do two things:
    1- emasculate the agenda of the evangelicals and foreign govts
    2- re-evaluate the true sense of alienation by the disadvantaged indians as a whole so that they are not available for hire
    modi seems to have the right plan to address both, but he must stay the course - and hasten
    Reply
  6. It seems Periyarism raises its head whenever external forces want to in Tamilnadu. The public discourse has been ruined by Dravidian ideology, fountainhead of which was Periyar. This week's Tughlaq magazine (Tamil) carries a good article on the fraud that he was.
    Reply
  7. It is the EVR (periyar) followers who indulge in barbarism by cutting threads of Brahmins in TN. It happened very recently as well but there were no debates or coverage's in Media like we see now which in essence was a disciplinary action for misuse of IIT MADRAS.

    What is more disgusting is about the fake photos shown by News Papers.
    Reply
  8. There was an excellent article by one High Court Lawyer in Chennai in the only prevailing NATIONAL NEWSPAPER still, "The New Indian Express" on Monday.It was an excellent article. please read that and share the same. Dont confuse the "The New Indian Express" with the pig shekar gupta's TOILET PAPER "Indian Express"
    Reply
  9. I think student politics in colleges should be banned. The colleges should have only one motive that is to impart knowledge and create intellectual manpower. If certain section of society is not satisfied with the institute's policy then they can join some other colleges. A whole generation of students lost and are still being lost in the name of student politics. I have personally seen how disastrous is student politics. First, they destroy their future and then they destroy the nations future.

    Gullible students specially who are brilliant i,e who need less effort to prepare for a subject are the most disillusioned lot. These are the ones who were Che-Guivera t-shirts and with the drop of a hat start protesting against anything under the sun. They will encourage other students to take part in politics forgetting about their studies, but they themselves will leave for US for higher studies. I have seen these happen to my batchmates. The che-guiveras on one hand criticizes how US and capitalist MNC are the root cause of all evils but they are the one who goes to US and joins MNCs with high salary. Enemies of India knows that India has one of the best intellectual capital that can be nurtured in universities and colleges for Indias development, so what they do is they corrupt the atmosphere where these intellecttuals can further develop their skills.

    I request Ajit Doval to put spies as student in famous govt colleges and monitor the anti-india activities. I am sure just like scams in NGOs there will be numerous scam in student unions.Most senior CPM leaders used to be active in students politics in colleges.
    Reply
  10. Sir u blocked me on twitter long ago for differing with you on Modiji's slogan of Toilet before temple in 2013. Difference of opinion is not enough reason for anyone to block others. That is the greatest measure of one's belief in FOE. To take flake is a part of the game. I got a feeling of Deja vu for you . But also request u to unblock me on twitter.
    Reply
    Replies
    1. @Anand

      I dont block people for differing.. I block them for either ranting or mass-tagging.. Your grievance has no logic. Me blocking you has no connection with a Public account like PMOIndia blocking me.. If you cant tell the difference.. Im glad I blocked you.. So stop whining on my page... I usually dont even respond to criticism because people are entitled to their views.. You are blocked because of your hatred... Stick with that..
  11. What happened to the broadcasting council? That chair is equally bigoted. Tax payers foot the bill for these bums to abuse them , waste resources and a play to the tunes of media creeps? There should be criminal action. It happened syst earthquake to. False pics and rumour mongering
    arnab leafs the pack as a jobless old mam woman to gossip on prime time tv and instigate one and all against go
    vt
    Reply
  12. What happened to the broadcasting council? That chair is equally bigoted. Tax payers foot the bill for these bums to abuse them , waste resources and a play to the tunes of media creeps? There should be criminal action. It happened syst earthquake to. False pics and rumour mongering
    arnab leafs the pack as a jobless old mam woman to gossip on prime time tv and instigate one and all against go
    vt
    Reply
  13. On a serious note ,I want to differ people dubbing TOI as toilet paper. I tried to use it for cleaning and disposing my grandson"s (one year old) stools on the hall floor. The texture and quality of this paper is so bad like its printed contents that I could not use it satisfactorily to remove even the filth.Filth can not remove filth afterall. Arnab's Times Now is no different and stinking with his high decibel vomit on live display.
    Reply
  14. Hi Ravi – I was waiting for your article on this subject and it was well worth the wait. Yesterday I was watching the debate on the subject on a Tamil news channel and it was heartening to note that there were representatives from hindu organisations as well as BJP sympathisers as part of the debate. It’ll be good to see more and more hindu participation in such debates so as to “open the eyes” of the common man. But as expected the hindu sympathisers were extremely meek and apologetic. They did not ask some really hard hitting questions at the other “pro APSC” speakers. For example they should have asked “is talking about destruction of a religion” acceptable as free speech in our country? What stops the “free speakers” who want to talk about destroying a religion from speaking outside the compound wall of IIT-M?”. What does the past several decades of history in TN since Independence tell about dalit persecution and dalits getting suppressed? Who is carrying out such activities? Are the Brahmins responsible for such actions? How does Periyar who advocated physically attacking , verbally abusing and humiliating Brahmins qualify as a great leader ? Do his speeches qualify as healthy free speech and the resultant actions by his followers qualify as healthy actions in a democracy ?
    Most interesting was the moderator who let it slip rather quietly that free speech means the freedom to talk ill of and abuse someone whom you don’t agree with and not one panelist even raised an eyebrow about that!. There were even some non hindu panelists and I am quite sure they understood the real meaning of the word “someone” in that statement i.e., someone = hindus ! If the same discussion had happened in the 60s when Periyar was calling the shots that statement would have surely had an additional phrase “to attack,kill, desecrate or rape” and there would have been applause all round. Thank God we are a few decades past those days and there seems to be some faint light visible at the end of the tunnel.

    Many thanks to people like you Ravi.
    Reply
  15. Read another eloquent MediaCrooks article calling bluff of MSM (main stream media) .

    Our culture can only progress when we identify bigots such as Commie-Chrislamists and their media supporters & punish them. In the current scenario, country needs to have a strong Media Regulating body defining do & don'ts for MSM.

    1. There should be a ban on mainstream social media particularly digital media for one year (or more) to get rid of/ wash out present genre of journalists/ anchors/ editors. Let's live with DD !

    2. Govt & Judiciary should form a constitutional Regulatory body on reporting and panel discussion keeping National, social, cultural and humanitarian aspects in view, within 6 to 9 months.

    3. The proposed ban shall be lifted after the Regulatory body is formed completely and settles down with needed guidelines in place (to sink into the public (at least 3 months) for reconciliation of penalties for all deviations).

    4. During the time of ban, Newspapers and social media can dispense the requirements of information dissemination.


    Namaste!
    Reply
  16. Dear Ravinar,
    I need your help. You and I have the same aim.

    I have started a new blog to expose Dynastycrooks. Everyday I choose 1 Dynastycrook to expose. Today I have written about Dynastycrook Mihir Sharma and his "samosa ban"

    https://dynastycrooks.wordpress.com/2015/06/04/dynastycrook-mihir-sharma-and-the-samosa-ban/

    Tomorrow, I will write about Dynastycrook Sagarika aunty. Please help me spread the word and expose more dynastycrooks.
    Reply
    Replies
    1. I promoted you on my FB page - https://www.facebook.com/dilip.patel.3114
  17. Good one as usual. Expecting a post on Misbah episode. IIM M came first. The use of old pic by TOi was not reported extensively in SM till now. Kudos. Please unblock me in twitter.
    Reply
  18. This is a big mischief by the fanatical Christian brother and sister Rahul and Priyanka.They are going allout to destroy Smiriti who is a great threat to them at Amethi.
    Reply
  19. Although nobody has raised that point, but chances are that this group (APSC)'s members could have gotten admission at IIT-Madras through reservation, that is, via 'hand out' and not by qualification.
    Reply
  20. Excellent as usual, Ravi, I think people like Arnab are more dangerous for giving publicity to such a group and resorting to lies. They are playing sinister games. By the way PMO blocked you? You should actually be hired as media advisor to PMO. Hope some one in PMO will read it.
    Reply
    Replies
    1. rightly said .Arnab is more toxic than APSC members
  21. I wonder if there is anything good that the Commie pigs have not tried to destroy. Those who believe in a classless society are the most mindful of all possible types of differentiation. There seems to be a list of these issues to be splashed in the media and then repeated. Like a canteen menu for breakfast. So it's Hindus vs Christians, Hindus vs Muslims, this caste vs that caste, men vs women, this language vs that language...etc...then repeat.

    It is amazing how it is ok to abuse the perceived "advantaged" class of people. But any retaliation by them is termed as racist, bigoted, fascist. So, a high caste, rich Hindu male from the IIT be damned. He can be abused to any extent and he has no right to retaliate.

    The handout culture introduced by Commies has bred a whole bunch of nincompoops feeling entitled and acting victims while being extremely abusive. Hope IITM throws such hooligans out as do other institutions of repute!
    Reply
http://www.mediacrooks.com/2015/06/muslim-periyar-farce.html?m=1
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30th Sept 2014 -IIT for Society and The Colloquium welcome everyone to the screening of "India Untouched", directed by Stalin K followed by panel discussion headed by Dr. Lakshmanan, Assistant Professor, MIDS.India Untouched-

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Two bronze peacocks, 11 ft. high bronze pine cone at Vatican are Meluhha hieroglyphs, metalwork catalogues. Archaeometallurgical analyses by Vatican suggested

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/qz56u27

The monumental bronze pine cone, eleven feet high, is an archaeo-metallurgical marvel. So are the two bronze peacocks which are shown together with the pine-cone on the atrium of Old St Peter’s Basilica of 15th century CE. The history of the two types of artifacts: 1. bronze pine-cone and 2. pair of gilt bronze peacocks which date back to the ca. 100 BCE with links to the Temples of Isis and Serapis in the Egyptian tradition held sacred in from 2nd century BCE in Rome, Italy and from ca. 100 BCE in Pompeii.

Both are hierolyphs denoting the advances in archaeometallurgy and are deployed using rebus-metonymy layered cipher to denote Meluhha metalwork catalogues. It is reasonable to infer that both the artifacts (pine-cone and peacock) were made using cire perdue (lost-wax) method of castings of copper PLUS alloying minerals which resulted in hard metal alloy castings. Further metallurgical analyses on these artifacts of Vatican will provide additional evidence to validate this hypothesis. 

It is an earnest plea to Vatican to provide access to these artifacts to archaeometallurgists for evaluation.

1. Hieroglyph, signifier: kandə 'pine cone' Rebus, signified metalwork: khaṇḍa. A portion of the front hall, in a temple;  kaṇḍ'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi) 

2. Hieroglyph, signifier: mora, 'peacock' Rebus signified metalwork: morakkhaka loha, 'a kind of copper'; moraka'a kind of steel'.

mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). [Perhaps an intimation of the color of the metal produced which shines like a peacock blue feather.] moraka "a kind of steel" (Samskritam)


Peacocks
The two peacocks are cast in bronze and covered with a thin layer of gold plate. Peacocks  Cat. 5117, 5120  Early medieval sources record the presence of these peacocks in the area around Hadrian's Mausoleum (117-138 A.D.), known today as Castel Sant'Angelo. These gilded bronze birds were for a long time part of the decoration of the great cloister in front of the old basilica of St Peter, ornamenting the so-called Cantaro.It was a fountain in which pilgrims could wash themselves formed of the great bronze pine cone which now forms the focal point of the Cortile della Pigna in the Vatican Museums. In 1608, during the building of the new basilica of St Peter, the peacocks were also moved to the Cortile della Pigna, and later brought here to where they are now kept to ensure their preservation. The peacocks are notable for their extremely fine workmanship which can be seen in the realistic details and the refined representation of their plumage. These characteristics, together with the symbolism of the peacock as representing immortality, reinforce the theory that these birds were indeed part of the original decoration of Hadrian's Mausoleum. 


Hieroglyphs of Pine Cone and Peacocks and myth-making in the Vatican

The pine-cone and peacock sculptures in bronze in the Vatican are a memorial for the departed ancestors. There ain’t no need to indulge in mythological excursus to explain the vividly pictorial memorial which is traced to the days of the Temple of Isis.

The thesis is that the peacock, as a hieroglyph, is associated with funerary events in Indus-Sarasvati (Meluhha) civilization and contact areas in Ancient Near East. The presence of pine-cone and peacocks in the context of mausoleums of ancient Rome can be explained within the Meluhha hieroglyphic framework and related to sacredness associated with remembrance of the departed ancestors. The presence of cinnamon ca 10th century BCE in Israel reinforces the presence of traders who had contacts with Meluhha

Peacock as a Meluhha hieroglyph

Hieroglyph pine-cone is kandə Rebus: khaṇḍa. A portion of the front hall, in a temple Hieroglyph peacock is maraka 'Rebus: maraca ‘death’, māraka ‘god of death’; smāraka, 'memorial for ancestors'. '  smará  ʻ remembrance ʼ(CDIAL 13861).

In Pali (Rhys Davids' lexicon), jīvan-jīvaka (poss. onomatopoetic) means a bird, a sort of pheasant which utters a note sounding like jīvanjīva (Di_gha III.201)... Also cited is a Jain phrase: jīvanjīvea gacchai jīvanjīvenan ciṭṭhai [Weber Bhagavati_ pp. 289,290 with doubtful interpretation "living he goes with life"? or "he goes like the j. bird"?]

The Munda word for peacock marak/mara "cryer, peacock", later Sanskrit māra (and Pali etc) 'death, God Death', the Munda peacock symbol = death, and the Cemetery H peacock pictures on urns with cremated bodies. Peacock and heaven (marak = peacock; merxā_ = sky, heaven ?may the soul go to heaven)

Parji. marp- (mart-)= to lighten; Kurux. merxā_ = sky, heaven; Malto. mergu = sky, heaven; see Te.merūmu = flash of lightning.

Large burial urn. Late Harappan Period large burial urn with ledged rim for holding a bowl-shaped lid. The painted panel around the shoulder of the vessel depicts flying peacocks with sun or star motifs and wavy lines that may represent water. Cemetery H period, after 1900 BC. These new pottery styles seem to have been introduced at the very end of the Harappan Period. The transitional phase (Period 4) at Harappa has begun to yield richly diverse material remains suggesting a period of considerable dynamism as socio-cultural traditions became realigned.

Dish or lid. Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period, dating after 1900 BC.

The Late Harappan Period at Harappa is represented by the Cemetery H culture (190-1300 BC) which is named after the discovery of a large cemetery filled with painted burial urns and some extended inhumations. The earlier burials in this cemetery were laid out much like Harappan coffin burials, but in the later burials, adults were cremated and the bones placed in large urns (164). The change in burial customs represents a major shift in religion and can also be correlated to important changes in economic and political organization. Cemetery H pottery and related ceramics have been found throughout northern Pakistan, even as far north as Swat, where they mix with distinctive local traditions. In the east, numerous sites in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab provide evidence for the gradual expansion of settlements into this heavily forested region. One impetus for this expansion may have been the increasing use of rice and other summer (kharif) crops that could be grown using monsoon stimulated rains. Until late in the Harappan Period (after 2200 BC) the agricultural foundation of the Harappan cities was largely winter (rabi) crops that included wheat and barley. Although the Cemetery H culture encompassed a relatively large area, the trade connections with the western highlands began to break down as did the trade with the coast. Lapis lazuli and turquoise beads are rarely found in the settlements, and marine shell for ornaments and ritual objects gradually disappeared. On the other hand the technology of faience manufacture becomes more refined, possibly in order to compensate for the lack of raw materials such as shell, faience and possibly even carnelian.


Pine-cone as a Meluhha hieroglyph

Sgh. kaḍol mangrove. Ash. piċ -- kandə ʻ pine ʼ, Kt. pṳ̄ċi, piċi, Wg. puċ, püċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (lyē -- ?).(CDIAL 8407). Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229. The suffix –kande in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. kanda m. ʻ bulbous root ʼ MBh., n. ʻ garlic ʼ lex. [Prob. with gaṇḍa -- 1 ← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 369 and EWA i 152 with lit.] Pa. kanda -- m. ʻ bulb, bulbous root ʼ; Pk. kaṁda -- m. ʻ bulbous root ʼ, °dī -- f. ʻ radish ʼ; Or. kandā ʻ edible bulbous root; OMth. kã̄da ʻ bulb ʼ(CDIAL 2723).

Myths in Vatican to invent explanations for the pine-cone and peacocks and the context of Temples for Isis

Jenny Uglow has rendered a remarkable historical account. (Uglow, Jenny, 2012, The Pinecone, Faber & Faber). The book narrates the story of the builder Sarah Losh of the magical church in Wreay, near Carlisle, Victorian England. She was heiress to an industrial fortune. Everywhere in this church are pinecones, her signature in stone, making the church a rendering of the power of myth ‘and the great natural cycles of life and death and rebirth’. The book provides Sarah’s travel to Rome: “Death, as well as beauty, marched the streets. And the processions were matched by the panoply of symbols, on ancient columns and new buildings, in temples and market squares. Among these were plenty of pinecones: the Pope carried a carved cone on his staff; a pinecone fountain stood outside the old church of St Mrco, and the largest cone in the world, flanked by two peacocks, was found at the Vatican. This was the only original Roman fountain remaining in Rome, the Fontana della Pigna, dating from the first century AD, which had once stood next to the Temple of Isis in the Forum, spouting water from the top.”

...
Isis was worshipped in the entire Greco-Roman world.

The Temple of Isis in Pompeii. The cult of Isis is said to have arrived in Pompeii ca. 100 BCE. (Nappo, Salvatore. "Pompey: Guide to the Lost City", White Star, 2000, p.89) “Its role as a Hellenized Egyptian temple in a Roman colony was fully confirmed with an inscription detaled by Francisco la Vega on July 20, 1765.” This was the second structure. Original structure under Augustan was damaged  in an earthquake of 62 CE. 


Peacocks. Braccio Nuovo Museum, Vatican.

Pigna is the name of rione IX of Rome. "Pigna ("pine-cone") refers to a famous bronze sculpture of Roman origin, in the shape of a huge pine-cone. It likely acted as a fountain in the Baths of Agrippa, the first establishment of this kind opened in Rome (late 1st century BC), at the back of the Pantheon's site." 
Logo of the Rione.

"Pigna. There used to be a tradition, wholly unfounded, but deeply rooted in the Roman mind, to the effect that the great bronze pine-cone, eleven feet high, which stands in one of the courts of the Vatican, giving it the name c Garden of the Pine-cone,’ was originally a sort of stopper which closed the round aperture in the roof of the Pantheon. The Pantheon stands at one cornerof the Region of Pigna, and a connection between the Region, the Pantheon, and the Pine-cone seems vaguely possible, though altogether unsatisfactory. The truth about the Pine-cone is perfectly well known; it was part of a fountain in Agrippa’s artificial lake in the Campus Martius, of which Pigna was a part, and it was set up in the cloistered garden of Saint Peter’s by Pope Symmachus about fourteen hundred years ago. The lake may have been near the Pantheon." (Crawford, Francis Marion, Ave Roma Immortals, 1898, London, Macmillan & Co. Ltd., p.345) 

"Composed of a large bronze pine cone almost four meters high which once spouted water from the top, the Pigna originally stood near the Pantheon next to the Temple of Isis. It was moved to the courtyard of the old St. Peter's Basilica during the Middle Ages and then moved again, in 1608, to its present location." -- Official history on the Vatican website.

The bronze peacocks on either side of the fountain are copies of those decorating the tomb of the Emperor Hadrian, now the Castel Sant' Angelohttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fontana_della_PignaThe peacocks decorated the Mausoleum or the tomb of Hadrian erected between 134 and 139 CE. Copies of “Bronze peacocks” maybe from the Mausoleum of Hadrian. The originals are in the New Wing of the Chiaramonti Museum (Braccacio Museum)

Detail of the water holes on the bronze pine-cone.
Water holes on the pine-cone can be seen. 

Thanks to Roger-Pears who found online on February 16th, 2015, the following copy of a drawing of the fountain, itself taken from Huelsen. (A. van den Hoek & John H. Herrmann Jr, “Paulinus of Nola, courtyards and canthari: a second look”, In: A. van den Hoek &c, Pottery, Pavements, and ParadiseIconographic and Textual Studies on Late Antiquity, Brill (2013), p.45, fig. 13; C. Huelsen, “Der Cantharus von Alt-St. -Peter und die antiken Pignen-Brunnen,”, Romische Mitteilungen 19 (1904), 88-102. Plate 5a.  Online at Archive.org here.)
Water installation with bronze pine-cone in the atrium of Old St Peter's, Rome.  Drawing by Cronaca (1457-1505).  Uffizi, Florence, 1572.Water installation with bronze pine-cone in the atrium of Old St Peter’s Basilica, Rome. Drawing by Cronaca (1457-1505). Uffizi, Florence, 1572.

Further drawings in Heulsen article:
huelsen_fig3
Andrea della Vaccaria, “Ornamenti di fabriche antichi e moderni dell’alma citta di Roma”, 1600, quarto.

huelsen_fig2
Another image from a manuscript, Ms. Brussels 17872, fol. 56v, by Philipp de Winghe, and made around 1591-2.

Drawing of St.Peter's fountain by
Francisco de Hollanda (early 1500s)


St. Peter's fountain, in a pen drawing by anonymous (c. 1525) "Medieval chronicles such as the famous Mirabilia Urbis Romae (12th century) mentioned St. Peter's fountain among the city's noticeable features. The water gushed from hundreds of tiny holes on its surface...Scarce Renaissance drawings feature the fountain standing in the center of a square basin, covered by a canopy that rested over eight columns (originally they were four) and richly decorated with marbles of various types; in particular on its top parts were bronze peacocks; maybe from the mausoleum of Hadrian, which in the description provided by the chronicle are referred to as 'griffons' covered with a gold leaf...When St. Peter's was completely rebuilt (1506-1614), the fountain and the canopy were dismantled, and most of the precious materials were reused for other purposes. The only parts spared were the peacocks and the pine-cone, which around 1565 Pirro Ligorio set in the large niche of the Courtyard of Belvedere,, later renamed of the Pine-cone. The peacocks now on display in the courtyard are copies; the original ones, which still shine as gold (as the old chronicle says), are kept indoors, in the Braccio Nuovo (new wing) of the Chiaramonti Museum (Vatican Museums).http://roma.andreapollett.com/S3/roma-ft1b.htm

Quote These pine-cones were a customary feature of the classic fountain, as the scales of the cone present natural and graceful outlets for the falling water. Symmachus’s fountain was one of the beauties of Rome in the days when the great Gothic King Theodoric ruled and loved the city. Three hundred years later it captivated the fancy of Charlemagne, crowned Emperor in St. Peter’s on Christmas Day, 800; and the fountain afterward erected before his great cathedral at Aix [now Aachen Cathedral] is ornamented with a huge pine-cone like the one which he and his Franks had seen in the exquisite fountain of St. Peter’s.

http://www.garden-fountains.us/fount...rs-fountain/5/
One of the original bronze peacocks.

hellenismo:  bronze peacock from Hadrian’s Mausoleum, now in the Vatican Museum…
One of the original peacocks now in Braccacio Museum. Two bronze peacocks are from Hadrian’s Mausoleum (tomb).
Bronze peacocks lent by Vatican to be shown in British Museum.  http://www.standard.co.uk/arts/walltowall-hadrian-7408277.html

The present Pigna in the Vatican seems to be a left-over from the original Basilica of St. Peter. The left-over may be two bronze artifacts: 1. bronze pine-cone in original; 2. replicas of two bronze peacocks originals of which ar kept in Braccacio Nuovo Museum. The question is: how did the two bronze artifacts, the pine-cone and the pair of peacocks get lodged in St. Peter's Basilica. Some answers and some conjectures are discussed.

[quote]“Bronze Pine Cone” signed Publius Cincius Salvio from the area of the Baths of Agrippa, maybe fountain in the Temple of Isis (Note: Possible location discussed in Annex A).

It was eventually placed in the atrium of the old Basilica of St. Peter.

It gave the name to the central neighborhood called Rione Pigna, where the Temple of Isis was originally located. [unquote] 


One surmise is that the pinecone acted as a fountain in the Baths of Agrippa dated to 1st century BCE. 
http://roma.andreapollett.com/S5/rione09.htm

The surmise is based on the following evidence:
Pine-cone and sivalingas as a fountain of water found in a large archaeological complex dating back to the 3rd century BCE in largo di Torre Argentina of Palazzetto Venezia. 

Map of the archaeological complex: Largo di Torre Argentina, Rome, Italy

This complex had 4 temples dated to A) 3rd cent BCE (Temple of Juturna), B) 101 BCE (Fortuna Huiusce Diei), C) 4th or 3rd cent. (Feronia), D) 2nd cent. BCE (Lares Permarini) devoted to various divinities revered by Gaius Lutalius Catulus, Quintus Lutalius Catulus . Further excavations may perhaps explain the reason for the fountain with the pine-cone surrounded by 4 sivalingas. In Meluhha archaeometallurgical tradition, the sivalingas were stambhas or pillars of light/fire used as ekamukha linga in smelter structures and metalwork areas (as shown in Bhuteshwar relief).

Temple: खंडेराव [ khaṇḍērāva ] m (खंड Sword, and राव) An incarnation of Shiva. Popularly खंडेराव is but dimly distinguished from भैरव. खंडोबा [ khaṇḍōbā ] m A familiar appellation of the god खंडेराव. खंडोबाचा कुत्रा [ khaṇḍōbācā kutrā ] m (Dog of खंडोबा. From his being devoted to the temple.) A term for the वाघ्या or male devotee of खंडोबा.

Hieroglyph: खंडोबाची काठी [ khaṇḍōbācī kāṭhī ] f The pole of खंडोबा. It belongs to the temples of this god, is taken and presented, in pilgrimages, at the visited shrines, is carried about in processions &c. It is covered with cloth (red and blue), and has a plume (generally from the peacock's tail) waving from its top.
 
The cultural link of metalwork with Rudra-Siva iconically denoted by 1) orthographic variants of linga, 2) ekamukhalinga evidences of Ancient Far East and 3) the presence of linga in the context of a metal smelter in a Bhuteshwar artifact of 2nd cent. BCE is thus an area for further detailed investigation in archaeometallurgy and historical linguistics of Indian Sprachbund.
Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). 
Lingam, grey sandstone in situ, Harappa, Trench Ai, Mound F, Pl. X (c) (After Vats). "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I... in this jar, six lingams were found along with some tiny pieces of shell, a unicorn seal, an oblong grey sandstone block with polished surface, five stone pestles, a stone palette, and a block of chalcedony..." (Vats,MS,  Excavations at Harappa, p. 370)
 
Cylindrical clay steles of 10 to 15 cms height occur in ancient fire-altars (See report by BB Lal on Kalibangan excavations).
 
A number of polished stone pillars were found in Dholavira. (See April 2015 published Dholavira excavation report: http://asi.nic.in/pdf_data/dholavira_excavation_report_new.pdf

I suggest that these are hieroglyphs signifying pillars of light: tã̄bṛā, tambira (Prakritam) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund)
 
See: three stumps on Sit Shamshi bronze. [kūpa -- 2, stambha -- ] G. kuvātham m. ʻ mast of a ship ʼ.(CDIAL 3403)  *ṭhōmba -- . 1. G. ṭhobrũ ʻ ugly, clumsy ʼ.2. M. ṭhõb m. ʻ bare trunk, boor, childless man ʼ, thõbā m. ʻ boor, short stout stick ʼ (LM 340 < stambha -- ).(CDIAL 5514) Rebus: tamba, 'copper' (Meluhha. Indian sprachbund) Numeral three: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'.
A pair of Skambha in Dholavira close to kole.l'smithy, temple' ( (8-shaped stone structure): Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy.(DEDR 2133).
 
Hieroglyph: tamba 'pillar'; tambu id. (Sindhi) Rebus: tambatã̄bṛā, tambira 'copper' (Prakritam) http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/smithy-is-temple-of-bronze-age-stambha_14.html
Fontana della Pigna(fountain of the pine cone) in piazza San Marco. This fountain, very close to theAltare della Patria, celebrates the huge bronze sculpture called Pignone(kept in the Vatican museums today).
The original statue, almost 4 meters tall, was found in middle ages in this area and gave the name to this neighborhood (rione della pigna). The Pignone was probably a decoration of the ancient roman temple of Isis and Serapis at campo Marzio. 
http://www.romeinsiderguide.com/weird-fountains-in-rome.html

The hieroglyph membrum virile denoted rebus: copper, metal. 

Hieroglyph: ``^penis'': So. laj(R)  ~ lij  ~ la'a'j  ~ laJ/ laj  ~ kaD `penis'.Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j  ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'j Ho loe `penis'.Ku. la:j `penis'.@(C289)``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'. Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj @(M084) 
Rebus: lo 'copper' lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., ʻ iron ʼ MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃un., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ.(CDIAL 11158)

kandə 'pine cone' Rebus, signified metalwork: khaṇḍa. A portion of the front hall, in a temple;  kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi) 

लोखंड (p. 723) [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron लोखंडकाम (p. 723) [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
लोखंडी (p. 723) [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron लोहोलोखंड (p. 723) [ lōhōlōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह & लोखंड) Iron tools, vessels, or articles in general.

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
May 6, 2015
File:Temple de Serapis.JPG

Temple de Serapis

Temple of Serapis
Temple of SerapisThis temple was built for the Egyptian merchants. It was located on the Commercial Agora near the western gate. There is also another entrance into the temple from the south-west corner of the Agora through stairs.
Artemis  Temple
There are certain indications that suggest the temple was never finished fully. It is estimated that the construction of the temple was started in the 2nd century CE.

There is a statue found inside the temple made by using the Egyptian granite. Also some inscriptions found inside the temple indicate that the temple was constructed for those who believe in Serapis. In Ephesus Museum there is a monument on which the main Goddess of Ephesians, Artemis, and the principal god of Egypt, Serapis, take place together with garland as a symbol of peace.

It is well documented fact that Ephesus had a very strong commercial link with the influential port city of Egypt, Alexandria. During these ancient times Egypt was the biggest producer of wheat. They exchanged wheat with other commercial items from Ephesus and other Ionian cities.

It was converted to a church during the following Christian period. There are remains of a baptisterium in the eastern corner of the temple. 

Temple of Isis, Pompeii. "the original building built under Augustan was damaged in an earlier earthquake of 62 CE...The cult of Isis is thought to arrived in Pompeii around 100 BCE.
http://www.crystalinks.com/isis.html

A detailed archaeological excursus on the roots of the pine-cone and peacock bronzes in the Vatican is warranted to further substantiate the hypothesis of Meluhha metalwork.
The original pine cone. Pigna (Fir cone) is the name of the quarter of Rome where this bronze sculpture was found; it was part of a fountain and it spouted water from holes on its top. It was probably placed in front of a Temple to Isis in Iseo Campense; the gilded peacocks decorated one of the entrances to Hadrian's Mausoleum. The Egyptian lions were added by Pope Gregory XVI; they came from Mostra dell'Acqua Felice and were replaced by copies.  http://www.romeartlover.it/Vasi181.html


Pigna Vatican Museum Courtyard gilt bronze. Rome.

Originally a Roman fountain dating from 1st or 2nd century CE
The bronze pine cone (`Pigna`) at the Cortile della Pigna square. Peacocks from Hadrians Mausoleum (Castel Sant'Angelo) http://pictify.com/130116/pigna-vatican-museum-courtyard Pine cone at the Vatican, flanked by two peacocks.

It was at Campus Martius prior to it  being moved to the Court of the Pigna.

glyph-type symbols below the animal (Courtyard of the Pinecone)

One version of the pine-cone origins: "Publius Cincius Slavius, whose name appears on the base of the sculpture, built the Pine Cone statue that now resides in the Court of the Pine Cone (Cortile della Pigna) in the Vatican, in the 1st century AD. The piece was originally a fountain that resided in the Temple of Isis in Campo Martius next to the Pantheon. The site of the Temple of Isis is now occupied by the Biblioteca Casanatense but the area is still to this day called Pigna. The fountain is described as having water gushing from the holes in the scales of the cone similar to the Meta Sudans (the sweating rock that was also topped by a pine cone according to some) that still stands outside the Coliseum. The Pine Cone was then moved to the hall of St Peter’s Basilica in the 8th century in the time of Popes John VI, John VII or Zachary (Pope Zachary seems the most likely as he did more than the other two to “Christianize” Rome by building churches over the old Roman temples). One of them moved the Pine Cone from the Temple of Isis to St Peter’s Basilica (the original built by Constantine the Great) where it was covered by a baldachin (it is recreated in this state in the game Assassin’s Creed: Brotherhood where it houses a Piece of Eden). In 1608, when St Peters was being enlarged to its present form the Pine Cone was moved to its current location by Pope Paul V...The bronze peacocks, however, were not part of the original sculpture but are thought to be originally taken from Hadrian’s mausoleum (now Rome’s fortress, the Castel St. Angelo).http://thedailybeagle.net/2013/09/08/the-pigna-and-the-apollo-belvedere-two-treasures-of-the-vatican/


Another version of the pine cone origins:


[quote]The Huge statue known as the Pigna (pine) or the Fontana Della Pigna depicts a giant Pine Cone. It is located in St. Peter's, in an area called the court of the Pigna.The Court of the Pigna is the northern part of the grand renaissance Belvedere Courtyard that stretches between the Papal Palaces to the "palazzetto" which belonged to Innocent VII's . The courtyard was segmented into three parts after the construction of Sixtus V's Library and the Braccio Nuovo of Pius VII.  The present courtyard derived its name form the beautiful pine cone statue set into the "nicchone", borders on the south side with the Braccio Nuovo, and on the east it borders with the Chiaromonti Gallery. To its north you can find Innocent VIII's Palazzetto and on the west the galleries of the Apostolic Library are located.


The pine cone was cast out of bronze in the 1st or 2nd century by the sculptor Publius Cincius Slavius. He was identified as its creator because his name was written on the base of the huge pine. The Statue's height is almost 4 meters and on both sides of the pine cone there are bronze peacocks which are copies of the ones in Hadrian's tomb.


Before it was moved to its current location, known as the Court of the Pigna, the statue of the Pine was situated in the Campus Martius. This area is still known today as "Pigna" after this statue. At its previous location it was used as a fountain with the water pouring from holes pierced in the scales of the cone. At the 8th century it was transferred to the entrance hall of the medieval basilica of St. Peter. It was placed decoratively in the middle of the fountain covered by ornate baldachin. We know this because the statue was identified in Renaissance drawings of the hall. Eventually, during the construction of the current basilica, in 1608, the giant pine cone fountain was moved and situated in its current location.


This statue is a beautiful and ancient one and it's definitely worth stopping by and admiring it as it has been part of Rome's landscape for almost 2000 years! [unquote]


http://vatican.com/photos/gallery/court_of_the_pigna-p45
Technical information 
Blessing genius Neo-Assyrian period, circa 721-705 BCE (reign of Sargon II) 
Third gate of the palace of Sargon II, Khorsabad (ancient Dur-Sharrukin), Iraq 

Bas-relief of gypseous alabaster 

H. 4.09 m; L. 2.36 m; D. 0.75 m 
Victor Place excavations, 1852-54 
AO 19863 
Near Eastern Antiquities [see: Musée du Louvre] 

Blessing genius 


Protective genii are supernatural beings who watch over humans or buildings and ward off evil spirits. This winged genius, along with one directly opposite, guarded the gates of the city of Khorsabad. It blessed all those who passed by it with water sprinkled from a pine cone. 


Description 


A protective and blessing genius 


The site of Khorsabad (called Dur-Sharrukin in antiquity), which was excavated between 1843 and 1854 by Paul-Emile Botta and Victor Place, yielded orthostats, carved slabs of stone that protected and adorned the bases of brick walls. This monumental winged genius, represented frontally, was placed in the inner passage of one of the city gates. Another genius was located directly opposite. Both stood immediately behind the pair of winged bulls with human heads that guarded the gate. Like other genii placed at certain entrances to the palace, this one has a protective role. However it also performed a blessing function: from the pine cone, which could be shaken, liquid drawn from a little bucket was sprinkled over the passageway and those who passed along it. 


A monumental sculpture 


This colossal figure carved in high relief depicts a winged, bearded genius, shown frontally as far as the waist and in profile below. He holds a pine cone in his right hand and a small metal vessel (or situla) in his left hand. The face, framed by a curly beard, is surmounted by a tiara adorned with two pairs of horns. Over the figure's short tunic is a fringed cape, which covers the right shoulder and left leg. Two pairs of wings emerge from the back and spread symmetrically on either side of the body. His arms and forearms are adorned with rings and bracelets. He wears sandals, which cover his heels. On the base of this sculpture is a game of tick-tack-toe, scratched into it in ancient times, probably by sentries passing the time while on duty at the gate. 


Genii: between the human and the divine? 


Genii, depicted as bulls with human heads, men with birds' heads, and winged men, figure prominently in Assyrian mythology. They are creatures endowed with powers superior to those of human beings, yet they are not great deities, although they are sometimes represented with some of their attributes, for example, the horned tiara here. These supernatural beings had the power to ward off evil spirits. The genius seen here had an essentially protective role: it defended the gates and walls of the city. However, it was also a blessing genius, which held holy water and sprinkled it on visitors with a pine cone. Genii are often depicted in Assyrian art, especially in ceremonial scenes where they are shown pollinating the sacred palm tree. [see: Mesopotamia | Louvre Museum]

http://www.geocities.ws/leinad.trotta/prophecies.html



Somnathpur, Halebid. Lakshmi. Divinity of wealth holding maize cob or pine-cone. 

Hieroglyphs: kandə ʻpineʼ, ‘ear of maize’. Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. Rebus: kāḍ ‘stone’. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).


Hieroglyph: Ash. piċ -- kandə ʻ pine ʼ, Kt. pṳ̄ċi, piċi, Wg. puċ, püċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (lyē -- ?).(CDIAL 8407). Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229. The suffix –kande in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’.

Hieroglyph: కండె [ kaṇḍe ] kaṇḍe. [Telugu] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. జొన్నకంకి.
Rebus:Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te.  kandakamu id.   Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. (DEDR 1214). 
[quote] Detail of pine cone. Standard Inscription.Palace of Ashurnasirpal, priest of Ashur, favorite of Enlil and Ninurta, beloved of Anu and Dagan, the weapon of the great gods, the mighty king, king of the world, king of Assyria; son of Tukulti-Ninurta, the great king, the mighty king, king of Assyria, the son of Adad-nirari, the great king, the mighty king of Assyria; the valiant man, who acts with the support of Ashur, his lord, and has no equal among the princes of the four quarters of the world; the wonderful shepherd who is not afraid of battle; the great flood which none can oppose; the king who makes those who are not subject to him submissive; who has subjugated all mankind; the mighty warrior who treads on the neck of his enemies, tramples down all foes, and shatters the forces of the proud; the king who acts with the support of the great gods, and whose hand has conquered all lands, who has subjugated all the mountains and received their tribute, taking hostages and establishing his power over all countries. [unquote]

Halebid."Maize breeders in India, China, United States, and Great Britain, who have seen extensive collections of the illustrations, concur...only sculptors with abundant ears of maize as models could have created these illustrations of maize"(Click to enlarge). Photo by Carl L. Johannessen.


‘Maize’ and ‘pine-cone’ are two hieroglyphs depicted, respectively, on Indian sculptures at Somnathpur (Lakshmi, divinity of wealth) and on sculptures and reliefs of Ashur (Nimrud). Rebus readings are evidence of presence of Meluhha speakers in the Ancient Near East who participated in the bronze-age inventions of tin-bronzes and created the writing systems of deploying hieroglyphs together with cuneiform and Indus texts.

Hieroglyphs: kandə ʻpineʼ, ‘ear of maize’. Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’. Rebus: kāḍ ‘stone’. Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ, (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).

Hieroglyph: Ash. piċ -- kandə ʻ pine ʼ, Kt. pṳ̄ċi, piċi, Wg. puċ, püċ (pṳ̄ċ -- kəŕ ʻ pine -- cone ʼ), Pr. wyoċ, Shum. lyēwič (lyē -- ?).(CDIAL 8407). Cf. Gk. peu/kh f. ʻ pine ʼ, Lith. pušìs, OPruss. peuse NTS xiii 229. The suffix –kande in the lexeme: Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ may be cognate with the bulbous glyphic related to a mangrove root: Koḍ. kaṇḍe root-stock from which small roots grow; ila·ti kaṇḍe sweet potato (ila·ti England). Tu. kaṇḍe, gaḍḍè a bulbous root; Ta. kaṇṭal mangrove, Rhizophora mucronata; dichotomous mangrove, Kandelia rheedii. Ma. kaṇṭa bulbous root as of lotus, plantain; point where branches and bunches grow out of the stem of a palm; kaṇṭal what is bulb-like, half-ripe jackfruit and other green fruits; R. candel.  (DEDR 1171). Rebus: kaṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans of metal’.

Hieroglyph: కండె [ kaṇḍe ] kaṇḍe. [Telugu] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. జొన్నకంకి.
Allograph: Kur. kaṇḍō a stool. Malt. kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179). Rebus:Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te.  kandakamu id.   Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. (DEDR 1214).

[quote] Detail of pine cone. Standard Inscription.Palace of Ashurnasirpal, priest of Ashur, favorite of Enlil and Ninurta, beloved of Anu and Dagan, the weapon of the great gods, the mighty king, king of the world, king of Assyria; son of Tukulti-Ninurta, the great king, the mighty king, king of Assyria, the son of Adad-nirari, the great king, the mighty king of Assyria; the valiant man, who acts with the support of Ashur, his lord, and has no equal among the princes of the four quarters of the world; the wonderful shepherd who is not afraid of battle; the great flood which none can oppose; the king who makes those who are not subject to him submissive; who has subjugated all mankind; the mighty warrior who treads on the neck of his enemies, tramples down all foes, and shatters the forces of the proud; the king who acts with the support of the great gods, and whose hand has conquered all lands, who has subjugated all the mountains and received their tribute, taking hostages and establishing his power over all countries.

When Ashur, the lord who called me by my name and has made my kingdom great, entrusted his merciless weapon to my lordly arms, I overthrew the widespread troops of the land of Lullume in battle. With the assistance of Shamash and Adad, the gods who help me, I thundered like Adad the destroyer over the troops of the Nairi lands, Habhi, Shubaru, and Nirib. I am the king who had brought into submission at his feet the lands from beyond the Tigris to Mount Lebanon and the Great Sea [the Mediterranean], the whole of the land of Laqe, the land of Suhi as far as Rapiqu, and whose hand has conquered from the source of the river Subnat to the land of Urartu.

The area from the mountain passes of Kirruri to the land of Gilzanu, from beyond the Lower Zab to the city of Til-Bari which is north of the land of Zaban, from the city of Til-sha-abtani to Til-sha-Zabdani, Hirimu and Harutu, fortresses of the land of Karduniash [Babylonia], I have restored to the borders of my land. From the mountain passes of Babite to the land of Hashmar I have counted the inhabitants as peoples of my land. Over the lands which I have subjugated I have appointed my governors, and they do obeisance.
I am Ashurnasirpal, the celebrated prince, who reveres the great gods, the fierce dragon, conqueror of the cities and mountains to their furthest extent, king of rulers who has tamed the stiff-necked peoples, who is crowned with splendor, who is not afraid of battle, the merciless champion who shakes resistance, the glorious king, the shepherd, the protection of the whole world, the king, the word of whose mouth destroys mountains and seas, who by his lordly attack has forced fierce and merciless kings from the rising to the setting sun to acknowledge one rule.

The former city of Kalhu [Nimrud], which Shalmaneser king of Assyria, a prince who preceded me, had built, that city had fallen into ruins and lay deserted. That city I built anew, I took the peoples whom my hand had conquered from the lands which I subjugated, from the land of Suhi, from the land of Laqe, from the city of Sirqu on the other side of the Euphrates, from the furthest extent of the land of Zamua, from Bit-Adini and the land of Hatte, and from Lubarna, king of the land of Patina, and made them settle there.
I removed the ancient mound and dug down to the water level. I sank the foundations 120 brick courses deep. A palace with halls of cedar, cypress, juniper, box-wood, meskannu-wood, terebinth and tamarisk, I founded as my royal residence for my lordly pleasure for ever.
Creatures of the mountains and seas I fashioned in white limestone and alabaster, and set them up at its gates. I adorned it, and made it glorious, and set ornamental knobs of bronze all around it. I fixed doors of cedar, cypress, juniper and meskannu-wood in its gates. I took in great quantities, and placed there, silver, gold, tin, bronze and iron, booty taken by my hands from the lands which I had conquered. [unquote]
New York city Art museum. Ashurnasirpal. Kalhu Ear-ring and pendant with a pine cone glyph
Pine cone glyphs adorn the side stools and is atop the ‘altars’ or ‘standards’. [quote]Description: The 'Garden Party' relief from the North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. This carved stone picture hides a gory secret. King Ashurbanipal and his Queen are enjoying a party in their garden. Can you see the Queen sitting down facing her husband? A harpist on the left plays music while they eat and drink. But in the tree beside him is the severed head of King Teumann, a local ruler who had tried to fight against Ashurbanipal. The picture was on the wall in the royal palace, to warn any visitors not to try the same thing. It should also be noted that depictions of women are rare in Assyrian art. (Source: British Museum websiteDate: c.645 BCE [unquote]
Assyrian Period, reign of  King Ashurnasirpal 11 (883 -- 859 BCE) Alabastrous Limestone Height 110.5 cm. Width 183 cm.  Depth 6.4 -- 9.6 cm. Miho Museum http://www.shumei.org/art/miho/miho.html
marduk pine cone, pine cone symbolism, pine pollen powder, pine pollen benefitsMarduk, winged, holding the pine-cone. Bracelet has safflower hieroglyph. Annunaki, Sumerian.
annunaki pine cone, pine cone symbolism, pine pollen powder, pine tree pollen, pine pollen benefitsPine cones helod by eagle-divinities flanking tree of life. The divinities also hold wallets.
Masonic cadueceus with pine cone.
pine cone staff of osiris, pine cone symbolism, occult pine cones, pine pollen benefits, pine pollen powderA pair of eagle-headed Annunak flanking a staff capped with a pine-cone.

Assyrian) alabaster  Height: 236.2 cm (93 in). Width: 135.9 cm (53.5 in). Depth: 15.2 cm (6 in). This relief decorated the interior wall of the northwest palace of King Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. On his right hand, he holds a pine cone. Examples of reliefs of king ashur-nasir-pal II
The Egyptian Staff of Osiris, dating back to approximately 1224 BC, depicts two intertwining serpents rising up to meet at a pinecone. (Photo: Egyptian Museum, Turin, Italy)


Annex A Temple of Isis from which the bronze pine cone was brought to the Vatican

https://sites.google.com/site/ad79eruption/pompeii/public-buildings/temple-of-isis


Temple of Isis

Description of the Temple (Reg VIII, Ins 7, 28)

The temple dates from the 2nd century BC and was dedicated to the Egyptian goddess Isis, whose cult was widespread throughout the Roman Empire.

The entrance (A), which opens off the south side of the Via del Tempio d'Iside, bears a dedicatory inscription to its reconstruction after the earthquake of AD62. The reconstruction was financed by the freedman Numerius Popidius Ampliatus in the name of his son
Celsinus.

The entrance opens onto a courtyard surrounded by a four sided portico.
 The portico was decorated in the fourth stylewith red panels (shown below) containing priests in ceremonial dress and Egyptian landscapes separated by architectural themes with small Nilotic scenes or naval battles all above a lower orange frieze of lionesses, sphinxes, dragons and dolphins. The upper zone contained floating temples and small paintings of landscapes and still lifes on a white ground. 
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All surviving decoration can be seen in the National Archaeological Museum in Naples in a series of rooms specifically devoted to the temple and its finds (rooms LXXIX - LXXXII, and LXXXIV).
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The temple, which sits on a raised podium in the centre of the courtyard, has a porticoed entrance (B) with niches on either side of the entrance to the cella. The walls were originally covered in white stucco in imitation of opus quadratum, while along the back wall was a raised plinth (C) designed to support statues of Isis and Osiris. In a niche at the rear of the podiumwas a statue of Dionysus with a panther, a gift of Numerius Popidius Ampliatus.

The temple's main altar (D) (pictured lower left) sits to the left of the steps with a second altar (E) on the south side of thepodium. On the eastern side of the complex is a small temple-like structure (F) (pictured below) with a stairway leading down to an underground cistern containing the sacred waters of the Nile. The small temple is referred to as the Purgatorium, the place where purification rites were performed. The facade has a broken triangular pediment and a frieze with two processions of priests converging towards the centre. Mars with Venus andPerseus with Andromeda are shown in relief on the exterior side walls. A detail from the east side wall is shown lower left.
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To the west of the temple court is a large room (G), known as the Ekklesiasterion. This hall was found virtually intact with a black mosaic floor and fine fourth style frescoes. On the north wall (a contemporary drawing is shown below) was the central scene of the liberation of Io by Hermes while the south wall contained the scene of Io's arrival at Canopus in Egypt (bottom left). (Both frescoes are in the National Archaeological Museum in Naples).
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To the south of this hall is a room referred to as the Sacrarium, used to store cult objects, which has a fresco of snakes guarding a wicker basket adorned with lunar symbols.
In the south east corner of the complex a series of rooms (I) open off the south side of the portico. These rooms were the living quarters (Pastophorion) of the priests and include a kitchen, triclinium and cubiculum.








Slaughter of soldiers in Manipur -- Sujan Dutta and Khelen Thokchom

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June 5, 2015

SLAUGHTER OF SOLDIERS
Turning point for bristling Centre



June 4: The Centre tonight asked the army to launch operations against "militant camps" without publicly specifying their locations, hours after the Manipur attack was viewed by the security establishment as a "turning point".
On either side of Mount Saramati, the highest point on the India-Myanmar border at 13,000 feet, lie villages peopled by tribes found in both countries.
It is from among these villages that New Delhi suspects the attackers who killed 18 soldiers in Manipur's Chandel district to have emerged.
Mount Saramati is on the border of Nagaland's Mon district and Myanmar's Sagaing province. It sweeps southwards to the border in Manipur where Moreh is a trading point. The attackers came across the border that is unmanned, it is suspected.
They laid an ambush on the road from Tengnoupal and, as an "adam convoy" (administrative convoy) of four to seven vehicles reached the spot, the attack was launched. The attackers detonated country-made mines and opened fire with rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) - called "Lathods" - on the soldiers of the 6 Dogras, according to reports reaching army headquarters.
This was the first time the Indian Army had lost 18 soldiers in a single strike in 20 years. It was also the first time that RPGs were used by insurgents on the army.
This is a "turning point" for New Delhi's operations in the Northeast, a highly placed source in the security establishment said in the afternoon.
Such a phrase was used probably because the security establishment now believes that a series of attacks in the region, including two in Arunachal Pradesh and three in Nagaland, is the result of the newfound camaraderie among the Northeast's militant groups.
In April, an umbrella group of the United National Liberation Front of Western South East Asia was formed. The largest constituent of the group is said to be the NSCN (Khaplang), which "abrogated" a 14-year-old ceasefire with the government in April.
The confederation enjoys the support of at least five outfits that claim to have a base in Manipur - the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) the People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (Prepak), the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and the United National Liberation Front (UNLF).
Three of these outfits - the NSCN(K), the KYKL and the KCP - this evening claimed responsibility for the ambush through a joint statement. Security sources see in this evidence that the outfits are operating together on the ground although they have yet to formally join the confederation.
The cadres of these organisations are said to be sheltered in camps in Myanmar's Sagaing and Kachin provinces. Myanmar's own armed forces, the Tatmadaw, have been requested by India for help many times. But the Tatmadaw is said to be too stretched in quelling Myanmar's own insurgencies to effectively patrol its border in rough terrain.
The Northeast umbrella group poses a never-before challenge for security forces.
"The attack at Chandel this morning will embolden other groups, especially in Assam. It was planned out in detail," said Brigadier (retd) Ranjit Borthakur, whose last posting was with the intelligence wing of the Eastern Command. "As for the weapons they have in the region, at least 90 per cent come over from the Chinese side," says Borthakur.
"The last such attack was in the early 1980s when more than 20 soldiers of the 21 Sikh Regiment were killed in Ukhrul district of Manipur," Borthakur said.
In the capital, at Union home minister Rajnath Singh's office this evening, defence minister Manohar Parrikar, army chief Gen. Dalbir Singh Suhag, minister of state for home Kiren Rijiju and national security adviser Ajit Doval assessed the situation.
A second meeting decided to give the army the go-ahead to launch operations against the militant camps.
A central outfit - such as the National Investigation Agency (NIA) - is likely to register a case in the next two days.
Within Manipur, at least 40 militant groups are active. Around 30 groups of the Kuki community exist - their demands ranging from safeguarding the community's interests to creation of a Kuki state within the framework of the Indian Constitution.
More than 25 Kuki groups are now in designated camps after signing agreements with the Centre and the state government to suspend operations since 2008.
Around 10 Meitei groups are also on ceasefire and are lodged in designated camps. Security sources fear the situation could turn volatile in a festering situation, especially as the Centre is yet to start a political dialogue with the Kuki and Meitei groups.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150605/jsp/frontpage/story_24041.jsp#.VXD7vtKqqko

Chabahar transport corridor for United Indian Ocean States

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See: http://defenceforumindia.com/forum/threads/chabahar-port-vs-gwadar-port.5536/
India should move quickly on the North South Transport Corridor
by Ramtanu Maitraon 05 Jun 2015



A number of recent developments in and around Afghanistan have made it evident that India’s investments made during the decade since the 2001 US invasion (and often wrongly described by some analysts as a display of India’s “soft power”) will certainly help Afghanistan. At the same time, these developments have made it clear that those investments will not help India at all in its quest to carve out a long-term, mutually-beneficial role in that country, or in Central Asia, situated north of Afghanistan.

It is also evident that Pakistan has no intent whatsoever to allow New Delhi a corridor through its landmass in the future to help India tie a strong knot with Afghanistan and do business, as well, in Central Asia. Neither India’s soft nor its hard power can do much to make Pakistan change its long-standing, carved-in-granite policy.

Yet whether or not India can secure a firm toehold in Central Asia depends on New Delhi’s clarity in grasping the wide-ranging importance of this policy and summoning the political will to carry it out quickly.

New Delhi has two choices. One option is to organize some media persons to gloat over India’s extraordinary success in wielding its “soft power” in Afghanistan, and thereby remain at the mercy of Pakistan in developing its relations with Central Asia. This is the option the Manmohan Singh-led government embraced. Alternatively, New Delhi could act purposefully to assert its rightful place, but nothing more, in that part of Asia, which is rich in natural resources that the Indian economy needs badly and which provides access by land to important economic centres in Europe, southwest Asia and, of course, Russia.

One can already see that, as things now stand, Indian influence in Afghanistan and Central Asia will be diluted. Pakistan has already begun making efforts to develop closer economic relations with some of its Central Asian neighbours. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was recently in Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan, in addition to having developed a kind of bonhomie with the newly elected and Washington-directed Afghan president, Ashraf Ghani. Pakistan is developing closer relations with the gas-rich Central Asian nations for its own energy requirements, of course. Meanwhile, Islamabad has developed certain advantages on the ground that enable its relationship with the Central Asian nations to mature quickly.

To begin with, Pakistan’s citizens, like those of the Central Asian nations, are predominantly Muslim. A tertiary factor, it nonetheless helps. Pakistan also has a strong military, and the country’s expected inclusion in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a full member this year will enable Islamabad to exert its influence on these Central Asian nations on security matters. Since the “stan” nations (Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan) have been plagued with security threats since their inception, they might very well prefer Pakistan’s assistance to that of Russia in helping them manage those issues. Pakistan’s recently improved relations with Russia may help to further its role in Central Asia. The most crucial advantage that Islamabad has acquired, however, is its close relations with China, that which is fast-becoming the most important economic element in Central Asia’s future. This relationship can be expected to enhance Islamabad’s credibility in Central Asia significantly.

If New Delhi chooses to ignore these ground realities and continue in its business-as-usual mode, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s April 2015 visit to Pakistan to kick-start the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor - which will link Gwadar Port, located at the Makran coast of Balochistan, to Kashgar in Xinjiang - should have sent a clear message to the Modi administration. The message is this: In addition to deriving significant economic benefits from the proposed China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Beijing will use the corridor to connect transport and energy routes to Afghanistan and Central Asia, allowing these land-locked nations to use Gwadar Port as a maritime hub.

Again, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is not a pie-in-the-sky concept. China has already won the right to operate Pakistan’s Gwadar port for 40 years, and the port should be ready for full use this year. China has financed and built the port, and is obviously determined to initiate the corridor project at the earliest.

China’s New Silk Road project, what President Xi has labelled the “one belt, one road,” has already made inroads into Central Asia in the north in a big way and is moving at a rapid pace. Reports indicate the Bank of China is already channelling $62 billion of its immense foreign exchange reserves to policy banks supporting New Silk Road projects - $32 billion to the China Development Bank (CDB) and $30 billion to the Export-Import Bank of China (EXIM).

China Seizes the Opportunity

China has already built a highway from Kashgar to Osh, considered the “southern capital” of Kyrgyzstan and situated where the southern ranges of the Tian Shan give way to the irrigable and fertile lowlands of the Ferghana Valley. China has also built a railway that links Xinjiang province’s capital, Urumqi, to Almaty in southeastern Kazakhstan bordering Kyrgyzstan. Interfax-Kazakhstan reports that Kazakhstan’s President Nursultan Nazarbaev, at a plenary government meeting in Astana on May 5, stated: “We need to build a new railway line across the territory of Kazakhstan from the border with China to the [Caspian] sea port of Aktau. Negotiations [with China] are underway in this regard.”

These link-ups have not only positioned China to make deep inroads into the western “stan” nations in the near future, but have already enabled major Chinese cities in east-central China to deliver cargo via overland routes to, and receive from, Germany in under three weeks - at least 15 days less than it takes by sea.

These developments also ensure that China is ready to move aggressively in the coming days to establish trade routes over land to Central Asia, and then further to Afghanistan and Iran. Under the circumstances, India has been left with two options: New Delhi can sit around, fret and complain about China encircling India, or it can act expeditiously to establish trade routes marking its strong economic presence in Iran, Afghanistan, Central Asia, Russia and Europe with the same vigour as China.

The Importance of the Corridor

The North-South transport corridor consists of two routes. The western route starts at the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas, located in the Strait of Hormuz, and stretches northward to St. Petersburg in northwestern Russia and then on to northern Europe. This route relies on the extensive transport networks of Russia, Iran, Kazakhstan and other countries. Bandar Abbas is the sea-link between the Indian ports located on the Arabian Sea, but still a distance away. This route from the port of Mumbai to St. Petersburg via Bandar Abbas is 7,200 km long. Indian cargo hauled by sea to Bandar Abbas is then carried by railroads to the Caspian Sea and on to ports in Russia’s sector of the Caspian, where it is again loaded on a ship for the short trip across the Caspian. Once the cargo reaches Russia, it is put on railroads or highways heading to Moscow, St. Petersburg and beyond into Europe.

The eastern route is, however, more attractive for India. On that route the sea-to-rail transit point in Iran is much closer to India, and the route goes through Afghanistan. The eastern route starts off at Iran’s Chabahar port, located on the Gulf of Oman. Chabahar port has not yet been fully developed, although a decade has passed since India expressed its willingness to do so. From Chabahar, the route runs northward through Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan province into Afghanistan, enabling India to secure a key entry point into Afghanistan.

Kabir Taneja, in a May 21 article in The Diplomat, points out that India first showed interest in the Chabahar port project in 2002, and in 2003 India, Iran and Afghanistan signed a memorandum of understanding on the development and construction of transit and transport infrastructure on the Chabahar-Milak-Zaranj-Delaram route. The same year, then-President of Iran Mohammed Khatami visited India when New Delhi committed to further its infrastructure and energy-related investment in Iran, with Chabahar prominently leading the way. Unfortunately, things have not moved much further than the signing of more MoUs.

The development of this route of the North-South Corridor will infuse fresh blood into war-depleted Afghanistan, and it will also help India immensely in the future - a point often ignored by New Delhi. The route will not simply carry goods from the Indian ports to Afghanistan, Central Asia, Russia and beyond. Of great importance to energy-starved India, the route will also provide easy access to help Afghanistan and Central Asia explore their mineral reserves. The route will also help Afghanistan, Central Asia and Iran to bring their products for export to southern Asia, Africa and even southern Europe. If India is indeed keen on acquiring stakes in the vast Central Asian gas fields (before China acquires them) to make India’s “Made in India” campaign a bit more meaningful, New Delhi should not depend on Pakistan’s mercy. New Delhi should map out a plan and execute it expeditiously to bring the Central Asian gas through Chabahar port into India. 

During 10 years of moribund UPA rule, New Delhi did not do what was necessary and, instead, spent $2 billion in Afghanistan on various infrastructural projects, hoping the United States would never leave Afghanistan and would keep Pakistan from undermining India’s interest there. That wishful and vacuous approach is now clearly at a dead end.

Besides the fact that the Americans will be playing only a nominal role in Afghanistan in the future, and China and Pakistan have joined hands to build the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor that will move right into Afghanistan, New Delhi should realize that it will be checkmated unless it takes measures to undo its earlier mistakes and moves quickly with Iran to establish its access to Afghanistan and beyond into Central Asia.

India’s Non-Focused Approach

It should have been a top-level priority for the Modi government to bring this project to fruition quickly and make steady inroads into Afghanistan, without depending on what Washington or any other country says or does. Since Iran is ready to cooperate actively, the first requirement is development of the Chabahar port. The port currently has the capacity to handle 2.5 million tons annually, and Iran would like to increase that to 12.5 million tons. Iran has long designated 140 square kilometres adjacent to Chabahar as a Free Trade Industrial Zone to enhance its potential to become a major trade and transit hub.

The Iranians have been pushing India to take up the project seriously for a long time. They want this area to be developed. Last December, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani visited Chabahar and urged quick implementation of development projects in Chabahar. Speaking to reporters there, Rouhani said he has visited the port city as part of plans for ratifying a development plan for the Makran Coast. Since assuming office in August 2013, President Rouhani has made clear his intent to develop the country’s southern littoral provinces bordering the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman. He said he would do all he can to remove the remaining obstacles to completion of the projects in that area.

In January of this year, President Rouhani sent his adviser and Secretary of the High Council of Free Zones, Akbar Torkan, to New Delhi to highlight the need to use the North-South Corridor to develop the Chabahar port. Torkan told Indian Minister of Commerce and Industries Nirmala Sitharaman that India could use Iran’s railways and roads to get access to Afghanistan and Central Asian markets.

Almost four months went by before the Modi administration, goaded by Iran, sent India’s Minister for Road Transport, Highways and Shipping Nitin Gadkari to sign yet another MoU stating that: “Indian and Iranian commercial entities would now be in a position to commence negotiations towards finalization of a commercial contract under which Indian firms will lease two existing berths at the Port and operationalize them as container and multi-purpose cargo terminals.”

Even Afghanistan under President Ghani is agreeable to sign trade agreements with India. In March, Afghan Ambassador to India Shaida Mohammad Abdali, speaking at a session on business opportunities in Afghanistan organized by the Bengal Chamber of Commerce and Industry, said: “Pakistan is currently the route. Once we have the Chabahar port, we expect it to go up at least to $3 billion. India has already announced money for the up-gradation of the Chabahar port. The draft transit agreement has been shared with the parties. Once signed, we will see a trade jump.” India-Afghanistan trade is currently about $ 750 million and is highly dependent on a route that passes through Pakistan.

Iran, economically weakened after years of sanctions by Western nations, has not sat idle either. From Tehran’s perspective, the Chabahar port serves to facilitate its objective of emerging as the main trade and transit hub between Central Asia, South Asia and the Persian Gulf. Chabahar port facilitates this process because it ensures that Iran is not constrained by the Straits of Hormuz.

The aim of being an important transit point is consistent with Iran’s desire to be seen as a significant regional player. In order to achieve these ends, Iran has not only already taken the initiative to develop infrastructure but has also engaged with other countries to enhance its own transit potential (“Accessing Afghanistan and Central Asia: Importance of Chabahar to India,” Aryaman Bhatnagar and Divya John, Observer Research Foundation, October 2013).

In addition to the enthusiasm exhibited by Iran and Afghanistan for the project, the Central Asian nations are also keen to see it implemented. In 2011, when Uzbek President Islam Karimov visited New Delhi, he emphasized the increasing cooperation between regional countries. In 2009, Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev had expressed similar views during his visit to India. Since then, Kazakhstan has invited India to explore its Satpayev oil block.

It is evident that building and strengthening the North-South Corridor, and developing a strong interdependency with Afghanistan and the Central Asian nations, is mutually beneficial and would bring these countries into direct economic contact with India. One of China’s major successes, besides its emergence as a great economic power, is its laying emphasis on better connectivity and deeper trade and commerce with other countries. The North-South Transport Corridor is just such a project.

Why the Delay?

Some may believe that everything that India proposes to do gets delayed. Delaying the execution of projects, however essential they may be for the 1.2 billion person nation, has become India’s hallmark over the decades. Others may assume the delay is due to complex issues concerning Iran, which is not known for being easy to deal with.

As Kabir Taneja says: “At the heart of the issue lies a fundamental clash of political wills, with both India and Iran spending much of their political capital on negotiations, seemingly trying to outdo each other in levels of bureaucratic ineptness. If Delhi was acting aloof over Chabahar for years due to circumstances, which included economic shortfalls at home, a greedy Tehran with problems of chronic corruption was equally indifferent at any attempts by India to find a compromise.”

The delay is by no means attributable to Tehran alone, Taneja makes clear. He notes that New Delhi often scaled back its investment plans. Whatever progress was made over Chabahar and Farzad B in the past was lost within weeks of India refusing to release financial commitments to Tehran for oil purchases during the peak sanctions period, he states.

Besides the economic benefits that Afghanistan and the Central Asian nations will derive from this Corridor once it is completed, it is important for New Delhi to realize that these countries view India as a major power with no hegemonic interest. That by itself allows India to play a significant role in developing and utilizing the Corridor.

But there is more to it: All the nations through which the North-South Corridor passes are weak states living under the shadow of powerful nations, particularly since China made its economic march westward. Under the circumstances, these countries will welcome India’s presence to provide them a greater sense of security, in much the same way as some of the Southeast Asian nations have sought a strong Indian presence in that region.
http://vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=3602

ISIS: Global danger point near -- MD Nalapat

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ISIS: GLOBAL DANGER POINT NEAR

M D Nalapat

Friday, June 05, 2015 - President Obama appears to have decided to conduct a war against ISIS that is too sparing of military power to annihilate the organisation, perhaps in the belief that he can always turn on the firepower later, once the Haider El Abadygovernment in Baghdad adopt policies which reduce the Shia community to the same status that they have in some other parts of the Middle East. Small wonder that Prime Minister Abadi has had enough of such halfheartedness in fighting worst security threat that the region as faced since Field-Marshal Erwin Rommel swept through deserts of the region in the early years of the 1939-45 world war and threatened to incorporate these territories into the Third Reich created by Adolf Hitler.

Interestingly, the psychology of ISIS most resembles that of the Nazis. Like its German predecessor, the organisation has a supremacist ideology and extreme cruelty in its methods. It legitimises the slavery of innocents by recourse to a manufactured mythology, while its members believe themselves to be the Herrenvolk or Master Race. Millions of Germans, especially among the young, were attracted to the hate filled, hateful ideology of Adolf Schicklgruber (the original family name of the Nazi Fuehrer). As a consequence, it took many years of war before the Third Reich could be defeated, but not before it had exterminated millions of the finest individuals on earth, permanently impoverishing the future of the human race. Had Hitler been checked earlier, when his movement was much smaller, the world would have been spared the cataclysm of war. Unfortunately, the world stood by while Hitler and both his ideology as well as his followers grew in strength.

Thanks to President Obama signing on to the strategy of reserving much of the firepower available to the US in the war against ISIS till such time as the Sunnis get the same primacy that they enjoyed under Saddam Hussein (a situation that will never come about), ISIS is now in its third year of operations. In just three or so more, the organisation would have enrolled tens of thousands of members (whether declared or secret) within Europe and North America, not to speak of South Asia and the GCC countries. 

At that stage, it will become impossible to fight, except by a lengthy war of attrition that would cost the globe both growth and stability. What those who refuse to deal a knockout blow on ISIS forget is that millions across the world are at risk of adopting the ISIS creed. This is because of (i) the license it gives to kill, enslave and torture and (ii) its vow of supremacy of its followers within the human race. Those with the highest risk of infection are the citizens of the countries that have lavished time and treasure on fighters who subsequently morphed into ISIS, and which even today are assisting organisations such as the Al Nusra front, which differ from ISIS only in matters of detail. GCC governments in particular need to understand that backing Al Nusra and its clones against specific foes such as Bashar Assad in Damascus and the government inBaghdad entails the certainty that such elements will turn on their benefactors as soon as they overcome such rivals of the GCC leadership. An example is Libya, where the very diplomat who promoted the US-EU policy in Libya of removing Kaddafy through arming and training extremists was assassinated by his proteges in Benghazi two years later There is an undercurrent of the animal in each “civilised” human being, although fortunately such tendencies get expressed only in shouting at a football match or occasional fits of temper at the home or office. It is this basic bestiality in human beings that Adolf Hitler tapped,by not simply condoning but legitimizing such behaviour as being the appropriate response to those regarded as being from a different class of human, “unbelievers” and “apostates”. 

Millions of Germans followed the orders of Hitler to the final days of his life, and the mass murder which took place in concentration camps and extermination facilities across Europe could never have been carried out but for such an enthusiastic participation by significant elements of the population. They became intoxicated by the message of superiority and - although this sounds incredible - moral ascendancy,and joined a putrid party in their millions in Germany during the 1930s,especially after 1933. Thanks to the permeability of social media and the emphasis placed on this by the controllers within ISIS,several thousand individuals in Europe,several hundreds in the US,and several tens of thousands elsewhere have already undergone the character transformation from human being to beast,although as yet,the overwhelming majority of such recruits have not declared themselves.

1936-37 was the period when the Nazis could be “capped, rolled back and eliminated” from Europe through coordinated action by the powers that later became the Allied force of the 1939-45 world war. In the case of ISIS, 2015-16 is the period when the terror organisation will have accelerated sufficiently for takeoff into the realm of mass recruitments across the globe, in case it has not been visibly and comprehensively defeated in the meantime. Which is why this columnist has called for a global coalition to defeat ISIS,and why he is disappointed that countries such as China,Russia and India are not doing more to eliminate this scourge. 

Should such a coalition not form within the year, it will do so by 2019,when ISIS will have become strong enough to launch a global war through activating nests of members in those very countries (in the GCC and in NATO) which are today regarding the organisation as a threat which can “be dealt with later, should the need arise”, much as politicians across both sides of the Atlantic (with exceptions such as Wendell Willkie, Paul Reynaud and Winston Churchill) disregarded the imperative of taking out Hitler before he became strong enough to unleash the cataclysm he subsequently did.
—The writer is Vice-Chair, Manipal Advanced Research Group, UNESCO Peace Chair & Professor of Geopolitics, Manipal University, Haryana State, India. 
http://pakobserver.net/detailnews.asp?id=265690

Estimate of illicit money in tax havens -- Region & Country-wise -- R Vaidyanathan> NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you.

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ESTIMATE OF ILLICIT MONEY IN TAX HAVENS – REGION & COUNTRY-WISE

June 2, 2015 · by  


Performancegurus 1
Prof .R. Vaidyanathan
Every year huge sums of money are transferred out of developing countries illegally.  Actually they strip resources from developing countries which could be used to fund public services, from security and justice to basic social services such as health and education. The illicit financial flows also weaken their financial system and impact economic development.  Given their smaller resource base and markets-the social and economic impact on developing countries is more severe. Most of them come from Non-Governmental organizations and the estimates vary greatly and are heavily debated one of the most quoted is that of Global Financial Integrity [GFI] –a Washington based think tank. We rely significantly on the data from GFI in this chapter
Regional Picture
Global Financial Integrity (GFI), provides estimates of the illicit flow of money out of the developing world–as a whole, by region, and by individual country–from 2003-2012, the most recent ten years of data availability. We quote extensively from the study [GFI 2014]
The study finds that between 2003 and 2012, the developing world lost US$6.6 trillion in illicit outflows. In real terms, these flows increased at 9.4 percent per annumAfter a brief slowdown during the financial crisis, illicit outflows are once again on the rise, hitting a new peak of US$991.2 billion in 2012 – as given in the table below:
Performancegurus 2
To put this in perspective, the cumulative total of official development assistance (ODA) to the developing countries in this report from 2003 to 2012 was just US$809 billion In 2012, the last year in this study, ODA to these countries stood at US$89.7 billion, according to OECD data sourced from the World Bank. That means that for every single one of those US$89.7 billion in development aid that entered these developing countries in 2012, over US$10 in illicit financial flows (IFFs) came out. If the problem of illicit financial flows is allowed to grow unchecked, development aid will continue to fight an uphill battle.
This report also compares illicit outflows to foreign direct investment (FDI) in the developing countries that are found in this report from 2003 to 2012. Though FDI was significantly larger than ODA at US$5.7 trillion over the 10-year period, it was still less than illicit outflows. Even FDI and ODA combined come in at slightly less than illicit outflows, at US$6.5 trillion.
GFI measures illicit financial outflows using two sources: 1) outflows due to deliberate trade misinvoicing (GER) and 2) outflows due to leakages in the balance of payments, also known as illicit hot money narrow outflows (HMN). The vast majority of illicit financial flows- 77.8 percent in the 10-year period covered in this report – are due to trade misinvoicing (see Table 2)
Performancegurus 3
Asia continues to be the region of the developing world with the greatest volume of illicit financial flows, comprising 40.3 percent of the world total over the ten years of this study. It is followed by Developing Europe at 21.0 percent, the Western Hemisphere at 19.9 percent, MENA (the Middle East and North Africa) at 10.8 percent and Sub-Saharan Africa at 8.0 percent.
MENA saw the largest percent increase in illicit outflows from 2003 to 2012, at 24.2 percent per annum. Sub-Saharan Africa followed at 13.2 percent with Developing Europe at 9.8 percent, Asia at 9.5 percent, and the Western Hemisphere at 3.5 percent.
Country-Wise Data
According to Global Financial Integrity [GFI] for 2012, the global figure was close to USD 1 trillion [GFI, 2014]-China accounting for quarter of the total and Russia/Mexico/India/Malaysia are the other prominent losers.
Asia’s regional total is driven by the People’s Republic of China, the leading source of illicit financial flows from developing countries for nine of the ten years of this study. Similarly, Developing Europe’s large share of global IFFs is primarily due to the Russian Federation, the number two country for nine of the ten years of the study, which briefly surpassed China in 2011 to become the world’s top exporter of illicit capital before ceding this place back to China in 2012.
The top five exporters of illicit capital over the past ten years on average are: China, Russia, Mexico, India, and Malaysia. Compared to GFI’s estimates in Illicit Financial Flows from Developing Countries: 2002-2011, hereafter referred to as the 2013 IFF Update, these rankings have changed only slightly—India and Malaysia switched ranks in this report, with India moving up to the number four slot. This is due to a continuation of India’s upward trend, which began in 2009, and Malaysia’s downward trend that began in 2010. China registered a particularly large increase from 2011 (US$162.8 billion) to 2012 (US$249.6 billion). This is due primarily to its return to a trend of large and increasing HMN outflows that began in 2009 but dropped off precipitously in 2011. See Table-3
There has been minimal academic research on the topic, but some scholarly critiques of the GFI approach can be found in a recent volume of essays from the World Bank. For example, Nitsch (2012)  suggests that the GFI estimates make unrealistic assumptions about trade-related transport costs and ignore many other factors that could account for errors in international trade and finance statistics]  but there is a general consensus that illicit financial flows likely exceed aid flows and investment in volume. The most immediate impact of illicit financial flows (IFFs) is a reduction in domestic investment and expenditure, both public and private. This means fewer hospitals and schools; fewer roads and bridges. [OECD 2014]
“It also means fewer jobs. Furthermore, many of the activities which generate the illicit funds are criminal; and while financial crimes like money laundering, corruption and tax evasion are damaging to all countries, the effects on developing countries are particularly corrosive. For example, corruption diverts public money from public use to private consumption. We know that in general private consumption has much lower positive multiplier effects than public spending on social services like health and education. Proceeds of corruption or criminal activities will generally be spent on consumption of items such as luxury vehicles, or invested in real estate, art, or precious metals. [World Bank, 2006]
The social impact of a Euro spent on buying a yacht or importing champagne will be very different from that of a Euro spent on primary education.
On another front, money laundering is harmful to the financial sector: a functioning financial sector depends on a general reputation of integrity, which money laundering undermines.
In this way, money laundering can impair long-term economic growth, harming the welfare of entire economies”.
– [OECD2014] report
Illicit Flows
They are generated in contravention of national laws by methods/practices to transfer financial capital out of a country. These could be due to Money Laundering [defined as the possession, transfer, use and concealment of the proceeds of the crime] tax evasion; bribery by global companies; trade mispricing. The source of the illicit flows could be smuggling; counterfeiting arms smuggling etc. Sometimes source could be legal but transfer may be illegal like tax evasion. Also intended uses of funds are not clear.
The [OECD 2014] report adds
“They may be intended for other illegal activities, such as terrorist financing or bribery, or for legal consumption of goods. In practice, illicit financial flows range from something as simple as a private individual transfer of funds into private accounts abroad without having paid taxes, to highly complex schemes involving criminal networks that set up multi-layered Multi-jurisdictional structures to hide ownership”.
Much attention has been given to kleptocrats such as Sani Abacha (Nigeria), Valdimiro Montesinos (Peru) and Ferdinand Marcos (Philippines). Each looted their countries whether through direct control of the central bank (Abacha), extortion of defense contractors (Montesinos) or confiscation of businesses (Marcos). When they left power– whether through death, political upheaval or criminal conviction– each was found to have invested overseas in a wide variety of assets. Also other lower level officials like the governors of two Nigerian states recently convicted in London courts of having acquired assets in the United Kingdom with funds stolen from state development funds. The money was generally moved by carrying of cash in large denominations across borders or as wire transfers through complicit banks
The reasons for these dictators to keep money abroad are varied. It is to protect confiscation or taxation by new regimes or to access luxury goods available abroad or to get favors from leaders abroad etc. Much less is known about the outflows associated with tax evasion, perhaps the most ubiquitous of the sources of illicit financial flows.  These can add up to a substantial sum of drainage of home country resources.
Trade Misinvoicing 
Among the various methods mentioned—in generating illicit funds in tax havens—trade Misinvoicing is an important one. Trade Misinvoicing is basically moving the funds to tax havens by way of under invoicing its exports and over invoicing its imports.
Trade misinvoicing is a method for moving money illicitly across borders which involves deliberately misreporting the value of a commercial transaction on an invoice submitted to customs. A form of trade-based money laundering, trade misinvoicing is the largest component of illicit financial outflows measured by Global Financial Integrity. [GFI]
By fraudulently manipulating the price, quantity, or quality of a good or service on an invoice, criminals can easily and quickly shift substantial sums of money across international borders.
Performancegurus 5
Why is Trade Misinvoicing Used?
According to GFI, there are three primary reasons criminals misinvoice trade:
  • Money laundering – Criminals or public officials may seek to launder the proceeds from crime or corruption. Directly Evading Taxes and Customs Duties – By under-reporting the value of goods, importers are able to immediately evade substantial customs duties or other taxes.
  • Claiming Tax Incentives – Many countries offer generous tax incentives to domestic exporters selling their goods and services abroad. Criminals may seek to abuse these tax incentives by over-reporting their exports.
  • Dodging Capital Controls – Many developing countries have restrictions on the amount of capital that a person or business can bring in or out of their economies. Investors attempting to break these capital controls often misinvoice trade transactions as an illegal alternative to getting money in or out of the country.
As many countries attempt to process customs transactions quickly, in an effort to promote trade and boost economic growth, trade misinvoicing has become a fairly low-risk endeavor for criminals—especially those who only moderately misinvoice their transactions by, say, 5 to 10 percent.
How Does Trade Misinvoicing Work?
Performancegurus 6
In this case of import over-invoicing, the Indian importer illegally moves $500,000 out of India. Although he is only buying $1 million worth of used cars from the U.S. exporter, he uses a Mauritius intermediary to re-invoice the amount up to $1,500,000. The U.S. exporter gets paid $1 million. The $500,000 that is left over is then diverted to an offshore bank account owned by the Indian importer.
[Reuter 2014] gives an example for trade misinvoicing –
Fraudulent trade invoicing in five African countries cheated taxpayers out of a combined $14.4 billion in revenue in the 10 years to 2011 and in Uganda’s case losses amounted to an eighth of annual government revenue. The tax authorities in the five countries studied by Global Financial Integrity (GFI) – Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda – lacked the trade, tax and deals data to curb the illicit flows, it said in a research report. Over- and under-invoicing in the five countries facilitated the illegal inflows or outflows of more than $60 billion during that decade, GFI said.
Kenya lost an estimated $1 billion each year through export under-invoicing, where sellers deflate the true value of their exports so they can channel the difference to a foreign account. Tanzania, on the other hand, lost a similar amount to export over-invoicing, which over-values shipments so parties can collect export credits. Uganda had $813 million in import over-invoicing, which can lead to lower corporate taxes as companies puff up the cost of imports to hide capital outflows.
GFI said its study was “extremely conservative” as it left out incorrect invoicing for services, bulk cash deals or hawala transactions, a form of money transfer used in the Muslim world. “Trade misinvoicing is perhaps the most serious economic issue plaguing these countries,” GFI president Raymond Baker said in a statement. Ghana had more than $14 billion in mis-stated invoices over the entire 10-year period, equivalent to 6.6 percent of its gross domestic product, while Mozambique’s $5.3 billion was equal to 9 percent of national output”.
 Africa and Illicit Financial flows
Performancegurus 7












The report, Illicit Financial Flows and the Problem of Net Resource Transfers from Africa: 1980–2009, found that cumulative illicit outflows from the continent over the 30-year period ranged from $1.2 trillion to $1.4 trillion. The Guardian, a British daily, notes that even these estimates—large as they are—are likely to understate the problem, as they do not capture money lost through drug trafficking and smuggling.
“The traditional thinking has always been that the West is pouring money into Africa through foreign aid and other private-sector flows, without receiving much in return,” said Raymond Baker, president of Global Financial Integrity, in a statement released at the launch of the report earlier this year. Mr. Baker said the report turns that logic upside down, adding that Africa has been a net creditor to the rest of the world for decades.
In other words Africa loses more in terms of illicit financial outflows than what is received as Aid and FDI for its development.
That is the saga of many developing countries that eagerly wait for FDI and development Aid without realizing that the money gets drained by trade misinvoicing and other illicit outflows.
In other words they are net losers even though projected as villains!!
_________________________
Author is Professor of Finance at Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore – Views are personal.
References:
  1. Global Financial Integrity (GFI-2014), Illicit Financial Flows from Developing Countries 2003-2012, Dev Kar and Joseph Spanjers , Global Financial Integrity, Washington, DC, available at:http://www.gfintegrity.org/report/2014-global-report-illicit-financial-flows-from-developing-countries-2003-2012/
  2. Nitsch, Volker (2012), “Trade mispricing and illicit flows”, in Reuter, Peter (ed.) Draining Development? Controlling Flows of Illicit Funds from Developing Countries, The World Bank, Washington, DC, available at:https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/2242/668150PUB0EPI0067848B09780821388693.pdf.
  3. http://www.oecd.org/corruption/Illicit_Financial_Flows_from_Developing_Countries.pdf
  4. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank/IMF (2006), Reference Guide to Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism, World Bank, Washington DC, available at:http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTAML/Resources/3965111146581427871/Reference_Guide_AMLCFT_2ndSupplement.pdf.
  5. http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/05/11/us-africa-trade-idUSBREA4A0AH20140511
  6. Global Financial Integrity (GFI-2013) Dev Kar and Brian LeBlanc, Illicit Financial Flows from Developing Countries: 2002-2011 (Washington, DC:, 2013).
  7. Global Financial Integrity http://www.gfintegrity.org/issue/trade-misinvoicing/
  8. http://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/december-2013/illicit-financial-flows-africa-track-it-stop-it-get-it#sthash.o27vQR5R.dpuf

http://rvaidya2000.com/2015/06/02/estimate-of-illicit-money-in-tax-havens-region-country-wise/

Navigium Isidis, the vessel of Isis, divinity for seafaring merchants. In search of seafaring Meluhha merchants.

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Phonecian ship.
Maritime Trade of ancient Kalinga and its Ports . Early kingdoms of Eastern India had their own port towns. Among the ports of ancient Orissa/Kalinga are Palura and Chelitalo, mentioned respectively by Ptolemy and Xuan Xang in the second century CE and seventh century CE



                                                                                          Palura, mentioned by the Greek geographer Ptolemy in the second century CE and in a South Indian inscription of the third century, was an internationally important emporium further to the Southwest, most likely at the Rishikulya  estuary or nearby, on the Southern elongation of Chilika Lake, whereas village known as Palur still exists today. According to Ptolemy, there was a place near Palur, called Apheterion, the “point of  departure” for ships bound to Chryse,  the “Golden Land”, the “ Suvarnabhumi” of South East Asia. It is quite likely that the prominent hillock South of the present village Palur, which in fact, is the highest peak on the coast up to the mouth of the Ganges, and which was known to the Portuguese of the sixteenth century as Serra de Palura served as a landmark for early seafarers in the Bay of Bengal.

About Chelitalo in U-cha (Central Orissa) Xuan Xang writes, “Here it is merchants depart for distant countries, and strangers come and go and stop here on their way. The walls of the city are strong and lofty. Here are found all sorts of rare and precious articles.”

During these early centuries CE, Kalinga’s importance for trans-Asian maritime trade seems to have been strengthened by the fact that in the early centuries CE even large vessels usually did not yet cross the Bay of Bengal directly from Sri Lanka to Southeast Asia. Instead, they proceeded up to Palura and Chelitalo from which points they crossed the ocean for Survarnabhumi...AAn inscription from East Java even mentioned Kalinganagara, indicating perhaps a “colony” of traders from Kalinga. Similarly, Southeast Asian traders and the fame of their merchandise had an impact on Orissa as well. A portrayal of an Indonesian dagger (kris) on the Parasuramesvara temple in Bhubaneswar (7th Century AD) is a testimony to such relations between Orissa and Indonesia.

http://kalingacalling.blogspot.in/2011/05/maritime-trade-of-ancient-kalinga-and.html

This is a continuation of the blogpost on bronze pine cone and a pair of bronze peacocks now in the Vatican but which originally belonged to a Temple of Isis in Pompeii. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.com/2015/06/two-bronze-peacocks-11-ft-high-bronze.html

Isis was the protective divinity venerated by seafaring merchants of the Bronze Age.

An ancient Isis festivity:
"Isis Pharia (Isis of the Lighthouse) was a patron of navigators and the inventor of the sail. Of her two major festivals, or ploiaphesia, the one on March 5 (Ash Wednesday) marked the beginning of the sailing season with the symbolic launch of the Navigium Isidis, the Ship of Isis. It was one of the last great pagan festivals to be celebrated in the Roman Empire, surviving well into the early Christian era. 
isis fest2.jpgA model representing the sacred Ship of Isis...Festival of Isis coinage...official products of the Rome mint, consistently struck from the end of Diocletian's reign to that of Valentinian II, the majority in brass (orichalcum), and that they were never issued in large numbers. The series can be categorized into two groups - those with imperial busts of the emperors and the anonymous issues which show a bust of Isis, Sarapis or both jugate (these are usually attributed to Julian II). It has also been noted that many of the surviving examples are pierced, suggesting that they may have been worn as talismans or nailed to the frames of buildings. There are many other interesting aspects of this series, including the fact that they were struck at the Rome mint but portrayed non-Roman deities, a feature more commonly associated with earlier provincial coinage. To add to that, the incongruity of pagan gods like Isis, Sarapis, Harpocrates, and Anubis appearing on coins bearing the imperial portraits of Christian emperors such as the sons of Constantine, Magnentius, Valentinian and Valens sheds some light on the fascinating mix of paganism and Christianity that the Roman Empire must have been during this period. Apuleis, writing in the 2nd century, ends his novel The Golden Ass with a procession of the Festival of Isis. His description of the procession reads almost like a catalogue of the reverse images found on some of the coins - sistrums, situlas, the beautifully decorated Ship of Isis, and representations of deities including "Anubis, that dread messenger between the powers above and the powers beneath the earth, with a face one side black the other gold, his jackal's neck erect, bearing a caduceus in his left hand" (note: as on this coin he is perhaps more properly called Hermanubis, a syncretized Greco-Egyptian deity combining Hermes and Anubis). Procession in Honor of Isis An "Orientalist" painting by Frederick Arthur Bridgeman The complete variety of reverses is even more intriguing, and while it has been difficult searching for pictures of many actual coins online, the Tesorillo website has drawings accompanied with the catalogue descriptions: http://www.tesorillo.com/isis/rev/index1.htm ...the full section on Tesorillo's is indispensable : http://www.tesorillo.com/isis/index1.htm   
https://www.cointalk.com/threads/ancients-late-roman-pick-up-4-festival-of-isis.249276/)

Isis and Sarapis in a galley, going right. Isis is standing on th prow, holding a sail and looking back; Sarapis is seated on the stern, holding the second sail.




Decorated Bull in an Egyptian procession in honour of Isis -- Painting by Frederick Arthur Bridgeman

[quote] Isis,  patron of Women, Mothers, Children, Magick, Medicine and the Ritual of Life she was revered in all of Egypt, and later in Greece, Rome and even in India. For many Romans, Egyptian Isis was an aspect of Phrygian Cybele, whose orgiastic rites were long naturalized at Rome, indeed she was known as Isis of Ten Thousand Names...

“Everywhere in the Book of the Dead, the deceased is identified with Osiris from 3400 BC to the Roman period,” E A Wallis Budge wrote.  After the New Kingdom (from 1570 BC) initiates into the religion believed that they would enjoy identification or communion with the god at death, thus triumphing with him over death. For those who have attained knowledge (gnosis), the blessed end is deification. Thus everlasting life could be had by initiation or by receiving knowledge by accepting a discourse (logos).


For the Egyptians, Serapis or Osiris was the Lord of life and death and so the mystery cult was an important part of his worship. By identifying himself with Osiris, the initiate became immortal. [unquote] http://carnaval.com/isis/

Inside of bracelet showing reverse of Julia Domna coin depicting Juno Regina with a peacock.
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum. Credits: Barbara McManus, 2006


Isiopolis, a scene from a votive frieze showing herons, seated Isis, standing Bull, aquatic birds.

See: Ancient cults as patrons of seafaring and seafarers in Istria (Vesna Girardijurkic, 2012) Histria Antiqua, 21/2012

https://www.scribd.com/doc/267743053/Ancient-cults-as-patrons-of-seafaring-and-seafarers-in-Istria-Vesna-Girardijurkic-2012-Histria-Antiqua-21-2012


The Post Hole Issue 36 March / April 2014  


The Temple of Isis in Pompeii: The Promise of Navigable Seas in a Seafaring Economy

Kelly Guerrier

An inscription upon Pompeii’s Temple of Isis, built in the second century B.C. and rebuilt following the 62 A.D. earthquake, reads (translated), “Numerius Popidius Celsinus, son of Numerius, rebuilt at his own expense from its foundations, the Temple of Isis, which had collapsed in an earthquake; because of his generosity, although he was only six years old, the town councilors nominated him into their number free of charge” (ILS 6367 2004). Pompeiians valued this civil project so greatly that they rewarded the supposedly-donating six-year-old boy, with council membership. Because this temple served the Isis cult and was not a public civil space, the Temple of Isis, or Iseum, and Isis herself must have held special meaning and value for the city of Pompeii. Pompeii’s seafaring economy and the rise of personal religion in the Roman world may explain this high value. Since Pompeii relied on commercial seafaring to support its economy, Isis’s emphasis on stable and life-giving water defeating the often treacherous, unpredictable, and sometimes-deadly water of the sea, strengthened the local cult. The confluence of architecture, art, and rituals implies why the Pompeiians so highly valued a cult sanctuary – gentle Isis, offering resurrection and regulated water, provided a comforting counterbalance to unpredictable Neptune.

Pompeii’s vital location for maritime trade established the sea’s importance in the city (Strabo 5.4.8). To the Pompeiians, a navigable sea ensured economic prosperity and the city’s survival. Its status as a port gave Pompeii economic stability and power in its surrounding area, and thus both a reliance on, and fear of, the sea naturally followed (Ling 2005, 19). They would therefore have welcomed anything controlling the sea’s power. Coupled with the rise of personal religion and mystery cults (Small 2007, 200), this combination of respect for, and fear of the sea, may have led the Pompeiians to an increased appreciation of the cult of Isis and its rituals. The publicity of its popular festivals, especially that of the Navigium Isidis, must have kept Pompeiians consistently aware of the cult and of its protective goddess. Living under the fear of Neptune, the powerful and unpredictable god of the sea, many Pompeiians turned to the gentle Isis, who offered protection in sailing, navigable seas, and an abundant life and afterlife in exchange for personal devotion (Donalson 2003, 19).
Click to enlarge
Figure 1. The Iseum at Pompeii, ground plan. Star is author’s to mark location of Nilometer building and crypt (after Wild 1981, 45).
Figure 1. The Iseum at Pompeii, ground plan. Star is author’s to mark location of Nilometer building and crypt (after Wild 1981, 45).

The Navigium Isidis ritually marked the opening of the sailing season (Arney 2011, 46). Apuleius in his Metamorphosis describes a showy public processional, which, although set in Egypt, illustrates important elements of the cultic ritual and suggests how it may have appeared in Pompeii (Griffiths 1975, 5). The parade opened with comedic, theatrical-like characters followed by cult adherents and priests, the most important in the rear holding the sacred pitcher (Apuleius 1975, 79, 81, 83, 85). A trade ship, staffed with a carefully selected crew and loaded with trade goods, formed the central part of the ritual procession (Apuleius 1975, 89, 91). Despite not being the most important part of the festival, the procession was heavily attended (Griffiths 1975, 32). To the Pompeiians, the trade ship’s safety promised their annual prosperity and survival (Donalson 2003, 69). Non-initiate observers noticed the portrayal of Isis as a guide and protectress of sailors, and the safe sailing of the sacred ship and its crew ensured their confidence in the sea’s navigability. The ship, built to sail, trade, and return, offered not a ritual sacrifice to the sea, but a powerful assurance of the trade routes’ safety (Griffiths 1975, 46–47). Gentle Isis, guardian of sailors and navigable seas, bestowed continued life to the Pompeiians through safe seafaring, an assurance the state-cult Neptune, associated with sometimes stormy and unpredictable oceans, could not provide.

The cultic association of Isis with water is firmly entrenched in the Pompeiian Temple of Isis itself. Perhaps the most prominent example of water associations with the cult is the Nilometer. This simple structure housed the ritual re-creation of the Nile flood (Wild 1981, 28). Rainwater, sacred to both Pompeiians and Egyptians for its rarity (Wild 1981, 64), replaced Nile water in Iseums outside of Egypt (Wild 1981, 65). Just as the Nile flood assured Egypt’s agricultural survival, the ritual “flood” in the Nilometer symbolized the abundant life-giving waters for agriculture in the Bay of Naples (Arney 2011, 56). In addition to the ceremonial flood recreation, the collected rainwater was used in other ritual practices. Priests manually removed this water, collected in a drainless basin (Wild 1981, 47). They then carried it in a sacred cultic pitcher, an important image in the later cult and in paintings on the temple’s walls (Wild 1981, 44, 101), and used it for libation rituals, including the morning unveiling of the cultic image (Apuleius 1975, 93). At its core, the Isis cult at Pompeii celebrated its deity of life-giving waters through their collection in the Nilometer and use in sacred rituals.
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Figure 2. The Pompeiian Nilometer (after Wild 1981, Plate V.2).
Figure 2. The Pompeiian Nilometer (after Wild 1981, Plate V.2).
The Nilometer’s design, decoration, and location convey information about its function and symbolic importance. It is in the southeastern part of the courtyard, with its entrance to the lower crypt, containing the water basin, in the southeastern corner of the structure (Figures 1 and 2) (Wild 1981, 44, 46). Since the Nile is southeast of Pompeii, this orientation connects the structure to the Nile itself, enhancing its symbolic importance. The crypt’s interior was simple yet functional. A wooden door led into a mini-vestibule, from which the entrant descended a narrow staircase. The vaulted entrance to the lower room, containing the rainwater collection basin, had a small platform structure to the right of the doorway. From here, the entrant viewed the room containing the 0.85 x 1.5 m basin that could hold 0.83 m3 water (Wild 1981, 46). This contained space conveyed mystique, a sense reoccurring throughout the architecture and rituals of the mystery cult (Arney 2011, 76). With life-giving waters at its core, the Nilometer formed a crucial center to the ritual practices of the Temple of Isis. Yet, despite its clear importance, any functions beyond the flood recreation are uncertain (Wild 1981, 51). Robert Wild has noted that ablution basins were found above ground, so the ritual occurring in the Nilometer, if any, must have been a special purification, possibly for initiates (Wild 1981, 51). During his initiation, Apuleius describes first being ritually cleansed with water and later experiencing “the boundary of death,” from which the resurrection powers of Isis save him (Apuleius 1975, 99). Regina Salditt-Trappmann, according to Wild, suggests that this may have been a ritual “drowning” in the Nilometer, an interpretation she supports by noting that the water poured in from above the basin (Wild 1981, 52).
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Figure 3. Detail of the Pompeiian Nilometer's exterior: the sacred pitcher (Wild 1981, Plate VI.1).
Figure 3. Detail of the Pompeiian Nilometer's exterior: the sacred pitcher (Wild 1981, Plate VI.1).
The Iseum’s decoration also emphasises water and the sea. Prominent ornamentation above the Nilometer entrance honours the sacred pitcher, figures surrounding it, and drawing attention to the important symbol (Figure 3). The sacred pitcher later replaced the Nilometer as a symbol of sacred water; at Pompeii, their juxtaposition provides insights into this transition (Wild 1981, 156). Other figures, Egyptian gods and adoring humans, interact with symbols of bountiful nature and sacred instruments of the Isis cult (Moorman 2005, 151–153). Their location in the Nilometer illustrates the connection between Isis, water, and abundance of life (Arney 2011, 66; Wild 1981, 125-126). Amongst the Egyptian symbols and decoration however, are Roman myths, such as Perseus and Andromeda (Figure 4). The inclusion of these myths suggests Pompeiian influences upon the local Isis cult. Symbolically, in the myth of Perseus and Andromeda, “when Perseus undertakes his fight against the monster, he is in actuality attacking the fundamental ruling forces of the sea,” the forces that would have been represented by the Roman cult god Neptune (Wild 1981, 81). Commemorating Perseus’s victory, in conjunction with the rising life-waters of the basin, conveyed to cult initiates that “[o]nce again the sea had been conquered, once again the forces of life had triumphed over the powers of evil and death” (Wild 1981, 83). It also exemplifies some confluence of Roman ideology and state religion with this mystery cult. Further examples appear throughout the cult, specifically in the Navigium Isidis ritual, where the processional prayers resembled state vota, prayers for the empire (Donalson 2003, 69). A contrast between Isis and Neptune would naturally have followed from an identification of the Isis mystery cult with the Roman state religion.
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Figure 4. Drawing of Perseus and Andromeda, based on the painting found on the Pompeiian Nilometer (Wild 1981, Plate VI.1).
Figure 4. Drawing of Perseus and Andromeda, based on the painting found on the Pompeiian Nilometer (Wild 1981, Plate VI.1).

Artwork elsewhere in the temple complex similarly illustrates connections between Isis and the sea. The portico contained elaborate images of sea monsters and naval battles, contrasted with the pious decoration of the sacred pitcher and white-dressed cult members, alluding to both the initiates and outsiders of the cult, and the power of Isis over the sea (Moorman 2005, 143; Arney 2011, 59–60). Images of boats in the portico may relate to Isis’s patronage of, and worship by, sea merchants (Moorman 2005, 150). This decoration conveys that worship of Isis grants naval traders and warriors success (Donalson 2003, 19).

Frescos in the ekklesiasterion, which both the general populace and the cult used, further unite Roman mythology to the Isis cult (Arney 2011, 61). They depict scenes from the myths of Io and Jupiter, alongside traditional Egyptian paintings of Osiris’s resurrection through Isis’s devotion and magic (Moorman 2005, 146; Arney 2011, 66). Together with the portico and Nilometer paintings, they illustrate “salvation through the powers of Isis and the life-giving properties of the waters of the Nile” for the initiate (Arney 2011, 66).
The connections made between Egyptian and Roman mythology suggest an intentional link between the two cultures and their mythology, which provides a foundation for the comparison between Isis and Neptune.
The cult of Isis in Pompeii provided the Pompeiians with something the state religion could not: a personal protectress who offered life through water. With its trading economy, the sea was a foundation of Pompeiian life, and the assured success of the sea traders allowed the city to survive. As the Roman world shifted from public, imperial religion to private, personal cults, the focus of the Isis cult on controlled water, providing abundant life and navigable seas, appealed to the Pompeiian people. Public displays of the goddess’s power, such as the Navigidium Isidis festival, aided the Pompeiians’ formation of a strong connection between successful sailing and the worship of this mysterious, life-giving Egyptian goddess. The Iseum’s wall decorations likewise illustrate this relationship. This firmly entrenched correlation in the Pompeiian perception between this particular cult and the success of their sea-based economy may help explain the eagerness of the council to reward a six-year-old boy for the rebuilding of a mystery cult’s temple.

Bibliography

  • Apuleius of Madauros. (1975). The Isis-book (Metamorphoses, book XI). Translated and edited by J. G. Griffiths. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
  • Arney, J.K. (2011). Expecting epiphany: performative ritual and Roman cultural space. Unpublished: University of Texas at Austin. M.A.
  • Donalson, M.D. (2003). The cult of Isis in the Roman Empire. Lewiston: The Edwin Mellon Press
  • ILS 6367. (2004). Translated from the Latin by Cooley, A.E. and Cooley, M.G.L. (eds.) Pompeii: A Sourcebook. London: Routledge.
  • Griffiths, J.G. (1975). ‘Introduction’, in Griffiths, J.G. (ed.) The Isis-book (Metamorphoses, book XI). Leiden: E.J. Brill.
  • Ling, R. (2005). Pompeii: history, life & afterlife. Stroud: Tempus Publishing Ltd.
  • Moorman, E.M. (2005). ‘The temple of Isis at Pompeii’, in Bricault, L., Versluys, M.J. and Meyboom, P.G.P (eds.). Nile into Tiber; Egypt in the Roman World; Proceedings of the Third International Conference of Isis Studies. Leiden: Brill, pp. 137-155.
  • Small, A.M. (2007). ‘Urban, suburban, and rural religion in the Roman period’ in Dobbins, J.J. and Foss, P.W. (eds.) The world of Pompeii. New York: Routledge, pp. 184–211.
  • Strabo. Geography 5.4.8. Pompeiana.org. [Online] Available at:http://www.pompeiana.org/Resources/Ancient/Strabo%20Geography%205.4.8.htm [Accessed 6 December 2012].
  • Wild, R.A. (1981). Water in the cultic worship of Isis and Sarapis. Leiden: E.J. Brill
 The Author
Kelly Guerrieri
University of Rochester
Email: kguerrie@u.rochester.edu

Sacred metalwork Bronze Age hieroglyphs: Pine cone, peacock: mora 'peacock' moraka 'copper alloy'लोखंड lōkhaṇḍa 'metalwork'

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Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/nj99l85

Peacock, pine cone, fish are Meluhha hieroglyphs. These hieroglyphs signify one category of life during Bronze Age: metalwork.

Pine cone and peacocks in bronze and fish are Meluhha hieroglyphs like Indus Script Cipher. They belong to kole.l ‘smithy, temple’ (Kota). See: https://www.academia.edu/12804348/Two_bronze_peacocks_11_ft._high_bronze_pine_cone_at_Vatican_are_Meluhha_hieroglyphs_metalwork_catalogues._Archaemetallurgical_analyses_by_Vatican_suggested
What is described as a “pinecone” at the small museum at Arbeia (South Shields, near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, U.K.), which was found in Romano-British context.
https://aediculaantinoi.wordpress.com/2012/04/06/megalensia-the-third-day/


See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/rigveda-soma-not-herb-not-drink-but.html A tree associated with smelter and linga from Bhuteshwar, Mathura Museum. Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). See: 

This museum artifact is comparable to the monumental 6 ft. tall inscribed stone linga discovered in Candi Sukuh as the sacred, venerated pillar of light, described in Atharva Veda Stambha Sukta.

Candi Cetho. Lingga shows a pair of balls at the top of the penis -- to be read rebus as Meluhha hieroglyph composition: lo-khaNDa, penis + 4 balls; Rebus: iron, metalware.
The four balls of the penis are also clearly shown on a 6 ft. tall linga inscribed with 1. a sword; and 2. inscription in Javanese, referring to 'inauguration of the holy ganggasudhi...'

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html Histoire ancienne des Etats hindouises along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi. NaMo, Obama, announce United Indian Ocean States.

lo 'penis' Rebus: loh 'copper, metal'

Hieroglyphs: gaṇḍa 'swelling' gaṇḍa 'four' gaṇḍa 'sword'
Rebus: kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi)

Together, hieroglyphs: lo + gaṇḍa. Rebus: लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metalwork'

Metaphor: Sh. K.ḍoḍ.  m. ʻ light, dawn ʼ; L. awāṇ.  ʻ light ʼ; P. lo f. ʻ light, dawn, power of seeing, consideration ʼ; WPah. bhal. lo f. ʻ light (e.g. of moon) ʼ.(CDIAL 11120). + kaṇṭa 'manliness'. Metaphorical rendering of the effulgence (sun and moon) associated with the pillar of light yielding the imagery of an representation of a fiery pillar with unfathomable beginning, unreachable end, thus of infniity of Mahadeva representing the paramaatman for the aatman in search of nihs'reyas (moksha), from Being to Becoming, the way earth and stones transmute into metal in the smelter and smithy, kole.l 'smithy, temple'.

Bharatiyo, 'metalcasters' (Gujarati) are awestruck by this parallel with the cosmic energy replicated in the energies of the smelter, fire-altar and smithy. Hence, the veneration of the linga + 4 spheres as the essence of every phenomenon on cosmos, on the globe, of the world. These hieroglyphs and related metaphors thus yield the gestalt of Bharatiyo, 'metalcasters' (Meluhha). This enduring metaphor finds expression in sculptures on many Hindu temples of Eurasia.

The gloss gaṇḍu 'manliness' (Kannada); 'bravery, strength' (Telugu) is a synonym of the expression on Candi Suku linga inscription: 'sign of masculinity is the essence of the world'. Thus, the gloss lokhaṇḍa which is a direct Meluhha speech form related to the hieroglyph composition on Candi Suku inscription is the sign of masculinity. The rebus renderings of khandoba or kandariya mahadeva are elucidations of the rebus gloss: kaṇḍa, 'mahadeva S'iva or mahes'vara.' The hieroglyphs deployed on the 1.82m. tall stone sculpture of linga with the inscription and hieroglyphs of sword, sun, moon and four balls deployed just below the tip of the phallus are thus explained as Meluhha speech: lokhaṇḍa. The rebus rendering of the phrase is: lo 'light' and kaṇṭa 'manliness'. These attributes constitute the effulgence of the linga as the fiery pillar, skhamba venerated in Atharva Veda Skhamba sukta as the cosmic effulgence as the cosmic essence.

gaṇḍa -- m. ʻ four' (Munda) गंडा[ gaṇḍā ] m An aggregate of four (cowries or pice). (Marathi) <ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  Syn. <cari>(LS4), <hunja-mi>(D).  *Sa., Mu.<ganDa> `id.', H.<gA~Da> `a group of four cowries'.  %10591.  #10511.<ganDa-mi>(KM)  {NUM} ``^four''.  |<-mi> `one'.  %10600.  #10520. Ju<ganDa>(P)  {NUM} ``^four''.  gaṇḍaka m. ʻ a coin worth four cowries ʼ lex., ʻ method of counting by fours ʼ W. [← Mu. Przyluski RoczOrj iv 234]S. g̠aṇḍho m. ʻ four in counting ʼ; P. gaṇḍā m. ʻ four cowries ʼ; B. Or. H. gaṇḍā m. ʻ a group of four, four cowries ʼ; M. gaṇḍā m. ʻ aggregate of four cowries or pice ʼ.(CDIAL 4001)

gaṇḍa -- m. ʻswelling, boil, abscessʼ(Pali)

Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’ (Marathi) खंडा [ khaṇḍā ] m A sort of sword. It is straight and twoedged. खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A kind of sword, straight, broad-bladed, two-edged, and round-ended.खांडाईत [ khāṇḍāīta ] a Armed with the sword called खांडा. (Marathi)

लोखंड [ lōkhaṇḍa ] n (लोह S) Iron.लोखंडकाम [ lōkhaṇḍakāma ] n Iron work; that portion (of a building, machine &c.) which consists of iron. 2 The business of an ironsmith.
लोखंडी [ lōkhaṇḍī ] a (लोखंड) Composed of iron; relating to iron.


``^penis'':So. laj(R)~ lij ~ la'a'j~ laJ/ laj~ kaD `penis'.
Sa. li'j `penis, esp. of small boys'.
Sa. lO'j `penis'.Mu. lOe'j ~ lOGgE'j `penis'.  ! lO'jHo loe `penis'Ku. la:j `penis'.
@(C289) ``^penis'':Sa. lOj `penis'.Mu. lOj `penis'.KW lOj@(M084) (Munda etyma)

Rebus: lo 'copper' lōhá ʻ red, copper -- coloured ʼ ŚrS., ʻ made of copper ʼ ŚBr., m.n. ʻ copper ʼ VS., MBh. [*rudh -- ] Pa. lōha -- m. ʻ metal, esp. copper or bronze ʼ; Pk. lōha -- m. ʻ iron ʼ, Gy. pal. li°lihi, obl. elhás, as. loa JGLS new ser. ii 258; Wg. (Lumsden) "loa"ʻ steel ʼ; Kho. loh ʻ copper ʼ; S. lohu m. ʻ iron ʼ, L. lohā m., awāṇ. lōˋā, P. lohā m. (→ K.rām. ḍoḍ. lohā), WPah.bhad. lɔ̃un., bhal. lòtilde; n., pāḍ. jaun. lōh, paṅ. luhā, cur. cam. lohā, Ku. luwā, N. lohu°hā, A. lo, B. lono, Or. lohāluhā, Mth. loh, Bhoj. lohā, Aw.lakh. lōh, H. lohlohā m., G. M. loh n.; Si. loho ʻ metal, ore, iron ʼ; Md. ratu -- lō ʻ copper ʼ. WPah.kṭg. (kc.) lóɔ ʻ iron ʼ, J. lohā m., Garh. loho; Md.  ʻ metal ʼ.(CDIAL 11158)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-and-candi-sukuh.html

Hieroglyph: kanda m. bulbous root (Samskritam) Ash. piċ-- kandə ʻ pine ʼ Rebus:lo-khānḍa 'tools, pots and pans, metal-ware'. लोखंड [lōkhaṇḍa ] 'metalwork' Rebus: loh 'copper, iron, metal' (Indian sprachbund, Meluhha).

Thyrsus staff tied with taenia and topped with a pine cone


    The pine cone staff is a symbol of the solar god Osiris. Egyptian Museum, Turino, Italy.


      Pine cone lamp.
      Dionysus, the Greek god with pine cone staff
      The Bronze Pine Cone in the Church of Charlamaine in Aachen
        Dyonisos Riding a panther Floor Mosaic from Delos, House of the Masks ca 120-80 BC The god Dionysos rides on the back of a panther with a ribboned thyrsos (pine-cone cane) in one hand and a tambourine in the other. He is depicted as an effeminate man, with womanly dress and a crown of ivy. Delos Archaelogical Museum. Delos, Greece.
    Roman relief showing a Maenad holding a thyrsus, 120-140 AD (Prado MuseumMadrid).
The Braschi AntinousCat. 256
This colossal sculpture was found in excavations in 1792-1793 in an area presumed to have been the villa of Hadrian at Praeneste, today Palestrina. It was restored by Giovanni Pierantoni and exhibited in the Palazzo Braschi in Rome until 1844, when it was acquired for the Lateran Museum, and finally moved to the Vatican Museums, where you see it today. Antinous was the Emperor Hadrian's (117-138 A.D.) favourite who drowned in the waters of the Nile in 130 A.D. and was immediately made a god by the Emperor. Is this statue, which dates from the years immediately following his death, Antinous is shown in a syncretic Dionysus-Osiris pose. On his head is a crown of leaves and ivy berries, and a diadem which at the top would originally have held a cobra (uraeus) or a lotus flower, but which the modern restorers have replaced with a sort of pine cone. The Dionysian attributes of the thyrsus and the mystical chest are also modern additions. 


Note: Dionysus with staff topped by a pine cone is a recurring pictorial in Greek tradition. It is not necessary to assume that modern restorers replaced a lotus with a pine cone on the staff of Antinous. Kalyan

One view is: the peacock appears as a symbol of resurrection in the catacombs.
Contra-views and questions are:

Both fish and peacock are hieroglyphs in pre-Christian traditions related to metalwork, traceable to Samarra bowls and ligatured fish artifacts of Sumerian stone troughs: aya, ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo ‘iron’ (Gujarati); ayas ‘metal’ (Rigveda) maraka ‘peacock’ Rebus: marakaka loha ‘copper alloy, calcining metal’. The other hieroglyph is pine-cone: kaNDe ‘pine cone’ Rebus: kaNDa ‘metalware'; kANDa ‘water’. It appears that the idea of immortality is linked to the durability of metalwork. In Kota language a gloss for smithy is kole.l The same gloss denotes ‘temple’. The idea of the temple seems to have roots in archaeometalurgy? The large pair of bronze peacocks and the large bronze pine cone were present in front of the Isis temple in Pompeii (according to the drawings of 16th cent.)? What is the evidence for assuming the peacocks to be from Hadrian’s mausoleum?
http://cache2.allpostersimages.com/p/LRG/50/5087/FRK2G00Z/affiches/vase-dit-a-la-cachette-et-une-partie-de-son-depot.jpg The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa. Old Elamite period, ca. 2500 – 2400 BCE. Clay. H 201/4 in. (51 cm) Paris. Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723.
The dominant hieroglyph on the Susa pot is: fish. The pot contained metalware (import from Meluhha? — Maurizio Tosi). Picture of contents of the vase:http://www.pompanon.fr/photos/min/v/k/i/4f40495ef391c.jpg
Susa. Ritual basin with goat-fish hieroglyphs flanking palm-tree hieroglyph. Jacques de Morgan excavations, 1904-05 Sb 19 Loure Museum. http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/ritual-basin-decorated-goatfish-figures 
Pine cone held by fish-man (Sumer?): http://lovecraftismissing.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/fishman-615×1024.jpg

Image result for pine cone peacocks drawing temple of isis vaticanNote: See: http://tinyurl.com/qz56u27 Use of two images in conjunction: pine cone & peacock. Locus: in front of Temple of Isis, divinity of seafarers. Inference: seafaring merchants trading in metals created the structure in front of the temple, while advertising their wares to the devotees:)– What were the objects called by the creators? The two bronze objects are just stunning; should be subjected to archaeometallurgical evaluation.
S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
June 6, 2015

Tamil Nadu sues Karnataka for polluting rivers. NaMo, announce National Water Grid 24x7 clean water to farms and homes in 6.2 lakh villages

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Published: June 6, 2015 00:00 IST | Updated: June 6, 2015 07:38 IST  

Suit against Karnataka for polluting rivers

  • KRISHNADAS RAJAGOPAL
The Hindu

TN seeks right to claim damages from neighbouring State for polluting Cauvery and Pennaiyar rivers with untreated sewage and effluents

The Tamil Nadu government on Friday moved the Supreme Court, accusing the State of Karnataka for dumping untreated sewage and industrial effluents in the Cauvery and Pennaiyar rivers, considered life-giving water sources for Tamil Nadu.
In a suit for permanent and mandatory injunction, the Tamil Nadu government blamed Karnataka for “gross dereliction of duty as a welfare State under the Constitution” by denying the people of Tamil Nadu the right to access clean water.
Its inaction has become a threat to lives and crops in Tamil Nadu, the government's suit, filed by advocate B. Balaji and re-settled by State Advocate General A.L. Somayaji, contended. The State has sought the right to claim damages from Karnataka for discharging polluted water into Tamil Nadu.
The State government has made the Union also a party in the suit, saying it failed in its legal and constitutional duty to ensure that Karnataka complied with its social obligation and responsibility to comply with the prescribed standards before letting effluents into rivers.
The Tamil Nadu government said no attempt was made by Karnataka to set up effluent treatment plants, reverse osmosis systems or drainage facilities to purify the polluted water discharged into the rivers.
The State government sought the apex court to issue permanent injunction to restrain Karnataka from letting untreated effluents into the rivers.
It further asked the apex court to issue a mandatory injunction to Karnataka cleanse the waters of Cauvery and Pennaiyar rivers before they enter the Tamil Nadu border.
The suit wants Karnataka to ensure that the water is pollution-free by adopting effective cleansing and treatment technology methods to remove the sludge at the point where the effluents are discharged into the Cauvery and Pennaiyar rivers.
‘Bengaluru is the source’
Pinpointing the rapidly industrialising and highly populated Bengaluru as a major source of water pollution, Tamil Nadu said Karnataka's capital city was growing at an astronomical rate and the projected population would be more than one crore by 2020, leaving the rivers even dirtier.
“It cannot be gainsaid that the city of Bengaluru is the nerve centre of the Information Technology industry. As part of the development of the city, a large number of industries have come into existence in and around the Bengaluru city area. But the first defendant (Karnataka) has totally abdicated its responsibilities and duties as a responsible State and is irresponsibly discharging sewage and drainage water into Cauvery river and Pennaiyar river,” the suit said. The suit quotes Karnataka's own Minor Irrigation Minister as saying that around 889 million litres of sewage water enters Tamil Nadu through the Pinakini and South Pennar river courses and the remaining sewage water flows to Cauvery through the Arkavathi river on a daily basis into Tamil Nadu.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/suit-against-karnataka-for-polluting-rivers/article7288054.ece

Historic border agreement with Bangladesh. Kudos to Namo and his Diplomatic team. Take Maritime coop into Indian Ocean Community.

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We have not merely settled a boundary, we have made our borders more secure & made our people's lives more stable.
And here's the full list of 22 agreements between


Text of the PM’s statement to media in the Joint Press Briefing with Prime Minister of Bangladesh


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June 06, 2015     Author : admin  

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Excellency, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina

Members of the media,

Thank you for your kind words of welcome. Thank you for your thoughts on the relationship and our meeting today.

I am deeply honoured and touched by your special gestures for my visit. Everything I have experienced here reflects the warmth and generosity of the people of Bangladesh. And for me, there is the wonderful feeling of visiting a close neighbour.

This morning I paid tribute to Bangabandhu, a great leader of our era. His vision and leadership, his humanism and sacrifices, gave birth to the dream of Sonar Bangla. Today, that dream prospers through the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the genius of the people of Bangladesh.

Earlier today, we launched two bus services that will connect our citizens more easily and our two nations more closely. We were privileged to have with us the Chief of Minister of West Bengal.

These two events highlight our shared values and inter-connected destinies.

My first visit to Bangladesh is a special moment for me. My personal journey has been enriched by the good wishes from countless people here.

We are not just neighbours. We are two nations bound by the threads of history, religion, culture, language and kinship – and, of course, passion for cricket.

We have the emotional bonds of shared struggles and sacrifices that bring us together as sovereign and equal nations.

Now, we are successful fellow travelers on the road to development. Our growing cooperation is a picture of my deeply held belief in the shared prosperity of neighbours.

That is why the future I dream for India is the future I wish for Bangladesh.

As we deepen our political engagement and celebrate our rich inheritance, as our economies get more integrated and our people better connected, our nations will become more prosperous.

It will also open new economic doors for India's Northeast. And, it will enable our two countries to integrate South Asia and connect it with the dynamic East.

The vision of SAARC is a gift of Bangladesh.

We are also among the largest contributors to United Nations Peacekeeping. And, we can also make our region safer and more prosperous, and the seas more secure.

This is a relationship of great importance for us and our region.

The visit is at a historic moment. We have resolved a question that has lingered since Independence. Our two nations have a settled boundary. It will make our borders more secure and people's life there more stable.

Our Parliament's approval of Land Boundary Agreement reflects the consensus in India on relations with Bangladesh.

We accepted the settlement of the maritime boundary last year. It is evidence of the maturity of our ties and our shared commitment to international rules.

So, we stand at a moment of huge opportunity in our relationship. Prime Minister and I recognise that.

We will work together to harness the rich potential of our relationship. And, we will address our challenges in a spirit of friendship and from a position of mutual trust and confidence.

Our agreements reflect this vision and commitment.

We have renewed existing trade and transport agreements. We have added new dimensions to our economic ties.

The coastal shipping agreement will boost bilateral trade. The Indian Economic Zone will promote Indian investments in Bangladesh.

The new border haat at Kamalasagar will reinforce traditional economic links. And, the agreement on blue economy and maritime cooperation opens a new area of economic opportunities. We should now extend our frontiers of cooperation to Space.

I am conscious of the huge trade imbalance, despite duty free and quota free access to Bangladesh in India on all but 25 items. Yet, I have assured Prime Minister that we will do everything we can to bridge the deficit.

Indian investments in Bangladesh will help. I will also try to make trade smoother and easier, including at the border. The agreement on standards and testing is a step in that direction.

Power supply from India to Bangladesh will grow from 500 MW to 1100 MW within two years. The 1320 MW Rampal power project is making progress in accordance with your laws and regulation. We can do more together in power sector, here and in India.

Connectivity is the catalyst for deeper engagement. Bangladesh's decision to allow transit of power equipment and food-grain to the Northeast echoes the strength of your human values and our shared economic opportunities.

Connectivity by road, rail, rivers, sea, transmission lines, petroleum pipelines and digital links will increase. Today, we have unveiled some of the pathways to this future.

As I have said before, we will deepen regional connectivity and cooperation between Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal. There is a natural logic to this arrangement.

Our development partnership is scaling new heights. The quick implementation of the line of credit of 800 million U.S. dollars and full disbursement of 200 million dollars in grant is a tribute to our cooperation.

We are pleased to extend another line of credit of 2 billion U.S. dollars to support infrastructure and other development activities in Bangladesh.

As the three agreements on human trafficking, fake Indian currency and maritime safety show, our security cooperation is growing.

I am confident that we both have the political will and mutual confidence to further improve border management and coordination to prevent illegal activities, trafficking and movements.

Our rivers should nurture our relationship, not become a source of discord. Water sharing is, above all, a human issue. It affects life and livelihood on both sides of the border.

We have shown political resolve and mutual goodwill with the Land Boundary Agreement.

I am confident that with the support of state governments in India, we can reach a fair solution on Teesta and Feni Rivers. We should also work together to renew and clean our rivers.

Excellency, people in India admire your nation's progress despite many challenges. We want you to succeed in your Mission 2021 and 2041. The success of Bangladesh is important for the region and the world.

So is the success of our partnership. We are two nations defined by our youth. We owe it to them to set new directions and scale new heights in our relations. I am confident that we have done that today.

And for everything again I say Thank you, thanks a lot.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CI0Q49vZZZ8




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  • How PC traced blackmoney while Hasan Ali & Kashinath Tapuria sponsored Nalini Chidambaram trips. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan

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    Sunday Guardian expose : Nalini PC's flight tickets were sponsored by Hasan Ali & Kashinath Tapuria, while Home Minister PC was sending LRs to trace their blackmoney : Hasan Ali’s associate funded Nalini Chidambaram trips 

    Hasan Ali’s associate funded Nalini Chidambaram trips
    NAVTAN KUMAR  New Delhi | 6th Jun 2015
    Hasan Ali Khan
    Kashinath Tapuriah, an associate of businessman Hasan Ali Khan, who was accused of money laundering and was subsequently jailed, sponsored lawyer Nalini P. Chidambaram's flight tickets when her husband P. Chidambaram was the Union Home Minister.
    In its statement to the Kolkata unit of the Enforcement Directorate (ED), the travel agency "Travel Hub Private Limited" has submitted that flight tickets were arranged for Nalini Chidambaram 16 times between December 2009 and August 2010, apparently to get legal counsel from her. During this period, her husband was Union Home Minister, who was approving the Letters of Rogatory (LRs) to Switzerland and other tax havens in tracing Hasan Ali's and Tapuriah's money. The case was monitored by the Supreme Court and subsequently the ED filed a charge-sheet. It is to be noted that Chidambaram was the Home Minister from 30 November 2009 to 31 July 2012.
    Nalini Chidambaram could not be contacted, but her junior advocate, N.R.R. Arun Natrajan, on her behalf, wrote in an emailed response: "Mr Kashinath Tapuriah is one of the executors of the Will of Mrs Priyamvada Devi Birla, who is the sister of Mr Tapuriah. Mrs Nalini Chidambaram, Senior Advocate, was engaged by Mr Krishna Nanda Mukherjee, the local counsel in Kolkata, to appear on behalf of Mr Tapuriah in the Priyamvada Devi Will case which was pending before the High Court of Kolkata. Hence Mr Tapuriah bought air tickets for Mrs Nalini Chidambaram for her appearance in the Priyamvada Devi Will case."
    As per documents available with this newspaper, while four flight tickets for Nalini Chidambaram were booked in December 2009, one flight ticket was booked in August 2010, two tickets in August 2010 and nine tickets in the December 2009-January 2010 period.
    Tapuriah, a Kolkata-based industrialist was in the news when he bought Indian Cable Company Limited from its British owners in the 1980s. He later changed its name to Incab Industries Limited. The shareholders of this company dismissed him from chairmanship in 1996 as they felt that he was responsible for its financial troubles. He is also the brother of Priyamvada Birla (the then head of the M.P. Birla Group), whose will gave all her assets to her chartered accountant R.S. Lodha on her death. This created a controversy as her close relatives were excluded from the will. In 2004, the assets were valued at Rs 5,000 crore.
    The Hasan Ali case dates back to 5 May 2007, when searches were conducted in properties owned by him. A laptop was recovered during the searches, which contained scanned copies of documents stating that Hasan Ali had accounts in UBS Zurich, with deposits more than $8 billion. The ED also provided a copy of Khan's statement, which indicated that he had opened an account in UBS Singapore. The account was allegedly opened on the recommendation of arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, who was also involved in the Bofors case.
    It is to be noted that Khan had denied that any of these accounts was his and was spared interrogation by the authorities until they were pulled up by the Supreme Court in 2011 for this lapse. He was subsequently incarcerated and is in prison in Maharashtra.
    http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/hasan-alis-associate-funded-nalini-chidambaram-trips

    Ford Foundation outside all regulations/laws -- Madhav Nalpat. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you

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    Ford Foundation an entity outside law: Officials
    The Bose factor was key in Nehru allowing Ford Foundation into India without needed permissions.
    MADHAV NALAPAT  New Delhi | 6th Jun 2015
    hy did Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru allow the Ford Foundation entry into India in 1952 without the complete paperwork and permissions required in law for establishing itself in this country and conducting operations in sensitive sectors on a major scale? Senior officials claim that "Ford is in Indian law a ghost entity", in that it has on paper apparently "no existence in law in the country", adding that in its consistent refusal to officially legitimise its activities through securing written permissions, the foundation showed utter contempt for the laws and regulations of the newly independent country. Amazingly, until this year, no government agency, including the Reserve Bank of India or the police and regulatory agencies, seems to have so much as raised a verbal objection to such "obvious contempt for Indian law" on the part of the well-connected foundation, which is known to have privileged access to key sections of the US government, including its covert agencies. These officials claim that the perceived partiality towards the powerful US entity showed the respect with which Nehru in his heart regarded the US, despite his public denunciations of much of that country's policy. Despite Nehru's regard for the US, officials who have access to records denied to the public, adduce a novel reason why the first Prime Minister of India gave significantly more weight to the USSR's interests than to the US in both economic as well as foreign policy. They link this tilt to the "Bose factor".
    Until Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi overcomes the obstacles to fulfilment of the BJP's pre-election promise of transparency in the records available with government, especially on matters dear to the public such as the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, corroboration through the publication of records of information conveyed by highly placed sources will not be forthcoming. These sources, who play a key role in the inner processes of governance, have detailed an account of the 1950s agony of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who according to them "was trapped between his desire to establish a friendly and equal relationship with the US" and — according to these sources — "subtle pressure by Stalin and his successors to follow a pro-USSR policy dressed up as non-alignment". They say that the thus far hidden record will show that several times, most poignantly during the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary, when tanks and aircraft crushed the democratic movement in that country, "Nehru wanted to take a strong stance against the invasion of an independent country, but had to be restrained because of the Bose factor". According to these sources, Stalin and his successors were able to keep Nehru and later Indira Gandhi from adopting a line against Soviet interests, even during the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, which the sensitive and urbane Indira Gandhi was privately appalled by. This was, it is claimed, "in the early 1950s because of the physical presence of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose on Soviet soil" and later, towards the end of the decade, when the freedom fighter and patriot was reportedly placed in gulag conditions too appalling for his physical frame to bear, "out of apprehension that the Bose factor would surface through leaks from Moscow, thereby damaging the reputations in history of two of the most prominent freedom fighters". Unfortunately, as yet, successive governments in India have refused to share with the people of this country the available documentation on the subject of the final years of the life of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, who would easily have eclipsed all other leaders in popularity, had he returned to India in 1945 rather than gone missing.
    These sources claim that Prime Minister Nehru wanted to be genuinely non-aligned rather than adopt a pro-Soviet stance in foreign policy, but that the "Bose factor" kept both him as well as his numerous successors from such a path. "The Communist Party of the Soviet Union made it clear (to Nehru) that a security and defence relationship with the US was out of the question. In 1962, after the border conflict with China, Prime Minister Nehru had indicated the imperative of aligning more closely with Washington in order to get weapons on a scale which Moscow was till then reluctant to supply." However, "the Soviet leadership assured Nehru that there was no need for US weapons as the Soviet tap would flow freely from that time onwards". And so it did, to the anger of Beijing, who was unaware of the geopolitical game being played by the Soviets with the leadership in India who were in effect prevented by subtle blackmail from adopting the course favoured, of genuine non-alignment, which placed equal stress on both the US as well as the USSR in the field of defence and security. Soon after this Soviet assurance on weapons supply, given in the first half of 1963, Nehru reversed his earlier stance of asking the US to send weapons in exchange for closer defence ties. As much of such manoeuvring took place informally, officials say that the written records available as yet only to the top tier of government often "only hint at what took place rather than give such considerations in detail", but that their perusal would be sufficient to establish the truth of the contention that Nehru and his successors were forced to adopt a Soviet-centric line out of fear of possible revelations from Moscow about Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.
    It needs to be added that clumsy and often retrogressive stances by Washington (encouraged by London, which has moved away at least partially from its favouritism towards Pakistan only during the current government) made it politically easy for Prime Ministers such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi to adopt a pro-Soviet line. Officials say that the "hidden pressure on his family from the USSR was among the reasons why Sanjay Gandhi had such a dislike of that country". Sanjay Gandhi died in an air crash amidst murmurs that "the aileron (control) wires of his stunt aircraft had been filed to a point where a few sharp tugs at the controls resulted in their snapping", with the aircraft plummeting to the ground. Hardly any investigation took place into the 1980 crash, at least none made public.
    The de facto immunity given to the Ford Foundation from the purview of Indian law was, according to the high officials spoken to, "compensation in a way for the pro-Soviet economic and foreign policies which Nehru took", officials claim, "for reasons that were not shared with Washington". In 1952 because of the indulgence towards it of Prime Minister Nehru, the Ford Foundation established an office and began operations in India through three agreements with the Ministry of Agriculture and in 1953 and 1954 with the Ministry of Finance, which to date is a fervent backer of the Foundation, as is the present leadership of the Reserve Bank of India. Incidentally, the RBI is following an agenda of imposing a hyper-high interest rate regimen combined with monetary tightening, which together are having the predictable effect of choking manufacturing and other job-creating activities such as infrastructure investment in the economy. These anti-growth inflation-ineffective RBI measures are being taken for reasons which are opaque except to Raghuram Rajan and his influential backers within the UPA and the NDA, who are on the same page in the matter of admiring an individual who is choking growth in the economy without in any way mitigating inflation.
    Initially, the Ford Foundation promised to fund mutually agreed "rural education and other projects", but this was to be done through the relevant ministries and with their concurrence. However, from the start, the Foundation disregarded this stipulation and acted on its own, without being questioned by the Central government of the day until Narendra Modi got sworn in as Prime Minister on 26 May 2014.
    Despite the fact that no papers appear to have been submitted to the government to ensure that it was an entity functioning as per the domestic laws in India, the Ford Foundation opened a bank account in India, at first with CitiBank and subsequently with American Express, before moving back to Citi 15 years ago. As Know Your Customer (KYC) forms were not filled in, some officials claim that these bank accounts are legally untenable, and that to date, documentation needed as per law to open a bank account in India has not been furnished by the Foundation to any authority. Interestingly, Raghuram Rajan, who as RBI Governor has placed curbs after curbs on the smooth operation in financial matters of Indian entities, does not seem to have reacted or even noticed such apparent disregard of Indian laws by the Foundation, which has, according to high officials, set up its Delhi office on land taken at a token cost from the government, again on the basis of records which seem non-existent.
    When Home Minister Rajnath Singh asked the MHA to raise such matters with the Foundation, the reply came not from itself, but from a US Department of State spokesperson, as well as US envoy to India, Richard Verma, both of whom strongly condemned Government of India for its effrontery in seeking to enforce the provisions of law on an entity which acts as though it is an independent entity subject to its own laws, rather than an institution needing to respect local laws and regulations. Albeit those which no government except the present has enforced, from 1952, the year in which "Chacha" Nehru acted as a benevolent uncle by, in practice, waiving any need for the Ford Foundation to follow Indian law. The US State Department also protested in very minatory terms about the MHA's recent cancellation of the FCRA licences of 9,000 NGOs, who have not filed returns for five consecutive years or more, raising doubts as to its real intentions in the context of developments in Eastern Europe, North Africa and West Asia, all locations where NGOs backed by Washington have been active in replacing the ballot with the street as the appropriate forum for regime change. In each such intervention, chaos has resulted.
    In particular, US Secretary of State John Kerry has been insistent in demanding extra-legal rights for NGOs operating in India such as Greenpeace and of course the Ford Foundation. Clearly, the only law the US State Department considers to be worth enforcing is its own, as (the absence of) records show that the Ford Foundation has been operating in India without any visible basis in law for decades. As per its own records made available to authorities, the Ford Foundation in India is neither a Trust nor a Society, nor is it a For Profit or a Nonprofit company, nor is it a partnership or sole proprietorship registered under local law. Nor has it bothered with the trifle of registering under FCRA with the Home Ministry, since this was made mandatory in 1976 and again in 2010, nor does it seem to have registered for an office in India under FERA in 1973 or FEMA in 1999 with the RBI, unless the same has been done in secret. Why RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan seems unbothered by such peccadilloes in the matter of individuals connected with the Foundation must be coincidental and not because he knows many Ford-connected individuals well, and in whose company he spends big chunks of time in both the US as well as India.
    Interestingly, over the decades, Ford has switched from funding service providers (and in this, much good work was done, notably in agriculture and education) to advocacy groups active in painting a picture of India as a semi-fascist state. Among the subjects that have been looked at for funding in recent years are matters described in somewhat imprecise terms as "transparent, effective and accountable governance", "expanding community rights over natural resources", "economic fairness", "freedom of expression" (except perhaps for any comments against itself), "media rights", "gender justice" and "reproductive justice", whatever these terms mean. Interestingly, several of those to whom grants have been made available are related or otherwise linked to high officials past and present and other local influentials, although it would be unfair to accuse the Foundation of making such linkages a consideration in its disbursement of funds.
    Among those certified by Ford Foundation grants as being practitioners of "transparent, effective and accountable governance" is Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal.
    Why have successive governments in India followed Prime Minister Nehru's Nelson's eye to the fact that the Ford Foundation in effect is a "ghost entity" (in the words of a senior official), which has not provided any documentation sanctioning the bulk of its operations?
    Uncle Sam is clearly not amused that the Modi government does not appear to be following "Chacha" Nehru's line on the Foundation and is questioning its apparent disregard for Indian law. The Barack Obama administration should make it explicit across the world that in its view, the only laws which need to be followed by US entities are those enforced within the US, and not those of countries such as India, where local laws appear to have been ignored with an insouciant impunity by the Ford Foundation, which has altered its preferences from promoting a Green Revolution (i.e. raising food output) to pushing for a Colour Revolution (i.e. changing a regime through street protests).

    http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/ford-foundation-an-entity-outside-law-officials

    Bronze Age: cire perdue revolution. Imperative of archaeometallurgical evaluation of bronze Pine cone and pair of bronze peacocks in Vatican

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    Mirror: https://www.academia.edu/12845022/Bronze_Age_cire_perdue_revolution._Imperative_of_archaeometallurgical_evaluation_of_bronze_Pine_cone_and_pair_of_bronze_peacocks_in_Vatican

    Writing systems of the Bronze Age deployed hieroglyphs. Many hieroglyphs are signifiers of metalwork. From among the animals available from the environment along the Tin Road from Hanoi to Haifa, only a select set of animals were used: for example, bull, markhor or stag, tiger, peacock, eagle. It is remarkable that such a set of signifiers signify metalwork categories in Meluhha glosses of the Bronze Age using rebus-metonymy layered cipher. 

    The word Meluhha itself signifies cognate milakkha'copper' (Pali). 

    Some objects or figurines were also deployed as hieroglyphs: for example, pine cone, decrepit woman, wallet or basket. These were also signifiers of metalwork: kaNDe'pine cone' Rebus: kANDa'metalware', kANDa 'water'; dhokra'decrepit woman', dhokra'wallet or basket' Rebus: dhokra'cire perdue metalcaster artisan'.

    Imperative of archaeometallurgical evaluation of bronze Pine cone and pair of bronze peacocks in Vatican is suggested because there are indications that the objects were originally in a structure in the Pompeii temple complex of Isis who is the divinity of seafarers. It is possible that the structure displaying the bronze pine cone and bronze peacocks were erected by metalworkers who were Meluhha seafaring merchants and who venerated Isis.

    Nahal Mishmar cire perdue artifacts are dated to the 4th millennium BCE which necessitate a re-evaluation of the chronology in archaeometallurgy of this significant innovation in metallurgy -- the ability to create metal castings using lost-wax or cire perdue tecnique which resulted in a veritable revolution in commmunication systems deployed by metalworkers and seafaring merchants to market the metalwork.

    Bibliographical resources related to cire perdue metallurgy and other metal technologiestogether with evidences of metalwork as hieroglyphs are collated and presented.

    Kenoyer, Jonathan M. & Heather ML Miller, Metal technologies of the Indus valley tradition in Pakistan and Western India, in: The Archaeometallurgy of the Asian Old World, 1999, ed. by VC Piggott, Philadelphia, Univ. of Pennsylvania Museum, pp.107-151

    https://www.scribd.com/doc/267931203/Kenoyer-Jonathan-M-Heather-ML-Miller-Metal-technologies-of-the-Indus-valley-tradition-in-Pakistan-and-Western-India-in-The-Archaeometallurgy-of

    https://www.academia.edu/1223547/The_Origins_of_Metallurgy_in_Prehistoric_Southeast_Asia_The_View_from_Thailand Pigott, VC and Roberto Ciarla, On the origins of metallurgy in prehistoric Southeast Asia: the view from Thailand Abstract. Research over the last 30 years has markedly improved our understanding of metallurgical developments inprehistoric Thailand. The chronology of its earliest appearance, however, remains under debate. Current evidence suggeststhat tin-bronze metallurgy appeared rather abruptly as a full-blown technology by the mid-2nd millennium BC. Questionsalso continue to arise as to the sources of the technology. Current arguments no longer favour an indigenous origin; research-ers are increasingly pointing north into what is today modern China, linking metallurgical developments to the regions of the Yangtze valley and Lingnan and their ties to sophisticated bronze-making traditions which began during the Erlitou (c.1900–1500 BC) and the Erligang (c1600–1300 BC) cultures in the Central Plain of the Huanghe. In turn, links betweenthis early 2nd-millennium BC metallurgical tradition and the easternmost extensions of Eurasian Steppe cultures to thenorth and west of China have been explored recently by a number of scholars. This paper assesses broadly the evidence for‘looking north’ into China and eventually to its Steppe borderlands as possible sources of traditions, which, over time, maybe linked to the coming of tin-bronze in Thailand/Southeast Asia.


    The lost-wax method is well documented in ancient Indian literary sources. The Shilpa shastras, a text from the Gupta Period (c. 320-550 CE), contains detailed information about casting images in metal. The 5th-century CE Vishnusamhita, an appendix to the Vishnu Purana, refers directly to the modeling of wax for making metal objects in chapter XIV: "if an image is to be made of metal, it must first be made of wax." Chapter 68 of the ancient Sanskrit text Mānasāra Silpa details casting idols in wax and is entitled "Maduchchhista vidhānam", or the "lost wax method". The Mānasollāsa (also known as the Abhilasitārtha chintāmani), allegedly written by King Bhūlokamalla Somesvara of the Chalukya dynasty of Kalyāni in CE 1124–1125, also provides detail about lost-wax and other casting processes. In a 16th-century treatise, the Uttarabhaga of the Śilparatna written by Srïkumāra, verses 32 to 52 of Chapter 2 ("Linga lakshanam"), give detailed instructions on making a hollow casting. (Kuppuram, Govindarajan (1989). Ancient Indian Mining, Metallurgy, and Metal Industries. Sundeep Prakashan; Krishnan, M.V. (1976). Cire perdue casting in India. Kanak Publications.)


    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    June 7, 2015


    Carving a global icon: The Nataraja bronze and Coomaraswamy’s legacy
    Sharada Srinivasan (2014)


    This paper attempts a historiography of the Nataraja bronze which famously came to wider international attention through Ananda Coomaraswamy’s (1912) essay, ‘Dance of Siva’, and his explorations into its symbolism; for which he is arguably best known in posterity. Cast over several hundred centuries, however, with few associated inscriptions, there have been some lacunae in understanding its development in stone and bronze. There have also been debates about the actual or original significance since Coomaraswamy’s interpretations seemed to have been based on later texts. Although this bronze is almost synonymous with the Imperial Chola dynasty of Tamil Nadu, there is a certain lack of clarity on earlier and later manifestations and other regional developments in India and in spheres of interaction beyond such as Sri Lanka. Insights from archaeometallurgical and stylistic study and documentation of surviving bronze casting practices in Tanjavur district throw new light on techno-cultural aspects of south Indian bronzes and this enigmatic icon. The place the image has acquired in the global imagination through the writings of well known artists, scientists and thinkers following Coomaraswamy’s musings is briefly elucidated here, as well as his contributions to the documentation of arts and crafts and the archaeometallurgy of the southern Indian subcontinent.
    ‘Archaeometallurgy’ in the southern Indian subcontinent and Coomaraswamy’s role in arts and crafts awareness
    In the past few decades, the discipline of archaeometallurgy has emerged as an important sub-discipline in archaeology and scientific archaeology. It is concerned with the application of scientific techniques in the study of metal artefacts, not only for understanding their methods of manufacture from related studies of mining, metal extraction or alloying but also for the implications of technical analysis in gaining further insights into issues concerning the history of art such as the source of artefacts and stylistic affiliations. The stature of Ananda Coomaraswamy (1877-1947) as a towering art historian of the twentieth century is well known through his writings integrating visual art, religion, literature and metaphysics. However, what is perhaps less well recognized is that even in terms of these recently defined fields of ‘archaeometallurgy’ and ‘ethnoarchaeology’ his contributions are equally seminal, especially concerning the southern part of the Indian subcontinent. From his education as a scientist and geologist he turned his interests towards the documentation of artisanal technologies and crafts including metalworking. In this sense, his work in some ways even anticipated that of Cyril Stanley Smith, another Renaissance personality and materials scientist and aesthetician who is recognized as a founding figure in the field of archaeometallurgy. A student of botany and geology at the London University who in fact distinguished himself by discovering Thorianite (Rangarajan 1992), Coomaraswamy took up the post of Director of the Mineralogical Survey of the island (Moore in Foreword, Coomaraswamy 1909).
    Coomaraswamy’s (1951: 190-3) early documentation of finds of iron smelting slags at Tissamaharama and ethnographic studies of iron smelting and furnaces near Balagoda and of steel making by elderly artisans in Alutnuvara are pioneering in terms of early archaeometallurgical studies related to Sri Lanka and indeed South Asia.
    What sets Coomaraswamy apart though, is the way in which his interests were tempered by a deeply humanistic concern for the milieu of the traditional craftsmen and artisans and his efforts to revitalize them. Through his geological and rural fieldwork experiences, from around 1902 he became much more concerned and engaged with documenting the traditional arts and crafts of Ceylon in terms of social history and social conditions. Although he was part English, he became very perceptive to the negative effects that European colonization had had on the traditional artisanal knowledge of South Asia. He founded the Ceylon Social Reform Society in 1906 which had as its aim the discouragement of ‘thoughtless imitation of unsuitable European customs’ and preservation of traditional crafts and the social values that had shaped them (Oldmeadow 2004: 194-202). He was among the leading figures who took an early interest in the Indian crafts and its revival including Sir George Birdwood and E.B. Havell. His writings about the Indian craftsman still ring true: ‘Indian society presents to us no more fascinating picture than that of the craftsman as an organic element in the national life…’ (Coomaraswamy 1909: Foreword by A. Moore). He was also involved in the Swadeshi movement promoted by key figures such as MK Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, in terms of the need for sustaining traditional artisanship. These movements also set the stage for post-Independence developments, whereby Mangalore-born Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay almost single-handedly turned around the situation on Indian crafts with the setting up of All India Handicrafts Board and through her far reaching engagement.
    ‘Dance of Siva’ and the world stage
    Son of a Ceylonese Tamil father Muthu Coomaraswamy, a legislator and philosopher who died when he was a baby, and an English mother, Elizabeth Beeby, it seems that the languages that Coomaraswamy held mastery over, in terms of his art historical and philosophical expositions were Sanskrit and Pali, the language of the rich body of Theravada Buddhist canon followed by the Sinhalese majority of his homeland, rather than Tamil. Nevertheless, it may be fitting in the light of his ancestry that perhaps Coomaraswamy’s genius as a writer flourished most eloquently in his inspired exposition of the Nataraja bronze made famous in Chola bronzes from Tamil Nadu, of the dancing Hindu god Shiva, and based on his interpretations of Tamil Saiva Siddhanta texts. His background as scientist-aesthetican comes through in his essay ‘The Dance of Siva’ (1912), where he wrote: ‘In the night of Brahma, Nature is inert, and cannot dance till Shiva wills it. He rises from His rapture, and dancing sends through inert matter pulsing waves of awakening sound, and lo! matter also dances appearing as a glory round about Him. Dancing He sustains its manifold phenomena. In the fullness of time, still dancing, he destroys all forms and names by fire and gives now rest. This is poetry; but none the less science.’
    Coomaraswamy’s (1912) interpretation of the Nataraja bronze appealed widely to leading figures of his time (Srinivasan 2010). His writings, such as the passage above, seem to be echoed in T.S. Eliot’s famous poetic lines ‘At the still point of the turning world…there the dance is…’ Celebrated French sculptor August Rodin (1913) in his essay ‘La Danse de Siva’ illustrated it with the same Nataraja bronze from the Government Museum, Chennai as did Coomaraswamy. His writings also provided something of a post-modernist metaphor for savouring the implications of modern physics. Fritjof Capra (1976: 258) further catapulted the Nataraja into the global spotlight by writing that, as envisaged through Coomaraswamy’s writings, ‘Siva’s dance is the dance of sub-atomic particles’ (Srinivasan 2003). Such writings also led astronomer Carl Sagan to state that the Nataraja bronze held out a premonition of astronomical ideas. The distance traversed by such eastern art forms onto the world stage can be gauged from the fact that the CERN Cosmic Lab, which has witnessed recent excitement over the Higgs Boson (also nicknamed the ‘God particle’), has the largest Nataraja image in the world today, installed there with plaques citing quotes from Coomaraswamy and Capra. This impressive work had been undertaken by the master craftsman Rajan with support from IGCAR Kalpakkam (Baldev Raj, pers comm.). The Nataraja bronze figured on the dust jacket of Belgian scientist Ilya Prigogine’s book (Glansdorff and Prigogine 1971) as if providing visual metaphors for abstract concepts related to thermodynamics, flux and stability. Notwithstanding the romanticism, Coomaraswamy’s writings assume significance in the ways they engaged Eurocentric western audiences in his times towards a better rapprochement of Indian thought and art. Coomaraswamy’s transcendental approach to Indian art influenced leading art historians such as Stella Kramrisch (Oldmeadow 2004), though in recent times art history has seen newer revisionist approaches.
    Insights from bronze casting traditions at Swamimalai, Tanjavur district


    Micro-structure of 13thSouth

    Indian bronze
    Images were made in southern India of Hindu, Buddhist and Jain religious affiliations. Whereas Buddhist and Jain bronzes often have donor inscriptions, Hindu images were rarely inscribed. An overwhelming majority of south Indian bronzes, especially of Hindu affiliation, are from the Tamil region and more specifically the Tanjavur region. South Indian metal Hindu icons were made as utsava murti or festival images that were taken out in rituals and festivals involving processional worship and were not generally intended for worship in the main sanctum. South Indian statuary bronze is made by a process of cire perdue or lost wax casting, a technique which has a long history in the subcontinent. The lost wax processes known as Madhuchchhisthavidhana is also described in the southern Indian text the Manasollasaattributed to the Chalukyan king Somesvara. The Kasyapa Silpasatra, a Tamil text discusses iconometric aspects of the modelling of the image including the navatala methods of proportioning the icon derived from texts such as the Brhat Samhita.
    Chola inscriptions describe the image of the deity as ghanamagha or dense, i.e. solid, and the bull or rishabha as chhedya or hollow cast. As an example, a fine set of Chola bronzes from Tandanttottam is cast such that the main images of Rishabhavahana and consort are solid cast and the damaged bull is hollow cast (Sivaramamurti 1963: 14). Present day sthapatis or icon makers also maintain that the metal deities for processional worship in temples should never be hollow cast because that would be inauspicious although this rule does not apply to the vahana or the vehicles in animal forms associated with deities. According to Coomaraswamy (1956:154) and Von Schroeder (1981:19), the Sariputra, a Ceylonese text (ca 12th-15th century) based on South Indian sources warns against the making of hollow images which would lead to calamities such as famine and warfare. Interestingly, although early historic images both from southern India such as Amaravati and Sri Lanka tend to be hollow cast, from the early medieval period they are invariably solid cast, unlike northern Indian images which are most often hollow cast.
    Unlike European sculptures which were usually made from physical models, South Indian icon makers in the past are thought to have not used models but were expected to memorise all thetalamana canon of measurement and then invoke the images of the deities in their minds usingdhyanaslokas or verses which were meant to help mentally visualise the qualities and attributes of a particular image to be carved in wax (Reeves 1962: 114, Gangoly 1978). Since the wax melted away each bronze was hence apparently a unique product of the craftsman’s imagination. There were also dhyanaslokas pertaining to each type of deity to visualise the qualities and attributes, associated myths and symbolism and these were recited and mentally invoked before executing the image (Rathnasabhapathy 1982). Hence, according to Reeves (1962: 115), it was by a process of dhyana-yoga defined by Coomaraswamy as ‘visual contemplative union and realisation of formal identity with an inwardly known image’, that the master craftsmen modelled images in wax.


    Radhakrishna Sthapati of Swamimalai

    making a wax model of a Nataraja bronze
    photographed in 2003
    E. B. Havell, writing perceptively in 1908 inIndian Sculpture and Painting (as cited in Coomaraswamy 1989: 183) seems to have witnessed something of the deep intellectual and spiritual tradition which must have informed the high craftsmanship of antiquity, commenting that ‘even at the present day the Indian craftsman, deeply versed in his Silpa Sastras, learned in folk-lore and in national epic literature is, though, excluded from Indian universities – or rather, on that account – far more highly cultured, intellectually and spiritually, than the average Indian graduate. In medieval times the craftsman’s intellectual influence, being creative and not merely assimilative, was at least as great as that of the priest and bookman’. Figure 1 shows the traditional master craftsman Radhakrishna Stapathy of Swamimalai, carving a wax model of a Nataraja image, which also movingly captures something of this inner meditative and contemplative spirit that underpinned the great artistic traditions of South Asian antiquity. While the preservation of crafts traditions themselves remains a challenge in the present day notwithstanding the very laudable and far reaching efforts of the Crafts Councils in India, what also remains a matter of concern is the decline in artistic standards due to the loss of the traditional aesthetic and philosophical milieu within which the crafts functioned.
    The solid lost wax image casting process is still followed by traditional icon makers known asSthapatis such as at Devasenasthapati’s workshop in Swamimalai. Here, the image is made from a solid piece of wax, then covered with three layers of clay made from alluvial clay from the Kaveri to make a mould, which is then heated so that the wax is melted out and finally the molten metal is poured into the mould which solidifies into the cavity in the form of the image. The odiolai or coconut palm leaf is used to mark out the tala measurements for the dimensions of the icon. Although realistic portraiture was not common, it seems that bronzes representing important personalities were made now and then even if they were not physical portraits. For example an inscription of Rajendra I, mentions offerings for worship made to the images of the Chola queen Sembiyan Mahadevi who was a great patroness of temples and bronzes (Balasubrahmanyam 1971: 182). It is thought that the Devi at the Smithsonian Institution’s Freer Gallery may represent the widowed queen’s portrait due to the simple yet regal bearing (Dehejia 1990: 36-8, Srinivasan 2001).
    Analysis of bronzes and the enigmatic panchaloha composition of icons
    South Indian metal icons are often described as panchaloha or icons made of five metals in colloquial terms. South Indian Chola inscriptions themselves only refer to cepputtirumeni or copper images (Nagaswamy 1988: 146-7). The mystique of panchaloha is captured in Parker’s (1992) quote of a traditional sthapati in Tamil Nadu that ‘Panchaloham as a material has the second greatest sakti or power, after the material stone used for the mulamurti, followed by wood and last of all cutai (brick and mortar)’. The Caraka Samhita of the 2nd or 3rd century CE speaks of the ‘pouring of the five metals of gold, silver, copper, tin and lead into various wax-moulds’ (Von Schroeder 1981: 17).
    During the course of my doctoral thesis, I technically analysed 130 important South Indian metal icons from the early historic to late medieval periods sampled from collections including Government Museum, Madras or Chennai, Victoria and Albert Museum, and British Museum, London using multi-element spectro-chemical compositional analysis and lead isotope analysis (Srinivasan 1996). The results show that some 80% of the sampled images were leaded bronzes and the rest leaded brasses, so that there is no significant alloying of five metals.
    However the Swamimalai sthapati interviewed in 1990 mentioned that the images are known aspanchaloha icons because in addition to three metals of copper, lead and zinc or tin, very minor amounts of silver and gold were added more as a shastra or ritual. Analyses support the notion of the addition of traces of gold and silver to some medieval images (Srinivasan 1999). We commissioned and documented the making of a panchaloha icon in 1990. About 100 mg. of gold and silver was melted in a ladle by the artisans. My husband Digvijay was invited to pour the gold and silver into the crucible together with the sthapati before casting as it is considered auspicious. In this light, it is interesting to note also some of Coomaraswamy’s (1951: 205) observations related to five-metalled alloys of ‘pas-lo’ which he mentions in the context of Sri Lanka was used too make ‘certain small articles such as nails used in superstitious ceremonies’. This suggests too that this alloy if it was used had more of a ceremonial or ritualistic purpose than practical utility.
    From about the 8th century AD large solid castings up to 1 metre high began to be made in the region of Tamil Nadu with images such as the Nataraja images of Siva as cosmic dancer (Fig 2) weighing up to 200 kg. From the author’s analyses it seems that some 80% of 130 south Indian images from the early historic to late medieval period were leaded bronzes with tin contents up to 15%, at the limit of solid solubility of tin in copper, with lead up to 25%. The rest were leaded brasses with up to 25% zinc. None of these images had tin exceeding 15%, which is the limit of solid solubility of tin in copper. This ensured that the bronzes were solid, as cast bronzes with a tin content of over 15% are breakable. The average tin content in icons of the Chola period (c. 850-1070 A.D) was the highest at around seven percent. The tin content was less in later Chola and Vijayanagara and Nayaka bronzes. Lead isotope analysis of an early historic zinc ingot with a Brahmi inscription suggests an attribution to the Andhra region and it also matched a votive brass lamp with 14% zinc from the Andhra Krishna valley region. The highest average amounts of zinc were found in the bronzes of the later Chalukya period of 2.5 percent. Fig 2 shows a Nataraja bronze from Kankoduvanithavam with 8 percent tin and 8 percent lead and finger-printed to about the mid 11th century. Fig. 3 is a microstructure of a 13th century South Indian image of leaded bronze studied by the author at the Institute of Archaeology, London.
    The mastery of solid cast bronze casting by South Indian and also Sri Lankan sculptors is something remarkable in the history of art. As implied by materials scientist V.S. Arunachalam (Nehru Centre lecture, 1993) in the title of his lectures ‘From Temples to Turbines’, the modern technology of investment casting used to make turbines has an illustrious history rooted in the subcontinent’s sacred past. Indeed, Chola bronzes bring together metallurgy and aesthetics, and the sensuous and the sacred in a remarkable fashion (Srinivasan and Ranganathan 2006).
    Interpretations of the Nataraja and insights on dating from technical studies and questions about the ‘cosmic’ dimension


    Nataraja bronze,c 1050 CE,

    from Kankoduvanithavam in Government
    Museum, Chennai
    As reported in the author’s doctoral thesis and papers (Srinivasan 1996, 1999, 2004), 130 representative south Indian metal icons from museums including the Government Museum, Chennai, Victoria and Albert Museum, London and British Museum, London were compositionally analysed for 18 elements, and sixty of these images were analysed for lead isotope ratios. The lead isotope ratios and trace elements of a control group of images were calibrated against the stylistic and inscriptional evidence to yield characteristic finger-prints for different groups of images as Pre-Pallava (c. 200-600 C.E) [8], Pallava (c. 600-875 C.E) [17], Vijayalaya Chola (c. 850-1070 C.E) [31], Early Chalukya-Chola (c. 1070-1125 C.E) [12], Later Chalukya-Chola (c. 1125-1279 C.E) [17], Later Pandya (c. 1279-1336 C.E) [15], Vijayanagara and Early Nayaka (c. 1336-1565 C.E) [20] and Later Nayaka and Maratha (c. 1565-1800 C.E) [12]. Using these calibrations, images of uncertain attributions could be stylistically re-assessed (Srinivasan 1996).
    This exercise of archaeometallurgical finger-printing suggested that the classic Nataraja metal icon of Siva dancing with an extended right leg in bhujangatrasita karana originated in the Pallava period (c. 800-850 C.E.) rather than the 10th century Chola period (Srinivasan 2001, Srinivasan 2004). Two Nataraja images, one from the British Museum and one from the Government Museum, Chennai which were thought to have been of the Chola period, had lead isotope ratio and trace element finger-prints that better matched the Pallava group. No Nataraja bronzes could be identified datable to the Vijayanagara period (c 14th-16th century) which was predominantly a Vaishnava dynasty. It is generally thought that stone Nataraja images in the round come more into prominence during the patronage of Queen Sembiyan Mahadevi (c. 940 CE) at temples such as Kailasanathaswami. However, the studies mentioned before suggest that bronze Nataraja images may have preceded stone ones. Bennink et al. (2012) have pointed to free standing stone Nataraja images with consort Sivakami or Parvati akin to the bronze forms represented in Chola utsava murtis which may have copied the bronze versions.
    Citing the 13th century Tamil text Unmai Vilakkam (verse 36) thought to have been composed around Chidambaram, Coomaraswamy (1912: 87) explained the significance of the dance as ‘Creation arises from the drum: protection proceeds from the hand of hope; from fire proceeds destruction: the foot held aloft gives release’. He added that the dance represented the five activities (pancakritya) of Shrishti (creation), Sthiti (preservation), Samhara (destruction),Tirobhava (illusion), and Anugraha (salvation). As such, we may note that Coomaraswamy does not in his own essay actually use the term ‘Cosmic Dance of Siva’, the phrase by which the Nataraja is often popularly described the world over at various museums, although he does mention that the above ‘cosmic activity is the central motif of the dance’. Furthermore, although Coomarawasmy (ibid.) mentions the ‘tandava’ mode of dance of Shiva performed in cemeteries and burning grounds, he does not in his essay actually use the term ‘ananda-tandava’. As mentioned in Zvelebil (1985: 2) it was K.V. Soundara Rajan who vigorously highlighted the identification of the Nataraja bronze with the extended leg with the ‘ananda-tandava’ murti or ‘awesome dance of bliss’, while Zvelebil (ibid.) opines that the word ‘tantu’ is derived from the Tamil/Dravidian word for leaping over.
    Some of the problems in only relying on Coomaraswamy’s metaphysical interpretations of the Nataraja bronze which seem to have been based on later 13th century texts were highlighted by various scholars. As Zvelebil (1998:8) put it insightfully, both in praise and criticism, that the essay ‘quotes in somewhat haphazard fashion a number of Tamil texts without much respect for their dating and historical sequence’, adding that ‘the essay is beautiful and has contributed in a very important manner to Western understanding of Indian art..’. In a thought provoking paper Padma Kaimal (1999) suggests alternate shades of meaning to the Shiva Nataraja bronze, somewhat removed from Coomaraswamy’s mystical approach. She argues that the cult of Nataraja may have been strategically propagated by the Imperial Cholas due to the martial implications associated with the dance of destruction, as a symbol of power and their expansionist agenda. Indeed, many early Tamil hymns also invoke Nataraja as the dark lord wandering around cremation grounds. In a similar vein, it is no doubt pertinent to query the extent to which there really had been a ‘cosmic’ dimension associated with the actual visualization of the icon by its makers.
    Nevertheless, this author would like to reiterate that the comment of Zvelebil (1985: 8 ) that Coomaraswamy had ‘…with tremendous intuition…foreseen the results of later research’ has a ring of truth in that the ‘cosmic’ dimensions that his writings hinted at, cannot be dismissed as being totally removed from the subtext of the conceptualization of this bronze. The author has thus argued that the dating of the Nataraja bronze to the Pallava period based on the technical finger-printing evidence (Srinivasan 2004), predating the Chola period, raises new possibilities of making connections with some of the mystical references to be found in the writings of Tamil poet saints from the 7th-9th century, suggesting a nascent ‘cosmic’ comprehension.
    The temple of Chidambaram dated to the 12th-13th century, is the only shrine where the Nataraja metal icon of dancing Siva is worshipped in the inner sanctum or garbhagriha in place of the aniconic lingam or cosmic pillar (Younger 1995). In all other Siva temples elsewhere in Tamil Nadu, metal Nataraja icons are only processional images for festivals or the utsava murti. Within the Chidambaram temple, the Nataraja image is worshipped inside the golden roofed structure called the ‘chit sabha’, i.e. ‘hall of consciousness’. Exploring the etymology of the word Chidambaram itself, one of its meanings could be as follows: chit translates as the consciousness and ambaram the cosmos, so in that sense Chidambaram itself could signify the cosmic consciousness. In a hymn to Nataraja ‘Kunchitanghrim bhaje’ composed by the 13th Tamil poet Umapati Sivacarya of Chidambaram (Smith 1998: 21), Siva as Nataraja performs theanandatandava or dance of bliss and is also described as sacchidananda or the one whose mind or consciousness is in a state of the dance of blissful equilibrium. The ‘Chidambaram Rahasya’ or secret of Chidambaram relates to the worship of Nataraja also in the form of ‘akasa’ or the element sky or ether. Sivaramamurti (1974: 147) mentions that the Sanskrit Vadnagar Prasasti of Kumarapala describes Siva as playing with crystal balls as if they were newly created planets.
    At the same time, there are already references in the pre-Sanskritic poetic corpus of devotional poetry to Nataraja worshipped at Tillai (the old name for Chidambaram) by Tamil saints such as Manikavachakar and Appar using the Tamil words of ‘unarve’ (consciousness) and ‘nilavu’ (sky). This suggests that such ‘abstract’ notions need not have been later Sanskritised introductions but could have also formed a part of the general ways in the icon was understood in this earlier period from about the 7th-9th century when so much of the Tamil devotional poetry related to the icon was actually compiled.
    For example, a verse by Manikavachakar goes, ‘He who creates, protects, and destroys the verdant world…’ (Mowry 1983: 53). Another verse by Manikavachakar cited in Yocum (1983: 20) describes Nataraja as ‘Him who is fire, water, wind, earth and ether’. Yet another 9th century verse by Manikkavachakar (Yocum 1983: 24) cited below already suggests a mystical comprehension of the Nataraja bronze in terms of ‘consciousness’ as suggested by the Tamil word (unarve), preceding the use of the Sanskritic term chit as consciousness.:

    O unique consciousness (or unarve),

    which is realised (unarvatu) as standing firm,
    transcending words and (ordinary) consciousness (unarvu),
    O let me know a way to tell of You. (22:3)
    A ‘cosmic’ sense of nature mysticism also permeates a Tamil verse to Nataraja composed by the 7th century saint Appar (Handelman and Shulman 2004), referring to sky as the Tamil ‘nilavu’, prior to 12th-13th century usage of the Sanskrit ‘akasa’:

    The Lord of the Little Chamber,

    filled with honey,
    will fill me with sky (nilavu)
    and make me be. [5.1.5]
    In Srinivasan (2011) the author has also suggested that this ‘cosmic’ sensibility may also hark back to the nature imagery that pervades the earlier classical Tamil Sangam poetic tradition with its sense of traversing from the inner space (akam) to the outer space (puram). This sensibility is captured in A.K. Ramanujan’s fine commentaries on early Sangam poetry, himself an exceptional scholar-literateur who in this author’s opinion evokes something of the linguistic finesse of Coomarasamy’s academic prose. For example, the following verse from A. K. Ramanujan’s translation (1980: 108-9) conveys the creative tension generated by the juxtaposition of akamwith puram genres, of outer with inner space:

    ‘Bigger than earth, certainly,

    higher than the sky,
    more unfathomable than the waters
    is this love for this man…’
    In this context too, Coomaraswamy’s writings pointing to such ‘cosmic’ elements have resonance, such as the following verse he sites from Tirukuttu Darsharna (‘Vision of the sacred dance’) from Tirumular’s Tirumantiram, ‘He dances with water, fire, wind and ether, his body is Akash, the dark cloud therein is Muyalaka (the dwarf demon below Siva’s foot)’. Dates for Tirumular vary from the 8th century to as late as the 11th-12th century.
    Finally, the author would also like to allude to preliminary archaeoastronomical studies made by her with late astrophysicist Nirupama Raghavan which point to the connections of the Nataraja imagery with the star positions in and around the Orion constellation and the possible inspiration also drawn in aspects of Nataraja worship from a postulated sighting of the 1054 supernova explosion (Srinivasan 2006). Although these are preliminary findings, there is some tentative evidence in the worship of the Nataraja in a chariot processional festival Chidambaram in the month of Margazhi around December known as Tiruvadurai. The ardra tandava darshanam at Chidambaram is related to the sighting of ardra or the reddish star Betelguese in the constellation Orion who is associated with Nataraja. The constellation of Orion appears at the zenith at this time of the year and as witnessed also by the author, some of the star positions and Orion seem to broadly correlate with some of the body parts of Siva Nataraja, for example the Orion belt falls along his belt and the lifted leg pointing towards Syrius. A Tamil text by A. Cokkalinkam identified by the late Raja Deekshitar (pers. comm.) of Chidambaram showed some of the star positions of Orion around the Nataraja bronze entitled ‘ardra tandava darsanam’. This implies the sighting of the tandava dance performed by Shiva Nataraja as ardra or arudra, the wrathful one, hence associated with the reddish star Betelguese.
    Conclusion
    The above paper summarises some of the new trends or insights that art historical studies combined with archaeometallurgical, ethnoarchaeological, crafts documentation and archaeoastronomical studies yields in terms of an understanding of the enigmatic Nataraja bronze and the milieu of south Indian and South Asian bronzes. The ground breaking legacy of Coomaraswamy in contributing to this overall understanding is highlighted.
    (This article was earlier published in Asian Art and Culture: A Research Volume in Honour of Ananda Coomaraswamy, Kelaniya: Centre for Asian Studies, pp. 245-256)
    (Professor Sharada Srinivasan, of the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, works in the areas of archaeological sciences, archaeometallurgy, art history and performance studies. A PhD in archaeometallurgy, Institute of Archaeology, University College, London, she is a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, and the World Academy of Art and Science. As an exponent of Bharatanatyam she has given several lecture-demonstrations including one at the Royal Academy of Arts, London, for their exhibition ‘Chola: Sacred Bronzes from Southern India’ (2007))
    References
    Balasubrahmanyam, S. R. 1971. Early Chola temples Parantaka I to Rajaraja I (A.D. 907-985). New Delhi: Orient Longman.
    Bennink L.P., K. Deekshitar, J. Deekshitar, and Sankar Deekshitar, 2012, ‘Shiva’s Dance in Stone: Ananda Tandava, Bhujangalalita, Bhujangatrasita’,http://www.asianart.com/articles/shivadance/pop1.html
    Capra, F. 1976. The Tao of Physics: An Exploration of the Parallels between Modern Physics and Eastern Mysticism. London: Fontana, p. 258.
    Coomaraswamy, A. K., 1909, The Indian craftsmen, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
    Coomaraswamy, A.K. 1956. Mediaeval Sinhalese Art. New York.
    Dehejia, V. 1990. Art of the Imperial Cholas. New York: Columbia University Press.
    Gangoly, O.C., 1978, South Indian Bronzes, Calcutta.
    Glansdorff, A. and Prigogine, I. 1971. Thermodynamic theory of structure, stability and fluctuations. New York: Wiley-Interscience.
    Handelman, D. and Shulman, D. 2004. Siva in the Forest of Pines: An Essay on Sorcery and Self-Knowledge. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Kaimal, P. 1999. Shiva Nataraja: Shifting meanings of an icon, Art Bulletin, Vol. LXXXI, 3, 390-420.
    Mowry, L. “The theory of the phenomenal world in Manikkavachakar’s Tiruvachakam”. In: Clothey, F. and Long. B. (eds.). Experiencing Siva: Encounters with a Hindu Deity. New Delhi: Manohar Publications, pp. 37-59.
    Oldmeadow, H. 2004, Journeys East: 20th century western encounters with eastern religious traditions, Bloomington: World Wisdom.
    Parker, S. 1992. The matter of value inside and out: aesthetic categories in contemporary Hindu temple arts. Ars Orientalis 22: 98-109.
    Ramanujan, A.K. 1980, The Interior Landscape: Love poems from a classical Tamil Anthology, Clarion Books.
    Rangarajan, A. 1992. ‘A confluence of East and West: Ananda Coomaraswamy’.
    Reeves, R. 1962. Cire Perdue Casting in India. New Delhi: Crafts Museum.
    Rodin, A, ‘La Danse de Siva’, Ars Asiatica, 3:7-13.
    Sivaramamurti, C. 1963, South Indian Bronzes, New Delhi: Lalit Kala Academy.
    Sivaramamurti, C. 1974. Nataraja in Art, Thought and Literature. New Delhi: National Museum
    Smith, D. 1998. The Dance of Siva: Religion, Art and Poetry in South India. Cambridge: University Press
    Srinivasan, S. 1996. The enigma of the dancing ‘pancha-loha’ (five-metalled) icons: archaeometallurgical and art historical investigations of south Indian bronzes. Unpublished Phd. Thesis. Institute of Archaeology, University of London.
    Srinivasan, S. 1999. Lead isotope and trace element analysis in the study of over a hundred south Indian metal icons. Archaeometry 41(1).
    Srinivasan, S. 2001. ‘Dating the Nataraja dance icon: Technical insights’. Marg-A Magazine of the Arts, 52(4): 54-69.
    Srinivasan, S, 22 June 2003, ‘Heritage: The Nataraja catapulted onto the global stage from sacred environs’, The Week, Vol. 21, No. 29: 60-2. http://www.the-week.com/23jun22/life2.htm
    Srinivasan, S. 2004. ‘Siva as cosmic dancer: On Pallava origins for the Nataraja bronze’. World Archaeology. Vol. 36(3): 432-450. Special Issue on ‘Archaeology of Hinduism.
    Srinivasan, S. 2006. ‘Art and Science of Chola Bronzes’. Orientations, 37 (8): 46-55.
    Srinivasan, S. and Ranganathan, S. 2006, ‘Nonferrous materials heritage of mankind,’ Transactions of Indian Institute of Metals, Vol. 59, 6, pp. 829-846.
    Srinivasan, S. 2010, ‘Cosmic inspiration & art in relation to dancing Shiva Nataraja bronze’, Published abstract, INSAP VII, (Seventh international conference on inspiration from astronomical phenomena), Bath Royal Literary and Scientific Institution.
    Srinivasan, S. 2011, ‘Nataraja and Cosmic Space: Nature and Culture intertwinings in the early Tamil tradition’, In Nature and Culture, ed. R. Narasimha, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, PHISPC Series and Centre for Studies in Civilisation, pp. 271-291.
    Von Schroeder, U. 1981. Indo-Tibetan Bronzes. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma.
    Younger, P. 1995. ‘The Home of Dancing Sivan: Traditions of the Hindu Temple in Citamparam’, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 112.
    Zvelebil, K., 1985, Ananda-Tandava of Siva-Sadanrttamurti, Institute of Asian Studies, Madras.

    Benjamin W. RobertsChristopher Thornton, 2014, Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective: Methods and Syntheses, Springer Science & Business Media

    Hunt, LB, 1980, The long history of lost wax casting, Springer Science, pp.63-79

    https://www.scribd.com/doc/267923381/Hunt-LB-1980-The-long-history-of-lost-wax-casting-Springer-Science-pp-63-79

    Casting of bronze began in Southeast Asia first in northeastern Thailand (Bon Chiang). "In the words of one writer, 'bronze casting bean in Southeast Asia and was later borrowed by the Chinese, not vice versa as the Chinese scholars have always claimed' (Neher, p.186)...bronze-casting technology spread from Southeast Asia to China rather than from China to Southeast Asia, or, at least, developed independently in Southeast Asia and in China, then the Dong-son bronze technology probably developed from local or regional industries rather than from imported Chinese skills...Vietnamese archaeologists...have found that the earliest bronze drums of Dong-son are closely related in basic structural features and in decorative design to the pottery of the Phung-nguyen culture. They further suggest that the Dong-son culture of northern Vietnam had important links with Tibeto-Burman cultures in Yun-nan, with Thai cultures in Yun-nan and Laos, and, especially, with Mon-Khmer cultures in Laos, particularly oon the Tran-ninh plateau...or 'Plan of Jars', is the most natural route from northern Vietnam to northeastern Thailand. Aside from technical aspects, Dong-son culture was strongly influenced by seaborne contacts. The distinctive features and designs on the Dong-son drums are generally believed to 'express one phase of maritime art'. Boats filled with oarsmen and warriors surrounded by seabirds and other forms of maritime life unmistakably testify to the ascendancy of sea-based power." (Taylor, Keith W. (1991). The Birth of Vietnam. University of California Press. p. 313).


    The first datings of the artifacts using the thermoluminescence technique resulted in a range from 4420 BCE to 3400 BCE which would make Ban Chiang the earliest Bronze Age culture in the world. Radiocarbon dates have revised the dates to ca. 2100 BCE of an early grave and bronze making is said to have begun ca. 2000 BCE as evidenced by crucibles and bronze fragments. The debate about the dates..."has focused on bronzes that were grave goods and has not addressed the non-burial metals and metal-related artefacts. This article summarizes the burial and non-burial contexts for early bronzes at Ban Chiang, based on the evidence recovered from excavations at the site in 1974 and 1975. New evidence, including previously unpublished AMS dates, is presented supporting the dating of early metallurgy at the site in the early second millennium B.C. (c. 2000-1700 B.C.). This dating is consistent with a source of bronze technology from outside the region. However, the earliest bronze is too old to have originated from the Shang dynasty, as some archaeologists have claimed. The confirmed dating of the earliest bronze at Ban Chiang facilitates more precise debate on the relationship between inter-regional interaction in the third and second millennia in Asia and the appearance of early metallurgy." -- EurASEAA 2006, Bougon papers ("White, J.C. 2008 Dating Early Bronze at Ban Chiang, Thailand. In From Homo erectus to the Living Traditions. Pautreau, J.-P.; Coupey, A.-S.; Zeitoun, V.; Rambault, E., editors. European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Chiang Mai, pp. 91-104.") 

    http://seasiabib.museum.upenn.edu:8001/pdf_articles/bookchapters/2008_White.pdf

    "The Đông Sơn bronze drums exhibit the advanced techniques and the great skill in the lost-wax casting of large objects, the Co Loa drum would have required the smelting of between 1 and 7 tons of copper ore and the use of up to 10 large casting crucibles at one time." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C4%90%C3%B4ng_S%C6%A1n_culture 



    The bronze drum from Co Loa, weighs 159 pounds (72 kg) and would have required the smelting of between 1 and 7 tons of copper ore). 
    "The Dong Son civilization cast bronze primarily by two methods: “lost-wax” method and “puddle casting.”  The first is much more common than second.
    THE LOST-WAX METHOD OF BRONZE CASTING
    The Dong Son craftsmen did wonderful things with bronze. Most of what they created was produced by the “lost-wax method.”  In this method, an original piece (sculpture, jewelry, bowl, weapon blade, etc.) was hand-made of paraffin or other wax.  Additional wax tubes were added, which serve as exits for the wax and entrances for the bronze. The entire product was covered with clay, in layers of progressively thicker consistency. The only parts that protruded from the clay mass were the wax tubes. It looked much like a potato with a few candles sticking out.  When heat was applied, the protruding wax rods melted first. As it melted, the remaining wax flowed out through the channels left in the clay by the melted tubes. The piece was then repositioned and molten bronze was poured into the channels. Ideally, the bronze then flowed into all the negative space that had once been occupied by the wax.  At the same time, the air that had been in those spaces was forced out. For this to occur,   the number and placement of the tubes was critical. If some air became trapped in small spaces (usually at the ends of narrow segments, such as a hand or finger), the bronze would not be able to enter that space. The final product, then, would “have no hand” (or whatever).  After the bronze had hardened, the clay was then cracked and removed, leaving a bronze replica of the original wax piece, including the tubes. The next step was to remove the tubes, remove extra bits of bronze and polish the surface of the piece (this last is called chasing).http://giahoithutrang.blogspot.in/2014/02/blog-post.html


    Close-up view of a Dong Son bronze drum with hieroglyphs cast using lost-wax metallurgical techniques.
    332px-Dancing_Girl_of_Mohenjo-daroReplica of Dancing Girl of Mohenjo-daro
    Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya in Mumbai, India. The statue was made using cire perdue method of metal casting
    Trundholm sun chariot. Gilded side. Side with no traces of gilding. Dated to between 1800 to 1600 BCE. Copenhagen, Denmark National Museum. w54 × h35 × d29 cm (21 × 14 × 11 in)
    Shang period figure 2.62 m tallBronze statue. Sanxingdui in Guanghan, Sichuan Province ca 1200 BCE. 262 cm. tall.Sanxingdui Museum.
    Bronze Figurine Dongson Culture
    Bronze Figurine, Dong Son Culture, 500 BCE East Asian Art Museum, Berlin.
    Delphi Charioteer
    Charioteer of Delphi, 570 BCE, Delphi Museum.
    "The Sanskrit Shilpa Shastra texts mention the lost-wax process and call it the Madhucchishta Vidhana. The Chola dynasty from the mid-9th to the mid-13th century is renowned for the casting of bronze statues and produced some of India’s greatest bronzes, with the pinnacle reached during the first 120 years of this period, Chola period bronzes were created using the lost wax technique. The culture spread out through South-east Asia including Indonesia and had a lot of influence in the art of these regions.Nguyễn Thiên Thụ, Documents of Vietnamese ancient culture, 24 Feb. 2014

    467px-Shiva_as_the_Lord_of_Dance
    Shiva Nataraja, Chola dynasty 950 to 1000. Los Angeles County Museum of Art
    Water installation with bronze pine-cone in the atrium of Old St Peter's, Rome.  Drawing by Cronaca (1457-1505).  Uffizi, Florence, 1572.Water installation with bronze pine-cone in the atrium of Old St Peter’s Basilica, Rome. Drawing by Cronaca (1457-1505). Uffizi, Florence, 1572. This was a structure in front of the Temple of Isis, Pompeii.
    [quote]“Bronze Pine Cone” signed Publius Cincius Salvio from the area of the Baths of Agrippa, maybe fountain in the Temple of Isis (Note: Possible location discussed in Annex A).

    It was eventually placed in the atrium of the old Basilica of St. Peter.

    It gave the name to the central neighborhood called Rione Pigna, where the Temple of Isis was originally located. [unquote] 


    The pine cone PLUS the pair of peacocks are likely to be originally from the Temple of Isis, Pompeii and relocated in the Baths of Agrippa and later in Basilica of St. Peter and now, Pine Cone is seen in Rione Pigna PLUS the pair of peacocks are kept in Braccio Nuovo Museum, Vatican. (Replicas flank the Pine Cone in Rione Pigna). 

    The Pine Cone and pair of peacocks are monumental bronze cire perdue castings and Vatican should organize for archaeometallurgical evalution of these superb specimens of Bronze Age artisanal competence clearly related to the times when Isis was venerated in Rome.
    hellenismo:  bronze peacock from Hadrian’s Mausoleum, now in the Vatican Museum…
    One of the original peacocks now in Braccacio Museum. Two bronze peacocks are from Hadrian’s Mausoleum (tomb).


    mora peacock; morā ‘peafowl’ (Hindi); rebus: morakkhaka loha, a kind of copper, grouped with pisācaloha (Pali). [Perhaps an intimation of the color of the metal produced which shines like a peacock blue feather.] moraka "a kind of steel" (Samskritam)
    1. Hieroglyph, signifier: kandə 'pine cone' Rebus, signified metalwork: khaṇḍa. A portion of the front hall, in a temple;  kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Marathi) 

    2. Hieroglyph, signifier: mora, 'peacock' Rebus signified metalwork: morakkhaka loha, 'a kind of copper';moraka 'a kind of steel'.

    399px-NaraTodaiji DaibutsuTōdai-ji Daibutsu, Nara, Japan. Statue of the Vairocana Buddha. The 15 metre high statue was made from eight castings over three years, the head and neck being cast separately. The casting of the statue was started in Shigaraki in 742, completed in Nara in 745 and finally finished in 751 weighing 500 tonnes.
    Source: http://giahoithutrang.blogspot.in/2014/02/blog-post.html
    Mirror: http://apsara.transapex.com/history-bronze-casting/


    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ROtGHT3A1sg Todaiji Home of the Great Buddha Tōdai-ji (東大寺 Tōdai-ji or Eastern Great Temple), is a Buddhist temple located in the city of Nara, Japan. Its Great Buddha Hall (大仏殿 Daibutsuden) is the largest wooden building in the world, and houses Japan's largest statue of the Buddha Vairocana, known in Japanese simply as Daibutsu (大仏) or Big Buddha.
    The Buddha was completed in 751 but has been rebuilt over history. The present day buddha has parts from different periods, including the hands which were made in the Momoyama Period (15681615), and the head, which was made in Edo period (16151867).
    Dimensions of the Daibutsu:
    Height: 14.98 m (49.1 ft)
    Face: 5.33 m (17.5 ft)
    Eyes: 1.02 m (3.3 ft)
    Nose: 0.5 m (1.6 ft)
    Ears: 2.54 m (8.3 ft)
    The statue weighs 500 metric tons (550 short tons)


    Cire perdue. Bronze statue of a woman holding a small bowl, Mohenjodaro; copper alloy made using cire perdue method (DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, Pl. LXXIII, 9-11)
    Cire perdue.
    ลายรูปนกยางหรือกระสา (Herons)? บนหน้ากลองมโหร Pattern or heron birds (Herons, storks)? On drums found at Co Lau, Hanoi in Vietnam was about 2,500 years ago (Dong Son Drum in Vietnam: 1990)

    Bronze Deity Lamp, pre 1900.Bronze deity oil lamp, pre-1900

    Le bronze et les méthodes de coulées

    Le bronze est un alliage de cuivre et d'étain, il permet aux hommes de fabriquer des armes plus efficaces que celles en silex. L'étain vient d'Armorique ou de Grande Bretagne et le cuivre des Alpes ou d'Europe de l'est. D'importants courants d'échanges vont ainsi se constituer pour se procurer ces deux matières premières nécessaires à la fabrication du bronze. Outre les armes, le bronze va être utilisé pour fabriquer des outils (haches, marteaux, faux, enclumes, roues...) et des statuettes.
    On peut fabriquer un objet en bronze de deux façons :
    - soit en façonnant le métal par martelage : le métal est rougi dans une flamme pour le rendre plus malléable et le marteler sur l'enclume. Lorsque le métal durcit en se refroidissant il faut le remettre dans la forge pour pouvoir à nouveau le marteler jusqu'à obtenir la forme désirée.
    - soit en coulant le bronze dans un moule (bronze coulé). Le moule, en argile, est en général fait de deux parties (2 valves) pour pouvoir extraire l'objet après refroidissement. Dans ce cas, on peut réutiliser le moule.

    La technique "à la cire perdue" a été inventée par les Gaulois. Le modèle à reproduire est façonné en cire puis recouvert d'argile (le moule). Pendant la cuisson, la cire fond et s'échappe par des trous (évents) qu'on a aménagés. Le métal en fusion est alors versé dans le moule d'argile où il occupe la place laissée libre par la cire. Après refroidissement, on casse le moule d'argile pour extraire l'objet fondu. On ne peut donc couler qu'un seul exemplaire de chaque modèle avec cette technique. L'objet démoulé peut alors être repris pour le limer, le marteler, le recuire si nécessaire. Ensuite, on  peut décorer l'objet en le gravant, le ciselant ou l'émaillant.
    Pour les objets importants (grandes statues), afin d'éviter de grosses coulées de bronze, la forme n'est pas faite entièrement en cire mais d'abord en argile qui est, elle même, recouverte d'une couche de cire. La coulée de bronze va ainsi s'effectuer à la place de la cire, entre la forme en argile de l'objet et le moule en argile.
    .Les Gaulois apprécient beaucoup le bronze car à l'état neuf il prend la couleur de l'or. Le bronze reste très utilisé à l'âge du fer pour fabriquer les fibules, les bracelets, les broches, les éléments de char. Les Gaulois pratiquent aussi l'étamage qui consiste à recouvrir un métal d'une couche d'étain pour empêcher l'oxydation.

    Translation:


    Bronze and methods flows


    Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin, it allows men to make more effective weapons than flint. Tin comes Armorique or Great Britain and copper Alps or Eastern Europe. Major trade flows will thus be to procure these raw materials needed for the manufacture of bronze. Besides the weapons, the bronze going to be used for making tools (axes, hammers, fake, anvils, wheels ...) and statuettes.
    You can produce a bronze object in two ways:
    - Either by shaping the metal by hammering: the metal is flushed into a flame to make it more malleable and hammering on the anvil. When the metal hardens as it cools it must be viewed in the forge for hammering power again until the desired shape.
    - Either by pouring the bronze into a mold (cast bronze). The mold, clay, is usually made of two parts (2 valves) to be able to extract the subject after cooling. In this case, the mold can be reused.

    The technique "lost wax" was invented by the Gauls. The model to be reproduced is shaped wax then covered with clay (the mold). During cooking, the wax melts and escapes through holes (vents) that were set. The molten metal is then poured into the clay mold where it occupies the place left vacant by the wax. After cooling, the clay mold is broken to extract the molten object. One can not run a single copy of each model with this technique. The unmolded object can then be repeated for the file, the pound, the annealing if necessary. Then you can decorate the object by etching the chiseling or peppering.
    For large objects (large statues), to avoid large cast bronze, the shape is not made entirely of wax but first clay which is, itself, covered with a layer of wax. The bronze casting will thus be carried out instead of wax, between the clay in the form of the object and the clay mold.
    .The Gauls appreciative bronze because when new it takes the color of gold. The bronze is very used to the Iron Age to make brooches, bracelets, brooches, char elements. Gaul also practice the tinning which consists of covering a metal with a tin layer to prevent oxidation.






    Technologie : La Cire Perdue version 3D Printing







    Les pièces en argent, en or et en bronze sont souvent réalisées par la technique de la cire perdue assistée par impression 3D.
    Les pièces en argent, en or et en bronze sont souvent réalisées par la technique de la cire perdue assistée par impression 3D.

    Aujourd’hui, je vais vous expliquer une technique hybride pour faire des pièces métalliques grace à l’impression 3D.  Cette méthode est la combinaison de l’impression 3D d’un modèle en cire, et la réalisation d’une pièce en bronze, en argent ou en or, via la coulée d’une pièce.

    Technique de la cire perdue

    La méthode de la cire perdue est une méthode qui permet le tirage d’un certain nombre de pièces sur base d’un même modèle. Cette technique se réalise en plusieurs étapes :
    1. la réalisation d’un moule en silicone basée sur le modèle
    2. la réalisation d’une ou plusieurs copies du modèle en cire
    3. la réalisation d’un moule en céramique (plâtre, céramiques spéciales, …) autour des modèles en cire auxquels ont a ajouté des alimentations et évents
    4. une fois la céramique solidifiée, on évacue les modèles en cire en chauffant les moules.
    5. le bronze est coulé dans le moule en céramique
    6. le moule en céramique est détruit
    coulée en cire perduePrésentation des étapes de réalisation d’une pièce en bronze dans un moule réalisé via la méthode de la cire perdue.
    Les avantages de cette technique sont nombreux. Tout d’abord, il est possible pour l’auteur de réaliser plusieurs multiples d’une pièce existante, ou de réaliser une pièce unique en modelant directement la cire. Ensuite, cette technique permet d’obtenir des pièces très détaillées.
    Cette technique est la plus largement utilisée actuellement pour les pièces de taille moyenne à petite. En Afrique, le moule en céramique est remplacé par de la terre cuite et du crottin d’âne.

    Et l’impression 3D dans tout ça ?

    Plutôt que de partir d’un modèle et de faire un moule en silicone (ce qui impose pas mal de contraintes), il est désormais possible d’imprimer sur les imprimantes 3D directement la cire qui définit le modèle. Ensuite, on passe au moule en céramique et à l’injection de bronze.





    Impression 3D et Cire perdue / www.i.materialise.com
    Impression 3D et Cire perdue / http://www.i.materialise.com

    Exemple en vidéo :
    Impressionnant n’est-ce pas ?
    Pleins de bijoux sont faits avec cette technologie que j’appelle "hybride" car elle utilise à la fois les avantages de l’impression 3D et les méthodes plus "ancestrales" !
    Vous aimez l’impression 3D ? Vu que je suis désormais sur Twitter, je vous invite à me suivre, je partage beaucoup d’actualité sur ce sujet !
    Translation:
    Technology: The 3D version of Lost Wax Printing
    Posted on 1 April 2014 by alicesalmon
    The pieces in silver, gold and bronze are often performed by the technique of lost wax assisted by 3D printing.
    The pieces in silver, gold and bronze are often performed by the technique of lost wax assisted by 3D printing.
    Today, I'll explain a hybrid technique for making metal parts thanks to 3D printing. This method is the combination of 3D printing a wax model, and the realization of a bronze piece, silver or gold, via casting a piece.
    Technique of lost wax
    The lost wax method is a method that allows the drawing of a number of pieces based on the same model. This technique is done in several steps:
    making a silicone mold based on the model
    producing one or more copies of the wax pattern
    the achievement of a ceramic mold (plaster, special ceramics, ...) around the wax patterns which have added power supplies and vents
    once the solidified ceramic is discharged the wax models by heating the molds.
    bronze is poured into the ceramic mold
    the ceramic mold is destroyed
    perduePrésentation wax casting steps in manufacturing of a bronze piece in a mold is made via the method of lost wax.
    The advantages of this technique are numerous. First, it is possible for the author to make several multiples of an existing part, or make a single piece of direct modeling wax. Then, this technique allows to obtain very detailed pieces.
    This technique is currently the most widely used for medium small pieces. In Africa, the ceramic mold is replaced with clay and donkey dung.
    And 3D printing in?
    Rather than from a template and make a silicone mold (which not require a lot of constraints), it is now possible to print directly on 3D printers wax that defines the model. Then they move on to the ceramic mold and bronze injection.
    3D printing and Lost Wax / www.i.materialise.com
    3D printing and Lost Wax / http://www.i.materialise.com
    Example video:
    Impressive is not it?
    Full of jewelry is made with this technology that I call "hybrid" because it uses both the advantages of 3D printing and more "traditional" methods!
    Like 3D printing? Since I'm now on Twitter, I invite you to follow me, I share a lot of news on it! 





    A Cire Perdue


    A Cire Perdue is a bronze-making techniques beginning with the making of metal objects from wax, which contains clay as its core. candle shape is decorated with various ornamental patterns. form a complete candle wrapped again with the soft clay. at the top and bottom of a hole. from the hole above the liquid bronze is poured, and from the bottom hole of melted wax flows. when the bronze is poured cool,
    the mold is broken down to pick up the finished object. Prints like these can only be used once only.


    *gaṭhati ʻ makes, forms ʼ. [√*gaṭhPk. gaḍhaï ʻ forms ʼ; L. gaṛhāvaṇ ʻ to bring buffalocow to bull ʼ; P. gaṛhṇā ʻ to copulate with (of bull or buffalo) ʼ; A. gariba ʻ to mould, form ʼ; B.gaṛā ʻ to hammer into shape, form ʼ; Or. gaṛhibā ʻ to mould, build ʼ, gaṛhaṇa ʻ building ʼ; Mth. gaṛhāī ʻ wages for making gold or silver ornaments ʼ; OAw. gaḍhāi ʻ makes ʼ; H. gaṛhnā ʻ to form by hammering ʼ, G. gaḍhvũ. -- Altern. < gháṭatē: Wg. gaṛawun ʻ to form, produce ʼ; K. garun, vill.gaḍun ʻ to hammer into shape, forge, put together (CDIAL 3966)
    4113 *gāṭhayati ʻ causes to be moulded ʼ. [√*gaṭh]
    H. gāṛhnā ʻ to form by hammering ʼ.
    ʼ.
    *gaḍḍa1 ʻ hole, pit ʼ. [G. < *garda -- ? -- Cf. *gaḍḍ -- 1 and list s.v. kartá -- 1]
    Pk. gaḍḍa -- m. ʻ hole ʼ; WPah. bhal. cur. gaḍḍ f., paṅ. gaḍḍṛī, pāḍ. gaḍōṛ ʻ river, stream ʼ; N. gaṛ -- tir ʻ bank of a river ʼ; A. gārā ʻ deep hole ʼ; B.gāṛ°ṛā ʻ hollow, pit ʼ; Or. gāṛa ʻ hole, cave ʼ, gāṛiā ʻ pond ʼ; Mth. gāṛi ʻ piercing ʼ; H. gāṛā m. ʻ hole ʼ; G. garāḍ°ḍɔ m. ʻ pit, ditch ʼ (< *graḍḍa -- < *garda -- ?); Si. gaḍaya ʻ ditch ʼ. -- Cf. S. giḍ̠i f. ʻ hole in the ground for fire during Muharram ʼ. -- X khānĭ̄ -- : K. gān m. ʻ underground room ʼ; S. (LM 323) gāṇ f. ʻ mine, hole for keeping water ʼ; L. gāṇ m. ʻ small embanked field within a field to keep water in ʼ; G. gāṇ f. ʻ mine, cellar ʼ; M. gāṇ f. ʻ cavity containing water on a raised piece of land ʼ (LM 323 < gáhana -- ). WPah.kṭg. gāṛ ʻ hole (e.g. after a knot in wood) ʼ.(CDIAL 3981)

    3969 *gaḍa3 ʻ dropping ʼ. [√gaḍ]
    Pa. gaḷa -- m. ʻ a drop ʼ, gaḷāgalaṁ gacchati ʻ goes from fall to fall ʼ; S. g̠aṛo m. ʻ hail ʼ, L. (Ju.) g̠aṛā m., P. gaṛā m. (cf. galā < gala -- 1); -- Pk.gaḍa -- n. ʻ large stone ʼ?

    *gadda2 ʻ spotted, mottled ʼ. 2. *gaddara -- .L. gadrā ʻ piebald, spotted, leprous ʼ(CDIAL 4012)

    Archaeometallurgy of cire perdue (lost-wax) metal castings links Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East 
    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/02/archaeometallurgy-of-cire-perdue-lost.html


    In reconstructing proto-history, hieroglyphs, cultural metaphors and artistic expressions intersect. This is evident in the expansion of cire perdue (lost-wax) casting of metal alloys practised by Dhokra kamar of Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. The gloss dhokra kamar 'cire perdue caster of metal alloys' is attested in Indus Script corpora.

    The unique arhaeometallurgical method of casting exquisite arsenical and tin-bronze artifacts holds the key to evaluate links between the Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East during the early Bronze Age.

    Evaluating bronze age metalwork exemplified by 'Ram in the Thicket' and 'Maikop gold bull' and placing the art works in the context of a universal art idiom -- across time and space --, Editors, Neil Collins and Áine Ni Muireadhaigh present a veritable Encyclopaedia of Visual Artshttp://www.visual-arts-cork.com/site/about.htm In the context of this universal art idiom, it is apposite to trace the roots of Dian Bronze Art, starting with an evaluation presented by TzeHuey Chiou-Peng. In an archaeometallurgical framework, Dian culture is dated to ca. 4th century BCE and located not far from the famed Dong Son culture famed for the bronze drums of Ancient Vietnam which were cast using thecire perdue (lost-wax) method.

    I suggest that the art idiom of Dian culture (Yunnan) and Dong Son culture (Vietnam) are a Meluhha metalwork hieroglyph continuum. The hieroglyphs used such as humped bull, tiger, multi-pointed star (sun), rhinoceros are read rebus, related to Meluhha metalwork, with particular reference to tin-bronzes which were produced in the world's larges Tin Belt of the Far East (Vietnam-Thai-Malay Peninsula). This indicates that Meluhha speakers from the Indiansprachbund had established a Trans-Asiatic network to spread 1) cire perdue (lost-wax) casting methods and 2) tin-bronzes as the contributory material resources which made the Bronze Age revolution possible in an extended Eurasian zone extending from Hanoi to Haifa. These are evidenced by the metaphors of Nahal Mishmar cire perdue metal castings (using arsenical copper) and by the presence of Indus writing on pure tin ingots discovered in a shipwreck at Haifa.

    Risley defines 'Dhokra' as: "A sub-caste of kamars or blacksmiths in Western Bengal, who make brass idols." (Risley, HH ,1891, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. Government of Bengal, Calcutta Vol. 1, p. 236)


    Mohenjo-daro seal depicts a hieroglyph composition, comparable to the horned, decrepit woman with hanging breasts and ligatured to a bovine hindlegs and tail as shown on one side of the Dholavira tablet. There is an added narrative of two hieroglyphs: horned tiger and a leafless tree.

    Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyhphs written on two sides.

    Some readings: 


    Hieroglyph: Ku. ḍokro, ḍokhro ʻ old man ʼ; B. ḍokrā ʻ old, decrepit ʼ, Or. ḍokarā; H. ḍokrā ʻ decrepit ʼ; G. ḍokɔ m. ʻ penis ʼ, ḍokrɔ m. ʻ old man ʼ, M. ḍokrā m. -- Kho. (Lor.) duk ʻ hunched up, hump of camel ʼ; K. ḍọ̆ku ʻ humpbacked ʼ perh. < *ḍōkka -- 2. Or. dhokaṛa ʻ decrepit, hanging down (of breasts) ʼ.(CDIAL 5567). M. ḍhẽg n. ʻ groin ʼ, ḍhẽgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. M. dhõgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. (CDIAL 5585). Glyph: Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner’s lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Tiger has head turned backwards. క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali) Hieroglyph: krəm backʼ(Khotanese)(CDIAL 3145) Rebus: karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali)

    Hieroglyphs to children held aloft on a seated person's hands: dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' kuī 'girl, child' Rebus: kuhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali) kuī f. ‘fireplace’ (H.); krvi f. ‘granary (WPah.); kuī, kuohouse, building’(Ku.)(CDIAL 3232) kui ‘hut made of boughs’ (Skt.) gui temple (Telugu)

    Pa. kōḍ (pl. kōḍul) horn; Ka. kōḍu horn, tusk, branch of a tree; kōr horn Tu. kōḍů, kōḍu horn Ko. kṛ (obl. kṭ-)( (DEDR 2200) Paš. kōṇḍā ‘bald’, Kal. rumb. kōṇḍa ‘hornless’.(CDIAL 3508). Kal. rumb. khōṇḍ a ‘half’ (CDIAL 3792).

    Rebus: koḍ 'workshop' (Gujarati) 
    kāruvu ‘crocodile’ Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri)  

    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron', 'pañcaloha, alloy of five metals'.

    Hieroglyph: dhokra ‘decrepit woman with breasts hanging down’. Rebus: dhokra kamar 'artisan caster using lost-wax technique'.

    Meluhha hieroglyphs: 1. Dhokra kamar lost-wax metal caster; 2. Dance-step of Mohenjo-daro metal cast

    kŕ̊tā -- ʻgirlʼ (RV); kuṛäˊ ʻgirlʼ (Ash.); kola ‘woman’ (Nahali); ‘wife’(Assamese). *kuḍa1 ʻ boy, son ʼ, °ḍī ʻ girl, daughter ʼ. [Prob. ← Mu. (Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē); or ← Drav. (Tam. kur̤a ʻ young ʼ, Kan.koḍa ʻ youth ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 373. Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65. -- Cf. kuḍáti ʻ acts like a child ʼ Dhātup.] NiDoc. kuḍ'aǵa ʻ boy ʼ, kuḍ'i ʻ girl ʼ; Ash. kūˊṛə ʻ child, foetus ʼ, istrimalī -- kuṛäˊ ʻ girl ʼ; Kt. kŕū, kuŕuk  ʻ young of animals ʼ; Pr. kyútru ʻ young of animals, child ʼ, kyurú ʻ boy ʼ,kurīˊ ʻ colt, calf ʼ; Dm. kúŕa ʻ child ʼ, Shum. kuṛ; Kal. kūŕ*lk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Phal. kuṛĭ̄ ʻ woman, wife ʼ; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ,kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, P. bhaṭ.  WPah. khaś. kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛī ʻ girl ʼ; -- B. ã̄ṭ -- kuṛā ʻ childless ʼ (ã̄ṭa ʻ tight ʼ)? -- X pṓta -- 1: WPah. bhad.  ʻ son ʼ, kūī ʻ daughter ʼ, bhal. ko m., koi f., pāḍ.kuā, kōī, paṅ. koā, kūī. (CDIAL 3245)

    kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv. Pk. kōla -- m.;  B. kol  ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribeʼ(CDIAL 3532).

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/06/ancient-near-east-evidence-for-mleccha.html Ancient Near East evidence for meluhha language and bronze-age metalware


    A unique ligature is a female with breasts hanging down ligatured to the buttock of a bovine. The ligatured hieroglyph occurs in a Mohenjodaro seal and a Dholavira tablet. 


    The rebus reading refers to a very unique technique in metallurgy called cire perdue (lost wax) technique for casting metal objects like the dancing girl statue of a dancing girl in Mohenjo-daro. This technique is called dhokra.



    Trans-Asiatic network of bronze age interactions: Indian sprachbund links to Indo-European languages: linguistic evidence.

    Select Meluhha hieroglyphs from Jiroft artifacts and rebus readings:


    Plate II f to k. ‘Handbag’ hieroglyphs: N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛīf. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N.ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra ‘cire perdue’ casting metalsmith. 
    I would like to comment on the following Fig. 16 of Parpola's paper (Beginnings of Indian astronomy (Asko Parpola, 2013) With reference to a parallel development in China. in: History of Science in South Asia 1 (2013), pp. 21-78):
    Fig. 16 Two-faced tablet from Dholavira, Kutch, Gujarat, suggesting child sacrifice (lower picture) connected with crocodile cult (upper picture). After Parpola 2011: 41 fig. 48 (sketch AP). 'Crocodile in the Indus civilization and later south Asian traditions'. In Linguistics, archaeology and the human past: occasional paper 12, ed. Toshiki Osada & Hitoshi Endo. Pp. 1-58. Kyoto: Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature.

    To compare the details provided by AP's sketch on this Fig. 16, I reproduce below a photograph of the tablet:

    Even assuming that a seated person on the lower sketch figure with raised arms carries 'children' I do not see how Asko Parpola (AP the sketch-maker) can jump to the conclusion of 'suggested child sacrifice'.


    Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyphs written on two sides.  http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-metallurgical-roots-and-spread.html?q=dhokraMeluhha: spread of lost-wax casting in the Fertile Crescent. Smithy is the temple. Veneration of ancestors.

    Cire perdue lost-wax casting specialist metallurgist, Dhokra kamar attested on Dholavira tablet, Mohenjo-daro seal

    Dholavira molded terracotta tablet with Meluhha hieroglyphs written on two sides. Hieroglyph: Ku. ḍokro, ḍokhro ʻ old man ʼ; B. ḍokrā ʻ old, decrepit ʼ, Or. ḍokarā; H. ḍokrā ʻ decrepit ʼ; G. ḍokɔ m. ʻ penis ʼ, ḍokrɔ m. ʻ old man ʼ, M. ḍokrā m. -- Kho. (Lor.) duk ʻ hunched up, hump of camel ʼ; K. ḍọ̆ku ʻ humpbacked ʼ perh. < *ḍōkka -- 2. Or. dhokaṛa ʻ decrepit, hanging down (of breasts) ʼ.(CDIAL 5567). M. ḍhẽg n. ʻ groin ʼ, ḍhẽgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. M. dhõgā m. ʻ buttock ʼ. (CDIAL 5585). Glyph: Br. kōnḍō on all fours, bent double. (DEDR 204a) Rebus: kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner’s lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) Tiger has head turned backwards. క్రమ్మర krammara. adv. క్రమ్మరిల్లు or క్రమరబడు Same as క్రమ్మరు (Telugu). Rebus: krəm backʼ(Kho.)(CDIAL 3145) karmāra ‘smith, artisan’ (Skt.) kamar ‘smith’ (Santali)  The hieroglyph of an old female with breasts hanging down and ligatured to the buttock of a bovine is also deployed on a Mohenjo-daro seal:

    Mohenodaro seal. Pict-103 Horned (female with breasts hanging down?) person with a tail and bovine legs standing near a tree fisting a horned tiger rearing on its hindlegs.

    Hieroglyph: N. dhokro ʻ large jute bag ʼ, B. dhokaṛ; Or. dhokaṛa ʻ cloth bag ʼ; Bi. dhŏkrā ʻ jute bag ʼ; Mth. dhokṛā ʻ bag, vessel, receptacle ʼ; H. dhukṛīf. ʻ small bag ʼ; G. dhokṛũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- ṭṭ -- : M. dhokṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ; -- with -- n -- : G. dhokṇũ n. ʻ bale of cotton ʼ; -- with -- s -- : N. (Tarai) dhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in ʼ.2. L. dhohẽ (pl. dhūhī˜) m. ʻ large thatched shed ʼ.3. M. dhõgḍā m. ʻ coarse cloth ʼ, dhõgṭī f. ʻ wallet ʼ.4. L. ḍhok f. ʻ hut in the fields ʼ; Ku. ḍhwākā m. pl. ʻ gates of a city or market ʼ; N. ḍhokā (pl. of *ḍhoko) ʻ door ʼ; -- OMarw. ḍhokaro m. ʻ basket ʼ; -- N.ḍhokse ʻ place covered with a mat to store rice in, large basket ʼ.(CDIAL 6880) Rebus: dhokra ‘cire perdue’ casting metalsmith.

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/philosophy-of-symbolic-forms-in-meluhha.html  In this work, discovery of two seals/tablets is reported: one seal from Mohenjo-daro and a tablet from Dholavira. Both report on the profession of the smelter-metallurgist involved in the technology.The professional is dhokra rendered rebus in Meluhha hieroglyphs -- perhaps by the ancestors of assur of present-day India, since they continue the smelting and casting traditions venerated by Tukulti-Ninurta I at an altar to the fire-god, karandi. The safflower which adorns Ashur artifacts is karadi


    Archaeometallurgy of cire perdue (lost-wax) metal castings links Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East 


    I suggest that the art idiom of Dian culture (Yunnan) and Dong Son culture (Vietnam) are a Meluhha metalwork hieroglyph continuum. The hieroglyphs used such as humped bull, tiger, multi-pointed star (sun), rhinoceros are read rebus, related to Meluhha metalwork, with particular reference to tin-bronzes which were produced in the world's larges Tin Belt of the Far East (Vietnam-Thai-Malay Peninsula). This indicates that Meluhha speakers from the Indiansprachbund had established a Trans-Asiatic network to spread 1) cire perdue (lost-wax) casting methods and 2) tin-bronzes as the contributory material resources which made the Bronze Age revolution possible in an extended Eurasian zone extending from Hanoi to Haifa. These are evidenced by the metaphors of Nahal Mishmar cire perdue metal castings (using arsenical copper) and by the presence of Indus writing on pure tin ingots discovered in a shipwreck at Haifa.

    ลายรูปนกยางหรือกระสา (Herons)? บนหน้ากลองมโหร Pattern or heron birds (Herons, storks)? On drums found at Co Lau, Hanoi in Vietnam was about 2,500 years ago (Dong Son Drum in Vietnam: 1990)

    Meluhha hieroglyphs:

    karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) 
    This is a piece from a marble plate that was bought from Vietnam. It shows the bold, intricately detailed face of a bronze Ngoc Lu drum, an artifact of the ancient Dong Son civilization in Vietnam, dating from 500-1000 B.C.E...The flying birds engraved on this drum motif are called "Chim Lac Viet" - a symbol of the Vietnamese forbidden kingdom Lac Viet. The Vietnamese consider this ancient bird to be a historic icon, dating back many thousands of years. 
    See: LB Hunt, The long history of lost wax casting, over five thousand yers of art and craftsmanship, pp. 62-79 "The origins of lost wax or investment casting, often known as cire perdue,and still the most accurate and reliable means of reproducing complex shapes in gold or other metals with all the fine detail of an original pattern, go back to the very first civilisations in the Near East and to a combination of primitive art, religion and metallurgy. The historical development of the process and its several variations are reviewed here
    as well as its transmission to other parts of the world."

    See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/revisiting-cire-perdue-in.html
    Cire perdue (lost-wax) method of casting metal alloys was used in Uruk, ca. 3500  BCE. to make a recumbent ram in silver which is mounted on pins and dowelled into the center of a cylinder seal. This was a hieroglyph, tagged to cylinder seal method of writing by impressing an agreement to a transaction or to indicate ownership. This cylinder seal is carved with figures of cattle. Ashmolean Museum, Univ. of Oxford. "The Ashmolean Museum describes this item as a cylinder seal showing a herd of cattle and reed huts  containing calves and vessels. The seal itself is made of magnesite (MgCO3 ) with small (a few centimeters)  cast silver ram-shaped finial. No claim is made by the museum that it was produced by the Lost Wax process and it is dated by the museum to the Late Uruk period or “around 3200 BCE”. The item has been purchased by the museum but its provenance is unknown and therefore cannot be precisely dated." (Shlomo Guil) 
    https://www.academia.edu/5689136/Reflections_Upon_Accepted_Dating_of_the_Prestige_Items_of_Nahal_Mishmar
    Chalcolithic metallurgy in southern Canaanca. 4,500-3500 BCE. Some of the oldest cast copper items in the world - finely made with imported copper. Chalcolithic Period - culture unknown. Ibex Headed Scepter created by the lost wax technique. From the Nahal Mishmar Cave Hoard in Ein Gedi Israel. The hoard contains 240 mace heads, 80 sceptres and 10 crowns - all copper except for a few ivory objects. Collections of Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

    Nahal Mishmar. Crown with building facade decoration and birds. The birds on the Nahal Mishmar artifact are comparable to the birds shown on Mohenjo-daro tablet which shows two birds perched on a boat flanked by a pair of palm trees.
    karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Sanskrit) karaa ‘a very large aquatic bird’ (Sindhi) 

    Rebus: करडा [karaā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'.

    ̄ā m. ʻ frame of a building ʼ (M.)(CDIAL 12859) Rebus: jaga ‘entrustment articles’ sgah m. ʻ line of entrenchments, stone walls for defence ʼ (Lahnda).(CDIAL 12845) Allograph: sagaa ‘lathe’. 'potable furnace'. sang ‘stone’, ga‘large stone’. dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'. ko ‘horns’ Rebus: ko‘artisan’s workshop’.



    The Leopards weight from Shahi Tump - Photography and 30 MeV accelerator tomodensimetry showing the copper shell and the lead filling.(Science for Cultural Heritage: Technological Innovation and Case Studies in Marine and Land Archaeology in the Adriatic Region and Inland : VII International Conference on Science, Arts and Culture : August 28-31, 2007, Veli Lošinj, Croatia, World Scientific, 2010. The aim of the conference was to discuss the contribution of physics and other sciences in archaeological research and in the preservation of cultural heritage.) Leopards weight of Shahi Tump (Balochistan), National Museum, Karachi. The artefact was discovered in a grave, in the Kech valley, in Balochistan. ca. 4th millennium BCE. 200 mm. h. 13.5kg wt. The shell has been manufactured by lost-wax foundry of a copper alloy (12.6% Pb, 2.6% As), then it has been filled up through lead (99.5%) foundry. The shell is engraved with figures of leopards hunting wild goats, made of polished fragments of shellfishes. No identification of the artefact's use has been given. (Scientific team: B. Mille, D. Bourgarit, R. Besenval, Musee Guimet, Paris. 

    Meluhha hieroglyphs:
    karaḍa  ‘panther’ Rebus: karaḍa ‘hard alloy’. mlekh 'goat' Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' (Pali)

    (Source: 
    B. Mille, R. Besenval, D. Bourgarit, 2004, Early lost-wax casting in Balochistan (Pakistan); the 'Leopards weight' from Shahi-Tump. in: Persiens antike Pracht, Bergbau-Handwerk-Archaologie, T. Stollner, R Slotta, A Vatandoust, A. eds., pp. 274-280. Bochum: Deutsches Bergbau Museum, 2004.

    Mille, B., D. Bourgarit, JF Haquet, R. Besenval, From the 7th to the 2nd millennium BCE in Balochistan (Pakistan): the development of copper metallurgy before and during the Indus Civilisation, South Asian Archaeology, 2001, C. Jarrige & V. Lefevre, eds., Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, Paris, 2005.) 


    Bronze bull. 5 in. h. X 7 in. l. Empty eye-sockets possibly held semiprecious stones. The small hump on its back, amove the forelegs, identifies this as a “Zebu bull” (Bos indicus), a species that originated in India, but which was present in the Near East as early as the fourth millennium B.C.E. Prof. Amihai Mazar, 1983, Bronze Bull Found in Israelite “High Place” from the Time of the JudgesBAR 9:05, Sep/Oct 1983 notes that the discovery was made on the summit of a hill in northern Samaria. For further reading see the popular, illustrated account by A. Mazar, “Bronze Bull Found in Israelite ‘High Place’ from the Time of the Judges” BAR 9.5 (1983) 34-40 or the more technical account in “Bull Site” NEAEHL I: 266-67. Mazar responds to M. Coogan’s challenging the cultic identification in “On Cult Places and Early Israelites: A Response to Michael Coogan” BAR 14.1 (1988). For the Tel Dan plaque see A. Biran, “Two Bronze Plaques and the Hussot of Dan” IEJ 49 (1999) 54, fig. 14.

    Meluhha rebus readings:

    Hieroglyph: M. poḷ m. ʻ bull dedicated to the gods ʼ(CDIAL 8399) Rebus: poḷ 'haematite (iron)'. 

    Bronze Dian Culture Cowrie Shell Container Dian Culture - Editor-at-Large
    A bronze cowry shell vessel (cowry shells were once used as currency in China) with oxen and tigers, made by the Dian people during the Chinese Western Han period (202 BC – 9 CE) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dian_Kingdom

    Meluhha hieroglyphs: barad 'bull' Rebus: bharath 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin' (Marathi)
    kola 'tiger' Rebus: kol 'working in iron', kole 'smelter' (Indian sprachbund). 

    Drawing of openwork bronze plaque with animals in combat (based on Yunnansheng Wenwu Kaogu Yanjiusuo et al, 2005, vol. 1:75 (After Fig. 9 in TzeHuey Chiou-Peng, 2008, op.cit.) 





    Black money: pinning the shadow down -- Subramanian Swamy. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you. Set up a kaalaadhan restitution counter.

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    Black money: pinning the shadow down
    Updated: Jun 8, 2015 02:07 AM , By Subramanian Swamy | 0 comments 
    Illustration: Satwik Gade
    Illustration: Satwik Gade
    The steps taken so far, and this includes the Black Money Bill, to bring back an estimated $1.5 trillion stashed abroad are completely ineffective. There are better and stronger solutions available
    Recently, on the suggestion of the eminent lawyer, Ram Jethmalani, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court allowed me to lead arguments on the effective steps to be taken to bring back black money, or undisclosed illegally held funds, estimated at Rs.120 lakh crore, stashed secretly abroad by Indians in numbered bank accounts. This amount is about 60 times the annual revenue from income tax in the Union Budget.
    The media had reported during the 2014 Lok Sabha election, possibly with the usual dose of interpolation and dramatisation, that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had pledged in election speeches to bring back to the country all this black money. According to these reports, Mr. Modi had said the money belonged to the nation, and every citizen would receive Rs.15 lakh in his or her bank account when the money came in.
    When or where Mr. Modi said this is not clear, but the nation, convinced after his speech that this would be done, now holds the government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) responsible for having failed to keep this promise.
    It is a fact that despite the Modi government setting up, soon after coming to office, a Special Investigation Team under two former Supreme Court judges, there is no sign yet of black money having being brought back.
    Does this mean that the BJP had underestimated the reality and complexity of the issue and that there are no quick fixes for retrieving the black money back? To understand this, it is important to recognise why eliminating black money is crucial to the nation’s strategy for high growth.
    The black money issue should not be misunderstood as one of merely avoiding taxes. It is, in fact, a major systemic crime of denying the nation’s financial system the proceeds of wealth. Such denial should actually be declared as treason, where opportunities to share the wealth for the benefit of the poor are wilfully denied.
    The spreading cancer
    Black money is a cancer in our economic system, not yet terminal or life-threatening. But we do not have much time left, possibly only a decade, before the economic system starts to unravel and contort.
    There are three dimensions to this cancer. First, there is a distortion of investment priorities because acquiring luxuries with black money favours high-level investment in the luxury goods industries — there is a higher rate of return on investment. This is similar to the cellular disorder in the body of a cancer patient.
    Second, forward trading in agricultural commodities by cash-rich speculators causes fluctuations in prices due to hoarding of agricultural products.
    Third, generating black money with impunity means that the quality is sub-optimised in public sector infrastructural projects by tender manipulation, under- and over-invoicing in trade, and so on. The so-called Black Money Bill of 2015, passed recently by Parliament, is inadequate to secure the return of an estimated $1.5 trillion deposited illegally abroad by Indian citizens in about 90 countries.
    The statute is structured in a way that will ensure punishment for black money hoarders once the money is detected or admitted for amnesty, but has no provisions on how to bring back the money itself.
    Taking the right steps
    There are four ways by which the names and accounts that are illegally held abroad can be ascertained, and the money stashed away brought back.
    First, the Central Bureau of Investigation/Enforcement Directorate can register a First Information Report on the receipt of information of illegal accounts through Intelligence sources, and then obtain a Letter of Request u/s 166A of the Criminal Procedure Code (1973) from a designated court. Then, the agency can use Switzerland’s Law On International Judicial Assistance in Criminal Matters and seek Swiss cooperation to confiscate the account.
    The second way is the German or French method of obtaining records of a particular bank. Monetary inducements are used in these two countries to will senior bank officials, as was done with the Bank of Liechtenstein and HSBC in Geneva.
    The third way, the U.S. method, was used in the Washington D.C.-based branch offices of the Union Bank of Switzerland and Credit Suisse. Senior bank officers based in the Washington D.C. branch were arrested on charges of espionage to pressurise Swiss authorities into giving over 5,000 names of U.S. citizens who had illegally opened bank accounts in these two banks that had claimed secrecy as a business principle. India also has Swiss bank branch offices in Mumbai.
    The fourth is the method suggested by eminent jurist and senior advocate Fali S. Nariman in his Rajya Sabha speeches and opinion pieces in newspapers, namely, invoking the Resolution of the UN Convention against Corruption, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2005 and ratified by India in 2011.
    This requires Parliament to pass a law. Or, as a first step, it requires the President to issue an Ordinance to nationalise all the bank accounts of Indian citizens in the 90-odd nations where black money is stashed. Thereafter, bilateral discussions with each of these countries can take place to get hold of the accounts.
    Moreover, SIT must seek a report from the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Indian government on what it has done about suspicious transactions reported by banks. This will ensure that the banks report, on a real time basis, all suspicious transactions. SIT should demand both an investigation into at least 100 of the major suspicious transactions that have been reported in the past three years, and action to be taken against them within 10 days. There must also be a follow up on all other cases, as and when reports surface.
    Issue of ownership
    There is also no precise definition of politically empowered persons. It is defined as per the UN Convention against Corruption 2005, which India ratified and became a signatory to in 2011. Further, in line with the provisions of Section 12 of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, all institutions must declare to the government their beneficial ownership — this will include ICICI Bank, Axis Bank, HDFC Bank, Jet Airways, and so on. Unless this is done, the ownership of several large corporations will remain unknown.
    Mr. Nariman’s suggestion, the first of its kind, should become a crucial instrument of black money restitution, mandated by the Supreme Court.
    These are the effective ways of obtaining the estimated $1.50 trillion stashed abroad. The measures being taken presently by the government are completely ineffective in tackling this cancer and are, therefore, only of diversionary value.
    (Subramanian Swamy is a former Union Cabinet Minister of Commerce, Law and Justice, and Chairman of the Action Committee Against Corruption in India.)

    China to set up first Yoga college in Yunnan University of Nationalities

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    May 19, 2015
    China to set up first yoga college :- Beijing: The first yoga college in China is to be set up at the Yunnan University of Nationalities, a media report said on Tuesday.

    The college is expected to spread Indian culture in China and plans to begin student admissions in September, China Daily reported.

    During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to China from May 14 to 16, the Yunnan University of Nationalities and the Indian Council for Cultural Relations signed a cooperation memorandum for the yoga college on May 15.

    The memorandum was listed in the China-India joint statement.

    The yoga college will invite yoga masters from India to preside over courses at different levels of difficulty. Other than yoga practice, there are also courses on Indian culture and philosophy.

    All students who enrol in the college will have the chance to study at the Morarji Desai National Institute of Yoga, located in the Indian capital of New Delhi and those who qualify will be granted international yoga training certificates.

    The yoga college is designed to provide a platform for China and India to improve cooperation and understanding in areas of culture and education. It is also aimed at helping carry out the strategy of the Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor.

    Chennai temple yields more history, Kurukshetra war mural -- TS Subramanian

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    • The estampage of a Chola inscription newly discovered at the Sri Parthasarathy Swamy temple at Triplicane in Chennai. Photo: Tamil Nadu Archaeology Department
      The estampage of a Chola inscription newly discovered at the Sri Parthasarathy Swamy temple at Triplicane in Chennai. Photo: Tamil Nadu Archaeology Department
    • A mural depicting the Kurukshetra war uncovered at the temple. Photo: K.V. Srinivasan
      A mural depicting the Kurukshetra war uncovered at the temple. Photo: K.V. Srinivasan
    Published: June 7, 2015 23:24 IST | Updated: June 8, 2015 07:28 IST  

    Chennai temple yields more history


    • T. S. SUBRAMANIAN
    The famous Sri Parthasarathy Swamy temple at Triplicane here never ceases to amaze history buffs, it seems. The latest to pique their interest is the discovery of an inscription of the Chola emperor Rajendra I on the northwest corner of the sanctum sanctorum.
    Adding to the excitement is a mural depicting the Kurukshetra war, a row of horse-drawn chariots and fiercely moustachioed charioteers, all battle-ready, which has come to light as the cement plaster covering it fell off. The mural runs to many metres, but had been inexplicably covered with plaster.
    The temple is replete with inscriptions of the Pallavas, who are believed to have built it around AD 600, the Cholas, the Pandyas and the Vijayanagara kings. The latest find came to light last Friday while conservation work was taken up ahead of the Maha Samprokshanam at the temple on June 12.
    K.V. Srinivasan, a photojournalist with The Hindu, who is associated with the temple, located the inscription and reported it to K.T. Narasimhan, consultant archaeologist/conservationist of the Tamil Nadu government. R. Kannan, Additional Chief Secretary, Tourism, Culture and Religious Endowments Department, who is leading the restoration and conservation work, instructed the Archaeology Department to take its estampage.
    Eulogy
    The fragmentary inscription offers a “prasasthi”, or eulogy, of Rajendra I, speaking of the fame of the emperor, who ruled between AD 1012 and 1044, and his conquests of many lands including in Vanavasi (Banavasi) and the present-day Kalaburgi region, both in Karnataka, and so on.
    S. Vasanthi, Deputy Superintending Archaeologist, and R. Sivanandam, Assistant Superintending Epigraphist, who took the estampage and identified the inscription, said it had not been published so far.
    Mr. Kannan has asked the temple officials to remove the plaster covering the mural to expose its entire length.
    The robust physical features of the horses in the work, seen wherever the pigments are exposed, show the painting belongs to the late Pallava period, Mr. Narasimhan says.
    Printable version | Jun 8, 2015 7:33:39 AM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/chennai/chennai-temple-yields-more-history/article7291998.ece

    Dotted circle-fillet, trefoil robe: paṭṭaḍi 'smithy, forge'; Potr̥ 'soma purifier priest', pot 'jeweller's polishing stone'

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    Three geometric hierolyphs on Priest-guild-leader statue of Mohenjo-daro are: 1. trefoil or clover (embroidered on the robe); 2. hole or dotted circle (deployed together with trefoils); 3. dotted circle (on the fillet). In the Egyptian hieroglyphic tradition, trefoil is associated with veneration of ancestors.

    There are three distinct geometric glyphs which are used to compose the hieroglyphs deployed on the 17.5 cm. high statuette of a reverenced person with a smooth hair-do and a neatly trimmed beard. This is clearly indicative of the possible use of a metal or stone razor to trim the hair on the face. That reverence is the intended message is reinforced by the deployment of trefoil hieroglyph on the based used for sacred Sivalinga in Mohenjo-daro.
    It is possible to decipher the hieroglyphs using the rebus-metonymy layered cipher of Indus writing system. 

    The Meluhha semantics of objects signified by these three hieroglyphs are related to metalwork guild.

    Trefoil hieroglyph or three 'beads, orifice' 

    kolom 'three' (Munda) Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. The triplicate  composing the trefoil is a semantic determinant of the signified object: smithy, forge.

    *pōttī ʻ glass bead ʼ.Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ; H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ rather than < pōtrá -- 1.(CDIAL 8403) பொத்தல் pottal n. < id. [K. poṭṭare, M. pottu, Tu. potre.] 1. Hole, orifice. 

    Rebus: Soma priest, jeweller's polishing stone

    पोतृ pōt " Purifier " , Name of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman (Rigveda) pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ? -- Rather < *pōttī -- .(CDIAL 8404) 
    pōtṛ पोतृ m. 1 One of the sixteen officiating priests at a sacrifice (assistant of the priest called ब्रह्मन्). -2 An epithet of Viṣṇu. pōtram पोत्रम् [पू-त्र] 1 The snout of a hog; धृतविधुरधरं महा- वराहं गिरिगुरुपोत्रमपीहितैर्जयन्तम् Bk.1.6; Ki.13.53. -2 A boat, ship. -3 A plough share. -4 The thunderbolt. -5 A garment. -6 The office of the Potṛi. -Comp. -आयुधः a hog, boar. (Samskritam. Apte)

    Hieroglyph: fillet on the forehead 

    பட்டம்² paṭṭam , n. < paṭṭa. 1. Plate of gold worn on the forehead, as an ornament or badge of distinction; சிறப்புக்கு அறிகுறியாக நெற்றி யிலணியும் பொற்றகடு. பட்டமுங் குழையு மின்ன (சீவக. 472). 2. An ornament worn on the forehead by women; மாதர் நுதலணி. பட்டங் கட்டிப்பொற்றோடு பெய்து (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 7, 6). 3. Title, appellation of dignity, title of office; பட்டப்பெயர். பட்டமும் பசும்பொற் பூணும் பரந்து (சீவக. 112). 4. Regency; reign; ஆட்சி. 5. Fasteners, metal clasp; சட்டங்களை இணைக்க உதவும் தகடு. ஆணிகளும் பட்டங்களுமாகிய பரிய இரும்பாலேகட்டி (நெடுநல். 80, உரை). 6. Flat or level surface of anything; பட்டைவடிவு. 7. Flat piece, as of bamboo; பட்டையான துண்டு. 8. Cut of a gem; மணிகளில் தீரும் பட்டை. 9. Paper-kite; காற்றாடி. பிள்ளைகள் பற்பலவுயர் பட்டம் விடல்போல் (திருப்போ. சந். பிள்ளைத். சப்பாணி. 8). 10. Cloth; சீலை. (அக. நி.) 11. Large banner; பெருங்கொடி. (பிங்.) 12. High position; உயர் பதவி. (பிங்.) 13. Gold; பொன். (சங். அக.) 

    Rebus: smithy, forge

    பட்டடை¹ paṭṭaṭai, [K.paṭṭaḍi.] Smithy, forge; கொல்லன் களரி.  n. prob. படு¹- + அடை¹-. [T. paṭṭika, K. paṭṭaḍe.] Anvil; அடைகல். (பிங்.) சீரிடங்காணி னெறிதற்குப் பட்ட டை (குறள், 821). பட்டறை² paṭṭaṟai , n. < K. paṭṭale. 1. Community; சனக்கூட்டம். 2. Guild, as of workmen; தொழிலாளர் சமுதாயம்.  பட்டடையார் paṭṭaṭaiyār, n. < id. (W. G.) 1. Master of a shop; கடையின் எசமானர். 2. Overseer; மேற்பார்ப்போர். பட்டக்காரன்¹ paṭṭa-k-kāraṉ, n. < பட்டம்² +.  Title of the headman of the Toṭṭiyar and Koṅkuvēḷāḷa castes; தொட்டியர், கொங்குவேளாளர் சாதித்தலைவரின் சிறப்புப்பெயர். பட்டகசாலை paṭṭaka-cālai , n. < T. paṭa- šāla. [K. paṭṭasāle.] 1. Central or principal hall in a house; கூடம்.

    பட்டங்கட்டு-தல் paṭṭaṅ-kaṭṭu-v. intr. < id. +. 1. To confer a title; பட்டப்பெயர் சூட்டுதல். நன்னெறிப் பட்டங்கட்டி நல்கினான் பரிவட்டங்கள் (திருவாலவா. 39, 27). 2. To invest with office, dignity, authority; to install, crown; அரசு முதலிய பதவி யளித்தல். இராவ ணனை வென்று . . . அவன்றம்பிக்குப் பட்டங்கட்டிய ராமா (தனிப்பா. i, 391, 48). 3. To fasten a gold band on the foreheads of the bridal pair in a marriage; கலியாணத்தில் மணமக்கள் நெற்றியிற் பொற்பட்டம் கட்டுதல். 4. To perform the ceremony of indicating the succession to the estate of deceased person among Maṟavas, wherein, before the corpse is removed, the chief heir and his wife take two balls of cow- dung mixed with various kinds of grain and stick them on to the wall of their house and throw them in water on the eighth day after death; மறவர் சாதியில் இறந்தோனது சவத்தை எடுப்பதற்குமுன் அவனுடைய முக்கிய வாரி சும் அவ்வாரிசின் மனைவியும் தானியங்களோடு கலந்த இரண்டு சாணவுண்டையை வீட்டின் சுவரில் ஒட்டி யும் பிறகு எட்டாநாள் அதனை நீரிற் கரைத்துந் தாமே இறந்தோன் சொத்துக்கு உரிமையுடையவரென்று தெரிவிக்குஞ் சடங்கு செய்தல். (E. T. v, 42.) 5. To perform the ceremony of going round the deceased during cremation; தகனக்கிரியையிற் பிரேதத்தைச் சுற்றிவருதல். Nāñ.

    The tradition in Indian sprachbund records coronation ceremony also to confer a title ācārya, 'teacher' or ācariyakula 'teacher's family' or head of a artisan guild:

    ஆசாரி ācāri n. < ā-cārya. [T. K. Tu. ācāri.] 1. A title adopted by Mādhva and Šrī Vaiṣṇava Brāhmans; மாத்துவ ?வைஷ்ண வப்பிராமணர் பட்டப்பெயர். 2. [M. āšāri.] Title of the five artisan castes; கம்மாளர்பட்டப்பெயர்.

    ācāríya -- , ācāryà -- m. ʻ teacher ʼ AV. [ācāra -- ]Pa. ācariya -- , °aka -- , ācēra -- m., KharI. ayariasa gen., Pk. āyariya -- m., Si. brāhmi inscr. ajara, 10th cent. äjara, mod. ädurā. *ācāriyakula ʻ teacher's family ʼ. [ācāríya -- , kúla -- ] Pa. ācariyakula -- n. ʻ the teacher's clan ʼ; Si. ädurol ʻ line of teachers, tradition ʼ(CDIAL 1072, 1073)
    Sarasvati-Sindhu Valley potters shaped clay pots on a wheel, like this one used by an Indian potter today.

    Discussion

    While it may be debated if a 'temple priest' of the civilization was called pōtti as the gloss is used today in Malayalam, or pōt as the gloss is used today in the performance of a vedic-soma yajñathere seems to be a substantial semantic evidence to relate to the other characteristics of the artifacts deployed in the context of the trefoil symbol: cloth (shawl or upper garment, leaving the right-shoulder bare), young animal. 

    Both symbols -- cloth and young animal -- have pottu as word signifiers. If pōṟṟi or pottu is the word signifier, there is a rebus reading possible: pot 'boat' or pot 'bead' or pote 'long straight bar of jewelry'.

    We seem to be looking at trefoil as a hieroglyph to be read rebus. 

    1. Shown pota 'cloth' worn as a shawl by the important person, the trefoil hieroglyph can be read rebus as the homonymous phonetic-determinant word: pōtṛ 'Soma purification priest'.

    2. Shown on pota 'young animal or heifer', or on beads, the trefoil hieroglyph can be read either as a phonetic determinant for pot 'boat' or pote 'long straight bar of jewelry or bead' or pot 'jeweller's polishing stone'.

    There are other statuettes displaying fillet worn on forehead and upper garment (shawl) on a meditating person leaving the right-shoulder bear -- a traditional pattern of uttariyam-wearing by teachers (AcArya and temple-priests in the Hindu tradition traceable to the Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) Civilization).

    Male Head Mohenjo-daroFillet worn on the forehead of a person with a neat hair-style and a hair-bun. 40. Head (back), Mohenjo-daro
    Male head probably broken from a seated sculpture. Finely braided or wavy combed hair tied into a double bun on the back of the head and a plain fillet or headband with two hanging ribbons falling down the back (40). 

    The upper lip is shaved and a closely cropped and combed beard lines the pronounced lower jaw. The stylized almond shaped eyes are framed by long eyebrows. The wide mouth is very similar to that on the "Priest-King" sculpture. Stylized ears are made of a double curve with a central knob.

    Material: sandstone
    Dimensions: 13.5 cm height
    Mohenjo-daro, DK-B 1057
    Mohenjo-daro Museum, MM 431
    Dales 1985: pl. IIb; Ardeleanu-Jansen 1984: 139-157 http://www.harappa.com/indus/40.html

    Mohenjodaro MaleMohenjo-daro Female
    Seated male figure with head missing (45, 46). On the back of the figure, the hair style can be partially reconstructed by a wide swath of hair and a braided lock of hair or ribbon hanging along the right side of the back. 

    A cloak is draped over the edge of the left shoulder and covers the folded legs and lower body, leaving the right shoulder and chest bare. The left arm is clasping the left knee and the hand is visible peeking out from underneath the cloak. The right hand is resting on the right knee which is folded beneath the body. 

    Material: limestone
    Dimensions: 28 cm height, 22 cm width
    Mohenjo-daro, L 950 
    Islamabad Museum
    Marshall 1931:358-9, pl. C, 1-3 http://www.harappa.com/indus/46.html


    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    June 8, 2015

    பட்டாபிஷேகம் paṭṭāpiṣēkam 
    n. < paṭ- ṭābhiṣēka. 1. Coronation, as preceded by anointing and bathing; முடிசூடுகை. 2. Ordination, consecration to the ministry; போதகரின் நியமனச்சடங்கு. Chr
    பட்டாசாரி paṭṭācāri , n. < bhaṭṭa பட்டாசாரியன் paṭṭācāriyaṉ 
    n. < id. +. 1. See பட்டன், 1, 2. (W.) 2. founder of a sub-sect of Mīmāṁsakas; மீமாஞ்ச மதத்தினுள் ஒரு பகுதிக்கு ஆசிரியன். (சி. போ. பா. பக். 44.)பட்டனம் paṭṭaṉam
    n. < paṭṭaṇa. Sea-port town; கடற்கரையின் பலதீவுப்பண்டம் விற்கும் ஊர். (சூடா.) பட்டன் paṭṭaṉ 
    , n. < bhaṭṭa. 1. Learned man, scholar; புலவன். மறைநான்கு முன் னோதிய பட்டனை (திவ். பெரியதி. 7, 3, 6). 2. Brāhmin-priest of a temple; கோயிலருச்சகன். 3. Spiritual master, god; சுவாமி. ஆலநிழலமர் பட்டனை (தேவா. 926, 1). 4. See பட்டர்பிரான். தண்புது வைப்பட்டன் சொன்ன (திவ். பெரியாழ். 3, 8, 10).பட்டாமணியம் paṭṭā-maṇiyam , n. < U. paṭṭā பட்டாரகன் paṭṭārakaṉ n. < bhaṭṭāraka. 1. Deity; கடவுள். (பிங்.) திருநந்திக்கரை பட் டாரகர் (T. A. S. iii, 206). 2. One who attained the stage of Arhat; அருகபதவி பெற்றோர். நமி பட்டாரகர் (தக்கயாகப். 375, உரை). 3. Spiritual preceptor; ஞானகுரு. (பிங்.) முகுந்தோத்தம பட் டாரகர் (T. A. S. iii, 44). பட்டாமணியகாரன் paṭṭāmaṇiya-kāraṉ 
    n. < பட்டாமணியம் +. Village munsif; கிராம முனிசீபு. Colloq.

    Priest King Mohenjo-daroPriest King

    Seated male sculpture, or "Priest King" from Mohenjo-daro (41, 42, 43). Fillet or ribbon headband with circular inlay ornament on the forehead and similar but smaller ornament on the right upper arm. The two ends of the fillet fall along the back and though the hair is carefully combed towards the back of the head, no bun is present. The flat back of the head may have held a separately carved bun as is traditional on the other seated figures, or it could have held a more elaborate horn and plumed headdress. 

    Two holes beneath the highly stylized ears suggest that a necklace or other head ornament was attached to the sculpture. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel. Eyes are deeply incised and may have held inlay. The upper lip is shaved and a short combed beard frames the face. The large crack in the face is the result of weathering or it may be due to original firing of this object. 

    Material: white, low fired steatite
    Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width
    Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909
    National Museum, Karachi, 50.852
    Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII


    Varuna's tArpya garment is used to invest a yajamana during royal consecration and is decorated with dhiSNya, 'stars' or 'fire-altars'. Ahura Mazda is said to wear such a garment. The sky …which the Wise One is wearing as His garment, is decorated with stars made of heavenly substance' (Yast, 13, 3). धिष्ण्य[p= 516,3] m. (f(). only RV. iv , 3 , 6 ; n. MBh. i , 7944) a sort of subordinate or side-altar (generally a heap of earth covered with sand on which the fire is placed , and of which 8 are enumerated , viz. besides the आग्नीध्रीय[in the आग्नीध्र] those in the सदस् [see s.v.] belonging to the होतृ , the मैत्रा-वरुण or प्र-शस्तृ , the ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन् , the पोतृ , नेष्टृ and अच्छा-वाक ; and the मार्जालीयBr. S3rS. &c (cf. कॢप्त-&c. m. N. of उशनस् i.e. the planet Venus L. (cf. धिषण)
    तार्प्य [p=444,3] n. a garment made of a particular vegetable substance (तृपा Sa1y. on S3Br. AV. xviii , 4 , 31 (°प्य्/अTS. iiTBr. i , iii S3Br. v , 3 , 5 , 20 Ta1n2d2yaBr. xxi Ka1tyS3r. xv S3a1n3khS3r.
    Mesopotamian lama deity, a bull with a human head, kind, protective spirits associated with the great sun god Shamash. In one inscription, an Assyrian king called upon lama deities to "turn back an evil person, guard the steps, and secure the path of the king who fashioned them." 2100-2000 BCE Serpentine, a smooth green stone the color of life-giving water in a desert area. The hollowed-out shapes on the body originally were inlaid with pearly shell or lapis lazuli.

    "Images of human-headed bulls are found throughout Mesopotamian history. Several statuettes dating from the late third millennium BC show a bearded creature wearing the divine horned headdress, lying down with its head turned to the side. They have been found at various Sumerian sites, the majority from Telloh.

    The human-headed bull

    The animal is shown lying, its head turned to the side and its tail underneath its right hoof. On its head is the divine headdress with three pairs of horns. It has a man's face with large elongated eyes, a beard covering half its cheeks and joining with the mustache before cascading down over its breast, where it ends in small curls, and long ringlets framing its face. The ears, however, are a bull's, though fleecy areas at the shoulders and hindquarters seem to suggest the animal is actually a bison. Another example in the Louvre displays particularly fine workmanship, the eyes and the whole body being enriched with decorative elements, applied or inlaid in trilobate and lozenge-shaped cavities (in the hooves). There is a small group of these recumbent bulls dating from the Neo-Sumerian period (around 2150-2000 BC), one of which is inscribed with the name of Gudea, the Second Dynasty ruler of Lagash. In the Neo-Assyrian period (9th-6th centuries BC), the human-headed bull, now with a pair of wings, becomes the guardian of the royal palace, flanking the doors through which visitors entered. This creature was a lamassu, a benevolent protective spirit generally associated with the sun-god Shamash.http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre-notices/recumbent-bull-man-s-head

    A SUMERIAN LAPIS LAZULI AMULET OF A BULL EARLY DYNASTIC III PERIOD, 2650-2350 B.C.Sumerian. lapis lazuli amulet of a bull Early Dynastic III Period, 2650-2350 BCE
    Recumbent bull with man’s head. Mesopotamia, c. 2350–2000 BC. Louvre
    Recumbent bull with man’s head. Mesopotamia, c. 2350–2000 BCE. Louvre
    Sumerian Shell Plaque of Gilgamesh with Bull of Heaven 
    Human-headed bull statuette dedicated by w:Gudea, prince of w:Lagash. Chlorite, Neo-Sumerian Period (ca. 2120 BC). Found in Telloh (ancient city of w:Girsu).The LouvreHuman-headed bull statuette dedicated by w:Gudea, prince of w:Lagash. Chlorite, Neo-Sumerian Period (ca. 2120 BC). Found in Telloh (ancient city of w:Girsu).The Louvre
    Luristan Bronze |   Early Iron Age, ca. 1250 to 700 BCE.Luristan Bronze | Early Iron Age, ca. 1250 to 700 BCE.

    "The trefoil pattern is found in Mesopotamia, Egypt and Crete in comparable associations, and seems likely to represent a common symbolism which may have extended to the Indus valley. The earliest occurrences appear to have been in Mesopotamia: a man-headed 'bull of heaven', probably of late Akkadian period in the Louvre, is carved for trefoil incrustations (1), and others similarly ornamented come from Warka (2) and from Ur (3). The last is of the IIIrd Dynasty, perhaps about 2200 BCE. It bears the symbols of Shamash the Sun-god, Sin the Moon-god, and Ishtar the Morning and Evening Star, together with trefoils which probably represent stars. With similar intent trefoils appear (with quatrefoils) in Egypt on Hathor the Mother-goddess as Lady of Heaven, and are well-exemplified by the Hathor cows which sustain couches in Tutankhamun's tomb (c. 1350 BCE) and by a painted figure of the XVIIIth Dynasty from Deir el-Bahari (4). In Crete the symbol recurs on bull-head (of cow-head) 'rhythons' of about the same period (5). The analogues from Egypt and Mesopotamia at least combine to suggest a religious and in particular an astral connotation for the motif and support the conjecture that the Mohenjo-daro bust may portray a deity or perhaps a priest-king."(Wheeler, Mortimer, 1968, The Indus civilization: suppl. volume to the Cambridge History of India, CUP, p.87)


    Cylinder-seal depiction (ME 89128).  Dating from about 1400BC, it shows the seated Babylonian sun-god Shamash with a Cross and Rosette, "...both probably Sun symbols" according to the British Museum description.


    The hieroglyphs shown together with Shamash on this cylinder seal are: 1. Fire-altar: kanda 'trench' (Pego) 2. karaDa 'safflower' Rebus: 'hard alloy'(Marathi) karNDi 'fire-god' (Remo).
    Black basalt rectangular-sided monument recording Esarhaddon's restoration of Babylon; carved symbols on the upper surface.Irregular rectangular-sided monument recording Esarhaddon's restoration of Babylon; possibly black basalt; carved symbols on the upper surface. Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty is the longest Assyrian treaty known. It sets out in detail the many actions required of his subjects, secured by a long list of fearful curses for anyone who might dare to break their oath. The full text and translation is available online (SAA 2: 006). 672 BCE.

     Detail from Esarhaddon's monument recording the restoration of Babylon. BM 91027
    Black basalt rectangular-sided monument recording Esarhaddon's restoration of Babylon; carved symbols on the upper surface.
    bm-sep-2007-60 - Utu, dieu sumérien, - devenu Shamash, en akkadien. SIPPAR.Utu, dieu sumérien, - devenu Shamash, en akkadien. SIPPAR.

    Bovine head rhytonCrete. Cow-head rhython with trefoil decor.

    1 G. Contenau, Manual d'archeologie orientale, II, Paris, 1931, p. 698-9.
    2 ibid. and A. Evans, the Palace of Mines, II, 1928, p. 261
    3 The Babylonian Legends of the Creation (Brit. Mus. 1931), p. 59; Antiquaries Journal, III, 1923, p.331
    4 Evans, op cit. I, 1921, pp. 513-14
    5 ibid. IV, 1935, p. 315

    miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120)

    Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.)mẽṛh t iron; ispat m. = steel; dul m. = cast iron (Munda) 


    "Late Harappan Period dish or lid with perforation at edge for hanging or attaching to large jar. It shows a Blackbuck antelope with trefoil design made of combined circle-and-dot motifs, possibly representing stars. It is associated with burial pottery of the Cemetery H period,dating after 1900 BC.The Late Harappan Period at Harappa is represented by the Cemetery H culture (190-1300 BC) which is named after the discovery of a large cemetery filled with painted burial urns and some extended inhumations. The earlier burials in this cemetery were laid out much like Harappan coffin burials, but in the later burials, adults were cremated and the bones placed in large urns (164). The change in burial customs represents a major shift in religion and can also be correlated to important changes in economic and political organization. Cemetery H pottery and related ceramics have been found throughout northern Pakistan, even as far north as Swat, where they mix with distinctive local traditions. In the east, numerous sites in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab provide evidence for the gradual expansion of settlements into this heavily forested region. One impetus for this expansion may have been the increasing use of rice and other summer (kharif) crops that could be grown using monsoon stimulated rains. Until late in the Harappan Period (after 2200 BC) the agricultural foundation of the Harappan cities was largely winter (rabi) crops that included wheat and barley. Although the Cemetery H culture encompassed a relatively large area, the trade connections with thewestern highlands began to break down as did the trade with the coast. Lapis lazuli and turquoise beads are rarely found in the settlements, and marine shell for ornaments and ritual objects gradually disappeared. On the other hand the technology of faience manufacture becomes more refined, possibly in order to compensate for the lack of raw materials such as shell, faience and possibly even carnelian." (Kenoyer in harappa.com slide description) http://www.harappa.com/indus2/162.html

    Lingamgrey sandstone in situ, Harappa. 

    Terracotta sivalinga, Kalibangan.Shape of polished lingam found at Harappa is like the summit of Mt. Kailas, Himalayas. Plate X(c), Lingam in situ in trench Ai (MS Vats, 1940, Exxcavations at Harappa, Vol. II, Calcutta). In trenches III and IV two more stone lingams were found. (MS Vats, opcit., Vol. I, pp. 51-52). The Hindu traditional metaphor of s'iva is the glacial river Ganga emerging from locks of his hair as he sits in penance on summit of Mt. Kailas, Himalayas. The metaphor results in Kailas in Ellora, showing Ravana lifting up the mountain.

    Two decorated bases and a lingam, Mohenjodaro. 

    Trefoil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?); smoothed, polished pedestal of dark red stone; National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi; After Mackay 1938: I, 411; II, pl. 107:35; Parpola, 1994, p. 218. "In an earthenware jar, No. 12414, recovered from Mound F, Trench IV, Square I"

    Trefoil designs on the shawl garment of the 'priest' Mohenjo-daro statue. The left shoulder is covered with a cloak decorated with trefoil, double circle and single circle designs that were originally filled with red pigment. Drill holes in the center of each circle indicate they were made with a specialized drill and then touched up with a chisel.  Material: white, low fired steatiteDimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909 National Museum, Karachi, 50.852 Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII

    The trefoil hieroglyph on the priest's shawl, on the body of a bull calf and on the base pedestal of a s'ivalinga is comparable to the hieroglyph which appears on painted lid or dish -- in the context of venerating the dead. This points to reverence for ancestors.Sumerian marble calf with inlaid trefoils of blue stone. From the late Uruk era, cira 3000 B.C.Sumerian marble calf with inlaid trefoils of blue stone. From the late Uruk era, Jemdet Nasr cira 3300 - 2900 B.C.E 5.3 cm. long; Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; Parpola, 1994, p. 213.

    Steatite statue fragment; Mohenjodaro (Sd 767); trefoil-decorated bull; traces of red pigment remain inside the trefoils. After Ardeleanu-Jansen 1989: 196, fig. 1; Parpola, 1994, p. 213.
    Trefoils painted on steatite beads, Harappa (After Vats, Pl. CXXXIII, Fig.2)
    Harry Burton photograph taken during the excavation of the tomb in 1922 in pharaoh's Antechamber, Treasury and Burial chamber.
    King Tut's burial bed in the form of the Celestial Cow. The Cow represents the Goddess Hathor Mehet-Urt, whose horns are decorated with the solar disk.

    Funeral couch of Tutankhamen (1336 BC - 1327 BCE) features cow with solar disc and inlay blue glass trefoils decorating the body. Said to represent Goddess Hathor.
    "An inscription from The Book of the divine cow found in the Burial chamber alludes to its sacred function as a solar barque for bearing the pharaoh to the heavens...Hieroglyphs carved on the footboard promise the protection of Isis and the endurance of Osiris."http://www.kingtutexhibit.com/catalogs/tutankhamun_catalog.pdf

    <pitaraku>  {N} ``^spirits of dead ^ancestors, ^relatives who must be worshipped or appeased''.  @6216.  #28481.

    पितृ[p= 626,2] m. (irreg. acc. pl. पितरस् MBh. gen. pl. पित्रिणाम् BhP. ) a father RV. &c &c (in the वेद N. of बृहस्-पति , वरुण , प्रजा-पति , and esp. of heaven or the sky ; अन्तरा पितरं मातरं च , " between heaven and earth " RV. x , 88 , 15)m. pl. (°तरस्) the fathers , forefathers , ancestors , (esp.) the पितृs or deceased ancestors (they are of 2 classes , viz. the deceased father , grandfathers and great-grandfathers of any partic. person , and the progenitors of mankind generally ; in honour of both these classes rites called श्राद्धs are performed and oblations called पिण्डs [q.v.] are presented ; they inhabit a peculiar region , which , according to some , is theभुवस् or region of the air , according to others , the orbit of the moon , and are considered as the regents of the नक्षत्रमघा and मूल ; cf. RTL. 10 &c RV. &c (Monier-Williams) pitŕ̊ (nom. sg. pitāˊ, acc. pitáram, gen. pitúḥ, nom. pl. pitáraḥ) m. ʻ father ʼ RV., pitárā du. ʻ father and mother ʼ RV.
    Pa. pitā nom., pitaraṁpituṁ acc. ʻ father ʼ, Aś. pitā nom., man. shah. pituna inst., Dhp. pidara acc., KharI. pitaraṁpidara acc., pidu gen.,(CDIAL 8179)

    *vaḍradaṇḍa ʻ large pole ʼ. [vaḍra -- , daṇḍá -- ]Bi. baṛẽṛā°ṛī ʻ upper iron bar of pillars supporting a smith's bellows ʼ, bẽriyā (< *baṛẽṛiyā? (CDIAL 11227) *vaḍratara ʻ larger ʼ. [vaḍra -- ]
    Pk. vaḍḍayara -- ʻ very big ʼ, Ap. vaḍḍāra -- ; S. vaḍ̠ero ʻ too large ʼ, m. ʻ headman, ancestor ʼ; P. vaḍerāba° ʻ large ʼ, m. ʻ ancestor ʼ; H. baṛerā ʻ large, principal ʼ; G. vaṛerũ ʻ elderly ʼ.(CDIAL 11226)

     पोतृ [p= 650,1]प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv.

    Kal. rumb. gaṇḍau (st. °ḍāl -- ) ʻ ancestor image ʼ(CDIAL 3998)

    Dotted circle hieroglyph on the bottom of the sacred device, lathe, sangaḍa

    kolom 'three' Rebus: kolami'smithy'


    kŕ̊tā -- ʻgirlʼ (RV); kuṛäˊ ʻgirlʼ (Ash.); kola ‘woman’ (Nahali); ‘wife’(Assamese). *kuḍa1 ʻ boy, son ʼ, °ḍī ʻ girl, daughter ʼ. [Prob. ← Mu. (Sant. Muṇḍari koṛa ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛi ʻ girl ʼ, Ho koa, kui, Kūrkū kōn, kōnjē); or ← Drav. (Tam. kur̤a ʻ young ʼ, Kan.koḍa ʻ youth ʼ) T. Burrow BSOAS xii 373. Prob. separate from RV. kŕ̊tā -- ʻ girl ʼ H. W. Bailey TPS 1955, 65. -- Cf. kuḍáti ʻ acts like a child ʼ Dhātup.] NiDoc. kuḍ'aǵa ʻ boy ʼ, kuḍ'i ʻ girl ʼ; Ash. kūˊṛə ʻ child, foetus ʼ, istrimalī -- kuṛäˊ ʻ girl ʼ; Kt. kŕū, kuŕuk  ʻ young of animals ʼ; Pr. kyútru ʻ young of animals, child ʼ, kyurú ʻ boy ʼ,kurīˊ ʻ colt, calf ʼ; Dm. kúŕa ʻ child ʼ, Shum. kuṛ; Kal. kūŕ*lk ʻ young of animals ʼ; Phal. kuṛĭ̄ ʻ woman, wife ʼ; K. kūrü f. ʻ young girl ʼ, kash. kōṛī, ram. kuṛhī; L. kuṛā m. ʻ bridegroom ʼ,kuṛī f. ʻ girl, virgin, bride ʼ, awāṇ. kuṛī f. ʻ woman ʼ; P. kuṛī f. ʻ girl, daughter ʼ, P. bhaṭ.  WPah. khaś. kuṛi, cur. kuḷī, cam. kǒḷā ʻ boy ʼ, kuṛī ʻ girl ʼ; -- B. ã̄ṭ -- kuṛā ʻ childless ʼ (ã̄ṭa ʻ tight ʼ)? -- X pṓta -- 1: WPah. bhad.  ʻ son ʼ, kūī ʻ daughter ʼ, bhal. ko m., koi f., pāḍ.kuā, kōī, paṅ. koā, kūī. (CDIAL 3245)


    kōla1 m. ʻ name of a degraded tribe ʼ Hariv. Pk. kōla -- m.;  B. kol  ʻ name of a Muṇḍā tribeʼ(CDIAL 3532). kol 'kolhe, smelters' (Santali); kol 'working in iron' (Tamil).

    Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village. To. kwala·l Kota smithy. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith.Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmismithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge.(DEDR 2133)

    What gloss connoted a trefoil in Indian sprachbund?

    I find a word in Malayalam which may provide the word as a signifier which matches with trefoil as a 'symbol'.


    These examples may provide signifiers of cloth, of someone of importance, or young animal as may be seen from these artifacts displaying the trefoil. 


    These artifacts evoke the following glosses from Indian sprachbund with literal meanings of 'trefoil' signifiers:


    Glosses (words and semantics): 

    போற்றி pōṟṟi , < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).

    potṛ.  pōtrá1 ʻ *cleaning instrument ʼ (ʻ the Potr̥'s soma vessel ʼ RV.). [√pū]

    Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ (CDIAL 8404)

    pṓta, pōtalaka, pōtalikā young animal, heifer; pōāla -- m. ʻ child, bull ʼ

    potṛā m. ʻ baby clothes ʼpotrẽ n. ʻ rag for smearing cowdung ʼ. pōta ʻ covering (?) ʼ RV., ʻ rough hempen cloth ʼ AV pusta --2 n. ʻ working in clay ʼ (prob. ← Drav., Tam. pūcu &c. Pkt. potta -- , °taga -- , °tia -- n. ʻ cotton cloth ʼ செம்பொத்தி cem-potti, n. prob. id. +. A kind of cloth.

    Te. poṭṭi, poṭṭiya scorpion;
    Tu. poṭṭè tender ear of corn; Pa. poṭ grain in embryonic stage.
    Ta. poṭṭu chaff
    Ta. poṭṭu drop, spot, round mark worn on forehead. Ma. poṭṭu, poṟṟu a circular mark on the forehead, mostly red. Ka. boṭṭu, baṭṭu drop, mark on the forehead. Koḍ. boṭṭï round mark worn on the forehead. Tu. boṭṭa a spot, mark, a drop; (B-K.) buṭṭe a dot. Te. boṭṭu a drop, the sectarian mark worn on the forehead. Kol. (SR.) boṭla drop. Pa. boṭ id. Ga. (P.)boṭu drop, spot. Konḍa boṭu drop of water, mark on forehead. Kuwi (F.) būttū, (Isr.) buṭu tattoo.

    Rebus readings:

    pōta ʻ boat ʼ

    H. pot m. ʻ glass bead ʼ, G. M. pot f.; -- Bi. pot ʻ jeweller's polishing stone ʼ; Pk. pottī -- f. ʻ glass ʼ; S. pūti f. ʻ glass bead ʼ, P. pot f.; N. pote ʻ long straight bar of jewelry ʼ; B. pot ʻ glass bead ʼ, putipũti ʻ small bead ʼ; Or. puti ʻ necklace of small glass beads ʼ

    kõda ’young bull calf’ (Bengali) kõdār ’turner’ (Bengali)

    pola (magnetite)
    pōḷī, ‘dewlap, honeycomb’

    पोळी [ pōḷī ] dewlap. Rebus: Russian gloss, bulat is cognate pola 'magnetite' iron in Asuri (Meluhha). Magnetite is the most magnetic of all the naturally occurring igneous and metamorphic rocks with black or brownish-black with a metallic luster. These magnetite ore stones could have been identified as pola iron by Meluhha speakers. Kannada gloss pola meaning 'point of the compass' may link with the characteristic of magnetite iron used to create a compass.pŏlāduwu made of steel; pŏlād प्वलाद् or phōlād फोलाद्  मृदुलोहविशेषः ] m. steel (Gr.M.; Rām. 431, 635, phōlād). pŏlödi  pōlödi  phōlödi लोहविशेषमयः adj. c.g. of steel, steel (Kashmiri) urukku what is melted, fused metal, steel.(Malayalam); ukk 'steel' (Telugu)(DEDR 661) This is cognate with famed 'wootz'steel. "Polad, Faulad" for steel in late Indian languages is traceable to Pokkhalavat, Polahvad. Pokkhalavat is the name of Pushkalavati, capital of Gandhara famed for iron and steel products.

    पोळ [ pōḷa ] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large (Marathi). 


    (a) Ta. pōṟai hole, hollow in tree, cavern; pōr hollow of a tree. Ko. bo·r vagina. To.  o·ṟ (obl. o·ṯ-) hole, wound. Ka. pōr hole. Te. boṟiya, boṟṟe hole, burrow, hollow, pit; boṟṟa hole, hollow, cavity in a tree. Ga. (S.2borra hole in tree. Konḍa boṟo hole of a crab, etc. Kuwi (P.) borra hole in tree. DED(S) 3765.
    (b) Ta. pōl hollow object, (Koll.) hollowness in a tree. Te. bōlu hollow.(DEDR 4604) போறை pōṟai , n. cf. புரை&sup5;. [T. borre, K. por.] 1. Hole; hollow in a tree; பொந்து. Colloq. 2. Cavity in the side of a well; cavern; கிணறு முதலியவற்றின் வங்கு. (W.)

    Ta. poṭṭu drop, spot, round mark worn on forehead. Ma. poṭṭu, poṟṟu a circular mark on the forehead, mostly red. Ka. boṭṭu, baṭṭu drop, mark on the forehead. Koḍ. boṭṭï round mark worn on the forehead. Tu. boṭṭa a spot, mark, a drop; (B-K.) buṭṭe a dot. Te. boṭṭu a drop, the sectarian mark worn on the forehead. Kol. (SR.) boṭla drop. Pa. boṭ id. Ga. (P.) boṭu drop, spot. Konḍa boṭu drop of water, mark on forehead. Kuwi (F.) būttū, (Isr.) buṭu tattoo. (DEDR 4492)

    போற்றன் pōṟṟaṉ , n. prob. id. Grandfather; பாட்டன். (நாமதீப. 189.) போற்றுநர் pōṟṟunar n. < போற்று-. 1. Relatives, kinsmen; சுற்றத்தார். போற்றா ருயிரினும் போற்றுந ருயிரினும் (பரிபா. 4, 52). 2. Those who understand; நன்குணர்வார். வேற்றுமை யின்றது போற்றுநர்ப் பெறினே (பரிபா. 4, 55). 
    போத்தி pōtti , n. < போற்றி. 1. Grandfather; பாட்டன். Tinn. 2. Brahman temple- priest in Malabar; மலையாளத்திலுள்ள கோயிலருச் சகன்.  पोतृ [p= 650,1] प्/ओतृ or पोतृm. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि Sa1y. RV. Br. S3rS. Hariv.

    போற்றி pōṟṟi , < id. n. 1. Praise, applause, commendation; புகழ்மொழி. (W.) 2.Brahman temple-priest of Malabar; கோயிற் பூசைசெய்யும் மலையாளநாட்டுப் பிராமணன். (W.) 3. See போத்தி, 1.--int. Exclamation of praise; துதிச்சொல்வகை. பொய்தீர் காட்சிப் புரையோய் போற்றி (சிலப். 13, 92).போற்றிசெய்-தல் pōṟṟi-cey-
    v. tr. < போற்றி +. To praise, worship, adore; துதித் தல். பரமனை. . . போற்றிசெய்வேனே (திருமந். 3).போற்றிமை pōṟṟimai , n. < id. Honour, reverence; வணக்கம். (W.)
    போற்று² pōṟṟu , n. < போற்று-. 1. Protection; காப்பு. (சங். அக.) 2. Praise, invocation; துதி. (யாழ். அக.)

    Ta. pōṟṟu (pōṟṟi-) to praise, applaud, worship, protect, cherish, nourish, entertain; n. protection, praise; pōṟṟi praise, applause; pōṟṟimai honour, reverence. Ma. pōṟṟuka to preserve, protect, adore; pōṟṟi nourisher, protector. (DEDR 4605)

    kolom 'three' (Munda) Rebus: kolami'smithy, forge' (Telugu)

    कण्टक [p=245,2] anything pointed , the point of a pin or needle , a prickle , sting R. Pa. kandi (pl. -l) necklace, beads. Ga. (P.) kandi (pl. -l) bead, (pl.) necklace; (S.2) kandiṭ bead (DEDR 1215) கண்டு³ kaṇṭu, n. < gaṇḍaBead or something like a pendent in an ornament for the neck; ஓர் ஆபரணவுரு. புல்லிகைக்கண்ட நாண் ஒன்றிற் கட்டின கண்டு ஒன்றும் (S.I.I. ii, 429). गण्ड [p=344,1] a mark , spot L. a bubble , boil , pimple Sus3r. S3ak. ii (Prakrit) Mudr. Vop.

    कण्टक workshop , manufactory L. Tu. kandůka, kandaka ditch, trench. Te. kandakamu id.
    Konḍa kanda trench made as a fireplace during weddings. Pe. kanda fire trench. Kui kanda small trench for fireplace. Malt. kandri a pit. (DEDR 1214) கண்டகம்¹ kaṇṭakam 
    n. < kaṇṭaka. Smithy; கம்மாலை. (யாழ். அக.)

    Ga. kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather. Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave.  Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail.  (DEDR 1159)

    1159 (a) Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string. Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Tu. kaṇṇů eye, nipple, star in peacock's feather, rent, tear. Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather. Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave. Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Nk. (Ch.) kan (pl. -l) eye. Pa. (S. only) kan (pl. kanul) eye. Ga. (Oll.) kaṇ (pl. kaṇkul) id.; kaṇul maṭṭa eyebrow; kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole; (S.) kanu (pl. kankul) eye. Go. (Tr.)kan (pl. kank) id.; (A.) kaṛ (pl. kaṛk) id. Konḍa kaṇ id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka)id. Kuwi (F.) kannū (pl. kar&nangle;ka), (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. Kur. xann eye, eye of tuber; xannērnā (of newly born babies or animals) to begin to see, have the use of one's eyesight (for ērnā, see 903). Malt. qanu eye. Br. xan id., bud. Cf. 1443 Ta. kāṇ and 1182 Ta.kaṇṇāṭi.
    (b) Ta. kaṇ ṇīr tears. Ma. kaṇ ṇīr. Ko. ka(ṇ) ṇi·r. To. keṇi·r. Ka. kaṇ ṇīr. Tu. kaṇṇů nīr. Te. kan nīru. Pa. (S.) kan nīr. Ga. (Oll.) kanīr. Go. (Mu.)kanner, (A.) kaṛel, (Tr. Ph.) kānēr (pl. kānehk), (Ko.) kanḍēr, (Ma. Ko.) kannīr (Voc. 506). Konḍa kaṇer(u). Pe. kaṇer, kāṇel. Kui kanḍru (pl. -ka). Kuwi (F.) kandrū (pl. -ŋa), (S. Su.) kanḍru, (Mah.) kanˀeri. Kur. xańjalxō. Malt. qan amu. Br. xaṛīnk. 

     Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).(CDIAL 3019)

    3019 kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV.Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa°ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Wg. kŕãmacrdotdot;, Pr. k&schwatildemacr;, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260,kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. kã̄&rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N.kānu; A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān°nākanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. °nikanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān°nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. --S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ.

    khá -- n. ʻ hole, hole in the nave of a wheel to take the axle ʼ RV., ʻ open space, sky ʼ ŚBr. [√khan](CDIAL 3760)

    *khaḍḍa ʻ hole, pit ʼ. [Cf. *gaḍḍa -- and list s.v. kartá -- 1]Pk. khaḍḍā -- f. ʻ hole, mine, cave ʼ, °ḍaga -- m. ʻ one who digs a hole ʼ, °ḍōlaya -- m. ʻ hole ʼ; Bshk. (Biddulph) "kād" (= khaḍ?) ʻ valley ʼ; K. khŏḍ m. ʻ pit ʼ,kh&obrevdotdot;ḍü f. ʻ small pit ʼ, khoḍu m. ʻ vulva ʼ; S. khaḍ̠a f. ʻ pit ʼ; L. khaḍḍ f. ʻ pit, cavern, ravine ʼ; P. khaḍḍ f. ʻ pit, ravine ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ hole for a weaver's feet ʼ (→ Ku. khaḍḍ, N. khaḍ; H. khaḍkhaḍḍā m. ʻ pit, low ground, notch ʼ; Or. khãḍi ʻ edge of a deep pit ʼ; M. khaḍḍā m. ʻ rough hole, pit ʼ); WPah. khaś.khaḍḍā ʻ stream ʼ; N. khāṛo ʻ pit, bog ʼ, khāṛi ʻ creek ʼ, khāṛal ʻ hole (in ground or stone) ʼ. -- Altern. < *khāḍa -- : Gy. gr. xar f. ʻ hole ʼ; Ku. khāṛʻ pit ʼ; B. khāṛī ʻ creek, inlet ʼ, khāṛal ʻ pit, ditch ʼ; H. khāṛī f. ʻ creek, inlet ʼ, khaṛ -- har°al m. ʻ hole ʼ; Marw. khāṛo m. ʻ hole ʼ; M. khāḍ f. ʻ hole, creek ʼ,°ḍā m. ʻ hole ʼ, °ḍī f. ʻ creek, inlet ʼ.S.kcch. khaḍḍ f. ʻ pit ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kháḍ m. ʻ hole in the earth, ravine ʼ, poet. khāḍ (obl. -- o) f. ʻ small stream ʼ, J. khāḍ f. (CDIAL 3790)

    6452 *dula ʻ hole ʼ. [√dal1?]Ku. dulo m., °li f., dulno m. ʻ hole, cavity, animal's den ʼ; N. dulo ʻ hole, animal's hole (e.g. of a mouse) ʼ, nāka ko dulo ʻ nostril ʼ, dulko ʻ little hole ʼ; -- M.ḍuḷū̃ n. ʻ little hole ʼ, ḍolā m.; -- poss. Ash. dūra ʻ hole ʼ (kāsāradūˊra ʻ nostril ʼ, dum -- durḗk ʻ smoke -- hole ʼ); Wg. dúridorīˊg ʻ smoke -- hole ʼ: but these poss. < dúr -- . -- Connexion, if any, with P. duḍ(h) f. ʻ wolf's den ʼ, ḍuḍḍ f. ʻ mouse -- hole ʼ s.v. *ṭōṭṭa -- 1 is obscure.

     8398 *pōḍa ʻ hollow ʼ. 2. *pōra -- 1. 3. *pōla -- . 4. *pōlla -- . 5. *phōra -- . 6. *phōlla -- . [Cf. Pa. pōṭa -- ʻ bubble ʼ. <-> See also list s.v. *pōka -- ; -- poss. conn. with *pūliya -- ]1. Ku. nak -- poṛ ʻ nostril ʼ; N. poro ʻ small hole ʼ (or < 2); G. poṛũ n. ʻ thin scaly crust ʼ (semant. cf. *pōppa -- ); M. poḷ°ḷẽ n. ʻ honeycomb ʼ (or < 3: semant. cf. *pōka -- ).2. S. poru m. ʻ cavity ʼ, poro m. ʻ hollow ʼ (or < 3); P. por f. ʻ hollow bamboo ʼ (or < *pōra -- 2); N. see 1.
    3. S. see 2; L. polā ʻ hollow, porous, loose (of soil) ʼ; M. see 1.
    4. Pk. polla -- , °aḍa -- , pulla -- ʻ hollow ʼ; P. pollā ʻ hollow ʼ, pol m., pulāī f. ʻ hollowness ʼ; Or. pola ʻ hollow ʼ, sb. ʻ puffed -- up pastry ʼ, polā ʻ empty ʼ; G.poli f. ʻ cavity ʼ, polũpolrũ ʻ hollow ʼ, polāṇ n. ʻ hollowness ʼ; M. pol n. ʻ empty tube or grain ʼ, polā ʻ hollow ʼ; -- altern. < 3: Woṭ. pōl, f. pyēl ʻ light (in weight) ʼ; Gaw. pōlá, f. pōlī ʻ small ʼ; K. pọ̆lu ʻ weak ʼ, pŏluru ʻ plump but unsubstantial ʼ; Ku. polo ʻ hollow, weak ʼ, m. ʻ beehive ʼ (l or ?); N. polpwāl ʻhole ʼ, polo
    pwālo ʻ beehive ʼ; A. pola -- kaṭā ʻ burglar ʼ; B. polo ʻ basket open at both ends for catching fish ʼ; H. pol f. ʻ hollowness ʼ, polā ʻ hollow, empty, flabby ʼ.
    5. B. Or. phorā ʻ hollow ʼ.6. P. pholuṛ m. ʻ chaff ʼ; H. pholā m. ʻ blister ʼ; G. pholvũ ʻ to husk ʼ; M. phol n. ʻ hollow grain ʼ.Addenda: *pōḍa -- ʻ hollow ʼ. [~ Drav. DED 3726]4. *pōlla -- : WPah.kṭg. pollɔ ʻ hollow ʼ, J. polā.

    7703 paṭṭakila m. ʻ tenant of royal land ʼ Vet. -- . [*paṭṭakinpaṭṭa -- 1]
    Pk. paṭṭaïl(l)a -- m. ʻ village headman ʼ; G. paṭel m. ʻ hereditary headman ʼ (whence paṭlāṇi f. ʻ his wife ʼ); OM. pāṭaïlu, M. pāṭel°ṭīl m. ʻ village headman ʼ.

    7692 paṭa m. ʻ woven cloth ʼ MBh., °aka -- m., paṭikā -- f. lex., paṭīˊ -- f. Pāṇ.gaṇa. [Cf. paṭṭa -- 2, paṭṭa -- 3, *palla -- 3, pallava -- 2. -- Prob. withkarpaṭa -- and karpāsa -- ← Austro -- as. J. Przyluski BSL xxv 70; less likely with A. Master BSOAS xi 302 ← Drav.]
    Pa. paṭa -- m., °ṭi -- , °ṭikā -- f. ʻ cloth, garment ʼ; Pk. paḍa<-> m. ʻ cloth ʼ, °ḍī -- , °ḍiyā -- f. ʻ a kind of garment ʼ; Wg. paṛīk ʻ shawl ʼ; S. paṛu m. ʻ covering of cloth for a saint's grave ʼ, paṛo m. ʻ petticoat ʼ; Si. paḷapala ʻ cloth, garment ʼ, piḷiya ʻ cloth, clothes ʼ; Md. feli ʻ cotton cloth ʼ.

    7699 paṭṭa1 m. ʻ slab, tablet ʼ MBh., °ṭaka -- m., °ṭikā -- f. Kathās. [Derivation as MIA. form of páttra -- (EWA ii 192), though very doubtful, does receive support from Dard. *paṭṭa -- ʻ leaf ʼ and meaning ʻ metal plate ʼ of several NIA. forms of páttra -- ]
    Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ slab, tablet ʼ; Pk. paṭṭa -- , °ṭaya -- m., °ṭiyā<-> f. ʻ slab of stone, board ʼ; NiDoc. paṭami loc. sg., paṭi ʻ tablet ʼ; K. paṭa m. ʻ slab, tablet, metal plate ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ flat board, leaf of door, etc. ʼ, püṭü f. ʻ plank ʼ, paṭürü f. ʻ plank over a watercourse ʼ (< -- aḍikā -- ); S. paṭo m. ʻ strip of paper ʼ, °ṭi f. ʻ boat's landing plank ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ board to write on, rafter ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ, f. ʻ beam ʼ, paṭṭā m. ʻ lease ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ narrow strip of level ground ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ sandy plain ʼ, °ṭā m. ʻ board, title deed to land ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ writing board ʼ; WPah.bhal. paṭṭ m. ʻ thigh ʼ, °ṭo m. ʻ central beam of house ʼ; Ku. pāṭo ʻ millstone ʼ, °ṭī ʻ board, writing board ʼ; N. pāṭo ʻ strip, plot of land, side ʼ, °ṭi ʻ tablet, slate, inn ʼ; A. pāṭ ʻ board ʼ, paṭā ʻ stone slab for grinding on ʼ; B. pāṭ°ṭā ʻ board, bench, stool, throne ʼ, °ṭi ʻ anything flat, rafter ʼ; Or. pāṭa ʻ plain, throne ʼ, °ṭipaṭā ʻ wooden plank, metal plate ʼ; Bi. pāṭ ʻ wedge fixing beam to body of plough, washing board ʼ, °ṭī ʻ side -- piece of bed, stone to grind spices on ʼ, (Gaya) paṭṭā ʻ wedge ʼ; Mth. pāṭ ʻ end of handle of mattock projecting beyond blade ʼ, °ṭāʻ wedge for beam of plough ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ plank, seat ʼ; H. pāṭ°ṭā m. ʻ slab, plank ʼ, °ṭī ʻ side -- piece of bed ʼ, paṭṭā m. ʻ board on which to sit while eating ʼ; OMarw. pāṭī f. ʻ plank ʼ; OG. pāṭīuṁ n. ʻ plank ʼ, pāṭalaü m. ʻ dining stool ʼ; G. pāṭ f., pāṭlɔ m. ʻ bench ʼ, pāṭɔ m. ʻ grinding stone ʼ, °ṭiyũ n. ʻ plank ʼ,°ṭṛɔ m., °ṭṛī f. ʻ beam ʼ; M. pāṭ m. ʻ bench ʼ, °ṭā m. ʻ grinding stone, tableland ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ writing board ʼ; Si. paṭa ʻ metal plate, slab ʼ. -- Deriv.: N. paṭāunu ʻ to spread out ʼ; H. pāṭnā ʻ to roof ʼ.

     7700 paṭṭa2 m. ʻ cloth, woven silk ʼ Kāv., ʻ bandage, fillet turban, diadem ʼ MBh. [Prob. like paṭa -- and *phēṭṭa -- 1 from non -- Aryan source, of which *patta -- in Gy. and *patra -- in Sh. may represent aryanization of paṭṭa -- . Not < páttra -- nor, with P. Tedesco Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld 222, < *pr̥ṣṭa<-> ʻ woven ʼ, while an assumed borrowing from IA. in Bur. ph*llto -- čiṅ ʻ puttees ʼ is too flimsy a basis for *palta -- (~ Eng.fold, &c.) as the source NTS xiii 93] Pa. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ woven silk, fine cloth, cotton cloth, turban ʼ, °ṭaka -- ʻ made of a strip of cloth ʼ, n. ʻ bandage, girdle ʼ, °ṭikā -- f.; NiDoc. paṭa ʻ roll of silk ʼ Lüders Textilien 24; Pk. paṭṭa -- m. ʻ cloth, clothes, turban ʼ; Paš. paṭā ʻ strip of skin ʼ, ar. weg. paṭīˊ ʻ belt ʼ; Kal.rumb. pāˊṭi ʻ scarf ʼ; Phal. paṭṭaṛa ʻ bark ʼ; K. paṭh, dat. °ṭas m. ʻ long strip of cloth from loom ʼ, poṭu m. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ, pôṭu m. ʻ silk, silk cloth ʼ (← Ind.?); S. paṭū m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭū̃ m. ʻ a kind of woollen cloth ʼ, paṭo m. ʻ band of cloth ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ bandage, fillet ʼ; L. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, awāṇ. paṭṭī f. ʻ woollen cloth ʼ; P. paṭṭ m. ʻ silk ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ coarse woollen cloth, bandage ʼ; WPah.bhal. peṭṭu m. sg. and pl. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ; Ku. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ; N. pāṭ ʻ flax, hemp ʼ; A. B. pāṭ ʻ silk ʼ (B. also ʻ jute ʼ); Or. pāṭaʻ silk, jute ʼ, paṭā ʻ red silk cloth, sheet, scarf ʼ, (Bastar) pāṭā ʻ loincloth ʼ; Bhoj. paṭuā ʻ jute ʼ; OAw. pāṭa m. ʻ silk cloth ʼ; H. paṭ m. ʻ cloth, turban ʼ, paṭṭū m. ʻ coarse woollen cloth ʼ, paṭṭī f. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, paṭkā m. ʻ loincloth ʼ; G. pāṭ m. ʻ strip of cloth ʼ, °ṭɔ m. ʻ bandage ʼ, °ṭī f. ʻ tape ʼ; Ko. pāṭṭo ʻ strap ʼ; Si. paṭaʻ silk, fine cloth ʼ, paṭiya ʻ ribbon, girdle, cloth screen round a tent ʼ. -- Gy. rum. pato ʻ clothing ʼ, gr. patavo ʻ napkin ʼ, wel. patavō ʻ sock ʼ, germ. phār ʻ silk, taffeta ʼ; Sh.koh. gur. pāc̣ṷ m. ʻ cloth ʼ, koh. poc̣e ʻ clothes ʼ.WPah.poet. pakṭe f. ʻ woman's woollen gown ʼ (metath. of *paṭke with -- akka -- ); Md. fořā ʻ cloth or Sinhalese sarong ʼ, fařu(v)i ʻ silk ʼ, fař ʻ strip, chain ʼ, fař jehum ʻ wrapping ʼ (jehum verbal noun of jahanī ʻ strikes ʼ).

    See: http://karava.org/karava_kings notes on Karava, continuing traditions of coronation of royalty.

    Tri-foliate bilva leaves (aegle marmelos) held sacred for worship of Sivalinga; Clover (trifolium sp.) short-lived herbaceous plants. 
    See: http://www.mushroomstone.com/fleurdelisorigin.htm Decoding the Fleur de lis -- Carl de Borhegyi (2012)

    Eurasian Economic Union. NaMo, announce initiative for Indian Ocean Economic Union, to gain equitable share of World GDP

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    Eurasian Silk Road Union: Towards a Russia-China Consensus?

    Eurasian Silk Road Union: Towards a Russia-China Consensus?

    http://thediplomat.com/2015/06/eurasian-silk-road-union-towards-a-russia-china-consensus/


    Mystic Universe -- Subhash Kak

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    Mystic Universe

    Indian cosmology is relevant not only from a historical perspective, but also because it explains human creativity and the mystery of consciousness

    Mystic Universe
    To begin to understand any civilisation, one must start with its cosmology. By cosmology 

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    we don’t mean a mathematical theory but rather the general idea of the nature of the universe. It is the structure that informs the artist and the philosopher. For example, in certain civilisations it was assumed that god lived in a paradise in the sky and the world unfolded to god’s command. Modern science, on the other hand, takes the laws of nature to be fundamental, but doesn’t explain free will and consciousness.

    In India, the rishis concluded that the nature of reality was not to be described by any simple picture. Upon deep reflection, they concluded that physical universe and consciousness were two complementary aspects of reality. The study of both was essential for self-knowledge. This is the reason why astronomy (concerning outer reality) and yoga (concerning inner reality) became important subjects in Indian thought.

    The Rigveda is India’s oldest text, while the archaeological record has an unbroken continuity going back to about 7500 BC, and there is a rock art tradition that is even older. The setting for the hymns of the Rigveda is the area of Sapta Saindhava, the region bounded by the Sindh and Ganga rivers although lands beyond this heartland are also mentioned. 

    TheRigveda describes the Sarasvati to be the greatest of the rivers that goes from the mountains to the sea. The archaeological record, suggesting that this river had turned dry by1900 BC, indicates that the Rigveda was prior to this epoch.

    Cosmological ideas

    The Vedic thinkers were aware that formalargumentation about the universe leads to logical paradox. Language has limitations (as in the statement: neti,neti “not this, not this”) and understanding ultimately derives from direct experience. The source of the direct experience is atman, which mysteriously can fathom the universe (ayam atman brahma).

    The rishis believed that the universe was governed by laws (rita). This meant that it could not have appeared from nowhere and thus it is infinitely old. Furthermore, as all systems change and decay, the universe itself should go through cycles, or yugas. The encyclopedic Puranas speak of the universe going through a current cycle of 8.64 billion years, and the period of the largest listed cycle is 311 trillion years.

    In analogy with the identity of selves in biology, physical matter was considered atomic. Indian physics describes nine substances: ether, space and time that are continuous; four elementary substances (or particles) called earth, air, water and fire that are atomic; and two kinds of mind, one omnipresent (the universal self) and another that is the individual mind.

    The rishis mention that the experience of space and time is not absolute., and the day of Brahma is astronomically longer than the human day. That space and time flow at different rates is in many Vedic and Puranic stories. Indian astronomers assumed an uncountable number of worlds (solar systems). In Puranic texts, the diameter of our own solar system is taken to be about 500 million yojanas which is about 7.5 billion km.

    The Vedas maintain that consciousness is present everywhere and it is the primary ground of reality. Minds do not emerge from matter; rather, the universe exists because of the presence of mind. This idea that consciousness is more fundamental than the physical universe is invoked to explain how the rishis turned out to be roughly right about the age and the size of the universe and the speed of light, while the modern scientist would take these as no more than numerical coincidences.

    Astronomy

    Vedic astronomy used a luni-solar year. Since the lunar year is 11 days shorter than the solar year, an intercalary month was employed every third year to adjust with the solar year. The movement of the moon was marked by its nightly conjunction with one of the 27 or 28 nakshatras. The Rigveda also speaks of another tradition of dividing the zodiac into 12 equal parts. TheRigveda and other early Vedic literature have astronomical references that go to the fourth and third millennium BC which is consistent with the hydrological evidence related to the Sarasvati river.

    Indian astronomers estimated correctly that the sun and the moon are approximately 108 times their respective diameters from the earth (perhaps from the discovery that the angular size of a pole removed 108 times its height is the same as that of the sun and the moon), and this number was used in sacred architecture. The distances to the sanctum sanctorum of the temple from the gate and the perimeter of the temple were taken to be 54 and 180 units, which are one-half each of 108 and 360.

    The astronomical basis of the Vedic ritual was the reconciliation of the lunar and solar years. Analogously, yogic practice was meant to reconcile the processes inside the body, taken to mirror that of the sun and the moon, which occurs when the eddies inside the mind (vrittis) are calmed.

    Fire altars, with astronomical basis, have been found in the third millennium cities of India. Vedic texts describe the design and ritual of the fire altars which were oriented towards the east and whose design, using bricks laid in five layers, coded astronomical knowledge of its times. The best known of the fire altars is the falcon altar shown in the figure above. The altar represented the universe and the choice of the falcon was to declare that the mystery of reality was that of change and time.

    The incommensurability between the lunar and the solar reckonings led to the search for ever-increasing cycles to synchronise the motions of the sun and the moon. This is how the yuga astronomical model was born. Vedic ritual was sacred theatre to communicate outer and inner knowledge to the participants so that they could reach within and be in touch with their own true selves.

    Present relevance

    The centrality of the obs­erver in Indian cosmology is similar to that of quantum theory, which is the deepest theory of physics. Erwin Schr­ödinger, one of the creators of quantum theory claimed that Upa­nishadic ideas were central to his discovery of the structure of the new subject. He wrote in an autobiographical essay that the idea of interconnectedness of quantum theory came to him as an echo of “that sacred, mystic formula which is yet really so simple and so clear: tat tvam asi, this is you. Or, again, in such words as ‘I am in the east and the west, I am above and below, I am this entire world.’”

    Indian cosmology is of interest not only from a historical perspective but also because it has the potential to explain human creativity and the mystery of consciousness. But there are challenges. Those who know Sanskrit texts do not know modern science and vice versa. One may even ask if it is possible to translate technical Sanskrit vocabulary related to consciousness into scientific terms that have an entirely different provenance.

    (Subhash Kak is Regents professor of engineering at Oklahoma State University. He is the author of 20 books that include The Architecture of Knowledge)
    subhashkak@gmail.com
    http://www.mydigitalfc.com/indian-knowledge-series/mystic-universe-441

    Links to the previous seven articles in the series — introductory article, ancient metallurgy, architecture, Ayurveda, ecological traditions, agriculture, mathematics — can be found here:http://www.mydigitalfc.com/sandhiseries
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