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Garut, śyēna; vajra, aśani: eagle, thunderbolt as hieroglyphs related to Meluhha metalwork: karaḍā, 'hard alloy'; kharādī 'turner'

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Two sections are presented in this note. Section A. Glosses related to metalwork. Section B. Hieroglyphs related to thunderbolt, eagle.

vájra is a gloss which denotes a thunderbolt and also 'adamantine, hard cement, a kind of hard iron or steel'.

śyēná श्येन [p= 1095,2] denotes a hawk , falcon , eagle and also senaheṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ (Sinhala); aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ (Rigveda)

Both hieroglyphs are displayed on a coin from Olympia, Greece, dated to c. 432-c.421 BCE. That the hieroglyphs were used in an ancient mint, are signifiers of the related signified glosses of metalwork activities of ancient people in Eurasia, in general; of Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk' (Rigveda RV 3.53.12) of Indian sprachbund, in particular..

A synonym for śyēná श्येन 'eagle' is gaRur (Munda); गरुत् [p= 348,3] m. n. 
(g. यवा*दिthe wing of a bird Prasannar. v , 53. गरुत्--मत् [p= 348,3] mfn. (गर्/उत्-) (in वेद only found in connection with सु-पर्ण्/अ , and apparently applied to a heavenly bird or to the sun) winged (?) RV. i , 164 , 46 ; x , 149 , 3 AV. iv , 6 , 3 VS. xii xvii , 72 winged Ragh. iii , 57 m. the bird गरुड Suparn2. MBh. &c m. a bird (in general) Nal. i , 22.

Two homonymous glosses relate the 'eagle' hieroglyph to metalwork: करडा (p. 137) [karaḍā]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c (Marathi) kharādī = turner (Gujarati) खरडबरड (p. 197) [ kharaḍabaraḍa ] a Stony and sterile--land.(Marathi)

In the evolution of metallurgical competence among artisans, a revolutionary moment can be related to the discovery of hardening metal by the process of alloying. As naturally-occurring arsenical copper (or arsenical bronze) was scarce, the discovery of creating tin-bronzes (copper - tin alloys) resulted in a veritable revolution in archaeological advances since the hard alloy could be used to create metalware, tools, weapons, pots and pans of required hardness or sharpness of edges.

This 'hardness' of metal alloy was signified by the gloss: [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c (Marathi). This characteristic of metal alloy could be signified by a number of hieroglyphs (rebus-metonymy cipher rendering) including गरुड garuḍa, 'eagle'. 

Another characteristic  of significance in metalwork was 'glueing'. This is denoted by the gloss: vajra. Metals of various kinds could be fused in a smithy/forge. This 'glueing' was an essential ingredient in creating metal alloys of the required hardness. This characteristic was signified by the gloss naming a metalworker with such 'glueing' competence: kharādī = turner (Gujarati). This feature of a turner's metalwork with mixing/turning of alloys is signified by the hieroglyph: garuḍa, 'eagle'; mərəγō saēnō (Avestan) [cognate: śyēna mriga (Samskritam). This 'glueing' is explained by the archaeometallurgical technical word: sanghāta , 'glueing, consolidation'. This is signified by the frequently deployed hieroglyph: sãghāṛɔ 'lathe' on hundreds of inscriptions of Indus Script Corpora. 

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/03/emphatic-evidence-for-indus-script.html 




The metaphor of a thunderbolt carrying away (glueing with) the metal is the foundation for the Anzu legends of Mesopotamia and of SuparNa, 'beautiful-winged' in Rigveda (with a play on the word: suvarNa 'gold').

If the Anzu legend is related to ancu 'iron' (Tocharian) cognate amśu , 'Soma filament' (Rigveda), the winged eagle may be archaeometallurgically explained as a process of hardening by glueing/alloying the metallic minerals of ancu and related pyritesमाक्षिक n. a kind of honey-like mineral substance or pyrites MBh.


Baudhāyana Śulba Sūtra is one instance of an ancient text related to śulba, 'copper', documenting with mathematical rigour, the construction of a fire-altar of desired shape and form to achieve the successful realization of a yajna, a prayer and invocation to divinities. One specific form is that of śyēnaciti, a fire-altar in the shape of a falcon, eagle. Such a 'falcon-shaped fire-altar' is archaeologically attested.

dīrghasyākṣaṇayā rajjuḥ pārśvamānī, tiryaḍam mānī,
cha yatpṛthagbhūte kurutastadubhayāṅ karoti.
A rope stretched along the length of the diagonal produces an area which the vertical and horizontal sides make together. (Subhash Kak , Pythagorean Triples and Cryptographic Coding, http://arxiv.org/find/all/1/all:+kak/0/1/0/all/0/1?skip=25&query_id=a7b95a2782affe4b)

शुल्ब [p= 1084,2] (or शुल्वn. (accord. to some also m. and  or f().) a string , cord , rope S3rS. Su1ryas. BhP. N. of a परिशिष्ट Cat. L. also " copper " (Monier-Williams)

Syena-citi: A Monument of Uttarkashi Distt.
EXCAVATED SITE -PUROLA

Geo-Coordinates-Lat. 30° 52’54” N Long. 77° 05’33” E

Notification No& Date;2742/-/16-09/1996

The ancient site at Purola is located on the left bank of river Kamal. The excavation yielded the remains of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) from the earliest level alongwith other associated materials include terracotta figurines, beads, potter-stamp, the dental and femur portions of domesticated horse (Equas Cabalus Linn). The most important finding from the site is a brick alter identified as Syenachiti by the excavator. The structure is in the shape of a flying eagle Garuda, head facing east with outstretched wings. In the center of the structure is the chiti is a square chamber yielded remains of pottery assignable to circa first century B.C. to second century AD. In addition copper coin of Kuninda and other material i.e. ash, bone pieces etc and a thin gold leaf impressed with a human figure tentatively identified as Agni have also been recovered from the central chamber.

Mesopotamian/Sumerian legends of Anzu or Old Persian legends of Simorg, Saena.





Section A. Glosses related to metalwork
The thunderbolt pattern with an eagle on a coin from Olympia, Greece, 432-c.421 BCE.

vájra m. a kind of hard mortar or cement (कल्कVarBr2S. (cf. -लेपn. a kind of hard iron or steel L. mfn. adamantine , hard , impenetrable W.

kharādī = turner (Gujarati)

करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ]Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c (Marathi)करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] m The arrangement of bars or embossed lines (plain or fretted with little knobs) raised upon a तार of gold by pressing and driving it upon the अवटी or grooved stamp. Such तार is used for the ornament बुगडी, for the hilt of a पट्टा or other sword &c. Applied also to any similar barform or line-form arrangement (pectination) whether embossed or indented; as the edging of a rupee &c. करड्याची अवटी (p. 137) [ karaḍyācī avaṭī ] f An implement of the goldsmith. A stamp for forming the bars or raised lines called करडा. It is channeled or grooved with (or without) little cavities. खरडबरड (p. 197) [ kharaḍabaraḍa ] a Stony and sterile--land.(Marathi) கரடு¹ karaṭu, n. [K. M. karaḍu.] 1. Roughness, ruggedness, unevenness; முருடு. ஈண்டுரு காக் கரடு (அருட்பா, iv, பத்தி. 6). 2. Churlish temper முருட்டுக்குணம். (Tamil) 

Ta. karaṭu roughness, unevenness, churlish temper; karaṭṭu rugged, uneven, unpolished; karaṇ uneven surface in vegetables and fruits, scar; karuprong, barb, spike; karumai, karil severity, cruelty; karukku teeth of a saw or sickle, jagged edge of palmyra leaf-stalk, sharpness. Ma. karaṭu what is rough or uneven; kaṟu rough; kaṟuppu roughness; karuma 
sharpness of sword; karukku teeth of a saw or file, thorns of a palmyra branch, irregular surface; karukarukka to be harsh, sharp, rough, irritating; karikku edge of teeth; kari-muḷ hard thorn; projecting parts of the skin of custard-apples, jack-fruits, etc.; kari-maṭal rind of jack-fruits. Ko. karp keenness or harshness (of wind); ? kako·ṭ hoe with sharp, broad blade (for -ko·ṭ, see 2064). Ka.karaḍu that is rough, uneven, unpolished, hard, or waste, useless, or wicked; kaṟaku, karku, kakku, gaṟaku, garaku, garku, garasu a jag, notch, dent, toothed part of a file or saw, rough part of a millstone, irregular surface, sharpness. Tu. karaḍů, karaḍu rough, coarse, worn out; wastage, loss, wear;kargōṭa hardness, hard-heartedness; hard, hard-hearted; garu rough; garime severity, strictness; gargāsů a saw. Te. kara sharp; karagasamu a saw;karakasa roughness; karusu rough, harsh; harsh words; kaṟaku, kaṟuku harshness, roughness, sharpness; rough, harsh, sharp; gari hardness, stiffness, sharpness; (B.) karaṭi stubborn, brutish, villainous; kakku a notch or dent, toothed part of a saw, file, or sickle, roughness of a millstone. Go. (Ma.)karkara sharp (Voc. 543). Kur. karcnā to be tough, (Hahn) be hardened. ? Cf. 1260 Ka. garasu. / Cf. Skt. karaṭa- a low, unruly, difficult person;karkara- hard, firm; karkaśa- rough, harsh, hard; krakaca-, karapattra- saw; khara- hard, harsh, rough, sharp-edged; kharu- harsh, cruel; Pali kakaca-saw; khara- rough; saw; Pkt. karakaya- saw; Apabhraṃśa (Jasaharacariu) karaḍa- hard. Cf. esp. Turner, CDIAL, no. 2819. Cf. also Skt. karavāla-sword (for second element, cf. 5376 Ta. vāḷ(DEDR 1265) khára2 ʻ hard, sharp, pungent ʼ MBh., ʻ solid ʼ Pān., ʻ hot (of wind) ʼ Suśr. [Cf. karkara -- 1, karkaśá -- , kakkhaṭa -- ]Pa. Pk. khara -- ʻ hard, rough, cruel, sharp ʼ; K. khoru ʻ pure, genuine ʼ, S. kharo, L. P. kharā (P. also ʻ good of weather ʼ); WPah. bhad. kharo ʻ good ʼ, paṅ. cur. cam. kharā ʻ good, clean ʼ; Ku. kharo ʻ honest ʼ; N. kharo ʻ real, keen ʼ; A. khar ʻ quick, nimble ʼ, m. ʻ dry weather ʼ, kharā ʻ dry, infertile ʼ,khariba ʻ to become dry ʼ; B. kharā ʻ hot, dry ʼ, vb. ʻ to overparch ʼ; Or. kharā ʻ sunshine ʼ; OAw. khara ʻ sharp, notched ʼ; H. kharā ʻ sharp, pure, good ʼ; G. khar ʻ sharp, hot ʼ, °rũ ʻ real, good, well parched or baked, well learnt ʼ; M. khar ʻ sharp, biting, thick (of consistency) ʼ, °rā ʻ pure, good, firm ʼ; Ko.kharo ʻ true ʼ; Si. kara -- räs ʻ hot -- rayed, i.e. sun ʼ. -- Ext. Pk. kharaḍia -- ʻ rough ʼ; Or. kharaṛā ʻ slightly parched ʼ. <-> X kṣārá -- 1: Or. khārā ʻ very sharp, pure, true ʼ. <-> X paruṣá -- 1: Bshk. khärúṣ ʻ rough, rugged ʼ; Si. karahu ʻ hard ʼ.kharapattrā -- , kharayaṣṭikā -- , *kharasrōtas -- .WPah.kṭg. (kc.) khɔ́rɔ ʻ great, good, excessive ʼ; J. kharā ʻ good, well ʼ; OMarw. kharaü ʻ extreme ʼ.(CDIAL 3819) karkara1 ʻ hard, firm ʼ Mālatīm. [Prob. same as karkara -- 2; cf. karkaśá -- , kakkhaṭa -- , *kakkaṭa -- 2, khára -- 2]Pa. kakkaratā -- f., °riya -- n. ʻ roughness, harshness ʼ; Pk. kakkara -- ʻ hard, firm ʼ; Tir. kaṅgará, Paš. kaṅgarāˊ m. ʻ ice ʼ (→ Psht. kaṅgalkaraṅg ʻ ice ʼ IIFL iii 3, 95); K. trakoru ʻ hard, rough ʼ < *krak -- FestskrBroch 149; L. kakkar m. ʻ frost, raw thong ʼ; P. kakkar m. ʻ frost ʼ; WPah. khaś. kakru ʻ ice ʼ; Or.kākarakã̄k° ʻ dew ʼ; G. kakrũ ʻ rough ʼ.(CDIAL 2819)
suvárṇa 'gold' 13519 suvárṇa ʻ of bright colour, golden ʼ RV., n. ʻ gold ʼ AV., suvarṇaka -- ʻ golden ʼ Hariv. 2. saúvarṇa- ʻ golden ʼ ŚrS., n. ʻ gold ʼ MBh. -- In many cases it is impossible to distinguish whether a NIA. form is derived from suvárṇa -- or saúvarṇa -- : they are therefore listed below together. [su --2, várṇa -- 1]1. Pa. suvaṇṇa -- ʻ of good colour ʼ, n. ʻ gold ʼ, soṇṇa<-> ʻ golden ʼ, n. ʻ gold ʼ; NiDoc. suv́arna ʻ gold ʼ; Pk. su(v)aṇṇa -- , soṇṇa -- n. ʻ gold ʼ, suvaṇṇia -- ʻ golden ʼ.2. Pa. sōvaṇṇa -- , °aya -- ʻ golden ʼ; Pk. (v)aṇṇa -- n. ʻ gold ʼ, Ap. sōvaṇa -- n.1 or 2. Gy. gr. sovnakáy, wel. sōnakai, rum. somnakáy m. ʻ gold ʼ, Ḍ. son m.; -- (Kaf. forms ← Ind. NTS ii 276) Ash. sun, Wg. sū̃n, Kt. sun f., Pr. ; <-> Dm. sōn, Paš.lauṛ. sū˘wan, Gmb. sōʻ n, Gaw. sōṇsūṇ, (→ Sv. son NOPhal 47), Kal. sū̃ṛasū̃ŕä, Phal. suāṇ, Sh.gil. so̯n m., koh. sonŭ m., gur. son m., dr. jij.sōṇ m., pales. lēlo swã̄ṛə ʻ gold ʼ, gil. (Lor.) sōno ʻ golden ʼ, koh. gur. sōṇṷ ʻ beautiful ʼ; K. sŏn m. ʻ gold ʼ, rām. sōnu, kash. pog. sŏnn, ḍoḍ. sŏṇṇā, S. sõnum. ʻ gold ʼ (sõnõ ʻ golden ʼ), L. sonā m., P. sonāsoināseonāsiūnā m., WPah.bhad. sunnō, khaś. sɔnnu n., jaun. sūnō, Ku. suno, gng. sun, N. sun, A. xon,xonā, B. sonā, Or. sunā, Mth. sonsonā, Aw.lakh. sonu, Bhoj. H. sonā m., OMarw. sauno, OG. sovanasonaüṁ n., G. sɔnũ n., M. sonẽ n. (sonā ʻ golden ʼ), OSi. (Brāhmī) sovaṇa, Si. suvan -- na. -- Early ← Sk.: Paš.chil. swāren ʻ gold ʼ, dar. surun, Shum. suárin, Kho. sórum (with -- m from droxum ʻ silver ʼ; → Yid. suwōrum).1. WPah.kṭg. súnnɔ, kc. suno m. ʻ gold ʼ.2. saúvarṇa -- : Garh. sonu ʻ gold ʼ, OMarw. sonaü m.(CDIAL 13519) suvarṇakāra m. ʻ goldsmith ʼ Mn. [suvárṇa -- , kāra -- 1]Pa. suvaṇṇakāra -- m. ʻ goldsmith ʼ, NiDoc. suv́arnakara, Pk. suvaṇṇaāra -- , suṇṇaāra -- , °ṇāra -- m., Sh. (Lor.) suniār m., K. sŏnarsŏnuru m., S.sonāro m., L. sunārā m., awāṇ. suniārā, P. suneār°rā m., Ku. N. sunār, A. xonāri, Or. sunāra°ri, Bi. Mth. Bhoj. Aw.lakh. sonār, H. sonārsun° m., G. M. sonār m., Ko. sonāru; -- Si. suvaru < *suvanaruWPah.kṭg. (kc.) sənār m. ʻ goldsmith ʼ, Garh. sunār; -- Md. sunāru ← G. M.(CDIAL 13520)

G. garāḍ°ḍɔ m. ʻ pit, ditch ʼ (< *graḍḍa -- < *garda -- ?);*gaḍḍa1 ʻ hole, pit ʼ. [G. < *garda -- ? -- Cf. *gaḍḍ -- 1 and list s.v. kartá -- 1] Pk. gaḍḍa -- m. ʻ hole ʼ; WPah. bhal. cur. gaḍḍ f., paṅ. gaḍḍṛī, pāḍ. gaḍōṛ ʻ river, stream ʼ; N. gaṛ -- tir ʻ bank of a river ʼ; A. gārā ʻ deep hole ʼ; B. gāṛ°ṛāʻ hollow, pit ʼ; Or. gāṛa ʻ hole, cave ʼ, gāṛiā ʻ pond ʼ; Mth. gāṛi ʻ piercing ʼ; H. gāṛā m. ʻ hole ʼ; Si. gaḍaya ʻ ditch ʼ. -- Cf. S. giḍ̠i f. ʻ hole in the ground for fire during Muharram ʼ. -- X khānĭ̄ -- : K. gān m. ʻ underground room ʼ; S. (LM 323) gāṇ f. ʻ mine, hole for keeping water ʼ; L. gāṇ m. ʻ small embanked field within a field to keep water in ʼ; G. gāṇ f. ʻ mine, cellar ʼ; M. gāṇ f. ʻ cavity containing water on a raised piece of land ʼ (LM 323 < gáhana -- ).WPah.kṭg. gāṛ ʻ hole (e.g. after a knot in wood) ʼ.(CDIAL 3981) gaḍa1 m. ʻ ditch ʼ lex. [Cf. *gaḍḍa -- 1 and list s.v. kartá -- 1]Pk. gaḍa -- n. ʻ hole ʼ; Paš. gaṛu ʻ dike ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) gōḷ ʻ hole, small dry ravine ʼ; A. garā ʻ high bank ʼ; B. gaṛ ʻ ditch, hole in a husking machine ʼ; Or.gaṛa ʻ ditch, moat ʼ; M. gaḷ f. ʻ hole in the game of marbles ʼ.(CDIAL 3967)

खरड (p. 197) [ kharaḍa ] f (खरडणें) A hurriedly written or drawn piece; a scrawl; a mere tracing or rude sketch. 2 Vehement reviling or abusing. v काढ g. of o. निघ g. of s. 3 The ashes and earth which gather about an ingot of metal during its formation. So called because to be detached they must be scraped off.खरडघाशा (p. 197) [ kharaḍaghāśā ] m (खरड & घासणें) A term of abuse for a bad writer, barber, carpenter &c.; quill-driver, scraper, chips.खरडणें (p. 197) [ kharaḍaṇēṃ ] v c To scrape or rub off roughly: also to abrade or graze. 2 To rub up; to grub up; to root out (grass, weeds &c.) by pushing the instrument along. 3 To shave roughly, to scrape: also to write roughly, to scrawl: also to jot or note down; to make brief memoranda: also to draw roughly; to plough roughly; to grind roughly &c. &c. 4 To break by rubbing between stones; to bruise (peppers &c.) 5 (More frequently खरड काढणें) To abuse or revile vehemently and coarsely.खरडनिशी (p. 197) [ kharaḍaniśī ] f Scrawling, scribbling, bad writing.खरडनीस (p. 197) [ kharaḍanīsa ] c खरडनिशा a (खरड & P) A scrawler or bad writer. खरडपट्टी (p. 197) [ kharaḍapaṭṭī ] f (See under पट्टी) Vehement reviling, abusing, scolding, rating, vociferous vituperation. v काढ, निघ, g. of o. or s. 2 Inflicting a loss or damage upon. v काढ, निघ g. of o. or s. खरडा (p. 197) [ kharaḍā ] m (खरडणें) Scrapings (as from a culinary utensil). 2 Bruised or coarsely broken peppercorns &c.: a mass of bruised मेथ्या &c. 3 also खरडें n A scrawl; a memorandum-scrap; a foul, blotted, interlined piece of writing. 4 also खरडें n A rude sketch; a rough draught; a foul copy; a waste-book; a day-book; a note-book. 5 A spotted and rough and ill-shaped pearl: also the roughness or knobbiness of such pearls. 6 A variety of musk-melon. 7 Heat in stomach and bowels during small-pox, measles &c. 8 A leopard. 9 C Small but full heads of rice. 10 Grass so short as to require grubbing or rubbing up. 11 A medicament consisting of levigated or pounded (nutmeg, or anise-seed, or मुरडशेंगा &c.) fried in clarified butter. It is given to check diarrhœa. 12 Reduced state, i. e. such scantiness as to demand scraping. v लाग, पड. Ex. पाण्याचा ख0 लागला or पडला The water (of the well &c.) is so scanty that it must be scraped up (with a नरेटी &c.) धान्याला ख0 लागलापैक्याला ख0 लागलाखरडें घासणें To fag at the desk; to drive the quill. 2 (With implication of indifference.) To write: answering to To pen it; to scribble away &c.खरडी (p. 197) [ kharaḍī ] f (खरडणें) Vehement and coarse scolding or abusing. v काढ g. of o. v निघ g. of s. 2 A sort of drum. 3 A fibre of काथा (fibrous integuments of the cocoanut).खरड्या (p. 197) [ kharaḍyā ] a (खरडणें) That writes or shaves rudely and roughly; a mere quill-driver; a very scraper.(Marathi. Molesworth)
Section B. Hieroglyphs related to thunderbolt, eagle:

vájra m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., ʻ diamond ʼ ṢaḍvBr. [√*vaj]Pa. vajira -- m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ, m.n. ʻ diamond ʼ, Pk. vajja -- , vayara -- , vaïra -- ; Sh. (Lor.) b*lc̣, pl. °c̣e m. ʻ thunderbolt, meteorite, lightning ʼ (< *baJ̣?); B. bāj ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Si. vidu ʻ Indra's thunderbolt (or < vidyút -- ?), diamond ʼ, vadura, viduru.(CDIAL 11204) वज्र[p= 913,1] mn. " the hard or mighty one " , a thunderbolt (esp. that of इन्द्र , said to have been formed out of the bones of the ऋषिदधीच or दधीचि [q.v.] , and shaped like a circular discus , or in later times regarded as having the form of two transverse bolts crossing each other thus x ; sometimes also applied to similar weapons used by various gods or superhuman beings , or to any mythical weapon destructive of spells or charms , also to मन्यु , " wrath " RV. or [with अपाम्] to a jet of water AV.&c ; also applied to a thunderbolt in general or to the lightning evolved from the centrifugal energy of the circular thunderbolt of इन्द्र when launched at a foe ; in Northern Buddhist countries it is shaped like a dumb-bell and called Dorje ;» MWB. 201 ; 322 &c RV. &c a diamond (thought to be as hard as the thunderbolt or of the same substance with it)  Shad2vBr. Mn. MBh. &c mfn. 
shaped like a kind of cross (cf. above ) , forked , zigzag ib. [cf. Zd. vazra , " a club. "]  vajra वज्र a. [वज्-रन् Uṇ.2.28] 1 Hard, adamantine. -2 Severe. -3 Forked, zigzag. -4 Cross. -ज्रः, -ज्रम् 1 A thunderbolt, the weapon of Indra (said to have been formed out of the bones of the sage Dadhīchi q. v.); आशंसन्ते समितिषु सुराः सक्तवैरा हि दैत्यैरस्याधिज्ये धनुषि विजयं पौरुहूते च वज्रे Ś.2.16. -2 Any destructive weapon like the thunderbolt. -3 A diamond-pin, an instru- ment for perforating jewels; मणौ वज्रसमुत्कीर्णे सूत्रस्येवास्ति मे गतिः R.1.4. -4 A diamond in general, an adamant; वज्रादपि कठोराणि मृदूनि कुसुमादपि U.2.7; R.6.19; मुक्तां मरकतं पद्मरागं वज्रं च विद्रुमम् Śiva B.3.12.  -अशनिः the thunderbolt of Indra; वज्राशनिसम- स्पर्शा अर्जुनेन शरा युधि Mb.6.119.6  -लोहकः a magnet. वज्रिन् m. 1 N. of Indra; ननु वज्रिण एव वीर्यमेतद्विजयन्ते द्विषतो यदस्य पक्ष्याः V.1.15; R.9.24. -2 An owl. (Apte. Samskritam)

Golden eagle. Garuḷa [Derivation uncertain. Sk. garuḍa, Lat. volucer winged, volo to fly]. N. of a mythical bird, a harpy Ps ii.196=Nd2 235, 3 q.; Vism 206; VvA 9 (=supaṇṇa); DhA i.144. (Pali) garuḍ गरुड् m. Garuḍa, N. of a bird celebrated in Hindū myth as chief of the feathered race and enemy of the serpent race. He was the vehicle of the god Viṣṇu (Vishnu) (Śiv. 72, 732, 793, 1324; Rām. 398, 598, 6).(Kashmiri)

<kaDamaru uDaG>(Z) [kaRamaru uRaG]  {N} ``^eagle, ^White-bellied_Sea-eagle''.  |<kaDamaru> `?', <uDaG> `a large bird'.  ^bird.  #15420. <kenDelaG>(P),,<keNDlaG>(M)  {N} ``kite (%Milvus govinda)''.  *Sa., Mu.<kuri-da>, Sa., Ho<kui-Da>, So.<kondidi-aG-An>, ~<aRaG/-aG>?, Pal.<kla:G>, Khs.<kliG>, Pang.<kAraG> `kite', Khm.<khlEG> `milan', Bahn.<kla:G> `id.', ~<kla:G-ko> `heron', Sre<klaG> `aigle (%Halioetus leucXryphXs)', Sem.<kAlaG> `white-headed eagle', Nic.<kAla:G> `white-bellied sea-eagle (%Cuncuma leucogaster) ??'.  %16931.  #16811.

<gOruDO>(P),,<gOruRO>(P)  {N} ``^eagle, any big ^bird''.  *Mu.<gaRur>, Ho<goruR>, H.<gArURA> `large species of heron, eagle', Sk.<gArUDA>.  %11781.  #11691.(Munda etyma)  garuḍá m. ʻ a mythical bird ʼ Mn. Pa. garuḷa -- m., Pk. garuḍa -- , °ula -- m.; P. garaṛ m. ʻ the bird Ardea argala ʼ; N. garul ʻ eagle ʼ, Bhoj. gaṛur; OAw. garura ʻ blue jay ʼ; H. garuṛ m. ʻ hornbill ʼ, garul ʻ a large vulture ʼ; Si. guruḷā ʻ bird ʼ (kurullā infl. by Tam.?). -- Kal. rumb. gōrvḗlik ʻ kite ʼ?? (CDIAL 4041) gāruḍa ʻ relating to Garuḍa ʼ MBh., n. ʻ spell against poison ʼ lex. 2. ʻ emerald (used as an antidote) ʼ Kālid. [garuḍá -- ] 1. Pk. gāruḍa -- , °ula -- ʻ good as antidote to snakepoison ʼ, m. ʻ charm against snake -- poison ʼ, n. ʻ science of using such charms ʼ; H. gāṛrūgārṛū m. ʻ charm against snake -- poison ʼ; M. gāruḍ n. ʻ juggling ʼ. 2. M. gāroḷā ʻ cat -- eyed, of the colour of cat's eyes ʼ.(CDIAL 4138)

suparṇá ʻ having beautiful wings ʼ, m. ʻ any large bird of prey, a mythical bird ʼ RV. [su -- 2, parṇá -- ]Pa. supaṇṇa -- m. ʻ the bird Garuḍa ʼ, Si. suvan.(CDIAL 13476)  

Si. senaheṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; aśáni f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ RV., °nī -- f. ŚBr. [Cf. áśan -- m. ʻ sling -- stone ʼ RV.]Pa. asanī -- f. ʻ thunderbolt, lightning ʼ, asana -- n. ʻ stone ʼ; Pk. asaṇi -- m.f. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ; Ash. ašĩˊ ʻ hail ʼ, Wg. ašē˜ˊ, Pr. īšĩ, Bashg. "azhir", Dm. ašin, Paš. ášen, Shum.äˊšin, Gaw. išín, Bshk. ašun, Savi išin, Phal. ã̄šun, L. (Jukes) ahin, awāṇ. &circmacrepsilon;n (both with n, not ), P. āhiṇ, f., āhaṇaihaṇ m.f., WPah. bhad. ã̄ṇ, bhal. ´tildemacrepsilon; hiṇi f., N. asino, pl. °nā; Si. senaheṇa ʻ thunderbolt ʼ Geiger GS 34, but the expected form would be *ā̤n; -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr f. ʻ hail ʼ (X ?). -- For ʻ stone ʼ > ʻ hailstone ʼ cf. upala -- and A. xil s.v. śilāˊ -- Sh. aĩyĕˊr (Lor. aĩyār → Bur. *lhyer ʻ hail ʼ BurLg iii 17) poss. < *aśari -- from heteroclite n/r stem (cf. áśman -- : aśmará -- ʻ made of stone ʼ).(CDIAL 910) vajrāśani m. ʻ Indra's thunderbolt ʼ R. [vájra -- , aśáni -- ]Aw. bajāsani m. ʻ thunderbolt ʼ prob. ← Sk. (CDIAL 11207)

श्येन firewood laid in the shape of an eagle S3ulbas

श्येना f. a female hawk L. श्येन [p= 1095,2] m. a hawk , falcon , eagle , any bird of prey (esp. the eagle that brings down सोम to man) RV. &c  mfn. eagle-like AitBr. mfn. coming from an eagle (as " eagle's flesh ") , Kr2ishn2aj. ?? (prob. w.r. for श्यैन).  śyēná m. ʻ hawk, falcon, eagle ʼ RV. Pa. sēna -- , °aka -- m. ʻ hawk ʼ, Pk. sēṇa -- m.; WPah.bhad. śeṇ ʻ kite ʼ; A. xen ʻ falcon, hawk ʼ, Or. seṇā, H. sensẽ m., M. śen m., śenī f. (< MIA. *senna -- ); Si. sen ʻ falcon, eagle, kite ʼ. (CDIAL 12674) शेन [ śēna ] m (श्येन S) A hawk. शेनी f (श्येनी S) A female hawk.श्येन [ śyēna ] m S A hawk. श्येनी f S A female hawk. (Marathi)

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/simorg.html  Simorg, śyēná (anzu), patanga, mákṣikā: Rigveda riddles, Meluhha hieroglyphs as archaeometallurgy metaphors

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/archaeometallury-and-meluhha.html Archaeometallury and Meluhha linguistics link Ancient Far East and Ancient Near East on Tin Road

S. Kalyanaraman
Sarasvati Research Center
May 27, 2015





Selective outrage over violence -- Kumar Chellappan

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SELECTIVE OUTRAGE OVER VIOLENCE

Wednesday, 27 May 2015 | Kumar Chellappan | in Oped

While the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom is vocal in its criticism of the Indian Government for the attacks on churches, nobody here has questioned the violence against the majority community
Even as the Modi Government completed its first year in office, in a report submitted to the US State Department, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom has come down heavily on the Indian Government for its supposedly callous attitude towards attacks on minorities in the country. Incidents like the gang rape of a Christian nun and the vandalisation of churches are being depicted by USCIRF as acts of violence against minorities in India.
The newly elected general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Mr Sitaram Yechury, is moving around the country, warning the minorities about an impending danger in the form of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad which are waiting in the wings to ‘unleash an attack’ on them. All the members of the secular brigade are running amok and crying about the possibility of a communal riot which can take place anytime!
Some like the self-styled intellectual class add more fuel to whatever has been said by people like the BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj, who exhorted Hindu women to deliver more children so that the Hindus do not end up as a minority in the country.
There were also some isolated incidents of attacks on the churches. The attacks on churches took place in West Bengal, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh (all the States are ruled by non-BJP Governments).
There were reports that a 71-year old nun was gang-raped in West Bengal’s Nadia district. Later it was known that those who were arrested in connection with the rape of the nun were illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and disgruntled elements from the minority communities.
A prominent member of the US business delegation which accompanied President Barack Obama during his visit to India said, “USCIRF is an organisation about which people in the US itself have not heard about. The so called commission has
only Christians, that too evangelists, as its members and, hence, their report is a one-sided vicious campaign against the Union Government.”
Admist all this what is disturbing is the ever-increasing number of attacks and vandalisation against Hindu religious temples and priests all over India. No one apart from the VHP or the RSS leaders bothered to condemn these attacks.
The month of April saw a group of anti-social elements with the patronage of certain Dravidian and Tamil nationalist organisations assault old and frail priests of Hindu temples in Chennai. The sacred thread they wear on their bodies as well as their hair-tuft were cut off by these rabid rationalists.
The nationalists also held a function to destroy the mangal sutra (the sacred thread wore by married women) to proclaim liberation of women. The Madras High Court intervened and stayed the mangal sutra removal campaigns taking into account the apprehensions expressed by the police that it would lead to the deterioration of law and order in the country.
No social activist came out in the open to express shock over the acts of vandalism perpetrated by the rationalist fundamentalists. There was no public outcry anywhere in the country for the regular attacks on the poor priests or for the mangal sutra removal campaigns.
While the US-based commission and the church are vocal in their criticism against the Union Government for the attacks on churches, nobody has yet dared to question the acts of violence and hooliganism unleashed on the temples in the country.
In Tamil Nadu itself, more than 100 temples have come under attack by various anti-Hindu forces. According to Arjun Sampath, leader of Hindu People’s Party, “Hundreds of Hindu temples across Tamil Nadu are vandalised regularly by anti-Hindu forces. They loot donation boxes that are kept outside the temples. Hundreds of ancient idols have been stolen from these temples.”
In the 1980s, when the temples in Kerala came under attack and many idols went missing, some of the Hindu activists approached EK Nayanar, the then Chief Minister of the State. He scoffed at them and said, “What kind of Gods you are worshipping? Gods who cannot take care of themselves? How will these Gods ensure your safety?” Would Nayanar dare to ask such a question to a Christian priest?
An emerald idol of Lord Shiva, gifted by a royal family of Nepal, to Sringeri Mutt in  Kaladi, Kerala was stolen in 2009 and the police has failed to trace it till date. The idol is worth Rs400 crore in the international market. However, there has been no public outcry about it in the country.
The latest is the denial of employment to a Muslim candidate by a private company in Surat. This is a condemnable. But what about the denial of jobs to thousands of HIndu candidates?
This has happened and is happening. All advertisements put by recruiting agents who select candidates for West Asian countries in 1990s featured  one pre-condition, “Only Christian and Muslim candidates need to apply”.

http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/oped/selective-outrage-over-violence.html

Rare discovery by Prof. KP Rao of iron tools and weapons in Hyderabad ca. 2200 BCE. Additional details on pottery, burials (Telugu report)

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Today's Andhra Jyothi carries a story on the rare discovery made by History Professor K P Rao on UoH campus which are 2200 years old.

Source: https://www.facebook.com/uohyd


సెంట్రల్‌ వర్సిటీలో క్రీస్తుపూర్వం సమాధులు (19-May-2015)
క్రీ.పూ.2400-1800 కాలపు అస్థిపంజరాల వెలికితీత
బృహత్‌శిలా యుగానికి చెందిన
ఇనుప వస్తువులు, మట్టిపాత్రలు లభ్యం
అప్పటికే దక్షిణ భారతాన
ఇనుము వినియోగం: ప్రొఫెసర్‌ కేపీ రావు
జూఉత్తరాదినా అదే కాలం నాటి
హరప్పన్‌ సమాధుల తవ్వకాలు
బయల్పడుతున్న అస్థిపంజరాలు ఇతర వస్తువులు
హైదరాబాద్‌, మే 18 (ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి): క్రీస్తు పూర్వం 2400 నుంచి 1800 మధ్య మరణించిన వారి అస్థిపంజరాలవి! తెలుగు రాష్ట్రాల ఉమ్మడి రాజధాని నడిబొడ్డున.. హైదరాబాద్‌ సెంట్రల్‌ యూనివర్సిటీ (హెచ్‌సీయూ) ప్రాంగణంలో జరిపిన తవ్వకాల్లో బయల్పడ్డాయి. హెచ్‌సీయూలో చరిత్ర విభాగం సీనియర్‌ ప్రొఫెసర్‌, పురావస్తు నిపుణుడైన ప్రొఫెసర్‌ కేపీ రావు నేతృత్వంలో జరిగిన ఈ తవ్వకాల్లో.. నాలుగు అడుగుల లోతులో బృహత్‌ శిలాయుగానికి (మెగాలితిక్‌) చెందిన 25 మానవ సమాధులను కనుగొన్నారు. వీటిలో మూడు సమాధులను తవ్వి అస్థిపంజరాలను పరిశీలించారు. వాటిలో మానవుల ఎముకలతో పాటు ఆనాడు వారు వినియోగించిన రకరకాల మట్టిపాత్రలు, ఇనుప వస్తువులు కూడా అభ్యమయ్యాయి. దీనినిబట్టి కీస్తుపూర్వం 2200 కాలం నాటి నుంచే దక్షణ భారతదేశంలో ఇనుము వినియోగంలో ఉన్నట్లు అధారాలు లభించినట్లయిందని కేపీ రావు ‘ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి’కి తెలిపారు. ఇనుప వస్తువులతోపాటు.. సాదా మట్టిపాత్రలు, మట్టిపై కోటింగ్‌ వేసిన పాత్రలు, వెనుక భాగంలో ఎరుపు, లోపల వైపు నలుపు రంగు ఉన ్న పాత్రలు కూడా ఈసమాధుల్లో లభ్యమయ్యాయి. ఆప్టికల్లీ సిమ్యులేటెడ్‌ లుమినిసెన్స్‌ డేటింగ్‌ పద్దతి ప్రకారం వీటిపై నేషనల్‌ జాగ్రఫికల్‌ రిసెర్చ్‌ ఇన్‌స్టిట్యూట్‌(ఎన్‌జీఆర్‌ఐ)లో పరిశోధనలు చేయగా ఎంతో పురాతనమైనవని తెలిసిందన్నారు.
ఉత్తరాదిన కూడా...
ఉత్తర భారతంలోని రాజస్థాన్‌, ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్‌ తదితర రాష్ట్రాల్లో పురావస్తు నిపుణులు జరుపుతున్న తవకాల్లో ఇటీవలికాలంలో ఇంచుమించుగా అదే కాలానికి (క్రీపూ.26600-1900 కాలంనాటి) హరప్పన్‌ నాగరకతకు చెందిన పలు సమాధులు, పాత్రలు, ఇతర వస్తువులు లభ్యమవుతుండడం గమనార్హం. ఉదాహరణకు.. హర్యానాలోని రాఖీగరీ ప్రాంతంలో జరిపిన తవ్వకాల్లో ఆ కాలం నాటి ఇద్దరు హరప్పన్‌ పురుషుల, ఒక సీ్త్ర, మరొక బాలుడి పూర్తిస్థాయి అస్థిపంజరాలు లభించాయి. ఆ కాలం వారు ఎలా ఉండేవారో.. వారి శారీరక ప్రమాణాలు ఏమిటో.. ముఖకవళికలు ఎలా ఉండేవి.. అప్పటి సాంఘిక, ఆర్థిక పరిస్థితులు ఎలా ఉండేవి, వారి జీవన శైలి తదితర అంశాలను తెలుసుకోవడానికి ఆ అస్థిపంజరాలు ఎంతగానో ఉపయోగపడతాయని, ఇప్పటికే వాటి ఆధారంగా నాటి మన పూర్వీకుల ముఖనిర్మాణం ఎలా ఉండేదో తెలుసుకోవడానికి దక్షిణ కొరియాకు పంపామని పురావస్తు నిపుణులు పేర్కొన్నారు. ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్‌లోని బాఘ్‌పట్‌ జిల్లా చనయాన్‌లోనూ, హర్యానాలోనే ఫర్మానా ప్రాంతంలోనూ ఇలాగే పలు హరప్పన్‌ సమాధి స్థలాలను ఆర్కియాలజిస్టులు వెలికితీశారు. ఫర్మానాలో అయితే ఏకంగా 70 సమాధులు బయటపడ్డాయి. మనదేశంలో ఇప్పటిదాకా వెలికితీసిన అతిపెద్ద హరప్పన్‌ సమాధిస్థలి ఇదే. భారత్‌, పాకిస్థాన్‌, అఫ్గానిస్థాన్‌.. ఈ మూడు దేశాల్లో కలిపి హరప్పా నాగరకత విలసిల్లిన ప్రాంతాలు 2000కు పైగానే ఉన్నాయని అంచనా. భారతదేశంలో జమ్ము, కశ్మీర్‌, ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్‌, రాజస్థాన్‌, గుజరాత్‌, హర్యానాల్లో ఈ స్థలాలున్నాయి.


Translation:

In the Central University ancient cemeteries (19-May-2015)
Skeletons uncovered dated to ca. 2400-1900
Megalithic era Iron objects, pottery found

South bharatam Iron use: Professor KPRao 
In the same period in the north of the 
Harappan excavations of cemeteries Skeletons and other objects have been uncovered

Hyderabad, May 18 (Times): BCE, who skeletons of between 2400 and 1800 BCE i! In the heart of the capital of the joint AP and Telangana, Hyderabad Central University (HCU) uncovered in excavations in the courtyard. HCU senior professor of the department of history, archeology expert Professor KP Rao-led the team. The excavated finds from a depth of four feet of a broader megalithic phase found  25 human burials. Team examined the skeletons dug from three graves. A variety of human bone, pottery, iron objects, were found. KP Rao informed Andhra Jyoti that iron tools were in use since 2200 BCE. Together with iron objects, plain clayware, coated terracotta ware, black-and-red ware (red in the outside, black in the inside) were also found in these graves. Using Optically Simulated Luminiscence Dating method, NGRI examined and dated the finds.

It is notable that in the north Bharatam Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and othr states, around the same age (ca. 2600 to 1900 BCE), archaeologists have uncovered graves, pottery and other objects. For examle, Rakhigarhi, Haryana diggings have uncovered two Harappan male skeletons, one female skeleton and a complete skeleton of a boy. How did they look in those times? What were the body measures? Facial features? What was the economic and social environment? The skeletons will unravel their lifestyles. Archaeologists have referred the Rakhigarhi skeletons to South Korea for detailed reconstruction of appearances of the people. In sites of Baghpat in Uttar Pradesh, Farmana in Haryana skeletons have been uncovered. In Farmana, 70 brials were discovered. This is the largest Harappan burial site discovered so far. The estimate is that there are over 2000 sites of Harappa culture in Bharatam, Pakistan and Afghanistan. In Bharatam, these sits are in Jammu, Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Haryana.

Discovery shows Iron Age in India was much earlier

  | 
HYDERABAD: Iron Age may have come into existence in Telangana much before the rest of the world. At least that’s the conclusion reached by archaeologists excavating the University of Hyderabad campus who found iron artefacts dating back to roughly 2,200 BC.
One of the earthen vessels discovered at the University of Hyderabad Credit TOI
One of the earthen vessels discovered at the University of Hyderabad Credit TOI
The team of archaeologists, led by professor KP Rao, has found several artefacts, including small knives and blades besides earthen pots. “The implements that were found were tested at the National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI) using a method called Optically Simulated Luminescence (OSL). The metal objects were dated to anywhere between 1800 BC and 2,400 BC. So we are assuming they were made during 2200 BC,” Prof KP Rao told TOI.
This, he said, predates the existing understanding about the advent of the Iron Age in the country. Worldwide, experts have put the dawn of the age around 1200 BC, marking the time when humans started exploiting metals to make basic tools.
“In India, it was understood that the Iron Age came into being around 1,800 BC in the Lahuradeva site in Uttar Pradesh. But this latest development shows that the Iron Age started much before that, at least in our country,” Rao said.
“It only goes to show that our ancestors had a rudimentary yet good knowledge about wielding weapons made of metals. We had estimated that the only metal that was moulded was copper, but due to its scarce nature it was not a feasible option. The idea of using abundant iron ore for tools and weapons is a landmark achievement,” he added.
The idea of using iron has only come to lead to more and more developments. “It is because of their advancements did we reach the space-age,” he said.
Currently, archaeologists have excavated 25 burial sites in the UOH area and the samples have been subjected to DNA analysis.
Source: The Times of India [May 18, 2015]

Rare discovery pushes back Iron Age in India

, TNN | May 18, 2015, 01.04AM IST

HYDERABAD: Iron Age may have come into existence in Telangana much before the rest of the world. At least that's the conclusion reached by archaeologists excavating the University of Hyderabad campus who found iron artefacts dating back to roughly 2,200 BCE.

The team of archaeologists, led by professor KP Rao, has found several artefacts, including small knives and blades besides earthen pots. "The implements that were found were tested at the National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI) using a method called Optically Simulated Luminescence (OSL). The metal objects were dated to anywhere between 1800 BC and 2,400 BCE. So we are assuming they were made during 2200 BC," Prof KP Rao told TOI.

This, he said, predates the existing understanding about the advent of the Iron Age in the country. Worldwide, experts have put the dawn of the age around 1200 BC, marking the time when humans started exploiting metals to make basic tools.
"In India, it was understood that the Iron Age came into being around 1,800 BC in the Lahuradeva site in Uttar Pradesh. But this latest development shows that the Iron Age started much before that, at least in our country," Rao said.

"It only goes to show that our ancestors had a rudimentary yet good knowledge about wielding weapons made of metals. We had estimated that the only metal that was moulded was copper, but due to its scarce nature it was not a feasible option. The idea of using abundant iron ore for tools and weapons is a landmark achievement," he added.

The idea of using iron has only come to lead to more and more developments. "It is because of their advancements did we reach the space-age," he said.

Currently, archaeologists have excavated 25 burial sites in the UOH area and the samples have been subjected to DNA analysis.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/Rare-discovery-pushes-back-Iron-Age-in-India/articleshow/47322021.cms

Bofors was a mega scandal. Pranab Babu talking about it like a Congressman is a goof-up? NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you.

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India 'warns' Swedish newspaper, asks for retraction of parts 

of the Pranab’s Bofors interview

TNM Staff| Wednesday, May 27, 2015 - 12:44 
Full text of letter dated May 25, 2015 from Banashri Bose Harrison, 
Ambassador of India to Sweden and Latvia 
(Embassy of India letter head with Make in India Logo) 
addressed to Peter Wolodarski, Editor-in-Chief, Dagens Nyheter, Stockholm
President Pranab Mukherjee during the DN interview
The government of India has reportedly “warned” the Swedish national daily Dagens Nyhetter to remove those sections of the interview with the President of India that speak about Bofors, failing which the Presidential visit could be cancelled, according to the Swedish daily.
“In a telephone conversation with the DN prior to the publication of the article the Ambassador made a direct request that DN was to retract sections of the interview mentioning Bofors. She also warned that the planned visit was at risk of being cancelled,” the influential daily has written.
A copy of the letter written by the Indian Ambassador to Sweden has been secured by The News Minute (TNM). In the letter, Banashri Bose Harrison, the Ambassador of India to Sweden & Latvia, says that an off record ‘slip of the tongue’ was reported during the interview, and that the third question on Bofors asked by the interviewer was portrayed as the first question in the aired version.


The daily refused to expunge parts of the interview. “The president became engaged and was upset when Bofors was mentioned during a question regarding how we can avoid corruption today. Of course we had to tell our readers about his reaction,” Peter Wolodarski, Editor-in-Chief of DN said.
Swedish media has been closely following the reactions in India and Wolodarski said the response to his interview shows that there public in India is as interested if not more than in Sweden about the whole story.
At the end of the interview, Wolodarski reportedly quipped that the President had mixed up Sweden and Switzerland several times in the interview. The Ambassador called that “unprofessional and unethical.” India has also accused DN of misleading the audience by shortening the interview.
“I find the Ambassador’s reaction regretful. It is surprising that someone representing the world’s largest democracies is trying to micromanage which questions we should ask a head of state and which answers should be published,” Woladarski said.
Read full story on DN here.
http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/india-warns-swedish-newspaper-asks-retraction-parts-pranab%E2%80%99s-bofors-interview


Dagens Nyheter’s interview with the President of India has created a crisis. The authorities in  Delhi has sent an official letter to DN, expressing their disappointment.


Sunday marks the start of the first state visit to Sweden by an Indian leader. DN met with Indias president Pranab Mukherjee in New Delhi in the weeks preceding this visit. During the interview the President commented on the Bofors affair, an incident that has plagued Swedish-Indian relations for a long time.
The President stated then that the Bofors wasn’t a scandal, but rather a ”media trial”.
”I am not describing it. You are putting that word. Don’t put that word”, the President said to DN’s editor in chief Peter Wolodarski during the interview in the presidential palace.
Full unedited clip above - sound audio from longer interview below article.
President Mukherjee’s comment has since then received a lot of attention in India, and was quoted in the country’s major media outlets on Tuesday. Bofors is still a sensitive matter in India.
On Tuesday Dagens Nyheter received an official letter from the Indian ambassador in Stockholm where she expresses ”disappointment” in the interview. She says that DN neglected to show the President the ”courtesy and respect” that he deserves as head of state.
In a telephone conversation with DN prior to the publication of the article the Ambassador made a direct request that DN was to retract sections of the interview mentioning Bofors. She also warned that the planned state visit was at risk of being cancelled.
”I told the Ambassador that we couldn’t accept her demands. The president became engaged and was upset when Bofors was mentioned during a question regarding how we can avoid corruption today. Of course we had to tell our readers about his reaction”, says Peter Wolodarski.
”The reactions in Indian media show that his answers are of public interest, even more so in India than in Sweden.”
At the end of the interview DN light heartedly mentioned the fact that the President mixed up Sweden and Switzerland several times. This was ”unprofessional and unethical” by the newspaper, according to the Ambassador. She also claims that DN, by shortening a video interview from six minutes to three, misled the audience.
”I find the Ambassador’s reaction regretful. It is surprising that someone representing the world's largest democracies is trying to micromanage which questions we should ask a head of state, and which answers should be published”, says Peter Wolodarski.
”DN published four pages in our Sunday edition, containing almost every answer from the Indian president. We have conducted the interview in the same manner as we do whenever we interview other heads of state and government.”
Translated from Swedish.
http://www.dn.se/nyheter/indian-protest-after-dns-interview/



You are right Mr. President, Bofors wasn't a scandal, it was a mega-scandal
India / OpinionChitra Subramaniam| Tuesday, May 26, 2015 - 18:06
"No Indian court has given verdict on (the Bofors case)…how could you say it is a scandal?” the President of India rhetorically asks Sweden’s leading daily Dagens Nyhetter (DN).

You are right, Mr. President. Bofors was not a scandal – it was a mega-scandal. It was the story of how India and its institutions shook at their roots to protect one person and his few friends.  It was a story of how India’s most popular Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi betrayed the faith reposed in him, his bureaucrats, the executive and the judiciary.  When he said at Congress's 100th anniversary in Mumbai that he would rid the system of influence peddlers and touts, I believed him. When I started working on the Bofors story, it was in the belief that I was making a contribution to that commitment to rid India of corruption. Little did I know then that people close to Mr. Gandhi would be among the prime accused.

Bofors is not just about India. It was also a scandal that shook a government in Sweden – the government of Olof Palme who diverted development aid to finance the bribes and escalating costs of the Indian deal. It was a scandal that pushed the Swiss government to transfer secret bank documents to India after a ten year court battle in the Alpine nation.  Following that success, Bern tightened its laws on governing matters of mutual assistance to third countries in criminal matters.

To say there was no scandal because no Indian court has called it one is irresponsible. It is damaging to Indians as it shows us up as a people unwilling to take responsibility and move on. It comes at a time when the world is looking at India to invest despite our reputation. It’s a steep climb for Indians who are committed to the country and want to work honestly. The president has damaged those efforts by his remarks.

The Bofors-India Howitzer deal relates to the sale of 144 mm Howitzers to India by the Swedish arms company Bofors in the late 1980s. The guns were excellent, the price was competitive but there was a problem. There were bribes and they were paid to the late Ottavio Quattrocchi, a close friend of the Rajiv Gandhi family. The question that gets asked even today is – was Mr. Gandhi involved? To date, there is no piece of information linking him to the payoffs, but he unleashed a massive cover-up involving every arm of the government and spared no one. Even the army was tarred.

As a reporter who covered the story for ten years including securing the 350 documents that nailed the lies peddled by the governments of India and Sweden, neither me nor my family escaped scrutiny. It came close – my little son was threatened. Even that is par for the course.  What is not acceptable, Mr. President, is that you attempt to re-write history from an untenable position because that is what Swedish journalists have commented on your remarks.  Bofors is not history in Sweden as you think it is. It is part of their history.

The Swedish National Audit Bureau (SNAB), the Swedish police, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Justice and Police in Switzerland, the judges and courts in the canton of Geneva, to name just a few, are the official places which enquired into the guns for bribes allegation and concluded that that was the case. There were parliamentary hearings in Sweden and politicians were questioned. The Swedish state television recently made a documentary on the Bofors-India case detailing what it meant for Sweden to learn that Olof Palme was fully aware of the corruption in the Indian deal.

There was no conviction in India because Quattrocchi was invited to flee New Delhi (from his home in Golf Links) as soon as I filed a copy linking him to the bribes. Who tipped him off? There was no case in India because there was no pressure on Sweden to bring the CEO of Bofors the late Martin Ardbo to justice in India.  

I will always remember an interview with the late General Krishnaswami Sundarji. Commenting on the cover up, he said the kind of damage that was being done to the system would take years to recover, if recovery was possible. How does the President hope to build trust and strengthen relationship with a country when he refuses to acknowledge a very tumultuous period in Indo-Swedish history?


http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/you-are-right-mr-president-bofors-wasnt-scandal-it-was-mega-scandal
Mukherjee's comments a 'bad mistake', Swedish Bofors journalist tells TNM



TNM Staff| Monday, May 25, 2015 - 08:43

Bo G Andersson is one of Sweden’s most respected investigative journalists. He was lead reporter for the influential Swedish daily Dagens Nyhetter (DN) and contributed significantly to the Bofors-India Howitzer scandal which rocked the government of Rajiv Gandhi in the late 1980s, eventually leading to its downfall in 1989. Andersson is no longer a journalist, but DN invited him to comment on Indian President Pranab Mukherjee’s statement that the Bofors case was not a scandal but a media trial. “This is an attempt to rewrite history…it will certainly not build confidence among the Swedes and strengthen trust,” Andersson told TNM in an exclusive interview. Excerpts. 
1. What do you make of President Pranab Mukherjee’s comment?
A: His comment is an obvious attempt to play down and rewrite historical facts. I believe it is a bad mistake. Mr Mukherjee has belonged to many governments led by the Congress Party, and has been close to the Gandhi family for decades. Therefore it is not far-fetched to look upon his comment as a way to re-establish the reputation of the party and maybe also of Rajiv Gandhi in this context. 
2. How will this play out during his visit to Sweden at the end of this month?
A: Most Swedes, old enough to remember the scandal, don´t look upon the bribe accusations as a “media trial”. They remember the facts, for example the thousands of documents released from Swiss banks as a result of requests from India. So, if his mission with the official visit to Stockholm is to “strengthen the trust” between the countries this is a shaky start. 
3. You said this is an attempt to rewrite historical facts. Can you explain? 
A: It is correct that the Bofors scandal never led to sentences in the Indian courts. But that was not due to lack of evidence, which the Indian president implicitly says in the interview. The real reason was that several of the main suspects in the bribe case managed to avoid justice. Bofors CEO Martin Ardbo refused to go to India, despite many requests from the court, and the India-based Italian businessman Ottavio Quattrochi ran away to Malaysia where he lived for many years.
4. What effect will this have from a media perspective for the Indian president during his visit – will the Swedish media pick this up? 
A. They already have. I was interviewed yesterday in Dagens Nyheter, where I worked earlier. How the media on a whole will react is hard to say. Though, I believe there is a risk that some focus during the visit unintentionally will fall on the bribe scandal as a result of this. The affair is not at all “dead” in Sweden. It is still something that people refer to. I participated a few weeks ago in a well known Swedish radio show, for young listeners. The journalists that led the programme wanted to know every detail of this big scandal. It has become modern history, and what really happened with the bribe money still attracts attention. 
5. Corruption was at the center of the Bofors deal. Are the Swedes still worried that corrupt practices of this nature continue in India? 
A: Unfortunately, I believe that is true to a certain extent. And for this reason the comment of Mr Mukherjee was the worst thing that could have happened from an communication point of view. It now looks like India is not taking bribes seriously. What about Mr Mukherjee´s advisors? I doubt that this is something that was planned with them. If so, it is even worse in that case, as the comment then reflects Mr Mukherjee´s own and genuine views on this matter. The president should – and could - have said something like this: “What happened during the 80s in the howitzer deal was really a serious matter and it did a great deal of harm on the relations between the countries. I do hope that it never will happen again. Fighting corruption is a top priority and an important concern for any indian government. This said, I hope that the time now have come when Sweden and Indian can put the scandal behind and focus on trade and other issues. It is important to remember that our relations go all the way back to the birth of India as an independent nation”.
Andersson is now a consultant and media advisor at the Swedish public relations agency Westander.


Bofors was not a scandal but a media trial, President Pranab tells Swedish media
IndiaTNM Staff| Sunday, May 24, 2015 - 20:18Image source: Screenshot/DN.se video   

In his heart, President Pranab Mukherjee is apparently still a Congressman.   Ahead of a state visit to Sweden, President Mukherjee told Peter Wolodarski, Editor-in-Chief of the influential Swedish national daily Dagens Nyhetter (DN) that the Bofors scandal was a media trial, and that it has not been proven to be a scandal in a court of law in India.   In an interview given to Wolodarski at the Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi, the President said, "First of all - it is yet to be to be established that there was a scandal. No Indian court has established it. I was the defence minister of the country long after Bofors, and all my generals certified that this is one of the best guns we are having. Till today, Indian army is using it. The so-called scandal which you talk of, yes, in the media, it was there. There was a media trial. But I’m afraid, let us not be too much carried by publicity."  When asked if the Bofors scam was just a media scandal, he said, "I do not know. I’m not describing it, you’re putting that word. Don’t put that word. What I am saying is that in media it was publicised. But up to now, no Indian court has given any decisive verdict about the alleged scandal."  The Bofors-India weapons for bribes was a political scandal relating to kickbacks from Bofors AB for winning a bid to supply India's 155 mm field howitzers. The scandal implicated several Congress politicians, including then Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi. The scandal is also believed to be responsible for bringing down the Rajiv Gandhi government.   A ten year court battle between New Delhi and the arms dealers and beneficiaries in Swiss courts ended with India securing access to secret Swiss bank documents detailing the bribes. This was the first time in the history of Swiss legal assistance in criminal matters with India that such a document transfer was achieved. 

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/bofors-was-not-scandal-media-trial-president-pranab-tells-swedish-media

“Bofors was a media trial”, says President of India

Bokmärk artikel



NEW DELHI. • Next week, the President of India, Pranab Mukherjee, begins the first state visit to Sweden by an Indian leader. Prior to the president’s trip, DN’s Editor-in-Chief Peter Wolodarski had an exclusive interview with the leader of the world’s largest democracy.
• Pranab Mukherjee condemns the high profile gang rapes in the country, however does not want to discuss them as patterns but rather refers to them as individual cases.
• He promises that 400 million people will be lifted out of extreme poverty within the next 10 years.
• The Bofors Affair, which has long plagued the Swedish-Indian relationship, was no scandal but rather a media trial.
- I’m not describing it, you’re putting that word. Don’t put that word, says the President to Dagens Nyheter.
On the table between the president’s two visitor chairs is the Constitution of India. Pranab Mukherjee leans forward and points:
- This is one of the originals. We have ten copies, all signed. Here you see Nehru’s signature, India’s first prime minister.
The president has just expressed regret the fact that DN’s photographer Lars Lindqvist won’t be able to take pictures of him in the gardens, as we had planned. The time is now passed 1 p.m. in the afternoon in New Delhi and it is almost 40 degrees outside. Mukherjee is 79 years old and has recently undergone heart surgery; the doctors advise against switching between high temperatures and air conditioning.
The president doesn’t walk fast, and during the 45 minutes we meet he is surrounded by a score of male employees, some with clearer roles than others. The Press Secretary, who is constantly one step behind, has warned that we cannot expose the president to a combination of sunlight and heat.
Next week, Pranab Mukherjee lands in Stockholm for a historic state visit.
- Our first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, visited Sweden as early as 1957. His grandson who later on became Prime minister, Mr Rajiv Gandhi, also visited Sweden in 1988, he reminds us.
- But no Indian President has ever visited Sweden. So the Minister of External Affairs suggested that it might be desirable to do so.
On the TV by the President’s desk, we see Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi speaking for Chinese students in Beijing.
Photograph: Lars Lindqvist
Modi is the outsider in Indian politics, who just a year ago achieved a political upset in the parliamentary elections when his opposition party BJP won the biggest victory in the country in 30 years. He is a Hindu nationalist, in contrast to the secular Indian National Congress Party. Modi came from the side, far away from the political and media classes in New Delhi. His external communications, he handles primarily through social media; Modi doesn’t even have a traditional press secretary. He distrusts the mainstream media.
Pranab Mukherjee is the opposite: he is a veteran of the Congress Party, which dominated Indian politics, and which Olof Palme’s Social Democrats had close cooperation with. President Mukherjee has belonged to the country’s political elite since Indira Gandhi’s days. Since the early 1970s, he has occupied just about every governmental position that one can imagine – except for one, Prime Minister. But for the Nehru-Gandhi family’s total dominance in the post-war India, Mukherjee might have also managed to lead the government.
Instead, he became president three years ago, a role that is essentially ceremonial.
What do you hope to achieve with your visit to Sweden?
- To strengthen the relationship.
In which areas?
- All areas, including economic cooperation, United Nations reforms and to fight against what I regard as one of the biggest menace to peace and tranquillity – terrorism.
- In the economic area, we can expand our bilateral trade. Sweden is basically a trading nation. But India’s share of your trade is just peanuts.
Mukherjee calls for Swedish investments in infrastructure, power and railways.
- Today, these sectors are open for investments from abroad, he points out.
In the 1980s, the relations between Sweden and India were seriously damaged when the Swedish arms manufacturing company Bofors sold howitzers for billions to India.
Photograph: Lars Lindqvist
Hidden payments in the millions were made to a company in Switzerland, which was controlled by an Indian, and the corruption charges led up to the top of the Congress Party. In unclear circumstances, the Swedish Inspector-General of Military Equipment was killed in the tunnelbanana/metro in Stockholm.
The Bofors Affair’s explosive power was so great that the name became a derogatory adjective in the Indian language - “there is something båfors with this car.” The Affair contributed to then Prime Minister Gandhi’s defeat in the parliamentary elections in 1989. And in both India and Sweden, several investigations were initiated.
In New Delhi, we are skilfully assured that “The Bofors ghost” is buried, and perhaps that change in particular has contributed to the state visit.
I didn’t plan on taking up the old armaments corruption scandals, but rather on asking a question about how new Bofors affairs with the accompanying corruption can be avoided, especially if trade between Sweden and India is to increase.
At this point, President Mukherjee becomes animated:
- First of all - it is yet to be to be established that there was a scandal. No Indian court has established it, he reminds us.
- I was the defence minister of the country long after Bofors, and all my generals certified that this is one of the best guns we are having. Till today, Indian army is using it.
- The so-called scandal which you talk of, yes, in the media, it was there. There was a media trial. But I’m afraid, let us not be too much carried by publicity.
So it was a media scandal?
- I do not know. I’m not describing it, you’re putting that word. Don’t put that word. What I am saying is that in media it was publicised. But up to now, no Indian court has given any decisive verdict about the alleged scandal.
President Mukherjee seldom gives interviews. In principle it is only in connection with a visit to another country and a few times per year at home in India.
Photograph: Lars Lindqvist
The presidential building Rashtrapati Bhavan in central New Delhi, with 340 rooms and hallways totalling 2.5 kilometres, has also been difficult to access.
When Mukherjee became President in 2012, he himself had a very limited personal experience with building. He was a stranger in the former British governor’s complex, which was erected after the First World War in the classical style, inspired by Indian local tradition. In 1947, the building became the site for the transfer of power from the British colonial power to the new, independent India.
- I did not know how I would be able to make use of this building (laughter)! I hade no knowledge about the utility, remarks the President.
Mukherjee sat in Parliament for 43 years and was a government Minister for nearly a quarter century. During this time, most of his life he spent within this 5-7 kilometre area in central New Delhi, where he lived and where the North Block and the South Block are located, which among other institutions houses the Cabinet Secretariat and the Parliament.
- I had practically no knowledge about the life of president or many of the historic rooms of this building, where momentous changes took place.
- So when I came here, I decided to take measures to allow the building to become more accessible to the people, let the schoolchildren come.
India, with its 1.2 billion inhabitants, is the world’s largest democracy. Since the economic shift towards a market economy in the early 1990s, it is also one of the fast-growing countries and a talent pool for the world’s IT companies.
- We are one of the largest markets in the world. Many people who work here are well educated. By 2025, India will have the largest workforce in the world. The ancient civilisation will be a young nation, observes Pranab Mukherjee.
- Movements of industrial goods and technology take place not in the desert or in the ocean but where there are good prospects of return on investments.
Meanwhile one-third of the country’s population, 400 million people, still live in extreme poverty, that is the equivalent of $1.25 a day. By comparison, 500 million people live in the entire EU area. No other country has as many poor people as India does.
The solution to the problem is continued high economic growth, asserts the president.
- If we can attain 8-9 percent GDP growth over say 10 years, we will be able to resist poverty, he projects.
How much?
- Totally.
Totally?
- Our objective is elimination. I’m telling you, we are to achieve at least 8-9 percent GDP growth for the next 10 years, and then extreme poverty will be gone.
Before Mukherjee became president in 2012, he was India’s finance minister for several years; a period that is generally regarded as a failure. India received international criticism for its tax policies.
Photograph: Lars Lindqvist
Under Prime Minister Modis’ leadership, things look more bright for the economy, but there is still some way to go to reach 8-9 percent GDP growth. China has a higher level of prosperity per inhabitant.
- I am proud of my democracy, our multi-party, democratic system. There were many a skeptic 65 years ago when we adopted this system.
- It can be said that they had arguably good reason to doubt. The country was diverged, just divided on the lines of religion, various castes and various ways of life, poverty stricken, backwards, illiterate.
Is the Chinese one-party system more effective?
- I would not like to comment or make a comparative study between the systems. Building consensus is a time consuming process. But even so, even if time has a price, it is much better to achieve something by consensus.
Pranab Mukherjee asks if I know how big the Indian electorate was last year. “More than 800 million,” he says, answering his own question, and then adds with a smile: “And what is the total population of Sweden?”
9 million.
- 9 million (he repeats, as he smiles and gently laughs)
- More than 800 million people had the right to vote here, and more than 67 percent participated in the election. Governments are replaced peacefully. And that has not happened only once, but several times.
Pranab Mukherjee speaks with pride of the Indian democracy, but is reluctant to review other countries or their governments.
- You know that various countries have taken various modes of administration.
The answer becomes terse when I ask about the Chinese one-party dictatorship. We also touch on Russia and President Putin, since Pranab Mukherjee has recently returned from a visit to Moscow, where he participated in the Russian celebration of Victory Day in World War II.
Most Western leaders boycotted the gathering. You chose to go. Why was it important?
- I do feel that the day of victory in World War II is not just any day. I don’t know, but what I have read, they’ve mixed it up with certain local issues, explained the president.
- You’re probably too young, just 38 years old I’m told, to remember what happened 20 years ago when the 50th anniversary was celebrated. When the whole of Europe was in Moscow on Red Square. I was there as Foreign Minister. President Clinton was there. And from there they went to Paris.
The reason for the boycott was the war in Ukraine.
- On Ukraine, we have very clear observations. We support the Minsk declaration and the February package. We have always believed that all international disputes are to be resolved through dialogue and discussion, neither by the use of force nor the threat of the use of force. Therefore, I believe that it will be possible for the parties to find an acceptable solution.
You’ve met President Putin several times. How would you describe him?
- It is not my job. I’m sorry, I don’t want these type of questions.
On the one hand, India is the world’s largest democracy. On the other hand, exceptionally watchful that a foreign policy is not forced upon any grouping of countries, democracies or not. They keep the door open in several directions and still relies on their old ally Russia’s veto in the UN Security Council, if this is necessary.
They are a proud nation, sensitive to the Europeans and Americans who are trying to teach or to master.
The high profile British documentary “India’s Daughter,” which is about the brutal gang rape in Delhi in December 2012, is questioned on the ground, even if official India condemned the incident.
- To be very frank, it is against the core civilizational values of India. In regard to the individual cases, the law enforcing agencies have taken appropriate steps to guarantee safety and security for women. Other steps have also been taken, says Pranab Mukherjee.
But how should we understand these cases, what went wrong?
- These are individual cases; therefore they are maybe psychopathic cases. In normal situations, these types of things do not happen. I’m not minimizing, even one case in a million must be condemned. But these are aberrations. You cannot take aberrations as the rule.
The president speaks of individual units, not patterns. I ask why the vast majority of the country’s abortion targets unborn girls, and receive the response that a variety of initiatives have been taken so that girls should have the same opportunities in society as boys do.
- At one point in time in our social system there was a bias for the son and there was some discrimination, but all efforts have been made to remove that discrimination, he explains.
What is the most important thing that can be done to strengthen the position of women in India?
- Political empowerment and economic empowerment – women must have an independent source of income.
Pranab Mukherjee has played a key role in Indian politics since the early 1970s. What is the most important change during his time in power?
Progress in science and technology, he mentions spontaneously.
- We managed to send up satellites in Mars orbit – no other country did it on the first attempt.
- India’s economy has grown by 7.5 percent per year over the past two decades. Despite Europe’s economic crisis and the international financial crisis, India has been able to maintain harmony and peace.
Where do you find your inspiration?
- It comes from our way of life, our scriptures, from our civilisation. The teaching of Indian civilisation is to live in peace; peaceful coexistence.
More than 30 minutes have passed. President Pranab Mukherjee concludes the interview, but insists on making a clarification before he stands up to briefly guide us through the paintings in the presidential building’s State Corridor.
- One thing I must correct, he says.
- Two, three times during the interview, I have used the word Swiss. I of course meant Swedish.
Translated from Swedish.
twitter.com/pwolodarski
http://www.dn.se/nyheter/varlden/bofors-was-a-media-trial-says-president-of-india/


NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you. Start with the unfinished enforcement of Rule of Law in Bofors mega scandal.

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Why Bofors mega scandal cannot be wished away.

See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/bofors-was-mega-scandal-pranab-babu.html

The Bofors mega scandal has become headline news again, for the wrong reason. The wrong reason is a goof-up by Pranab Babu in trying to downplay the enormity of the scandal.

It is fine to put Bofors back again in headline news for the right reason. The right reason is restitution of kaalaadhan, promised to the Bharatam Janam during the campaign preceding NaMo's victory and achievement of Swarajyam May 2014.

Bofors should stand out as the litmus test on how NaMo will go about ensuring restitution of kaalaadhan. 

Some simple rules of the game of restitution.

1. Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) is a recognized category under international law and in international financial regulations.

2. Exposing PEPs is accepted as the method for restitution of kaalaadhan by tax havens, Switzerland for instance has a law for restitution of kaalaadhan when the concerned Government demands it. This was the method used to freeze the kaalaadhan of Gaddafi and Mubarak.

3. Kaalaadhan is  treason because the money which should have been held within the nation's financial system is taken out and kept in a foreign institution. This is NOT a mere Double Taxation Avoidance Problem to resolved by DTAAgreements.

4. Bofors has shamed the nation making rest of the world rank India that is Bharat as a banana republic where the Rule of Law is bypassed by political skullduggery generally by PEPs who stash away enormous sums of ill-gotten wealth in the so-called tax havens.

5. It is a faux pas by an Indian Ambassador for Sweden and Latvia to write a letter to Editor in Chief of  Swedish newspaper. The western media is governed by its own Standard Operating Procedures and it is undiplomatic to try to interfere with the SOP of media houses.

6. Pranab Babu has clearly retracted his statement recorded during the interview and it would have been ethical on the part of the newspaper to respect such a retraction while reporting on the interview.

7. Bofors is an UNFINISHED TRIAL. The scandal is still open for investigation by the investigation agencies of the Government of India. 

8. It will be a mistake if NaMo and his team try to cover up the scandal by not pursuing it enforcing the full force of the Rule of Law.

9. As recently as in 2014, ACACI had requested CBI to lodge an FIR on the Bofors scam based on new information received; CBI's response was to pass the buck to Enforcement Directorate. See http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Bofors-scam-Quattrocchi-got-kickback-says-I-T-panel/articleshow/7211424.cms The Bofors ghost returned to haunt the Congress party with an income tax tribunal saying that kickbacks of Rs 41 crore were paid to late Win Chaddha and Italian businessman Ottavio Quattrocchi in the Howitzer gun deal and that they are liable to pay tax in India on such income.  "....inaction in this regard may lead to a non-existent undesirable and detrimental notion that India is a soft state and one can meddle with its tax laws with impunity," the income tax appellate tribunal (ITAT) said in its 98-page order of 2011. 

10. All scams which are the consequence of post-colonial loot (which is much larger than the colonial loot) should be pursued under the Rule of Law. This is an effective means of restoring faith of all citizens in the Rule of Law and track down the looters and land them in Tihar.

This is restitution of kaalaadhan for which Hon'ble SC has recently forwarded the suggestions of Advocate Ram Jethmalani and Dr. Subramanian Swamy for consideration and action by the Government. 

A good start will be for NaMo to tell all agencies of GOI to start responding to these suggestions positively.

S. Kalyanaraman

CIA-CBI collaboration resulted in nuclear contamination of the Sacred Ganga (mission kept secret from Indira Gandhi): Wikileak docs

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https://wikileaks.org/plusd/pressrelease/

There are 4,990 new documents on India (see here) covering many signficant events and still influential personalities. For example:
  • On 1 January, an Air India Flight 855, a Boeing 747, crashed shortly after take-off near Mumbai, killing all 213 passengers and crew on board. PlusD contains 179 new cables referring to "Air India", most of which are about the crash (see here).
  • Former Indian Prime Minister Indira Ghandi (daughter of PM Nehru) was re-elected to Parliament on 7 November, but then arrested on 19 December, accused of plotting against her opponents during the state of emergency she had declared from 1975 to 1977. She later became Prime Minister again in 1980 and the dynastic domination of the Congress Party continued, first through her sons Sanjay and Rajiv and later through the latter's wife, Sonia, who is current president of the party. Rajiv's son Rahul was the Congress candidate in India's 2014 election, losing to the BJP's Narenda Modi. PlusD contains 53 new documents with the keyword "Indira Gandhi" (see here) and 154 new documents with the keyword "Mrs Gandhi" (see here) as well other cables related to the Gandhi dynasty.
  • On 13 April, violence broke out between orthodox Sikhs and the Nirankari sect during a Nirankari convention in Amritsar, Punjab; 16 were killed and 100 injured. This event is noted as one of the starting points leading up to the Punjab insurgency during the 1980s and Indian military occupation of the region in Operation Blue Star (1984). PlusD has 3 new documents containing the keywords "Sikh" and "Nirankari" (see here).
  • The Indian cricket team did a two-month tour of Pakistan, ending in a finale on 18 November. Indian Information Minister Adavni attended the finale in Karachi, and the match was a political event in both countries. PlusD contains 6 new documents with the keywords "Pakistan" and "cricket" (see here).

CIA-CBI collaboration resulted in nuclear contamination of the Sacred Ganga (mission kept secret from Indira Gandhi)

ALLEGED CIA ACTIVITY IN INDIA
Date:
1978 April 12, 00:00 (Wednesday)
Canonical ID:
1978STATE094511_d
Original Classification:
UNCLASSIFIED
Current Classification:
UNCLASSIFIED
Handling Restrictions
-- N/A or Blank --
Character Count:
61054
Executive Order:
-- N/A or Blank --
Locator:
TEXT ON MICROFILM,TEXT ONLINE
TAGS:
Concepts:
Enclosure:
-- N/A or Blank --
Type:
TE - Telegram (cable)
Office Origin:
ORIGIN NEA - Bureau of Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs

Office Action:
-- N/A or Blank --
Archive Status:
Electronic Telegrams
From:
Markings:
Sheryl P. Walter Declassified/Released US Department of State EO Systematic Review 20 Mar 2014
To:

1.    The text of the outside magazine article on alleged cia activity in india follows: begin text -- the pristine, upper reaches of the indian himalaya hold a deadly secret. During a 1965 spy mission the u.s. Central intelligence agency (cia) lost a snap generator on a mountainside in india's uttar pradesh state, and this nuclear power pack, filled with plutonium-238, is still there. Until the plutonium deteriorates, which may take centuries, the device will remain a radioactive manace that could leak into the himalayan snow and infiltrate the indian river system through the headwaters of the ganges. It is a hazardous situation" says dr. Arthur tamplin, a biophysicist formerly with the atomic energy commission. Every effort should be made to recover it. I don't understand why that wasn't unclassifiedstate 094511 done right away." the u.s. Government gave up its search for the device after a short-term feckless effort. Instead, aided by some of america's best mountain climbers, the cia covertly placed a second snap generator on another indian mountain where, after serving the agency's purposes, it also was abandoned. The following article is the first public account of the entire misadventure. It is based on information from eight of 14 mountaineers who participated in the project and from three sources in the u.s. Sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 intelligence community. A pack loaded with a heavy metal contraption makes no sense for an ascent into the icy, thin air of the himalaya. But this pack was special. It radiated a warmth that seemed to cling even after the pack was removed. Al the indian porters wanted to carry it. The americans, who knew what was inside, were a little less enthusiastic. They weren't sure how many radioactive isotopes were leaking out with the heat. The climbers were convoying parts for a 125-pound tracking device they hoped to assemble and mount atop nanda devi, one of the tallest peaks in india. They were the workhorses for a cia operation to eavesdrop across the border into china. Inside the pack was the latest in cia technology; a nuclear snap generator to power the tracking device. The cia team had started up nanda devi after the autumn monsoons of 1965. But razor-sharp winds and unseasonal storms delayed them and then winter's approach forced them to retreat short of the top. Intending to return in spring to finish the mission, they found a sheltered cranny on the southern lee of the mountain and stashed the special pack. Not until the next spring did they discover their miscalculation. The cia gimmickry had been lost in a capricious winter avalanche. The unclassified page 03 state 094511 glaciers of nanda deviare are part of the headwaters of the ganges, the holy river for 450 million hindus. For the cia to have contaminated india's hallowed waters with plutonium, or even to have risked that possibility, was an unprecedented breach of the unwritten international nuclear code. The incident could have been far more politically embarrassing than the radioactive pollution the soviet union's cosmos 954 satellite downed on northwest canada in january 1978--except that the cia was able to keep its mishap covered up. The nanda devi project began as a sort of highminded compromise. China had exploded a nuclear bomb at lop nor in barren sinkiang province on october 16th, 1964. It was china's first nuclear success and its reverberations were felt in washington. The u.s. Reaction was divided into two camps. At the pentagon there was a temporary "red alert" while the joint chiefs of staff, afraid that china was on the verge of a military offensive, argued for a preventive first strike. At the state department the moribund chinese desk saw an opportunity to open up talks with peking. President lyndon johnson dismissed both ideas as opposite extremes and instead acceded to the cia's alternative proposal: a spy mission tomeasure china's nuclear capabilities. U.s. Reconnaissance satellites were still unsophisticated at that time, and the few in orbit were all marshaled inconveniently over the soviet union. So the sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 cia conceived of an ambitious expedition to place a nuclear-powered monitoring device on an indian mountaintop near sinkiang, where it could pick up signals from china's nuclear tests and track chinese nuclear-warhead missiles. The cia solicited american climbers with previous high himalayan and alaskan experience, and many gladly agreed to help. The cia's proposition included a guarantee of $1,000 a month for a job estimated to take about a year, plus a free and exotic trip, an exciting climb and a unclassified page 04 state 094511 modest patriotic benediction. Most climbers viewed the offer as serendipitous luck. One climber was working at two jobs, trying to support a family and survive his final year of graduate school. The cia money came as a windfall. The agency also interceded with a university dean to drop some academic requirements so he could earn an early degree. The climber ended up spending part of his year "acclimatizing" at a hotel on jungfrau in the swiss slps; he had a nice vacation and was never called upon for himalayan duty. Most of the others shared similar perspectives. "how many times do you get a chance for a free boondoggle?" explains one. "i'd do it again if the same situation presented itself. I had a lot of fun." for two premier climbers, however, the project became a three-year commitment. One, a brilliant student of the life sciences, had been a track star in the fifties. He was known for his determination as a climber. (he once gritted through an enormously painful leg fracture while spidering up mount mckinley). He and the cia were mutually impressed. "there are few times in a man's life when he can truly say he was the right man for a job that his being there made a difference." he later wrote in a letter. "i can say that about my work for the cia." the other was an engineer and inventor. He was also the most openly patriotic of the group, and one fellow climber dubbed him "the patriot" he viewed the cia offer as a summons to serve his country, and he guarded his involvement in the project with zeal. Friends say he did not even tell his wife the full story. Several years afterward, british climber chris bonington sought him out for advice as bonington was about to climb changabang, another peak in the same himalayan cluster as nanda devi. "i don't unclassified page 05 state 094511 want to know about your secret mission," bonington explained. "i'd just like to know what the territory is like.""you must be mistaken," the patriot replied. Sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 "i've never been to that part of india." despite coaxing, he refused to say anything about the scene of the project. In all, l4 american climbers signed on with the cia, though ultimately only nine were sent to india. They were joined by four of india's best mountaineers from the 1962 indian everest expedition. In addition, the cia had the unofficial cooperation of its indian counterpart, the central bureau of investigation (cbi). American undercover agents on the cbi payroll co-opted in dian intelligence, setting up the arrangement on an informal basis to preserve the cia's absolute authority over the project. The cia demanded that the cbi, which relies heavily on u.s. Spy expertise, keep the affair secret from prime minister indira gandhi and other ranking officials of the government that then ruled india. The cia was concerned that the gandhi government might veto the project as needlessly provocative since india's relations with china were then at the flashpoint border skirmishes on india's northern and northeastern frontiers had erupted into a miniwar in 1962, and nanda devi, the cia targeted mountain, is near a disputed area still claimed by both countries. The cia did give president johnson a general outline of the project, but the agency also asked him not to notify the gandhi government, a circumstance that later became another reason for the u.s. Coverup. In late 1964 the american climbers mustered at cia headquarters in langley, virginia, where they took the oath that binds together spies everywhere: never to reveal anything to anyone unto death. From there they were ferried to harvey point, north carolina, some in a spy plane that had all identifying numbers and markings censored from the fusalage and windows except the pilot's unclassified page 06 state 094511 opaqued. Harvey point is an unpretentious collection of weathered barracks on albemarle sound off the atlantic. But behind the front gates is ahigh-powered center for munitions and explosives testing. The navy operates the base, though it often shares the facilities with other government agencies. The cia trained anti-castro cubans at harvey point before the 1961 bay of pigs invasion, and the agency took the mountaineers there for a crash course in nuclear-age espionage. Bill mcneff, a short, wiry cia lifter, was the case officer in charge. He was assisted by a demolitions expert, a former u-2 pilot, an in-house sinologist, a psychiatrist armed with a polygraph and a squadron of lesser strategists. The tableau was cloaked in immediacy and intrigue. The demolitions expert confided the subtelties of plastic explosives, teaching the climbers how to carve an l-shaped recess in an icy mountainside to use as a platform for sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 the tracking station; and another technician put them through an erector-set exercise on how to assemble the apparatus. But most of the spy-book garnishings, according to one climber, "were just meant to impress us--and waste a lot of time." the psychiatrist used his lie detector to the group about drugs, homosexuality, fidelity (marital and national), and, with dedicated professional myopia, about any friends who might be communists. "after a while," another climber recalls, "we spent most of our time playing volleyball and doing some serious drinking." the liquor, he says, helped fight the ennui of droning, one-dimensional lectures on the asian mentality. Toward the end of the session, the cia brought in the four indian climbers. The two groups introduced themselves and were soon exchanging stories of high adunclassified page 07 state 094511 venture. After a few weeks at harvey point, the climbers were flown to mount mckinley in alaska, at 20,320 feet the highest peak in the 50 states. The national park service closed off the south face of mckinley from other mountaineers while the newly fashioned team tested logistics. The warm-up did not go well. Distressing weather and other difficulties kept them from the summit, an unfriendly omen the cia chose to ignore. By fall 1965 the group was gathered in northern india, and for the first time the americans were obliged to observe the anonymity of espionage. Because this was not an officially sanctioned climb, india's cbi agents were worried that local villagers might take undue interest in the incongruous assembly, and they directed the americans to keep their faces averted and their conversations to monosyllables as they traveler toward the mountain. A helicopter flew the climbers to a meadow in the nanda devi sanctuary, and they hiked across the short, fragile grass the final steps to base camp. The sanctuary, about 14,000 feet high and circumscribed by mountains, may be india's only remaining inviolate range for the rare himalayan blue sheep. Livestock do not compete for the vegetation, and few hunters have ever been allowed access. Nanda devi, a thrust of high-angle rock and snow, is an imposing presence in the uttar pradesh region near india's northeastern border, about 500 miles south and four miles above the sinkiang plans. Originally, the cia had determined that the height of 27,000 feet was necessary to give its tracking device an efficiently commanding view of sinkiang. But after some last-minute slide-rule manipulation, the cia lowered its sights to nanda devi's 25,645-foot summit. Nanda devi, which the agency later code-named "blue mountain," takes its name from a goddess in hindu mythology. Above base camp, sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 in the quickening dusk, the climbers could see immutable unclassified page 08 state 094511 rocks fading into the night and each other, and beyond, shrouded in mist, long chutes of snow frosted the mountain. Under the best conditions nanda devi presents a series of climbing challenges, but conditions are seldom even fair. Wind, snow and high angle combine to make the mountain ruthless beyond its size; the climbers would have to be alert for the shivering, tympanic boom that announces avalanche. The climb ahead promised to be monumental. Only two previous expeditions had stood on the peak, and they had not been burdened with the extra cia weight. If anyone asked, the american climbers were in uttar pradesh under the auspices of the air force high altitude test program (hat), an appropriate acronym since the special pack that left a warm spot on the porter's backs was shaped like a stovepipe hat. The metal hat, about two feet tall and three feet around, was a snap (space nuclear auxiliary power) generator--the centerpiece of the tracking device. When assembled, it say on a base that looked like a stubby flagpole and was attached by cable to an electronic box. The generator powered the box that was to relay the antenna's monitorings to a cia telemetry expert at the base station about 40 miles away. The key to operation hat was a thin fuel rod that fit in a hole running through the core of the snap generator. The fuel rod contained plutonium-238, a lethal nuclear synthetic that produces heat as it decays. The layers of metal around the fuel rod were designed to reach different temperatures, creating an imbalance to generate electricity. The fuel rod would expend itself in a manner similar to a dry-cell battery, but if the cia's nuclear wizards were right, the electronic box could feed on the radioactivity for 75 years or more. The fuel rod arrived at the nanda devi base unclassified page 09 state 094511 camp in a ponderous lead liner, a container much too heavy to accompany the expedition. The climbers collected to watch as the rod was carefully inserted in the metal hat. "after it was safely in," says one climber, "we sort of took turns touching the core. You could feel the heat." the former track star, the patriot, two other american climbers, four indians and the porters formed the first blue mountain expedition. They set out up the south face in september 1965. Their objective was the summit or a spot near the top on the north face overlooking sinkiang. But the weather and the mountain conspired against them. They were about 2,000 feet sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 shy of the summit when they agreed to turn around. Rather than undo all their labor, however, they stored the cia cargo among the rocks to await their return. A well-known climber from the 1963 american expedition up everest was added to the team for spring 1966. He was skilled in electronics and map-making. As the team maneuvered back up in april, however, the newest member sucked in more frostbitten air than his lungs could endure. He began wheezing and spitting bloody fuzz and had to turn back while the others continued toward their position of a half-year before. But their cache was gone, swept away under a torrent of mountain rubble. A wall of snow and fragments of cliff had broken loose from above and come surging down, leaving behind a clumsy artistry of resculptured furrows and hollows on the spot where they now stood dumbfounded. The expedition bivouacked to contemplate its next move. The patriot perceived the mission in strict military terms and he voted to return to base camp for further orders. But the former track star did not want to be denied a chance to conquer the remaining 2,000 feet. While the patriot waited, he scrambled to the 25,645-foot summit, a feat that still ranks as the highest solo ascent by an ameriunclassified page 10 state 094511 can--though, of course, it was never publicly recorded. He reached the top without trouble, but his trip down was more treacherous. As he approached the camp he lost his footing and went sprawling several hundred feet down a snowy incline, miraculously coming to rest, unhurt, just short of a cradle of sharp rocks. News of the lost device shook bill mcneff and the other operation hat officers. They did not have to be told of the somber diplomatic implications or of their imperiled careers. If the hindu population ever learned that the cia's nuclear power pack was missing, maybe shattered, in the ganges headwaters, there would be an inexorable hunt for scapegoats back in washington. The spring thaw on the southern slope of nanda devi is a major source of water for the ganges. The rishi ganga river crashes down the slope into the dhauli river, which joins the alakanda about 9,000 feet below nanda devi sanctuary. The alaknanda is one of the largest tributaries flowing into he ganges, the 1,557-mile dispenser of life for a parched land. The alaknanda-dhauli juncture is a sacred place the hindus call vishnuprayag. A temple sits on a rocky ledge dividing the two rivers, and for hundreds of years hindu worshipers, clinging to ringbolts against the cold tug of the current, have paraded down stone steps into waters from nanda devi's slopes. The cia located the debris of the avalanche on the mountain's southern pro- sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 file about 3,000 feet above the sanctuary. Retrieving the snap generator, however, posed unfamiliar problems. What could be used, thousands of feet in the air, to bulldoze through tons of rock and snow? Ncneff and the others pondered that, then devised a solution more elegantly creative than the project itself. Cia operatives unclassified page 11 state 094511 were dispatched to new delhi, india's bustling capital, where they shadowed the bazaars and hardware shops. What this undertaking called for was a local guide who had always wanted to be a fireman. The cia agents were in pursuit of rubber hoses, a black wide-throated kind that firefighters use. Eventually they managed to buy several hoses, of varying lengths, which uere helicoptered back to the sanctuary and hauled up blue mountain. Jointed together, the hoses became one long rubber snake with its mouth stuck in a slanting mountain stream and its tail swishing through the rubble. The diverted water was supposed to wash away the snow and exhume the nuclear treasure below. In theory, perhaps, the idea held traces of brillance. But a mountain stream is not easily converted into a fireplug. Mud and sticks clogged the opening, requiring a frigid cleaning every few minutes; and water pressure at the other end was equal to that of a bucket being emptied out a first-floor window. The awesome mound created by the avalanche, about the size of a giza pyramid, stood unmoved. The cia cleanup crew soon realized it was defeated. That unhappy report was sent to base camp and radioed on to washington. There a decision was made.the nuclear device was to be abandoned in the snow with the optimistic presumption it would stay there. Top cia officials were anxious to keep the agency's misadventure similarly buried. They did not inform prime minister gandhi's government, and they pressured india's cbi officers, who were compromised by their earlier complicity, to maintain their silence. The cia allegedly also concealed its decision from the lbj white house. In so doing, the agency opted for a long-term gamble. Plutonium-238 remains dangerously radioactive for 300 to 500 years, and even if the snap generator had survived the avalanche intact, its outer shell would eventually corrode and release its poisonous core. Handling or inhaling plutonium can be fatal, and unclassified page 12 state 094511 it would be impossible to retrieve the radioactive material once it escaped into the snow. If it reached the ganges river system, it could cause cancer in anyone who sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 drank even microscopic amounts or ate contaminated fish. In uttar pradesh, meanwhile, a weary irritation had settled over operation hat. The men had been up the mountain three times, an unplanned investment of work and courage, and yet it had defied them each time. Their mission was unfulfilled, and in washington the project was being viewed as a zero-turned-negative. Everyone was on edge. The cbi agents, angry and nervous about the position in which the cia's deceit had placed them, grew arbitrary and short tempered. The climbers, unaccustomed to the fatuous nature of undercover work, began to question overall strategy. A rift opened in the cia ranks between the chinese and indian specialists, who seized on this excuse to vent longstanding jealousies. And the uncomplaining porters took abuse from all sides, as if their presence had somehow jinxed an otherwise flawless plan. Tensions flared. In the midst of one confrontation one american climber lunged over a desk and, with one punch, upended a cbi agent from his chair. Another climber commandeered a military helicopter at the nanda devi sanctuary and flew to new delhi, 200 miles away, for an unannounced showdown with the head of indian intelligence. Both climbers were back in the states soon afterwards. A third american, a magazine photojournalist who served as liaison between the cia and the climbers and whose recommendations persuaded many climbers to enlist, had quit earlier in disgust. He had felt insulted by the agency's lack of appreciation for the difficulties of mountaineering. The cia's unclassified page 13 state 094511 technocrats had continued to change their minds about the elevation needed to make the tracking device work. Their first guess had been 27,000 feet, then 25,500, and, after the fiasco at 23,500, they had decided 21,000 would be adequate. What the cia did not seem to understand was that, because of diminishing oxygen at high altitudes, the difference between 21,000 and 27,000 feet in mountaineering is like the difference between my friend flicka and moby dick in literature. While the cia was floundering, the chinese were building launching pads for their nuclear missiles throughout sinkiang. On october 27th, 1966, they fired an experimental rocket from a pad in central sinkiang, right under the nose of the cias unsensing tracking device. In early 1967 bill mcneff was terminated as the agent in charge of operation hat. Most of the climbers liked mcneff's irish streetkid attitude and vernacular, and they felt he was being unfairly singled out for blame. But mcneff's removal was part of a final effort to rehabilitate the project. Another american from the prestigious 1963 everest ex- sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 pedition had been recruited to help replace the climbers who'd left, and another mountain, nanda kot, had been selected as the new target. Nanda kot stands adjacent to nanda devi and, to keep its score card straight, the cia code-named it "red mountain." the climbers, however, had no trouble telling the two apart. Shorter and squatter, the 22,470-foot kot clearly lacks the prodigious ferocity of its neighbor. The new recruit arrived in new delhi in march 1967, two weeks ahead of his teammates, all veterans of blue mountain and in no rush for any extra reconnoitering with the terrain. For this attempt the indians insisted on even more elaborate security precautions. One american, a cia radio operator, had such arid, alabaster features that he was conspicuous in any crowd, but, after a hushed conference, the indians unclassified page 14 state 094511 produced a disguide: man-tan, an american drugstore potion that fabricates a suntan. It turned his skina carotene-brown. The americans were trucked in latenight darkness to a new delhi military base, flown to a remote airport in uttar pradesh, then helicoptered to a nanda kot base camp. The indian climbers met them there in april and, as warm winds softened the winter austerity, the group roped up nanda kot, packing along the components of a substitute plutonium-fueled device. They proceeded cautiously, searching for the best route in the black-and-white patterns, avoiding the long, perpendicular chutes where avalanches, loosened by the morning sun, could rumble down. They were about halfway to the top when a blizzard blocked their way. The bad weather persisted, and finally they had to return to camp, a hurried trip that was interrupted by another crises. Without warning an avalanche trapped and almost killed two of the climbers. The two men escaped, however, and a few days later the team moved up again. This time the climb was successful. They found a suitable bump on the north ridge at the 21,000 foot level and, after some minor remodeling of the area, they set up the tracking station. It worked. The nuclear battery, still warm to the touch in the frosty air , hummed and vibrated as the antenna scanned the northern horizon. Theclimbers celebrated briefly, in keeping with the occasion and the climate, then retraced their path downward. Operation hat seemed over. But a year later the cia was back in uttar pradesh and yet another team was asked to scale red mountain. A winter storm had laid siege to the cia's spindly alpine robot and imprisoned it in a tomb of snow. The agency mounted a fifth expedition, made up of indians and porters, to unclassified sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 page 15 state 094511 dig out and repair the device in spring 1968. The antenna continued to transmit from sinkiang for another year. But, by then, it was no longer needed. The u.s. Had launched a new surv-illance satellite that, along with over-the-horizon radar from taiwan, had assumed the task of scouting china's nuclear movements. The four american mountaineers from the successful 1967 expedition returned home in triumph, though the fanfare had to be restricted to a tight circle of friends because of the earlier oaths they'd taken. An irrepressible cia recruiter, impressed with one climber 's sideline abilities as a tinkerer-technician, tried to draft him for an artic spy mission . But he declined, and, as far as is known, the american alpine community's affiliation with the agency came to an end. One of the four opened a tv repair shop, another went into the outdoor-equipment business, and a third took up filmmaking. The former track star's skills led the government to offer him an astronaut's uniform. But after five leaves of absence, three overseas trips and 18 months of lost time, he preferred a career in academia. He was subsequently stunned a short while later when he learned that the pentagon had another form of government service in mind for him, that it wasn't voluntary and that it was even more dangerous than blue mountain. He had expected his cia stint to compensate for two years of active military duty, but the pentagon disagreed and he feared he would be shipped to vietnam. In a june 1968 letter to his congressman, he pleaded his case: "i really thought that after the final and highly successful 1967 expedition that logic would triumph over bureaucracy. What i have done to serve my country seems at least equal to or exceeds that of many (others)." the congressman agreed but all he could arrange was a state-side assignment close to where the climber's wife was working. As he dutifully put in unclassified page 16 state 094511 two more years, the ex-spy had time to reflect on what, for him, had been the final episode of operation hat. The cia had summoned him to its headquarters in early 1968. He was escorted into an inner sanctum for an audience with vice-admiral rufus taylor, the agency's number-two official, and then, in an earnest ceremony, he was decorated for meritorious service. As soon as the epaulet was in place, however, a cia agent stepped forward to unpin it and return it to a locked drawer. He could not keep the medal, taylor told him, or even mention that he'd been given one--because it might damage the national security. Christopher sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 unclassified page 01 state 094511 origin nea-10 info oct-01 ea-12 iso-00 /023 r 66011 drafted by: nea: pwlande approved by: nea: pwlande ------------------005828 140909z /23 r 140600z apr 78 fm secstate washdc info rumjpg/uslo peking 0000 amembassy islamabad amembassy dacca amembassy kathmandu unclas state 094511 following repeat state 094511 sent action new delhi dod dirnsa cia washdc apr 12. Quote nclas state 094511 e.o. 11652: n/a tags: sopn, pinr subject: alleged cia activity in india. 1. The text of the outside magazine article on alleged cia activity in india follows: begin text -- the pristine, upper reaches of the indian himalaya hold a deadly secret. During a 1965 spy mission the u.s. Central intelligence agency (cia) lost a snap generator on a mountainside in india's uttar pradesh state, and this nuclear power pack, filled with plutonium-238, is still there. Until the plutonium deteriorates, which may take centuries, the device will remain a radioactive manace that could leak into the unclassified page 02 state 094511 himalayan snow and infiltrate the indian river system through the headwaters of the ganges. It is a hazardous situation" says dr. Arthur tamplin, a biophysicist formerly with the atomic energy commission. Every effort should be made to recover it. I don't understand why that wasn't done right away." the u.s. Government gave up its search for the device after a short-term feckless effort. Instead, aided by some of america's best mountain climbers, the cia sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 covertly placed a second snap generator on another indian mountain where, after serving the agency's purposes, it also was abandoned. The following article is the first public account of the entire misadventure. It is based on information from eight of 14 mountaineers who participated in the project and from three sources in the u.s. Intelligence community. A pack loaded with a heavy metal contraption makes no sense for an ascent into the icy, thin air of the himalaya. But this pack was special. It radiated a warmth that seemed to cling even after the pack was removed. Al the indian porters wanted to carry it. The americans, who knew what was inside, were a little less enthusiastic. They weren't sure how many radioactive isotopes were leaking out with the heat. The climbers were convoying parts for a 125-pound tracking device they hoped to assemble and mount atop nanda devi, one of the tallest peaks in india. They were the workhorses for a cia operation to eavesdrop across the border into china. Inside the pack was the latest in cia technology; a nuclear snap generator to power the tracking device. The cia team had started up nanda devi after the autumn monsoons of 1965. But razor-sharp winds and unseasonal storms delayed them and then winter's approach forced them to retreat short of the top. Intending to unclassified page 03 state 094511 return in spring to finish the mission, they found a sheltered cranny on the southern lee of the mountain and stashed the special pack. Not until the next spring did they discover their miscalculation. The cia gimmickry had been lost in a capricious winter avalanche. The glaciers of nanda deviare are part of the headwaters of the ganges, the holy river for 450 million hindus. For the cia to have contaminated india's hallowed waters with plutonium, or even to have risked that possibility, was an unprecedented breach of the unwritten international nuclear code. The incident could have been far more politically embarrassing than the radioactive pollution the soviet union's cosmos 954 satellite downed on northwest canada in january 1978--except that the cia was able to keep its mishap covered up. The nanda devi project began as a sort of highminded compromise. China had exploded a nuclear bomb at lop nor in barren sinkiang province on october 16th, 1964. It was china's first nuclear success and its reverberations were felt in washington. The u.s. Reaction was divided into two camps. At the pentagon there was a temporary "red alert" while the joint chiefs of staff, afraid that china was on the verge of a military offensive, argued for a preventive first strike. At the state department the moribund chinese desk saw an opportunity to open up talks with peking. Sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 president lyndon johnson dismissed both ideas as opposite extremes and instead acceded to the cia's alternative proposal: a spy mission tomeasure china's nuclear capabilities. U.s. Reconnaissance satellites were still unsophisticated at that time, and the few in orbit were all marshaled inconveniently over the soviet union. So the cia conceived of an ambitious expedition to place a nuclear-powered monitoring device on an indian mountaintop near sinkiang, where it could pick up signals from china's nuclear tests and track chinese nuclear-warhead missiles. Unclassified page 04 state 094511 the cia solicited american climbers with previous high himalayan and alaskan experience, and many gladly agreed to help. The cia's proposition included a guarantee of $1,000 a month for a job estimated to take about a year, plus a free and exotic trip, an exciting climb and a modest patriotic benediction. Most climbers viewed the offer as serendipitous luck. One climber was working at two jobs, trying to support a family and survive his final year of graduate school. The cia money came as a windfall. The agency also interceded with a university dean to drop some academic requirements so he could earn an early degree. The climber ended up spending part of his year "acclimatizing" at a hotel on jungfrau in the swiss slps; he had a nice vacation and was never called upon for himalayan duty. Most of the others shared similar perspectives. "how many times do you get a chance for a free boondoggle?" explains one. "i'd do it again if the same situation presented itself. I had a lot of fun." for two premier climbers, however, the project became a three-year commitment. One, a brilliant student of the life sciences, had been a track star in the fifties. He was known for his determination as a climber. (he once gritted through an enormously painful leg fracture while spidering up mount mckinley). He and the cia were mutually impressed. "there are few times in a man's life when he can truly say he was the right man for a job that his being there made a difference." he later wrote in a letter. "i can say that about my work for the cia." the other was an engineer and inventor. He was also the most openly patriotic of the group, and one fellow climber dubbed him "the patriot" he viewed the cia offer as a summons to serve his country, and he guarded his involvement in the prounclassified page 05 state 094511 ject with zeal. Friends say he did not even tell his wife the full story. Several years afterward, british sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 climber chris bonington sought him out for advice as bonington was about to climb changabang, another peak in the same himalayan cluster as nanda devi. "i don't want to know about your secret mission," bonington explained. "i'd just like to know what the territory is like.""you must be mistaken," the patriot replied. "i've never been to that part of india." despite coaxing, he refused to say anything about the scene of the project. In all, l4 american climbers signed on with the cia, though ultimately only nine were sent to india. They were joined by four of india's best mountaineers from the 1962 indian everest expedition. In addition, the cia had the unofficial cooperation of its indian counterpart, the central bureau of investigation (cbi). American undercover agents on the cbi payroll co-opted in dian intelligence, setting up the arrangement on an informal basis to preserve the cia's absolute authority over the project. The cia demanded that the cbi, which relies heavily on u.s. Spy expertise, keep the affair secret from prime minister indira gandhi and other ranking officials of the government that then ruled india. The cia was concerned that the gandhi government might veto the project as needlessly provocative since india's relations with china were then at the flashpoint border skirmishes on india's northern and northeastern frontiers had erupted into a miniwar in 1962, and nanda devi, the cia targeted mountain, is near a disputed area still claimed by both countries. The cia did give president johnson a general outline of the project, but the agency also asked him not to notify the gandhi government, a circumstance that later became another reason for the u.s. Coverup. In late 1964 the american climbers mustered at cia headquarters in langley, virginia, where they took unclassified page 06 state 094511 the oath that binds together spies everywhere: never to reveal anything to anyone unto death. From there they were ferried to harvey point, north carolina, some in a spy plane that had all identifying numbers and markings censored from the fusalage and windows except the pilot's opaqued. Harvey point is an unpretentious collection of weathered barracks on albemarle sound off the atlantic. But behind the front gates is ahigh-powered center for munitions and explosives testing. The navy operates the base, though it often shares the facilities with other government agencies. The cia trained anti-castro cubans at harvey point before the 1961 bay of pigs invasion, and the agency took the mountaineers there for a crash course in nuclear-age espionage. Bill mcneff, a short, wiry cia lifter, was the case officer in charge. He was assisted by a demolitions expert, a former u-2 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 pilot, an in-house sinologist, a psychiatrist armed with a polygraph and a squadron of lesser strategists. The tableau was cloaked in immediacy and intrigue. The demolitions expert confided the subtelties of plastic explosives, teaching the climbers how to carve an l-shaped recess in an icy mountainside to use as a platform for the tracking station; and another technician put them through an erector-set exercise on how to assemble the apparatus. But most of the spy-book garnishings, according to one climber, "were just meant to impress us--and waste a lot of time." the psychiatrist used his lie detector to the group about drugs, homosexuality, fidelity (marital and national), and, with dedicated professional myopia, about any friends who might be communists. "after a while," another climber recalls, "we spent most of our time playing volleyball and doing some serious unclassified page 07 state 094511 drinking." the liquor, he says, helped fight the ennui of droning, one-dimensional lectures on the asian mentality. Toward the end of the session, the cia brought in the four indian climbers. The two groups introduced themselves and were soon exchanging stories of high adventure. After a few weeks at harvey point, the climbers were flown to mount mckinley in alaska, at 20,320 feet the highest peak in the 50 states. The national park service closed off the south face of mckinley from other mountaineers while the newly fashioned team tested logistics. The warm-up did not go well. Distressing weather and other difficulties kept them from the summit, an unfriendly omen the cia chose to ignore. By fall 1965 the group was gathered in northern india, and for the first time the americans were obliged to observe the anonymity of espionage. Because this was not an officially sanctioned climb, india's cbi agents were worried that local villagers might take undue interest in the incongruous assembly, and they directed the americans to keep their faces averted and their conversations to monosyllables as they traveler toward the mountain. A helicopter flew the climbers to a meadow in the nanda devi sanctuary, and they hiked across the short, fragile grass the final steps to base camp. The sanctuary, about 14,000 feet high and circumscribed by mountains, may be india's only remaining inviolate range for the rare himalayan blue sheep. Livestock do not compete for the vegetation, and few hunters have ever been allowed access. Nanda devi, a thrust of high-angle rock and snow, is an imposing presence in the uttar pradesh region near india's northeastern border, about 500 miles south and four miles above the sinkiang plans. Originally, the cia had determined that the height of 27,000 feet sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 was necessary to give its tracking device an efficiently commanding view of sinkiang. But after some last-minute slide-rule manipulation, the cia lowered its sights to unclassified page 08 state 094511 nanda devi's 25,645-foot summit. Nanda devi, which the agency later code-named "blue mountain," takes its name from a goddess in hindu mythology. Above base camp, in the quickening dusk, the climbers could see immutable rocks fading into the night and each other, and beyond, shrouded in mist, long chutes of snow frosted the mountain. Under the best conditions nanda devi presents a series of climbing challenges, but conditions are seldom even fair. Wind, snow and high angle combine to make the mountain ruthless beyond its size; the climbers would have to be alert for the shivering, tympanic boom that announces avalanche. The climb ahead promised to be monumental. Only two previous expeditions had stood on the peak, and they had not been burdened with the extra cia weight. If anyone asked, the american climbers were in uttar pradesh under the auspices of the air force high altitude test program (hat), an appropriate acronym since the special pack that left a warm spot on the porter's backs was shaped like a stovepipe hat. The metal hat, about two feet tall and three feet around, was a snap (space nuclear auxiliary power) generator--the centerpiece of the tracking device. When assembled, it say on a base that looked like a stubby flagpole and was attached by cable to an electronic box. The generator powered the box that was to relay the antenna's monitorings to a cia telemetry expert at the base station about 40 miles away. The key to operation hat was a thin fuel rod that fit in a hole running through the core of the snap generator. The fuel rod contained plutonium-238, a lethal nuclear synthetic that produces heat as it decays. The layers of metal around the fuel rod were designed to reach different temperatures, creating an imunclassified page 09 state 094511 balance to generate electricity. The fuel rod would expend itself in a manner similar to a dry-cell battery, but if the cia's nuclear wizards were right, the electronic box could feed on the radioactivity for 75 years or more. The fuel rod arrived at the nanda devi base camp in a ponderous lead liner, a container much too heavy to accompany the expedition. The climbers collected to watch as the rod was carefully inserted in the metal hat. "after it was safely in," says one climber, "we sort of took turns touching the core. You could feel sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 the heat." the former track star, the patriot, two other american climbers, four indians and the porters formed the first blue mountain expedition. They set out up the south face in september 1965. Their objective was the summit or a spot near the top on the north face overlooking sinkiang. But the weather and the mountain conspired against them. They were about 2,000 feet shy of the summit when they agreed to turn around. Rather than undo all their labor, however, they stored the cia cargo among the rocks to await their return. A well-known climber from the 1963 american expedition up everest was added to the team for spring 1966. He was skilled in electronics and map-making. As the team maneuvered back up in april, however, the newest member sucked in more frostbitten air than his lungs could endure. He began wheezing and spitting bloody fuzz and had to turn back while the others continued toward their position of a half-year before. But their cache was gone, swept away under a torrent of mountain rubble. A wall of snow and fragments of cliff had broken loose from above and come surging down, leaving behind a clumsy artistry of resculptured furrows and hollows on the spot where they now stood dumbfounded. The expedition bivouacked to contemplate its next move. The patriot perceived the mission in strict military terms and he unclassified page 10 state 094511 voted to return to base camp for further orders. But the former track star did not want to be denied a chance to conquer the remaining 2,000 feet. While the patriot waited, he scrambled to the 25,645-foot summit, a feat that still ranks as the highest solo ascent by an american--though, of course, it was never publicly recorded. He reached the top without trouble, but his trip down was more treacherous. As he approached the camp he lost his footing and went sprawling several hundred feet down a snowy incline, miraculously coming to rest, unhurt, just short of a cradle of sharp rocks. News of the lost device shook bill mcneff and the other operation hat officers. They did not have to be told of the somber diplomatic implications or of their imperiled careers. If the hindu population ever learned that the cia's nuclear power pack was missing, maybe shattered, in the ganges headwaters, there would be an inexorable hunt for scapegoats back in washington. The spring thaw on the southern slope of nanda devi is a major source of water for the ganges. The rishi ganga river crashes down the slope into the dhauli river, which joins the alakanda about 9,000 feet below nanda devi sanctuary. The alaknanda is one of the largest tributaries flowing into he ganges, the 1,557-mile dispenser of life for a parched sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 land. The alaknanda-dhauli juncture is a sacred place the hindus call vishnuprayag. A temple sits on a rocky ledge dividing the two rivers, and for hundreds of years hindu worshipers, clinging to ringbolts against the cold tug of the current, have paraded down stone steps into waters from nanda devi's slopes. The cia located the debris of the avalanche on the mountain's southern profile about 3,000 feet above the sanctuary. Retrieving unclassified page 11 state 094511 the snap generator, however, posed unfamiliar problems. What could be used, thousands of feet in the air, to bulldoze through tons of rock and snow? Ncneff and the others pondered that, then devised a solution more elegantly creative than the project itself. Cia operatives were dispatched to new delhi, india's bustling capital, where they shadowed the bazaars and hardware shops. What this undertaking called for was a local guide who had always wanted to be a fireman. The cia agents were in pursuit of rubber hoses, a black wide-throated kind that firefighters use. Eventually they managed to buy several hoses, of varying lengths, which uere helicoptered back to the sanctuary and hauled up blue mountain. Jointed together, the hoses became one long rubber snake with its mouth stuck in a slanting mountain stream and its tail swishing through the rubble. The diverted water was supposed to wash away the snow and exhume the nuclear treasure below. In theory, perhaps, the idea held traces of brillance. But a mountain stream is not easily converted into a fireplug. Mud and sticks clogged the opening, requiring a frigid cleaning every few minutes; and water pressure at the other end was equal to that of a bucket being emptied out a first-floor window. The awesome mound created by the avalanche, about the size of a giza pyramid, stood unmoved. The cia cleanup crew soon realized it was defeated. That unhappy report was sent to base camp and radioed on to washington. There a decision was made.the nuclear device was to be abandoned in the snow with the optimistic presumption it would stay there. Top cia officials were anxious to keep the agency's misadventure similarly buried. They did not inform prime minister gandhi's government, and they pressured india's cbi officers, who were compromised by their earlier complicity, to maintain their silence. The cia allegedly also concealed its decision from the lbj white house. In so doing, the agency opted for a unclassified page 12 state 094511 long-term gamble. Plutonium-238 remains dangerously sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 radioactive for 300 to 500 years, and even if the snap generator had survived the avalanche intact, its outer shell would eventually corrode and release its poisonous core. Handling or inhaling plutonium can be fatal, and it would be impossible to retrieve the radioactive material once it escaped into the snow. If it reached the ganges river system, it could cause cancer in anyone who drank even microscopic amounts or ate contaminated fish. In uttar pradesh, meanwhile, a weary irritation had settled over operation hat. The men had been up the mountain three times, an unplanned investment of work and courage, and yet it had defied them each time. Their mission was unfulfilled, and in washington the project was being viewed as a zero-turned-negative. Everyone was on edge. The cbi agents, angry and nervous about the position in which the cia's deceit had placed them, grew arbitrary and short tempered. The climbers, unaccustomed to the fatuous nature of undercover work, began to question overall strategy. A rift opened in the cia ranks between the chinese and indian specialists, who seized on this excuse to vent longstanding jealousies. And the uncomplaining porters took abuse from all sides, as if their presence had somehow jinxed an otherwise flawless plan. Tensions flared. In the midst of one confrontation one american climber lunged over a desk and, with one punch, upended a cbi agent from his chair. Another climber commandeered a military helicopter at the nanda devi sanctuary and flew to new delhi, 200 miles away, for an unannounced showdown with the head of indian intelligence. Both climbers were back in the states soon afterwards. A third american, a magazine unclassified page 13 state 094511 photojournalist who served as liaison between the cia and the climbers and whose recommendations persuaded many climbers to enlist, had quit earlier in disgust. He had felt insulted by the agency's lack of appreciation for the difficulties of mountaineering. The cia's technocrats had continued to change their minds about the elevation needed to make the tracking device work. Their first guess had been 27,000 feet, then 25,500, and, after the fiasco at 23,500, they had decided 21,000 would be adequate. What the cia did not seem to understand was that, because of diminishing oxygen at high altitudes, the difference between 21,000 and 27,000 feet in mountaineering is like the difference between my friend flicka and moby dick in literature. While the cia was floundering, the chinese were building launching pads for their nuclear missiles throughout sinkiang. On october 27th, 1966, they fired an experimental rocket from a pad in central sinkiang, right under the nose of sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 the cias unsensing tracking device. In early 1967 bill mcneff was terminated as the agent in charge of operation hat. Most of the climbers liked mcneff's irish streetkid attitude and vernacular, and they felt he was being unfairly singled out for blame. But mcneff's removal was part of a final effort to rehabilitate the project. Another american from the prestigious 1963 everest expedition had been recruited to help replace the climbers who'd left, and another mountain, nanda kot, had been selected as the new target. Nanda kot stands adjacent to nanda devi and, to keep its score card straight, the cia code-named it "red mountain." the climbers, however, had no trouble telling the two apart. Shorter and squatter, the 22,470-foot kot clearly lacks the prodigious ferocity of its neighbor. The new recruit arrived in new delhi in march 1967, two weeks ahead of his teammates, all veterans of blue mountain and in no rush for any unclassified page 14 state 094511 extra reconnoitering with the terrain. For this attempt the indians insisted on even more elaborate security precautions. One american, a cia radio operator, had such arid, alabaster features that he was conspicuous in any crowd, but, after a hushed conference, the indians produced a disguide: man-tan, an american drugstore potion that fabricates a suntan. It turned his skina carotene-brown. The americans were trucked in latenight darkness to a new delhi military base, flown to a remote airport in uttar pradesh, then helicoptered to a nanda kot base camp. The indian climbers met them there in april and, as warm winds softened the winter austerity, the group roped up nanda kot, packing along the components of a substitute plutonium-fueled device. They proceeded cautiously, searching for the best route in the black-and-white patterns, avoiding the long, perpendicular chutes where avalanches, loosened by the morning sun, could rumble down. They were about halfway to the top when a blizzard blocked their way. The bad weather persisted, and finally they had to return to camp, a hurried trip that was interrupted by another crises. Without warning an avalanche trapped and almost killed two of the climbers. The two men escaped, however, and a few days later the team moved up again. This time the climb was successful. They found a suitable bump on the north ridge at the 21,000 foot level and, after some minor remodeling of the area, they set up the tracking station. It worked. The nuclear battery, still warm to the touch in the frosty air , hummed and vibrated as the antenna scanned the northern horizon. Theclimbers celebrated briefly, in keeping with the occasion and the climate, then retraced sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 their path downward. Operation hat seemed over. But a unclassified page 15 state 094511 year later the cia was back in uttar pradesh and yet another team was asked to scale red mountain. A winter storm had laid siege to the cia's spindly alpine robot and imprisoned it in a tomb of snow. The agency mounted a fifth expedition, made up of indians and porters, to dig out and repair the device in spring 1968. The antenna continued to transmit from sinkiang for another year. But, by then, it was no longer needed. The u.s. Had launched a new surv-illance satellite that, along with over-the-horizon radar from taiwan, had assumed the task of scouting china's nuclear movements. The four american mountaineers from the successful 1967 expedition returned home in triumph, though the fanfare had to be restricted to a tight circle of friends because of the earlier oaths they'd taken. An irrepressible cia recruiter, impressed with one climber 's sideline abilities as a tinkerer-technician, tried to draft him for an artic spy mission . But he declined, and, as far as is known, the american alpine community's affiliation with the agency came to an end. One of the four opened a tv repair shop, another went into the outdoor-equipment business, and a third took up filmmaking. The former track star's skills led the government to offer him an astronaut's uniform. But after five leaves of absence, three overseas trips and 18 months of lost time, he preferred a career in academia. He was subsequently stunned a short while later when he learned that the pentagon had another form of government service in mind for him, that it wasn't voluntary and that it was even more dangerous than blue mountain. He had expected his cia stint to compensate for two years of active military duty, but the pentagon disagreed and he feared he would be shipped to vietnam. In a june 1968 letter to his congressman, he pleaded his case: "i really thought that after the final and highly successful 1967 expedition that logic unclassified page 16 state 094511 would triumph over bureaucracy. What i have done to serve my country seems at least equal to or exceeds that of many (others)." the congressman agreed but all he could arrange was a state-side assignment close to where the climber's wife was working. As he dutifully put in two more years, the ex-spy had time to reflect on what, for him, had been the final episode of operation hat. The cia had summoned him to its headquarters in early 1968. He was escorted into an inner sanctum for an sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 audience with vice-admiral rufus taylor, the agency's number-two official, and then, in an earnest ceremony, he was decorated for meritorious service. As soon as the epaulet was in place, however, a cia agent stepped forward to unpin it and return it to a locked drawer. He could not keep the medal, taylor told him, or even mention that he'd been given one--because it might damage the national security. Christopher unquote christopher unclassified << end of document >> sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014 sheryl p. Walter declassified/released us department of state eo systematic review 20 mar 2014


Everyday equations -- MD Srinivas. Nature's basket -- Michel Danino. Made in India -- RK Dube.

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Everyday equations


Ancient Indian mathematicians revelled in discovering efficacious algorithms for diverse problems

Everyday equations
The word algorithm, which is commonly used for any systematic procedure of computation, has 

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an interesting history. It derives from the medieval word “algorism”, which referred to the process of doing arithmetic by means of Indian numerals (the so called “Hindu-Arabic numerals”) following the Indian methods of calculation based on the decimal place value system. The word algorism itself is a corruption of the name of the Central Asian mathematician al Khwarizmi (c 825) whose book on the Indian method of reckoning (Hisab al Hind) was the source from which the Indian methods of calculation reached the western world. The “algorists” in medieval Europe, who computed by algorism were at a great advantage compared to those who used the abacus or any other system of numeration such as the Roman system. The situation has been aptly described by the renowned 18th century French mathematician Pierre Simon de Laplace as follows:



“It is India that gave us the ingenious method of expressing all numbers by means of 10 symbols, each symbol receiving a value of position as well as an absolute value; a profound and important idea which appears so simple to us now that we ignore its true merit. But its very simplicity and the great ease which it has lent to all computations put our arithmetic in the first rank of useful inventions; and we shall appreciate the grandeur of this achievement the more when we remember that it escaped the genius of Archimedes and Apollonius, two of the greatest men produced by antiquity.”

The term “mathematics” is derived from the Greek word “mathema” which means knowledge or learning. The Indian term for this discipline is “ganita” which means calculation or computation. Indian mathematics, ganita, is quintessentially a science of computation. Indian mathematical texts are not just a collection of propositions or theorems about mathematical entities, they are more in the nature of a compendia of systematic and efficient procedures for computation (with numbers, geometrical figures and algebraic symbols standing for a class of mathematical objects and so on) as applicable to diverse problems. Thus, a majority of the sutras or verses of a classical Indian mathematical text are in the form of prescriptions or rules — they are referred to by the traditional commentators as vidhiprakriya orkarana-sutras — rules that characterise systematic procedures.

This approach is not special to mathematics alone, but common to most Indian knowledge systems — the sastras. The canonical texts of different disciplines in Indian tradition present rules which are generally called sutras or lakshanas. Most of these rules serve to characterise systematic procedures (referred to variously as vidhikriya or prakriyasadhanakarmaor parikarmakarana etc.) which are designed to accomplish specific ends. In this way, the Indian sastras are always rooted in vyavahara or practical applications.



This approach of Indian sastras allows them to have a great degree of flexibility in devising multiple approaches to the solutions of problems and not get bogged down by any dogma of inviolability of the fundamental truths posited or derived in any specific theoretical formulation employed in the discipline concerned. While the canonical texts of Indian sastras clearly assert the validity and the efficacy of the various procedures enunciated in them, they also simultaneously emphasise that these procedures are onlyupaya, or means for accomplishing specific ends, and there are no other restrictions which need to be imposed on them. The texts also declare that one is free to take recourse to any other set of systematic procedures, if they are equally efficacious in accomplishing the given ends.

It is the algorithmic approach that distinguishes the ancient Indian texts of geometry, the Sulvasutras (prior to 800 BCE), which deal with the construction of yajna-vedis (altars). While Sulvasutras do contain the earliest available statement of the so-called Pythagoras theorem — they state it in the form “the square made by the diagonal of a rectangle is equal to the sum of the squares made by its sides” — the main purpose of the Sulvasutras is to describe systematic procedures for constructing and transforming geometrical figures using a rajju (rope) and sanku (pole).

It has been remarked that the Indian scientific tradition has been profoundly influenced by the methodology of the Ashtadhyayi of Panini (prior to 500 BCE), in the same way the Greco-European tradition is said to have been influenced by the methodology of the Elements of Euclid. The Ashtadhyayi of Panini is a truly generative grammar in the modern sense that it is a collection of some 4,000 rules using which it is possible to derive every valid utterance of the Sanskrit language starting from a collection of primitive elements such as dhatus (verb-roots) and pratyayas (suffixes). Panini does not present any set of propositions or truths about language, but gives us an expert system so to say, which enables us to derive (and also analyse) all the valid utterances of Sanskrit language, an achievement which is as yet unparalleled in the grammatical tradition of any of the world languages. Many of the techniques used in Panini’s grammar — his abstract symbolism, use of the zero-morpheme (lopa), ideas of rule ordering and recursion — seem to have had significant impact on the development of Indian mathematics. They have also influenced developments in modern linguistics and computer science.

The ancient text of Sanskrit prosody, the Chandahsastra of Pingala (c 300 BCE) presents algorithms for converting a number to its binary form and vice versa. In Sanskrit prosody, any pada (line or foot) of a verse is analysed as a sequence of guru (long) and laghu (short) syllables, so that Pingala could essentially characterise it as a binary sequence. Pingala also gives an efficient algorithm for finding the n-th power of a number, which involves only around log2 (n) operations of squaring and multiplications (in contrast to the standard method which involves n multiplications), and was, therefore, adopted by all the later Indian mathematicians.

Pingala’s work also contains a cryptic sutra, which has been explained by later commentators, such as Halayudha (c 900 CE), as a rule for the computation of binomial coefficients using a tabular form, Meru, which is a version of the famous Pascal triangle. Pingala’s work set the stage for subsequent developments in combinatorics, which were initiated in texts of prosody and music and were formulated in a general mathematical setting by later mathematicians, Mahaviracharya (c 850), Bhas­karacharya II (b 1114) and especially Narayana Pandita (c 1356).

In ancient times, ganita formed an important part of the science of astronomy (jyotisha). The Ary­abhatiya (c 499 CE) of Aryabhata is a great classical work which summarised the entire subject of mathematical astronomy in 121 aphoristic verses, of which the section on mathematics, Gani­tapada, comprised just 32 verses. We can see that, by that time, Indian mathematicians had systematised most of the basic procedures of arithmetic (such as place value system, the standard algorithms for square-roots and cube-roots), algebra (solution of linear and quadratic equations), geometry (standard properties of planar and solid figures), commercial mathematics (rule of three, calculation of interest) and trigonometry, that are generally taught in schools today — and many more that are more advanced (such as the kuttaka method of solving linear indeterminate equations and computation of sine-tables) which are of importance in astronomy.

Several detailed commentaries (bhashyas) were written on the cryptic verses of Aryabhatiya, of which the most important ones are those of Bhaskara I (c 629 CE) and the great Kerala astronomer Nilakantha Somayaji (c 1444-1544). The commentary of Bhaskara I provides detailed explanations (along with examples) for the various results and procedures given in Aryabhatiya. The Aryabhatiya-bhashya of Nila­kantha presents detailed demonstrations (upapatti, yukti). Occasionally, Nilakantha also discusses some important refinements or modifications.

We may cite, for instance, Nilakantha’s discussion of the more accurate table of sines (due to Madhava), and more importantly, his famous dictum based on the latitudinal motion of the planets Mercury and Venus, that: “The earth is not circumscribed by their orbits (the orbits of Mercury and Venus), the earth is always outside of them.” This led Nilakantha to formulate a modified planetary model according to which the five planets Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn go around the mean sun, which in turn goes around the earth. This was nearly a hundred years prior to a similar model being proposed by Tycho Brahe in Europe.

We shall not go into the contributions of the long tradition of illustrious astronomers and mathematicians who followed Aryabhata — and the tradition continued to flourish till the 19th century. We instead present some illustrations to show how the algorithmic approach of the Indian mathematicians led them to discover optimal and efficacious algorithms for diverse problems. The most famous example is, of course, the Chakravalaalgorithm for the solution of the quadratic indeterminate equation (the so called Pell’s equation): X² – DY² = 1.

Here, D is a given positive integer which is not a square and the problem is to solve for X, Y in integers. This problem (called vargaprakriti) was first explicitly posed by Brahmagupta in his Brahma­sph­utasiddhanta (c 628 CE), though the ancient Sul­vasutras seem to have used the solution X=577, Y=408 for the case D=2, to get the rational approximation 577/408 for the square-root of 2. Brahmagupta also gave a rule of composition (calledbhavana) which allows one to obtain an infinite number of solutions once a particular solution is found.

The Chakravala method for solving the above equation has been presented in the famous textbook of algebra, Bijaganita, of Bhaskaracharya (b 1114), though it is now known that the algorithm also appears in an earlier work by Acharya Jayadeva (prior to c 1050).

Bhaskara used this method to solve the equation: X² – 61Y² = 1, and showed that the smallest solution is given by X=1766319049 and Y=226153980. What is intriguing is that the same example was posed as a challenge by the famous French mathematician, Pierre de Fermat, in February 1657 to his colleagues in France.

He later posed this and other vargaprakriti equations (with different values of D) as a challenge to British mathematicians. To cut the story short, British mathematicians Wallace and Brouncker did come up with a method of solution, which was later systematised as an algorithm, based on the so-called regular continued fraction development of the square-root of D, by Euler and Lagrange in the 1770s.

In 1929, AA Krishnaswamy Ayyangar showed that the Cha­kravala algorithm corresponds to a so-called semi-regular continued fraction expansion and is also optimal in the sense that it takes much fewer steps to arrive at the solution than the Euler-Lagrange method. It is now known that on the average the Euler-Lagrange method takes about 40 per cent more number of steps than the Chakravala.

Finally, we make a brief mention of the infinite series for Pi (the ratio of the circumference to the diameter of a circle) discovered by Sangamagrama Madhava (c 1380-1460), founder of the Kerala School of Astronomy. For instance, Madhava presents the following series (the so-called Gregory-Leibniz series rediscovered in the 1670s): Pi/4 = 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 +...

However, Madhava is not content with merely enunciating this elegant result, as it is not of any use in actually calculating the value of Pi. Summing say 50 terms in this series does not give a value of Pi accurate even to two decimal places. The famous verses of Madhava which present the above series also go on to give a set of end-correction terms which can be used to obtain better approximations. Using only 50 terms of the above series, with the accurate end-correction term of Madhava, leads to a value of Pi accurate to 11 decimal places. Madhava also used these correction terms to transform the above series into more rapidly convergent versions. Systematic proofs of all the infinite series discovered by Madhava and their transformations may be found in the famous Malayalam work Ganitayuktibhasha (c 1530) of Jyeshthadeva.

The great astronomer Nila­kantha was a third generation disciple of Madhava and the tradition of Kerala School continued (albeit at a modest level due to the greatly disturbed political situation of Kerala after the 1550s) till early 19th century. However, a century later, the algorithmic approach of Indian mathematics was in evidence again in the work of another great mathematician, Srinivasa Ramanujan (1888-1920), who seems to have been a worthy successor of Madhava in his extraordinary felicity to work with infinite series and their transformations.

(MD Srinivas is the chairman of Centre for Policy Studies, Chennai)

mdsrinivas50@gmail.com
http://www.mydigitalfc.com/indian-knowledge-series/everyday-equations-188

Nature's basket

Ancient India relied on an elaborate knowledge system to conserve and manage ecology

Nature&#039;s basket
With every passing day, we hear more horror stories about our environment: air is 

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unbreathable, water undrinkable, food poisonous; piles of garbage stare at us everywhere like works of modern art. Our cities cannot survive unless pipelines bring them water from hundreds of kilometres away. We have certainly perfected the fine art of unsustainability. And while some of us may be tempted to pine for the pre-industrial age, when nature was (more or less) pristine, our deshi rationalists continue to pour contempt on ‘tree worshippers’, ‘nature worshippers’, and (shudder!) ‘cow worshippers’. Surely such primitive superstition is what is holding us back on the road to magnificent progress.

Superstition is perhaps not where we think and ancient India’s perspective of nature was anything but blind worship. It relied on an elaborate knowledge system in which mythology, symbolism, art, laws and technologies co-mingled to produce practices of nature conservation and management that, in some respects, we can only envy today.



Nature as the divine

The tone is set in the Rig Veda, India’s most ancient text. Here, we find earth and heaven often addressed as a single being (dyavaprithivi) and honoured together; they are ‘parents of the gods’ (7.53), ‘father and mother’ but also the ‘twins’ (1.159); together, they ‘keep all creatures safe’ (1.160). This is in stark contrast with the biblical gulf between the creator and the created: here, the two are not only equal but conjoined. From this perspective, nature’s all-pervasive divinity will follow.

Vedic imagery draws heavily on nature, from mighty mountains, impetuous rivers and oceans to majestic trees and powerful animals; some hymns add­ress their prayers not to gods but to waters or plants. In fact, the Rig Vedasees the cosmos as a thousand-branched tree (3.8.11, 9.5.10), a symbol theGita will turn upside down: the cosmic ashvattha (the pipal or holy fig tree,Ficus religiosa) has its roots above and branches below, to remind us of the real source of this manifestation. Elsewhere, the Mahabharata declares, ‘He who worships the ashvattha worships the universe.’ Hence the concept of ‘tree worship’: the tree as a cosmic symbol grants our every desire (kalpavriksha or kalpataru), which is why India’s list of sacred trees is a long one!

Later literature deve-loped the same the­mes, with some variations. Aditi, the mother of the gods in the Rig Veda, is ‘the divine Cow’, while the Mah­abharata tells the story of the earth turning into a cow which many species come and milk, in a transparent metaphor. Indra, Surya and other gods are addressed as the ‘bull’. Even the humble dog finds its exalted representation in Sarama. Animals — birds, reptiles and mammals — act as vahanas, vehicles for major deities, occasionally lending them an elephant’s head or even their whole bodies, as with Vishnu’s first avatars, fish, tortoise and boar. The Bhagavatam evokes the child Krishna’s devotion to his cows, which they more than reciprocate: this is no pretty bucolic tale, but a recast of the Rig-Veda’s equation of earth (here, the cows) with heaven.

Indeed, hindu, buddhist or jain literature is pervaded with nature’s many charms; who has not thrilled at Kalidasa’s exquisite descriptions of forest ashrams or mountain ranges or marvelled at the boldness with which theSangam poets of Tamil Nadu made use of hills, forests, rivers and the ocean to convey their moods? For generations children, too, have been entertained by the Pañchatantra’s irresistible animal fables.

Art closely follows literature, initially at least. Seals, tablets and pottery of the Indus-Sarasvati civilisation often depict trees (especially the pipal, again); on an intriguing seal, a plant emerges from a supine woman’s womb, a clear symbol of nature’s fertility. The humped and humpless bull, the tiger, the elephant, the rhinoceros and the buffalo are often portrayed, with significances still eluding us.



Indus seals with elephant; humped bull; tree in railing (terracotta, Harappa)

In much classical Indian art, nature provides the setting, but often with a discreet symbolic message: such is the case of the Boddhi tree, to be understood as the Buddha’s cosmic awakening. Ancient kingdoms often adopted animals for their emblems, ranging from the elephant (for the Gangas), the lion (the Kadambas) or the tiger (the Cholas) down to the humble fish (the Pandyas).



Buddha’s bodhi tree

Protecting nature

Such lofty concepts led to actual practices of nature conservation.Manusmriti (11.64) prohibits the ‘cutting down of green trees for firewood’, while Kautilya’s Arthashastra stipulates various fines and punishments for maiming ‘fruit trees, flower trees or shady trees in the parks near a city’ and prescribes forest sanctuaries where wildlife is to be protected from slaughter (3.19). Shastras, too, proscribe the unnecessary killing of animals, while Ashoka in his edicts prohibits hunting, even ordering medical treatment to wild animals when necessary. Ashoka was perhaps the world’s first ruler to advocate vegetarianism, although he was honest enough to admit that he did not fully practise it yet!

Even to this day, patches of the country’s forest cover exist thanks to the ancient tradition of ‘sacred groves’. Named kovilkadu in Tamil Nadu, kavu in Kerala, nandavana or deivavana in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, deoraiin Maha­rashtra, they can be found in many parts of India, on the outskirts of the villages that protect them from hunting and tree cutting. Some contain hero stones or a small shrine surrounded by large terracotta figures, especially of horses. In the south, those terracotta figures are often ritually broken and made anew every year, an enactment of nature’s yearly death and rebirth. Unsurp­risingly, sacred groves have been vanishing; the few that remain well protected are host to a remarkable biodiversity.

Such traditions have found expression in many rural and tribal communities, which had a vested interest in protecting nature: Bishnois are well known for initiating, once at the cost of hundreds of lives, the practice of tree-hugging, taken over by the Chipko and other movements. Bhils, Warlis, Santhals and Todas have rich ethnobotanical traditions, many of them associated with rituals celebrating birth, puberty, marriage, death, or with festivals. Most temples have at least one sacred tree (sthalavriksha), and the greater its age, the more divinity it is imbued with. Nature, let us repeat, is never seen as ‘secular’, much less a dead heap of ‘natural resources’ awaiting our exploitation. It — she, rather — is a channel connecting the worshipper to the universe.

From the sacredness of plants follows the sacredness of food, food-giving and food-sharing, one of the high traditions of India running through texts as well as historical records. The recipient of Bhishma’s monumental discourse on dharma and the duties of a king, Yudhishthira asked Krishna to summarise that teaching. Krishna’s answer is unexpected: ‘The world, both animate and inanimate, is sustained by food... The giver of food is the giver of life and indeed of everything else. Therefore, one who is desirous of well-being in this world and beyond should make special endeavour to give food.’ Hence India’s traditions of annadana and hospitality.

Harnessing nature

With its monsoon-driven regime of rainfall, India soon understood the importance of water harvesting and management — very soon, in fact, judging from the 4,500-year-old Harappan city of Dholavira, in Gujarat’s forbiddingly arid Rann of Kutch, which dedicated some 20 to 30 per cent of its fortified area (48 ha) to a vast network of interconnected reservoirs, some of them cut in sheer rock; the whole system was fed by carefully harvested rainfall as well as water diverted from two seasonal streams bracketing the city, whose waters were slowed down through series of checkdams. The largest reservoir, to the east of the castle (the city’s highest and most fortified enclosure), measured 73 x 29 m and would have contained over 20,000 m3 of water when full. In addition, a small but neatly constructed stepwell dug at the bottom provided for extended access to water, should the reservoir fall empty. As a result, the city was occupied for at least seven centuries without a break.



Eastern reservoir Dholavira, with castle in background; Rockcut stepwell at the bottom of Dholavira

Monumental waterworks continued into the early historical era. If theMahabharata promised the builder of a tank a hundred times more punyathan would get the digger of a well, it is simply because a tank restores water to the earth, while a well draws from it — simple, but even today we are far from such basic awareness, even as a severe water crisis stares in our face.Arthashastra, again, shows prescience by paying minute attention to water management and irrigation techniques. Interestingly, and unlike today, access to water through public or private waterworks was not free; it was taxed at various rates, the highest being if irrigated water were supplied by the state. Penalties were prescribed for obstructing or diverting a watercourse, causing fields to be flooded, building a well or a dam on someone else’s land, not maintaining waterworks, or for failing to cooperate in the building of an irrigation tank.

Kautilya systematically deals with different situations; for instance, he declares, ‘No one irrigating his field from a reservoir or tank shall cause danger to the ploughed or sown field of another. The water from a lower tank shall not submerge a field fed from a higher tank built earlier. A higher tank shall not prevent the filling up of a lower tank, except when the latter has not been in use for three years....’ (3.9)

Almost echoing Kautilya, Strabo, a first-century BCE Greek geographer, noted: ‘Among [the officials], the first keep the rivers improved and the land re-measured, as in Egypt, and inspect the closed canals from which the water is distributed into the conduits, in order that all may have an equal use of it.’

Such state management of water resources finds confirmation in hundreds of inscriptions recording the constructions of dams, tanks (tataka) and ponds (vapi), also their maintenance: desilting, repair of embankments, sluices, irrigation channels.... Water diviners were not left out and were mandated to pay taxes!

Water structures

An earlier article in this series, House of commons (April 28, 2015), explained how at Sringaverapura in Uttar Pradesh, a simple but effective series of interconnected reservoirs, some of them with a well dug at the bottom, was fed by a channel from the Ganges some 2,000 years ago. Later, we find across India a bewildering variety of reservoirs, stepwells, dams, water-diverting devices and canals, all the way down to the humble village pond.

Wells came in many shapes — circular, square, vertical or horizontal —and sizes, built with bricks, stone or terracotta rings. There is a long way from Dholavira’s modest stepwell to those of classical times, especially in Gujarat and Rajasthan, which are not only engineering marvels but works of sacred art. Mention must be made here of Rani Ki Vav near Patan in Gujarat, with its pillared halls, magnificently sculpted side panels depicting Hinduism’s major gods (often accompanied by lovely apsaras or water nymphs), and the well’s inner cylinder completely covered with hundreds of sculpted stone panels — whose perfect curvature is in itself a technological feat.



Sculpted panels at Rani Ki Vav

Indians experimented with various kinds of dams, the simplest being the earthen embankment designed to create a reservoir or divert a stream. Downstream of Srirangam island on the Kaveri (Cauvery) river, some 1,800 years ago King Karikala Chola built a more ambitious structure, the Kallanai or Grand Anicut, which finds a mention in the Tamil epic Shilappadikaram. Still visible today (in restored form), at 320m long and 20m wide, it is an ingenious device which stops the Kaveri from emptying itself into its own northern distributary, the faster and steeper Kollidam (or Coleroon), preserving much of the river’s water for irrigation in the Kaveri’s lower delta.



Grand Anicut

The humblest but perhaps most important water structure was the village pond or reservoir. What made it important was not just its ability to recharge ground water, but also its interconnectedness with many neighbouring ponds — sometimes in networks extending over hundreds of kilometres, as in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. Such networks, which enabled water-rich areas to contribute to less favoured ones, were maintained by village committees, which disappeared when the colonial administration took over — and so did most of the reservoirs and channels in their care.

How does our ‘advanced’ technological age compare with all this? I will let my reader decide, but the judeo-christian approach to nature, viewing her as an adversary to be ‘conquered’ (witness the ‘conquest’ of the two poles or the Everest) and of course ‘exploited’ for her resources, does not seem to have made our planet a happier place.

(Michel Danino is guest professor at IIT Gandhinagar’s Archaeological Sciences Centre. micheldanino@gmail.com)
http://www.mydigitalfc.com/indian-knowledge-series/natures-basket-375

Made in India

Vedic texts give us unique insights into the development of ancient Indian metallurgy

Made in India
Man and metals have an age-old relationship. Different periods of early human civilisation have 

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been named after metals. The attributes of gold influenced the mind and heart of Indians so much so that they conferred upon the supreme spirit the designation of hirnyagarbha. It was so called, because he remains in a golden egg as an embryo. The two important sources for the history of Indian metallurgy are archaeological excavations and literary evidence.



Although a considerable amount of information on this subject from the study of archaeological finds is available, literary evidence has not been studied to the extent it deserves. Unique information related to metals and metallurgy is available in different Sanskrit texts beginning with Vedic texts to medieval and pre-modern texts. There are both direct and indirect types of references. An attempt has been made here to give a glimpse of some such references.

The Rigveda has widely referred to hiranya, which is the oldest Sanskrit word for gold. It has also mentioned products made from gold, such as water vessel, necklace and visor. Chariots decorated with gold have also been mentioned. The Rigveda (10.75.8) mentioned that the river Sindhu (Indus) contains gold. The word hiranyayi was used for the river. Another Rigveda hymn (8.26.18), states that the path of the river Sindhu contains gold, and the word used for it is hiranyavartanih. It is interesting to note that Sayana translated this word as hiranmayobhayakula, i.e., both banks containing gold. The above hymns are some of the earliest indirect references to the alluvial placer gold deposits in India. The river Sindhu was an important source of gold in ancient times. It is interesting to note that the references for the availability of alluvial placer gold in the river Sindhu are also reported in modern times. Tucci reported in 1977 that “there were near the Indus (Sindhu) source, as there are even now, great mines of gold in the region of the Mānasarovar and in Thokjalung.” Further, in the itinerary in Khotanese Saka from Gilgit to Chilas (written between 958-972 AD) the Indus is called Ysarnijittāji — the golden river, which is not a mere poetic attribute, but a reality.

Gold obtained from the river Jambu was called jambunada and that from the river Ganga was called gangeya. These were also, alluvial placer gold. The Pali text Anguttara Nikaya narrated the process of the recovery of gold dust or particles from alluvial placer gold deposits in allegorical form.

The Mahabharata referred to pipilika gold (ants’ gold). Heaps of this type of gold was presented to the king Yudhishthira at the time of the rajasuya yagna ceremony. Pipilika gold was powdery in nature and of high purity. It was obtained by panning the auriferous soil of ant hills formed by ants or termites as a part of their nature on the land containing placer gold deposits and hence the name ants’ gold. Kautilya described a variety of gold called rasaviddha, which was naturally occurring dissolved gold in liquid form. He stated that one pala (a measure) of this solution converts one hundred palas of silver or copper into gold, which refers to the cementation of gold on the surface of metals like silver and copper. A similar type of dissolved gold known as hatakaprabhasa was mentioned in Gandavyuha sutra. Kalidas also mentioned such gold solutions and termed it kanaka rasa. It is astonishing to note how people recognised such gold solutions in the past.



Native gold is invariably by no means a pure metal. It contains up to 20 per cent silver, copper, iron, lead, bismuth, platinum group metals and other metals, as impurities. Thus native gold would have different colours depending upon the nature and amount of impurities present. It is logical to assume that the different colours of native gold were a major driving force for the development of gold refining process. Although evidence of gold refining is available in Vedic texts in an allegory form, it was the Arthashastra of Kautilya, which presented it in detail.

Gold refining was a two-stage process. The first stage was the melting of impure gold along with lead, which removed base metal impurities, but not noble metals like silver. The second stage was to heat impure gold sheets with the soil of Sindhu state, which contained salt. The sodium chloride present in the soil reacted with silver and the resulting silver chloride absorbed in the surrounding soil. This was a solid state process, which involved diffusion of silver in impure gold and the subsequent formation of silver chloride at the gold-soil interface.

It is important to note that Kautilya stated that the starting sheet of impure gold must be thin, as this would improve the kinetics of the solid state refining. Usage of gold in granular form, as was the case at least in part in the Sardis refinery of the Lydian kingdom of Anatolia, would result in lower yield.

Another important metal referred to in Rigveda is ayas. It has a shining appearance. Ayas has different meanings in different periods. In early Vedic period, it means either copper or copper alloys. One of the important products made from ayas, as stated in the Rigveda, was the weapon of Indra called vajra. It was made by the process of sinchan (casting). In the later Vedic period ayas or karshnayas means iron. In the Atharvaveda, rajata (silver), trapu (tin) and sisa (lead) have been mentioned.

Kautilya also described the method for refining silver, which was similar to the first stage process used in gold refining. Further, Kautilya stated a very interesting qualitative test for ensuring the purity of cast silver ingots. According to it, the surface of the cast pure silver ingots should exhibit an appearance of chulika, i.e., projections similar to a cock’s comb. In other words, the top surface of the pure silver ingot has a rising appearance at certain places. In fact, this is a reference to the spitting and sprouting behaviour of silver. Oxygen dissolves readily in molten silver. Molten silver dissolves approximately 20 times its own volume of oxygen near the melting point at one atmosphere pressure of oxygen. Just below the melting point, the solid silver can dissolve oxygen only up to half its own volume under similar conditions.



The large difference in solubility of oxygen in the liquid and solid state causes the evolution of oxygen during solidification of molten silver. Bubbles of oxygen are then given off, resulting in “spitting” at the free surface. As a result, liquid silver from the interior is ejected on the surface of the ingot and a shape similar to a cock’s comb is formed on the top surface after solidification. This author carried out the experimental replication of the formation of chulika on a small size cast pure silver (see picture). If silver contains base metals such as lead and copper, then the dissolved oxygen would combine with it to form respective oxides. In such a situation, the phenomenon of spitting would not be observed and the surface would be smooth.

In this context, it is interesting to note that the law governing the solubility of gases in metals, known as Sievert’s law, came into existence only in the early 20th century. However, ancient Indians recognised the practical aspect of Sievert’s law in judging the purity of silver.

There is a rich Sanskrit terminology for metals, from which interesting information on history of metallurgy can be derived. Only a few uncommon terms would be cited. Silver has a tendency to tarnish. It tarnishes readily when exposed to atmosphere containing sulphur, and looks blackish. Due to this characteristic, an uncommon Sanskrit name of silver is durvarna. The copper produced in Nepal was called naipalika or nepalaka, and was of high purity. Tin recovered from lead-tin alloy was called nagaja, i.e., “that obtained from naga (lead)”. Similarly, tin recovered from the impure gold containing tin was called svarnaja. India was not rich in tin metal. Our ancestors were conscious of this problem and also exploited secondary sources for tin recovery. The presence of lead adversely affects the characteristics of gold and hence it was also called as hemaghna.

The Rasaratnasamuchchaya described three types of ferrous materials, viz. munda, tiksna and kanta. When iron ore pieces are reduced by charcoal in solid state, iron blocks containing porosity results. For this reason the reduced iron blocks are also called sponge iron blocks. Any useful products can only be obtained from this material after removing the residual porosity by hot forging. The hot forged sponge iron blocks are also termed as wrought iron. Munda was wrought iron. As the name suggests tiksna has superior hardness as compared to munda. Tiksna represented crucible steel made by liquid metallurgy and also probably further carburised wrought iron. Special varieties of iron were called kanta. An exciting example of wrought iron produced in ancient India is the world famous Delhi Iron Pillar. It was erected in the present position in Delhi in the 5th century AD by king Chandra Varman. However, the engraved Sanskrit inscription suggests that it was probably brought here from elsewhere in the Gupta period. The average composition (wt%) of the wrought iron of the pillar is- Fe- 0.15 C- 0.05 Si- 0.05 Mn- 0.25 P- 0.005 S- 0.05 Ni- 0.03 Cu- 0.02 N. The most significant aspect of the pillar is that there is no sign of any corrosion, in spite of the fact that it has been exposed to the atmosphere for about 1,600 years.

Another striking feature of the pillar is its manufacturing technology. It was made by successive hot forging of directly reduced sponge iron blocks produced from the solid state reduction of iron ore by charcoal, in a die. The joint lines that have not been completely removed by forging are clearly visible on the pillar. This author discussed this aspect in detail and opined that this procedure is basically very similar to current metal powder forging techniques, with a difference that the latter is not usually used to make a long product by joining pieces together (Powder Metallurgy, 1990, 33(2), 119). In both the cases, hot forging in a die is done not only to give the required shape, but also to remove the residual porosity present in the starting material.

Indian crucible steel was a celebrated material worldwide. It was usually produced by simultaneous carburisation and melting of wrought iron in closed crucibles. Valmiki referred to it by the term “refined iron”. Kautilya termed it vratta, because it was of circular shape. Dr Helenus Scott sent specimens of a variety of crucible steel, available in Mumbai area, to Sir Joseph Banks, the then president of the Royal Society, London, for experimental investigation in 1794. He referred to this steel as wootz in his letter. Recent researches by this author have revealed that the actual name of this steel was the Sanskrit utsa, which was erroneously transliterated in Roman script as wootz by Scott. James Stodart, fellow of the Royal Society, did extensive work on this steel and mastered its hot forging. Stodart was so overwhelmed with its quality that he mentioned the name utsa in Devanagari script on his trade card, along with a note that it is to be preferred over the best steel in Europe. It was named utsa because it had a characteristic of oozing out of low melting point liquid phase when heated to moderate temperatures.

Historically brass, an alloy of copper and zinc, was known to man much earlier than they were able to extract zinc from its ore on a large scale. In early period zinc was designated as sattva of zinc ore. In medieval period, it was designated as yashada in Sanskrit. Zinc oxide, known as pushpanjan, has been referred to in Charak Samhita. Rasaratnakar (second century AD) provides the earliest documentary evidence for the cementation process for brass making and reduction-distillation process for zinc extraction. Rasarnava and Rasara-tnasamuchchaya described a typical crucible, known as vrintak, having a shape similar to that of a long variety of brinjal, to be used for making the reduction-distillation chamber. The basic principle of the process resembles that of the largescale 12th century industrial process for zinc extraction uncovered at Zawar near Udaipur. It is a unique discovery and the retorts used at Zawar are similar to the vrintak crucible.

The Mahabharata and some Puranas have referred to ferrous arrowheads, which were subjected to ‘tailadhauta’ treatment. Valmiki used this terminology in the context of battle axe. Some of the commentaries of Ramayana have defined tailadhauta as the process used for hardening (of ferrous objects). Clearly, this terminology was used in the sense of oil quench-hardening of ferrous materials.

Manasollas, written in 1131 AD, gives detailed information on fine quality metal image casting by madhuchchhishta vidhan (lost wax process). Both sushira (hollow) and ghana (solid) images were cast. Although the documentary evidence is of a later period, it had been used since a very long time ago. The famous bronze dancing girl from Mohenjodaro was made by this process. Shilparatna (later part of 16th century) has mentioned the process of making fine gold powder from thin gold leaves for painting applications. The powder produced would have a flaky shape, which gives higher covering area per unit mass.

In the Indian tradition, people with expertise in technical disciplines were highly regarded. This is reflected in a hymn of Atharvaveda, in which karmar (ironsmith or metalsmith in general) has been called manishi, i.e., a wise or learned person. Further, it has been stated in the Kavyamimansa (10th century AD) that goldsmith, ironsmith and similar other people should also be invited by kings in the kavya-pariksa sabha, i.e., literary meetings organised to judge the scholarship of poets.

Metal technology, for that matter, all other technologies, are human creations shaped historically by context. The examples discussed here illustrate how ancient Indians solved metallurgical challenges, which helped in the development of Indian metallurgy and also the scientific and technological temper in the people of those times.

It is understandable that most of the metal technologies of the past are not relevant in present times. However, examples from the past can re-energise us towards encouraging local innovations and enterprise at all levels. Finally, it is clear that Vedic and classical Sanskrit texts are knowledge texts, and the study of Sanskrit has value because Sanskrit is not just a classical language, but a vehicle of discovering our knowledge inheritance and assessing its contemporary relevance.

(Prof RK Dube is former professor and head of the department of materials science and engineering at Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur)

For Printed Version :FC Know1,FC Know2

rkd@iitk.ac.in

http://www.mydigitalfc.com/indian-knowledge-series/made-india-859

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  • May
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    By MD Srinivas
    The word algorithm which is commonly used for any systematic procedure of computation has an interesting history. It derives from the medieval word “algorism” which referred
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    By Koumudi Patil & Joy Sen
    Scholarship in architecture and building techniques has time and again urged us to study the scientific and sustainable rational embodied in evolved indigenous systems. Such practices have often adapted
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    By RK Dube
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    Who knows for certain?
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    The gods are later than this world’s formation;
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    None knows
  • Ancient Indian knowledge systems have al­ways be­en subj­ect of energetic debates swinging between unverifiable claims and blind rejection. The last oc­casion was the 102nd In­dian Science Congress meeting hosted
  • Kaalaadhan: TRAI ex-Chairman allegations against MMS. Leaked: Maran's 2005 complaint letter to MMS.

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    Leaked: Maran's 2005 letter to Singh complaining about TRAI ex-Chairman
    Thursday, May 28, 2015 - 13:52


    Possibly adding more credibility to allegations made by former TRAI chairman Pradeep Baijal about warnings issued by the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and former Telecom Minister Dayanidhi Maran to him seeking cooperation on 2G telecom issue, a new letter written by Dayanidhi Maran dating back to 2005 has emerged. 
    In a letter dated 10th February, 2005 Dayanidhi Maran writes to PM Singh complaining about the TRAI chairman. The letter first aired by NewsX comes days after Baijal released a tell-all book, “The Complete Story of Indian Reforms: 2G, Power and Private Enterprise - A Practitioner’s Diary” in which he alleges that Manmohan Singh told him to cooperate with Maran as any non-cooperation could affect his government.
    Baijal had even alleged that Maran had warned him of “serious consequences” if he ended up giving the unified licensing recommendations despite warnings that he would come to severe harm if he did not comply with Maran’s decisions. 
    Here’s the gist of the letter Maran wrote to Manmohan Singh on the working of TRAI and its Chairman, Pradeep Baijal 
    1. Maran writes that “..the Chairman’s penchant of constantly voicing his opinion to the Press and Media has been a source of constant embarrassment to the Department . Person holding such a high office as that of Chairman TRAI should exercise restraint of high office and not give press interviews on matters of policy, which are completely within the domain  of the Government".
    2. Maran also states that Baijal had an ulterior motive in issues where TRAI did not agree with the Telecom Ministry.  He writes “On many occasions his remarks are at variance with the adopted Government Policy. I strongly suspect that in matters where his recommendations were not accepted by my Ministry , instead of accepting the position, he has been giving unwarranted inputs to interested parties perhaps with the ulterior agenda of having his recommendations find acceptance in Government by putting undue pressure on the Department.”
    3. Maran says that Baijal was intruding in issues beyond his control and had no reason to air his views to the press. “I would imagine that once TRAI has given its recommendation, the Chairman has no business to air his views in the Press and Media defending his recommendations as their acceptance…”
    4. He also writes on the 3G spectrum and about TRAI’s recommendations on spectrum pricing and more importantly discusses the 3G spectrum and its pricing. "TRAI inordinately delayed giving their recommendations on the specific issues. It finally gave its recommendation only in May, 2005, after a period of 18 months. Also, TRAI has included their views on some other issues, most notably that of 3G Spectrum and its pricing. The Government had not asked for recommendations on 3G at all"
    5. He alleges that the TRAI had unnecessarily delayed providing its recommendations on the three issues on Unified Licensing Regime that the Ministry had sought. “This is a sensitive issue having external policy ramifications. TRAI should have quickly given its recommendations on the specific issues raised by us. It unnecessary delayed its recommendations. “
    6. He also finds fault with the TRAI chairman over suggestions made by them on the “pricing issue”. “On the pricing issue, it is our considered view that it is the prerogative of the Ministry to decide in the matter after considering various aspects connected thereto in consultation with other major stakeholders."
    Referring to the Chairman’s behaviour, he writes “his conduct and irrepressible desire to go before the media have been a constant sources of embarrassment to the Government”.
    Read the full letter below.

    http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/leaked-marans-2005-letter-singh-complaining-about-trai-ex-chairman

    Naxal speak with topi. Is Delhi an anarchic state within a state? Read Art 239 -- Abhijit Bhattacharyya

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    There is a proverb in Tamil. It reads: தொப்பிபோடு-தல் toppi-pōṭu-, v. tr. < id. +. Loc. 1. To cap, deceive; ஏமாற்றுதல். 2. To confound and ruin; மயக்கி நாசஞ்செய்தல்.

    The proverb is an apt description of the pathetic state of Delhi voters who have goofed up by electing topi-walas.

    He (Arvind Kejriwal) is basically a Naxalite. He isn't interested in ruling: Subramanian Swamy on Delhi CS issue
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    Kalyanaraman

    thestatesman
    Is Delhi a state within a state?
    Abhijit Bhattacharyya
    28 May, 2015


    title=Today, one is only on application and applicability of the Constitution of India in/on the Union Territory of Delhi, and not on bureaucratic postings or deployment there of per se. It is an irony that of late some very high profile and ambitious politicians of the country who managed to win elections have shown little or no interest in the Constitution, as for them it simply has no meaning except for uttering catchy political slogans.

    They often misquote the Constitution at the drop of a hat, but do not appear to have ever bothered to either read or seriously analyse the application thereof in the polity and administration of the state. Else how does one justify or defend the present confrontation between the “elected” head of National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi and the selected “executive” head of the same NCT?

    The fundamental question today is: what is the Constitutional status of Delhi? Is it a linguistic state (formed in accordance with the organisation of the states on 1 October 1956) or is it a Union Territory? The answer in five words is “Delhi is a Union Territory”. It is one of the seven Union Territories within “India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States” (Pondicherry; Delhi; Andaman & Nicobar Islands; Laccadive, Minicoy & Amindivi Islands; Dadra & Nagar Haveli; Daman & Diu and Chandigarh). As India today has 29 states, Delhi happens to be the capital city of those and no less.

    However, vide the Constitution 14th Amendment Act, passed on 28 December 1962 the First Schedule and Article 240 were amended and Article 239A was added. The Government of Union Territories Act, 1962 created legislatures for the Union Territories of Himachal Pradesh, Manipur, Tripura, Goa, Daman, Diu and Pondicherry (Puducherry). At present this Article is applicable to Puducherry and since 1991, to Delhi. Thus some form of democracy and parliamentary government has been introduced vide Constitution 69th Amendment Act 1991, as Article 239AA provides special provisions for the capital of India.

    The Union Territory of Delhi became National Capital Territory and the Administrator thereof, appointed under Article 239, was designated as the Lieutenant Governor.

    “Article 239AA. Special provision with respect to Delhi- (1) As from the date of commencement of the Constitution 69th Amendment Act 1991, the Union Territory of Delhi shall be called the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi the administrator thereof appointed under Article 239 shall be designated as the Lieutenant Governor. (2)There shall be a Legislative Assembly for the National Capital Territory. (3)Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the Legislative Assembly shall have the power to make laws.... except matters with respect to Entries 1, 2 and 18 of the State List and Entries 64, 65 and 66 of that List in so far as they relate to the said Entries 1, 2 and 8”.
    What are the Entries 1, 2 and 18 of the State List which are beyond the jurisdiction of Delhi Legislative Assembly/Government? They are “(1) Public order; (2) Police and (18) Land, that is to say, rights in or over land, land tenures including the relation of landlord and tenant, and the collection of rents; transfer and alienation of agricultural land; land improvement and agricultural loans; colonization”. Also beyond jurisdiction are Entries 64, - “Offences against laws with respect to any of the matters in this List”; 65 – “Jurisdiction and powers of all courts, except the Supreme Court, with respect to any of the matters in this List” and 66 - “Fees in respect of any of the matters in this List, but not including fees taken in any court”.

    Coming back to Article 239AA(4), it says: “There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Chief Minister to aid and advise the Lieutenant Governor”. Now comes the next step and stage thereof:- “Provided that in the case of difference of opinion between Lieutenant Governor and his Ministers on any matter, the Lieutenant Governor shall refer it to the President for decision and act according to the decision given thereon by the President and pending such decision, it shall be competent for the Lieutenant Governor in any case where the matter, in his opinion, is so urgent that it is necessary for him to take immediate action, to take such action or to give such direction in the matter as he deems necessary.”

    In the present ongoing tussle in the Union Territory of Delhi, (known as the NCT), between the selected LG and the elected CM, prima facie the former is on the right side of the Constitution of India.

    We now move on to Article 239AB - provision in case of failure of constitutional machinery. “If the President, on receipt of a report from the Lieutenant Governor or otherwise, is satisfied- (a) that a situation has arisen in which the administration of the NCT cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of Article 239AA or of any law made in pursuance of that Article; or (b) that for proper administration of the NCT, it is necessary or expedient so to do, the President may by order suspend the operation of any provision of Article 239AA or of all or any of the provisions of any law made in pursuance of that Article for such period and subject to such conditions as may be specified in such law and make such incidental and consequential provisions as may appear to him to be necessary or expedient for administering the NCT in accordance with the provisions of Article 239 and Article 239AA”.

    One hopes the present elected representatives of NCT are aware of the explicit words of the Constitution of India. Politics is the prerogative of politicians no doubt. And nobody in his or her senses should object to the variety of tantrums that the politicians of India resort to, to catch the attention of the people and voters of India.

    The rulers of NCT need to go through the written words of the Constitution in letter and spirit. Laws made by Delhi Legislature are subordinate to laws of Parliament of India, whether prior or post in time by virtue of Article 239AA(3)(b). The legislative powers of Legislative Assembly do not supersede powers of Parliament to make laws with respect to any matter for the Union Territory or any part thereof.

    Before ending, one is constrained to bring to the notice of the Delhi rulers that Article 239 may be studied too. Thus the status of the Administrator of a Union Territory, appointed under Article 239, is not a constitutional functionary like the Governor of a State and he is not bound to act on the advice of his Council of Ministers, even in matters where he is not required to act in his discretion by or under the Constitution {Devji Vallabhbhai Tandelv Administrator AIR 1982 SC 1029 (para 6): (1982) 2 SCC 222}.

    Secondly, the Administrator is a delegate of the President and  cannot be likened to a Governor. This implies that attacking the Lieutenant Governor/Administrator amounts to attacking the office of the President of India. After differing from his Ministers, the Administrator may act under orders of the President, i.e, the Central Government. Hence the present Delhi imbroglio is a political act of the politicians. Are they brazenly challenging and violating the Constitution of India?


    Narendra Modi's 365 Days – from Minus 5 to Plus 7 - S Gurumurthy. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you - Kalyan

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    Narendra Modi's 365 Days – from Minus 5 to Plus 7

    Published: 29th May 2015 06:00 AM
    Last Updated: 29th May 2015 08:21 AM



    As Narendra Modi took over as Prime Minister three biggest challenges confronted him from day one. One, demonisation of him by the media and others abroad. Two, national economy in ventilator. Three, lakhs of crore of bank funds locked in the stalled projects, most of them hit by scams of the UPA. The aggregate effect of the negatives meant that Modi Government began with a minus score of 5 if not more on day one. The only plus point that he had had was the absolute majority that the voters had given to the BJP. But that also proved to be an additional challenge as, having given him that kind of mandate, the people expected a 10/10 magic from him on the back of a (-)5/10 backlog. See how with this triple handicap at the start,  Modi has fared in his first 365 days.
    Minus Score Abroad Turned Positive
    Taking on the challenge of undoing the demonic imaging of him outside India by the media over a decade, and turning the opinion of the world powers in his and his government’s favour has been the greatest achievement of Narendra Modi in his first year. More. He has reversed the negative score about him built over a decade into high positive scores -- in just days, weeks and months. Unless Modi won the respect of the world, the very neutral media, which destroyed his respect in the world, would say that the world does not respect him! He started the correction process with his brilliant strategy to invite and successfully get all Saarc leaders to attend his swearing-in ceremony. By this master stroke he dispelled the perception particularly in the US/West that a government headed by him would not focus on good relations with neighbours-- read Pakistan. Every geo-political move of Modi thereafter has been an outstanding success. Here is a glimpse of the takeaways for India from his global thrust. Modi visited Canada 42 years after the last visit by an Indian Prime Minister. His visit to Nepal, India’s closest neighbour, was decades after his predecessor’s. It was more or less so with Australia, Fiji and  Sri Lanka.
       The kind and range of economic and strategic benefits that India has gained in the last 12 months had been rare for a long time in Indian diplomatic history. Australia and Canada will supply 3,500 tonnes of uranium to India. Canada will give visa on arrival to Indian tourists. The US will stop tracking India’s nuclear fuel. It has accepted India’s position on nuclear liability, which has opened up investment in billions for 16 nuclear power projects. Japan is investing $35 billion in India. China $20 billion. France $2.2 billion. Airbus will up its outsourcing to India to $2 billion. To contain trade deficit with China, India will be free to use genuine anti-dumping measures. India will get Iran oil against rupee payment. It will also build Iran’s Chabahar Port and get exclusive access to its Naval ships. India will also construct four Hydroelectric dams and power stations in Bhutan and share major part of the green energy that they will yield. Again, India will build the world’s biggest dam in Nepal and share over 80 per cent of the green power generated for free. Vietnam is giving oil exploration contract to ONGC-Videsh. India has persuaded Saudi Arabia to stop charging”on-time delivery premium charges”. It will save thousands of crores for India. All these gains have accrued in just 365 days overcoming the huge negative scores at the start. Modi’s rallies of people of Indian origin in the US, Australia and Canada were unprecedented in geo-political history. Tens of thousands with Indian blood sang Vande Mataram and Jana Gana Mana on foreign soil demonstrating their ethnic and national pride and confidence. Without the geo-political thrust would the minus scores abroad have turned hugely positive? Yet sections of media have tried to undermine his global thrust and even made fun of his frequent foreign visits! His Yemen relief operations and Nepal earthquake relief emphasised his growing global stature.
    Qualitative Paradigm Shift
    On the domestic front where Modi had had the minus scores with the economy in ICU and the scars of the scams, he quickly effected qualitative changes. He had promised good governance. Even the adversarial media unanimously agree that there is no ministerial corruption now. Corruption is crass. But favouritism is insidious. It operates stealthily and through lobbies and friends. Modi has come down hard on snooping corporates--the high and the mighty-- for prying into government’s functioning, stealing documents and surreptitiously moulding government decision-making. Modi has hedged against any industrialist, however, powerful and mighty, from overawing the system. Ambani could not get from Modi the gas prices okayed by the previous government. Instead, they had to face penalty of Rs  3,500 cr. A newspaper not best known for its positive views on Modi studied and reported “industrialists and lobbyists are no more seen around in government buildings”.  A colleague of Modi gloated,”The parade of industrialists outside the South Block and North Block is over. The corridors are empty. The silence is cheery.” A paradigm shift. Not just change. Is it not surprising to hear the charge that Modi Government is pro-businessmen!
    Rs  4 lakh-cr Unlocked
    Undoing the scams of the UPA Government and new policy initiatives have been Modi’s twin thrust on the domestic front. The two UPA scams-- the spectrum scam and the coal scam--have been corrected by a faultless auction route. The spectrum auction yielded a revenue of over Rs 1,00,000 cr. The coal auction to private parties and allotments to state owned entities, covering 67 of the 217 blocks gifted away by the UPA, has yielded Rs 3,35,000 cr royalty to the state governments and Rs  69,000 cr as tariff benefits -- unlocking a gain of Rs 4,00,000 cr to the public. But those, who fraudulently passed on the valuable resources to handpicked businessmen, are charging Modi Government which has got back Rs  4 lakh cr from them, as pro-business. Ironic.
    India-specific Initiatives
    The socio-economic initiatives of Modi Government are innovative and varied. The prominent among them are: the Jan Dhan Yojana [JDY]-- banking for unbanked; MUDRA Bank-- funding the unfunded; payment of subsidies through bank accounts; accident insurance of Rs 2 lakh at a throw away premium of Rs 12 per year; life insurance for Rs 2 lakh at an annual premium of Rs 350; public pension scheme with government contribution; gold monetisation scheme; black money law; Make in India initiative; marking LIC funds for Railway infra. These initiatives are based on the Niti Aayog philosophy to adopt what works in and for India and not simply import economics in SKD and CKD form not adaptable for India. Just take two innovative ideas. The JDY is India-specific banking solution. No foreign expert would approve of bank account for some one, who has no money to deposit. But in India bank account is needed to target relief to the poor, who cannot open a bank account. The success of JDY opens the possibility of the success of all pro-poor schemes. Over 15.6 crore bank accounts have been opened under JDY in less than 10 months. A stunning record.
       Accounts with nil balance, 76 per cent in September 2014, were down to 54.6 per cent in May 2015. In the past the cashless accounts used to top 95 per cent. The most promising initiative is the MUDRA Bank --an India-specific financial model. It is devised to fund the hitherto unfunded 57.7 million micro and small business entrepreneurs, who are the backbone of Indian economy. More than half of them operate in villages. They generate 128 million jobs, over half in rural India. They include carpenters, blacksmiths, masons, auto-mechanics, cycle mechanics, vegetable vendors, washermen, small traders, electricians and hundred others of that type. They pay exorbitant interest rates ranging from 30 per cent to even 360 per cent as banks do not fund them. The moment MUDRA refinanced low rate loans are available in the market, the interest rates charged to them by existing private lenders too will crash. . Not many are aware that long term LIC funds are invested in short term stock market investments. LIC holds stocks of Rs 15 lakh cr. Its funds are meant for long-term infra investments. Modi Government has persuaded the LIC to invest Rs 1.5 lakh cr in Railways in three years. Again a huge shift in economic thinking. Manufacturing jobs had fallen by 5 million instead of rising in the UPA rule. Modi is attempting a correction through the Make in India policy. Manufacturing has potential to generate 90 million jobs in 15 years. The thrust seems to be having a positive effect on jobs. Online recruitment in the manufacturing sector shows a 62 per cent rise April  as compared to the earlier year. Inflation has come down substantially. Half the fall is due to soft oil prices, but the other half due to anti-inflationary policies. The world is noticing India’s turnaround. The Economist magazine, which virtually wrote off India in 2013, now says that, according to the World Bank, Indian growth story will be fastest for the next 15 years, with India soon replacing today’s topper China. Modi Government started with a score of minus 5. His first year score is not to be calculated with Zero as the base, but with minus 5 as the base. He has risen from minus 5 to plus 7. A caveat: Two serious concerns remain. The BJP did not do proper home work on the Land Bill. It did not judge the mood of the Opposition, failed in its communication to people and began changing the Bill in instalments allowing the Opposition to consolidate itself. This has certainly cost the BJP couple of points. Two, the investment cycle largely remains stalled. Result: Banks have funds which they cannot lend; business needs funds which it cannot get. This catch-22 situation has to be handled to release the investment energies of the economy. The sooner the Land Bill is sorted out and the investment cycle starts, the better it is for  Modi Government-- and the country.

    S Gurumurthy is a well-known commentator on political and economic issues. Email:  comment@gurumurthy.net
    Also Read: Neutral Media and Narendra Modi's 365 Days in Officehttp://www.newindianexpress.com/columns/s_gurumurthy/Narendra-Modis-365-Days-%E2%80%93-from-Minus-5-to-Plus-7/2015/05/29/article2838322.ece

    Rigveda Soma not a herb, not a drink but a metaphor for archaeometallurgical processes: Evidences from Ancient Far East : Bharhut, Bhuteshwar, Candi Sukuh, Candi Bukit Batu Pahat

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    Evidence of early centuries of common era, from Bharhut, Bhuteshwar point to the association of sivalinga with smelting operations by metalworkers. Evidence of early centuries of common era, from sites of Candi Sukuh and Candi Bukit Batu Pahat point to the possible use of mercury in metallurgical processes. In both categories of evidence, a smithy/forge is venerated as a temple, pointing to metalwork as a sacred process. Stanley O’Connor in an insightful evaluation relates metalwork transmutation as a process paralleling the immortality of the Atman in a gestalt of Dharma-Dhamma traditions.

    It has been noted that the metaphor of patanga in Rigveda riddle refers to quicksilver, mercury indicating the possibility that in Rigvedic times, the people were aware of uses of cinnabar and mercury in metallurgy and alchemy. http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/simorg.html 


    The archaeometallurgical challenge is to trace the roots of use of mercury and cinnabar in metallurgy and alchemy and delineate a chronology of metallurgical advances resulting in the architectural marvels of Candi Sukuh and Candi Bukit Batu Pahat in Ancient Far East, apparently with connections tol metallurgists and artisans -- perhaps from the traditions of 
    Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk' of Rigveda. 

    Soma rasa is NOT an expression used in Rigveda. 


    That Soma was a 'drink' is erroneously surmised by some researchers despite categorical denial in some ancient texts that Soma was NOT a drink, it was a FOOD and was meant for divinities, not for mortals. Thus, the intent is clear to denote it as an AprI, object of veneration, a metaphor for something that yielded wealth to the worshipper.

    Chàndogya Upanishad (V.10.4) is emphatic: esha somo ràjà. tad devànàam annam. tam devà bhakshyanti. Soma is king. Soma is food for the gods. Gods eat Soma.

    Two vedic hymns reiterate that Soma is not a drink of mortals: 'One thinks to have drunk Soma, when they crush the plant. Of him (Soma), which the bràhmaNas know, no one ever tastes.' (RV X.85.3; the same hymn in AV XIV.1.3). 'O Soma, guarded by that which is meant to cover you, guarded by him who lives in the high (heaven?), you stand listening to the pressing stones. No earthly one eats you.' (RV X.85.4).

    See:

    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2011/07/java-island-of-goddess-worship.html Java: An Island of Goddess Worship


    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/sekkizhar-periya-puranam-candi-sukuh.html Histoire ancienne des Etats hindouises along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi.





    http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-and-candi-sukuh.html Meluhha hieroglyphs and Candi Sukuh hieroglyphs related to metalwork

    Lembah Bujang or Bujang Valley dates from 100 CE and located in Kedah State to the north west of Sungai Petani, Malaysia.  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bujang_Valley

    Metal-smelting Workshop 

    "The archaeologists found a metal-smelting workshop replete with a network of furnace nozzles which was unearthed in an oil palm plantation in "Sungai Batu" (means Stone River). The system of metallurgy found here similarly resembles the techniques used in ancient India. There were also like ceramics, pots, bracelets and beads. "This is the first time that an advanced metal industry from such a period has been confirmed to have existed in this region", says Associate Prof Dr. Mokhtar Saidin from the Centre for Global Archaeological Research (CGAR) from the USM. He points out that they are gradually uncovering the remaining mounds which requires a lot of patience." http://veda.wikidot.com/info:kadaram
    One of the artifact on display in BAM - Kampong Bujang
    Statue_Ganesha.JPGVinayaka statue found in the site of ancient Kedaram.
    One of the six stone boxes, which were found buried beneath Candi Bukit Batu Pahat. It had a copper container inside it, and underneath that some ritual objects made of gold and silver. https://budsegoesmalaysia.wordpress.com/category/kuala-lumpur-malaysia-asia-asia/museums-kuala-lumpur-2/

    The semantics of rasa are significant and important to identify Soma as electrum, gold-silver amalgam. Rasa is explained as quicksilver, mercury-- thus it is a liquid metal. When Soma is described metaphorically, the divinities are identified as absorbing the pavamAna, the flowing, the potable Soma or amzu.



    Rig Veda states that the Dasyus had Ayas (RV 2.20.8). In RV 4.2.17, "the gods [are] smelting like copper/metal ore the human generations".  The oldest evidence of the use of regular copper artifacts comes from the Nal Cemetery in Quetta, dating back to 3rd millennium BC. Mehrgarh in Baluchistan has given some fragments of the earliest copper fragments datable to the 5th millennium BCE.

    रस[p= 869,2] mercury , quicksilver (sometimes regarded as a kind of quintessence of the human body , else where as the seminal fluid of शिवSarvad.any mineral or metallic salt Cat.a metal or mineral in a state of fusion (cf. उप- , महा-र्°)m. (ifc. f().) the sap or juice of plants , Juice of fruit , any liquid or fluid , the best or finest or prime part of anything , essence , marrow RV. &c (Monier-Williams)

    rasḥ Gold. A metal in a state of fusion रसः [रस्-अच्] 1 Sap, juice (of trees); इक्षुरसः, कुसुमरसः &c. -2 A liquid, fluid; यष्टव्यं पशुभिर्मुख्यैरथो बीजै रसैरिति Mb.14.91.21; न्यस्ताक्षरा धातुरसेन यत्र Ku.1.7. -3Water; सहस्रगुणमुत्स्रष्टुमादत्ते हि रसं रविः R.1.18; Bv.2.144. -4 Liquor, drink; Ms.2.177. -5 A draught, potion.(Samskritam. Apte)

    r.s.i: va_madeva gautama; devata_: agni; chanda: tris.t.up

    सुकर्माणः सुरुचो देवयन्तोयो न देवा जनिमा धमन्तः 
    सुचन्तो अग्निं वव्र्धन्त इन्द्रमूर्वं गव्यं परिषदन्तो अग्मन् 

    4.002.17 Performers of good works, brilliant and devout, the praises of the gods have freed their birth from impurity, as (a smith heats) bronze; exciting Agni, elevating Indra, and wandering about (in search), they have gone to the vast (hidden) herd of cattle.

    http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/savifadok/509/1/00jrgzm_all.pdf

    Mirror: https://www.scribd.com/doc/266981452/The-copper-hoards-of-the-Indian-subcontinent-preliminaries-for-an-interpretation-Paul-Yule-1989

    https://www.academia.edu/1233037/RASA_RASAYANA_RASATANTRA_EXPLORING_CONCEPTS_AND_PRACTICES in: C. Palit and Nupur Dasgupta eds.,

     An Ancient Indian System of Rasayana -Suvarnatantra: A Treatise on Alchemy,
    Kalpaz Publications, Delhi, 2009, pp. 9–58.

    “Prthiviparamanytanmatravayava” evolved in the Indian philosophy, 

    for example, in the Yoga sutra of Patanjali. These tanmatras were 
    understood to be of five basic categories:
    sabdatanmatra, 
    sparsatanmatra, 
    rupatanmatra, 
    rasatanmatra and 
    gandhatanmatra. (Patanjali, yogavartika, Vyasabhasya, Sutra 14, Pada, IV.)

    Connection with S.E. Asian tradition is reflected in the Matrkabhedatantram and its alchemical ideas, IJHS 1968, 3 (1), pp. 42-9; Vide Lawrence Palmer Briggs,review article,

     “The Hinduized States of Southeast Asia: A Review”, (being a review of Histoire Ancienne des Etats Hindouises 
    d'Extreme-Orient. by George Coedes), in The Far Eastern Quarterly , Vol. 7, No. 4. (Aug., 1948), pp. 376-393; F. E. Treloar,
    In Malayalam and Sinhalese, the term for cinnabar is lingam. 

    Alchemicam samskAras


    Cinnabar is if one of the eight amalgamated elements (ashtabandha) used in 

    the installation of divine idols. The rasalinga is formed of either an amalgam of 
    gold and mercury or of sulfur and mercury, i.e. of synthetic cinnabar. 

    Mercurial linga is seen as embodying the eighteen-armed Rasa-Bhairava and 

    his consort RasAnkus'I-BhairavI. The lings is of rasa, 'mercury'.
    RA (2.59) names: mAkSika (copper pyrites), Vimala (iron pyrites), 
    S'aila (s'ilAjatu, bitumen); Capala (selenium); Rasaka (calamine); 
    Sasyaka (copper sulfate); 
    Gandhaka (sulfur) and TAla (haratAla, orpiment).

    Rasarnava, RA (11.4) compares the mortar in which mercury is pounded to the yoni-shaped

     chasing (pITha) in which the image of Sivalinga is set and the mercury is the
     linga itself. RA (11.102) notes that merucy  that has been calcinated in a 
    particular mixtur of gemstones, minerals and herbs becomes phallomorphic
     (lingAkAra). Indian alchemy uses 'mercurial phalluses' called gulikAs, 'pills'.

    Siddhinandan Misra, Ayurvediya: "The Goddess in the form of gold, Sasasiva in the form of mercury, the linga made through the union of theseis called the rasalinga." (p.83).


    “The Use of Mercury in Metal Ritual Objects as a Symbol of Siva”,  Artibus Asiae , Vol.34, No. 2/3. (1972), pp. 232-240; 

    Stanley J. O'Connor, “Metallurgy and Immortality at Candi Sukuh, Central Java”, Indonesia , Vol. 39. (Apr., 1985), pp. 52-70, 
    for reference on archaeological evidence and tradition of Saiva Tantric alchemy in SouthEast Asia.


    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center
    May 29, 2015

    RRS (6.21) says the rasalinga is to be locaed on the eastern side of the alchemical altar (itself located at the center of the rasamandapa). 
    The Chandi Bukit Batu Pahat (Malaysia) alchemical complex site studied 
    by Francis Treloar has its rasalinga at the center of the structure. 
    The rasamandapa described in the RA (2.52) also has the rasalinga at its center.
     Treloar notes that the mercurial linga unearthed in Chandi Bukit Batu Pahat was set in a silver semicircle.

    Purification of metal as an analogue for metamorphosis of the soul after death

    "...at the heart of the technological metaphor presented by the Sukuh relief, I would argue, is the visionary claim that the operations of the smith and 
    smelter parallel cosmic processes and that, with their ability to alter the mode of being of metals, the smiths also possessed the key to the means of spiritual transcendence...Specifically, I will argue that a substantial body of evidence provides, 
    either by compelling implication or by explicit statement, support for the view that iron working was a metaphorfor spiritual transmutation in ancient Java. 
    The evidence presented includes myths surrounding the smith; 
    a description of s'rAddha rites in the fourteenth century text, the 
    NAgara-KertAgama; an echo of parallel Tantric rites in palace ceremonies in 
    Central Java recorded early in this century;
     the precise insight into Indonesian death rites offered by Robert Hertz's classic essay, 'A Contribution to the Study of the Collective Representation of Death'; the internal evidence of the relief itself; and finally, acting as a control, the sense that mountain and water temples like Sukuh constitute a kind of genre in which ancestor worship and ritual for the liberation of the soul are centrally at issue...The Toraja of 
    Sulawesi have a smith god who reforges souls...It is not only the smith who possesses supernatural power but, at least on special occasions, the smithy itself is seen as a shrine. Rassers has noted that , before forging a kris (a short rapier that is a symbolically important weapon), the smithy is decorated in ceremonial fashion. Among the Land Dyak of Sarawak, a ritual knife (pendat) is still 
    forged in a smithy that has three altars. Today, some Toraja say that the site of a forge was formerly considered a special place and its potency was such that it was a place 'which makes things become large'...
    in the nineteenth century Balinese dynastic chronicle, 
    the Babad Bueleleng, provides perhaps the most penetrating insight into the symbolic importance of metallurgy. In it we see kingship both legitimated and empowered by the possession of a kris that serves as the palladium of the kingdom. The weapon is described as pasupati-astra, 
    a reference to a flaming arrow given by Siva to the hero Arjuna to make him
     invincible. It is also referred to as the 'essence of power'. Finally, both the royal chaplain (purohita) and the son who succeeds him in that strategic office, are described as skilled in the manufacture of swords and kris...Metallurgy, especially the complex and, to the pre-scientific mind, mysterious process by which ores drawn from the living earth are reduced to a molten state, transformed into a rough iron mass of residual slag and iron chips by the smelter, and then purified, hardened in the presence of carbon, 
    and forged into beautiful and useful objects by the smith, makes a fruitful analogue for the metamorphosis of the soul after death." (O'Connorr, Stanley, opcit., pp.53-56).
    This aadhyaatmika perspective is paralleled by Kota language 
    which records kole.l 'smithy' as kole.l 'temple' and by Marathi traditions venerating Khandoba Siva as the weilder of the sword, khaNDa.
    Continuing the brilliant parallel between metamorphosis of the soul and metal winning-fabrication processes, Stanley O'Connor continues to explain the archaeometallurgical significance of Candi Sukuh and life-activities of metalcasters: "The relief also calls upon the viewer's understanding that the smith is pattern-welding or 'marrying' nickelous meteoric iron (pamor), fallen to earth from the heavens, with iron drawn from the maternal body of the earth. By a series of laminations, resembling a many-layered torte, he interleaves the diverse forms of iron so that their differential crystalline 
    structure will become visible in the finished blade.

     After etching, dark traces of nickel will form patterns which the smith is able to envision and control through a long series of operations sometimes involving the development of almost one hundred layers of iron and steel before forging out a finished weapon. Thus the mysteries of metallurgy trace the structure of the rites for the dead. The ores are destroyed, reduced to a 

    bloom of wrought iron, just as cremation or putrefaction reduces the body. The bloom is gathered together and reconstituted by heating in the presence of charcoal to charge it with carbon, just as the reduced products of the body are given ritual processing during an intermediate stage of funeral ritual. Finally, a new and perfected body is forged in the smithy, joining the quasi-sexual, polar, but mutually attractive elements -- terrestrial and celestial iron -- into a new unity, and this stage is marked on the plane of ritual by the release of a new being constituted by an effigy (pushpa) 
    in the final rites of liberation." (p.57)
    Bhima, the Tantric Vajrasattva in a quest for immortality

    "Bhima, who is the physically immense, powerful, and forthright hero of the 

    Mahabharata, undergoes a sea change in Javanese literature and becomes a 
    spiritual guide who 'knew the path that leads to perfection.' 
    He would be admirably suited to master the esoteric mysteries governing the liberation of the soul, the fires of hell in the Bhimasvarga. This poem is recited on the twelfth day after cremation. Bosch has discussed both a Sanskrit text from Bali in which Bhima is identified with the Tantric Buddhist figure, Vajrasattva, and a tenth century Javanese text describing him as the supreme teacher and guide to absolute knowledg. Professor Johns observes that through his quest for immortality and esoteric knowledge in the ninety stanzas of the possibly sixteenth century text Dewaruci, Bhima was admitted into the 'rights and privileges of the Tantric pantheon'. Pigeaud in his summary of the Javanese-Balinese epic prose tale, the Windu Sara, describes Bhima as having taken pity on the pitaras who were plunged into the fires of hell in the shapes of animals...the meaning of the dancing elephant-man...Ganesa, the guardian of thresholds, the remove of obstacles, and his presence here, in my view, embodies the process of crossing over from one state to another through the transformative power of the metallurgist's art...Tantric Ganesa from Candi Singasari in East Java... "(pp.59-60).
    "If we read the Sukuh relief as a performative utterance, 
    then what it performs, through a presentation of craft mysteries, 
    is the transfiguration, transformation, or transportation of spirit. 
    In the spatial art of sculpture we have a parallel to the ritual gestures 
    in time by which the Balinese Brahmin priest prepares toya pagentas, 
    the water for 'shipping over' the souls of the dead to the hereafter."(p.65)

    "over six feet long and five feet in circumference...
    the linga bears an inscription down its length which Martha Muusses has 
    translated from Old Javanese into Dutch. The relevant portion is:
     'Consecration of the Holy Gangga sudhi...the sign of masculinity is the 
    essence of the world.'...a kris or sword is carved in reliev on the shaft of the 
    linga. Thus the armorer's art and the creative principle are joined together in a 
    symbol of release that crowns and culminates the terrace temple...
    to confirm the central importance of metallurgy at the site and to reinforce 
    our reading of the smith's art as a metaphor for spiritual transfiguration and 
    release. Conclusion: The Question of Alchemy. To speak at length, as here, 
    about the transmutation of metals within the frame of a spiritual tradition as 
    Tantrism, is to touch the essence of alchemy without ever employing the term.
     Whatever other more material and fanciful goals it may have, such as the 
    transformation of base metals into gold, alchemy through a system of 
    correspondences offers a correlative for spiritual redemption. 
    The perfection of spirit is figured in the perfection of metals, and, 
    in a sense, imposes itself in the poetic logic of the metal workers' physical 
    operations...there is some tantalizing archaeological evidence that does 
    suggest that a very precise knowledge of Indian alchemy existed in the 
    archipelao in the period of the thirteenth to fourteenth century. 
    This comes from the research of the late FE Treloar who, as a chemist, 
    took an interest in applying chemical analysis to archaeological material 
    excavated in Southeast Asia. 
    Through an analysis of pieces of gold foil cut into the shape of linga, 
    and excavated in a ritual deposit in the Merbok Estuary of Kedah which dated
     from the thirteenth to the fourteenth century, Treloar was able to establish 
    that the structure of the gold had been altered by the addition of mercury,
     which had been rubbed into the metal. What is so important  about Treloar's 
    study is that he traced this practice to an Indian text on alchemy of the 
    eleventh to the twelfth century, the Rasaratnasamuccaya. Treloar followed up 
    this line of investigation by studying a type of coarse earthenware bottle 
    excavated in substantial numbers at Santubong, Sarawak, in a thirteenth to 
    fourteenth century context. He believed that the bottles were employed in
     the shipment of mercury. Similar bottles have been found at Angkor in 
    Cambodia and Fort Canning in Singapore. It is noteworthy, too, that Chinese 
    merchants in the latter part of the Sung dynasty regarded cinnabar as a 
    staple of their trade with Java. Although it is used in mining to separate 
    gold from quartz, and is used too for producing red pigment, mercury is a 
    central ingredient in Indian and Chinese alchemical texts, where it plays a role 
    in the transformation of base metals into gold and also in the preparation of 
    elixirs and medicines for longevity, virility, strength, or beauty. 
    In India, these texts flourished in the period from the tenth to the sixteenth 
    century, which is well within the date of th Sukuh complex...According to 
    Maung Htin Aung, alchemy can be traced in Burma to the fifth century..."
    (pp.67-69)

    [quote ]The Candi (Temples) of Bujang Valley 
    In the 1840's two surveyors found a ruin of a candi (temple) on top of Mount Jerai. Subsequent researches and archaeological discoveries proved that the area around the foot of the mountain was an ancient city that prospered between the 3rd and 12th century. Since the discovery of the first temple, more temple ruins have been found. To date, a total of 50 temples have been reported. Some of them have been partly reconstructed or relocated and some remain at their original sites, still open for new discoveries.
    Though it was first discovered over a century ago, Bujang Valley still holds many surprises for researchers. The temples found indicate strong Hindu and Buddhist influences, prompting early researchers to believe that the area was colonised by the Indians. However, recent analyses refute the earlier theory and suggest that before the arrival of Indian traders, there was already an established civilization in Bujang Valley and that the temples were built by the Hindu or Buddhist traders.
    Further researches also indicate that the local people who built the temples did not actually embrace Hinduism or Buddhism as was previously believed. Instead, they were merely hired by the visiting merchants.
    Candi Bukit Batu Pahat
    The biggest and most significant temple in Bujang Valley is Candi Bukit Batu Pahat. Located on the east side of Batu Pahat River about 3km to the north of Sungai Merbok Village, the temple was excavated and reconstructed in the late 1950s. It is believed to have been built during the 11th century A.D. Among the ruins found here is a temple dedicated to the Hindu god, Lord Siva. The temple is believed to be built of granite and wood and has 66 round bases where the wooden poles used to be.
    The artifacts found here comprise eight closed reliquaries with nine chambers containing jars, beads, and gold foil in various shapes. The bronze artifacts include a statue pedestal and a trident belonging to the god Siva. Other artifacts found were ceramic shards and iron nails. In 1960, the temple ruins were reconstructed at its original location with expert help from Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, and the Angkor Wat Conservation Centre, Cambodia.
    Candi Pendiat
    This temple was found on the left bank of the Bujang River in Kampung Pendiat, Mukim Merbok, in 1936 and was excavated in 1974. It was believed to have been built during the 9th century A.D. The temple ruins were relocated and reconstructed at Bukit Batu Pahat in 1974.The main building was made of laterite blocks, loose laterite and bricks. Granite was used to make the pillar bases. Artifacts found here include a bronze reliquary containing gemstones, a golden bowl and various animal shapes such as a golden lion, a silver bull and a copper horse. Other finds include bronze artifacts such as a bell, two lamps, a finger from a statuette and an aureole.
    Candi Bendang Dalam
    The temple ruins were originally situated at Kampung Bendang in Mukim Merbok. It was found in 1969 and was excavated in stages between 1974 and 1982. Based on the data, it was believed to have been built during the 12th century A.D. The Candi Bendang Dalam was relocated and reconstructed at Bukit Batu Pahat in 1983. This temple was mainly built of laterite blocks as well as loose laterite. Other materials include bricks, river stones and granite. Artifacts found at the temple comprise ceramic shards, Middle Eastern glass, charcoal and resin.
    Candi Pengkalan Bujang
    Candi Pengkalan Bujang was originally situated on the left bank of the Bujang Valley River, at Kampung Pengkalan Bujang in Kuala Muda. It was found in 1936 and excavated in 1976. The temple ruins were relocated and reconstructed at Bukit Batu Pahat in the same year. The data collected showed that the temple was built during the 11th century A.D.

    It was built mainly of bricks with pillar bases chiselled from granite and a roof made of tiles. Artifacts found at the temple include a terracotta Buddha statuette, a terracotta elephant statuette, a terracotta Boddhisattva statuette, a bronze statuette possibly representing the goddess Bhrkuti, a gold ring, earrings, bricks inscribed with Pallava letters and marked with animal footprints, ceramic shards, iron nails and beads in various colours and shapes.
    This temple was believed to possess a stupa (a dome-shaped monument), used by ancient Buddhists. [unquote] 

    The Development of Kedah's Early History Based on Archeological Finds

    By Adi Haji Taha, National Museum
    (Translation by Haji Hashim bin Samin)

    A variety of glass fragments found in Bujang Valley.


    A variety of beads founds in the Bujang Valley.
    The development of Kedah's early historyas in other states in Peninsular Malaysia was caused by its strategic geographical location. From the point of prehistory Peninsular Malaysia was at least regarded as a bridge or a highway upon which man had to pass in their migration from the north to the south and on to South East Asia and the Pacific. Later, when the development maritime trade was at its height, the Peninsula once again played an important part because of its position between two of the largest trade centres, i.e. India and other Arab countries to the west and China to the east. At a time when shipping movement depended on the monsoons, there was a time when traders needed to wait out for the monsoon to change in order to make their return journey, and the Peninsula not only provided the necessary shelter, but the opportunity to trade among themselves.
    Based on the above point, we would find that Kedah had its on special position, which indirectly contributed to its uniqueness in the development of its history. Many limestone caves, which offered both shelter and homes to prehistoric communities, could be found in the districts of Kubang Pasu, Kota Setar and Baling. What is even more interesting is the existence of a majestic mountain along its shores believed to be a landmark for sailors plying the Indian Ocean in ancient times. Besides, Kedah was easily assessable via land routes to states in the East Coast of the Peninsular (Wheatley 1961 : xxvi ; Braddle 1980).
    All the above factors pointed to a history full of glory for Kedah in particular and Peninsular Malaysia in general.
    Archeological research in Kedah could be divided into two general sectors, that is early prehistory which included Bujang Valley. The importance of archeological research in Bujang Valley is never in dispute, so much so that the popularity of its research had dimmed researches of other prehistoric communities of a much earlier period in Kedah history. So, in this paper I feel it would be better for me to go into prehistoric periods in this State and later go into discussion on the development of its early history based on present archeological finds.
    Archeological research into Kedah's prehistoric period is limited to cave sites, although some artifacts could be found albeit unintentionally, in open grounds. H.D. Collings was the first person to reveal the existence of some prehistoric archeological sites in Kedah based on his research in Baling Mountain.Diggings were made in two caves; Gua Debu and Gua Kelawar (Collings 1936). Among the artifacts found were stone axes of the Hoabinhian period, stone axes and adzes of the Neolithic period, sharpening stones, stone pounders and pottery. River snails were the main remains of food items found on the site while bones of animals were found in less significant quantities.
    What is interesting about the research was the remains of pottery (Neolithic period) found in the same level of earth which contained artifacts from Hoabinhian period and according to Collings (1936:10) there was no sign that that level of earth was ever disturbed. So, based on these findings, two conclusions could be derived from the connection between the Hoabinhian and the Neolithic period. They are:
    • Two communities with different cultures but living as neighbours who interacted between one and the other, or
    • One community living in transition from the Hoabinhian period into the Neolithic period as this involved the use of tools both old and new.
    http://www.mykedah2.com/e_10heritage/e101_1.html
    Colling had decided on the first possibility

    A pottery found at Site 17, Bukit Fendiat, Pengkalan Bujang, Bujang Valley.
    At the same time, an artifact made of quartz, which was shaped as either an arrow head or the head of a spear was found in Sintok, (Callenfels 1936, Collings 1937). It was found as a result of tin mining activities and this made it difficult for any concrete conclusion to be made based on the artifact alone. However, the find was of great importance into the research of our nation's prehistory as it was the only example to be found indicating the use of arrows of the Neolithic period in our country. We know that natives of the Negrito tribes once used arrows for hunting, although they are now more keen to use blow pipes instead (Endicott 1979). However the evidence from Sintok showed that it was more likely that ancient communities usedbows and arrows to hunt. To obtain a more concrete proof, more research must be made on the matter.
    Shortly after the Second World War, P.S.R. Williams-Hunt, explored the Northern part of Peninsular Malaysia with the hope of finding more prehistoric sites in the area. One of the places he visited was Bukit Keplu in Kodiang in the district of Kubang Pasu. On this site he uncovered three stone axes of the Neolithic period and tens of pieces of pottery in the shape of cones. Some of them had holes in them. As the pottery pieces were rather unique he came to a conclusion that
    "The exact function of these objects remain speculative…..it can only be suggested that they have some ritual significance, possibly, in association with Buddhism" (William-Hunt 1952:182).
    Sieveking disagreed. Based on the way it was made and the designs found on them, he believed that the pottery was made by community of the Neolithic period (Sieveking 1956:194).
    A more detailed study of the pieces of pottery found in Kodiang, was made by B.A.V. Peacock (1964). His interest was aroused when an excavation made in Ban Kao in Thailand uncovered three- legged pottery (Sorensen 1972). Peacock managed to reconstruct the pieces of pottery in Kodiang and the result was a three-legged pottery, similar to those found in Thailand. Up to this time, such pottery could be found in other parts of Peninsular Malaysia like Dengkil in Selangor (Leong Sau Heng t.b.) and in Jeram Kawi, Tembeling, in Pahang (Linehan 1928).
    Even though it was rather difficult to determine the exact use of such pottery, what was more important was the discovery that there was a connection between these places a long time ago.
    It is still rather difficult to make any concrete conclusion on these finds, if it was based on the archeological studies on prehistory, which was made in Kedah. One of the reasons was that these studies were made in an unsystematic manner, resulting in the neglect of subordinate proofs and findings. It also resulted in our knowledge based on the sites being flawed. It is even more difficult to make more study of the sites as most of them, especially those in caves, had been destroyed by bat guano collectors who sold the guano as fertilizers in rice fields as well as for other crops. In any case, it would be difficult for us to find archeological sites in exposed areas as such land in Kedah would had been cultivated for rice resulting in such sites being continuously inundated and disturbed by ploughing activities.
    However, there was more than enough evidence to suggest the existence of a long sequence of history, from the Neolithic and the Hoabihian period in the Peninsular. There is of course, no precise dates that could determine the start of one period and the end of another. In any case such finds as stone axes of the Neolithic period at the Hindu/Buddha sites at Permatang Pasir (Sullivan 1958 pl 17) and Gua Kepah, Seberang Perai (Quaritch-Wales 1947) made it clear that communities in Kedah were still using stone implements when Indian traders reached the shores of the State around the fourth and fifth century A.D.
    http://www.mykedah2.com/e_10heritage/e101_1_p2.htm
    The Development of Kedah's Early History Based on Archeological Finds

    Early History - Bujang Valley
    A remains of a shrine which was reconstructed again at Bukit Batu Pahat, Bujang Valley.
    The remains of shrine at Site 21, Pengkalan Bujang, Bujang Valley.
    The importance of Bujang Valley in the development of Kedah's early history could not be disputed. This is based on two sources:
    a) written records by Chinese and Arabian seafarers, as well as from Indian literary works
    b) archeological proofs
    Braddle (1949, 1950, 1980) andWheatley (1957, 1961) made broad studies of written records made by Indian and Arabian seafarers and literary works of Indian writers. It is not my intention, however, to make a close study of their explanation. It would be sufficient for me to make a general and brief comment of their conclusion.
    The earliest writing on Kedah could be found in a Tamil poem called Pattinapalai, which was written sometime between the second and third century A.D. It mentioned Kedah as Kalagam, which had the same meaning as Kandaram or Kedah. Stone writings produced in 1030 A.D. by the Kingdom of Chola clearly indicated that Kandaram was Kataha. This was mentioned in old Sanskrit texts (Puranas), especially in the drama called Kamudimahotsava, which was written around the seventh and the eighth century A.D. (See Whitley 161: 279-280 and Braddle 1980: 41- 43 for further details on the subject). Besides this Kedah was also mentioned in a Prakrit work called Samaraiccakaha produced during the eighth century A.D. as well as Katha writings such as Khatasaritsagara. In all these work, Kedah was projected as a peaceful and glorious country, like "the seat of all felicities" (Wheatley 1958).
    Kedah was also known as Chieh-ch'a to Chinese sailors during the seventh century A.D. At that time, there were many Buddhist missionaries making their way to India and back to China, and one of them was I-Tsing (I-Ching) who made his maiden voyage in 671 A.D. from China and arrived in Srivijaya (Palembang) in 672 A.D. to learn Sanskrit. The following year he made a trip to Kedah via Melayu to take a passage to India on board a royal Indian vessel. He studied for 12 years in the University of Nalanda before returning to in 685 A.D. On this return trip he once again made a stop over in Kedah. From his writing, we found that that Kedah was a centre for trade and commerce and was the most important port in the region especially for the Kingdom of Srivijaya. Besides the evidence from I-Tsing's writing, Wheatley was of the opinion that Kedah, which was also known as Chia-cha had sent its ambassadors to meet the emperor of China in 638 A.D. (Wheatley 1961:278)
    Evidence from Arab sailors was rather late, chronologically, as the writing of Sulaiman-al-Mahri on the fifteenth century A.D. only indicated that Kedah (spelt as Keda) was in the same latitude as Kelatan.
    Although there were some information made on Kedah by Chinese and Arab seafarers and also from Indian literary works, the information given were rather unclear and sketchy. We now know that there was a growth of towns and settlements in estuaries and river mouths in most part of the peninsular. This difficulty was compounded when it was found that at one stage Langkasuka and Kedah was indicated as one and the same (Winstedt. 1920), when in actual fact they two different states altogether (see colles 1969). Mistakes in referring to names of places will end up in bigger mistakes in making synthesis.
    A History of Archeological Research in Bujang Valley
    Archeological evidence in Bujang Valley was first examined by Colonel James Low in 1864, but how much study was done remained unclear as there was no complete report on the matter. However his notes had at least pointed to the sites where the artifacts were found. Early in the twentieth century two surveyors, working at the summit of Jerai Mountain found the site of an abandoned Hindu temple. Further studies in Bujang Valley was enthusiastically made by Evans in the 1920s and 1930s. In 1921, on a visit to Sungai Batu, he found images of Durga Devi and Mahishahura. On another trip to the same area in 1923, he found an image of Ganesha. He found many other artifacts in the years that followed (Evans 1927).
    Both these people opened a new chapter in the study of Kedah's early history. According to Low and Evans the artifaacts and monuments found in Kedah bear evidence of Hindu influence, and that Hindus and Buddhists had arrived in the region as colonists. Both Low and Evens were right when they concluded that Langkasuka was located in the South of Kedah. While Evans placed the settlement in Sungai Batu, Low was more correct when he placed it in Bukit Meriam. Evans believed that the Kingdom of Srivijaya which was centred in Plaembang had a very strong influence in Kedah. Therefore, besides opening a new chapter in the archeological study of Bujang Valley, these two also gave their conclusions on matters related to the area.
    Between 1937 to 1938, H.G. Quaritch-Wales and his wife made an extensive study of Bujang Valley, and as a result uncovered 30 temple sites. Twenty nine of these were in Bujang Valley and one in Seberang Perai (Quaritch-Wales and Quaritch-Wales 1947). Shortly after the Second World War, they continued their study and this time the area they concentrated on was Bujang Valley. It must be remembered that the arrival of Qauritch-Wales in Bujang Valley was in the service of 'Greater India Research committee', which was based in Calcutta. The objective of the Committee was to study the extension and impact of Indian colonization in the area. Bujang Valley was singled out based on its geographical position, which was between and China. In this context, we found that the studies made by Quaritch-Wales, even though made systematically, was biased. This was because of his own strong theory, which he wanted very much to prove. It was because of this that he was often criticized for his conclusions based on archeological finds in Bujang Valley.
    Work on Bujang Valley stopped for a while and was resumed in1956 when the Archeology Society of the University of Malaya, under the direction of K.G. Treggoning and M. Sullivan surveyed and excavated the area around Seberang Perai and Bujang Valley (Sullivan 1958). Although a study made by Lamb was done in a more systematic manner, he needed to obtain the co-operation of a few specialist from overseas to search and re-construct the temple of Batu Pahat, a task which was done in years between 1959 and 1960 (Lamb 1960). Lamb went on to make new inroads into the study by unearthing heaps ceramic pieces from the bottom of the said river (Lamb 1961).
    In early 1970, further study of Bujang Valley was undertaken by staffs of the Museum Department under the direction of Al-Rashid and later by the writer himself. Recently its study was placed under Encik Kamarudin Zakaria. It must be mentioned here of the special study made by Leong Sau Heng on Pengkalan Bujang which played a role in determining Bujang Valley's importance in international trade.

    Bujang Valley's History Based On Archeological Finds

    Another site of a shrine at Bendang, Bujang Valley.


    Shrine at Site 11, Bujang Valley, Merbok.
    Based on archeological studies made in over a hundred year, a few conclusions could be derived on tshe history of Bujang Valley. Wales (1940) forwarded a hypothesis on the development and stages of Indian colonization in this region. The four stages were:

    The first stage involved a time scale of between the first and the third century A.D. This was based on Roman beads a few pieces of pottery found in Johor Lama. Not much evidence of this era could be found in Bujang Valley.

    The second stage began around 300 A.D. to 500 A.D. based on stone writings and sites 1 to 3, which indicated the first stage in Bujang Valley. It community was a Hindu one, and its government was under the influence of Funan. Other similar sites were found in Kinta Valley.

    The third stage pointed to a cultural change which occurred around 550 A.D. to 750 A.D. and Kedah came under the domination of Pallava Hindus and its influence spread to the east coast of the Peninsular. All this is indicated by the finds in site 4 to 9, considered to be a temple site dedicated to Shiva.

    The fourth stage was between 750 A.D. to 900 A.D. and it showed the influence of Pala Mahayana Buddhism from South India.
    The above concept forwarded by Quaritch-Wales was said to have been made without sound archeological base. Studies carried by Lamb on the Batu Pahat Hill temple made it clear that there were similarities between the temple and the site of Hindu temples uncovered in Indonesia, especially those found at Biarosi in Pdang Lawas, Sumatera (Lamb 1961:1-9). Lamb also proved that the stone container found buried under the Batu Pahat temple was characteristically South East Asian, in the sense that it showed that the type of prayers being carried out was of the tantrik type and not of one involving the Shiva sect as believed by Quaritch-Wales.

    Besides Wales, Wheatley also put forward his own periodization in relation to the development of the history of Bujang Valley (wheatley 1961: 275-278). According to him, the history of Kedah began when Jerai Mountain, Penjara Hill and Batu Lintang Hill were still islands where Indian traders made contact with the locals. Buddhism was already entrenched in Bujang Valley by the fifth century A.D., and Kedah had a firm relationship with India. However, three centuries later, Buddhism was influenced by Saivism and settlements began to be concentrated in areas towards the centre of Bujang Valley. The shape of its temples and the easterly direction it faced, pointed to the practice of Linga among Kedah Hindus. In the period between the eighth and ninth century Mahayana influence made a comeback in Kedah. Arab and Chinese traders began to be actively involved in trades in the region. By the tenth century, the people of Bujang Valley returned to Hinduism, and new settlements in Sungai Muda were opened. According to Wheatley, Kedah was paralysed after facing several raids by the King of Chola, Rajendra 1, between 1025 to 1030. He wrote:

    'Precisely when this decline set in is difficult to say but it may well date from the great raid of Rajendra 1, when Kedah, as one of the twin foci of the empire, was selected as a major objective. Srivijaya apparently recovered from this reverse after a few years, but Kedah never seems to have recovered its lost prestige.' Wheatley 1961 - 281).

    Lamb forwarded a more concrete and acceptable alternative based on archeological finds. He divided the populating of Kedah into four phases:

    The earliest phase was Buddhism, proven by Low and Quartich-Wales based on three inscriptions they had found indicating ye dharma ways said to have been made by the order of Buddhagupta to ensure the safety of all ships. All three inscriptions bore the same text and was dated on the fourth and the fifth century A.D.

    This was the Srivijaya phase, proven by the such finds as bronze sculptures similar to those found in Sambas, Kalimatan, Indonesia and those finds on site 16 and 16a. Trade activites was still concentrated in Takuapa, Thailand, which practiced Mahyana Buddhism, interspersed with tantrik practices. This sort of religious practice were also evident in settlements found in Perak. This phase was dated between the seventh and the ninth century A.D.

    The Bujang Valley phase could not have taken place earlier than the eleventh A.D., as its rise was an indication of the decline of Takuapa as a trading centre. This phase also indicated the expansion of settlements around Sungai Bujang and Merbok, and Batu Lintang and Tikam Batu. The decline of trade in Bujang Valley could not have taken place later than the fourteenth century because of the absence of blue and white ceramics find. Artifacts found in this phase rejected Wheatley's conclusion on the date of Bujang Valley's decline. According to Lamb, Bujang Valley started to prosper after the raids launched by the King of Chola. This phase also indicated its role as a centre of communication; connecting the interior to the outside world.

    The Kuala Muda phase developed after Bujang Valley reached its zenith, characterized by finds of white and blue ceramics. It was at his time, it is believed, that the Muda River changed its course as this development was mentioned in the 'Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa'.
    Of the three opinions mentioned above, we found that the one expressed by Lamb was more logical because it was based on clear archeological evidence, even if it sometimes clashed with historical facts as found in Chinese chronicles and Indian literary work.

    The question in everyone's mind was, when did the area declined in its importance? According to Lamb, the decline was caused by changes to the river system in the Valley. The Bujang and the Merbok Rivers had become shallow and much further inland. In any case, traders had begun to exploit areas to the south of the Peninsula such as Malacca and Singapore. The clearest evidence on the end of Lembah Bujang was the grave of Sultan Muzaffar Shah who became a Muslim around 1474 (Winstedt 1920:30)

    Archeological Finds Outside Bujang Valley

    There was no planned archeological study made in Kedah. This does not mean that early history other that that of Bujang Valley is less important. We have heard of the kingdom of Siputeh where once upon a time lived Princess Lindungan Bulan whose beauty became the source of competition and fights between kingdoms. The only evidence of the legend was a tombstone with Achinese characteristics. However, in 1957 a treasure trove containing twenty- three pieces of ceramic objects, glass instruments, coins and pottery were found. By looking at the quantity of the materials found, there is a great possiblity that other similar finds would be uncovered in the future. Based on the ceramic found in Siputeh village, the date was placed around late sixteenth or early seventeenth century.

    Conclusion

    Other than the studies made in Bujang Valley and sites of pre-historic archeology, no study has been made on other possible sites. One of the reasons for the situation is the lack of qualified personnel that would make it possible for excavations to be made in order to find the information that would never be found recorded in local history. The second problem is the proper identification of sites of certain settlements. This problem is more evident when studies of sites are made in flat areas. As Kedah is the rice bowl of the nation, such area are usually converted into rice fields and are always inundated. This would of course, make the work of early research more difficult.

    As a conclusion, we found that Kedah's early history began around the fourth or the fifth century A.D. in Lembah Bujang. The area developed briskly, reaching its zenith in the fourteenth century, and after that the centre for commerce moved to Sungai Muda. At that time, the Malays were either Hindus or Buddhists and only converted to Islam in1474 in the footstep of their king.
    REFERENCES:


    Fig. 4. Dvimukha Sivalinga, Aring, Mathura 

    Mathura in History of Ancient India, Vol. VII, ed. D.K. Chakrabarti and Makkhan Lal, VIF and Aryan Books International, N. Delhi, 2014

    Naga Erapata Worshipping Tree emanating from smelter: Bharhut, Early 1st century BCE
    A tree associated with smelter and linga from Bhuteshwar, Mathura Museum. Architectural fragment with relief showing winged dwarfs (or gaNa) worshipping with flower garlands, Siva Linga. Bhuteshwar, ca. 2nd cent BCE. Lingam is on a platform with wall under a pipal tree encircled by railing. (Srivastava,  AK, 1999, Catalogue of Saiva sculptures in Government Museum, Mathura: 47, GMM 52.3625) The tree is a phonetic determinant of the smelter indicated by the railing around the linga: kuṭa°ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ  Rebus: kuhi 'smelter'. kuṭa, °ṭi -- , °ṭha -- 3, °ṭhi -- m. ʻ tree ʼ lex., °ṭaka -- m. ʻ a kind of tree ʼ Kauś.Pk. kuḍa -- m. ʻ tree ʼ; Paš. lauṛ. kuṛāˊ ʻ tree ʼ, dar. kaṛék ʻ tree, oak ʼ ~ Par. kōṛ ʻ stick ʼ IIFL iii 3, 98. (CDIAL 3228). See: 

    http://cip.cornell.edu/DPubS?service=Repository&version=1.0&verb=Disseminate&view=body&content-type=pdf_1&handle=seap.indo/1107006615# 
    https://www.scribd.com/doc/252490468/Metallurgy-and-Immortality-at-Candi-Sukuh-Central-

    Java Metallurgy and Immortality at Candi Sukuh Central Java 









    Ram and Ayodhya - Dr Meenakshi Jain - India Inspires Talk (40:48). Precise, factual, brilliant overview of historical evidence. See also: Ramasetu heritage links -- Kalyan

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    Ram and Ayodhya - Dr Meenakshi Jain - India Inspires Talks

    Published on May 23, 2015

    Over the past two decades, several Left-wing historians have indulged in high-voltage propaganda that Rama was not a deity before Tulsidas wrote Ramcharit Manas in the 16th century. The purpose, of course, is to discredit the movement for reclamation of his birthplace. For if there is no proof of Rama and his Ayodhya, the movement falls into disrepute.

    Historian Meenakshi Jain has given a robust reply to those who question the historicity of Rama as deity, and provided ample historical proof of Ayodhya as the city of Rama. She leaves no stone unturned in collating all historical and literary evidence relating to Lord Rama. In her talks she cites evidences from literature, sculpture and epigraphy to prove about the popularity of Rama since antiquity.

    The question of his becoming a deity only after the publication of Ramcharit Manas in the era of the Mughal emperor Akbar, has been answered with ample evidence to discourage even the most arrogant Leftist historian from repeating old lies again.



    https://www.scribd.com/doc/87412293/Ramasetu-Protecting-heritage-and-coastline-A-ppt-presentation-Kalyanraman-31-March-2012 (A ppt. presentation, 2012: S. Kalyanaraman 69 slides)



    https://www.scribd.com/doc/266996095/Rama-Setu-S-Kalyanaraman-2011

    A Tale of Two Calendars - Dr C K Raju - India Inspires Talk (1:02:13)

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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MvpuC7Dg4e0

    A Tale of Two Calendars - Dr C K Raju - India Inspires Talk

    Published on May 22, 2015

    The Christian (Gregorian) calendar is a thoroughly unscientific calendar. This calendar, which propagates superstition and historical untruth, is the only calendar that most Western educated people learn. The Western educated elite in India rarely know much about the traditional Indian calendar and they regard the Christian calendar as secular and universal!

    The traditional Indian calendar is an accurate and scientific calendar, which avoids superstition and historical untruths. In India, agricultural success required a good calendar which could tell the monsoons accurately. The Indian calendar has a concept of the rainy months of Sawan and Bhadon, known to every Indian child through the culture. This calendar should, therefore, have been adopted after independence. If science is not mindless belief in the West, the traditional Indian calendar must continue to be used till one has a demonstrably better theory of the monsoons. This would probably save the lives of millions of Indian farmers.

    Obsessions of Indian Intellectuals - Part I - Dr. Kapil Kapoor - India Inspires Talk (1:06:46)

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    Obsessions of Indian Intellectuals - Part I - Dr. Kapil Kapoor - India Inspires Talk
    Published on May 24, 2015

    In this talk, Dr. Kapil Kapoor shed light on psychology of Indian Intellectuals with especial focus on their obsessions. Few things that these intellectuals are perennially worries about are: caste, sati, superstition, minorities, gender and about the environment especially about whatever Hindus do, is polluting.

    These intellectuals are to be distinguished from Hinduism's traditional men of knowledge, or Rishi-s. The Rishi-s were devoted to the welfare of society, and they encouraged responsibility, self-reliance and cheerfulness. By contrast, our present "intellectuals" are only Buddhi-Jivi-s, those who "use their intellect to make a living".

    They have certain typical characteristics:

    • They are worried, with a perennially worried look on their carefully careless-looking faces.

    • They have a sense of bad luck. Thus, why did they have to be born in a poor "developing country" rather than in America?

    • They bemoan everything. They are like Rudali-s, professional mourners; these intellectuals mourn all the time.

    • They suffer from a Hanuman complex. Hanuman was so strong that the gods were afraid of him and cursed him to forget his strength until someone would remind him. So, they forget about the past glories of their own civilization.

    • They have a Tittiri complex. The Tittiri is an Indian bird that sleeps on its back with its feet skywards, as if supporting the heavens so that they don't fall. Likewise, the intellectuals think that their enduring concern is needed to save India.

    • And a little extra to cap it all: intellectuals are good at talking about a book without having read it. This they call "meta-study". (Or as their hero Ayatollah Khomeini said about Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses: "You don't need to jump into a dungheap to know that it stinks.")


    Thanks to Dr. Koernaad Elst for this apt summary of Kapil Kapoor’s talk.
    Full text is available here - http://koenraadelst.blogspot.in/2015/...




    TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 2015


    India's intellectuals


    From a lecture by former JNU Vice-Chancellor Prof. Kapil Kapoor before the Indore-based India Inspires Foundation, I have to relate a particularly relevant part, viz. about our Indian "intellectuals". Any mistakes in my rendering are of course mine.
    These intellectuals are to be distinguished from Hinduism's traditional men of knowledge, or Rishi-s. The Rishi-s were devoted to the welfare of society, and they encouraged responsibility, self-reliance and cheerfulness. By contrast, our present "intellectuals" are only Buddhi-Jivi-s, those who "use their intellect to make a living". 
    They have certain typical characteristics:


    * They are worried, with a perennially worried look on their carefully careless-looking faces. They think that everything is bad, particularly all that really or allegedly stems from Hindu religion: caste, sati (eventhough the Sati after whom the custom was named, set herself on fire while her husband Shiva was alive, and eventhough all Hindu scriptures from the Rg-Veda on down condemn this rare Rajput practice), superstition etc. They worry about minorities and gender, and about the environment: whatever Hindus do, is polluting. Thus, while their consumerist lifestyles are above criticism, Hindus throwing around coloured powder on Holi are harming the ecosystem. Nowadays they worry about the farmers, eventhough they can't tell a hoe from a plough.
     
    * They have a sense of bad luck. Thus, why did they have to be born in a poor "developing country" rather than in America? (Well, at least the status of "developing country" is useful in so far as it keeps the donations coming, which money is then funneled towards the established intellectuals so that their children can get Ph.D.s in America.)   They bemoan everything. They are like Rudali-s, professional mourners; except that Rudali-s only mourn at a occurrence of a real loss, a king's death or so, whereas these intellectuals mourn all the time. Shiites flagellate themselves on Muharram to mourn Hussain's defeat; these intellectuals have a Muharram every day.
    * They suffer from a Hanuman complex. Hanuman was so strong that the gods were afraid of him and cursed him to forget his strength until someone would remind him. So, they forget about the past glories of their own civilization. The first European travelers wondered why the Indians had no maps; well, because maps are for people who have to go elsewhere because they need something from there, but Indians had everything in their own country. Our intellectuals see only the poverty that Islamic and British colonization and Nehruvian socialism have wrought (which they falsely attribute to Hindu influence, terming Nehruvian economic failure the "Hindu rate of growth"). They are always appealing for state intervention, like today’s middle class, who always ring up for help; or like the Devata-s (gods) in the Puranic myths, helpless before their Asura (demon) enemies. It is always the Asuras who are self-reliant, while the  Devata-s are only there to shower flowers.
    * They have a Tittiri complex. The Tittiri is a Indian bird that sleeps on its back with its feet skywards, as if supporting the heavens so that they don't fall. Likewise, the intellectuals think that their enduring concern is needed to save India.


    And a little extra to cap it all: intellectuals are good at talking about a book without having read it. This they call "meta-study". (Or as their hero Ayatollah Khomeini said about Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses: "You don't need to jump into a dungheap to know that it stinks.")

      

    7 COMMENTS:

    Vraja said...
    That is certainly a type, in America we have a name for that type, knee-jerk liberal. But we shouldn't make the mistake of pigeonholing that type as the norm for all who espouse one or more those positions.
    Shankar Sharan said...
    Just great, a lucid literary piece! We must reach it to every Indian intellectual. Let us help them recognize themselves.
    Prashant Jha said...
    ha ha ha...this is so funny. This is how we too feel about them sir...thanks for articulating it well!...:D
    Gururaj BN said...
    Interesting, especially when it comes from a JNU VC. The world is indeed changing in post-Modi India.
    GlobalDiversity said...
    I have been meeting Dr. Elst of and on in various conferences. Maya and Avidiya are conditions from which it is hard to come out from. Recently I wrote a short analysis- 'Hindu Psych'. It points out to number of hurdles why we as Hindus are not community let alone a nation. I have not posted it on any blog. Unless we get rid of the ostrich syndrome, we cannot establish our positive identity and be proud of our heritage and proclaim proudly that we are Hindus. What has Sutee to do with anything? Caste system has nothing to do with Hindu Dharma. We had Varna, Gotra and Jati. Delinking Dharma from Social structures is of utmost necessity. Kamlesh Kapur- Writer and Historian
    Books- Hindu Dharma- A Teaching Guide' and Portraits of a Nation- History of Ancient India.
    Golden Reed said...
    Very funny and enlightening. We should take inspiration from a Simpsons episode to break away from their stranglehold on opinion-making about Indian civilization. In this Simpsons episode, all the public statues and advertising icons come to life and start destroying the town. The people are terrified and keeping staring in horror. The solution: "Just don't look"... stop paying attention, do your own thing, and they will wither away in the absence of attention.
    Karthikrajan said...
    In facebook we call these intellectuals 'sickular morons' !

    Introduction to Dharampal Works -- Claude Alvares (52:32)

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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B27IBNotwpE

    Introduction to Dharampal Works -- India Inspires Talk


    Published on Jul 24, 2014

    Claude Alvares shares the crucial work of Dharmpal in Indian History. He shares his personal story of encountering Dharmpal's work while doing his PhD.d in Netherlands and explains how this chance encounter turned his view about Indian sciences. He speaks about lone journey that Dhrampal had taken, without any institutional support, to extricate research papers, journals, and books from archives of Britain. It took him almost twenty-five years to bring out true picture of 18th and 19th century India as depicted by British themselves.


    Tutorial in Manmohan Singh Pathashala. Did RahulG and Damaad get it too?

    OROP, Govt. committed: NaMo. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you.

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    On OROP- the Govt is committed to OROP & there's no doubt about it. http://epaper.tribuneindia.com/510309/The-Tribune/TT_30_May_2015#page/3/2 
    8:45 AM - 30 May 2015The Tribune
    Posted at: May 30 2015 9:03AM

    Govt committed to OROP, there’s no doubt about it: PM

    In an exclusive interview to The Tribune, PM takes on the Opposition over land Bill, ‘achhe din’ jibe, corruption and foreign trips
    Govt committed to OROP, there’s no doubt about it: PM
    Prime Minister Narendra Modi during an interview with The Tribune in New Delhi on Friday. Photo: Mukesh Aggarwal
    Tribune News Service
    New Delhi, May 29
    Three days after completing his first year in power, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in a no-holds-barred interview to The Tribune today, said his government was committed to One Rank One Pension (OROP) for ex-servicemen and that no one should have any doubts about its implementation. 
    The PM said the Congress was politicizing OROP. "The previous governments don't have the right to speak about it because they did nothing when they were in power."
    In a 45-minute interview to Raj Chengappa, Editor-in-Chief, The Tribune Group of Newspapers, the PM answered a host of questions ranging from politics to foreign policy, and also about the need for a dedicated Central cadre of officers for the Union Government to ensure continuity and homogeneity in service. The PM responded to questions on opposition Congress'"Achhe din" and "suit boot ki sarkat" jibes besides rejecting the opposition charge that the Land Acquisition Bill was anti-farmer. 
    Read full interview: 'Call for  achhe din was to get rid of the bad, we have achieved that'
    On OROP, the PM said the government was "in constant discussions with the armed forces personnel to arrive at a please-all definition of OROP of which there are varied versions." 
    "No one should have any doubts about OROP's implementation. I want everyone to know that through The Tribune. But there are varied versions about what the definition of OROP should be. Would it be proper for me to take a decision without keeping the armed forces personnel in the loop? So we are trying to arrive at a please-all decision," the PM said. 
    In an evident dig at Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi who recently threatened an agitation if OROP was not implemented soon, the PM said, "OROP for me is not a political programme. For 57 years the jawans have been demanding OROP, but the past governments did nothing. Those who were part of then governments must realize they don't have the right to speak on this issue. They should be told this in their face."
    Asked if the Government would expedite OROP, the PM said the Government was committed to it. "The government has been formed for five years."
    On the contentious Land Acquisition Bill, strongly opposed by the Congress-led parties in Parliament, Modi said: "Not even one decision taken about the Bill is anti-farmer". He attacked the Congress for terming the Bill as anti farmer, asking, "what about the law which has been in existence since 1893 and which the Congress used to acquire land for 60 years? How can those who used an archaic, bad law for 60 years, talk about another law being anti-farmer? Those who used the old law and forced three lakh farmers to commit suicides don't have even one per cent moral right to talk about farmers."
    Asked if the government was confident about the Bill's passage after it was referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee in the recently concluded Budget session, the PM said: "This is not for me a question of life and death, nor was it the agenda of my party or my government. 
    State chief ministers insisted for a change saying the old Bill would not help them. I, as the head of the federal government, thought of addressing their anxieties…Not one decision taken in respect of the law is anti-farmer."
    The PM also gave it back to the Congress for constantly mocking his "achhe din" slogan. Saying that the Opposition has been targeting him for promising "achhe din" from day one, Modi, subtly attacked the Gandhi family. "They have the right to ridicule us, but it would have been good to ask the Congress which has been talking about 'garibi hatao' since 1970 as to what happened to that promise. They had 440 people in Parliament. Four people from one family ran this country for all these years. So what happened?" 
    Asked what his definition of good days is, the PM said: "The promise of good days is always in relation to the previously existing bad days …bad days of corruption, of scams, of policy paralysis, of coal and spectrum have ended. These were the issues bothering the country."
    The PM also reacted to Rahul Gandhi's "suit boot ki sarkar" jibe describing the remark as a reflection of opposition's bankruptcy of ideas. "Look at the opposition bankruptcy. They could not find one concrete issue to criticize the government in this one year. This is our most important success. All they can accuse us of is - the PMO has gained strength. The second charge is that Modi is arrogant; the third is about the clothes he wears," said the PM, recalling a familiar Congress accusation from his days as the Gujarat CM. 
    Adding that the BJP government has moved forward in ensuring good days by ending the previously existing bad days of corruption, the PM said: "There is now no question of corruption." 
    Citing the example of coal block auctions, the PM made an oblique reference to his predecessor Manmohan Singh who continues to be questioned for his silence through coal and spectrum scams. "To end corruption you have to exhibit zero tolerance to it. It is not enough for me alone to be honest. I must display zero tolerance to corruption every moment through my tone, tenor, policy, practice…I can't run the country satisfied that I am myself non-corrupt." Former PM Manmohan Singh recently said he never used his office to enrich himself or his family.
    Assuring strict implementation of anti-black money laws, the PM slammed the Congress for repeatedly questioning his government's intention. "No one who has ever been in power at the Centre has the right to question our government on black money because black money was generated during their terms and they are responsible for not checking its generation. Secondly, they didn't constitute the SIT (Special Investigation Team) even three years after the Supreme Court asked them to. They gave an escape route to black money holders. Had they acted on Supreme Court orders, the treasury would have been richer by trillions."
    Names of black money holders could not be disclosed except to the SC due to international legal obligations, the PM said. "The government will not spare anyone holding black money."
    Asked what the thrust of his foreign policy was considering he had travelled several nations in his first year in power, Modi first sought to set the record straight on his much talked about foreign trips. "All PMs in this country have travelled as much as I have. Facts must be placed before the people about how much past PMs travelled, how many cities they toured and how many meetings they held. 
    On his foreign policy thrust, PM Modi said he saw India as a "global player and not a balancing power". "I am clear in my mind. We are no more a balancing power. India is a global player. We will engage on an equal footing with China and America," he said. 
    On foreign policy in respect of the neighbours, the PM said he would keep humanism at the core of his relations with the neighbouring countries as displayed in respect of the Nepal disaster, the Yemen evacuation, the successful negotiation to save five Indian fishermen on death row in Sri Lanka and the supply of drinking water to the Maldives.
    On land Bill
    }We intend to amend only those provisions that militate against the process of growth and are against the interests of farmers. For 60 years, previous governments have gone with the old laws. Those who have forced 3 lakh farmers to commit suicide have no moral authority to complain
    Corruption, black money
    There has to be zero tolerance to corruption at the top. My being honest is not enough. For this, a policy has to be laid down in black and white. On black money, despite directions from the Supreme Court, the previous government did not form an SIT for three years. The first decision our Cabinet took was to create an SIT.
    One rank, one pension
    We are in consultation with defence personnel on its definition. We are committed to it. We are looking for a way where all stakeholders agree. This should not be politicised.
    ‘Achhe din’
    My definition of ‘ache din’ is in the context of everyday life and the bad days that prevailed — corruption, scams, policy paralysis, black money — the country was fed up of all this.
    Foreign policy
    We are no more a balancing power but a global player. We approach the world with greater self-assurance. On Pakistan, all I can say is that bombs do not help. We can only progress in an atmosphere free of terror.
    http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/govt-committed-to-orop-there-s-no-doubt-about-it-pm/87192.html

    Govt committed to one-rank, one-pension: PM Modi


    Only UPA implemented OROP in 2013. I had convened a meeting where we had clarified its meaning: AK Antony

    Written Communication May Be 40,000 Years Old -- Irina Slav

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    Written Communication May Be 40,000 Years Old

    Written Communication May Be 40,000 Years Old

    It’s common knowledge that the first systematic use of written symbols as a means of communication emerged in Sumer around 3,000 BCE, but now a Canadian researcher is suggesting that as far back as 40,000 years ago our ancestors communicated in writing. Genevieve von Petzinger, an anthropologist from the University of Victoria, studied hundreds of markings from 300 sites in addition to personally visiting and examining 52 caves where ancient humans had lived located in Spain, Portugal, Italy, and France. She then collected these markings in a database and looked for repeated use of the same symbol as well as for patterns of use for the different symbols.
    What she discovered was surprising: there were just 30 symbols that were used repeatedly at these hundreds of sites, and this took place over a period as long as 30,000 years. These repeated uses, however, were not evident in all the caves throughout this period. Commenting on the find, another anthropologist, April Nowell, who teaches at the University of Victoria, told CBC that each of the symbols classified by von Petzinger seems to have gone through its very own “heyday” in one of the regions studied before its use declined. What’s more, Nowell noted, the symbols first started being used in one area, for instance in Spain, and then spread to another, such as France.
    For von Petzinger there is no question that the symbols she studied had been used intentionally, but what surprised her even more than this intentionality was the fact that 65% of them were already in regular use 40,000 years ago. The reason this is so significant is that this was approximately the time when modern humans came to Europe and started displacing the Neanderthals. If humans were already using a large number of symbols for communication at that time, the origins of written communications may have been even earlier. Von Petzinger told CBC, “… it doesn’t look like a beginning, it looks like something that’s already in practice.” The potential implications of this hypothesis, if proven, are major; so far anthropologists have argued that it was only after modern humans moved to Europe that they advanced culturally, developing in a relatively short period what we now consider modern human behaviour. Yet, if it turns out that they had created written communication, which is an instance of abstract thinking, back in Africa, the origins of modern human behaviour would be pushed significantly further back.
    So, how is this communications system different from what we now think of as language? After all, language is a system of symbols used to represent anything from physical realities to abstract ideas. The difference is that these early sets of symbols don’t seem to be as complex as written language, or at least this is what the researchers believe at the moment. Further work needs to be conducted to try and decipher what the messages in those caves meant and whether there were certain fixed rules about their use. If such rules are found, they would bring these symbol sets much closer to the modern concept of language.

    9 COMMENTS

    1. 1

      Bob cosmos

      Considering that written symbols from 100-2000 years old are ndecipherable to most people alive today, it’s difficult to believe symbols could survive across an area the size of Europe for 30 000 years.
      Even today, that the global literacy rate until a short time ago was in the single digits, there are few universal symbols. These primarily arose from technology invented in the 20th century, like the automobile.
      I would like more info price to drawing such conclusions.
      REPLY
      1. 1.1

        pdq

        Consider it less as a written language such as what you and I are using in this exchange and something more akin to universal symbols such as red lights and toilet symbols. Still a written communication, just less given to detailed nuance, more to generalized storytelling and information like the hobo signs of the American 1930’s.
        REPLY
    2. 2

      steve j

      This is not surprising.
      Except for the fact it took so much time for inexperienced moderns to look for it.
      I spend much more time than most people in the woods(several times a week for most of my 60+ years).
      Regularly moving through forests, mountains, and streams brings me, I think, closer to the daily lives of our hunter/gatherer ancestors.
      Leaving signs or symbols as you pass(to remind you when you come back, or pass info to others, or to guide someone else) is really necessary if you cover any distance into new territory.
      Im sure the number of signs which have been preserved(in caves, or on rock) are a small percentage of those that were used.
      When you sit in the dirt, what do you do first?(most of us havent done it since we were kids. Try it sometime. It will tell you more about our prehistoric ancestors than most books)
      Answer: Pick up a stick and scratch things out: prehistoric doodling.
      It isn’t a far leap from that to: “hey, do you remember that little valley where we caught that big elk?” and the too hunan discussion of the best way to get there, and then, on the way, leaving signs so we/relatives/friends/wives can follow/return.
      Pretty soon you have one sign for “good water”, another for “nice fishing hole”, yet another for ” watch your step”.
      We must always remember that these people lived inside their grocery stores, pharmacies, and hardware stores.
      Signs and symbols were their version of the post-it note. Or perhaps the sign that says: “Aisle 6 : fruits and vegtables”
      REPLY
      1. 2.1
    3. 3

      Alan

      Of course, “writing” does not have to consist of images at all. For instance, the traditional trail markings of North American Indians, the “bundle of notched reeds” used by American Indians along the eastern coast of North America, and the quipu – knotted strings – of the Inca. In his book “A New Voyage to Carolina” John Lawson noted that he visited numerous tribes who could consult their bundles of reeds and tell him the same story about past events, even agreeing on the year of events over 80 years prior.
      REPLY
    4. 4

      Ritchie

      I don’t know about you but I can see two cat like profiles facing the left with the larger at the back and the smaller at the front.
      REPLY
      1. 4.1

        Ritchie

        In fact make that three cats facing the left.
        REPLY
    5. 5

      Kurt

      Graham Hancock has done some interesting work in this area. His thesis is based on the fact that many of the cave symbols that are similar are “Therianthropes” i.e- half human/half animal. People in a trance state that can be brought on by dances,meditation,hulucinogens like mushrooms or DMT all report very similar encounters with these types of beings.
      Check out his book Supernatural..very great reading.
      REPLY
    6. 6

      Hans-Dieter von Senff

      The fact that Manetho could write that the ancient Egyptians recorded that Ptha created the world some 24.925 years ago, lends credence to the suggestion that signs were used as memory aids some 40.000 years ago. To me, it makes sense, because an Oral History like the Bible could not survive, without deliberately created signs that reinforced the memory… It is interesting to note, that Maneto gives only one person (Ptha) a lifespan of 700 years, whereas Osiris only lived for just over thirty years, i.e. a normal human lifespan…. For this reason I suggest that Irina Slav is correct in her assessment, that the first signs date back 40.000 years or even to 250.000 years, when a simple vertical stroke could mean I or one.. I suggest to Irina, to have a look at the Middle Egyptian depiction of Isis… Do you note the stair on her head… It is a seat or thone, that represented her in pre historic times, thousands of years ago, even if Isis is not depicted in the text. exactly as the symbol of a fish for Jesus Christ was used by the early Christians… I thank Irina for her research into the development of Language.
      Dr. Hans-Dieter von Senff
    http://www.newhistorian.com/written-communication-may-be-40000-years-old/3851/

    Suit Boot ki Sarkar better than ‘Suitcase’ sarkar -- NaMo. NaMo, restitute kaalaadhan, the nation trusts you.

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    Suit Boot ki Sarkar better than ‘Suitcase’ sarkar, says PM Modi


    Modi says discrimination or violence against any community will not be tolerated, adds every faith in our country has equal rights.


    By: ANI | New Delhi | Updated: May 30, 2015 2:18 pm

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who recently completed one year in office, has, in an exclusive interview with Smita Prakash, Editor, ANI, said the opposition alleging that his government is a “Suit Boot Ki Sarkar” is definitely better and more acceptable than being labelled a “Suitcase” (ki Sarkar), and satirically added, that after ruling for sixty years, the Congress has suddenly remembered the poor.

    Excerpts from the interview are below:

    Congratulations on completion of one year of the government. In a scale of 1-10 what would you grade your government?
    It is for the people of this country to grade and evaluate us. How can I take away their right? I have presented my report card to the country. Recently, media has published the findings of some surveys. You would already have seen them. I can only say that we have laid a solid foundation on which the people can rate us.
    You came in with the promise of “Acche Din.” Have you been able to meet the goals that you set for yourself in the first year of the government?
    Yes. I am fully satisfied with the work that we have done. The most satisfying part of this year is that we have lived up to the promise that our intentions will be pure and our actions will be driven by long-term national interest. Recall the situation one year ago. Massive corruption at various levels of government gave rise to scams on a regular basis. Our precious natural resources were going into the hands of a chosen few. In contrast, there are neither any charges of corruption against my Government nor any scandals. Corruption was seen as the biggest problem. We have given a clean, transparent and efficient government. Burey Dino Ki Vidayee Hui hai. (Bad days are over).  Is this not Acche Din for the country?
    What has been the single big success in the past year?
    The achievements and successes of my government are numerous. However, I know that the success of a government’s journey lies in reaching the last man. Therefore, our efforts were directed towards the poor and marginalized. We have also paid special attention to remote corners of the country. Our objective is to transform quality of life, infrastructure and services. We have worked simultaneously on all fronts which bring a smile on the face of the common man. I can give you some examples. From controlling food prices to enhancing farm productivity; improving Railways to strengthening Roads; generating electricity to its 24×7 availability; building school toilets to setting up IITs, IIMs and AIIMS; building houses for the homeless to upgrading our heritage cities; cleaning surroundings to bridging the digital divide; making world class products to skilling and employment generation; strengthening the banking system to funding the unfunded; ensuring labour welfare to providing social security to common man; rejuvenating rivers to irrigating fields; from enhancing co-operation with states to deepening foreign relations; we have worked at an energetic pace and with innovative spirit.
    Bringing back black money was a major electoral promise, but then your party   president, Amit Shah gave the word ‘jumla’ to it and Arun Shourie criticized the procedures adopted by the finance ministry. How committed is your government in bringing back black money to India?
    My government is fully committed on the issue of black money. We want to crack down severely on tax evasion and black money. I had taken up this issue with world leaders during the G-20 summit. In our very first cabinet meeting, we formed an SIT. Then, we presented a new legislation in Parliament which is very stringent. We want to make it more difficult to evade taxes and siphon money abroad. We are also aggressively pursuing cases against those who have stashed funds illegally in foreign banks. Recently the names of some such persons have been revealed. We are also trying to move towards cashless transactions. We want to make maximum use of ICT in our tax administration.
    At the same time, we want to remove the discretion which causes corruption and generation of black money. Hence, we promulgated ordinances in sectors like coal and mines. It has proved to be a good step. We have generated Rs. 3.30 lakh crore for the country so far through transparent auction of some coal mines. Similar is the case with auction of spectrum. I can say that if your intentions are noble, you are sure to get success and required support.
    Key bills like the Land Acquisition Bill has got stiff opposition from the opposition. They have been able to create doubts about the government’s intention. What do you have to say? 
    Opposition to our Land Bill is totally unjustified and unfortunate. We have not made any changes for private industry. Moreover, if you have money, you don’t need a Land Acquisition Act to accumulate land. Some individuals have done so in Rajasthan, Haryana, Shimla, Delhi etc. Land acquisition becomes necessary for government-driven strategic and development activities, especially in undeveloped areas. This too is done mostly by State Governments. We have made changes only in response to demands of the States. The benefits of these changes will also accrue to the rural poor in terms of irrigation, housing, electrification, as well as better physical and social infrastructure.
    In this country, the Land Acquisition Act was almost 120 years old. The Congress-led Governments used the same Act after independence. Suddenly, before the last Parliamentary elections, the Congress went to another extreme by legislating an Act which is neither in the interest of farmers nor in the interest of the country’s development. Now, they are not even ready to sit and discuss. We believe in dialogue with all political parties. I have personally appealed in Parliament that we are ready to open a dialogue with political parties and consider their suggestions. I hope that the parties will cooperate on issues of larger national importance without getting into political calculations.
    How are you going to convince the farmers of this country that you mean well?
    The proposed Land Acquisition Bill focuses on benefitting the farmer and balancing the long-term interests of the nation. The world is changing fast. Even farmers need canals to irrigate, roads to transfer products from farms to markets. They need hospitals, schools and houses. Farmers want modern amenities in their vicinity and jobs in formal sectors for their sons and daughters. I have always believed that if we want inclusive development, we need amenities. We need to match the development of such amenities with agricultural growth. This is what the Bill strives to do while safeguarding the interests of farmers. Our amendments only aim to do away with the bureaucratic bottlenecks in the 2013 Act. I am sure the farmers of this country will understand where their real welfare lies.
    Agriculture is in distress in the country. To a large extent the problem is endemic and decades of mismanagement have resulted in the present situation but how does your government plan to stem the tide of farmer suicides and farming stress?
    The root causes of the problem find mention in your question itself. This is a very important issue and the government is concerned about it. We have responded to the recent agrarian crisis with alacrity. We have undertaken several reforms. The Union government has enhanced the relief norms for compensation against crop loss by 50%. The limit of minimum crop damage, for grant of compensation, has been reduced from 50% to 33%. Norms have been relaxed to allow procurement of damaged food grains at MSP rates. The target of agricultural credit has been enhanced in our two consecutive budgets.
    But as you said, the problem in agriculture is endemic. Nothing much was done for six long decades. But we have started long-term steps for the farm sector. To address the issue of access to irrigation for every farm, and efficient utilization of water, the Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana (PMKSY) has been started. Blue Revolution which aims to improve production and productivity in the fisheries sector is also an action point.  We have launched the soil health card scheme. The price stabilization fund with a corpus of Rs. 500 crores has also been set up for perishable commodities.  Rashtriya Gokul Mission has been commenced with the objective of conserving and developing indigenous cattle breeds. We have made honest and sincere efforts for rural development. I have recently launched the Kisan Channel for giving timely information to farmers on inputs and markets. In the coming days, I would like to see more focused action on increasing Farm Productivity; Rural Industrialization; Skill Development in rural areas and rural trades, and faster Investments in Rural Infrastructure including cold chain.
    The opposition has termed your government as suit boot ki sarkar. What is your take on this allegation?
    Suit-boot is definitely more acceptable than suitcase. After ruling for sixty years, the Congress has suddenly remembered the poor. People of this country have suffered and remained poor due to shortsighted policies of the Congress. Many countries of the world have surpassed us on all accounts including poverty removal. Congress did incremental work so as to keep the issue relevant for next election. Did the coal and spectrum scandals or the CWG fiasco benefit the poor? Everyone knows who were their beneficiaries – some chosen industrialists and contractors. The result of Congress’s politics and governance of sixty years is that poverty is still our biggest challenge. One-fourth of the families are without shelter. Health, education, water, electricity and roads are even bigger unrealised dreams for a large number of citizens of this country. You should ask them- If you were pro-poor, why does poverty still exist in India?”
    Opposition says that your government is pro-industrialists.
    Those who gave away precious natural resources like coal and spectrum to their favourite industrialists have no right to say this. We are working for the common man of the country.
    • In the very initial months of our Government, we took up the task of providing toilets in all schools. Don’t children of the poor study in these public schools?
    • We implemented the Jan Dhan scheme and opened more than 14 crore bank accounts for financial inclusion. Earlier also, there were banks, as well as people without bank accounts. What did they do all these years?
    • The so called pro-poor have been just repeating that there is leakage in subsidy. We used technology to ensure that LPG subsidy reaches the targeted person directly;
    • We have launched MUDRA Bank for financing 6 crore small vendors and businesses 61% of whom are SCs, STs, OBCs and Minorities;
    • We have launched the Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchai Yojana which the Congress did not think of in sixty years;
    • We have planned to see that by 2022, no family remains without a roof over its head;
    • The Soil Health Card scheme has been launched to enhance farm productivity and reduce expenses, thereby enhancing the farmer’s income;
    • We have come out with a comprehensive social security scheme for the poor and marginalised, old and those with low income levels;
    • Swachh Bharat Mission has been started to see that health and hygiene issues of the poor do not affect the working capacity and output of the poor and labourers;
    • The Indian Railways, on which the common man travels, is being changed for the better
    • We have set up the Skill Development Ministry to enhance employability of the youth to whom we are committed to provide jobs through initiatives like ‘Make in India’. In the past, the country had been led into an economy of jobless growth.
    • We provided for reservation of women in the police forces of Union Territories. This was done even when there were no elections around the corner.
    • Through the regime of coal auction that we have put in place, more than Rs. three lakh crore have already been generated for the less-developed states of India. This money will be used for the poor of those states.
    These are just a few examples. Why were these things not done in the past sixty years. Who prevented them? Their worry is not that we are not pro-poor. Their worry is that they are being exposed as not being pro-poor. People are asking them: “If Modi Government can think and do this in six to nine months, why could you not think and do it in sixty years.”
    You have travelled to 17 countries in 12 months…something that nobody expected you to do as you were seen as a novice on foreign policy matters. But you seem to enjoy running the country’s foreign policy. Any comments?
    Foreign engagements are international obligations on the part of the Prime Minister. All Prime Ministers have to do this. Moreover, this is an integrated world. We have to attend international, multilateral and bilateral summits, and build ties with our neighbours and other nations. Our foreign policy is mature and there is a full-fledged mechanism to pursue it. I have only added an element of dynamism to it. We have strived to strongly further our economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region. We have endeavoured to nurture new economic partnerships and tap reserves of energy, minerals, technology and finance from major economies.
    In real terms, do you see that the Chinese will actually deliver on the financial pledge they have done, that the US will open up its markets for India, that Pakistan will give up its anti-India agenda? That our smaller neighbours will stop seeing us as a bully?
    Yes, I am sure that the commitments and agreements will be implemented. We have received a commitment from the Government of Japan for facilitating public and private funding of 3.5 trillion Yen – or approximately 35 billion U.S. dollars – over the next five years; there are agreements with China on two industrial parks and intended investments of 20 billion U.S. dollars; there are investment plans of about 42 billion U.S. dollars from U.S. companies over the next five years. Russia has proposed to manufacture helicopters in India. With Australia and Canada, we have signed civil nuclear cooperation agreements, and other agreements to strengthen our energy security. With the United States, we have moved forward in implementation of the civil nuclear agreement and signed a significant partnership agreement to use renewable energy for rapidly expanding rural access to energy. There has been good response from financial institutions, including pension funds from Korea, Canada, Australia and the US. There is a strong support in all major economies for our “Make in India” programme.
    In the neighbourhood, there has been forward movement on the 5600 MW Pancheshwar project in Nepal, that was stuck for the last 25 years. Similarly, with Bangladesh we have settled the land boundary issue. We are working with a spirit of mutual benefit. There is no question of bullying anyone. Our recent help to Nepal during the natural calamity shows that our approach is brotherly. With Pakistan too, we will pursue our long-standing approach. We will continue our efforts to advance cooperation and connectivity, without compromising our national security.
    If we were to return to domestic issues, you have come for criticism from many for not being able to reign in vitriolic elements in your party who have made disparaging remarks against minorities. What do you say? 
    Our Constitution guarantees religious freedom to every citizen and that is not negotiable. The tradition of welcoming, respecting and honouring all faiths is as old as India itself. As Swami Vivekananda said: We believe not only in universal toleration, but we accept all religions as true. This principle of equal respect and treatment for all faiths has been a part of India’s ethos for thousands of years. And that is how it became integral to the Constitution of India. Our Constitution did not evolve in a vacuum. It has roots in the ancient cultural traditions of India. I expect that everyone will understand and respect this.
    Why do some elements in your party feel emboldened to say awful things even though they ought to know that a Prime Minister of India cannot really support bigots in his cabinet?
    I have said this before and I say it again: any discrimination or violence against any community will not be tolerated. My position on this is very clear: Sab ka saath, sab ka vikas. We stand for each of the 1.25 billion Indians regardless of caste or creed and we will work for the progress of each of them. Every faith in our country has equal rights; it is equal not only before the law but also before society.
    First Published on: May 30, 2015 2:13 pm
    http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/suit-boot-ki-sarkar-better-than-suitcase-sarkar-says-pm-modi/

    Kaalaadhan? New Income Tax Return Forms to restitute kaalaadhan. Good hunting, Arun Jaitley.

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    Press Information Bureau
    Government of India
    Ministry of Finance
    31-May-2015 13:53 IST
    Income Tax Return Forms ITR 1, 2 and 4S Simplified for Convenience of the Tax Payers; 

    A New Form ITR 2A Proposed which can be Filed by an Individual or HUF who does not have Capital Gains, Income from Business/Profession or Foreign Asset/Foreign Income; In Form ITR 2 and the New Form ITR 2A, the Main Form will not Contain more than 3 Pages, and other Information will be Captured in the Schedules which will be Required to be filled only if applicable;
    As the Software for these Forms is under Preparation, they are likely to be available for e-filing by 3rd week of june 2015;Time Limit for Filing these Returns is also Proposed to be Extended up to 31.08.2015;
    Only  Passport Number, if available, would be required to be given in forms Itr-2 and itr-2A. Details of Foreign Trips or Expenditure thereon are not required to be Furnished


    Forms ITR 1, 2 and 4S for Assessment Year 2015-16 were notified on 15th April 2015 (15.04.2015). In view of various representations, it was announced that these ITR forms will be reviewed. Having considered the responses received from various stakeholders, these forms are proposed to be simplified in the following manner for the convenience of the taxpayers:-
    1)                                 Individuals having exempt income without any ceiling (other than agricultural income exceeding Rs. 5,000) can now file Form ITR 1 (Sahaj). Similar simplification is also proposed for individuals/HUF in respect of Form ITR 4S (Sugam).
    2)                                 At present individuals/HUFs having income from more than one house property and capital gains are required to file Form ITR-2. It is, however, noticed that majority of individuals/HUFs who file Form ITR-2 do not have capital gains. With a view to provide for a simplified form for these individuals/HUFs, a new Form ITR 2A is proposed which can be filed by an individual or HUF who does not have capital gains, income from business/profession or foreign asset/foreign income.
    3)                                 In lieu of foreign travel details, it is now proposed that only Passport Number, if available, would be required to be given in Forms ITR-2 and ITR-2A. Details of foreign trips or expenditure thereon are not required to be furnished.
    4)                                 As regards bank account details in all these forms, only the IFS code, account number of all the current/savings account which are held at any time during the previous year will be required to be filled-up. The balance in accounts will not be required to be furnished. Details of dormant accounts which are not operational during the last three years are not required to be furnished.
    5)                                 An individual who is not an Indian citizen and is in India on a business, employment or student visa (expatriate), would not mandatorily be required to report the foreign assets acquired by him during the previous years in which he was non-resident if no income is derived from such assets during the relevant previous year.
    6)                                 As a measure of simplification, it has been endeavoured to ensure that in Form ITR 2 and the new Form ITR 2A, the main form will not contain more than 3 pages, and other information will be captured in the Schedules which will be required to be filled only if applicable.
    As the software for these forms is under preparation, they are likely to be available for e-filing by 3rd week of June 2015. Accordingly, the time limit for filing these returns is also proposed to be extended up to 31st August, 2015 (31.08.2015). A separate notification will be issued in this regard.

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