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A homage to Hindu civilization.

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  • 05/06/18--06:30: A culture of emancipation

  • A Culture Of Discrimination Or A Culture Of Emancipation? A Critical Look At Romila Thapar’s Latest Book 

    The celebrated Adi Shankara
    • Hindu literature bears witness to strong voices for social emancipation through spiritual oneness.
      Placing the blame squarely on Hinduism for social exclusion is simply part of the exercise to stereotype the religion by vested interests.
    The chapter titled, 'The Culture of Discrimination' in Dr Romila Thapar’s latest book, Indian Cultures as Heritage: Contemporary Pasts (Aleph, 2018), is a strong proof of an ‘academic’ sleight of hand that Marxists exhibit for denigrating Indian culture. The entire book has no insights, new or even old, and it is only a recycling of the propaganda stereotypes generated by the colonial and the Marxist scholarship.
    Her Claims
    Let us look into the specific claims she makes depicting the so-called ‘Brahminical’ Hindu culture as 'the culture of discrimination' and see what quantum of corresponding factors she has to hide to make such a stereotyped depiction. From the beginning there is a conspiratorial air to her approach, which she says is the study of the “form of discrimination that differentiated Indian society from others, namely the carefully worked out theory of varna-ashrama-dharma that was thought necessary to the idea of the Savarna society, followed by the creation of the category that was to be kept outside the Avarna.”
    Thapar says that the “notions of the ritual purity of the Brahmana go back to the Brahmana as the Vedic ritual specialist.” Then she makes the claim that though, “Vedic Brahmanism had been less prominent with the rise of Puranic Hinduism, ... there was a revival of Vedic rituals, legitimizing rulers in the multiple kingdoms that emerged in the post-Gupta period.”
    According to Prof Thapar, with this revival the discriminatory “assertion of Vedic Brahmanism ... initially limited to a small elite, ... grew both in numbers and in claims to extraordinary status.”
    What is that extraordinary status?
    The exclusion of the Avarna took the form of arguing that some communities were Asprishya, a term that came into use at this time. This dates to the early to mid centuries of the first millennium AD.
    She wants to “try and trace the evolution of what might have gone into the making of this idea"because she claims "social historians have not as yet focused on studying the Avarna in early Indian society”. So she suggests a methodology:
    The ghettoized communities were not educated, so they have left no written records. They have to be studied by combing through the records of literate groups. If exclusion and discrimination is specifically explained and juxtaposed with whatever descriptions we have, then it might be possible to retrieve some idea of the functioning and values of this ghettoized Avarna society.
    Now she gives a “possible reason”. What she actually makes are a few speculative questions which are more rhetorical than scholarly:
    ... could be that the requirement of legitimizing rulers in the multiple kingdoms that emerged in the post-Gupta period, may have revived to some extent, the ritual role of the Brahmana, required to perform rites of legitimation for the new royalty. Did this revival reinvigorate the theory of the maximum purity of the Brahmana, at least among the Brahmanas? Did this then require as a counterweight, the more extreme identity of the Asprishya?
    While she continuously paints the Brahminical literature as discriminatory she is soft on Buddhist literature and, in fact, sets it as more egalitarian:
    The Buddha had a far more humane and rational view and is reported to have said that one becomes a Chandala by one’s actions and by evil thoughts and not by birth. Buddhist narratives such as the Jataka however do reflect discrimination against Chandalas. There is also a linguistic barrier since mention is made of a Chandala-bhasha or language specific to the Chandalas and different from the generally spoken one.
    Then she narrates in detail the encounter between a Chandala and Viswamitra to buttress her claim:
    Manu speaks of their descent from a mixed marriage between a Shudra father and a Brahmana mother — the worst form of hypogamy. It reads as if it was also intended as a putting down of women, in keeping with much else in Manu. It was said that the Chandala receives leftover food, wears clothes taken off corpses, and can only have iron ornaments. Only in dire hunger should food be accepted from a Chandala. This is precisely the discussion in a late chapter of the Mahabharata, which had an angular relationship with the Dharmashastras. In this episode the Sage Vishvamitra has a discussion with a Chandala during a severe famine, on the kind of meat permitted to a Brahmana, and whether it is legitimate to eat what is forbidden simply to keep the body alive. Although the Chandala tries to dissuade the sage from breaking the taboo (which Vishvamitra is about to do to assuage his hunger) he does not succeed. It is interesting that the Chandala seems to know so much about the Brahmanadharma and one wonders if this is meant as a sarcastic comment.
    Though she mentions Buddhist texts categorising even forest dwellers with the excluded communities, she does not elaborate on them much. Then she presents three features in the social exclusion phenomenon in India which she presents as the its salient features:
    There were at least three pointed features of this definition of Otherness that differentiated the Asprishya from all the other categories of excluded groups. ... A second feature was the constant underlining of their being permanently impure and polluted, since they had to handle what was regarded as polluting objects as viewed from the Brahmanical perspective.... The third feature is that the pollution is permanent.
    She claims that this social structure is peculiar to India.
    To declare such people to be physically so impure that they could not be touched, and not only them individually, but their entire community and its descendants, is a belief and practice that inheres to Indian society alone.
    Even “religions that maintained the equality of all in the eyes of God” had to compromise in India and accommodate discrimination and exclusion, she claims. Now she pretends to be objective and asks the question if there were factors other than religion that were involved in this concept of untouchability:
    Islam and Christianity did not introduce it for West Asia and Europe. It has been asked whether it is rooted in religion or more so in socio-economic requirements, although it is sought to be legitimized by resort to religion.
    Then she proceeds to answer in which the blame is put squarely on the so-called “Brahminical Hinduism" and opposing this she fabricates an other side with an assortment of elements. She presents this as the alternative voice from the supposedly marginalised or suppressed sections of ancient India:
    The Brahmanical mode of Hinduism was the prime legitimizer of caste society and untouchability as is evident in the disjuncture between Savarna and Avarna society. As has been rightly said religion can be the resistance of the oppressed but it can equally be the oppression by the elite. It would seem that on the issue of untouchability social ethics were marginalized by religions in India. ... We should know more of the ideas of the Charvakas, Buddhists and Shramanic teachers, and some such as Chokhamela and Ravidas as well as some Sufi teachers on the society they lived in. The Charvakas are dismissed because they questioned religion and with the others their social concerns are rarely discussed except in a general way. The Dharmashastra literature is concerned with the well being of only a small part of society.
    The Real Hinduism: A Culture Of Emancipation
    Now let us look into each and every aspect of this essay and see how much of historical and cultural data are not intentionally taken into account to create the above stereotype.
    ‘No’ To Harappa And ‘Yes’ To ‘Anasa’
    Scholars point out that even during the Harappan period there existed a social stratification. What Harappan schloar Iravatham Mahadevan proposes from the Harappan seal signs, is very similar to the Varnasystem. We simply do not know for sure but it is difficult to dismiss this similarity as coincidental. Mahadevan who holds that the Harappan civilisation is Dravidian in language but Vedic in culture, states that the signs show the different occupational communities like ‘priests’, ‘warrior class’, ‘servants’ etc. He connects a terminal sign (jar) in the Harappan script "to priestly ritual in Indian tradition." He also points out that Kunda as “both jar and the fire pit” and "there are communities which claim to have arisen from the jar, and other from the fire pit”. So he connects the later caste origin legends as having a connection here.
    A Varna image: American Institute of Vedic Studies : Mahadevan’s Indus Script dictionary from Harappa.comA Varna image: American Institute of Vedic Studies : Mahadevan’s Indus Script dictionary from
    Curiously, Thapar does not even discuss this aspect, even though it is very much actually pertinent to the question of social exclusion. Curiouser, she chooses to rekindle a settled debate - the misinterpretation of Max Muller with respect to the term ‘Anasa’. She writes: “Some physical differences are mentioned but they are the subject of scholarly debate. Does ‘anas’ mean ‘without a nose’ i.e., snub-nosed, or does it mean ‘without a mouth,’ i.e., speaking another language.”
    Speaking of ‘physical differences’ and then surreptitiously referring to ‘anasa’ question is an excellent example of how in almost every sentence the Marxist historian indulges in planting negative thoughts about Indian culture while pretending to be objective. Dr B R Ambedkar who had his own justifiable prejudices against Hinduism in his scholarly work, ‘Who were the Shudras’ clearly settles the debate as early as 1946 and since then many scholars have emphatically rejected the ‘physical’ association of the term made by Max Muller. Dr Ambedkar writes:
    The term Anasa occurs in Rig Veda V.29.10. What does the word mean? There are two interpretations. ... Sayanacharyareads it as an-asa while Prof Max Muller reads it as a-nasa. As read by Prof. Max Muller, it means ‘without nose.’ Question is : which of the two readings is the correct one? There is no reason to hold that Sayana’s reading is wrong. On the other hand there is everything to suggest that it is right. In the first place, it does not make non-sense of the word. Secondly, as there is no other place where the Dasyusare described as noseless, there is no reason why the word should be read in such a manner as to give it an altogether new sense. It is only fair to read it as a synonym of Mridhravak. There is therefore no evidence in support of the conclusion that the Dasyus belonged to a different race
    Dr Ambedkar analysed  the interpretation Prof Max Muller gave for the term ‘anasa’ and rejected it.Dr Ambedkar analysed  the interpretation Prof Max Muller gave for the term ‘anasa’ and rejected it.
    After five decades of Dr Ambedkar writing this, Prof Thomas Trautmann an anthropologist from the University of Michigan, wrote elaborately about how the entire misreading of Vedas happened.
    This first effort to find direct evidence of the physical features of the Indian aborigines in the Sanskrit text dating from the time of the Big Bang that brought Indian civilization into existence boiled down to a matter of noses. Max Muller himself later abandoned his own interpretation of the word sipra, so that the evidence as to noses was reduced to a single words (anasa) in a single passage ... In the Vedic index the difference between the new interpretive frame of the Orientalists and those that preceded is ... (When) Sayana wishes to explain a reference ... he does so not by reference to racial difference between aborigines and invading Aryans but by assimilating it to the view of the past that is familiar to him, the world of Puranic mythology. ... For the Orientalists, by contrast, the first interpretive move is not to assimilate the words of a difficult archaic text to a familiar mythological world but rather to remove what can be constructed as fact from the realm of mythology, to rescue history from myth; indeed the ‘facts’ are constructed by that act, as at the same time the mythological residue is drained of factuality. The Vedictext does not always cooperate, because Dasa and Dasyus are often described in superhuman form; whence discussion of the question must at the outset address the question of which passages if any may be taken to refer to human beings and to constitute ethnological facts.
    Thomas R Trautmann, Aryans And British India, University Of California Press, 1997
    Quoting of this rather long passage of caution by Prof Trautmann, becomes necessary because Prof Thapar also indulges in the same fallacy in her essay, “discussing the opposed duality of the more frequently mentioned aspects of the exclusion, such as the Arya-Dasa varnas, the Arya-Mlecchas differences”.
    The compulsive obsession to somehow relate the social exclusion with the literary Arya-Dasa binary and suggest on the sly that the obvious misinterpretation about a supposed physical feature as unsettled, needs to be contrasted with her silence on the possible continual evolution of social stratification from the Harappan period. The obsession and the silence have an ideological vested interest - the singular motive of stereotyping Hinduism. It is this ideological vested interest that has made the social science institutions in India prisoners to a ‘hate-India’ ideology.
    Four-Fold Varna System: Divine Sanction?
    Romila Thapar also speaks how divine sanction was given by 'Brahminical literature’ to four-fold Varna system. She states:
    The attribution of divine creation to these categories gave the highest sanction to a scheme that was put together by a society of humans. Interestingly, the four varnas emerge from the human body. Essentially a Brahminical theory, it is formulated as the varna-ashrama-dharma in the Dharmautras and Dharmashastras. It is reiterated in the Bhagavad Gita, but here it is stated Krishna claims to have created the four varnas. The origin of the theory therefore varies but is of divine origin.
    Romila Thapar herself mentions in the passing that the famous Purusha Sukta hymn in Rig Veda which presents an organic view of the four-fold society does not have the term Varna. Yet she calls the human-orgasmic view of society as 'Brahminical'. Panditar Iyothidasar (1845-1914), a virulently anti-Brahmin Buddhist scholar from Madras province, interpreted the Purusha Sukta as more Buddhist than Brahminical. He gives an interpretation to this view by simply replacing the Purusha or Brahman with Buddha. But he retains the scheme including the Shudrascoming from the feet of Buddha. A believer in Aryan invasion theory, Panditar explains that this original Buddhist system of four-fold organic varna was corrupted by Aryans. But the point to be noted is that he did not see the varnas as parts of a divine body itself as 'Brahminical'.
    On the other hand, Prof Arvind Sharma points out how the creation of varnas in Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (Br.Up) provides some important insights. Prof Sharma points out that the account in the Upanishad “almost contemporaneous although not quite" whose antiquity "virtually matches that of the Rig Veda account is historically a significant fact in itself" though he thinks it “may not have been as influential as the one found in Rig Veda”. However, as we will, this account has more relevance to the question of what social values Indic spirituality sanctions.
    The Br.Up explains the process in the verses from I.4. from 11 to 15. Here initially there were only Brahmins and desiring more completion creates the Kshatriyas and then again being not completed the Vaishyas and still not being fully completed the Shudras are created. Then crucially: “He was not yet developed. He created still further better form - Dharma. ... Therefore there is nothing higher than the Dharma. So a weak man controls a strong man by Dharma, just as if by a king.” The account ends saying that “therefore people desire a place among Gods in Agni and among men in Brahman, for by these two forms (per-eminently) Brahma appeared." The account makes it clear that through dharma the power structures are not fortified but rather challenged, that a common man without any power should be able to challenge and yet stand protected by dharma “like a king".
    The Upanishadic account would have a clear impact on further view of varna system in both Mahabharata and later Smritis. Prof Sharma explains:
    All the varnas ultimately emerge from and can be traced back to the first - the Brahmana. Whereas in the Purushasukta all the four Varnas emerged from the same Purusha, here the four Varnas are created in succession and why are they created? Because ‘he was not yet developed’ or ‘did not flourish’. No reason is assigned for the creation of the four varnas in Purushasukta but in this Upanishadicaccount a reason is given; what was a natural phenomenon in the Rig Veda has become a rational phenomenon in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. ... This implies that if the system fails to deliver the goods then it can be abandoned for Manu (IV.176) states clearly that.
    ‘Brihadaranyaka Upanishad And Modernity’, 1997
    Bhagavad Gita And The Psychology Of Social Exclusion
    So when Sri Krishna speaks of him creating the four-fold varna system one needs to see what approach he is actually taking. Already in Mahabharata the Upanishadic view is further developed into an evolutionary view. So in Mahabharata itself we find:
    There is no differences of castes: this world, having been at first created by Brahman entirely of Brahmins became afterwards separated into castes in consequence of works. ... Being separated from each other by these works, the Brahmins became divided into different castes. Duty and rites of sacrifice have not always been forbidden to any of them.
    (Trans.Muir:quoted By Prof. Sharma)
    So in Bhagavad Gita when Sri Krishna speaks of the four varna creation it is more likely that he adheres to this Upanishadic approach. Perhaps, that may be the reason why the Viswarupa does not incorporate in it the Purusha-Sukta form of the society. The shift from community or clan to swabhava and swadharma (individual nature and individual dharma) as well as the emphasis on 'Guna-Karma' rather than 'Kula-Janma' are further indicators. So contrary to the claim of Prof Thapar, Bhagavad Gita and 'Brahminical literature' make the system more accountable, flexible and allows it to be subjected to questioning than provide a stamp of divine sanction.
    But there are verses even more crucial and relevant to the phenomenon of social exclusion in Bhagavat Gita.
    One of the important aspects of social exclusion is the fear for the body based ritual pollution. The basis of which is the hatred or aversion towards the body of the other person. The aversion towards the physical bodies of others comes from a deep-seated aversion to their own bodies. Whatever the reasons given in terms of ritualism, ultimately at the basis is the psychology of power and hatred. Bhagavad Gita seems to have anticipated this diagnosis and cautions towards this aversion.
    In diagnosing the causes for and providing a cure for our social ills including untouchability the cowherd from Brindavan seems to be more knowledgable, more holistic and more effective than the JNU varities we have, who are animated only by their hatred for Hinduism.In diagnosing the causes for and providing a cure for our social ills including untouchability the cowherd from Brindavan seems to be more knowledgable, more holistic and more effective than the JNU varities we have, who are animated only by their hatred for Hinduism.
    In the discussion of demonic and divine qualities (chapter-16) Krishna speaks of those who consider themselves high-born as demonic (verse-15). Then verse 18 makes an important statement: that because of their egoism, power, pride, lust, vengeful nature, such demonic peopele hate the divine in the bodies of others and in their own bodies.
    So one who considers oneself higher, for the reasons of (local history based) vengefulness, (political socio-economic) power, lust (for resources etc.), (clan or self) pride etc. develops the notion of body based hatred for others but in the process hates the divine in oneself and the others. Perhaps, a better diagnosis of the way social exclusion behaves in India could not have been given. As we will see in the encounters with Chandalas, one can see that this principle becomes important wherever Krishna plays a role. Again mining only for negative stereotyping 'Brahminical Hinduism', Romila Thapar never bothers about these aspects.
    Vedic Values: For Social Stagnation Or Social Emancipation?
    In the Vedic society, there definitely were forces which supported and nurtured social stratification and stagnation. At the same time, inside the Vedic literature we find strong voices for social emancipation through spiritual oneness. However, Romila Thapar chooses to ignore or at best reduce to a bare minimum the importance of such voices. She mentions about an “exceptional category called the Dasiputra Brahmanas, almost an oxymoron” and in the context narrated briefly the episode of Kavasha thus:
    A much-respected Brahmana Kavasha Ailusha, the son of the Dasi, Ilusha, is said to be a purohita. They tend to take their mother’s name which was perhaps an assertion of their Dasa identity. Kavasha tried to join the sacrificial ritual but the Brahmanas drove him away to the desert because of his Dasi birth. There he recited a hymn to the waters and the Sarasvati River came and enveloped him. So the Brahmanas conceded that he was known to the gods, took him back and acknowledged that he was the best among them. Equally revered was Kakshivant Aushija, the son of the Dasi Ushija.
    She also mentions Jabala. But what she does not discuss is what the Vedic religion shows through the episode. Note that all she sees in this episode is an ethnic angle by stating that the rishis tending "to take their mother’s name which was perhaps an assertion of their Dasa identity”. Does not the episode contain in it a statement against social exclusion and birth based discrimination? The episode is described in Aitreya Brahmana. The assembled ritualists hurl epithets at Kavasha Ailusha as “dasyah putrah kitavo abrahmanah” (son of a servant maid, gambler and a non-Brahmin).
    This shows a general stereotype, which persists in most people that those who come from the marginalised sections of the society are people of low moral and ethical values and that they are hence cannot be considered sacred. Thrown out into the desert by the ritualists who insist on social exclusion, the seer Kavasha becomes a Vedic visionary and bursts forth with the hymns the Aponaptriya ('Child of the Waters') hymns of the Rig Veda (RV 10:30). (In another similar situation narrated in Pancavimsa-Brahmana, Vatsa who was called Shudra-putra and a non-Brahmin, also proved himself to be Vedic seer and mantra-drishta.) Strangely, in an earlier essay in the same book. Prof Thapar comes to a strange conclusion from the very same episodes that “what mattered was the caste of the father therefore the mother could well be a Dasi”.
    Note how from being called a Dasi putra the rishi takes the discourse to him being the child of waters - the emphasis on common humanity. Note that nowhere there is any mention of the caste of his father. The emphasis is on birth-based exclusion of a seer by ritualists getting condemned and the humiliated seer getting divinely honoured. We will see this as a pattern throughout Hindu literature: a person of so-called low origin being ill-treated by the orthodoxy or the ritualists and then the divine siding with the humiliated and punishing the ritualists. While social stagnation is a natural degeneration that happens in any society all the time the social emancipation is provided by the spiritual voices in Hindu discourse and it has a Vedic origin.
    Emphasising this aspect would have made the negative stereotyping of the ‘Brahminical Hinduism’ very difficult. Hence Prof Thapar not only minimises the importance of these events but also tries to shift the emphasis.
    Encounters With The Chandalas:
    Dr Romila Thapar takes a great interest in the conversation between Viswamitra and a Chandala , which is narrated as an anecdote by Bhishma in Mahabharata. Here the Chandala tries to stop Viswamitra from eating dog meat but Viswamitra is insistent. The context is stated as a 12-year long famine. A similar incident of a Chandala helping Viswamitra and his family tide over a famine set in a richer socio-political context in Harivamsa as well as puranas like Vishnu Purana . This provides even a better understanding of social exclusion and where dharma stands. Again Prof Thapar mysteriously avoids such a discussion.
    Let us, however, take a look at the way literary episodes of encounters with Chandalas are constructed in 'Brahminical' Hindu texts and see for ourselves what values and attitudes they suggest.
    Chandala and Viswamitra
    The Chandala was none other than ‘Satyavrata’ who received the name of Trisanku and was degraded to the state of a Chandala or outcast because of his conflict with the Vasishta clan. The father of Satyavrata exiles the prince because he had abducted someone’s wife. The prince argued that as the seven steps ritual was not complete for the girl, he technically did not abduct a married woman but on the advice of Vasishta, he was exiled to the community of ‘dog eaters’. In many narratives, he became a Chandala. The exile of the prince was followed by a famine for 12 years. The Chandala used to suspend flesh upon a fig-tree on the banks of the Ganges for the wife and children of Viswamitra. “He did not give it with his own hands for he might not accept the present of a Chandala”, the Vishnu Purana informs us. During the course of this time he also killed a cow which belonged to Vasishta and he ate it and also fed it to the family of Viswamitra. Because of this he was cursed again by Vasishta and hence called Trishanku (a man who committed three sins). However, when Viswamitra found that Trishanku helped his family tide over famine, he was happy. So in turn he reinstated Trishanku with the needed rituals.
    He also made him enter the celestial world with the mortal body. Again his son would be Harishchandra. Incidentally, he would also do the work of a crematorium keeper - a work today associated with scheduled communities. Both the Chandala and the crematorium keeper were forefathers of Rama.
    Chandala and Uttanka
    Interestingly, an inverse of Viswamitra episode is also given in MahabharataUttanka a Brahmin sage obtains a boon from Krishna that he should get water whenever he became thirsty. Once in a deserted, feeling thirsty, he wanted water and there appeared at once a Chandalawith his dogs and offered the water he carried. The Brahmin seer of course rejected the water with contempt. Then the Chandala disappeared. Krishna explained that Indra was ready to give Uttanka the nectar of immortality provided the seer could rise above the social discrimination and see the universal oneness.
    Chandala and Rantideva
    The story of Rantideva is told in Bhagavatam and is very famous throughout India. The king Rantideva having sacrificed everything when about to eat his meal was interrupted by a steady stream of people seeking alms. It started with a Brahmin and ended with a Chandala who asked for even the leftovers. The erstwhile king happily gave away what was left to the Chandala, he himself going hungry. Even as he tried to quench his thirst, the Chandala again asked for that water too. And the king happily offered that water to the Chandala. And this won him the ultimate liberation.
    Chandala and Adi Sankaracharya
    In this celebrated account the 7th century acharya of Advaita, who is highly revered throughout India, through all centuries since, the greatest attack ever was made on social exclusion. In a dramatic setting, the Chandalaand the monk, both outside the varna system, meet.
    As the celebrated monk asks the Chandala to move away, the latter sharply exposes the hollowness of the concept of purity and pollution in the light of Advaita. If it is the body that pollutes then both the bodies are made of same physical elements and it is nonsensical to ask one physical body to move from the other. If one is talking about the atman as Advaitaholds all as one, how can one atman move from the other? Shankara bursts into a poem saluting the wisdom and says that anyone who possesses this wisdom whether he is considered a twice born or Chandalaby the society, Sankara accepts him as his Guru. To this day Maneesha Panchakam is a celebrated Advaitic text and artists love to depict the scene of Sankara touching the feet of the Chandala.
    Had Dr Thapar taken all these narrations of Chandala encounters in the so-called ‘Brahminical’ Hindu texts and seen them together she would have found that the Hindu religion has always raised a spiritual voice against the social stagnation.
    What About The Buddhist And Jain Sources?
    In her shallow construction of ‘Brahminical’ Hinduism as the definite formulator of social exclusion, naturally the Indic so-called non-Vedic systems like Buddhism and Jainism through Shramanic traditions are deemed the alternative. To achieve this again she does a lot of hiding of facts. Note her words in the passage below:
    The Buddha had a far more humane and rational view and is reported to have said that one becomes a Chandala by one’s actions and by evil thoughts and not by birth. Buddhist narratives such as the Jataka however do reflect discrimination against Chandalas. ... By the mid-first millennium AD the exclusion of the Chandala and others that formed the lowest jatis was well established. Buddhist texts state that other communities generally listed as excluded tended to be Adivasis — such as NishadasPukkasas, or in low occupations such as Venas and Rathakaras.
    Note the wordings. Note the sentence formation. Buddha himself is ‘far more humane and rational’ and Buddhist text merely ‘reflect’ social conditions. They only ‘state’ that communities listed as excluded tended to be Adivasis. So they are absolved of any role in the creation of untouchability. However, an examination of Buddhist texts tell a different story. Lalitavistara a layered Buddhist text from second century BCE to 4th century CE has this to say about the choice of caste for the birth of Bodhisattva:
    Bodhisattvas are not born in a low family, such as that of a Chandala or of a basket-maker, or of a chariot-maker, or of a Pukkasa (one born of a Nishadha by a Sudra female). It follows that they are born in one of two families, either in that of a Brahmana or that of a Kshatriya.
    While Romila Thapar quotes Fa Hian's account of Chandalas she shifts the focus to the Gupta rule and suggests that the Gupta rule and the alleged resurgence of the so-called 'Brahimical' religion during that time was responsible for untouchability:
    ...when Faxian visits in the fourth century AD, he describes how untouchables have to strike a clapper on entering the town, to indicate their presence so that the others can move away. This is in the so-called ‘golden age’ of the Guptas that the presence of the untouchable is heavily marked and emphatically defined.
    But the problem here is that Faxian (Fa-Hian) writes he observed this phenomenon in Mathura, which was then according to him dominantly Buddhist (a city with 20 monasteries, having in all of them around 3,000 monks and the city also contained six stupas or holy relic structures). Romila Thapar intentionally omits the most important clue that Faxian/Fa-Hian provides: “Only the Chandalas are fishermen and hunters, and sell flesh meat.” This approving statement by a Buddhist monk associating Chandalas with trades considered defiled by the Buddhist religion shows the definitive influence of Buddhist theology in the proliferation of untouchability. After all, even during the Gupta period not all Gupta kings were ‘Brahminical’. Most were eclectic and there were important kings like Kumara Gupta who had strong Buddhist affinity. Further, the grouping that Faxian uses is very similar to the grouping used in many Buddhist texts to describe those with bad karmic descent. For example, Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra of first century BCE which was translated into Chinese as early as second century CE, has this to say about the birth of Bodhisattva:
    Bodhisattva who trains thus is not reborn in the hells, nor among animals, nor in the realms of the Pretas nor among the Asuras, nor in outlying districts (among barbarous populations), nor in the families of outcasts or fowlers, of huntersfishermen or butchers, nor in other low-classes families of that kind, in which one is addicted to low deeds.
    The occupational groups involved in meat get defined defiled not just by their deeds but also by their birth-caste (HinajatikeskuHina- karmeshu) in these sutras. This is not limited to Buddhist texts. Jain texts also speak of the same:
    According to Jain text, the Candalas are of three types, the Jati Jungita, Karma Jungita and Sarira Jungita. The hunters, painters, fishermen, tailors and acrobats are Jati Jungitas, by birth; those who rear birds and animals, acrobats and the barters are Karma Jungitas, by conduct; the dumb, the crippled, the hunch-back, the dwarfs and the one- eyed are Sarira Jungitas,
    Social Heritage Of The Tamils: Proceedings Of The National Seminar On The Social Heritage Of The Tamils, 1991, P.31
    So in the so-called ‘Brahminical’ texts as well as in the Buddhist and Jain texts one can see the different factors which contributed to the proliferation and institutionalisation of social exclusion. The moralistic rigidity and emphasis on non-violence by the Buddhist and Jain religions provided a substantial contribution to the concept of defiled trades and as trades were often carried out in pre-modern societies through hereditary communities it led to birth based social-exclusion.
    Counter to the present propaganda it was the revival of the so-called Brahminical Hinduism which led to the emancipation of many such occupational communities to escape the tyranny of untouchability imposed on them by theologies of Buddhism and Jainism.
    Vedic Revival Combats Untouchability
    As with Buddhism and Jainism, certain trades and hence communities became defiled, the revival movement of Vedic religious streams namely Saivism and Vaishnavism emphasised strongly the sacred nature of all trades and divinity present in all communities. It should be noted that this revival emerged in concrete conceptual and devotional form from the South. Both Sankara who emphasised the oneness of all existence and then Sri Ramanuja who propagated Vedantic humanism came from South India. Similarly, both Azhwars and Nayanmars had composed hymns which strongly negated the Buddhist-Jain condemnation of many occupations and communities as defiled.
    The Panars or the bards who had a good social standing before the ascent of Buddhism and Jainism had become defiled professions and were considered untouchables during the seventh century in South India. In both Saivaite and Vaishnavaite revival, we see Thiru Neelakanda Yaazpannar and Thirupaan Azhwar getting venerated and their idols installed inside the temple. Thiru Gnana Samabandarone of the principal most Nayanmar had Thiru Neelakanda Yaazhpaanar and his wife sleep in the house of a Brahmin where the Brahmin kept his household sacrificial fire. Thiru Gnana Sambandar is also credited with reviving a fishing town in the eastern coast of Tamil Nadu, which was previously deserted presumably because of the anti-fishermen non-violent stand of the Jain-Buddhist influence. This is corroborated by the ‘Amba song’ or the community song sung by the fisher folk of the area during fishing where they hail the victory of Sambandar over Jains.
    The story of Dharmavyadha the butcher giving wisdom to the Brahmin ascetic, placed inside the Mahabharata text, may be a direct conceptual attack on the idea of social exclusion imposed on occupational communities like the butchers.
    Sri Vaishanvism proclaimed that anyone insulting a fellow Vaishnavaite would be at the very instance excommunicated. Then it defined the term 'insulting' as 'mere inquiry of the Jaathi of a fellow Vaishanavite'.
    Thirumazhisai Azhwar came up from the community of basket-makers, one of the communities which was marked defiled in Buddhist literature. This Azhwar considered to be the manifestation of the divine discus of Vishnu (called Sudarshan or good vision) was asked by a group of Brahmins to accept the first respect in a vedic sacrifice. A dominant group of ritualists opposed this citing the lowly caste from which Azhwar came. In traditional Vaishnava retelling, the ritualist opposition is equated to the objection Sisubala raised against honouring Sri Krishna. And Azhwar demanded the divine to intervene through the following verse:
    What use this obsession with the rights of first honour?
    Can’t You unveil this mischief and show the innate Divinity
    You whose hand holds the divine discus
    Manifest out the Divine that resides within
    So the ritualists shall be humbled.
    The social implication of such narratives cannot be missed. These were no fringe phenomenon as Romila Thapar would like us to believe. She states that the notion “to ascribe genetic impurity to a set of communities' was 'so widely accepted, questioned by only a handful of Bhakti sants and a few others?’’ But in reality we see that the concept of social exclusion was repeatedly questioned during the so-called revival of ‘Brahminical Hinduism’. Most probably more communities were liberated from the stigma of impurity imposed on them by religious notions which emphasised life negating moral values and excessive non-violence. Sri Ramanuja questioned the notion of pollution and defilement directly through action when he went to take bath supported by a Brahmin and returned from bath supported by a non-Brahmin.
    Similarly, though Buddhism and Jainism catalysed untouchability, in an inadvertent way, we also find in them the voices of social emancipation. Thus to elevate Chandalas a Bodhisattva may be born as a Chandala too informs a Buddhist text on Bodhisattva-bhumi.
    The sixteenth century work Thiruvilayadal Puranam by Paranjothi Munivar (in Sanskrit Halasya Mahatmyam) has an interestingly advanced critique of negative stereotyped views of communities. A Brahmin and his wife pass through a forest. As the wife becomes thirsty the Brahmin leaves her under a tree to fetch water. When he returns he sees her dead with an arrow piercing her heart. He also finds a tribal with bow and arrow nearby. He accuses the tribal and takes him to the court of Madurai. Based on circumstantial evidence the king was about to execute the tribal when it is revealed to the king that the wife got killed not by the tribal but by an old arrow that was struck already in one of the leaves of the banyan tree which fell on her when the wind rocked the branches. The incident is a nuanced cultural check against stereotyping of forest dwellers as wanton killers or criminals.
    The autonomy that forest dwelling communities enjoyed before the advent of colonial rule, needs to be seen along with such sustained positive projection of tribal communities in traditional Hindu literature.
    Important in this context is the very popular account of Kannapa - the tribal devotee. The tribal placing his foot on the Sivalinga offering his own eyes is depicted in all Siva temples emphasising that true spirituality transcends ritual purism. Such depictions of tribal communities account for the relative high degree of freedom and autonomy these communities enjoyed before colonialism alienated, impoverished and criminalised these communities.
    Is Untouchability Peculiar To India And ‘Brahminical’ Hinduism?
    “Yes”, says Romila Thapar emphatically:
    Virtually every society of the ancient world practised temporary periods of impurity especially in the context of performing rituals. ... But to commit people to a permanent state of pollution and impurity is unique to India and calls for far greater investigation than has been done so far.
    Placing the blame squarely on Hinduism, she also says that “Islam and Christianity did not introduce it for West Asia and Europe.” Really? A look into the social history of Europe and Arabian communities reveal something different.
    Historian Kathy Stuart, who studies social stratification in pre-modern Europe, says that throughout the so-called Holy Roman Empire, “people belonging to the dishonorable trades suffered various forms of social, economic, legal and political discrimination on a graduated scale of dishonor at the hands of "honorable" guild artisans and in "honorable" society at large.” The dishonourable professions were that of executioners and skinners. People who carried out such jobs “might be pelted with stones by onlookers, they might be refused access to taverns, excluded from public baths, or denied honorable burial.” Stuart also states that the “dishonor was transmitted through heredity, often over several generations...” (Defiled Trades and Social Outcasts: Honor and Ritual Pollution in Early Modern Germany, Cambridge University Press, 2006)
    In fact, the European hereditary social stratification was a seven-fold pyramid justified by theology. Those at the bottom were hereditary communities of manual labourers. So as late as the 19th century we have under the entry ‘Labour’ in ‘A Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature (1840)‘ that in Christian lands till that century when colonialism reached a height, “the hereditary hewers of wood and drawers of water” were considered “doomed by Providence, if not primarily by the Creator himself, to a low and degrading yoke, and utterly incapable of entertaining lofty sentiments or rising to a higher position; to be restrained therefore in every manifestation of impatience, lest they should temporarily gain the upper-hand and lay waste the fair fields of civilization; and to be kept under for the safety of the society, if not for their own safety, by social burdens and depressing influences of disregard and contempt.” It should be noted that St Augustine had already made hereditary subservience related to sin which in Christian theology was inherited.
    In Islam too there is the Ashraf-Ajlab divisions which were hereditary. Despite the propaganda of equality even in the 20th centur,y 'marriages between sayyid women and non-sayyid men were publicly denounced'. When in 1905 a reformist Egyptian Islamic scholar sanctioned such a marriage, a leading Islamic scholar Sayyid Umar al Attas declared that a marriage between a sayyida and a non-sayyid was unlawful, because descent was to be the basic criterion for kafaa'. And directly contrary to the claim of Romila Thapar, we have a clear social stratification with hereditary social exclusion in the West Asian Arabic country of Yemen. Here is a description:
    These are “people of the suq” (market) i.e., townspeople who engage in a number of disvalued occupations which have different names in different parts of Yemen. Regardless of name, their low positions in the local hierarchies remain failrly {sic} constant. The important thing in Yemeni eyes is that they have no honourable descent.... Occupations included in this category are the butchers (Jazzara); the barbers (Muzayyen) who perform such roles as circumcision, the potters, weavers; bath attendants (Hammami), Gisham, (vegetable growers and peddlers), Khadem, (servants) and the semi-nomadic public criers (Dawshan). The inferior groups generally can marry among themselves, but not outside this low-status group of occupations. They lack the pedigree and values of tribesman and historically their functions have been to provide services for the Sayyids, Qadis and Qabilis.
    J G Kennedy, ‘The Flower Of Paradise’, Springer Science, 2012
    Such discrimination and notion of purity have definite Islamic roots though, today, reformist scholars as well as Islamist propagandists may argue that Islam at its core does not allow such discrimination. After all, Sayyids were considered as related to the Prophet of Islam through bloodline. And to this day, it is not uncommon for Islamic rulers to spend much research and resources to prove that they are Sayyids.
    Indic Culture Of Emancipation
    In all societies there exist forces of social stagnation and social emancipation. Religion is used by both the forces to support their side. There are socio-political and economic factors which influence the ascendancy of either of these forces. For a biased scholar, it is easy to take those elements of religion which side with social stagnation and then essentialise that religion or culture as essentially socially stagnant while praising or using another yardstick to measure the cultures towards which one is biased. Throughout the last two centuries, colonialists and evangelists have been doing this attribution fallacy attack on Hindu culture and religion. Marxism being essentially colonial in its aversion towards the Indic, a Marxist scholar like Romila Thapar also indulges in the same.
    But in reality, the uniqueness of Hindu culture and religion is that it has sustained spiritual voices coming from it against social stagnation and for social emancipation. From Vedic seer Kavasa and Jabala Satyakama to Swami Vivekananda, Gandhi and Savarkar through Aazhwars, Nayanmars and Sri Ramanuja this is a civilsational uniqueness of Indic culture. Dr Ambekdar, despite his warranted anger against socially stagnant aspects of Hinduism, historically comes in the Ramanuja-Ramananda-Kabir tradition. Both Islam and Christianity, on the other hand, removed their social discrimination only with inflow of money through colonialism, expansionism or the wealth of their natural resources.
    For example, here is one rare report about one of the untouchable communities in Europe that has surfaced.
    For hundreds of years, Cagots were treated as different and inferior. In the churches, they had to use their own doors (at least 60 Pyrenean churches still boast “Cagot” entrances); they had their own fonts; and they were given communion on the end of long wooden spoons. Marie-Pierre adds: “When a Cagot came into a town, they had to report their presence by shaking a rattle. Just like a leper, ringing his bell.”
    Sean Thomas, ‘The Last Untouchable In Europe’, ‘Independent’, 27-July-2008
    There should have been other communities as there were hereditary defiled trades. But clearly the colonialism and slave trade and then indentured labour from colonies along with expansion of the West into Africa, Australia and Americas made the disappearance of the evil of social exclusion possible. That very rarely these communities are discussed in European literature or history and that today mostly these communities have disappeared without any struggle is not actually a positive sign of European society. That a Voltaire or a Marx never even cared to write about their sufferings but rather accepted it as factor of life and talked about revolutions etc. is a commentary on the Western culture. It is interesting that Christianity never produced any critique of their social exclusion as a Kavasa or a Thirumazhisai Azhwar did. It would be unimaginable to think of a mediaeval Christian literature make a Catholic monk learn real religion from a socially disadvantaged group like butchers.
    So contrary to what Romila Thapar claims Hindu culture is not a culture of discrimination but a sustained culture of emancipation.                                                              Aravindan is a contributing editor at Swarajya

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    This monograph presents Shu-ilishu and 17 other cylinder seals, Indus Script inscriptions on Haifa tin ingots signify Meluhha, 'copper' merchant

    This is a tribute to the late Prof. Gregory Possehl who provides an insight that the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal provides a glimmer of hope that Indus Script will be deciphered.

    A cipher NEED NOT be a secret. It is simply a substitution method. In this case, the script is mlecchita vikalpa, a substitution by mleccha 'copper' workers.

    The substitution is simple. Two homonyms are signified: one in cipher text by a hieroglyph/hypertext with hieroglyph components and the second in plain text by a Meluhha (mleccha) word or expression. It is as simple as Nar-Mer substitution in Egyptian hieroglyphs. 

    So, the cognitive issue is not a hurdle. Any meluhha speaker or meluhha translator (like Shu ilishu) would have seen and understood the substitution method INSTANTLY.

    On the following cylinder seal impression, the interpreter is seated on the lap of an Akkadian merchant. Behindthis merchant are storage jars which signify 'resources' traded. The crescent moon the field signifies:قمر ḳamar. A قمر ḳamar, s.m. (9th) The moon. Sing. and Pl. See سپوږمي or سپوګمي (Pashto) Rebus: kamar 'blacksmith'.  The visitor greeting with his right hand and holding an antelope on his left hand to signify that he is a mēḻẖ 'goat' (Brahui) rebus: milakkhu'copper' (Pali) 'Meluhha'. The lady accompanying him carries a liquid measure to signify ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'. Thus, two traders from Meluhha are transacting with an Akkadian blacksmith, two resources: copper and tin. On this cylinder seal which uses two scripts, the pictorial motifs signify Indus Script Hypertexts while the text message in Cuneiform script signifies the name of the 'seal owner': Shu-ilishu and his profession spelt out in Akkadian syllabary, 'Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI 'interpreter of Meluhha language'.
    Image result for shu ilishu cylinder seal
    The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris.
    The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms. I suggest that the antelope is a hieroglyph which signifies 'mleccha, meluhha' 

    Hieroglyph: antelope: Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats. Te. mē̃ka, mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.) mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat.(DEDR 5087) Rebus: meluhha (mleccha, 'copper' merchant')

    eraka'upraised hand' rebus: eraka'molten cast'. Ka. eṟe to pour any liquids, cast (as metal); n. pouring; eṟacu, ercu to scoop, sprinkle, scatter, strew, sow; eṟaka, eraka any metal infusion; molten state, fusion. Tu. eraka molten, cast (as metal); eraguni to melt. Kur. ecchnā to dash a liquid out or over (by scooping, splashing, besprinkling). Cf. 840 Kur. elkhnā (Pfeiffer).(DEDR 865) Kur. elkhnā  to pour liquid out (by tilting a vessel standing on the ground);elkhrna 'to be poured out'; Malt. eqe to pour out from a vessel. Cf. 866 Ta. eṟṟu (Pfeiffer)(DEDR 840)  avakirati ʻ scatters, pours out ʼ ĀśvGr̥., ʻ spills semen ʼ TĀr., ʻ bestrews, fills ʼ MBh. [√k&rcirclemacr;1] Pa. ōkirati ʻ pours down or over, casts out ʼ; N. with pass. suffix oirinu ʻ to drop (as corn into a mill), fall headlong ʼ (less likely with ND 60 a 31 < *avagirati), oiro ʻ act of lifting up preparatory to dropping ʼ; H. wairnā ʻ to pour (rice, &c.) from hand or vessel, to sow ʼ; G. orvũ ʻ to pour (corn into handmill, rice into water, seed into ground) ʼ; -- cf. Pk. okkhiṇṇa -- ʻ scattered ʼ < *avaskīrṇa -- . -- See avakara -- , avakiraṇa -- .Addenda: avakirati: S.kcch. aurṇū ʻ to put (grain) into a mill ʼ.(CDIAL 732)

    Cylinder seal of Shu-ilishu, interpreter for Meluhha. Cuneiform inscription in Old Akkadian. Serpentine. Mesopotamia ca 2220-2159 BCE H. 2.9 cm, Dia 1.8 cm Musee du Louvre, Departement des Antiquites, Orientales, Paris AO 22310 “Based on cuneiform documents from Mesopotamia we know that there was at least one Meluhhan village in Akkad at that time, with people called ‘Son ofMeluhha‘ living there. The cuneiform inscription (ca. 2020 BCE) says that thecylinder seal belonged to Shu-ilishu, who was a translator of the Meluhhan language. “The presence in Akkad of a translator of the Meluhhan language suggests that he may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script. This in turn suggests that there may be bilingual Akkadian/Meluhhan tablets somewhere in Mesopotamia. Although such documents may not exist, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal offers a glimmer of hope for the future in unraveling the mystery of the Indus script.” (Gregory L. Possehl,Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, Number 1, pp. 42-43).

    For a non-Meluhhan, the meanings of substituted codes are irrelevant; he or she just knows that a Meluhhan transaction has been documented.

    Let me provide a model by citing an example.

    Here is a hypertext on a Karen bronze drum.

    The substitution codes are hieroglyphs: elephant, peacock, frog. These codes are 'meaningful' to a Meluhhan. For a Non-Meluhhan, they are mere decorative pieces filling the space of a Karen bronze drum.  maraka 'peacock' Rebus: marakaka loha 'copper alloy, calcining metal'. karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron'Kur. mūxā frog. Malt. múqe id. / Cf. Skt. mūkaka- id. (DEDR 5023) Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot'; muhã 'ingot or quantity of metal taken out of a furnace at one time'.  मूका f. a crucible L. (= or w.r. for मूषा). kanku 'crane, egret, heron' S. kaṅgu m. crane, heron (→ Bal. kang); kaṅká m. heron    VS. Rebus: kang ‘brazier, fireplace’ (Kashmiri) kaṅká m. ʻ heron ʼ VS. [← Drav. T. Burrow TPS 1945, 87; onomat. Mayrhofer EWA i 137. Drav. influence certain in o of M. and Si.: Tam. Kan. Mal. kokku ʻ crane ʼ, Tu. korṅgu, Tel. koṅga, Kuvi koṅgi, Kui kohko]Pa. kaṅka — m. ʻ heron ʼ, Pk. kaṁka— m., S. kaṅgu m. ʻ crane, heron ʼ (→ Bal. kang); B. kã̄k ʻ heron ʼ, Or. kāṅka; G. kã̄kṛũ n. ʻ a partic. ravenous bird ʼ; — with o from Drav.: M. kõkā m. ʻ heron ʼ; Si. kokā, pl. kokku ʻ various kinds of crane or heron ʼ, kekī ʻ female crane ʼ, kēki ʻ a species of crane, the paddy bird ʼ (ē?).(CDIAL 2595)rebus: kangar 'portable furnace' 
    arka 'sun' rebus: eraka 'moltencast copper', arka 'gold'.
    ranku ‘antelope’ rebus: ranku ‘tin’.
    So, my thesis is simple. Meluhhan uses the 'script metaphors' or substitution codes using the objects with which he is familiar. A mleccha, 'copper' worker is familiar with metalwork catregories like ingot, iron (ferrite) or calcining metal. Hence, I submit that the messaging was intended to be read and understood by Meluhha speakers or agents of merchants/artisans along the Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa. For a Non-Meluhhan reader, the message is clear that some transaction some message exchange is taking place between and among Meluhhans. To this extent, the writing system was NOT intended to be a 'universally' recognizable system of coding. The message was restricted to Meluhha repertoire.See:

    A Meluhha is signified on Ancient Near East cylinder seals by an antelope carried on his hands. The antelope signifies mlekh 'goat' (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.)mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) rebus: milakkhu 'copper' (Pali), mleccha-mukha 'copper' (Samskrtam)

    On some cylinder seals additional hieroglyphs are signified to signify the nature of trade transactions and resources involved. For example, on Lajard, M. Pl. xxxv.7 cylinder seal, three additional hieroglyphs are read rebud: bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, stone ore' kulA 'serpent hood' rebus: kol 'working in iron' mēḍha  'polar star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Ho.Munda)
    On VA/243, additional hieroglyph shown is:  miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Santali.Mu.Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic languages)
    Hieroglyphs shown on other cylinder seals: 

    ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' 

    kāṇḍam காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools,  pots and pans’ (Marathi)

    koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'storekeeper'
    arka 'sun' rebus: araka, erako 'moltencast, copper'

    These eighteen cylinder seals include one with a cuneifom text which notes: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language.

    The seal also includes an accompanying woman carrying a liquid measure: ranku 'liquid measure' rebus:ranku 'tin'. Thus, the man and woman signify traders in copper and tin.

    Lajard, M. PI. xxxv. 7 (Sup. p. 32), and liii. 4. In
    PI. liii. 3
     Near Eastern Section of the State Museum in East Berlin, catalogued under number VA/243. The 'markhor' on the field signifies: Dm. mraṅ m. 'markhor' Wkh. merg f. 'ibex' (CDIAL 9885) Tor. miṇḍ 'ram', miṇḍā́l 'markhor' (CDIAL 10310) Rebus: meḍ (Ho.); mẽṛhet 'iron' (Munda.Ho.).med 'copper' (Slavic languages).
    Image result for elamite carrying antelope cylinder seal

    Enki: Cylinder seal described as Akkadian circa 2334-2154 BC, cf. figure 428, p. 30. "The Surena Collection of 
    Ancient Near Eastern Cylinder Seals." Christies Auction Catalogue. New York City. Sale of 11 June 2001). A person carrying an antelope may be a Meluhhan (as in the Shu-ilishu Meluhhan interpreter cylinder seal).
    Image result for meluhha carrying antelope cylinder sealCylinder seal of Shu-ilishu, interpreter for Meluhha. Cuneiform inscription in Old Akkadian. Serpentine. Mesopotamia ca 2220-2159 BCE H. 2.9 cm, Dia 1.8 cm Musee du Louvre, Departement des Antiquites, Orientales, Paris AO 22310 “Based on cuneiform documents from Mesopotamia we know that there was at least one Meluhhan village in Akkad at that time, with people called ‘Son ofMeluhha‘ living there. The cuneiform inscription (ca. 2020 BCE) says that thecylinder seal belonged to Shu-ilishu, who was a translator of the Meluhhan language. “The presence in Akkad of a translator of the Meluhhan language suggests that he may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script. This in turn suggests that there may be bilingual Akkadian/Meluhhan tablets somewhere in Mesopotamia. Although such documents may not exist, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal offers a glimmer of hope for the future in unraveling the mystery of the Indus script.”
    (Gregory L. Possehl,Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal, Expedition, Vol. 48, Number 1, pp. 42-43).

    Source: William Hayes Ward, 1910, The cylinder seals of western Asia, Carnegie Institute of Washington, Publication No. 100
    12th cent. BCE. An Elamite silver statuette showed a person (king?) carrying an antelope on his hands, the same way a Meluhhan carried an antelope on his hands (as shown on a cylinder seal). Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr̤eka (Te.); mēṭam (Ta.); meṣam (Skt.) Thus, the goat conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha speaker.

    Image result for meluhha carrying antelope cylinder sealScorpion with a Plant Cylinder seal and impression Mesopotamia, Late Uruk period/Jamdat Nasr period (ca. 3500–2900 B.C.E.) Marble 36.5 x 21 mm Seal no. 31
    bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite,stone ore'
    కండె [ kaṇḍe ] kaṇḍe. [Tel.] n. A head or ear of millet or maize. జొన్నకంకి. Mth. kã̄ṛ ʻstack of stalks of large milletʼ(CDIAL 3023). rebus: khaNDa 'implements'.


    To Karl Popper is attributed a logical postulate that a hypothesis in the empirical sciences can never be proven or verified, but a hypothesis can be falsified, meaning that it can and should be scrutinized by decisive experiments. 

    This 'falsifiability' postulate is restated as follows: a hypoethesis can never be independently verified but can be falsified by empirical evidence of experiments.

    This is particularly true of hypotheses related to the underlying language and the purport/meaning of Indus Script inscriptions which are read as Meluhha language/speech hypertexts (composed of pictorial motifs and hieroglyphs).

    How to validate the decipherment of Indus Script hypertexts in the absence of Rosetta stone or the Canopus Decree (two inscriptions which contained the same message in three scripts including Egyptian hieroglyph)?

    One approach is the suggested approach of 'falsifiability' proposed by Karl Popper to falsify a hypothesis that Indus Script is in a Non-Mleccha language. Cypro-Minoan is a non-Meluhha language and this monograph falsifies the hypothesis that the Indus Script hypertexts on four pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa are written in a non-Mleccha language. So,the language is NOT Cypro-Minoan. The language is Meluhha, acording to my hypothesis proven with evidence of over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions in 3 volumes.All the 8000+ hypertexts are read as metalwork wealth accounting ledgers rendered in Meluhha speech [Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union)]...

    I present evidence in this monograph that the hypothesis related to any Non-mleccha as the underlying rebus language of Indus Script hypertexts can be 'falsified' by empirical evidence.

    The hypothesis that the hypertexts on four tin ingots found in a Haifa shipwreck signified Cypro-Minoan writing has been falsified. After the publication in 1977, of the two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck at Haifa, Artzy published in 1983 (p.52), two more ingots found in a car workshop in Haifa which wasusing the ingots for soldering broken radiators. Artzy's finds were identical in size and shape with the previous two; both were also engraved with two marks. In one of the ingots, at the time of casting, a moulded head was shown in addition to the two marks. Artzy compares this head to Arethusa. (Artzy, M., 1983, Arethusa of the Tin Ingot, Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research, 250, p. 51-55). Artzy went on to suggest the ingots may have been produced in Iberia and disagreed with the suggestion that the ingot marks were Cypro-Minoan script. The author Michal Artzy (opcit., p. 55) showed these four signs on the four tin ingots to E. Masson who is the author of Cypro-Minoan Syllabary. Masson’s views are recorded in Foot Note 3: “E. Masson, who was shown all four ingots for the first time by the author, has suggested privately that the sign ‘d’ looks Cypro-Minoan, but not the other three signs.” Thus, three of the four signs were NOT Cypro-Minoan according to the known Cypro-Minoan syllabary.

    I submit in this monograph empirical evidence from three pure tin ingots discovered in a shipwreck in Haifa contain Indus Script hypertexts hose meaning relate the four ingots to the message: ranku dhatu mũh. This message translates inMeluhha Bhāratīya sprachbund as: tin mineral ingot. 

    The thesis of this monograph is that mleccha म्लेच्छ is a form of Proto-Indian आर्य-वाच् (Arya speech) traceable from the metalwork, artisanal, seafarer lexis of Aratta in Gujarat as a representative region of Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union of ancient India) of ca. 4th millennium BCE. This civilizational indicator of language expressions related principally to metalwork, coincides with the participation of Bhāratam Janam (RV 3.53.12) in the Tin-Bronze revolution. Bhāratam Janam linked Eurasia with Ancient Far East (the largest tin-belt of the globe in the Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween), as evidenced by the sources of Mon-Khmer languages in Austro-Asiatic framework of speechforms in Munda languages of Bhāratam Janam. The perennial, glacial-sourced Himalayan rivers ground down granite rocks on the river basins and created the cassiterite (tin ore) placer deposits which were mined by tin-panners and mercantile transactions engaged in along the Indian Ocean and Himalayan river waterways by seafaring Meluhha merchants. The thesis is premised on a hypothesis (work in process) that this Ancient Maritime Tin Route pre-dated the Silk Road by about two millennia. This is a work in process because archaeometallurgical investigations are needed to trace the sources of tin used in Eurasia during the millennia of Tin-Bronze revolution from ca. 5th to 2nd millennia BCE. The navigable waterways provided by Himalayan rivers were subject migrations in palaeo-channels, caused by plate tectonic events. The ongoing plate tectonic event is the metaphor of tāṇḍava nr̥tyam, 'cosmic dance' which indicates the Indian plate moving northwards at a majestic rate of 6 cm. per year jutting into and lifting up the Eurasian plate by 1cm per year resulting in the Himalayan dynamics.

    The earliest literary citations to mleccha as speech/language occur in Manusmṛti, and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (both texts datable to periods earlier than 3rd cent BCE). The lexis of Aratta can be reconstructed from the lexis of over 25+ ancient languages of Bhāratīya sprachbund (speech union) presented in the Indian Lexicon organized in over 1240 semantic clusters. (Note. Please download file of size 29.7 mb).

    Such word and expressions recorded in this Indian Lexicon explain rebus the Indus Script hypertexts and  meanings inMeluhha speech forms.

    மிழலை¹ miḻalai n. < மிழற்று-. cf. mlīṣṭa. Prattle, lisp; மழலைச்சொல். (சூடா.)மிழற்றல் miḻaṟṟal
    n. < மிழற்று-. 1. Speaking; சொல்லுகை. (சூடா.) 2. See மிழலை¹. (யாழ். அக.) 3. Noise of speaking; பேசலானெழு மொலி. (யாழ். அக.)மிழற்று-தல் miḻaṟṟu- , 5 v. tr. 1. To prattle, as a child; மழலைச்சொற் பேசுதல். பண் கள் வாய் மிழற்றும் (கம்பரா. நாட்டு. 10). 2. To speak softly; மெல்லக் கூறுதல். யான்பலவும் பேசிற் றானொன்று மிழற்றும் (சீவக. 1626). Southworth suggests that the name mleccha comes from miḻi- "speak, one's speech", derived from one of the Dravidian languages and related to the etymology of the word Tamiḻ. (Southworth, Franklin C. (1998), "On the Origin of the word tamiz", International Journal of Dravidial Linguistics27 (1): 129–132). Given the cognates mleccha and milakkhu (meluhha), it is suggested that the word mleccha is a reference to the speech forms of Bhāratīya sprachbund. That these speakers had exttensive contacts between Hanoi (Vietnam) and Haifa (Israel) is indicated by the evidence of 1. three pure tin ingots with Indus Script inscriptions discovered in a Haifa shipwreck and 2. use of Indus Script hypertexts on Dong Son/Karen Bronze Drums of Ancient Far East (Hanoi).
    Major findspots of Indus Script inscriptions
    Dong Song drum findings, Vietnam. Dong Song is a pre-historic Bronze Age culture which dominated the Far East as a continuum of the neolithic Hoabinhian stone tool industry of the Far East.
     Indus Script hypertexts: 'face' 
    Rebus:  mũh, muhã ‘ingot‘ or muhã ‘quantity of metal taken out of furnace’; मूका f. a crucible L. (= or w.r. for मूषा). 
    dāu 'cross' rebus: dhatu 'mineral ore' (that is, cast metal from ore). 

    ranku 'liquid measure' ranku 'antelope' (Santali) Rebus: Rebus: ranku 'tin' (Santali) raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1] Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅrāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g) ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567) 

    The inscriptions on two pure tin ingots found in a shipwreck in Haifa have been discussed in: Journal of Indo-Judaic Studies, Vol. 1, Number 11 (2010) — The Bronze Age Writing System of Sarasvati Hieroglyphics as Evidenced by Two “Rosetta Stones” By S. Kalyanaraman (Editor of JIJS: Prof. Nathan Katz) 
    milakkhu-rajana 'copper? dye' (Pali) Rebus: மிலேச்சமுகம் milēcca-mukam , n. < mlēccha-mukha. Copper; செம்பு. (யாழ். அக.) மிலைச்சம் milaiccam , n. < mlēccha. Vermilion; சாதிலிங்கம். (சங். அக.) म्लेच्छ 'copper, vermilion' (Monier-Williams) म्लेच्छ-मुख n. = म्लेच्छा*स्य L. = n. " foreigner-face " , copper (so named because the complexion of the Greek and Muhammedan invaders of India was supposed to be copper-coloured) L. (Monier-Williams) म्लेच्छ a person who lives by agriculture or by making weapons L.;  Rebus: Milakkhu [the Prk. form (A -- Māgadhī, cp. Pischel, Prk. Gr. 105, 233) for P. milakkha] a non -- Aryan D iii.264; Th 1, 965 (˚rajana "of foreign dye" trsl.; Kern, Toev. s. v. translates "vermiljoen kleurig"). As milakkhukaat Vin iii.28, where Bdhgh expls by "Andha -- Damil'ādi."; Milakkha [cp. Ved. Sk. mleccha barbarian, root mlecch, onomat. after the strange sounds of a foreign tongue, cp. babbhara & mammana] a barbarian, foreigner, outcaste, hillman S v.466; J vi.207; DA i.176; SnA 236 (˚mahātissa -- thera Np.), 397 (˚bhāsā foreign dialect). The word occurs also in form milakkhu (q. v.); Milāca [by -- form to milakkha, viâ *milaccha>*milacca> milāca: Geiger, P.Gr. 622; Kern, Toev. s. v.] a wild man of the woods, non -- Aryan, barbarian J iv.291 (not with C.=janapadā), cp. luddā m. ibid., and milāca -- puttā J v.165 (where C. also expls by bhojaputta, i. e. son of a villager)..(Pali) மிலேச்சன் milēccaṉ, n. < milēccha  Person speaking barbarous language; திருத்த மற்ற மொழியைப் பேசுவோன். (சீவக. 93, உரை.) மிலேச்சிதம் milēccitam , n. < mlēcchita. (யாழ். அக.) 1. Ungrammatical speech; இலக்கண வழுவான பேச்சு. 2. Non-Sanskritic language; ஸம்ஸ்கிருதமும் அதனுட்பிரிவான பாஷைகளும் அல் லாத பிறபாஷை.

    आर्य--वाच् mfn. speaking the Aryan language मनु-स्मृति x , 45.; आर्य a master , an owner L.; a man highly esteemed , a respectable , honourable man पञ्चतन्त्रशकुन्तला &c.
    Source: The Institutes of Hindu Law: Or, The Ordinances of Manu, Calcutta: Sewell & Debrett, 1796.

    Translation by .G.Buhler: X.43. But in consequence of the omission of the sacred rites, and of their not consulting Brahmanas, the following tribes of Kshatriyas have gradually sunk in this world to the condition of Sudras;
    X.44. (Viz.) the Paundrakas, the Kodas, the Dravidas, the Kambogas, the Yavanas, the Sakas, the Paradas, the Pahlavas, the Kinas, the Kiratas, and the Daradas.
    X.45. All those tribes in this world, which are excluded from (the community of) those born from the mouth, the arms, the thighs, and the feet (of Brahman), are called Dasyus, whether they speak the language of the Mlekkhas (barbarians) or that of the Aryans.

    Manusmṛti, 'reflections of Manu' is ancient legal text dated to ca. 2nd century BCE, among the many Dharmaśāstras of Hindu dharma. It is also referred to as Mānava-Dharmaśāstra. The Dharmasya Yonih (Sources of the Law) has twenty-four verses. 
    वेदोऽखिलो धर्ममूलं स्मृतिशीले च तद्विदाम् । आचारश्चैव साधूनामात्मनस्तुष्टिरेव च ॥
    Translation 1: The whole Veda is the (first) source of the sacred law, next the tradition and the virtuous conduct of those who know the (Veda further), also the customs of holy men, and (finally) self-satisfaction (Atmana santushti).[23]
    Translation 2: The root of the religion is the entire Veda, and (then) the tradition and customs of those who know (the Veda), and the conduct of virtuous people, and what is satisfactory to oneself.[24]
    — Manusmriti 2.6
    वेदः स्मृतिः सदाचारः स्वस्य च प्रियमात्मनः । एतच्चतुर्विधं प्राहुः साक्षाद् धर्मस्य लक्षणम् ॥
    Translation 1: The Veda, the sacred tradition, the customs of virtuous men, and one's own pleasure, they declare to be the fourfold means of defining the sacred law.[23]
    Translation 2: The Veda, tradition, the conduct of good people, and what is pleasing to oneself – they say that is four fold mark of religion.[24]
    — Manusmriti 2.12
    The closing verses of Manusmriti declares,
    एवं यः सर्वभूतेषु पश्यत्यात्मानमात्मना । स सर्वसमतामेत्य ब्रह्माभ्येति परं पदम् ॥
    He who thus recognizes in his individual soul (Self, Atman), the universal soul that exists in all beings,
    becomes equal-minded towards all, and enters the highest state, Brahman.
    — Manusmriti 12.125, Calcutta manuscript with Kulluka Bhatta commentary.

    Manu notes (10.45):

    mukhabāhūrupajjānām yā loke jātayo bahih
    mlecchavācaś cāryavācas te sarve dasyuvah smr̥tāh

    This shows a two-fold division of dialects: arya speech and mleccha speech. The language spoken was an indicator of social identity. In ancient Bhāratiya texts, mleccha, a Prākr̥tam, was recognised as an early speech form, a dialect referred to in  Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and Mahābhārata, a dialect which required a translator for a Mesopotamian transacting with a sea-faring Meluhha merchant of Saptasindhu region. 

    Mahābhārata refers to many groups of people such as: Sakas, Huns, Yavanas(Greek), Kambojas, Pahlavas, Bahlikas, Rishikas, Chinas(China).  The text describes mleccha with "heads completely shaved or half-shaved or covered with matted locks, [as being] impure in habits, and of crooked faces and noses", as "dwellers of hills" and "denizens of mountain-caves. Mlecchas were born of the cow, Nandini, (belonging to Vasiṣṭha), of fierce eyes, accomplished in smiting looking like messengers of death, and all conversant with the deceptive powers of the Asuras". The text gives the following information regarding  mleccha:
    • Mleccha who sprang up from the tail of the celestial cow Nandini sent the army of Viswamitra flying in terror.
    • Bhagadatta was the king of mlecchas.
    • Pāṇḍavas, like BhimaNakula and Sahadeva once defeated them.
    • Karna during his world campaign conquered many mleccha countries.
    • The wealth that remained in the Yāgaśāla of Yudhiṣṭhira after the distribution as gifts to Brāhmaṇa-s was taken away by the mlecchas.
    • The mlecchas drove angered elephants on the army of the Pāṇḍavas.

    Amarakośa describes the Kiratas , Khasas and Pulindas as the Mleccha-jatis. In some ancient texts, Indo-GreeksScythians,and Kushanas were also mlecchas The VāyuMatsya and Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇas state that the seven Himalayan rivers pass through mleccha countries. Baudhāyana Sutra-s refer to a mleccha as someone "who eats meat or indulges in self-contradictory statements or is devoid of righteousness and purity of conduct." (reference citation not provided).

    Ānava with variant pronunciations of words/expressions were located on frontiers of  Āryāvarta in regions such as Gāndhāra, Kāśmīra and Kāmbojas.

    Such Ānava could be in the lineage of Āmāvasu mentioned in: Baudhāyana Śrautasūtra (BSS) 18.45 and the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa 11.5.1 which indicate the wanderings of lineage of Pururavas took place from Kurukshetra. Pururavas and Urvaśi had two sons, Āyu and Āmāvasu. According to the Vādhūla Anvākhyāna 1.1.1, yajña rituals were not performed properly before the attainment of the gandharva fire and the birth of Āyu who ensures the continuation of the human lineage that continues down to the Kuru kings, and beyond.

    Clearly, Caland interpreted the passage to mean that from a central region, the Arattas, Gandharis and Parsus migrated west, while the Kasi-Videhas and Kuru-Pancalas migrated east. Combined with the testimony of the Satapatha Brahmana (see below), the implication of this version in the Baudhāyana śrautasūtra, narrated in the context of the Agnyadheya rite is that that the two outward migrations took place from the central region watered by the Sarasvati. (Kashikar, Chintamani Ganesh. 2003. Baudhāyana śrautasūtra (Ed., with an English translation). 3 vols. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass/IGNCA).

    Ṛgveda hymn 6.61.9,12 says that 5 Aryan groups of people spread beyond the seven sister-rivers (sapta sindhavah)!

    In volume III of his translation, on p. 1235, Kashikar translates the relevant sentences of the text BSS 18.44 as follows- 
    "Ayu moved towards the east. Kuru-Pancala and Kasi-Videha were his regions. This is the realm of Ayu. Amavasu proceeded towards the west. The Gandharis, Sparsus and Arattas were his regions. This is the realm of Amavasu." 

    Baudhāyana’s Śrautasūtra 18.4 mentions two migrations of the Vedic people. One was eastward, the Āyava. The other was westward, the Āmāvasa, and this produced the Gāndhāris (Gandhāra and Bactria), the Parśus Persians and the Arattas (of Urartu and/or Ararat on the Caucasus?). Map showing the “seven rivers and Sarasvatī”; various sites with Harappan artefacts far from Saptasindhu; also the two movements eastward by Āyu and westward by Āmāvasu. Read more at:

    In an obscure study15 of the Urvashi legend in Dutch, he focuses on the version found in Baudhāyana śrautasūtra 18.44-45 and translates the relevant sentences of text as (Caland, Willem. 1903. "Eene Nieuwe Versie van de Urvasi-Mythe". In Album-Kern, Opstellen Geschreven Ter Eere van Dr. H. Kern. E. J. Brill: Leiden, pp. 57-60).
    "Naar het Oosten ging Ayus; van hem komen de Kuru's, Pancala's, Kasi's en Videha's. Dit zijn de volken, die ten gevolge van het voortgaan van Ayus ontstonden. Naar het Westen ging Amavasu; van hem komen de Gandhari's. de Sparsu's en de Aratta. Dit zijn de volken, die ten gevolge van Amavasu's voortgaan ontstonden." 
    Translated into English (by Koenraad Elst.), this reads – 
    "To the East went Ayus; from him descend the Kurus, Pancalas, Kasis and Videhas. These are the peoples which originated as a consequence of Ayus's going forth. To the West went Amavasu; from him descend the Gandharis, the Sparsus and the Arattas. These are the peoples which originated as a consequence of Amavasu's going forth." 

    In his recent study [Tushifumi Goto. 'Pururavas und Urvasi" aus dem neuntdecktem Vadhula-Anvakhyana (Ed. Y. Ikari)'. pp. 79-110 in Tichy, Eva and Hintze, Almut (eds.). Anusantatyai; J. H. Roll: Germany (2000)] of the parallel passages dealing with the Agnyadheya rite, Goto translates the Sutra passage in the following words (p. 101 sqq.) – 
    ""Nach Osten wanderte Ayu [von dort] fort. Ihm gehdie genannt werden: "kurus und pancalas, kazis und videhas."{87} Sie sind die von Ayu stammende Fortfuehrung. {88} Nach Westen gewandt [wanderte] amavasu [fort]. Ihm gehoeren diese: "gandharis, parzus, {88} arattas". Sie sind die von amAvasu stammende [Fortfuehrung]. {90} {87}iti kann hier kaum die die Aufzaehlung abschliessende Partikel (Faelle bei OERTEL Synt. of cases, 1926, 11) sein. In den beiden Komposita koennte der Type ajava'h' [die Gattung von] Ziegen und Schafen' vorliegen: pluralisches Dvandva fuer die Klassifikation, vgl. GOTO Compositiones Indigermanicae, Gs. Schindler (1999) 134 n. 26. {88} Gemeint ist hier wohl die Erbschaft seiner Kolonisation ("Fortwanderung"); mit 
    bekannter Attraktion des Subj.-Pronomens in Genus und Numerus an das Pr 
    {89} Mit WITZEL, Fs. Eggermont (1987) 202 n. 99, Persica 9 (1980) 120 n.126 als gandharayas parsavo statt -ya sparsavo aufgefasst, wofuer dann allerdings im rezenten BaudhSrSu die Schreibung gandharayah parsavo zu erwarten wals -SP- ausgesprochen wurde (wie z.B. in der MS, vgl. AiG I 342) und noch kein H (fÔr das erste s) eingefuehrt wurde. -yaspa- entging einer  (interpretatorischen) {90} Dahinter steckt wohl die Vorstellung von Ayu' als normales Adjektiv 'lebendig, beweglich' und entsprechend, wie KRICK 214 interpretiert, von amavasu-: "nach Westen [zog] A. (bzw.: er blieb im Westen in der Heimat, wie sein Name 'einer, der Gueter daheim hat' sagt."." 
    Loosely translated23 into English, this reads – 
    "From there, Ayu wandered Eastwards. To him belong (the groups called) 'Kurus and Panchalas, Kashis and Videhas' (note 87). They are the branches/leading away (note 88) originating from Ayu. From there, Amavasu turned westwards (wandered forth). To him belong (the groups called) 'Gandharis, Parsus (note 89) Arattas'. They are the branches/leading away originating from Amavasu. (note 90)." {90}: It appears that the notion of 'Ayu' as an normal adjectival sense 'living', 'agile' underlies this name. Correspondingly, Krick 214 interprets Amavasu as – "Westwards [travelled] A. (or: he stayed back in the west in his home, because his name says –'one who has his goods at home')". 

    A very strong piece of evidence for deciding the correct translation of Baudhāyana śrautasūtra 18.44 is the passage that occurs right after it, i.e., Baudhāyana śrautasūtra 18.45...From this text, it is clear that Urvasi, Pururava and their two sons were present in Kurukshetra in their very lifetimes. There is no evidence that they traveled all the way from Afghanistan to Haryana (where Kurukshetra is located), nor is there any evidence that she took her sons from Kurukshetra to Afghanistan after disposing off the pitcher. The passage rather only to indicate that the family lived in the vicinity of Kurukshetra region. Therefore, the possibility that Amavasu, one of the two sons of Pururava and Urvasi lived in Afghanistan from where Ayu, the other son, migrated to India is totally negated by this passage. Rather, BSS 18.45 would imply that the descendants of Amavasu, i.e., Arattas, Parsus and Gandharis migrated westwards from the Kurushetra region. (It may be pointed out that in Taittiriya Aranyaka 5.1.1, the Kurukshetra region is said to be bounded by Turghna (=Srughna or the modern village of Sugh in the Sirhind district of Punjab) in the north, by Khandava in the south (corresponding roughly to Delhi and Mewat regions), Maru (= desert, noting that the Thar has advanced eastward into Haryana only in recent centuries) in the west, and 'Parin' (?) in the east. This roughly corresponds to the modern state of Haryana in India)...

    Locus of Aratta

    Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra (with Govindswami's commentary, and a gloss by Chinnaswami Shastri). Chaukhamba Sanskrit Series: Varanasi) First Sūtra defines Aryavarta as the land west of Kalakavana (roughly modern Allahabad), east of 'adarsana' (the spot where Sarasvati disappears in the desert), south of Himalayas and north of the Vindhyas. An alternate definition of Aryavarta in tra restricts Aryavarta to the Ganga-Yamuna doab. The text then enumerates the following peoples who are of 'mixed' origins, and therefore whose traditions are not worthy of emulation by the residents of Aryavarta – 
    "Avanti (-Ujjain), Anga (= area around modern Bhagalpur in Bihar), Magadha, Surashtra (= modern Kathiawar), Upavrta, Sindhu (= modern Sindh), Sauvira (= modern Bahawalpur, and Pakistani Panjab south of Multan) are (i.e., the residents of these regions are) of mixed origin." Baudhāyana  Dharmasūtra "Aratta, Karaskara (=Narmada valley?), Pundra (=northern Bengal), Sauvira, Vanga (= southern Bengal), Kalinga – whosoever visits these areas should perform Punastoma or Sarvaprshthi sacrifices as an expiation." Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra

    In such an enumeration as in Baudhāyana  Dharmasūtra, Aratta may also be interpreted as a reference to Gujarat region where the lingua franca was mleccha bhāṣā or mleccha vācas. (cf. Hemacandra's magnum opus deśīnāmamālā).

    Aratta is identified as a region on the periphery of Aryavarta (Ganga-Yamuna doab) but close to it. Such a region was peopled by Meluhha (mleccha) speakers who can be distinguished from Arya vācas, speech of residents of Aryavarta. With such a distinction, it is possible to postulate Meluhha (mleccha) as proto-Indo-Aryan or precursor versions ofPrākts or deśiSuch Mleccha vācas of 'impure regions' detailed in both the texts identified the Meluhha region  and Meluhha artisans/traders had their sea-faring merchandise and donkey caravans along the Tin road of the bronze age extending from Meluhha into the Fertile Crescent. See: 

    This identification of thelocus of Aratta is consistent with Caland interpretation of the BSS passage to mean that from a central region, the Arattas, Gandharis and Parsus migrated west.


    Sanskrit Speech, of early times evolved into the various local modern Sanskrit-derived languages. " "Correct speech" was a crucial component of being about to take part in the appropriate yajnas (religious rituals and sacrifices). Thus, without correct speech, one could not hope to practice correct religion, either."

    Mleccha (from Vedic Sanskrit म्लेच्छ mleccha, ම්ලේච්ච meaning "non-Vedic"), are also spelled Mlechchha or Maleccha to indicate the uncouth, misspelt, ungrammatical and incomprehensible or indistinct speech.

    Jāti is an extended kinship group which evolved out of the interactions related to the core doctrines. No wonder, Mahāvīra explains jaina ariya dhamma in mleccha (ardhamāgadhi), which differentiates into the present-day language kaleidoscope of Bhārat. It is not a mere accident that the discourses of the Buddha were in Pāli, a lingua franca of the times. Automatic transformation of ardhamāgadhi speech into the languages of the listeners is a way of affirming the nature of the lingua franca, Prākr̥tam, when Mahavira communicates Jaina dhamma as ariya dhamma. There is explicit permission to use Prākr̥tam, as a non-ariya language, that is non-use of grammatically correct Samskr̥tam, to communicate to all people: This is categorically stated in Kundakunda's Samayasāra, verse 8: yatha ṇa vi sakkam aṇajjo an.ajjabhāsam viṇā du gāhedum taha vavahāreṇa viṇā paramatthuva
    desaṇam asakkam

    This is a crucial phrase, vyavahāra or vavahāra, the spoken tongue in vogue, or the lingua franca, or what french linguists call, parole. The use of vyavahā bhāsa, that is mleccha tongue, was crucial for effectively communicating Mahavira's message on ariya dhamma. The study of Sanskrit and Prakrit as parallel cultural streams, together with yajna and vrata as parallel streams of dharma should be explored further through studies in an institution such as Itihaasa Bharati to unravel the contributions of janajāti to hindu thought, culture and heritage and to constitute a Hindumahāsāgar parivār (Indian Ocean Community).
    The evidence of four pure tingots with Indus Script hypertexts, with the message of inscription:  tin mineral ingot validates that Bhāratīya Meluhha speakers (of Bhāratīya sprachbund) mediated as seafaring merchants and artisans with their counterparts in Mon-Khmer speaker areas of Ancient Far East to make available tin ingots to further advance the Tin Bronze Revolution which was founded ca. 4th millennium BCE.

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    I reproduce excerpts from an excellent presentation made by Daniel Salas providing reasoned arguments that the finds of Rick Willis of nine copper plates from Mohenjo-daro and the Kabul mss. reviewed in a thesis by Lucy Zuberbuehler are authentic samples of indus script inscriptions.

    Dating these artifacts should be done by archaeologists to falsify 'forgery' accusations.

    For a rebus reading of the selected inscriptions (hypertext sequences, in particular), see: Copper plates of Indus Script and rebus Meluhha readings

    S. Kalyanaraman
    Sarasvati Research Center

    Excerpts from a monograph by Daniel F. Salas

    [quote] Authentic Or Forgery -- Daniel F. Salas (May, 2018)

    This page looks at the relationship between the new copper tablets found in Pakistan, first published in 08 Oct. 2014 and Lucy Zuberbuehler's  Kabul birch-bark mss. first published on  July 31, 2009.   Lucy Zuber Buehler writes the comparison manuscript in 2009,  prior to that the artifact was part of a 5 year old collection. This makes a possible range around 2009 – 5 = 2004 and 2014 - 2004 = 10 years of prior knowledge.

    The first line of the Kabul birch-bark mss. can be separated into five parts that are present in the Indus script, that is prior knowledge of the Indus tradition. The Importance of the five parts shows up with one the nine new copper tablets and as the main theme of the nine tablets, with one, the longest copper tablet inscription, having five parts that relate to a Indus tradition and the first line of the Kabul manuscript.

    The picture above shows a many layered text, this makes the artifact very important to the Indus Valley Script. The artifact was glued on the ends to preserve the manuscript, like a time capsule.   Below I used the apparent visual relationship without putting a word or phonetic value on the glyphs.

    Lucy Zuberbuehler had three pictures of the artifact as her evidence of her  whole thesis, you or I can look at the picture to the left  and the only conclusion one can draw are the prior associations with the Indus script and 
    the new copper tablets.

    Below; A group of nine Indus Valley copper plates (c. 2600–2000 BC), discovered from private collections in Pakistan, appear to be of an important type not previously described. The plates are significantly larger and more robust than those comprising the corpus of known copper plates or tablets, and most significantly differ in being inscribed with mirrored characters. One of the plates bears 34 characters, which is the longest known single Indus script inscription. Examination of the plates with x-ray fluorescence (XRF) spectrophotometry indicates metal compositions, including arsenical copper, consistent with Indus Valley technology. Microscopy of the metal surface and internal  structure reveals detail such as pitting, microcrystalline structure, and corrosion, consistent with ancient cast copper artifacts. Given the  relative fineness of the engraving, it is hypothesised that the copper plates were not used as seals, but have characteristics consistent with use in copper plate printing. As such, it is possible that these copper plates are by far the earliest known printing devices, being at least 4000 years old.

    This page has the nine new copper tables, two short swords, one copper rhinoceros, one copper unicorn, one copper tablet of a lion? From Mohenjo-daro (middle tablet blue lines) six tablets below  two associated tin Ingot's with the "X" sign with top (in yellow to the left) and found on one of the nine copper tablet middle "word". As Bronze was important to this culture, that was on the cutting edge of the Bronze Age.

    In 08 Oct. 2014 Lucy Zuberbuehler publishes the Kabul birch-bark mss. The recognition of the artifact as authentic or a forgery is very important to the further studies of Indus Valley script. Because in the pictures of the artifact it shows a many layered text, for if the top page has an Indus script relationship the pages under it make it important. This manuscript has a solid possibility of answering the question of who the Indus Valley people where.

    Below I aligned the direction of the seals with the direction given in the Kabul mss.


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    Indus Script hypertexts presented in this monograph are:

    1.Bronze Artifact, Kosambi -- kolhe 'smelter' of poa, 'magnetite ore', dul 'metal caster'

    2.Bronze Artifact, Kosambi -- kuhāra 'crucibe' rebus: kuhāru 'armourer'
    3. Phoenicia coin aya'fish' rebus: ayas'alloy metal' PLUS khār 'blacksmith' ayakāra 'metalsmith'
    4. Dancing Gaņeśa, Jambhala -- karibha 'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron' PLUS me 'dance' (Remo); మెట్టు [meṭṭu] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు (Telugu) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.).med 'copper' (Slavic languages) 
    5. Hypertexts of a woman holding two fishes on ancient Central India coins -- dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal caster' PLUS aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal', thus dul aya, 'alloy metalcaster' symbolises wealth

    6. Kosambi and Ujjain coins with Indus Script hypertexts signify metalwork wealth

    1.Bronze Artifact, Kosambi - kolhe 'smelter' of poa, 'magnetite ore', dul 'metal caster'

    Bronze. ca. 2000 BCE. Kosambi.Hypertext signifies metalcaster, smelter of magnetite ore. Woman riding Two Brahman (Zebu) Bulls (bronze), from Kausambi, c.2000-1750 BCE. Late Harrapan period 2000–1750 B.C.E India (Kosambi) Bronze H. 5 1/2 in. (14 cm); W. 3 1/2 in. (8.9 cm); D. 4 1/2 in. (11.4 cm) Sculpture Gift of Jonathan and Jeannette Rosen, 20152015.505 This remarkable object is the oldest bronze object in the Museum’s Indian collections, and is a rare survivor of the early bronze culture associated with the late Harappan civilization shared across northern India and the Indus Valley (Pakistan) in the second millennium B.C. Two humped (‘Brahman’) bulls support a platform on which is a woman is kneeling. Her hands rest on the bulls’ humps. The ensemble is on a rectangular platform, which has been separately cast. The woman has a slender physique, pointed breasts, and hair that extends to her shoulders. She wears a small circular crown-like fitting atop her head, has deep eye sockets and an incised mouth. The symmetry of the female figure is mirrored in standing female clay figurines from this period and later. 

    kola 'woman' rebus: kolhe'smelter'kol'working in iron' 
    dula'two' rebus: dul 'metal casting' 
    poḷ m. ʻ bull dedicated to the gods ʼpoḷy sacred dairy (Toda) since the related gloss poLa signifies a bull set at liberty. B. polā ʻ child, son ʼ; M. poḷ m. ʻ bull dedicated to the gods ʼ; Si. pollā ʻ young of an animal ʼ.4. Pk. pōāla -- m. ʻ child, bull ʼ; A. powāli ʻ young of animal or bird ʼ. (CDIAL 8399) Hieroglyph: 
    पोळ [pōḷa] m A bull dedicated to the gods, marked with a trident and discus, and set at large. பொலியெருது poli-y-erutu , n. < பொலி- +. 1. Bull kept for covering; பசுக்களைச் சினையாக்குதற் பொருட்டு வளர்க்கப்படும் காளை. (பிங்.) கொடிய பொலியெருதை யிருமூக்கிலும் கயி றொன்று கோத்து (அறப். சத. 42). 2. The leading ox in treading out grain on a threshing-floor; களத்துப் பிணையல்மாடுகளில் முதற்செல்லுங் கடா. (W.) பொலி முறைநாகு poli-muṟai-nāku, n. < பொலி + முறை +. Heifer fit for covering; பொலியக்கூடிய பக்குவமுள்ள கிடாரி. (S. I. I. iv, 102.)

    Rebus 1: pōḷa 'magnetite, ferrous-ferric oxide Fe3O4'.

    Rebus: cattle festival: पोळा [ pōḷā ] m (पोळ) A festive day for cattle,--the day of new moon of श्रावण or of भाद्रपद. Bullocks are exempted from labor; variously daubed and decorated; and paraded about in worship. "Pola is a bull-worshipping festival celebrated by farmers mainly in the Indian state of Maharashtra (especially among the Kunbis). On the day of Pola, the farmers decorate and worship their bulls. Pola falls on the day of the Pithori Amavasya (the new moon day) in the month of Shravana (usually in August)." Festival held on the day after Sankranti ( = kANum) is called pōlāla paNDaga (Telugu).Toy animals made for the Pola festival especially celebrated by the Dhanoje Kunbis. (Bemrose, Colo. Derby - Russell, Robert Vane (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India: volume IV. Descriptive articles on the principal castes and tribes of the Central Provinces. London: Macmillan and Co., limited. p. 40).

    Some artifacts of Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization point to the possibility that the celebration of pola cattle festival may be traced to the cultural practices of 3rd millennium BCE.

    Kosambi is located on the Yamuna River about 56 kilometres (35 mi) southwest of its confluence with the Ganges at Prayaga (modern Allahabad) 

    "Kosambi was one of the greatest cities in India from the late Vedic period until the end of Maurya Empire with occupation continuing until the Gupta Empire. As a small town, it was established in the late Vedic period, by the rulers of Kuru Kingdom as their new capital. The initial Kuru capital Hastinapur was destroyed by floods, and the Kuru King transferred his entire capital with the subjects to a new capital that he built near the Ganga-Jamuma confluence, which was 56 km away from the southernmost part of the Kuru Kingdom now as Allahabad.During the period prior the Maurya Empire, Kosambi was the capital of the independent kingdom of Vatsa,) one of the Mahajanapadas. Kosambi was a very prosperous city by the time of Gautama Buddha, where a large number of wealthy merchants resided. It was an important entrepôt of goods and passengers from north-west and south. It figures very prominently in the accounts of the life of Buddha.The excavations of the archaeological site of Kosambi was done by G. R. Sharma of Allahabad University in 1949 and again in 1951–1956 after it was authorized by Sir Mortimer Wheeler in March 1948.Excavations have suggested that the site may have been occupied as early as the 12th century BCE. Its strategic geographical location helped it emerge as an important trading center. A large rampart of piled mud was constructed in the 7th to 5th centuries BCE, and was subsequently strengthened by brick walls and bastions, with numerous towers, battlements, and gateways.Carbon dating of charcoal and Northern Black Polished Ware have historically dated its continued occupation from 390 BC to 600 A.D.Kosambi was a fortified town with an irregular oblong plan. Excavations of the ruins revealed the existence of gates on three sides-east, west and north. The location of the southern gate can not be precisely determined due to water erosion. Besides the bastions, gates and sub-gates, the city was encircled on three sides by a moat, which, though filled up at places, it still discernible on the northern side. At some points, however, there is evidence of more than one moat. The city extended to an area of approximately 6.5 km. The city shows a large extent of brickworks indicating the density of structures in the city.

    2. Bronze artifact. Kosambi -- kuhāra 'crucibe' rebus: kuhāru 'armourer'.

    Bronze Goddess with Weapons in Her Hair, from Northern India (possibly Kausambi), 2nd century BCE

    3. Phoenicia coin aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal' PLUS khār 'blacksmith'ayakāra 'metalsmith'

    Phoenicia, Aradus AR Tetrobol. 400-350 BCE. Phoenician inscription ma, merman or marine deity with human torso & fish tail swimming right, holding dolphin by tail in each hand / Galley right, with row of shields along bulwark, hippocamp below, swimming right; all in incuse square. Grose 9443, Trait‚ II 808, BMC 7. 

    4. Dancing Gaņeśa, Jambhala -- karibha 'elephant' rebus:karba 'iron' PLUS me 'dance' (Remo); మెట్టు [meṭṭu] meṭṭu. [Tel.] v. a. &n. To step, walk, tread. అడుగుపెట్టు (Telugu) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Mu.Ho.).med 'copper' (Slavic languages) 

    "Dancing Gaņeśa. Central Tibet. Early fifteenth century. Colours on cotton. Height: 68 centimeters". This form is also known as Maharakta ("The Great Red One") "Gaņeśa was particularly worshipped by traders and merchants, who went out of India for commercial ventures. From approximately the 10th century onwards, new networks of exchange developed including the formation of trade guilds and a resurgence of money circulation. During this time, Ganesha became the principal deity associated with traders.The earliest inscription invoking Ganesha before any other deity is associated with the merchant community. Hindus migrated to Maritime Southeast Asia and took their culture, including Ganesha, with them.Statues of Ganesha are found throughout the region, often beside Shiva sanctuaries. The forms of Ganesha found in the Hindu art of Java, Bali, and Borneo show specific regional influences." Getty, Alice (1936). Gaņeśa: A Monograph on the Elephant-Faced God (1992 reprint ed.). Oxford: Clarendon Press Thapan, Anita Raina (1997). Understanding Gaņapati: Insights into the Dynamics of a Cult. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers

    Gaapati, Maha Rakta. Vasudhara is the consort of Jambhala- the Buddhist god of wealth. "Jambhala is known as Kubera. Jambhala is also believed to be an emanation of Avalokitesvara or Chenrezig, the Bodhisattva of Compassion. There are five different wealth Jambhalas; each has his own practice and mantra to help eliminate poverty and create financial stability...Red Jambhala...Vajrasattva...Some people believe he is the Hindu God of Wealth Gaeśa, the Red Ganapati, and has the head of an elephant. After the rise of Tantric BuddhismGaeśa became a Tantric wealth deity and is known as the "Lord of Provisions in Tibetan Tantrism". According to legend, Red Jambhala was in charge of the heavenly treasury that belonged to Lord Mahesvara’s son. Due to his extreme compassion, Red Jambhala had unfailingly answered the prayers of many worshippers. Enraged by Red Jambhala’s indiscriminate charity to both the good and evil, Dharma guardian Mahakala decapitated him. It was only after the wealth deity repents that Mahakala plants an elephant’s head on his neck and receives him as a retainer.

    5. Hypertexts of a woman holding two fishes on ancient Central India coins -- dula'pair' rebus: dul'metal caster' PLUS aya'fish' rebus: ayas'alloy metal', thus dul aya, 'alloy metalcaster' symbolises wealth


    Ujjain, anonymous AE 1/8 karshapana, 'fish-holding Vasudhara'
    Weight: 1.00 gm., Diameter: 8x8 mm.
    Standing goddess Vasudhara holding a pair of fish with her outstretched
         right, left hand akimbo.; standard on right.
    Ujjain symbol with extra circle in field.
    Reference: Pieper 295 (plate coin) 
    The fish-holding goddess is known on coins and sculptural objects from Malwa, Vidarbha, Mathura, Kausambi and elsewhere and has been identified as Vasudhara, a goddess of wealth and auspiciousness.  Like Lakshmi she was popular among traders and others who searched protection and promotion for their diverse activities. Handa emphasizes the symbolic importance of the pair of fish "as one of the eight mangalika-chihnas 'auspicious signs' in literature".

    Ujjain symbol: Dotted circle: KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ(whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ PLUS gaṇḍa'four' rebus: kaṇḍa'fire-altar'.
    Central India, AE 1/8 karshapana,'fish-holding Vasudhara'
    Weight: 1.01 gm., Diameter: 8x8 mm.
    Standing goddess Vasudhara holding a pair of fish with her outstretched
         right, left hand akimbo; she wears large earrings and pinned up hair (as
         if wearing a vessel on her head); svastika on the top left.
    Lion standing to right
    Reference: Pieper 452 (plate coin)

    Svastika hieroglyph: sattuva 'hardness, hieroglyph svastika, Rebus: jasta, 'zinc, pewter'. సత్తువ sattuva or సత్తువు sattuvu. [from Skt. సత్వం.] n. Strength, vigour, force, power, energy, capability.
    arye 'lion' rebus: āra 'brass'.
    Central India, AE 1/8 karshapana, 'fish-holding Vasudhara'
    Weight: 1.17 gm., Diameter: 11x8 mm.
    Standing goddess Vasudhara holding a pair of fish with her outstretched
         right, left hand akimbo; her hair is pinned up (as if wearing a vessel on
         her head; two crescent-like devices on the left.
    Reference: Pieper 453 (plate coin)

    The provenance of Coin Pieper 453 and Pieper 452 coin is uncertain but may be assumed to be in western Malwa or closely linked regions south of the Narmada.

    kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'

    वसु--धरा f. (with Buddhists) N. of a goddess Bauddham Literaure; वसु n. (in वेद gen. व्/असोस् , व्/अस्वस् and व्/असुनस् ; also pl. , exceptionally m.) wealth , goods , riches , property RV. &c °सोष्-पति m. prob. " the god of wealth or property " AV. i , 12 [ Paipp. ?? असोष्-प्° , " the god of life "] ; °सोर्-ध्/आरा f. " stream of wealth " , N. of a partic. libation of घृत at the अग्नि-चयन AV. TS. Br. &c ; of the wife of अग्नि BhP. ; of the heavenly गङ्गा MBh. ; of sacred bathing-place ib. ; of a kind of vessel ib. ; °सोर्-ध्/आरा-प्रयोग m. N. of wk.)(Monier-Williams) 

    6. Kosambi and Ujjain coins with Indus Script hypertexts signify metalwork wealth

    File:Coin - Copper - Circa 2nd Century BCE - Kosam - ACCN IM 4 - Indian Museum - Kolkata 2014-04-04 4330.JPG

    Coin - Copper - Circa 2nd Century BCE - Kosam(bi?) Indian Museum - Kolkata

    kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'
    kunda'nave of wheel' rebus: . -kō̃da -कोँद । इष्टिकाभ्राष्ट्रः f. a brick-kiln. (Kashmiri) kõdār'turner' (Bengali).arā 'spoke of wheel' rebus: āra 'brass'
    dhanga'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith'. 
    Svastika hieroglyph: sattuva 'hardness, hieroglyph svastika, Rebus: jasta, 'zinc, pewter'. సత్తువ sattuva or సత్తువు sattuvu. [from Skt. సత్వం.] n. Strength, vigour, force, power, energy, capability.
     gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar'.
    Kosambi cast copper coin. 1st century BCE. Inscribed "Kosabi". British Museum.

    Svastika hieroglyph: sattuva 'hardness, hieroglyph svastika, Rebus: jasta, 'zinc, pewter'. సత్తువ sattuva or సత్తువు sattuvu. [from Skt. సత్వం.] n. Strength, vigour, force, power, energy, capability.
    karibha'elephant' rebus: karba 'iron'
     kammaṭamu ] Same as కమటము. 'portable urnace'కమ్మటీడు kammaṭīḍu.'goldsmith' rebus: kammaa'mint, coiner, coinage'.
    The 'Ujjain symbol' with a crescent is of course well known as the dynastic symbol of the Satavahanas. Its appearance on several local coin types in eastern Malwa and in the Vidarbha region suggests that these were the regions where the Satavahanas adopted this symbol from local coin types. It appears less likely that the Satavahanas invented this symbol as a new creation, in which case all uninscribed coin types with this symbol would have to be regarded as anonymous Satavahana issues.

     gaṇḍa 'four' rebus: kaṇḍa 'fire-altar' PLUS kuhāra 'crucibe' rebus: kuhāru 'armourer'
    Vidarbha, anonymous uniface die-struck AE
    Weight:  1.50gm., Dimensions: 14x12 mm.
    Railed tree in centre; taurine fixed in open railing on the left with a nandipada on top left; on the
         right is an Indradhvaja and at the bottom a river.
    Blank reverse
    Reference: Mitchiner (MATEC) 4775-4780

    kuṭi 'tree' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'

    Nandipada hypertext:Two fish-fins joined atop a dotted circle: dhatu 'strand' rebus: dhatu 'mineral' dhavdi 'smelter' PLUS khambhaṛā 'fish-fin' rebus: kammaTa 'mint, coiner, coinage'

    aya 'fish' rebus: ayas 'alloy metal'.

    "Mitchiner describes Vidarbha provenances for all his specimens. Coins of the same type have however also been reported from the Vidisha region of eastern Malwa. The taurine fixed in an open railing occurs not only on punchmarked coins of eastern Malwa but also on die-struck coppers of that region as can be seen on coins from the Kurara series. Thus it would not be impossible that this is an anonymous type of the Kurara series or at least typologically linked to that series. Its occurrence in Vidarbha might be explained by the close geographical relationship and by trade exchange...Eran and Vidisha, famous sites of great antiquity, were among the dominating urban centers of eastern Malwa in post-Mauryan Central India. Eran is situated on the south bank of the Bina river, a tributary of river Betwa, and Vidisha is on the east bank of the Betwa, approximately 50 miles away. Other major urban centers of eastern Malwa were Bhagila, Kurara and Nandinagara (Nadner). An early trade route connecting Pataliputra with Mathura passed through Eran-Vidisha lands. And while one trade route went from Kausambi in the Allahabad district to the eastern sea coast, another route connected Kausambi in a south-westerly direction with Bharhut, Eran, Vidisha, Ujjain, Mahismati and finally Broach on the western sea coast. In contrast to the more or less exclusive use of die-struck local coins in western Malwa, dominated by the urban center of Ujjain, some local powers of eastern Malwa used die-struck coins, while others issued punchmarked copper coins during this post-Mauryan period. Traditionally, these coins have been assigned to "Eran" but they may have been issued in Vidisha or other neighbouring centers as well.The Eran-Vidisha region is the source of an important series of attractive,well executed ancient punchmarked copper coins. These local coins of eastern Malwa developed in the post-Mauryan time when the political control of the region had fallen to local dynasts. The very distinctive local coinages, such as that of Eran and Vidisha in eastern Malwa or that of Ujjain in western Malwa, are an indication that these regions were practically independent when issuing these coins. One cannot fix the start of the local Eran-Vidisha punchmarked coppers precisely but the second part of the 2nd century BC is probable. The series came to an end when the Satavahanas incorporated Malwa into their growing empire around the middle of the 1st century BC.  A few Eran punchmarked coins with Satavahana inscriptions confirm the dynastic change in this region. Usually there are 4-5 different punches on an Eran coin. The maximum amount of punches is six and a few types have only two or three punches. The reverse of most specimens is blank but sometimes we see the remains of an old undertype. The commonest devices on Eran coins are elephant, horse, so-called Ujjain symbol, river, railed standard, railed tree and (lotus-)flower with eight petals. Sometimes we see also a bull,  a six-armed symbol, a taurine fixed in an open railing, a damaru in a damaru-shaped enclosure or a standard in a damaru-shaped enclosure. Depictions of a lion or a human being are rarely found. The taurine fixed in an open railing is a very characteristic symbol of the Eran-Vidisha region but sometimes it is also found on types from Vidarbha. A symbol which appears to be specific for the Eran series occurs in two modifications: as a closed semicircle with two fish inside and as a semicircle with two crosses inside."

    0 0

    खिल्य a piece of rock in the earth , mass , heap , lump RV. vi , 28 , 2; (ifc.S3Br. xiv , 5 , 4 , 12.(Monier-Williams) khilá m. ʻ unploughed land ʼ AV. 2. khilyá -- m. RV.1. Pa. khila -- m.; Pk. khila -- n. ʻ unploughed or salt land ʼ; P. khili f. ʻ uncultivated land ʼ, B. khil, Or. khiḷa; M. khiḷā m. ʻ cairn of stones ʼ.(CDIAL 3885)
    Santali lex.

    Ta. kuttu (kutti-) to plant, set, fix in the ground, set on edge (as bricks in arching, terracing); kuttāṅ-kal, kuttu-kkal stone or brick laid upright on edge. Ko. kut- (kuty-) to build up stones into wall. ? To. kušt- (kušty-) to build (wall of pen, etc.) with stones. Go. (Elwin) kutukal, (Grigson) kotokal memorial menhir (Voc. 743).(DEDR 1720) 

    puñja m. ʻ heap, quantity ʼ MBh. 2. *pañja -- (cf. pañjala -- , °jara -- m. ʻ a kind of bulbous plant ʼ lex.). [Cf. pūˊga -- 1°gá -- m.n. ʻ mass ʼ Mn., puṅga -- m.n. ʻ heap ʼ lex. Derivation fr. *pr̥ñja -- ~ pr̥ṇákti ʻ mixes, gives lavishly ʼ RV. (ND 372 a 33) is very doubtful; so also connection with Mu. (PMWS 147). Cf. also pañji -- and piñjā<-> which, even if not orig. connected, have to some extent collided with *pañja -- in NIA.]1. Pa. puñja -- , °aka -- m. ʻ heap ʼ, Pk. puṁja -- , °aya -- m.n.; Ku. pū̃ji ʻ stock, property ʼ, N. pũji; A. pũzi ʻ heap, deposit money ʼ; B. pũji ʻ heap, capital ʼ; Or. puñjā ʻ collection, aggregate of four ʼ, °ji ʻ heap, cluster, capital ʼ; Bi. pū̃j ʻ stack with grain heads inside ʼ, pū̃jī ʻ capital ʼ; OMth. puṁja ʻ heap ʼ; H. pū̃jī f. ʻ heap, mass, store ʼ (→ P. pū̃jī f.); G. pũjɔ m. ʻ sweepings ʼ, pũjī f. ʻ heap ʼ; M. pũj̈ā m. ʻ quantity of thread ʼ, pũjī f. ʻ little heap ʼ; Si. podiya ʻ bundle ʼ (semant. cf. L. pinnā < píṇḍa -- ). <-> Deriv.: Pk. puṁjaï ʻ heaps together ʼ, caus. pp. puṁjāviya -- ; G. pũjvũ ʻ to gather, sweep ʼ, pũjṇī f. ʻ broom (used by Jain ascetics) ʼ; M. puj̈āviṇẽ ʻ to gather in a heap ʼ.2. Pa. pañja -- m. ʻ heap ʼ; Kho. (Lor.) p*lnǰi ʻ heap of stones as a memorial cairn ʼ; N. pã̄jo ʻ row of cut corn laid out to dry ʼ; B. pã̄jā ʻ wisp, bundle, stack, brickkiln ʼ; M. pã̄jī f. ʻ offering of food to a ghost ʼ.(CDIAL 8251) *pañjāpāka ʻ kiln for a heap ʼ. [*pañja -- , āpāka -- ]P. pañjāvāpãj° m. ʻ brick kiln ʼ; B. pã̄jā ʻ kiln ʼ, G. pajāvɔ m. -- ND 372 a 42 wrongly.(CDIAL 7686)  *pañjāli ʻ row of heaps ʼ. [*pañja -- , *āḍi -- 2] A. pazāli ʻ small heaps of mustard plants harvested and left on the field to dry ʼ.(CDIAL 7687) pañji°jī°jikā -- f. ʻ ball of cotton from which thread is spun ʼ lex. [← Drav. T. Burrow BSOAS xii 382 and DED 3173. Cf. piñjā -- and *pañja -- (s.v. puñja -- ) with which it collides in NIA.]A. pã̄zi ʻ wisp of cotton, roll of cotton or thread ʼ; B. pã̄ij ʻ wisp, roll (esp. of cotton) ʼ.(CDIAL 7688)

    pañjikāraka m. ʻ almanac -- maker ʼ lex., pañjikara -- , pañjikākāraka -- m. lex. [pañjī -- , kāra -- 1] Mth. pajiār (°āṛ hyperhindiism) ʻ hereditary genealogist (whose special duty is to arrange marriages) ʼ, (ETirhut) pãjiyār ʻ hereditary genealogist of Sotī Brahmans ʼ.pañjī -- , °jikā -- f. ʻ register, almanac ʼ lex. [Same as pañji -- EWA ii 188]A. pã̄zi ʻ almanac ʼ, B. pã̄ji; Or. pāñji ʻ almanac, accounts written on a palm -- leaf ʼ; Mth. pã̄jī ʻ genealogical register of Sotī Brahmans ʼ.(CDIAL 7689, 7690)

    Hundreds throng to see sunrise on vernal equinox TNN | Mar 21, 2017, 06:25 IST

    Ranchi: People gathered in large numbers at Pankri Burwadih in Hazaribag on Monday morning to witness the vernal equinox when the rays of the sun fall perpendicularly over the equator resulting in equal length of day and night. This unique phenomena can be seen from this megalithic site, about 120 km from the state capital. The clear sky over Hazaribag ensured good visibility as the sun rose from the horizon.

    Amateur megalith expert Subhashis Das, who has authored several books on megalithic sites in India, and has been researching on the subject for more than 20 years, guided locals to view the sun from a particular angle at the site. He said the sun does not rise from the save spot every day. "The point of sunrise shifts from one point in winter called the winter solstice (where it appears on December 22/23) to summer solstice (which occurs on June 22/23) every year. The sun passes through a particular point twice every year called the vernal and autumnal equinox," he said.

    Tribals believe the point of sunrise on vernal and autumnal equinox is considered the true 'east'. Ancient tribes here erected two stones (menhirs) to form an angle through which the sunrise can be viewed.

    Though most of the megalithic sites of Jharkhand are burial sites, Pankri Burwadih is not just a burial site but also an observatory to study the transit of the sun. Das found that the Punkri Burwadih site is also aligned to the summer and winter solstices and also to that of the equinoxes.

    The Hargarhis of Jharkhand: A Brief Study of the Megaliths of Jharkhand

    Subhashis Das, Individual Researcher on Megaliths
    Jharkhand is one of the rarest places in the country where megalith making still continues today as a continued tradition since much ancient times. Jharkhand currently has about 32 tribes of which only barely four still continue with the much ancient practice of megalith building on their deceased since unknown times. How many tribes amongst these had megalithic burial custom in the past is not distinctly known. There must have been a few more megalithic tribes in the past that is extinct today or might have merged with some other megalithic group or may have deserted the megalithic burial tradition.
    That megalithism runs deep in Jharkhand can also be observed in the practice of satbarwaan ritual among the dalits of the state in which these people have been found to ritualistically bury the bones of the dead near a sacred stone or a megalith.
    However, contrary to popular beliefs, not all megaliths are connected with death. Few of these monuments served as commemoratives for special occasions or performed as boundary markers and some were even found to function as astronomical observatories.
    Kolvrata, sasandiri, dolmen, menhir, biridiri, Munda, Santal, Oraon, Pathalgadda, Chokahatu.
    India is an amazing land of megaliths; from Kashmir to Kerala and Manipur to Gujarat the sacred land of this country is interspersed with megaliths. The presence of such a cache of tribal megaliths in the country endorses the verity that India was once a predominant land of the non-Aryans tribes. Rai Bahadur S. C. Roy the doyen of Indian anthropology and ethnography therefore articulated that India ought to have been named Kolavrata in place of Aryavrata judging by the preponderance of the non-Aryans tribes in India (Roy 1912).
    For scholars, the South along with the North-East of the country has been held as the Mecca of megaliths. That Jharkhand is indeed a treasure house of diverse megalithic structures is barely known to many (Das 2008). Below is a portrayal of the megaliths of the state; many of which has been discovered by the author and subsequently by a few amateur megalith hunters of the state.
    Among the 24 districts of Jharkhand a majority of them accommodate large number of megaliths ranging from the much ancient to the present times. Each district here surprisingly displays separate architecture of these monuments (Das 2015).
    In the austric vernacular of the proto-austroloid Kolarian and even among the Dravidian speaking tribes dolmens are called sasandiri (Koopers 1942). A Mundari sasandiri dolmen comprises of a capstone placed on four or more stones (Fig 1). A sasandiri is meant to perform as a family grave vault in which the cremated bones of the deceased of the same family are inserted. Capstones of a few sasandiris dolmens comprise port holes through which the bones of the dead are meant to be popped in and the inner chambers are at times cleaned through it. (Koopers 1942).

    Fig 1. A Mundari  sasandiri dolmen
    Fig 1. A Mundari sasandiri dolmen

    The menhirs or the birdiris are memorials of the dead and these even serve as commemoratives for several purposes besides death. Birdiri menhirs in Jharkhand can be seen to be erected to commemorate a variety of noteworthy events as the birth of a much longed girl child in a family, to celebrate the release of jailed Jharkhandi activists during the Jharkhand agitation and to observe the birth of the new Jharkhand state et al. Menhirs are also erected displaying the totem (killi) of the dominant tribe of a village and the rules thereby laid on it. In the hinterlands of Gumla and in the deep woods of Simdega I have seen a menhir in the memory of a dead wild elephant and one also to celebrate the birth of a mythical tiger born to a tribal girl (Das 2009). A state alive with such megalithism other than Jharkhand is difficult to find.
    Among the 32 tribes presently it is the Mundas, Hos, Asurs and the Oraons that can be called megalithic tribes (Das 2015). Scholars are of the view that Santals are not megalithic in their disposal of their dead. I however beg to differ with this view point. There is much archaeological evidence to prove that the Santals did erect megaliths in the past and though the practice has plummeted yet similar monuments of stones on their dead created in the present day can be perceived.
    Every tribal village in the state has a burial ground having diverse names as hargarhi, hargarha, harsalli and jangarha etc which comprise an assortment of varied megalithic architectures. Each among the four different tribes has their separate megalithic architectures and/or placements. The Mundari birdiri menhirs can be seen to be placed in a row. The Mundari sasandiri has already been described in the above, but the Mundas are also known to place stone slabs or centrestones on their buried funerary pots which too are sasandiri for them. The Oraon sasandiri is different having a combination of both a dolmen of a flat capstone on four stones and a birdiri menhir placed beside it (Fig 2). The modern day Oraon sasandiris are similar to their earlier forms but are of a petite size. The Ho megaliths are the rarest of them all as these people after cremation of their dead bury the remains in their courtyards inside an earthen pitcher and sasandiri burial slabs thereafter placed upon them (Das 2006) (Fig 3.). Their birdiri menhirs are very tall and slender in comparison to those of the Mundas (Fig 4). The Asurs too place sasandiri burial slabs on their dead. It has also been learnt that akin to their Munda brethrens the Asurs too once erected biridirimenhirs (Gupta 1976).

    Fig 2. An Oraon sasandiri dolmen
    Fig 2. The author with an Oraon sasandiri dolmen
    Fig 3. The Ho tribes' sasandiri burial slabs are placed in their counrtyard of their homes
    Fig 3. The Ho tribes’ sasandiri burial slabs are placed in their counrtyard of their homes
    Fig 4. Chaibasa. Such large birdiri menhirs dot the landscape of Chaibasa.
    Fig 4. Chaibasa. Such large birdiri menhirs dot the landscape of Chaibasa.

    The different megalithic architectures also depended on different age groups of the dead, the nature of the person’s death or the diverse causes for the occurrence of death during different seasons (Van Exem 1982). However at most places stern distinctiveness of the megalithic architectures are not maintained today. I have observed that in a couple of megalithic sites a few Oraon type sasandiri dolmens were erected by Mundari families. Dolmen sasandiris which were originally meant to be burials are also being built today as memorials of the dead.
    Megaliths in Jharkhand are not merely confined to sacred burial hargarhis only. In places where the tribal population is either negligible or amounts to none megaliths could be found to be anywhere; in the field, in the jungle and within sacred groves aka Sarnas (Sarnas are also called Mandar in the non-tribal Hinduised lingo where as the Santals call their sacred grove Jaher Than where the Goddess of the sacred grove Jaher Era resides) (Fig 5). Sepulchral stones can even be located even at the foot and gradients of several sacred hills.
    Fig 5. This megalithic hargarhi in banjha is inside a sarna

    Fig 5. This megalithic hargarhi in Banjha is inside a sarna

    The burial typology in the megaliths of Jharkhand until now that is learnt is that of pot burials. Cinerary pots have been yielded from megalithic tombs as fall out of road making across many prehistoric megalithic sites, ploughing about megaliths and also by deliberate digging on to a megalithic site in hope of buried treasure. One can also see in the land around many megalithic sites as that of Obra, Basantpur, Angara and Barwadih etc where the rims of quite a few burial pots of various sizes peep out (Fig 6). However given the fact of assorted styles of megalithic tombs in the state, scientific excavation is indeed required to find out the different kinds of megalithic burials other than that of the earthen pots that may have prevalent in ancient Jharkhand that may lie buried under the megaliths.

    Fig 6. Burial urns peep out from megalithic sites.
    Fig 6. Burial urns peep out from megalithic sites.

    Another unusual aspect of Jharkhand megaliths is the presence of melted bitumen that can be seen to have been poured at the top of many menhirs in connection to some unknown cinerary rite. This feature can be seen in many megalithic sites as that of Napo and Punkri Burwadih etc.
    From Koderma in the North to Simdega and both the Singbhum districts to its South of the state most of the districts if not all is indeed interspersed with a wide and remarkable array of megaliths (Das 2006).
    Interestingly the megalithic architecture of the state differs from one district to the other despite a particular type remain common. Pathalgadda in the Chatra district as the name suggests is an amazing place for prehistoric megaliths. So dense is the megalithic population of this region that if a stone is flung up in the air and where it drops one is sure to stumble upon a megalithic site. There is a varied range of megaliths in the deserted ancient burial grounds many of which are still called hargarhi by the non-tribal Hindu residents of nearby villages.
    One monument typical to Chatra and its adjoining districts is a leaning menhir that rests on a smaller upright stone facing either Due North or East. As the megalithic structure does not bear a name I have taken the liberty to christen it as “Lean-Support menhirs.”
    The Rohmar megalithic site holds interesting placements of the Lean Supports (Fig 7). Here the monuments have been positioned in such a manner that they are inclined towards their opposite sides facing either the East or the West in a schematic manner at a difference of about a few feet. Resulting which a long passage in-between the opposite facing Lean Supports can be seen to have been formed in a North South alignment. This interesting and unique typology is indeed something very novel and archetypal to a few sites of the region. The Lean Supports seem to have carpetted many megalithic sites of the region but their positioning at either sides to fashion a passage is not observed in many sites. Rohmar comprises a few Buddhist votive stupas as well.
    Fig 7. The Rohmar megalithic burial site is unique. The Lean-Supports face each other and a North-South passage can be seen to have been formed in the process.

    Chatra also houses quite a few cairn burials of dark, beige and quartzite stone pieces. I have seen both the Lean Supports and the two toned cairns even in and around Santal Parganas. The Lean Support type structures can be seen in and around many villages of the Dumka region. These are not for sepulchral purposes here but for paddy thrashing. But that they still use the cairn as a mode of disposing their dead is still evident. In this context it seems the Lean Supports and the cairns in Chatra could be of Santal origin raised by them during their presence here sometime in the ancient era which they tugged along with them to Santal Parganas.
    Another unique feature of megaliths of Chatra and its adjoining districts is the presence of trees as Banyan, Mahua or Peepul in the sites (Fig 8). Whether the plantation of these trees were a later day exercise in these age old megaliths or do these belong to the lineage of much older ones could not be ascertained. Banyans (ficus benghalensis) and Peepuls (ficus religiosa) are sacred to both Hindu and Buddhist but for the tribals it is the Saal (shorea robusta) and the Karam (adina cardifolia) which I could not find in the megaliths. Therefore do the plantations of these trees in these tribal megaliths in some manner indicate to the acculturation of the tribal sites into the Hindu or the Buddhist fold?

    Fig 8. Chatra megaliths comprise of  trees be it Banyan, Pepul or even a Mahua
    Fig 8. Chatra megaliths comprise of trees be it Banyan, Pepul or even a Mahua

    Singhani, Katia Murwey, Obra, Angara, Barwadih, Bayen, Dundwa, Rohmar, Purni Mandar, Itkhori, Banjha and Silhatti etc are a few of the many megalithic sites in Chatra.
    Some twenty years ago I had discovered a major megalithic site of Purni Mandar of Chatra district which is spread at an area of a km housing six different megalithic sites of different architectures from the very ancient to the modern. The oldest site of Punri Mandar is inside a tribal sarna known to the Hindu neighbours as mandar; hence the name which in simple English means Old Temple. The site consists of menhirs standing to about 12 feet in height (Fig 9), burial slabs, small menhirs and many Lean Supports. The tall menhir is the sacred stone here worshipped by the Bhuiyan community and the pahan (priest) is from a Hinduised Ganju tribe. This is one interesting facet of India where the menhir may have been raised by some unknown tribe in the hoary antiquity but is presently worshipped by some other.Fig 9. The Purni Mandar megalithic hargarhi is large and houses these large menhirs. They are worshipped by the local villagers

    Fig 9. The Purni Mandar megalithic hargarhi is large and houses these large menhirs. They are worshipped by the local villagers

    The modern megalithic hargarhi is about a quarter a kilometer away from the ancient site. Among the new ones a few resemble Mundari sasandiris and a few sasandiris are similar to that of the Oraons. A couple of these menhirs of the Oraon type sasandiris have been covered with white clothes as per some funerary rite and on their eastern surface one can see the details of the deceased inscribed in Hindi. The Heroes on the Hero Stones in South and Central India are found to be made on standing stones but here in Purni Mandar one Oraon type sasandiri’s horizontal capstone bears the horse ridden Hero.
    Megaliths of different shapes substantiate that they may have been constructed by different tribes and at different time scales. The variants of the architecture as discussed earlier also depend on different type of deaths at different ages.
    Banjha in the Chatra district is also another very ancient hargarhi nestled within a large sarna. There are hundreds of sepulchral stones here from burial sasandiri slabs, Lean-Supports, birdiri menhirs to large Oraon sasandiris. One Lean-Support menhir is the sacred stone worshipped as the “Kudra Sthan” or “Badka Baba” by an Agaria Asur tribal who is the pahan. Both the Hindus and the tribals are known to worship here.
    Chatra megaliths present a wide variety of menhir placements; some of these stones lean on each other, some face to their either sides, some embrace one another; the assortment is indeed fascinating. They may now seem pretty alluring to us but to the prehistoric humanity these must have had meanings which we have now lost. Apart from convenational Oraon sasandiris Chatra also houses the customary Mundari type sasandiris.
    Ramgarh too is home to single menhirs, hargarhis, dolmens and cairns. The dolmen of Bengwa Pahari near Chitarpur with a chamber and a capstone is indeed unique. The villagers are known to have dug out a pitcher from the chamber comprising of coins of Shah Alam period.
    Huhua in the region stands out as a unique monument with quite huge four-sided vertically edged pillared stones. Their flattened tops either possess amlaka like structures or comprise deep circular cavities dug on it (Fig 10). The only feasible interpretation of the amalaka on the these stones could be that these might stand for turbans representative of kings and the ones with tapered tops with large holes carved onto them may be symbolical of queens. The site could have been Hinduised in socio-religious aspects.

    Fig 10. Huhua
    Fig 10. Huhua

    Huhua could be relatively new but a better conclusion will surface once an excavation is undertaken and the grave goods scientifically dated. The distinctive menhirs of Huhua have their parallels in quite a few other places such as Lohardagga, Ranchi and even around Hazaribagh. The presence of such unique stones with amlakas could signify a specific cult of megalithism that requires to be studied properly.
    Honhey, Gandkey and Siru etc are quite a few among many ancient megalithic sites in which Honhey seem to be quite an old hargarhi. The site has revealed Red and appliqué pottery. Napo too is interesting in its architectural stylistics which also houses a small raised circle (Fig 11). Two menhirs stands side by side oriented towards the Winter Solstice sunrise and the Summer Solstice sunset. I was notified by the villagers that one of the two adjacently placed menhirs was hit by a speeding truck resulting in the splitting of one of the prehistoric stones. The fragmented part now lies at its feet. The two stones have tiny specks of mica ingrained in them and when the moon shines the mica flecks glow like fireflies in the night; indeed the ancient megalith makers did have an aesthetic sense.

    Fig 11. Napo
    Fig 11. Napo

    Hazaribagh houses very stunning and very ancient megaliths. The district has huge menhirs and major megalithic complexes and dolmens which seem very old and whose capstones are very large.
    The heterogeneity of Hazaribagh megaliths indeed has no corresponding site in the state. The district may not hold large megalithic burials as that of Banjha and Chokahatu anmd Purni Mandar but Hazaribagh indeed presents a wide array of megalithic structures unknown in other part of the state. Chano, Punkri Burwadi and Birbir are very unique in their typologies. Chano is a burial but is so remarkable in its surface architecture that the site has no known parallels in the country (Fig 12). Apart from the recumbent burial slabs the site comprises of a 29” tall phallus with glans and three triangles of relative sizes. The site is also oriented towards the Summer Solstice sunrise. The positioning of the stones in the site illustrates impeccable proportions and hex sectioning by way of alignments to the hills in the horizon. The vicinity of the site has a good amount of iron slags and traces of iron furnaces can be seen. I have also collected Black and Red Ware, Red Wares and even Black Wares revealed by the plough. I had also the fortune to find a fragment of a bone relic which could be the part of a bone flute.

    Fig 12. Author sits in the middle of the amazing megalithic complex of Chano. Chano reveals stunning astronomy and Mathematics.
    Fig 12. Author sits in the middle of the amazing megalithic complex of Chano. Chano reveals stunning astronomy and Mathematics.

    The megalithic complex of Punkri Burwadih (Fig 13) seems to be an observatory of the transits of the sun to function as a calendar for the communities of the region. The stones here are positioned both with perfect alignment to the notches and peaks of the mountain range that encircle the megalithic complex and in the mode of 1: 2: 4 ratios. The site also consists of two Holed Stones similar to that of England’s. The complex houses a Stone Circle with a phallic stone in it centre. The circle may hold the burial.

    Fig 13. The eminent Punkri Burwadih.
    Fig 13. The eminent Punkri Burwadih.

    Hazaribagh also maintains quite a few animal structures as turtles, elephant and lizard etc.
    Lohardagga district is also home to a very absorbing dolmen, animal structures, cairn circles, large birdiri menhirs and hargarhis consisting of Mundari sasandiris,. The dolmen sits pompously aligned to the Summer Solstice sunrise and the Winter Solstice sunset (Fig 14). The Asura megaliths around Netarhaat or Lohardagga too comprise large burial slabs also called sasandiri in their hargarhi.

    Fig 14. This Dolmen in Lohardagga is aligned to the mid Summer Sunrise and the Winter Solstice sunset.
    Fig 14. This Dolmen in Lohardagga is aligned to the mid Summer Sunrise and the Winter Solstice sunset.

    Chokahatu near Bundu comprises contains over 8000 megalithic tombs including large sized sasandiris (Fig 1 & 15). The most crucial part of the site is not only its enormous size but its continuous use till today by the Mundas since over 2500 years. As the site reveals a custom of continued megalithic tradition for over so many years, the site therefore indeed is a claimant of a World Heritage Site. Burunda near Chokahatu though is a smaller hargarhi comprise of larger megalithic slabs. The Dulmi hargarhi near Chokahatu too seem quite old.

    Fig 15. The enormous megalithic hargarhi of Chokahatu
    Fig 15. The enormous megalithic hargarhi of Chokahatu

    Chaibasa is the most amazing megalithic town of Jharkhand as each home holds sepulchral slabs; something unknown perhaps in any parts of the world (Fig 3) and tall birdiri menhirs can be seen dotting the village sacred ground raised in the memory of the departed (Fig 4). Quite a few Ho birdiris are pretty tall and slim and they may stand up to a height of 12 to 14 feet. Ho megaliths are believed to be relatively new not going back beyond the medieval ages as they are believed to have arrived here crossing Ranchi.
    Villages in Central and South Jharkhand have many ancient hargarhis. They could be thousands of years old and many of these are still in use. Villagers have come and gone but for thousands of years the hargarhis have remained unchanged. The adivasis have continuously planted sasandiris and birdiris in these lands.
    Ranchi and her neighbouring regions have numerous tribal villages every one of which comprise of hargarhi comprising of sasandiris and birdiris. Menhirs in several villages in and around the city are also termed as burudiri.
    A very interesting birdiri cluster can be viewed in Mahuatoli in Khunti (Fig 16). There is a hargarhi here where sasandiris and birdiris from the very old to the new can be viewed. But a few tall menhirs outside the sacred burial land indeed pose much mystery as to why these were not placed inside the hargarhi ? Was the hargarhi a later creation? If so why the hargarhi was not created here where these menhirs stand? The positioning of the stones too is strange as these stones are placed at distances…did these serve an astronomical purpose? The typology of the menhirs clearly reveals that these stones are not Mundari in origin. Such slim biridiris are still built by the Hos in the Singhbhum region. Are these menhirs proof of the fact that the Hos were in this region sometime in the past?

    Fig 16. Khunti.
    Fig 16. Khunti.

    Mahuatandr, Mcluskigunj and Gumla region comprise of numerous sasandiri and birdiris.
    Although they are a Hinduised fraternity today, the Bhumij were raising burial sasandiri slabs along the Damodar River in Bokaro and Ramgarh till Bengal.
    The Munda menhirs are usually tall and flat and tend to taper at the top and are found to be positioned in a single row. The hargarhis of the South and Central Jharkhand comprise merely the traditional sasandiris or the burial slabs losing the variety of megalithic architectures which the North of the state offers. However places like Lohardagga and Ranchi also reveal quite a few stone circles and oblongs (Fig 17). To which tribe these structures could be attributed is not easy to assert as no tribe presently constructs such circles.

    Fig 17 .Cairn cirlce in Ranchi shaped as an oblong. Credit Himanshu Shekhar
    Fig 17 .Cairn cirlce in Ranchi shaped as an oblong. Credit Himanshu Shekhar

    In and around Santal Parganas many cairn burials resembling the ones in the woods of Chatra and Hazaribagh can be seen (Fig 18). The stones used in such burials are essentially of two colours; white quartzite and beige or black. They can be seen to be placed at the foot of hills or are aligned to them. Many of these graves are indeed new and fundamentally corroborate two things; that Santal on contrary to common beliefs do dispose their dead megalithicially and these megaliths also confirm that in line with their folklores the Santals indeed dwelled in Hazaribagh region much prior to their migration to the Santal Parganas.

    Fig 18. The carins of Santal parganas reveal stones of two colours.
    Fig 18. The carins of Santal parganas reveal stones of two colours.

    It was Allchin for the first time in India who wrote about some forty non-sepulchral megaliths in the region of South Hyderabad including those of Nilurallu, Hanamsagar and Vibhuthihalli (Allchin1956). K. Paddayya however later discovered a few more non-sepulchral sites. Quite a few other megalith settings like the beautiful yet ruined stone circle of Asota in Pakistan and Burzhaom in Kashmir are also identified as being non-sepulchral (Ghosh1990). Gordon also wrote about such non-sepulchral megaliths and like Allchin he too opined on their astronomical links (Gordon 1997). Research into the megaliths of Nilaskal, Vibhuthihalli and Nilurallu by the Indian Institute of Astrophysics and the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research revealed the fact that many of these ancient megaliths were constructed as per astronomy. Nilurallu is non-sepulchral in nature and has revealed its astronomical links after research by Indian Institute of Astrophysics (Rao, Thakur & Priya 2011). The megalithic complex of Nilurallu is also aligned to sunrises and sunsets at the equinoxes and solstices.
    In the same lines my research of many years uncovered the concealed fact that megaliths of Punkri Burwadih, Chano, Birbir and Katia Murwey apart from being sepulchral tombs were also created for astronomical purposes. Profound research of these megaliths showed that they displayed orientations towards the sunrises and sets of the Equinoxes and Summer and Winter Solstices. Punkri Burwadih is the only megalith in the country today where people gather to view the Equinox sunrises through the “V” formation of the two contiguously positioned menhirs (Fig19). One can also witness the Summer Solstice sunrise through the same “V” on 20/21 June standing at a different marker.

    Fig 19. Two menhirs in Punkri Burwadih are positioned is such a manner that a V notch is formed. On Equinox and on Summer Soltice mornigs the sun rises exactly through this V.
    Fig 19. Two menhirs in Punkri Burwadih are positioned is such a manner that a V notch is formed. On Equinox and on Summer Soltice mornigs the sun rises exactly through this V.

    Many menhirs in and around Hazaribagh districts could be seen to be orientated towards 120SE of E, the azimuth of the Winter Solstice sunrises in this latitude. The plausible reason behind this is perhaps the celebration of the bone burying jung tapa or the jung gara ceremony that once transpired around the mid-winter sunrise. Today this rite is nearly dying out but can still be found to be practiced around the Maghe Parob in January.
    Alignments to the notches and peaks of hills by the megaliths are still a stunning sight to behold. Studying the positioning of many megalithic sites as that of Chano, Birbir, Bayen, Katia Murwey has revealed astronomical alignments to the significant sunrises and sets. As it is not possible to discuss the alignments of all the astronomical megaliths of the state let me share with you the alignments of a particular megalithic complex of Huhua. The megaliths show how precisely the site has been positioned in alignment to the cardinal points. The monument can be found to be situated exactly at the intersection of the alignment of the sacred Lugu and Sikidiri pahadi at the Due North and South respectively and to an unnamed hill and the Maya tongri to the Summer Solstice sunrise and the Winter Solstice sunset respectively.
    The mathematics and observational astronomy that was used in these megaliths’ construction confirms the prevalence of these sciences amongst the megalith building tribes during an unknown time in prehistory.
    One unique aspect of Hazaribagh megaliths is the presence of triangles of various sizes. Megaliths as that of Birbir, Chano, Jabra, Purni Mandar, Lati and Amnari et al houses triangles in them. This phenomenon is not seen in any other megaliths in Jharkhand. It is difficult to affirm with conviction the rationale behind this. Megaliths as is now understood were temples of the Mother Goddess of the now defunct fertility cult revered by humanity even till a few years ago. Triangles with their apex pointing to the top is believed to be phallic male principles; confirmation of the prevalence of tantra like custom during these times of prehistory.
    Birbir and Chano demonstrate that these triangles were also used as pointers as the one of Birbir aim at the Equinox sunrise to the Due East (Fig 20) where as the Chano triangles towards the Winter Solstice sunrise and the Summer Solstice sets.

    Fig 20. The triangle in the Birbir megalithic site points to the Equinox sunrise
    Fig 20. The triangle in the Birbir megalithic site points to the Equinox sunrise

    Cupmarks are accepted as rock art today and the Darkai Chattan cupules have been dated to the Acheulian Age (Kumar 1995). However the cupules of megaliths are yet to receive a proper scientific dating. Punkri Burwaidh, Chano, Napo, Gurua, Raja Gosaiwn Birbir are a few megalithic sites where cupmarks are present. No one knows for certain for what reason cupules were once made. It however is assumed that they could be symbolic representations of the Great Goddesses. They could also be commemoratives of the dead or they could have been created for astronomical intention to be used as lunar calendars.
    Road construction, digging of earth for brick making or to seek buried treasure in the megalithic burials and ploughing have disturbed many a megalithic sites. Such activities have revealed burial pots, pitchers which contained a range of metal implements (Fig 21). Pots and pitchers have been recovered from megaliths by villagers that contained many implements of iron and copper from the prehistoric to the historic period. Ruination of megaliths has also laid bare coins from early historical to that of the early modern era. Burial pitchers from the megaliths of the Singhani site of Pathalgadda that have been unearthed during road making has yielded only copper remains as hooks, tools, bell, slags, rings and other implements of copper (Fig 22).

    Fig 21. Various metal implements recovered from megaliths of Jharkhand
    Fig 21. Various metal implements recovered from megaliths of Jharkhand
    Fig 22. Copper goods recovered from pitchers from megaliths in Pathalgadda
    Fig 22. Copper goods recovered from pitchers from megaliths in Pathalgadda

    When one of the menhirs of the Punkri Burwadih megalithic complex fell down, I had had the fallen menhir erected to its former glory with the assistance of the District Administration, of the village folks and of my team. In the process of the erection of the menhir, the earth was required to be dug where we hit upon an average sized pot buried near the menhir which housed an iron singi. The practice of burial with the singi is still prevalent in the satbwarwaan burial modes in Hazaribagh and her neighbouring district. Singis are two small iron cones connected with each other with a small iron chain. The cremated bones and the ashes of the deceased are inserted into the singi and jammed with iron lids connected with each other with an iron link and subsequently put inside the pot and thereafter buried near a menhir or even immersed in a river. Singis can be bought in the market and an old rusted one can still be found near any megalithic site in Central Jharkhand (Fig 23). The ritual though is vaguely popular is gradually dying out today.

    Fig 23. A singi. Collected in situ from a megalithic site
    Fig 23. A singi. Collected in situ from a megalithic site

    Pottery collected in situ from the megaliths or from the above mentioned processes are Appliqué, Black and Red, Black on Red, Polished Red Pottery, and Black Pottery (Fig 24). During the digging in Punkri Burwadih for the erection of the fallen menhir one Hand Axe was also recovered.

    Fig 24. Potshards from various  megalithic sites
    Fig 24. Potshards from various megalithic sites

    Due to the lack of a scientific dating for the grave goods yielded from the megaliths of Jharkhand it gets difficult to assign a date for them. Archaeologists hypothetically place megaliths of Jharkhand to the Iron Ages or to the historical period.
    The find of burial pitchers from the megaliths of the Singhani site of Pathalgadda during road making that contain only copper remains is bound to change much of this entire hypothesis (Fig 22). No iron could be traced from the pitchers of the megaliths; meaning they may not have been aware of iron as the metal might not have been discovered in that era. This find is indeed liable to push back the date of several megaliths of Chatra and Jharkhand to the Chalcolithic era and even beyond.
    Basing both on the surface architecture of several megaliths of the state and examining the migration lore and the ingress of the proto-austroloid megalithic Mundari tribes into the state, my conjecture is that several megaliths as that of Punkri Burwadih and that of Chano might have been built between 1550 and 1450 BC.
    I have had a few stone tools dated at Dresden Germany collected in-situ from the megalithic complex of Punkri Burwadih. The date acquired from the patina formation on the stone tools has been found to go beyond 5000 BP (Imam 2014). This however in no way sets the date for the megalithic complex of Punkri Burwadih but only fixes it for the tools made and used by the primitive folks who lived here possibly much prior to the megalithic complex.
    Many megaliths also served as boundary stones or as simana diri. It is sad that megaliths despite being the truest archaeological and historic relics of the tribals of Jharkhand they lie in utter disregard; neglected both by the government and tribal themselves. Excavation of many of the sites is required in order to trace the migration pattern of the various megaliths making tribes into Jharkhand and fixing the date of their arrival into the state in the process. To which tribe the prehistoric megaliths could be credited becomes imperative in the research.
    Furthermore more open mindedness is required by the archaeologists to accept the new changes that have set in megaliths archaeology worldwide. Hence that megaliths were also set up for non sepulchral and astronomical functions should also be acknowledged by them.
    Megaliths are being destroyed everyday and these ancient sacred stones are being towed away for mundane domestic uses. If such a process of destruction of megaliths continues, the adivasis of Jharkhand very soon will be left with no archaeological relics of their past, of which they can boast unless they wake up to protect their own heritage of megaliths. Our country in the process will also lose significant artifacts of prehistory of which not many people are aware of.

    Allchin, F.R. 1956. The Stone Alignments of Southern Hyderabad.Man. 11.
    Das, Subhashis. Some Salient Features of the Surface Architecture of Megaliths of Hazaribagh. Purattatva. 2008.
    Das, Subhashis. Sacred Stones in Indian Civilization. Kaveri Books. New Delhi. 2009.
    Das, Subhashis. Megaliths of Jharkhand: A New Insight. Abacus. 2010.
    Das, Subhashis. The Stunning Megalith of Rola (Chano). Abacus. 2012
    Das, Subhashis. Unknown Civilization of Prehistoric India. Kaveri Books. New Delhi. 2014.
    Das, Subhashis. Indian megalithic culture since its dawn in prehistoric times and aspects of continuing megalith uses and belief systems. (sent for publication). British Archaeological Reports. England. 2015.
    Das Subhashis. Similarities of Indian megaliths with Neolithic European and British megaliths and monuments: A consideration of possible influences in antiquity (sent for publication). Journal of Lithic Studies. University of Edinburgh. 2015.
    Gordon, D.H. 1997.The Prehistoric Background of Indian Culture. (New edition).New Delhi. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd.
    Ghosh, A. 1990.An Encyclopedia of Indian Archaeology. Leiden. Brill Publishers.
    Gupta, S.P. The Asur Ethno-Biological Profile. Bihar Tribal Welfare Research Institute Ranchi. 1976
    Imam, Bulu. 2015. Antiquarian Remains of Jharkhand. Aryan Books. New Delhi.
    Koppers, W. Monuments to the dead of the Bhils and other primitive tribes in Central India. Annali Lateranensi. Vol VI. U.K. 1942.
    Kumar, Giriraj. 1995. Daraki-Chattan: a Paleolithic cupule site in India. Purakala 6.
    Rao Kameswara, R. N., Thakur, P. and Mallinthpur, Y. 2011. Astronomical significance of Nilurallu the megalithic stone alignment at Murardoddi in Andhra Pradesh. Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage.
    Roy, S.C. Mundas and their Country. Calcutta City Book Society. Calcutta. 1912.
    Van Exem (S.J.), A. The Religious System of the Munda Tribe. Catholic Press. Ranchi. 1982.
    The author was the Principal of a High School but is better known as an individual researcher of megaliths of India, tribal civilisations and culture and tribal folklores. He has the distinction of discovering many unknown megaliths of the country. He has also discovered the astronomy of Punkri Burwadih megaliths and the much ancient Equinox sunrise viewing from the site. Today as a result of his effort Punkri Burwadih is the only megalith in the country where people congregate to witness the Equinox sunrises. He has authored three books on his discovery and research on megaliths which are of course the first books on megaliths in the state of Jharkhand: IN QUEST OF THE MEGALITH, SACRED STONES IN INDIAN CIVILISATION, UNKNOWN CIVILISATION OF PREHISTORIC INDIA. His next books that await publication are: THE SASANDIRIS AND BIRDIRIS OF JHARKHAND (A gazetteer of Megaliths of Jharkhand), IN THE LAND OF MEGALITHS. He also writes in many national and international journals and his work has been featured in many documentaries and in many significant venues across the world. He has also been invited to speak on his research in many countries across the world. He also runs the only website on megaliths of India:
    Chitrolekha International Magazine on Art and Design. Volume 5, Number 4, 2015]

    The Archaeoastronomy of a Few Megalithic Sites of Jharkhand Hardcover – 28 Dec 2017

    Chokahatu. In the austric Mundaric language (one of the most abundantly spoken languages in primitive India and currently  is the speech of hundreds and thousands of tribals in the east and the central of contemporary India) it means ‘the land of mourning’. Chokahatu, situated about 80 kms south-east of the capital city of Ranchi is primarily a megalithic burial ground of the Mundas. Chokhahatu JharkhandSuch burial grounds are known as sasandiri, harsali, haragarhi etc in the local Mundaric languages and can be found in almost all the tribal villages in and around Ranchi. But Chokahatu is different. It is enormous in size.
    t is so huge that you can get lost amidst the sea of stones. Chokahatu has only two menhirs and the rest are all burial slabs and dolmens. The dolmens are also known as sasandiri to the Oraons, Hos, Mundas and the Asurs.The site was discovered by one T.F.Pepe way back in the late 19th century (Mr.Pepe like Mr.Babington has the rarest disticntion of discovering numerous megaliths in India in the 19th century). Pepe reported the site to Col.Dalton who visited here in 1871. Dalton was bewildered at the enormity of the site.He wrote in the “Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal” Vol.42 in 1872 that his helpers counted the sepulchral slabs to be around 8000 and the area was more than a whopping 7 acres. He believed that there must be an understratum of these graves and this site must be about two thousand years old. The villagers however Chokhahatu Jharkhand

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    America is Regressing into a Developing Nation for Most People

    The U.S. is no longer one country, but dividing into two separate economic and political worlds

    You’ve probably heard the news that the celebrated post-WW II beating heart of America known as the middle class has gone from “burdened,” to “squeezed” to “dying.”  But you might have heard less about what exactly is emerging in its place.

    In a new book, The Vanishing Middle Class: Prejudice and Power in a Dual Economy, Peter Temin, Professor Emeritus of Economics at MIT, draws a portrait of the new reality in a way that is frighteningly, indelibly clear:  America is not one country anymore. It is becoming two, each with vastly different resources, expectations, and fates.

    Two roads diverged
    In one of these countries live members of what Temin calls the “FTE sector” (named for finance, technology, and electronics, the industries which largely support its growth). These are the 20 percent of Americans who enjoy college educations, have good jobs, and sleep soundly knowing that they have not only enough money to meet life’s challenges, but also social networks to bolster their success. They grow up with parents who read books to them, tutors to help with homework, and plenty of stimulating things to do and places to go. They travel in planes and drive new cars. The citizens of this country see economic growth all around them and exciting possibilities for the future. They make plans, influence policies, and count themselves as lucky to be Americans.
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    The FTE citizens rarely visit the country where the other 80 percent of Americans live: the low-wage sector. Here, the world of possibility is shrinking, often dramatically. People are burdened with debt and anxious about their insecure jobs if they have a job at all. Many of them are getting sicker and dying younger than they used to. They get around by crumbling public transport and cars they have trouble paying for. Family life is uncertain here; people often don’t partner for the long-term even when they have children. If they go to college, they finance it by going heavily into debt. They are not thinking about the future; they are focused on surviving the present. The world in which they reside is very different from the one they were taught to believe in. While members of the first country act, these people are acted upon.
    The two sectors, notes Temin, have entirely distinct financial systems, residential situations, and educational opportunities. Quite different things happen when they get sick, or when they interact with the law. They move independently of each other. Only one path exists by which the citizens of the low-wage country can enter the affluent one, and that path is fraught with obstacles. Most have no way out.
    The richest large economy in the world, says Temin, is coming to have an economic and political structure more like a developing nation. We have entered a phase of regression, and one of the easiest ways to see it is in our infrastructure: our roads and bridges look more like those in Thailand or Venezuela than the Netherlands or Japan. But it goes far deeper than that, which is why Temin uses a famous economic model created to understand developing nations to describe how far inequality has progressed in the United States. The model is the work of West Indian economist W. Arthur Lewis, the only person of African descent to win a Nobel Prize in economics. For the first time, this model is applied with systematic precision to the U.S.
    The result is profoundly disturbing.
    In the Lewis model of a dual economy, much of the low-wage sector has little influence over public policy. Check. The high-income sector will keep wages down in the other sector to provide cheap labor for its businesses. Check. Social control is used to keep the low-wage sector from challenging the policies favored by the high-income sector. Mass incarceration – check. The primary goal of the richest members of the high-income sector is to lower taxes. Check. Social and economic mobility is low. Check.
    In the developing countries Lewis studied, people try to move from the low-wage sector to the affluent sector by transplanting from rural areas to the city to get a job. Occasionally it works; often it doesn’t. Temin says that today in the U.S., the ticket out is education, which is difficult for two reasons: you have to spend money over a long period of time, and the FTE sector is making those expenditures more and more costly by defunding public schools and making policies that increase student debt burdens.
    Getting a good education, Temin observes, isn’t just about a college degree. It has to begin in early childhood, and you need parents who can afford to spend time and resources all along the long journey. If you aspire to college and your family can’t make transfers of money to you on the way, well, good luck to you. Even with a diploma, you will likely find that high-paying jobs come from networks of peers and relatives. Social capital, as well as economic capital, is critical, but because of America’s long history of racism and the obstacles it has created for accumulating both kinds of capital, black graduates often can only find jobs in education, social work, and government instead of higher-paying professional jobs like technology or finance— something most white people are not really aware of. Women are also held back by a long history of sexism and the burdens — made increasingly heavy — of making greater contributions to the unpaid care economy and lack of access to crucial healthcare.
    How did we get this way?
    What happened to America’s middle class, which rose triumphantly in the post-World War II years, buoyed by the GI bill, the victories of labor unions, and programs that gave the great mass of workers and their families health and pension benefits that provided security?
    The dual economy didn’t happen overnight, says Temin. The story started just a couple of years after the ’67 Summer of Love. Around 1970, the productivity of workers began to get divided from their wages. Corporate attorney and later Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell galvanized the business community to lobby vigorously for its interests. Johnson’s War on Poverty was replaced by Nixon’s War on Drugs, which sectioned off many members of the low-wage sector, disproportionately black, into prisons. Politicians increasingly influenced by the FTE sector turned from public-spirited universalism to free-market individualism. As money-driven politics accelerated (a phenomenon explained by the Investment Theory of Politics, as Temin explains), leaders of the FTE sector became increasingly emboldened to ignore the needs of members of the low-wage sector, or even to actively work against them.
    America’s underlying racism has a continuing distorting impact. A majority of the low-wage sector is white, with blacks and Latinos making up the other part, but politicians learned to talk as if the low-wage sector is mostly black because it allowed them to appeal to racial prejudice, which is useful in maintaining support for the structure of the dual economy — and hurting everyone in the low-wage sector. Temin notes that “the desire to preserve the inferior status of blacks has motivated policies against all members of the low-wage sector.”
    Temin points out that the presidential race of 2016 both revealed and amplified the anger of the low-wage sector at this increasing imbalance. Low-wage whites who had been largely invisible in public policy until recently came out of their quiet despair to be heard. Unfortunately, present trends are not only continuing, but also accelerating their problems, freezing the dual economy into place.
    What can we do?
    We’ve been digging ourselves into a hole for over forty years, but Temin says that we know how to stop digging. If we spent more on domestic rather than military activities, then the middle class would not vanish as quickly. The effects of technological change and globalization could be altered by political actions. We could restore and expand education, shifting resources from policies like mass incarceration to improving the human and social capital of all Americans. We could upgrade infrastructure, forgive mortgage and educational debt in the low-wage sector, reject the notion that private entities should replace democratic government in directing society, and focus on embracing an integrated American population. We could tax not only the income of the rich, but also their capital.
    The cost of not doing these things, Temin warns, is incalculably high, and even the rich will end up paying for it:
    “Look at the movie, Hidden Figures: It recounts a very dramatic story about three African American women condemned to have a life of not being paid very well teaching in black colleges, and yet their fates changed when they were tapped by NASA to contribute to space exploration. Today we are losing the ability to find people like that. We have a structure that predetermines winners and losers. We are not getting the benefits of all the people who could contribute to the growth of the economy, to advances in medicine or science which could improve the quality of life for everyone — including some of the rich people.”
    Along with Thomas Piketty, whose Capital in the Twenty-First Century examines historical and modern inequality, Temin’s book has provided a giant red flag, illustrating a trajectory that will continue to accelerate as long as the 20 percent in the FTE sector are permitted to operate a country within America’s borders solely for themselves at the expense of the majority. Without a robust middle class, America is not only reverting to developing-country status, it is increasingly ripe for serious social turmoil that has not been seen in generations.
    A dual economy has separated America from the idea of what most of us thought the country was meant to be. 
    Originally posted at the Institute for New Economic Thinking.
    2017 April 29

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    Movement of Sarasvats to the east in Bharat is fascinating (See the map in the UPenn report). 

    gveda attests the movement of Rishi Rahugana to Karatoya river (tributary of Brahmaputra). This is the region of Meluhha speakers and Bronze Age sites of East Bharat and Ancient Far East. Munda-Santali-Khmer language links are well attested by Univ. of Hawaii linguistic studies. It appears the Sarasvats were the key players -- artisans and seafaring merchants -- in the Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked Hanoi (Vietnam) and Haifa (Israel) to give a push to the first industrial revolution of the Globe, Tin-Bronze Revolution, ca. 5th millennium BCE. Sarasvati River Civilization is the bedrock, the epicentre of Hindu civilization from 7th millennium BCE well attested in sites like Bhirrana, Kunal.

    See: Sadānīra is Karatoya river which joined Ganga (ca.4th millennium BCE)


    Videgha Māthava, Gotama Rahugaṇa (ŚBr) করতোয়ানদী Karatoya river is Sadānīra (Amara) and close to the tinbelt of the globe to unleash Tin-Bronze revolution (ca.4th m.BCE)

    S. Kalyanaraman,
    Sarasvati Research Centre

    Gauda Sarasvat Brahmans, Konkani: History

    KASHI : The most ancient living city in the world, the sacred seat of learning scriptures since Vedic times, supposed to be the capital of Hinduism.
    We are Hindus.

    Our religion is called Hindu Dharma or Hinduism.
    This religion was not founded or started by one Prophet or one Saint.

    Our scriptures categorically say that the Holy Books were created at the time of creation itself by God for the benefit and guidance of the mankind. They are eternal laws that will never change with the changing time.

    Our sages and wise men who interpreted these eternal laws never called the Religion by any name; even Hindu Dharma.
    The word, Hindu was coined by foreigners, may be Greeks or Persians who had declared that the inhabitants in the region beyond the eastern bank of the River Sindhu are Hindus substituting 'H' for 'S'. The same River Indus gave our country the name of INDIA, although all our ancient books called this country, "BHARATA KHANDA", "BHARAT VARSHA" or simply "BHARAT", the Kingdom ruled by BHARATA, a very very noble monarch who happened to be the son of King Dushyanta and Shakuntala, the famous characters immortalized by Kalidas, the Shakespeare of India.

    The story of Shakuntala is narrated in Mahabharata and this great epic is stated to have been composed some 5,000 years ago which means the King Bharata must have lived and ruled long long ago, somewhere in the dim past.

    But we as a part of the Aryan Society have been living as Brahmins from the very beginning of the Indian Civilization and quite interestingly without our knowledge we have become the vehicles of many facets of the Indian Culture.

    And our name is GOWDA SARASWAT BRAHMINS having resided in two great and famous mythological regions, the banks of the river SARASWATI and also GOWDA DESHA which had contributed significantly to the shaping of the Indian nation.

    We salute our forefathers.

    We are Brahmins.  Etymologically Brahmin means a person who has the full knowledge of Brahman, that is God. A Brahmin is supposed to be a repository of spiritual knowledge. He is not only a repository but also a nucleus from where the knowledge should radiate in all directions. 
    (Pic : The Institution of the ancient yajna continues - Yajna at Shirali temple.)
    Our scriptures have assigned six compulsory duties to a Brahmin:

     They are Learning (Studies of Scriptures), Making others learn (Teaching Scriptures), Performing sacrifices (Religious Duties), Officiating as a Priest when others perform the sacrifices, Giving gifts and presents to others and Receiving gifts and presents for the duties performedunder Teaching and Officiating, as a means of living.
     Thus this is a profession by itself and if one cannot earn enough to make a living, the scriptures suggest taking other occupations like Kshatriyas and Vysyas - which means they can go to the area of trade and commerce but with certain restrictions on the commodities to deal in. Manusmriti gives full details about the commodities prohibited. Our forefathers were very careful in this behalf while they were in business.
    A Brahmin has to live for others and not for himself and so there are a lot of restrictions to earn, spend and save. In short he had to lead a very simple life in service of humanity and God.

    Therefore his daily routine used to consist of performing five duties or yajnas as follows:
    Bhoota Yajna: Giving food and water to animals and birds.
    Deva Yajna: Offerings to be made to Fire God, Agni and worship of deities, Sandhyavandan and Gayatri.
    Pitra Yajna: Remembering the ancestors everyday.
    Brahma Yajna: Studying the scriptures everyday on an on-going basis.
    Manushya Yajna: Offering hospitality to guests as an uninvited guest is regarded as God (This is a God-given opportunity to serve fellow human beings). With these features and duties and qualities a Brahmin was highly respected as Bhusura or a God walking on the earth.


    Saraswat Brahmins, one of the five ancient Gowda Brahmins, the others being Kanyakubja, Maithili, Utkal and Gowda Brahmins, derived their name basically from the mythological river Saraswati that had flowed in the present Punjab and Rajasthan region, from the Himalayas to the western sea near Dwaraka in Gujarat.

    The River Saraswati :
    Even today it is believed that the River Saraswati flows underground as detected by the remote sensing satellites. The river can also be seen in parts near the Lake Pushkar in Rajasthan, Sidhpur in Northern Gujarat and Somnath in Saurashtra, Gujarat. There is also a strong belief that in Prayag, Allahabad, flowing under-ground Saraswati joins Ganga and Yamuna to form the triveni sangam. Again this is corroborated now with some research studies that Saraswati flowed very close to Yamuna which changing its course a little, pilfered the waters of Saraswati and emptied it once for all. Therefore, today the once famous and great river that had acted as the cradle of Vedic Civilisation called Saraswati Valley Civilisation, is not visible. Then it is believed that Rajasthan became a desert as the river went dry. This must have taken place thousands of years ago. Manusmriti makes a mention of Brahmavarta as the most sacred land lying between two rivers, Saraswati and Drishadwati which in fact formed the homeland of Saraswats - the Saraswat country and from here several migrations took place by our forefathers to the other parts of Bharat Khanda.

    First Migration :
    A king from Saraswat country, called Videgha Mathava with his preceptor, Gautama Rahugana set out eastwards to find out new pastures. In those days fire was to be carried physically from place to place and the king carried a tiny spark on his tongue. On the way the preceptor started conversing with the king but the king remained tight-lipped without giving any reply for fear that the spark might fall or get extinguished. The preceptor understood the anxiety of the king and invoked Agni, the fire-god. On hearing the praises, out came the flames of fire from the mouth of the king and started rolling on the ground like the waves of the sea. "Agnideva, what is thy command?" the priest asked, "Follow me," was the commandment of the fire-god. Accordingly, they followed. The flames sped away eastwards through the Gangetic belt and on reaching the western bank of the River Sadaneera vanished. This is how the civilisation moved to the eastern region, later to be known as Aryavarta, and some of the families of Saraswat Brahmins moved to the east and settled down in Trihotrapura a township in Gowda Desha and later called them selves as Gowda Saraswats. According to another version, our forefathers never went to Trihotrapura but were called Gowda Saraswats as Saraswats were one among five groups of Brahmins who were collectively called Panchagowdas as stated above at the beginning. Whatever be the version, civilisation moved from western part of India to the Eastern India and definitely some families, when the river went dry must have gone to Trihotrapura. This anecdote is mentioned in Shatapatha Brahmana.

    Second Migration :
    As stated in the Sahyadri Khanda of Skanda Purana Lord Parashurama after reclaiming land from the western sea invited various groups of Brahmins from different parts of Bharat Khanda. In response ten families of Gowda Saraswats came down from Trihotrapura with their deities of daily worship and settled down in Gomantak now known as Goa. In gratitude even today the Gowda Saraswats dedicate all their havans and yajnas be it Gayatri or Mrityunjaya to Lord Parashurama stating "Yajnantargat Bhagwan Shri Parashuramamurti priyatam."

    Third Migration : 
    In the course of time the ten families multiplied and with the passage of time they took to trade and commerce as permitted by the scriptures, besides officiating as priests. Depending upon their occupations this gave them various surnames as they have to-day like Kini - a treasurer handling money with the jingling sound, Mallya - a construction contractor who built mansions or mahals, Nayak-a leader in any army. In Goa they were in full bloom and they built up hundreds of shrines and temples besides establishing Shri Kaivalya Math in the eighth century.
    (Pic : Shri Mangeshi Temple)
    Gomantak virtually became a golden land for them for a long time, till Goa came under the rule of Muslim kings and then under the Portuguese. Both the rulers especially the latter were ruthless to Gowda Saraswats, so in the sixteenth century they had to migrate to other parts of the country like the Malenad and the coastal belt of Karnataka and Kerala, besides Maharashtra. Here they had to start afresh from a scratch and all this they did just to protect their deities and preserve their religious beliefs for posterity. Not all the Saraswats did migrate from the banks of the River Saraswati to the Eastern India or Goa. Only one section called Gowda Saraswats travelled and migrated this way. Even here there is another version that people followed the course of the River Saraswati went up to Dwaraka and by ship they sailed to Goa. For their stay in Dwaraka, the Gowda Saraswats are nicknamed as Dorkes also. After settling down in Goa, Konkani became their official and contact language which continues even to this day.

    Brother Communities :
    Their brother Saraswats migrated to various other parts of the country. Those who migrated to Kashmir called themselves as Kashmiri Pandits, Sind-Sind Saraswats, Kutch-Kutchi Saraswats, Rajapur-Rajapur Saraswats, Punjab-Punjab Saraswats, Rajasthan-Rajasthan Saraswats and Chitrapur-Chitrapur Saraswats.

    This in a nutshell is the mythological and historical background of the Gowda Saraswat Brahmins popularly known as GSBs. 

    Culture and Tradition :
    In respect of culture and tradition of the GSBs H. H. Shrimat Sudhindra Tirtha Swamiji has this to-say: Basically Gowda Saraswat Brahmins are mild natured. In education, trade and commerce and service sector they have contributed very significantly. Wherever they reside they identify themselves with the locality and become one with other people. They build mandirs and temples in the places of their residence and offer prayers for the welfare of the people of the locality. They seek the assistance of the people in their own community and rarely do they seek the help of others, even if they are in great financial difficulties. They are always conscious of respect and honour instead of wealth and money. For all their religious and cultural activities they collect donations and subscriptions from their own people. They have an attitude of helping others and they hold Swamiji, God and Dharma in high esteem. Even if they are in difficulties or even if they are away from their home and town they communicate with each other only in Konkani.

    Three Great Saraswats :
    This study will not be complete unless we make a mention of three great Saraswats who contributed significantly in the arena of education. They are as follows:
    Shri K. K. Pai Ex-Chairman and Managing Director Syndicate Bank, a veteran GSB offering flowers to Saraswat Muni.
    Saraswat Muni : Saraswat was the son of Maharshi Dadhichi and the River Goddess Saraswati brought him up. When he was a student mastering the scriptures on account of successive droughts, the river went dry and people leaving their home and hearth on the banks of the River Saraswati left for other places in search of food and water. The young Saraswat also wanted to leave the place but the mother persuaded him to stay back and pursue his studies, and assured that she would provide him food and water. According to another version, he had the prowess to conquer hunger, thirst and sleep. Like this 12 long years passed and the normalcy returned only thereafter. In the meantime the Brahmins had forgotten the Vedas in their anxiety to survive. 
    When they were eager to learn again, only one person, that was Saraswat, was available as a teacher. They became his shishyas irrespective of their age and learnt from him the Vedas that were forgotten. They were altogether 60,000 brahmins and single handedly Saraswat taught them in his gurukula. Perhaps nowhere in the history of mankind there is a record available that one single teacher had taught such a huge assembly of students. This story is told in Mahabharat and it is believed that long ago our forefathers must have been his disciples and we acquired the name Saraswats as his disciples. Vishnupurana while giving a list of Vyasas (which in fact is a title given to a sage who had rendered selfless service for the preservation and propagation of Vedas) mentions Saraswat's name also.

    Jagaduru Gowdapadacharya : Lived in 8th Century and for the first time expounded Adwaita philosophy. His very name and fame attracted Shri Adiguru Shankaracharya and at the behest of Shri Gowdapada, his shishya Shri Govindapada gave deeksha to Shri Shanakara and also to Shri Vivarananda Saraswati to commence a new Guruparampara for GSBs. More is narrated about him under "Our Religious Seats, Shri Kavle Math."
    PadmaShri Dr. Tonse Madhav Anant Pai (1898-1979) : Dr. Pai a veteran GSB brought life to a barren hillock called Manipal by starting various educational institutions in every stream. His Academy of General Education is running educational institutions in every branch of human knowledge and there are more than 45,000 students studying, not only in India but also in Nepal and Sikkim. A legendary figure during his life time. Brought name and fame to the entire Samaj.
    Present Status :
    GSBs have traveled a long way from the times of Saraswat Muni. They are no longer a community primarily depending on officiating as priests. In Goa itself during the later part of their history, they took to different occupations as evidenced by their surnames that were suggesting the occupations they had pursued. To-day even those occupations are also abandoned and for economic reasons they are in the fields of education, trade, commerce and services sectors.  
    (Pic : The university town of Manipal is a living example of GSB Konkani potential and excellence.)
    Finance and Banking is one of their strong fortes. Pioneering efforts were made by the great visionary, the Late Shri Ammembal Subba Rao Pai, a leading lawyer of Mangalore (1852-1909) by founding Canara group of schools and also the now famous Canara Bank. He is still regarded as the pathfinder for the GSBs. Persons like Late Shri T. A. Pai and then Shri K. K. Pai brought quite a few GSB youth into the arena of banking and finance. During the year 2000 A.D., five out of twenty government owned giant banks have GSBs to head them as Chairmen & Managing Directors which is a sure indicator of the excellence of GSBs. They are Andhra Bank-Shri B. Vasanthan, Bank of Baroda - Shri P. S. Shenoy, Canara Bank - Shri R. J. Kamath, Syndicate Bank - Shri D. T. Pai and Union Bank of India -  Shri V. Leeladhar. Shri K. V. Kamath, MD & CEO of ICICI, one of the largest financial institutions of Asia, is another great name for innovations in the financial sector. (Another Center of G.S.B. Excellence)
    Chunk of the community belongs to the middle class. As the matter stands there are no large industries to their credit and pioneers and leaders are very few amongst them. Sad to say (we desire somebody should correct us if we are wrong) that there are no Vedic scholars amongst the GSBs who at one point of time were the very custodians of that great spiritual wealth. This is the position in the year 2000 AD.

    Anthropology Senior Theses (Spring 2007)

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    samiddha, idhma are manifestations ofअग्नि agni Narāśaṁsa, 'praise of men' and Tanūnapāt, 'devourer of clarified butter'. 
    Agniṣṭhā is that corner of the Yūpa towards the fire. Agni is the central divinity of a yajña. Adoration of Agni in R̥gveda Chandas is an unparalleled, inspired adoration of breath-taking splendour, with awe and wonder at the cosmic dance, the tāṇḍava nr̥tyam -- in the history of literature of civilizations.
    Excerpts from शब्दकल्पद्रुमः and वाचस्पत्यम् -- two ancient encyclopaedias provide the semantic framework of extraordinary metaphors of adoration of  Lat. igni-s ; Lith. ugni-s ; Slav. ognj; Samsktam agni.
    अग्निः, पुं, (अङ्गयन्ति अग्य्रं जन्म प्रापयन्ति इतिव्युत्पत्त्या हविः प्रक्षेपाधिकरणेषु गार्हपत्याहवनी-यदक्षिणाग्निसभ्यावसथ्यौपासनाख्येषु षड्ग्निषु ।यद्वा अङ्गति ऊर्द्ध्वं गच्छति इति । अगि गतौ ।अङ्गेर्नलोपश्चेति निः नलोपश्च ।) तेजःपदार्थ-विशेषः । आगुन इति भाषा । धर्म्मस्य वसु-भार्य्यायां जातः प्रथमोऽग्निः । तस्य पत्नी स्वाहा ।पुत्त्रास्त्रयः पावकः १ पवमानः २ शुचिः ३ । षष्ठ-मन्वन्तरे अग्नेर्वसोर्धारायां द्रविणकादयः पुत्त्राः ।एतेभ्यः पञ्चचत्वारिंशदग्नयो जाताः । सर्व्वेमिलित्वाएकोनपञ्चाशदग्नयः । इति पुराणं ॥ अस्यपर्य्यायः । वैश्वानरः १ वह्निः २ वीतिहोत्रः ३धनञ्जयः ४ कृपीटयोनिः ५ ज्वलनः ६ जातवेदाः७ तनूनपात् ८ तनूनपाः ९ वर्हिःशुष्मा १० वर्हिः११ शुष्मा १२ कृष्णवर्त्मा १३ शोचिष्केशः १४ उष-र्ब्बुधः १५ आश्रयाशः १६ आशयाशः १७ वृहद्भानुः १८ कृशानुः १९ पावकः २० अनलः२१ रोहिताश्वः २२ वायुसखा २३ वायुसखः२४ शिखावान् २५ शिखी २६ आशुशुक्षणिः२७ हिरण्यरेताः २८ हुतभुक् २९ हव्यभुक्३० दहनः ३१ हव्यवाहनः ३२ सप्तार्च्चिः ३३दमुनाः ३४ दमूनाः ३५ शुक्रः ३६ चित्रभानुः३७ विभावसुः ३८ शुचिः ३९ अप्पित्तं ४० ।इत्यमरस्तट्टीका च ॥ वृषाकपिः ४१ जुहूवालः४२ कपिलः ४३ पिङ्गलः ४४ अरणिः ४५ अगिरः४६ पाचनः ४७ विश्वप्साः ४८ छागवाहनः ४९कृष्णार्च्चिः ५० जुहूवारः ५१ उदर्च्चिः ५२ भास्करः५३ वसुः ५४ शुष्मः ५५ हिमारातिः ५६ तमोनुत्५७ सुशिखः ५८ सप्तजिह्वः ५९ अपपारिकः६० सर्व्वदेवमुखः ६१ । इति जटाधरः ॥ * ॥ अस्यगुणाः । वायुकफस्तम्भशीतकम्पनाशकत्वं । आमा-शयाजनकत्वं । रक्तपित्तप्रकोपकत्वञ्च । इतिराजवल्लभः ॥ अपिच ।“अग्नेर्दुर्द्धर्षता ज्योतिस्तापः पाकः प्रकाशनम् ।शोको रोगो लघुस्तैक्ष्णं सततञ्चोर्द्ध्वभासिता” ॥इति मोक्षधर्म्मः ॥ * ॥अथ कर्म्मविशेषेऽग्नेर्नामानि । यथा, --“लौकिके पावको ह्यग्निः प्रथमः परिकीर्त्तितः” १ ।लौकिके नवगृहप्रवेशादौ ।“अग्रेस्तु मारुतो नाम गर्भाधाने विधीयते २ ।पुंसवने चन्द्रनामा ३ शुङ्गाकर्म्मणि शोभनः ४ ॥सीमन्ते मङ्गलो नाम ५ प्रगल्मो जातकर्म्मणि ६ ।नाम्नि स्यात् पार्थिवो ह्यग्निः ७ प्राशने च शुचिस्तथा ८सत्यनामाथ चूडायां ९ व्रतादेशे समुद्भवः १०” ।व्रतादेशे उपनयने ।“गोदाने सूर्य्यनामा च ११ केशान्ते ह्यग्निरुच्यते १२” ।गोदाने गोदानाख्यसंस्कारे । केशान्ते समा-वर्त्तने ।“वैश्वानरो विसर्गे तु १३ विवाहे योजकः स्मृतः १४” ।विसर्गे साग्निकर्त्तव्यकर्म्मविशेषे ।“चतुर्थ्यान्तु शिखीनाम १५ धृतिरग्निस्तथापरे १६” ।चतुर्थ्यां विवाहान्ते चतुर्थीहोमे । अपरे धृति-होमादौ ।“प्रायश्चित्ते विधुश्चैव १७ पाकयज्ञ तु साहसः १८” ।प्रायश्चित्ते प्रायश्चित्तात्मकमहाव्याहृतिहोमादौ ।पाकयज्ञे पाकाङ्गकहोमे वृषोत्सर्गगृहप्रतिष्ठादौ ।“लक्षहोमे चवह्निःस्यात् १९ कोटिहोमे हुताशनः २० ।पूर्णाहुत्यां मृडोनाम २० शान्तिके वरदस्तथा २२ ॥पौष्टिके बलदश्चैव २३ क्रोधाग्निश्चाभिचारिके २४ ।वश्यर्थे शमनो नाम २५ वरदानेऽभिदूषकः २६ ॥कोष्ठेतु जठरो नाम २७ क्रव्यादोऽमृतभक्षने २८” ॥इति गोभिलपुत्त्रकृतसंग्रहः ॥ * ......अग्रं, क्ली, (अग्यते अगति वा । अग कुटिलायांगतौ ऋज्रेन्द्रेति साधु ।) उपरिभागः । आगाइति भाषा । अस्य पर्य्यायः । शिरः २ शिखरं ३-इत्यमरः ॥ पुरस्तात् । अवलम्बनं । पलपरि-माणं । प्रान्तं । समूहः । इति मेदिनी ॥(भिक्षाविशेषः । ग्रासचतुष्टयम् । “ग्रासप्र-माणा भिक्षास्यादग्रं ग्रासचतुष्टयम्” ॥ इतिस्मृतेः ।)अग्रः, त्रि, श्रेष्ठः । उत्तमः । इत्यमरः ॥ प्रधानं ।अधिकः । प्रथमः । इति मेदिनी ॥
    अग्नि पु० अङ्गति ऊर्द्ध्वं गच्छति अगि--नि नलोपः । अग्नौस्वनामप्रसिद्धे तेजोभेदे, तेजसि आकाशाद्वायुर्वायो-रग्निरग्नेरापोद्भ्यः पृथिवी, इति” श्रुतिः । तत्रतेजःपदार्थस्तावद्द्विविधः सूक्ष्मः स्थूलश्च । सूक्ष्म-वायुसंभूतः सूक्ष्मवायुसंभूतः सूक्ष्मः पञ्चीकृतस्तुस्थूलः “तासां त्रिवृतं त्रिवृतमेकैकां करोतीति”श्रुतौ त्रिवृत्करणस्य पञ्चीकरणस्याप्युलक्षणत्वम् ।पञ्चीकरणप्रकारश्च पञ्चीकरणशब्दे वक्ष्यते । तथाच भूतान्तराष्टमभागमिश्रितेन स्वस्वार्द्धभागेन उत्पन्नःपञ्चीकृतः । तस्य च पञ्चात्मकत्वेऽपि “वैशेष्यात्तद्वादइति” शारीरकोक्तेः भूयस्त्वात् तैजसत्वव्यवहारः ।सोऽयं स्थूलो वह्निः प्रकारान्तरेण त्रिविधः भौमःदिव्यः जाठरश्चेति भेदात् । तत्र पार्थिवकाष्ठादिप्रभवः भौमः महानसाद्यग्निः, जलवाय्वादिभवः दिव्यःविद्युदुल्कावज्रादिः । उभावपि ऊर्द्ध्वज्वलनस्वभावः । उदरेभवस्तृतीयः । त्रयोऽप्यमी स्वसंयुक्तपाकदाहप्रकाशनसमर्थाः । सर्व्वेऽप्यमी लोके शास्त्रे च वह्न्यादिशब्देनव्यवह्नियन्ते तेषां विशेषगुणाः शब्दस्पर्शरूपाणि “योयो-यावतिथश्चैषां स स तावद्गुणः स्मृतः” इति मनुनाभूतमध्ये तृतीयस्य तेजसः त्रिगुणत्वमुक्तं व्यक्तमुक्तंमहाभारते शब्दः स्पर्शश्च रूपञ्च तेजसोऽथ गुणास्त्रय-इति “अत एव “वह्नौ भृगभुगध्वनिरिति” पञ्चदश्यामुक्तम्वह्नेश्च तेजोजलभूम्यात्मकत्वेन लोहितशुक्लरूपत्वम् अतएव छान्दोग्ये त्रिवृत्करणानन्तरम् वह्नेस्त्रिरूपत्वमुक्तंयथा “यदग्नेः रोहितं रूपं तेजसस्तद्रूपं, यच्छुक्लंतदपां, यत् कृष्ण तदन्नस्येति” विवृतञ्चैतद्भाष्यकृता “यत्त-द्देवतानां त्रिवृत्करणमुक्तं तस्यैवोदाहरणमुच्यते ।उदाहरणं नामैकदेशप्रसिद्ध्याशेषप्रसिद्ध्यर्थमुदाह्रियत इति ।तदेतदाह यदग्नेः त्रिवृत्कृतस्य रोहितं रूपं प्रसिद्धं लोकेतदत्रिवृत्कृतस्य तेजसो रूपमिति विद्धि । तथा यच्छुक्लंरूपमग्नेः तदपामत्रिवृत्कृतानामेव यत् कृष्णं तस्यैवाग्नेःरूपं तदन्नस्य पृथिव्या अत्रिवृत्कृताया इति विद्धीति” ।अत एव तत्तच्छास्त्रकाव्यादिषु वह्नेररुणरूपतया वर्णनंदृश्यते । अग्निमूर्त्तिध्याने च अरुणरूपत्वमनुपदं दर्शयि-ष्यते । लोके चारुणत्वेनैव प्रत्यक्षेणासावुपलभ्यते एवञ्चनैयायिकोक्तं तेजसः शुक्लभास्वररूपत्वं प्रत्यक्षवेदविरुद्धत्वा-दुपेक्ष्यमेव । तत्र भौमदिव्ययोः प्रायशोलोकसिद्धत्वेन दिव्य-स्याग्रे दिव्यशब्दे वक्ष्यमाणत्वाच्च जाठरे वह्नौ विशेषो-ऽभिधीयते । “नाभेरुर्द्धं हृदयादधस्तादामाशयमाचक्षतेतद्गतं सौरं तेजः पित्तमित्याचक्षते” इति भाष्यविवरणेआनन्दगिरिः वैद्यकवचनत्वेनोवाच । अत एव तस्य कौक्षेयइति संज्ञा । छान्दोग्ये च “य हृदयस्य नाड्यस्ताःपिङ्गलाश्चाणिम्नस्तिष्ठन्ति शुक्लस्य नीलस्य पीतस्य लोहितस्येत्यसौ वा आदित्यः पिङ्गलः एष शुक्ल एष नील एष पीतएष लोहित इति” । व्याख्यातञ्चैतत् भाष्यकृता ।“अथ या एता वक्ष्यमाणा हृदयस्य पुण्डरीकाकारस्य ब्रह्मो-पासनस्थानस्य सम्बन्धिन्यो नाड्यो हृदयमांसपिण्डात्सर्वतोविनिःसृता आदित्यमण्डलादिरश्मयस्ताश्चैताः पिङ्गलस्यवर्णविशेषविशिष्टस्याणिम्नः सूक्ष्मरसस्य रसेन पूर्णास्तदाकाराएव तिष्ठन्ति वर्त्तन्त इत्यर्थः । तथा शुक्लस्य नीलस्य पीतस्यलोहितस्य च रसस्य पूर्णा इति सर्वत्राध्याहार्य्यम् ।सैरेण तेजसा पित्ताख्येन पाकाभिनिर्वृत्तेन कफेनाल्पेनसम्पर्कापिङ्गलं भवति, सौरं तेजः पित्ताख्यम् । तदेववातभूयस्त्वान्नीलं भवति । तदेव च कफभूयस्त्वाच्छुक्लं,कफेन समतायां पित्तम्, शोणितबाहुल्येन लोहितम् ।वैद्यकाद्वा वर्णविशेषा अन्वेष्टव्याः । कथं भवतीति? श्रुति-स्त्वाहादित्यसम्बन्धादेव, तत्तेजसो नाड़ीष्वनुगतस्यैते वर्णविशेषा” इति । कथमसौ वाऽदित्यः पिङ्गलो”? वर्णत एषआदित्यः शुक्लोऽप्येष नील एष पीत एष लोहित आदित्यएव, तस्य चान्नरसस्य धात्वन्तरसम्पर्कवशात् वर्णविशेष”इत्यानन्दगिरिः । अस्यैवजाठरस्य पिपासाहेतुत्वं छान्दोग्येउक्तं यथा “अथ यत्रैतत् पुरुषः पिपासति नाम तेजएवैतत् पीतं नयते इति” । व्याख्यातञ्च भाष्यकृता द्रवकृतस्या-शितस्यान्नस्य नेत्र्यः आपोऽन्नशुङ्गं देहं क्लेदयन्त्यः शिथि-लीकुर्य्युः अब्बाहुल्यात्, यदि तेजसा न शोष्येत ।नितराञ्च तेजसा शोष्यमाणास्वप्सु देहभावेन परिणममानासु-पातुमिच्छा पिपासा पुरुषस्य जायते तदा “पुरुषः पिपा-सति नाम, तदेतदाह “तेज एव तत्तदा पीतमबादिशोषयत् देहलोहितादिभावेन नयते परिणमयतीति” । तस्यरसपाकप्रकारमाह योगार्ण्णवे । “आयुष्यं भुक्तमाहारंस वायुः कुरुते द्विधा संप्रविश्यान्नमध्यन्तु, पृथक् किट्टंपृथग् जलम् (किट्टम् अन्नमलभेदम्) । अग्नेरूर्द्ध्वंच संस्थाप्य तदन्नं च जलोपरि । जलस्याधः स्वयं प्राणःस्थित्वाग्निं धमते शनैः (धमते संधुक्षयति) वायुनाध्मायमानोऽग्निरत्युष्णं कुरुते जलम् । अन्नं तदुष्णतोयेनसमन्तात् पच्यते पुनः । द्विधा भवति तत् पक्वं पृथक् किट्टंपृथग् रसम् । रसेन तेन ता नाडीः प्राणः पूरयते पुनः ।प्रत्यर्पयन्ति सम्पूर्ण्णारसानि ताः समन्तत इति” । एवंरसपाकोत्तरं धातुपाकोऽभिहितः पदार्थादर्शे । यथा “त्वग-सृग्मासमेदोऽस्थिमज्जशुक्राणि धातवः । सप्त स्युस्तत्रचोक्ता त्वक् रक्तजोदरवह्निना । पक्काद्भवेदन्नरसादेवं रक्ता-दिभिस्तथा । स्वस्वकोशाग्निना पाकात् प्रजायन्ते त्वगा-दय इति” । एतम्मूलमेव “तस्य षोढा शरीराणि षट् त्वचोधारयन्ति चेति” याज्ञवल्क्यवचनव्याख्यायां मिताक्षराकृतास्पष्टमुक्तम् यथा तस्यात्मनोयानि जरायुजाण्डजादीनिशरीराणि तानि प्रत्येकं षट्प्रकाराणि रक्तादिषड्धातुपरि-पाकहेतुभूतषडग्निस्थानयोगित्वेन । तथाहि अन्नरसो-जाठरवह्निना पच्यमानी रक्ततां प्रतिपद्यते, रक्तः स्वकोश-स्थाग्निना पच्यमानं मांसत्वम्, मांसञ्च स्वकोशस्थानलपरि-पक्कं मेदस्त्वम्, मेदोऽपि स्वकोशवह्निना पक्कमस्थिताम्,अस्थ्यापि स्वकोशशिखिपरिपक्कं मज्जत्वम्, मज्जापिस्वकोशपावकपरिपच्यमानं चरमधातुतया परिणमते इति”जाठरस्य प्रकारान्तरेण पाचनादिदशविधकर्म्मकारित्वात्दशविधत्वमुक्तं पदार्थादर्शे यथा “भ्राजकोरञ्जकश्चैव क्लेदकःस्नेहकस्तथा धारको बन्धकस्यैव द्रावकाख्यश्च सप्तमः ।व्यापकः पाचकश्चैव श्लेष्मको दशधा मत इति” ।वैद्यकेचास्य चतुर्विधकार्य्यविशेषकारित्वाच्चातुर्विध्यमुक्तम् ।विषमश्च समस्तीक्ष्णो मन्दश्चेति चतुर्विधः । कफपित्तानलाधिक्यात् तत्साम्याज्जाठरोऽनलः । विषमो वातजान्रोगान्, तीक्ष्णः पित्तसमुद्भवान्, करोत्यग्निस्तथामग्दोविकारान् कफसम्भवान् । समाः समोऽग्निरशितमात्राःसम्यक् पचत्यसौ” इति ॥ अग्नेरतितीक्ष्णत्वे भस्मकसंज्ञास हि सम्यगाहाराभावे शोणितादिधातूनपि पाचयित्वाआशु देहं नाशयतीति रक्षितः आहस्म । अघिकं कायशब्देवक्ष्यते । वाह्यस्य भौमस्याग्नेः कर्म्मविशेषे नामान्युक्तानिविधानपारिजाते । यथा“लौकिके पावकोह्यग्निः प्रथमः परिकीर्त्तितः । अग्निस्तु-मारुतो नाम गर्भाधाने प्रकीर्त्तितः ॥ पुंसवे चमसो नामशोभनः शुभकर्म्मसु । (शुङ्गकर्म्मणीति रघु०) । तच्च सीमन्ता-न्तर्गतकर्म्मभेदः । सीमन्ते ह्यनलो नाम प्रगल्मोजातकर्म्मणि ॥ पार्थिवो नामकरणे प्राशनेऽन्नस्य वै शुचिः ।सभ्यनामा तु चूड़ायां ब्रतादेशे समुद्भवः ॥ गोदाने सूर्य्य-नामा स्यात् केशान्ते याजकः स्मृतः । वैश्वानरो विसर्गेस्याद्विवाहे वलदः स्मृतः ॥ चतुर्थीकर्म्मणि शिखीधृतिरग्निस्तथाऽपरे । (अपरे कर्म्मणि) आवसथ्यस्तथा-धाने वैश्वदेवे तु पावकः । ब्रह्माग्निर्गाहपत्ये स्याद्दक्षिणा-ग्निरथेश्वरः । विष्णुराहवनीये स्यादग्निहोत्रे त्रयोमताःलक्षहोमेऽभीष्टदः स्यात् कोटिहोमे महाशनः । एके घृता-र्चिषां प्राहुरग्निध्यानपरायणाः ॥ रुद्रादौ तु मृड़ो नामशान्तिके शुभकृत्तथा । आदिशब्दात् लघुरुद्रशतरुद्रातिरुद्रा-लक्ष्यन्ते । (पूर्णाहुत्यां मृड़ो नामेति रघु०) । पौष्टिकेवरदश्चैव क्रोधाग्निश्चाभिचारके । वश्यार्थे वशकृत् प्रोक्तोवनदाहे तु पोषकः । उदरे जठरी नाम क्रव्यादः शवभक्षणे ।समुद्रे वाडवो ह्यग्निर्लये संवर्त्तकस्तथा ॥ सप्तविंशति-सख्याता अग्नयः कर्मसु स्मृताः । तं तमाहूय होतव्यंयो यत्र विहितोऽनलः ॥ अन्यथा विफलं कर्म सर्व्वं तद्राक्ष-सम्भवेत् । आदित्यादिग्रहाणां च साम्प्रतं ह्यग्निरुच्यते ॥आदित्ये कपिलो नाम पिङ्गलः सोम उच्यते । धूमकेतुस्तथा भौमे जठरोऽग्निर्बुधे स्मृतः ॥ वृहम्पतौ शिखी नामशुक्रे भवति हाटकः । शनैश्चरे महातेजा राहौ केतौ हुता-शनः इति ॥” यज्ञादौ तु पञ्च भेदाः “आवसथ्याहवनीयौदक्षिणाग्निस्तथैव च । अन्वाहार्य्यो गार्हपत्य इत्येते पञ्चवह्नयः” इति शा० राघ० । “पञ्चाग्नयो ये च त्रिणाचि-केता” इति श्रुतिः । अग्नेर्ध्येयरूपं यथा “रुद्रतेजःसमुद्भूतंद्विमूर्द्धानं द्विनासिकम् । षण्नेत्रं च चतुःश्रोत्रं त्रिपादं सप्त-हस्तकम् । याम्यभागे चतुर्ह्रस्तं सव्यभागे त्रिहस्तकम् ।स्रुवं स्रुचञ्च शक्तिं च अक्षमालां च दक्षिणे । तोमरंव्यजनं चैव घृतपात्रन्तु वामके । बिभ्रतं सप्तभिर्हस्तैर्द्विमुखंसप्तजिह्वकम् । दक्षिणञ्च चतुर्जिह्वं त्रिजिह्वमुत्तरं मुखम् ।द्वदशकोटिमूर्त्त्याख्यं द्विपञ्चाशत्कलायुतम् । स्वाहास्वधा-वषट्कारैरङ्कितं मेषवाहनम् । रक्तमाल्याम्बरधरं रक्तंपद्मासनस्थितम् ॥ रौद्रं तु वह्निनामानं वह्निमावाह-याम्यहम्” । इति रुद्रकल्पः । अग्नेर्भौतिकत्वेऽपि कर्म्मा-ङ्गहोमसाधनतया एवं ध्यातव्यता ।अग्न्यभिमानिनि चेतनाधिष्ठिते शरीरादावशि उपचारात्अग्निशब्दप्रयोगः । अग्न्यधिष्ठातरि देवभेदे “अग्निं दूतंवृणीमहे होतारं विश्ववेदस” मित्यादौ वेदे तस्यैव आह्वान-पूर्वकोपास्यत्वमुक्तम् । तदधिष्ठितदेहभेदेऽपि, स एव विश्व-नराज्जन्मासाद्य अग्निलोकाधिपत्यं चकारेति काशीखण्डेउक्तं तत्कथा वैश्वानरशब्दे वक्ष्यते । अग्निदेवताके कृत्ति-कानक्षत्रे “अश्वियमदहने” त्यादिना ज्योतिषे कृत्तिका-नक्षत्रस्य तत्स्वामिकत्वोक्तेः तद्देवताके प्रतिपत्तिथौ वह्ने-स्तदाधिपत्यं तिथिशब्दे वक्ष्यते । तस्य बहुत्वेऽपिवेदत्रयभेदेन दक्षिणाग्निगार्हपत्याहवनीयनामतया प्राधान्येनत्रित्वात् “प्रधानेन व्यपदेशा भवन्तीति” न्यायात्तत्संख्यासदृशसंख्याके त्रित्वसंख्यान्विते, स्वोदयात् स्वाग्नि-लब्धं (३०) “यद्भुक्तं भोग्यं रवेस्त्यजेदिति” नीलकण्ठः ।चित्रकवृक्षे (चिते) स्वर्ण्णे तस्य तत्तेजोजातत्वात्तथा तत्कथा अग्निरेतःशब्दे वक्ष्यते भल्लातकवृक्षे (भेला) निम्बुकवृक्षे (नेवु) पित्ते धातौ तस्य तदुत्पन्नत्वात्तथा यथा चतस्य तदुत्पन्नत्वं तथोक्तं प्राक् । तत्स्वामिके अग्निकोणेच । एवमग्निवाचकाः सर्वेऽपि शब्दाः कृत्तिकानक्षत्रादौवर्त्तन्ते । वित्तं ब्रह्मणि कार्य्यसिद्धिरतुला शक्रे हुताशेभयमिति तिथित० । “हुताशे अग्निकोणे” अनलविधुशता-ख्येति” ज्योतिषम् । (अनलः कृत्तिका) एवं यथायथमुदा-हार्य्यम् ।अग्न्यभिमानिनश्च देवाः कुत उत्पन्नाः? कस्मिन् कस्मिन् ।कर्म्मणि? वा तेषामधिष्ठातृत्वं तदुक्तं भारते ।अग्निध् पु० अग्निं दधाति मन्त्रविधिना स्थापयति धा--क्विप्नि० आलोपः ६ त० । अग्न्याधानकर्त्तरि । “अध्वर्य्युंवा मधुपाणिं सुहस्तमग्निधं वा धृतदक्षं दमूनसमिति” वेदः ।अग्निधान न० अग्निर्विधिना धीयतेऽस्मिन् धा--आधारे ल्युट्६ त० । अग्निहोत्रगृहे “पदं कृणुते अग्निधाने” इतिवेदः ।..अग्न्यालय पु० अग्नेरालयः आ + ली--आधारे अच् ६ त० ।वेदमन्त्रद्वारा वह्निस्थापनयोग्ये गृहे, तदाधारे--कुण्डे,स्थण्डिले च ।
    अग्निकुमार पु० ६ त० । कार्त्तिकेये तस्याग्निरेतोजातत्वमुक्तंमहाभारते वनपर्वणि २२३ अध्याये ...
    अग्नि m. ( √ अग् Un2. ) fire , sacrificial fire (of three kinds , गार्हपत्य , आहवनीय , and दक्षिण); gold (Monier-Williams) agní1 m. ʻ fire ʼ. RV. Pa. aggi -- , aggini -- , gini -- m.; Pk. aggi -- , agiṇi -- , agaṇi -- m., Aś. agi -- , Gy. pal. ag ʻ fire, matches ʼ, agi also ʻ hell ʼ; eur. yag f. ʻ fire ʼ (y -- from f. article), Ḍ. ak, obl. agis f.; Wg. ã̄īˊ (Morgenstierne NTS xvii 226, perh. < agní -- with -- gn -- > *ṅg as dn > nd, see ánna -- ; but poss. < áṅgāra -- as in other Kaf. and Dard. lggs.); S. āgiāgi f. ʻ fire ʼ, āgo m. ʻ goldsmith's furnace ʼ (ā and g point to borrowing from Rj. or G. areas); L. aggf., awāṇ. ag, obl. aggī; P. agg f., āg f. (← H.); WPah. all dialects agg f., Ku. āguāgo ( -- o to preserve orig. gender: -- i in agyūṇo ʻ to burn jungle for grazing, to provoke ʼ), N. āgo, OB. āgi, B. āg; Or. Bi. āgi, Mth. āgi, Bhoj. āgī, OAw. āgi, Aw. lakh. āgi, H. āgāgī f. (agyānā ʻ to clean metal vessels by burning ʼ); OMarw. OG. āgi f., G. āgi f.; OM. āgi m. (Panse Jñān 213), M. Ko. āg f.; OSi. aga (replaced by ginna, stem gini -- ← Pa.).agnika -- ; agnikārya -- , agnidāha -- , agnidhāˊna -- , agnimantha -- , *agnirujā -- , agnírūpa -- , agniśikhāˊ -- , agniṣṭhá -- , *agnisthāna -- , agnyagārá -- ; kāgni -- , davāgni -- , mandāgni -- , *vajrāgni -- , vanāgni -- .Addenda: agní -- : WPah.kṭg. (kc.) āg f. (rarely m.) ʻ fire ʼ, Garh. āg f.(CDIAL 55) 58 agnikārya m. ʻ kindling the sacred fire with butter ʼ Mn., °rikā -- f. lex. [agní -- 1, kāryà -- ]Pk. aggiāriā -- f. ʻ fire -- worship ʼ; H. agyārī f. ʻ kindling the sacred fire ʼ; M. agerī f. ʻ throwing ghee on the fire during ancestor -- worship ʼ.agnidāha m. ʻ a fiery glow (in the sky) ʼ Hariv. [Cf. agnídagdha -- ʻ burnt with fire ʼ RV.: agní -- 1, dāha -- ]Pa. (mah)aggidāha -- , -- ḍāha -- ʻ outbreak of fire ʼ m. (cf. aggidaḍḍha -- ); Mth. agṛāhī ʻ forest -- fire ʼ, Aw. agiḍāhu. agnidhāˊna n. ʻ receptacle for the sacred fire ʼ RV. [agní -- 1, dhāˊna -- ]WPah. bhal. agyāṇ n.m. ʻ tinderbox ʼ; N. aghyānuagenu ʻ a fire for sitting round ʼ.60a †*agnidhānya -- ʻ fit for fire -- receptacle ʼ. [agnidhāˊna -- ]WPah.kṭg. egnnɔ m. ʻ pieces of wood collected and kindled ʼ.agnimantha ʻ producing fire by friction ʼ, m. ʻ the tree Premna spinosa ʼ Suśr. [agní -- 1, mantha -- ]Pa. aggimantha -- m. ʻ Premna spinosa (the wood of which was used for kindling fire by friction) ʼ; H. agẽth m. ʻ a tree the wood of which is used for kindling the sacred fire, usu. Ficus religiosa ʼ.agnírūpa ʻ like fire ʼ RV. [agní -- 1, rūpá -- ]. See *agni- rujā -- .agniśikhāˊ f. ʻ flame ʼ ŚBr. [agní -- 1, śíkhā -- ]Pa. aggisikhā -- f., Pk. aggisihā -- f., M. āgśī f. ʻ tongue of flame ʼ.agniṣṭhá m. ʻ fire -- pan ʼ ĀpŚr., °ṭhāˊ -- f. ʻ that corner of the Yūpa towards the fire ʼ ŚBr., °ṭhikā -- f. ʻ fire -- pan ʼ. [agní -- 1, stha -- ]Pa. aggiṭṭha -- n. (?) or °ṭhā -- f. (?) ʻ fireplace ʼ; Pk. aggiṭṭha -- ʻ being in the fire ʼ; Dm. aṅguṭí ʻ smoke -- hole ʼ; Phal. aṅgúṭ ʻ fireplace, chimney ʼ; S. āg̠īṭhī f. ʻ fireplace ʼ; P. ãgīṭhā m. ʻ stove ʼ, °ṭhī f., gīṭṭhī f. ʻ small stove ʼ; WPah. bhal. ágṭhi f. ʻ hearth ʼ, sod. geṭhe; Ku. ageṭho ʻ portable fire -- vessel ʼ, N. ãgeṭhi; A. āṅgaṭhā ʻ burning coal ʼ; Or. ā̆ṅgaṭhāaṅgeṭhā ʻ fire -- pan ʼ; Bi. ãgeṭhā°ṭhī, (North of Ganges) ãgaiṭhā ʻ jeweller's fireplace ʼ; H. ãgīṭhā m. ʻ goldsmith's furnace ʼ, °ṭhī f., ãgeṭhī°ṭī f. ʻ portable stove ʼ, G. ãgīṭhīãgeṭhī f., OM. āṁgīṭhā m. ʻ stove ʼ, M. āgṭhẽ°ṭẽ n.; āgṭhīā̆gṭīā̆kṭī f. ʻ heap of kindled sticks ʼ; Ko. āgṭī, ʻ brazier ʼ. -- The nasal of the majority of mod. lggs. may be due to influence of áṅgāra -- or (with Morgenstierne NTS xii 155 for Dm. aṅguṭí) represent *angr̥ -- ṣṭha -- , cf. Pers. angišt ʻ charcoal ʼ (: ángāra -- , or perh. *aṅgriṣṭha -- < IE. *oṅgli -- in OPruss. anglis ʻ charcoal ʼ Pokorny IEW 779). Forms without nasal due to regular phonetic change as in WPah., or to a new compd. with agní -- 1 as in Sk., or to influence of agní -- and its descendants, as in S. with its ā fr. āgi. -- See also *agnisthāna -- .Addenda: agniṣṭhá -- : WPah.kṭg. géṭṭhɔ m. ʻ stone fireplace ʼ, kc. geṭṭho m. ʻ campfire ʼ, kṭg. géṭṭhi, kc. geṭṭhe f. ʻ fireplace, firepan ʼ, J. geṭhā m.; Garh. ageṭhī ʻ portable firepan ʼ. *agnisthāna n. ʻ fireplace ʼ. [Cf. Pa. aggiṭṭhāna n. - agní -- 1, sthāˊna -- ]Wg. ã̄ī˜te, gambīrī aṅatãdotdot;ř; Paš. eṅgatáĩ, Shum. ã̄than; -- perh. < *aṅgri -- sthānā -- , see agniṣṭhá -- ; -- less likely < *aṅgārasthāna -- . agnyagārá m. ʻ a house for keeping the sacred fire ʼ ŚBr., agnyā° KātyŚr., *agniyā̆°. [agní -- 1, agāra -- ]Pa. agyagāra -- , agyā° n. ʻ house in which fire is kept ʼ; G. agiyārī f. ʻ small fire -- temple ʼ, M. agyārī, agerī f. ʻ pit or house in which Fire -- worshippers keep their fire ʼ.(CDIAL 58 to 67)
    इध्म m. (n. L. ) fuel in , general; fuel as used for the sacred fire RV. AV. S3Br. Kātyāyana Śrautasūtra; आश्वलायन-गृह्य-सूत्र;MBh. &c;  N. of an आङ्गिरस GopBr. ; ([cf. Zd. aesma ; Hib. adhmad.])(Monier-Williams) idhmávant ʻ provided with fuel ʼ TBr. [idhmá -- m. ʻ fuel ʼ RV.: √indhWg. &tildemacrepsilon;daté ʻ fire -- place ʼ or < *indhastha -- .(CDIAL 1568) índha m. ʻ kindling ʼ ŚBr. [√indh] *indhastha -- .indhana n. ʻ lighting, kindling, fuel ʼ MBh. [√indh]Pa. indhana -- n. ʻ fuel ʼ, Pk. iṁdhaṇa -- n., P. innhaṇ m., B. indhan (← Sk.?), Aw. lakh. ī˜dhanu, H. ī˜dhan m., G. ĩdhaṇĩdhṇũ n., (North Gujarat) e_dhṇã̄ n. pl. -- Kal. idhōn ʻ tripod to put over the fire ʼ semant. difficult, poss. < uddhāna -- 1.*indhanakuṭaka --*indhanakuṭaka ʻ fuel -- store ʼ [indhana -- , kuṭī -- ]H. ĩdhauṛā m. ʻ room for storing wood ʼ. *indhastha ʻ fuel -- place ʼ. [índha -- , stha -- ]Wg. &tildemacrepsilon;daté ʻ fire -- place ʼ or < idhmávant -- (CDIAL 1583 to 1586)
    इध्मं, क्ली, (इन्ध + मक् ।) अग्निसन्दीपनकाष्ठम् ।इत्यमरः ॥ जालानि काठ इति भाषा ।(“तत्रेध्मानयने शुक्रो नियुक्तः कश्यपेन ह” । इति भारते ।)शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
    इध्म न० इध्यतेऽग्निरनेन इन्ध--मक् । १ काष्ठे “यस्त इध्म जतरत् सिष्विदानः” ऋ० ४, २, ६, “इध्मं काष्ठभारम्”भा० । २ यज्ञियसमिद्भेदे पु० । तत्प्रमाणकरणप्रका-रादि कात्या० श्रौ० दर्थितम् । “अयुग्धातू नि यूनानि” सू० ।“इध्मबन्धनबर्हिर्बन्धनार्थानि यूनानि संनहनानि रज्ज-वोऽयुग्धातूनि भवन्ति । धातवस्तृणमुष्टिप्रक्षेपाःअयुजो विषमा एकत्रिपञ्चसप्तनवादिविषससंख्याधातवोयेषां तान्ययुग्धातूनि । तथा चापस्तम्बः “त्रिधातुपञ्चधातु वा शुल्वं करोतीति” शुल्वं रज्जुमित्यर्थः ।“पञ्चविंशतिकुशमयानि यूनानि” इति यज्ञपार्श्वे । तथा“समूलानामसूलानां वा दर्भाणां पूर्ववत् शुल्वं कृत्वो-दगग्रं निधायेति” इध्मप्रस्तावे । मानवे च “शुल्वं प्रति-दधात्ययुग्धातु प्रदक्षिणमिति” । तित्तिरिसूत्रे ।“अथत्रिरन्वाहितं शुल्वं कृत्वेति” कर्क० बर्हिषो बन्धनप्रकारमाह । “प्रागग्रे यूनौदगग्रं बर्हिराचिनोति” सू० ।प्रागग्रे यूने प्रागग्रे संनहने बन्धनार्थायां रज्जौउदगग्रं बर्हिराचिनोति बन्धनार्थ स्थापयति” कर्क० ।अथेध्मबन्धनस्य प्रकारमाह । “उदगग्रे प्रागग्रमिध्मम्” सू० ।आचिनोतीत्यनुवर्तते उदगग्रे यूने सनहने प्रागग्रमि-ध्ममाचिनोति बन्धनार्थं निदधाति” कर्क० । “प्रत्यग्ग्र-न्थीनवगूहति” सू० । इध्मवर्हिर्बन्धनार्थानां यूनानांग्रन्थीन् प्रत्यगवगूहति यूने गाढं बद्ध्वा यूनस्याग्रमूलेसंकल्प्य प्रदक्षिणमावेष्ट्य इध्मबर्हिषोरग्रभागे प्रोत-यित्वा पश्चादिति तयोर्मूलभागे अवगूहति प्रेरयतिप्रत्यक्शब्देन इध्मबर्हिषोःपश्चाद्भागो मूलभाग इत्यु-च्यते दिग्वाचिनोवर्हित्थुदगग्रे निहिते असम्भवात् ।क्मठके “ग्रन्थि कृत्वा पुरस्तात्प्रत्यञ्चमपकर्षतीति” ।मानवे “शुल्वस्यान्तौ समायग्य “पूषा ते ग्रन्थिमिति”प्रदक्षिणमावेष्टयति पश्चात् प्रत्यञ्चमपकर्षतीति”तैत्तिरीयेऽपि “पश्चात्प्राञ्चमुपगूहतीति” । पस्तम्बः“पुरस्तात् प्रत्यञ्चं ग्रन्थिमुपगूहति पश्चाद्वा प्राञ्चमिति” ।“अष्टादशेध्मं परिधिवृक्षाणाम्” सू० । “परिधीनां वृक्षाःपलाशखदिरविकङ्कतादयः परिधिवृक्षाः तेषां परिधिवृक्षाणांसम्बन्धिनः अष्टादशसंख्यकाष्ठकमिध्मं कुर्य्यात् । मानये“समूलैर्दर्भैः पालाशं खादिरं रौहितकं वाष्टादशदार्विध्मंसंनह्यति त्रिंश्च परिधीन् योयज्ञियवृक्षस्तस्येति” । काठके“अष्टादशदारु शुल्वं समानवृक्षस्य संनह्यति विंशतिमिष्टौ पशुबन्धे चेति” । अतएव सामिधेनीविवृद्धौ काष्ठवृद्धिर्भवति ह्रासे च ह्रासो न भवति पित्र्यादौ,तथाहापस्तम्बः “सामिधेनीविवृद्धौ काष्ठानि विवर्धन्ते प्रकृतितोह्रसमानासु प्रकृतिवदिति” । उपसत्सु तु “मात्रावदिध्माबर्हिरिति” वचनात् ह्रासः । “इध्मप्रमाणं चारत्निरितिसद्भिः प्रकीर्तितमिति” कात्यायनः (कर्मप्रदीपे) तथा “समित्-पवित्रं वेदं च कुर्य्यात् प्रादेशसंमितम् । इध्मस्तु द्विगुणःकार्य्यः परिधिस्त्रिगुणः स्मृतः” “स्मार्ते प्रादेश इध्मो वाद्विगुणः परिधिस्तत” इति । “एकविंशति वा” सू० । अथवा एकविंशतिमेकविशतिसख्याककाष्ठकमिध्मं कुर्य्यात् तथाचापस्तम्बः “खादिरं पालाशं वैकविंशतिदारुकमिध्मंकरोति” । “ततः परिधीनेके” सू० । एके आचार्या-स्तत एकविंशतिसंख्यकाष्ठकादिध्मात्त्रीणि काष्ठान्यरत्निमात्राण्येवोपादाय परिधीन् परिदधति “तद्धेकैध्मस्यैवैतान्परिधीन् परिदधतीति” श्रुतेः । अथ वैकमेवेदं सूत्रम्“एकविंशति वा ततः परिधीनेके” इति एके आचार्य्याविकल्पेन एकविंशतिसंख्यकाष्ठमिध्मं कुर्वन्ति तत इतितस्मादेवैकविंशतिकाष्ठकेध्मात् परिधीन् परिदधति च ।एतदेव क्ततरम् आपस्तम्बसूत्रे एकविंशतिकाष्ठानांविभागदर्शनात् । तथाचाहापस्तम्बः “खादिरं पालाशंवैकविंशतिदारुकमिध्मं करोति त्रयः परिधयः पालाशकाष्ठकाःखादिरोदुम्बरविल्वरोहितकविकङ्कतानां ये वा यज्ञियावृक्षा आर्द्राः शुष्का वा सत्वच्काः, स्थविष्ठो मध्यमोऽणी-यान्द्राधीयान्दक्षिणार्ध्यो ह्रसिष्ठ उत्तरार्ध्यो द्वे, आधारसमिधावनुयाज समिदेकविंणतिः समूलानाममूलानां वादर्भाणां पूर्ब्बवच्छुल्वं कृत्वोदगग्रं निधायेति” । अथएवंविधमेकीयमतम् यदेकविंशतिकाष्ठकः इध्मः ।तस्मिन् पक्षे चेध्मादेव त्रीणि काष्ठान्यादाय परिघिपरि-धानमिति । बन्धनानन्तरमिध्मवर्हिषोर्भूमौ निधानं नकायम् आपस्तम्बसूत्रे अनधोनिदधातीत्युक्तत्वात् । तद्धैकइध्मस्यैवैताम् परिधीन् परिदधतीत्यत्न हरिस्वाभिनः तदुतथा न कुर्य्यादनवक्लऽप्ता हि तस्यैते भवन्तीति बाहुमात्रैःपरिधिमिरार्द्रैश्च भवितव्यम् । इधुस्तु शुष्कः इन्धनत्वादेवद्विप्रादेशश्च तेन ते इध्मैकदेशभूताः परिधित्वायासमथोःस्युः तदिदमाह अभ्याधानाय हीति शुष्को ह्यादावाधेयःयावत्खर मात्रआहवनींये खरे सम्भवन्तीत्यभिप्रायः यस्तुपरिधिवुद्ध्या आहरति सोऽवध्यवेष्टनीयादग्निखरादति-रिक्तमेवाहरति अग्निवेष्टनं च दाहभयान्न शुल्वमितितऽएषावकॢप्ता इति” कात्या० १, ३, १४, २१ ।“अपरमितं प्रणयनीयं त्रियूनम” सू० । “प्रणयनस्यायं प्रण-यनीयः तं प्रणयनीयमग्निप्रणयनार्थमिध्ममपरिमितमपरि-मितकाष्ठक्वं त्रियूनं तिसृभिः संनहनरज्जुभिर्वेष्टितं कुर्य्यात्त्रीणि यूनानि बन्धनानि यस्य स त्रियूनः तं त्रियूनमिति ।अपरिमितत्वं च प्रागुक्तेध्मकाष्ठसंख्यापेक्षयातिशये-नाधिकसंख्यकाष्ठकत्वम् । तेन चतुर्विंशतिसामिधेनीकोषैष्टकापशुस्तत्र सप्तविंशतिः काष्ठानि भवन्ति । ततश्चप्रणयनीये ततो ऽप्यधिकानि अष्टाविंशतिप्रभृतीनिइष्टकासंख्यानि काष्ठानि भवन्ति” कर्क० ।छन्दोगप० “प्रादेशद्वयमिध्मस्य प्रमाणं परिकीर्त्तितम् ।एवंमिताः स्युरेवेह सषिधः सर्व्वकर्म्मसु । समिधोऽष्टा-दशेद्मस्यप्रवदन्ति मनीषिणः । दर्शे च पौर्ण्णमासे च क्रियास्व-न्यासु विंशतिः । समिदादिषु होमेषुमन्त्रदैवतवर्ज्जिता ।पुरस्ताच्चोपरिष्टाच्च इन्धनार्थं समिद्भवेत् । इध्मोऽप्ये-धार्थमाचार्य्येर्हविराहुतिषु स्मृतः । यत्र चास्य निवृत्तिः-स्यात्तत् स्पष्टीकरवाण्यहम् । अङ्गहोमसमित्तन्त्रसोष्यन्त्या-ख्येषु कर्म्मसु । येषां चैतदुपर्य्युक्तं तेषु तत्सदृशेषु च ।अक्षभङ्गादिविपदि जलहोमादिकर्म्मणि । सोमाहुतिषुसर्व्वासु नैतेष्विध्मो विधीयते । “इध्मजातीयकाष्ठार्द्धप्रमाणंमेक्षणं भवेत्” । “सुन्वन्दभीतिरिध्मभृतिः पक्थ्यकैः”ऋ० ६, २०, १३ । “इध्मानां काष्ठानां भृतिः” भा० । तुषि-तदेवगणमेदे स च भाग० ४ स्क० १ अ० दर्शितो यथा“तोषः प्रतोषः सन्तोषो भद्रः शान्तिरिलस्पतिः । इध्मःकविर्विभुः स्वाह्नः सुदेवो रोचनोद्विषट् । तुषिता नाम तेदेवा आसन् स्वायम्भुवेऽन्तरे” भाग० ।इध्मजिह्व पु० इध्मं काष्ठं जिह्वेवास्य । वह्नौ ।इध्मवाह पु० लोपामुद्रागर्भजाते अगस्त्यपुत्रे ऋषिभेदे“सहस्रसम्मितः पुत्र एकोऽप्यस्तु तपोधन!” इति लोपामुद्रया-प्रार्थितोऽगस्त्यस्तस्या पुत्रमुत्पादयास तस्य नाम दृदस्युरि-ध्मवहनाच्च इध्मवाह इति नामान्तरं तदेदुक्तं भा० व० ।९९ । “तत आधाय गर्भन्तमगमत् वनमेव सः” “तस्मिन्वन-गते गर्भोववृधे सप्त शारदान् । सप्तमेऽव्दे गते चाथ प्रा-च्यवत् स महोज्ज्वलः । ज्वलदग्निप्रभावेन दृढस्युर्नामभारत! । साङ्गोपनिषदान् वेदान् जपन्निव महातपाः ।तस्य पुत्रोऽभवदृषेः स तपस्वी महाद्विजः । स वालएवतेजस्वी पितुस्तस्य निदेशने । इध्मानां भारवहनाच्चेध्म-वाहस्ततोऽभवत्” ।वाचस्पत्यम्

    नराशंस पु० १ यज्ञे २ अग्नौ च । “नराशंस महिमानमि-त्यृचमधिकृत्य निरु० ८ । ३ उक्तं यथा “नरांशसो यज्ञइति कात्यकः । नरा अस्मिन्नासीनाः शंसन्ति, अग्निरितिशाकपूणिर्नरैः प्रशस्यो भवति” । तेनोभयनिरुक्तेः उभयार्थता“देव इन्द्रो नराशंसस्त्रिवरूथः” यजु० २१ । ५५ “नरा-शंसो देवोऽनुयाजरूपी यज्ञः” वेददी० “नराशंसो अग्ने”यजु० २७ । १३ “नराशंसः नरैरृत्विग्भिराशंस्यते स्तूयतेनराशंसः अग्निः” वेददी० ।आ + शन्स--भावे घञ् ६ त० । ३ नराणाभाशंसने पु० “जुष्टां नराशंसाय प्रजा वै नराः” शत० ब्रा० १ । ५ । १ । २० “यथा सर्वे-ऽपि नराः शंसन्ति तथाविधशंसनाय प्रियामिति” भाष्यम्अस्य वनस्पत्या० युगपत् उभयपदे प्रकृतिस्वरः ।वाचस्पत्यम्
    तनूनपात(द्) पु० तनूं न पातयति पत--णिच्--क्विप्नभ्राङित्यादिना नञोन नलोपः । तनूनं पातिरक्षति पा--शतृ, तन्वा ऊनं कृशं पाति तनूनपंघृतं तदत्ति अद--क्विप् वा । अग्न्रौ, जठरस्थित्याभुक्तान्नादिपाचनादस्य देहापातकत्वम् । शतृपक्षे तनून-पान्तौ इत्यादि क्विप् पक्षे तनूनपादौ इत्यादि भेदः ।२ घृते न० ६ त० । ३ प्रजापतिपौत्रे । “नराशंसः प्रतिशूरोमि-मानस्तनूनपात् प्रतियज्ञय्य धाम” यजु० २० । ३७ तनून-पात् तनोति विस्तारयति सृष्टिं तनूः प्रजापतिर्मरीचिस्तस्य नपात् पौत्रः कश्यपात्मज इत्यर्थः यद्वातनूं शरीरं न पातयति रक्षति जाठराग्निरूपेणेतितनूनपात् अग्निः यद्वा तनोति भोगानिति तनूःगौस्तस्या नपात् पौत्रं घृतम् गोः पयो जायतेपयसआज्यमिति घृतं तनूनपाद्वा” वेददी० निरुक्ते अस्यनिरुक्तिर्दर्शिता यथा “तनूनपादाज्यं भवति नपादित्यन-नन्तरायाः प्रजाया नामघेयं भवति गौरत्रतनूरुच्यते तता अस्यां भोगास्तस्याः पयो जायते, पयसआज्यं जायते । अग्निरिति शाकपूणिरापोऽत्र तन्वउच्यन्ते तता अन्तरिक्षे, ताभ्य ओषधिवनस्पतयोजायन्त ओषधिवनस्पतिभ्य एष जायते । तस्यैषा भवति ।“तनूनपात् पथ ऋतस्य यानान् मध्वासमञ्जन्तस्वदयासुजिह्व” निरु० ८ । ६ । अग्न्युद्देश्यके ४ प्रयाजभेदे च ।तनूनपाद्यागश्च वसिष्ठशुनकात्रिवध्र्यश्वराजन्यभिन्नानांपयाजेषु द्वितीयः वसिष्ठादीनां तु नरांशमो द्वितीय इतिभेदः यथोक्तं आश्व० श्रौ० १ । ५ । ६ “प्रयाजैश्चरन्ति” “पञ्चैतेभवन्ति” पञ्चवचनं नरांशसः तनूनपाद्वा द्व्यमुष्यायण-स्यापि पञ्चैव भवन्ति न षड़ेत्येवमर्थम् । एत इति वचनम्अत्र पठिता एवैते तनूनपान्नराशंसयोरन्यतरेण सह पञ्चभवन्ति नापठितेन सहेत्येवमर्थम्” नारा० । ये यजामहेइत्युपक्रमे “समिधः अग्न आज्यस्य व्यन्तु ३ वौ३ष-ड़िति वषट्कारः १५ सू० । “इति प्रथमः” १६ सू० ।“त्ययं प्रथमः प्रयाजः” नारा० “तनूनपादग्न आज्यस्येतिवेत्विति द्वितीयोऽन्यत्र वसिष्ठशुनकात्रिवध्र्यश्वराजन्येभ्यः” ।२१ सू० । “नरांशंसी अग्न आज्यस्य वेत्विति तेषाम्” २२ ।सू० “वसिष्ठादीनामयं द्वितीयः” नारा० “इडो अग्नआज्यस्य व्यन्त्विति तृतीयः” । २३ सू० । “सर्वेषामिति शेषः”नारा० “वर्हिरग्न आज्यस्य वेत्विति चतुर्थ आगूर्य्य पञ्चमेस्वाहाऽमुं स्वाहासुमिति” २४ सू० इत्यादि । वसिष्ठादिभि-न्नानां समिद्यागतनूनपाद्यागः इडोयागः बहिर्यागः स्वा-हाकारयाग इत्येते पञ्चैव प्रयाजा इत्यवधेयम् ।वसिष्ठादीनां तनूनपात्स्थाने नरांशस इति भेदः । अतएवश्रुतौ “समिधो यजति तनूनपातं यजति इडोयजति बर्हिर्यजतिं स्वाहाकारं यजतीत्येव पञ्च पठिताःवसिष्ठादिभिन्नषरतया व्यवस्याप्याः । “बभार वाष्पैर्द्विगुणीकृतं तनूस्तनूनपाद् धूमवितानमाधिजाः” माघः । “तनूंन पातयति जाठररूपेण धारयतीति” मल्लि० ।तनूनप्तृ न पातयति नप्ता ६ त० । वायौ तनोति तनूःपरमात्मा आकाशस्तस्य पुत्रो वायुस्तस्य नप्ता पौत्रःवायुहि आत्मजाताकाशजातत्वात् ब्रह्मपौत्रः “तखाद्वाएतस्मादात्मन आकाशः सम्भूत, आकाशाद्वायुः” इतिश्रुतेस्तस्य तथात्वम् । “तनूनप्तुरेव शाक्वरस्येतियो वा अयं पवत एष तनूनपाच्छाक्वरः सोऽयंप्रजानामुपद्रष्टा प्रविष्टस्ताविमौ प्राणोदानौ” शत० वा०३ । ४ । २ । ५ “तन्वा देहस्य नपातयिता रक्षको देवस्तनूनप्ताअथवा सर्वतनूरात्मा प्रजापतिः तस्याकाशः पुत्रः तत्पुत्रो वायुरिति तनूनप्ता वायुः स च शाक्करः शक्तः सर्वंकर्त्तुम्” । भा०वाचस्पत्यम्

    तनूनपात्, [द्] पुं, (तनूनपं घृतं अत्तीति । अद् +विच् क्विबित्येके । यद्बा, तनूं स्वशरीरं न पातयतीति । पत + णिच् + क्विप् । “नभ्राण्नपात् ।”६ । ३ । ७५ । इति निपातितः ।) अग्निः ।(यथा, ऋग्वेदे । ३ । २९ । ११ ।“तनूनपादुच्यते गर्भ आसुरोनराशंसो भवति यद्बिजायते ॥”)चित्रकवृक्षः । इत्यमरः । २ । ४ । ८० ॥शब्दकल्पद्रुमः
    According to Sayana (RV I.13), there are 12 āprī sukta. Of the ten  āprī sukta, R̥gveda commented by Gargya Narayana, RV I.13 and I.142 invoke Narāśaṁsa and Tanūnapāt manifestations of Agni. RV I.188, III.4, IX.5 and X.110 invoke only Tanūnapāt manifestation. RV II.3, V.5, VII.2 and X.70 invoke only Narāśaṁsa manifestation. 
    Vācaspatyam explains that ten āprī sukta have unique manifestations to adore Agni, starting with the adoration of samidh and take different forms of expression, specific to specific Gotra:  गोत्रभेदेनभिन्नरूपाः. This indicates that the the so-called family-books are, in fact, pre-dated by specific gotra-lineages.
    आप्री स्त्री आप्रीणात्यनया आ--प्री--ड गौरा० ङीष् । प्रया-जयाज्यायाम् “प्रैषेभिः प्रैषेणाप्नोत्याप्रीभिराप्रीर्य-ज्ञस्य” यजु० १९, १९ । “आप्रीभिः प्रयाजयाज्याभिः” वेददी० ताश्च याज्याः सूक्तविशेषात्मका गोत्रभेदेनभिन्नरूपाः “एकादश प्रयाजाः तेषां पैषाः प्रथमं प्रैषसूक्त-मुक्तं द्वितीये । अध्वर्युप्रेषितोमैत्रावरुणः प्रेष्यति प्रेषै-र्होतारम् । होता यजत्याप्रीभिः प्रैषलिङ्गाभिः” इत्यु-पक्रम्य “समिद्धो अग्निरिति” शुनकानां “जुषस्व नःसमिधमिति वशिष्ठानां, “समिद्धो अद्येति” सर्व्वेषाम्यथाऋषि वा” इति आश्व० श्रौ० गोत्रभेदेन सूक्तभेदस्योक्तेः ।अत्र नारायणवृत्तिः । “यो यस्य ऋषिस्तदानुगुण्यंयथर्षिशब्देनोच्यते तथा वाऽऽप्रीसूक्तं ग्रहीतव्यम् । स्वयंवा ऋषिनामधेयस्यानुगुणा आप्र्यः कर्त्तव्या इत्यर्थः ।तत्र भगवता शौनकेन यथाऋषिपक्षे आप्रीविवेकार्थमेवश्लोक उक्तः । “कण्वाङ्गिरोऽगस्त्यशुनका विश्वामित्रोऽत्रिरेवच । वशिष्ठः कश्यपो वाध्र्यश्वो जमदग्निरथोत्तमः” । तत्रदशानां सूक्तानां प्रथमं कण्वानाम् “सुमिद्धो न आवह”इति । द्वितीयं तद्वर्जितानामङ्गिरसाम्, “समिद्धो अग्न आवह” इति । तृतीयमगस्त्यानाम्, “समिद्धो अद्यराजसि”इति । चतुर्थं शुनकानाम्, “समिद्धो अग्निर्निहितः”इति । पञ्चमं विश्वामित्राणाम्, “समित्समित्सुमनाः”इति । षष्ठमत्रीणाम्, “ये समिद्धाय शोचिषे” इति ।सप्तमं वशिष्ठानाम्, “जुषस्व नः समिध” इति । अष्टमंकश्यपानाम् “समिद्धो विश्वतस्पतिः” इति । नवमं वाध्र्य-श्वानाम्, “इमां मे अग्ने समिधं जुषखेड” इति । शुनक-वाध्र्यश्वानाम् भृगूणां दशमं, “समिद्धो अद्य मनुषोदुरोणः” इति यथर्षिपक्षे विवेकोऽयम्” ।
    samidh समिध् mfn. igniting , flaming , burning RV.;f. firewood , fuel , a log of wood , faggot , grass &c employed as fuel (7 समिध्s , or sometimes 3 x 7 are mentioned , as well as 7 योनिs , 7 flames &c ) RV. &c; kindling, flaming RV. VS. S3Br.;f. = समिद्-ाधान S3rS. (Monier-Williams) समिथः 1 War, battle. -2 Fire. -3 An offering, oblation. -4 Union; Uṇ.2.11; samindh समिन्ध् 7 Ā. 1 To kindle, light up, ignite. -2 To excite, inflame, kindle (anger &c.) -3 To glorify. -4 To exhibit (skill). -Pass. To catch or take fire. samiddha समिद्ध p. p. 1 Lighted up, kindled. -2 Set on fire. -3 Inflamed, excited. -4 Full, complete. samidvatसमिद्वत् a. Fed or supplied with fuel; समिद्वन्तः प्रान्तसंस्तीर्णदर्भाः (वह्नयः) Ś.4.7.samidh समिध् f. (समित् or समिद् in comp.) Wood, fuel; विलापदुःखसमिधो रुदिताश्रुहुताहुतिः Rām.2.24.6; 6; especially fuel or sacrificial sticks for the sacred fire; समिदाहरणाय प्रस्थिता वयम् Ś.1; तत्राग्निमाधाय समित्समिद्धम् Ku.1.57;5. 33. -Comp. -आधानम् the placing on of fuel (as oblation); (कुर्यात्) समिदाधानमेव च Ms.2.176. samidhḥ समिधः 1 Fire. -2 Fuel. samindhanam समिन्धनम् 1 Kindling. -2 Fuel; संधुक्ष्यतां नो$रि- समिन्धनेषु Bk.2.28. -3 A means of swelling; Mb.12. (Apte)
    narāśaṃsḥनराशंसः 1 A sacrifice. -2 Agni.; napāt नपात् m. 1 A grandson (usually restricted to the Vedas), as in तनूनपात्. -2 A descendant, son. (Apte)
    नाराशंस   mf(/ई)n. (fr. न्/अरा-श्/अंस) relating to the praise of a man or men , laudatory ,eulogistic (as a hymn , tale &c ) TS. Br. Ya1jn5. &c; m. N. of partic. सोम libations VS. TBr. &c; m. pl. of a class of पितृs or Manes ib.; ; m. (also) a सोम vessel.तनूनपात् m. (त्/अनू-) " son of himself , self-generated (as in lightning or by the attrition of the अरणिcf. Nir. viii , 5) ", a sacred N. of Fire (chiefly used in some verses of the आप्री 
    hymns) RV. (acc. °पातम् , x , 92 , 2AV. v , 27 , 1 VS. v , 5 (dat. °प्त्रे ; = TS. i , 2 , 10 , 2AitBr. ii , 4 S3Br. i , 5 , 3 ; iii (gen. °प्तुर् , 4 , 2 , 5 irr. nom. °प्ता [only etymological cf. 4 , 2 , 5] 4 , 2 , 11) Hit.; fire (in general)(Hcat.); name of शिव (Monier-Williams).
    -प्री P. (-प्रीणाति Aitareya Brāhmaṇa ii , 4 ; aor. Subj. 2. sg. -पिप्र्/अयस् RV. ii , 6 , 8) to satisfy , conciliate , propitiate , please RV. TS. S3Br.  ; to address or invoke with the आप्री (» below) verses (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa;  Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa)A1. (impf. *प्रीणीत) to amuse one's self , be delighted or pleased  (तैत्तिरीय संहितालाट्यायन Śrautasūtraf. gaining one's favour , conciliation , propitiation; f. pl. (-प्र्/इयस् [ AV. xi , 7 , 19] and -प्र्यस् [नारायण]) N. of particular invocations spoken previous to the offering of oblations (according to आश्वलायन-श्रौत-सूत्र. iii , 2 , 5 seqq. they are different in different schools ; e.g. स्/अमिद्धोअग्न्/इर् RV. v , 28 , 1, in the school of शुनक ; जुष्/अस्वनः RV. vii , 2 , 1, in that of वसिष्ठ ; स्/अमिद्धोअद्य्/ RV. x , 110 , 1, in that of others ; नारायण on this passage gives ten hymns belonging to different schools ; » also  Sāyaṇa on RV. i , 13 [स्/उसमिद्धो /वह , the आप्री-hymn of the school of कण्व] , who enumerates twelve आप्रीs and explains that twelve deities are propitiated ; those deities are personified objects belonging to the fire-sacrifice , viz. the fuel , the sacred grass , the enclosure , &c , all regarded as different forms of अग्नि ; hence the objects are also called आप्रीs , or , according to others , the objects are the real आप्रीs , whence the hymns received their names) (अथर्व-वेदतैत्तिरीय-संहिता;आश्वलायन-श्रौत-सूत्र)(Monier-Williams).

    Gargya Narayana's commentary mentions the following 10 āprī sukta. 

    Āprīsūkta Ṛṣi Gotra
    1.13 Medhātithi Kāṇva Kāṇva
    1.142 Dīrghatamā Aucathya Āngirasa
    1.188 Agastya MaitrāvaruṇI Agastya
    2.3 Gṛtsamada Śaunahotra Śaunaka
    3.4 Viśvāmitra Gāthina Kauśika
    5.5 Vasuśruta Ātreya Ātreya
    7.2 Vasiṣṭha MaitrāvaruṇI Vāsiṣṭha
    9.5 Asita or Devala Kāśypa Kāśypa
    10.70 Sumitra Vādhryaśva Bharata
    10.110 Rāma Jāmadagnya or Jamadagni Bhārgava
    RV I.13 (Griffith): 1 AGNI, wellkindled-, bring the Gods for him who offers holy gifts. Worship them, Purifier, Priest.
    2 Son of Thyself, present, O Sage, our sacrifice to the Gods today. Sweet to the taste, that they may feast.
    3 Dear Narasamsa, sweet of tongue, the giver of oblations, I Invoke to this our sacrifice.
    Agni, on thy most easy car, glorified, hither bring the Gods: Manu appointed thee as Priest.
    5 Strew, O ye wise, the sacred grass that drips with oil, in order due, Where the Immortal is beheld.
    6 Thrown open be the Doors Divine, unfailing, that assist the rite, For sacrifice this day and now.
    7 I call the lovely Night and Dawn to seat them on the holy grass At this our solemn sacrifice.
    8 The two Invokers I invite, the wise, divine and sweet of tongue, To celebrate this our sacrifice.
    IlaSarasvatiMahi, three Goddesses who bring delight, Be seated, peaceful, on the grass.
    10 Tvastar I call, the earliest born, the wearer of all forms at will: May he be ours and ours alone.
    11 God, Sovran of the Wood, present this our oblation to the Gods, And let the giver be renowned.
    12 With Svaha pay the sacrifice to Indra in the offerers' house: Thither I call the Deities.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson: 1.013.01 Agni, who are Susamiddha, invoker, purifier, bring hither the gods to the offerers of our oblation, and do your sacrifice. [The A_pris are twelve including a name of fire, naras'ansa. Su = well; sam = completely; iddha = kindled; hence, Susamiddha = the thoroughly kindled].
    1.013.02 Wise (Agni) who are Tanu_napa_t (= devourer of clarified butter), present this day our well-favoured sacrifice to the gods for their food. [Tanu_napa_t, devourer of clarified butter (tanu_napa); alternatively, tanu = own substance, or fuel, i.e. consumer of its own substance; napa_t = tanaya, son or offspring; alternatively, napa_t = who does not preserve, who destroys].

    1.013.03 I invoke the beloved Nara_s'ams'a, the sweet-tongued, the offere of oblations, to this sacrifice. [Nara_s'am.s'a, him whom men praise: nara s'am.santi].

    1.013.04 Agni, (who are) I_l.ita (= worshipped), bring hither the gods in an easy-moving chariot, for you are the invoker instituted by men. [I_l.ita, stutah, the worshipped; fr. i_l.a, to adore, to praise].

    1.013.05 Strew, learned priests, the sacred grass, well bound together (in bundles), and sprinkled with clarified butter, the semblance of ambrosia. [Barhis is an appellative of Agni; amr.ta-sama_nasya ghr.tasya or maran.a-rahitasya barhirna_makasya, agneh:amr.ta (clarified butter sprinkled on grass) has the appearance of ambrosia; or agni is immortal].

    1.013.06 Let the bright doors, the augmenters of sacrifice, (hitherto) unentered, be set open, for certainly today is the sacrifice to be made. [Doors: agnivis'es.amu_rtayah, personifications of agni].

    1.013.07 I invoke the lovely night and dawn to sit upon the sacred grass, at this our sacrifice. [naktam = night; = dawn; they denote two forms of fire, presiding over theose seasons: tat-ka_la_bhima_nivahnimu_rtidvaye].

    1.013.08 I call the two eloquent divine and sage invokers (of the gods), that they may celebrate this our sacrifice. [Two agnis: daivyau hota_rau pracetasau, two divine invokers (pracetasas), who are sages (kavi)].

    1.013.09 May the three undecaying goddesses, givers of delight, Il.a_, Sarasvati_, and Mahi_ (= Bha_rati_), sit down upon the sacred grass. [Mahi = Bha_rati; Il.a_, Sarasvati_, Bha_rati_ are personifications of agni: agnimu_rtayah; they are also three personified flames of fire. As goddesses, Il.a_ = earth (bride of Vis.n.u); Sarasvati_ = goddess of eloquence (wife of Brahma_); Bharati_ = speech (wife of Bharata, an A_ditya)].

    1.0113.10 I invoke the chief and multiform Tvas.t.r. (= Vis'vakarma_); may he be solely ours. [Tvas.t.a_ = Vis'vakarma_, artificer of the gods, the fabricator of the original sacrificial vase or ladle. tvas.t.a_ vai pas'u_na_m mithuna_na_m ru_kakr.t---iti s'ruteh (Taittiri_ya.Sam.hita_ Tvas.t.a_ forms in animals in pairs; he is also an A_ditya; here he is an Agni: agnim].

    1.013.11 Present, divine Vanaspati (= lord of the woods), our oblation to the gods, and may true knowledge be (the reward) of the giver.

    1.013.12 Perform the sacrifice conveyed through Sva_ha_ (= an exclamation used in pouring the oblation on the fire) to Indra, in the house of the worshipper; therefore I call the gods hither. [sva_ha_ = an exclamation used in pouring the oblation on the fire, also identified with Agni. Sva_ha_ is called the daughter of Br.haspati, son of An:giras (Maha_bha_rata); she is also the daughter of Daks.a and wife of Agni].

    RV I.142 (Griffith): 1. KINDLED, bring, Agni, Gods today- for him who lifts the ladle up. Spin out the ancient thread for him who sheds, with gifts, the Soma juice.
    2 Thou dealest forth, Tanunapat, sweet sacrifice enriched with oil,Brought by a singer such as I who offers gifts and toils for thee.
    3 He wondrous, sanctifying, bright, sprinkles the sacrifice with mead,ThriceNarasamsa from the heavens, a God mid Gods adorable.
    Agni, besought, bring hitherward Indra the Friend, the Wonderful,For this my hymn of praise, O sweet of tongue, is chanted forth to thee.
    5 The ladleholders- strew trimmed grass at this wellordered- sacrifice;A home for Indra is adorned, wide, fittest to receive the Gods.
    6 Thrown open be the Doors Divine, unfailing, that assist the rite,High, purifying, muchdesired-, so that the Gods may enter in.
    7 May Night and Morning, hymned with lauds, united, fair to look upon,Strong Mothers of the sacrifice, seat them together on the grass.
    8 May the two Priests Divine, the sage, the sweetvoiced- lovers of the hymn,Complete this sacrifice of ours, effectual, reaching heaven today-.
    9 Let Hotra pure, set among Gods, amid the Maruts BharatiIlaSarasvatiMahi, rest on the grass, adorable.
    10 May Tvastar send us genial dew abundant, wondrous, rich in gifts,For increase and for growth of wealth, Tvastar our kinsman and our Friend.
    11 Vanaspati, give forth, thyself, and call the Gods to sacrifice.May Agni, God intelligent, speed our oblation to the Gods.
    12 To Vayu joined with Pusan, with the Maruts, and the host of Gods, To Indra who inspires the hymn cry Glory! and present the gift.
    13 Come hither to enjoy the gifts prepared with cry of Glory! Come, O Indra, hear their calling; they invite thee to the sacrifice.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:1.142.01 Agni, who are samiddha, bring the gods today (to the worshipper), whose ladle is uplifted; extent (the merit of) former sacrificer to the giver (of the offering), by whom the Soma is poured forth. [A_pri's of Agni: cf. RV. 1.4.2]. 
    1.142.02 Tanu_napa_t, be present at this well-flavoured and cutter-fed sacrifice, (the offering) of a pious offerer (of oblations); glorifying you.
    1.142.03 The pure, purifying, wonderful Nara_s', an adorable god among gods, (having come) from heaven, thrice mixes the sacrifice with the sweet (Soma). [Nara_s' is the deity presiding over the sacrifice: yajn~a_bhima_ni devah; thrice mixes: he comes thrice, or he thrice bestows rewards, perhaps an allusion to the three daily sacrifices].
    1.142.04 Agni, who are Il.ita, bring hither Indra, the wonderful, the beloved; this my praise is recited, bright-tongued, before you.
    1.142.05 The priests, bearing ladles, are strewing the sacred grass in this holy sacrifice, to prepare a god-frequented and well-spread abode for Indra.

    1.142.06 Let the bright, separable doors, the augmenters of sacrifice, the purifiers of rites, the desired of many, be set open for the gods to enter. [The hymn is addressed to the divinities presiding over th e doors of the chamber of sacrifice; asas'cata = not adhering together, mutually separable; asajyama_na-paraspara viprakr.s.t.a, perhaps folding-doors of wide or open doors].

    1.142.07 Beautiful night and morning, ever hymned, ever associated, progeny (yahuh sunuh--Nirukta 2.2.11) (of time), parents of sacrifice, sit down of your own good will on the sacred grass. 

    1.142.08 May the two pleasing-tongued receivers of praise, the divine and sage invokers (of the gods), officiate today at this our sacrifice, which confers (rewards) and attains heaven. [Attains heaven: mandra-jihva_ is an apithet applied to Agni, the two flames that give delight to the gods].

    1.142.09 May the pure hota_, placed among the gods, and Bha_rati_, among the Maruts, and may the adorable Il.a_, Sarasvati_, Mahi_, sit down upon the sacred grass. [hota_ = homa-nis.pa_dika_, the presenter of the oblation; deves.u arpita_ = delivered amongst the gods, the praisers of priests (Marutsu); or, marutsu-bha_rati_ = va_c, situated in heaven, dyustha_na_ and connected with bharata, an A_ditya, or name of the sun; il.a_, sarasvati_, mahi_ = sound (va_c); or the goddesses presiding over sound in the three regions, severally of earth, firmament, and heaven].

    1.142.10 May Tvas.t.a_, favourably disposed towards us, send to us, for our nourishment and prosperity, the quick (falling), wonderful, abundant (water), in the centre (of the cloud, effecting), of itself much (good). [Qucik (falling), wonderful: the hymn has epithets only related to udakam, water: turi_pam adbhutam puru va_ram puru tmana_; in the centre: na_bha_ na_bhau meghasya avasthitam udakam, i.e. rain; Tvas.t.a_ = personified fire or lightning, in which capacity he is the sender of rain, vr.s.t.ya_deh karta_].

    1.142.11 Vanaspati, here present of your own accord, convey our offerings to the gods; the divine and intelligent Agni accepts (the oblations) for the deities. [vanaspati: the fire,or Agni of the sacrificial post, or yupa, from its being of timber].

    1.142.12 (Priests), present the oblation with sva_ha_ to Indra, in the form of Ga_yatra, along with and the Maruts; also to the assembled gods, and the Va_yu. [In the form of Ga_yatra: Ga_yatra-vepase--ga_yatra is substituted for itara-sa_ma: vepas = ru_pa; ga_yatram- ru_pam yasya; ga_yatravepas = a name or form of Indra; along with and the Maruts: lit., having or possessed of or the Maruts: pus.anvate marutvate; vis'vadeva_ya (singular)  = vis'vadeva- san:gha_ya, the assemblage of all the gods; or, an epithet to identify Indra with all the deities; the personification of Agni is sva_ha_, as one of the A_pris].

    1.142.13 Approach, Indra, to partake of the oblations consecrated with sva_ha_; approach and hear the invocation, as they invoke you to the sacrifice.

    RV I.188 (Griffith): 1. WINNER of thousands, kindled, thou shinest a God with Gods today-.Bear out oblations, envoy, Sage.
    Child of Thyself the sacrifice is for the righteous blent with meath,Presenting viands thousandfold.
    3 Invoked and worthy of our praise bring Gods whose due is sacrifice:Thou, Agni, givest countless gifts.
    4 To seat a thousand Heroes they eastward have strewn the grass with might,Whereon, Adityas, ye shine forth.
    5 The sovran allimperial- Doors, wide, good, many and manifold,Have poured their streams of holy oil.
    6 With gay adornment, fair to see, in glorious beauty shine they forth:Let Night and Morning rest them here.
    7 Let these two Sages first of all, heralds divine and eloquent,Perform for us this sacrifice.
    8 You I address, Sarasvati, and Bharati, and Ila, all:Urge ye us on to glorious fame.
    Tvastar the Lord hath made all forms and all the cattle of the field Cause them to multiply for us.
    10 Send to the Gods, Vanaspati, thyself, the sacrificial draught:Let Agni make the oblations sweet.
    11 Agni, preceder of the Gods, is honoured with the sacred song:He glows at offerings blest with Hail!

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson: 1.188.01 You shine today, divine conqueror of thousands, kindled by the priests; do you, who are the sapient messenger (of the gods), convey (to them) our oblation. [The A_pris are also praya_jas; kim. devata_ = what sort of divinities are these; praya_ja, that which is an especial object of worship; such as divinities presiding over the seasons, over the metres of the Veda, over animals, over life, over the spirit, which are forms of Agni: praya_ja ritudevata_s'chandodevata_h pas'udevata_h pra_n.adevata_ a_tmadevata_ itya_dina_ bahu_n paks.a_n upnyasyu bra_hman.a_ni ca pradars'ya a_gneya_ eveti siddha_ntitam. samiddha is a particple, an epithet of deva; susamiddha = well-kindled, a name of Agni].
    1.188.02 The adorable Tanu_napa_t proceeds to the rite and combines with the oblation, bearing (for the sacrificer) infinite (abundance of) food.
    1.188.03 Agni, who are to be glorified, bring hither, being invoked by us, the adorable gods, for you are the donor of thousands. [Who are to be glorified: id.ya = i_l.ita; nara_s'amsa, a term which normally precedes i_l.ita, is here omitted].
    1.188.04 By the power (of their prayers) they have strewn the sacred grass, the seat of numerous heroes, pointing to the east; on which, A_dityas, you are manifest.
    1.188.05 They have sprinkled water on the doors (of the hall of sacrifice), which are variously and perfectly radiant, manifold, excellent, many, and numerous. [The doors: vira_t samra_t. vibhvi_h prabhvi_h bahvi_s'ca bhu_yasi_s'ca ya_h: the last two epithets are epithets of number, and the rest are names].
    1.188.06 Let the brilliant and beautiful Day and Night, who shine with surpassing lustre, sit down here (upon the sacred grass).
    1.188.07 Let these two chief, well-spoken, divine sages, the invokers (of the gods), perform this our sacrifice.
    1.188.08 Bha_rati_, Il.a_, Sarasvati_, I invoke you all, that you may direct us to prosperity. [Bha_rati_, the goddess presiding over the heaven; Il.a_, the goddess presiding over the earth; Sarasvati_, the goddess presiding over the firmament; they are all three considered to be special manifestations of the majesty of the sun: etis tisra a_dityaprabha_va vis'es.aru_pa itya_huh].
    1.188.09 Tvas.t.a_, who is the master (in fashioning) the forms (of beings), has made all animals distinct; grant us, (Tvas.t.a), their increase. [Tvas.t.a ru_pa_n.i hi prabhuh: kartum = to make, is understood; Tvas.t.a_ is the divinity presiding over the implements of sacrifice;he also fashions beings in the womb as soon as begotten: retasah siktasya tvas.t.a_ ru_Pa_n.i vikaroti; or, yonau sr.s.t.a_ni ru_pa_n.i kartumprabhuh].
    1.188.10 Vanaspati, deliver of yourself the victim to the gods, so that Agni may taste the oblation.

    1.188.11 Agni, the preceder of the gods [puroga_ puroga_mi_; agnih kasma_dagran.i_rbhavati (Nirukta 7.14), is characterized by the Ga_yatri_ measure; he blazes when the oblations are offered.

    RV II.3 (Griffith): 1. AGNI is set upon the earth well kindled; he standeth in the presence of all beings.
    Wise, ancient, God, the Priest and Purifier, let Agni serve the Gods for he is worthy.
    2 May Narasamsa lighting up the chambers, bright in his majesty through threefold heaven,
    Steeping the gift with oil diffusing purpose, bedew the Gods at chiefest time of worship.
    3 Adored in heart, as is thy right, O Agni, serve the Gods first today- before the mortal. Bring thou the Marut host. Ye men do worship to Indra seated on the grass, eternal.
    4 O Grass divine, increasing, rich in heroes, strewn for wealths' sake, well laid upon this altar, On this bedewed with oil sit ye, O Vasus, sit all ye Gods, ye Holy, ye Adityas.
    5 Wide be the Doors, the Goddesses, thrown open, easy to pass, invoked, through adorations, Let them unfold, expansive, everlasting, that sanctify the class famed, rich in heroes.
    6 Good work for us, the glorious Night and Morning, like female weavers, waxen from aforetime, Yielders of rich milk, interweave in concert the longextended- thread, the web of worship.
    7 Let the two heavenly Heralds, first, most wise, most fair, present oblation duly with the sacred verse,
    Worshipping God at ordered seasons decking them at three high places at the centre of the earth.
    Sarasvati who perfects our devotion, Ila divine, Bharati all surpassing, Three Goddesses, with power inherent, seated, protect this holy Grass, our flawless refuge!
    9 Born is the pious hero swift of hearing, like gold in hue, well formed, and full of vigour. May Tvastar lengthen our line and kindred, and may they reach the place which Gods inhabit.
    10 Vanaspati shall stand anear and start us, and Agni with his arts prepare oblation. Let the skilled heavenly Immolator forward unto the Gods the offering thrice anointed.
    11 Oil has been mixt: oil is his habitation. In oil he rests: oil is his proper province. Come as thy wont is: O thou Steer, rejoice thee; bear off the oblation duly consecrated.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson: 2.003.01 Agni, the well-kindled, placed upon (the altar of) the earth, stands in the presence of all beings; the invoker (of the gods), the purifier, the ancient, the intelligent, the divine; let the venerable Agni minister to the gods. [A_pris: cf. 1.142; 1.188].
    2.003.02 May the bright Nara_s', illuminating the receptacles (of the offering) making manifest by his greatness the three radiant (regions) and diffusing the oblation at the season of sacrifice with butter-dispensing purpose, satisfy the gods. [Nara_s' in the preceding su_ktas, tanu_napa_t is the second personification of Agni addressed; in this su_kta, he is omitted].
    2.003.03 Agni, who are the venerable i_l.ita, do you, with mind favourably disposed towards us, offer today sacrifice to the gods, before the human (ministrant priest) as such, bring hither the company of the Maruts, the undecaying Indra, to whom, seated on the sacred grass, do you priests offer worship.
    2.003.04 Divine grass, let the Vasus, the VIs'vedevas, the adorable A_ditya, sit upon this flourishing, invigrating, well-grown, sacred grass, strewn for the sakeof wealth upon this altar, and sprinkled with butter. [Divine grass: the barhis, or a personification of Agni].
    2.003.05 Let the divine doors, spacious and easily accessible, and to be saluted with prostrations, be set open; let them be celebrated as expansive, uninjurable, and conferring sanctity upon the illustrious class (of worshippers), possessed of virtuous progeny.
    2.003.06 In regard of our good deeds, Day and Night, perpetually reverenced, are interweaving in concert, like two famous female weavers, the extended thread, (to complete) the web of the sacrifice, liberal yielders (of rewards), containers of water. [Like two famous female weavers: vayyeva ran.vite = vayya iva va_nakus'ale iva s'abdite, stute].
    2.003.07 Let the two divine invokers of the gods, the first (to be reverenced), most wise, sincerely worshipping with sacred texts, most excellent in form, offering homage to the gods in due season, present oblations in the three high places upon the navel of the earth. [Two divine invokers of the gods: the personified fires of earth and the firmament, under the character of, two ministeringpriests; the navel of the earth: this is the usual altar; the three high places: sa_nus.u tris.u, are the three sacred fires: ga_rhapatya, a_havani_ya and].
    2.003.08 May the three goddesses, Sarasvati_, perfecting our understanding, the divine il.a_, and all-impressive Bha_rati_, having come to our dwelling, protect this faultless rite, (offered) for our welfare.
    2.003.09 May a tawny-hued, well-grown (son), the bestower of food, active, manly, a worshipper of the gods, be born; may Tvas.t.a_ prolong for us a continuous (line of) progeny, and may the food of the gods come also to us.
    2.003.10 May Agni, who is Vanaspati, approving (of our rite), approach; and by his especial acts fully dress the victim; may the divine immolator convey the burnt-offering to the gods, knowing it to have been thrice consecrated. [By his especial acts: agnir-havih su_daya_ti pra dhi_bhih =Agni, who is the supporter, or the instrument of cooking or maturing fitly, cooks the oblation of the nature of the victim with various acts, which are the means of cooking; he dresses the oblation, not under-dressing nor over-dressing it: agnih pa_kadharo havih pas'uru_pam'aih pa_kasa_dhanaih prakars.en.a su_daya_ti ks.a_rayati apa_ka_dhikapa_dira_hityena havih pacati; the divine immolator: daivyah s'amita_: s'amita_ = the person who kills the victim; Agni is the immolator of the gods: deva_na_m s'amita_; thice consecrated: tridha_ samaktam = thrice anointed or sprinkled; the three rites or ceremonies are termed: upastaran.a, avada_na, abhigha_ran.a].
    2.003.11 I sprinkle the butter, for butter is his birth-place; he is nourished by butter; butter is his radiance; Agni, showerer (of benefits), bring the gods to the offered oblation; exhilarate them; convey to them the offering that has been reverently sanctified. [cf. Yajurveda 17.88; dha_ma - dwelling, or radiance; alternative reading: Adhvaryu, or priest, bring hither Agni to the oblation; exhilarate him; (and say to him). Showerer (of blessings), convey the consecrated oblation (to the gods).

    RV III.4 (Griffith): 1. BE friendly with each kindled log of fuel, with every flash bestow the boon of riches. Bring thou the Gods, O God, unto our worship: serve, wellinclined-, as Friend thy friends, O Agni.
    Agni whom daily Varuna and Mitra the Gods bring thrice a day to this our worship, Tanunapat, enrich with meath our service that dwells with holy oil, that offers honour.
    3 The thought that bringeth every boon proceedeth to worship first the Priest of the libation, That we may greet the Strong One with our homage. Urged, may he bring the Gods, best Sacrificer.
    4 On high your way to sacrifice was made ready; the radiant flames went upward to the regions. Full in the midst of heaven the Priest is seated: sirew we the sacred grass where Gods may rest them.
    5 Claiming in mind the seven priests' burntoblations, inciting all, they came in settled order.To this our sacrifice approach the many who show in hero beauty at assemblies.
    Night and Dawn, lauded, hither come together, both smiling, different are their forms in colour, That Varuna and Mitra may accept us, and Indra, girt by Maruts, with his glories.
    7. I crave the grace of heavens' two chief Invokers: the seven swift steeds joy in their wonted manner. These speak of truth, praising the truth eternal, thinking on Order as the guards of Order.
    8 May Bharati with all her SistersIla accordant with the Gods, with mortalls AgniSarasvati with all her kindred Rivers, come to this grass, Three Goddesses, and seat them.
    9 Well pleased with us do thou O God, O Tvastar, give ready issue to our procreant vigour,
    Whence springs the hero, powerful, skilled in action, lover of Gods, adjuster of the pressstones-.
    10 Send to the Gods the oblation, Lord of Forests; and let the Immolator, Agni, dress it.
    He as the truer Priest shall offer worship, for the Gods generations well he knoweth.
    11 Come thou to us, O Agni, duly kindled, together with the potent Gods and Indra.
    On this our grass sit Aditi, happy Mother, and let our Hail delight the Gods Immortal.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:3.004.01 Repeatedly, kindled, (Agni), wake up favourably disposed; (endowed) with reiterated lustre, entertain the kind purpose of (granting us) wealth; bring, divine Agni, the gods to the sacrifice; do you, the friend (of the gods), minister, well-affected, to (your) parents. [Repeatedly kindled: samit sama = samiddha; or, susamiddha, an appellative of Agni in the preceding su_ktas].
    3.004.02 Tanu_napa_t, whom the deities, Mitra, Varun.a and Agni, worship daily thrice a day, render this our sacred rain-engendering sacrifice productive of water.
    3.004.03 May the all-approved praise reach the invoker of the gods; may Il.a_ first proceed to worship and to praise with prostrations the showerer (of benefits) in his presence; may the adorable (Agni), instigated (by us), worship the gods. [Il.a_ = the il.ita of preceding su_ktas].
    3.004.04 An upward path has been prepared for you both in the sacrifice; the blazing oblations soar aloft; the invoker of the gods has sat down in the centre of the radiant (hall); let us strew the sacred grass for the seats of the gods. [You both: Agni and the Barhis, or sacred grass, to which, as in the parallel pages, the hymn is addressed].
    3.004.05 The gods who gratify the universe with rain are present at the seven offerings (of the ministering priests), when solicited with (sincerity of) mind; may the many deities who are engendered in sensible shapes at sacrifices come to this our rite. [Deities in sensible shapes: in preceding su_ktas, the doors of the hall of sacrifice, are the personifications specified; here, the divinities presiding over the doors are implied].
    3.004.06 May the adored Day and Night, combined or separate, be manifest in bodily form, so that Mitra, Varun.a, Indra, or (the latter), attended by the Maruts, may rejoice us by their glories.
    3.004.07 I propitiate the two chief divine invokers of the gods; the seven offerers of (sacrificial) food, expectant of water, gratify (Agni) with oblations; the illustrious observers of sacred rites have saluted him in every ceremony as (identifiable), verily, with water. [As identifiable with water: r.tam it ta a_huh = agnim eva r.tabhu_tam a_huh, they have called Agni, verily, r.ta; r.ta is usually rendered water but  it may mean truth; in the preceding phrase, r.tam s'ansanta = udakam, desirous or expectant of water].
    3.004.08 May Bha_rati_, associated with the Bha_rati_s; Il.a_ with the gods and men; and Agni, and Sarasvati_ with the Sa_rasvatas; may the three goddesses sit down upon the sacred grass (strewn) before them. [bha_rati_bhih, with the connections of Bharata, or the Sun: bharatasya su_ryasya sambandhini_bhih, perhaps intending the solar rays; Bha_rati_ = va_k, speech; Il.a_ = bhu_mi, the earth; sarasvati_ = ma_dhyamika_ va_k; the sa_rasvatas are the madhyamastha_nas, the middle regions, or the firmament; Agni whose name is rather unconnectedly inserted, is thus identified through their several personifications as goddesses, with heaven, mid-heaven, and earth, or with speech or sound in the three regions].
    3.004.09 Divine Tvas.t.a_, being well pleased, give issue to our procreative vigour, whence (a son), manly, devout, vigorous, wielder of the (Soma-bruising) stone, and reverencing the gods, may be born.
    3.004.10 Vanaspati, bring the gods nigh; may Agni, the immolator, prepare the victim; let him who is truth officiate as the ministering priest, for, verily, he knows the birth of the gods. [May Agni the immolator: agnir havih s'amita_ su_daya_ti: cf. RV 2.3].
    3.004.11 Agni, kindled into flame, come to our presence in the same chariot with Indra and with the swift-moving gods; may Aditi, the mother of excellent sons, sit down on the sacred grass, and may the immortal gods be satisfied with the reverentially-offered oblation. [May the immortal gods: sva_ha_ deva_ amr.ta_ ma_dayanta_m: sva_ha_ = sva_ha_ka_ren.a yuktah, joined with or addressed by the exclamation, sva_ha_].

    RV V.5 (Griffith): 1. To AgniJatavedas, to the flame, the wellenkindled- God, Offer thick sacrificial oil.
    2 He, Narasamsa, Never beguiled, inspiriteth this sacrifice:
    For sage is he, with sweets in hand.3 Adored, O Agni, hither bring Indra the Wonderful, the Friend,
    On lightlyrolling- car to aid.
    4 Spread thyself out, thou soft as wool The holy hymns have sung to thee.Bring gain to us, O beautiful!
    5 Open yourselves, ye Doors Divine, easy of access for our aid:Fill, more and more, the sacrifice.
    6 Fair strengtheners of vital power, young Mothers of eternal Law,Morning and Night we supplicate.
    7 On the winds' flight come, glorified, ye two celestial Priests of manCome ye to this our sacrifice.
    IlaSarasvatiMahi, three Goddesses who bring us weal,Be seated harmless on the grass.
    9 Rich in all plenty, Tvastar, come auspicious of thine own accord Help us in every sacrifice.
    10 Vanaspati, wherever thou knowest the Gods mysterious names,Send our oblations thitherward.
    11 To Agni and to VarunaIndra, the Maruts, and the Gods,With Svaha be oblation brought.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:5.005.01 Offer abundant butter to the replendent Susamiddha, to Agni, to Ja_tavedas. [Susamiddha, an epithet of Agni].
    5.005.02 Nara_s' animates this sacrifice he who is uninjurable, who verily is wise and sweet-handed.
    5.005.03 Agno, who are I_l.ita, bring hither the wonderful and friendly Indra, with his easy going chariots for our protection.
    5.005.04 (Grass), soft as wool, be spread; the worshippers praise you; be to us radiant (grass the source of) liberality. [(Grass): the barhis].
    5.005.05 Open divine doors, our passages to preservation; fill full the sacrifice (with its rewards).
    5.005.06 We glorify the evening and the morning lovely, food-bestowing, mighty, the mothers of sacrifice.
    5.005.07 Praised (by us), divine invokers of the gods, come moving on the path of the wind, to this sacrifice of our patron. [On the path of the wind: va_tasya patman = with the swiftness of the wind, or through the firmament; to this sacrifice of our patron: manus.o no yajn~am = lit., to the sacrifice of our man, i.e. of the yajama_na].
    5.005.08 May Il.a_, Sarasvati_, Mahi_, the three goddesses who are the sources of happiness, sit down, benevolent, upon the sacred grass.
    5.005.09 Tvas.t.a_, being propitious, you who are diffusive in kindness, come to your own accord protect us in repeated sacrifices.
    5.005.10 Wherever you know, Vanaspati, the secret forms of the gods to be, thither convey the oblations. [yatra vettha deva_na_m guhya_ na_ma_ni: na_ma_ni = ru_pa_n.i, forms; it is not soecufued as a faculty of vanaspati in any preceding hymn to the a_pris, although vanaspati, in the preceding hymns and also here represents Agni, as identified with the sacrificial post, or yu_pa, or the deity presiding over the post: yu_pa_bhima_ni_ deva].
    5.005.11 The oblation is offered with reverence to Agni, to Varun.a; with reverence to Indra, to the Maruts; with reverence to the gods. [To Agni: the term is sva_ha_, who is an a_pri, or personification of Agni].

    RV VII.2 (Griffith): 1. GLADLY accept, this day, our fuel, Agni: send up thy sacred smoke and shine sublimely.Touch the celestial summits with thy columns, and overspread thee with the rays of Surya.
    2 With sacrifice to these we men will honour the majesty of holy Narasamsa-To these the pure, most wise, the thought. inspirers, Gods who enjoy both sorts of our oblations.
    3 We will extol at sacrifice for ever, as men may do, Agni whom Manu kindled,Your very skilful Asura, meet for worship, envoy between both worlds, the truthful speaker.
    4 Bearing the sacred grass, the men who serve him strew it with reverence, on their knees, by Agni.Calling him to the spotted grass, oilsprinkled-, adorn him, ye Adhvaryus, with oblation.
    5 With holy thoughts the pious have thrown open Doors fain for chariots in the Gods assembly.Like two full mother cows who lick their youngling, like maidens for the gathering, they adorn them.
    6 And let the two exalted Heavenly LadiesMorning and Night, like a cow good at milking,Come, muchinvoked-, and on our grass be seated ' wealthy, deserving worship, for our welfare.
    7 You, Bards and Singers at mens' sacrifices, both filled with wisdom, I incline to worship.Send up our offerings when we call upon you, and so among the Gods obtain us treasures.
    8 May Bharati with all her SistersIla accordant with the Gods, with mortals Agni,Sarasvati with all her kindred Rivers, come to this grass, Three Goddesses, and seat them.
    9 Well pleased with us do thou, O God, O Tvastar, give ready issue to our procreant vigour,Whence springs the hero, powerful, skilled in action, lover of Gods, adjuster of the pressstones-.
    10 Send to the Gods the oblation, Lord of Forests, and let the Immolator, Agni, dress it.He as the truer Priest shall offer worship, for the Godsgenerations' well he knoweth.
    11 Come thou to us, O Agni, duly kindled, together with the potent Gods and Indra.On this our grass sit Aditi, happy Mother, and let our Hail! delight the Gods Immortal.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:7.002.01 Be gratified, Agni, by the (sacred fire) kindled by us today, emitting abundant adorable smoke; touch with your scorching flames the celestial summit; combine with the rays of the sun. [Kindled: samiddham; implies one of the A_pris, or forms of fire, although used as an epithet].
    7.002.02 We celebrate with sacrifices the greatness of the adorable Nara_s' among those who are divinities, the performers of good works, the bright-shining, the upholders of rites, who partake of both kinds of oblations. [Oblations of ghi_ and libations of Soma, or other offerings: Niruktaviii.6].
    7.002.03 Let us ever worship the Agni who is to be adored by us; the mighty, the dextrous, the messenger passing between heaven and earth, the speaker of truth, kindled (of old) by Manu, as now by men, that (he may come) to the solemnity. [Tanu_napa_t, is omitted; the su_kta is called an A_pri_ su_kta, apra s'abdoktatva_n idam tanu_napa_d rahitam; Agni who is to be adored by us: i_l.enyam agnim is the i_l.ita of the other a_pri_ su_ktas; mahema = to you (priests) worship].
    7.002.04The worshippers bearing the sacred grass offer it with reverence, upon their knees, to Agni; worship him, priests, with oblations, invoking him to (sit down) on the spotted (grass), smeared with clarified butter.
    7.002.05 The devout performers of holy rites, desirous of chariots, have had recourse to the doors (of the sacrificial chamber); (the ladles), placed to the east, are plying the fire with ghee at sacrifices, as the mother cows lick the calf, or as rivers (water the fields). [The doors: among the A_pris; pu_rvi_ s'is'um na ma_tara riha_n.e samagruvo na samanes.u an~jan = the prio (or eastern) calf like two mothers licking rivers, like in sacrifices tey anoint = pu_rvi_ pra_gagre juhu_pabhr.tau, the two ladles -- the juhu and upabhr.t-- placed at sacrifices with their ends to the east].
    7.002.06 May the two youthful females, the divine and mighty day and night, the invoked of many, the possessed of wealth, seated on the sacred grass, enitled to adoration, be with us like an easily-milked cow for our welfare.
    7.002.07 I am minded to adore you two sages, the ministrants at sacrifices of men, from celebrated, convey our offspring aloft, and acquire (for our use) the precious (treasures preserved) among the gods.
    7.002.08 May Bharati, associated with the Bharatis; Il.a_ with gods and men; and Agni and Sarasvati_ with the Sa_rasvatas; may the three goddesses sit down before us upon this sacred grass. [Il.a_ with gods and man: il.a_ devabhir manus.yebhir agnih; Il.a_ is associated with men; Agni is associated with the goddesses. This and the three following verses are repeated from the second as.t.aka].
    7.002.09 Divine Tvas.t.a_, being well-pleased, give issue to our procreative vigour, whence (a son) manly, devout, vigorous, wielder of the Soma-bruising stone, and reverencing the gods, may be born.
    7.002.10 Vanaspati, bring the gods night; may Agni, the immolator, prepare the victim; let him who is truth officiate as the ministering priest, for verily he knows the birth of the gods.
    7.002.11 Agni, kindled (into flame), come to our presence in the same chariot with Indra, and with the swift moving gods; may Aditi, the mother of excellent sons, sit down on the sacred grass, and may the immortal gods be satisfied with the reverentially-offered oblation.

    RV IX.5 (Griffith): 1. ENKINDLED, PavamanaLord, sends forth his light on, every side In friendly show, the bellowing Bull.
    2 He, Pavamana, Selfproduced-, speeds onward sharpening his horns: He glitters through the firmament.
    3 Brilliant like wealth, adorable, with splendour Pavamana shines, Mightily with the streams of meath.
    4 The tawny Pavamana, who strews from of old the grass with might, Is worshipped, God amid the Gods.
    5 The golden, the Celestial Doors are lifted with their frames on high, By Pavamana glorified.
    6 With passion Pavamana longs for the great lofty pair, wellformed- Like beauteous maidens, Night and Dawn
    7 Both Gods who look on men I call, Celestial Heralds: Indras' Self Is Pavamana, yea, the Bull.
    8 This, Pavamanas' sacrifice, shall the three beauteous GoddessesSarasvati and Bharati and 
    IlaMighty One, attend.
    9 1 summon Tvastar hither, our protector, champion, earliestborn-, Indu is Indra, tawny Steer; Pavamana is Prajapati.
    10 O Pavamana, with the meath in streams anoint Vanaspati,The evergreen-. the goldenhued-, refulgent, with a thousand boughs.
    11 Come to the consecrating rite of Pavamana, all ye Gods,VayuSuryaBrhaspatiIndra, and Agni, in accord.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:9.005.01 The pure-flowing (Soma) shines forth in its brightness, the universal lord, the showerer of blessings, the rejoicer, uttering a loud sound. [The deities, samidh and others are severally invoked in the successive verses. Soma is praised in the form of the A_pris, and samiddhah is explained as samyagdi_ptah].
    9.005.02 The pure-flowing Tanu_napa_t, rushes sharpening its splendour on the height and hastens through the sky. [Tanu_napa_t = a name of Soma, abhyo ams'avo ja_yante tatah somo ja_yate, from the waters are born beams, from these is born Soma; hastens through the sky: that is, to the dron.akalas'a, according to the text, 'he takes a_grayan.a libation with two streams'].
    9.005.03 The pure-flowing bright (Soma), the bounteous giver, worthy of all praise, shines forth in its might with the streams of water.
    9.005.04 The bright golden-hued pure-flowing one rushes in its might, strewing the sacred grass in the sacrifice with its points towards the cast.
    9.005.05 The bright golden doors, praised by the priests together with the Soma, rise up from the vast horizon.
    9.005.06 The pure-flowing (Soma) longs for the fair-formed wide-reaching mighty Night and Dawn not yet visible.
    9.005.07 I  invoke the two divine priests, the two deities who behold men-- the pure-flowing (Soma) is radiant and the showerer (of benefits). [The pure-flowing Soma is radiant: perhaps, an identification of Soma with Indra, just as in the next verse, Indu (i.e. Soma) is identified with Indra.
    9.005.08 May the three beautiful goddesses, Bha_rati_, Sarasvati_, and mighty Il.a_, come to this our offering of the Soma.
    9.005.09 I invoke Tvas.t.a_, the first-born, the protector, the leader; the golden-coloured pure-flowing Indu is Indra, the showerer, the lord of all creatures.
    9.005.10 Pure Soma, consecrate with your streaming ambrosia the green bright golden-hued Vanaspati with its thousand branches.
    9.005.11 O all ye gods, come together to the consecration of the Soma-- Va_yu, Br.haspati, Su_rya, Agni and Indra.

    RV X.70 (Griffith): 1. ENJOY, O Agni, this my Fuel, welcome the oilfilled- ladle where we pour libation.Rise up for worship of the Gods, wise Agni, on the earths' height, while days are bright with beauty.
    2 May he who goes before the Gods come hither with steeds whose shapes are varied, Narasamhsa.
    May he, most Godlike, speed our offered viands with homage Godward- on the path of Order.
    Men with oblations laud most constant Agni, and pray him to perform an envoys' duty. With lightlyrolling- car and best draughthorses-, bring the Gods hither and sit down as Hotar.
    4 May the delight of Gods spread out transversely: may it be with us long in length and fragrant. O Holy Grass divine, with friendly spirit bring thou the willing Gods whose Chief is Indra.
    5 Touch ye the farextending- height of heaven or spring apart to suit the wide earths' measure. Yearning, ye Doors, with those sublime in greatness, seize eagerly the heavenly Car that cometh.
    6 Here in this shrine may Dawn and Night, the Daughters of Heaven, the skilful Goddesses, be seated.
    In your wide lap, auspicious, willing Ladies may the Gods seat them with a willing spirit.
    7 Up stands the stone, high burns the fire enkindled: Aditis' lap contains the Friendly Natures Ye Two Chief Priests who serve at this our worship, may ye, more skilled, win for us rich possessions.
    8 On our wide grass, Three Goddesses be seated: for you have we prepared and made it pleasant.
    May Ila, she whose foot drops oil, the Goddess, taste, manlike-, sacrifice and wellset- presents.
    9 Since thou, God Tvastar, hast made beauty perfect, since hou hast been the AngirasesCompanion,
    Willing, most wealthy, Giver of possessions, grant us the Gods assembly, thou who knowest.
    10 Wellknowing-, binding with thy cord, bring hither, Lord of the Wood, the Deities' assembly. The God prepare and season our oblations may Heaven and Earth be gracious to my calling.
    11 Agni, bring hither Varuna to help us, Indra from heaven, from airs' midrealm- the Maruts. On sacred grass all Holy ones be seated and let the Immortal Gods rejoice in Svaha.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:10.070.01 Graciously accept, Agni, this my fuel (placed) on the place of libation (the altar); delight in the butter-laden (spoon); most wise, rise up upon the lofty place of the earth for the propitiousness of the days through the worship of the gods.
    10.070.02 May Nara_s', the preceder of the gods, come here with his horses of various forms; deserving of adoration, chief of the gods, may he effuse (oblations) to the gods by the path of the sacrifice with praise.
    10.070.03 Men offering oblations adore the eternal Agni to (induce him to perform) the duty of messenger (to the gods); do you with your stalwart draught horses and your well-turning chariots bear (our offering) to the gods, and sit down here as the ministrant priest.
    10.070.04 May our (sacred grass) acceptable to the gods, twining crookedly be stretched out, may it be long, lengthy, and fragrant; with mind free from wrath, divine Barhis, offer worship to the gods desiring (the sacrifice), of whom Indra is the chief.
    10.070.05 Be in contact, doors, with the lofty height of heaven, or expand according to the measure of the earth; desiring the gods, desiring a chariot, sustain without might the shining chariot (that is mounted) by the mighty gods. 
    10.070.06 Radiant daughters of heaven, Dawn and Night, sit down on the place of sacrifice; O you, who are desirous and possessed of affluence, may the gods desirous (of oblations) sit down on your spacious lap.
    10.070.07 (When) the grinding-stone is uplifted, the mighty Agni kindled, the acceptable vessels (ready) on the lap of earth; (then), most learned priests, who take the foremost place, bestow wealth upon us at this sacrifice.
    10.070.08 Sit down, you three goddesses, upon this broad barhis, we have spread it out for you; Il.a_, radiant (Sarasvati_) and bright-footed (bha_rati_) accept our sacrifice and well-presented oblations as if they were Manu's.
    10.070.09 Divine Tvas.t.a_, since you have attained to beauty (through  our oblations), and have become the associate of the An:girasas, do you, the bestower of wealth, possessed of precious treasure, and knowing (to whom each portion belongs), offer the food of the gods (to them).
    10.070.10 Vanaspati, who are intelligent, having fastened it with a rope, convey the food of the gods; may the divine (Vanaspati) taste it, may he take the oblations (to the gods); may heaven and earth protect my invocation. [Vanaspati: the sacrificial post or stake (yu_pa)].
    10.070.11 Bring, Agni, to our sacrifice Varun.a and Indra from heaven, and the Maruts from the firmament, may the adorable universal gods sit down on the sacred grass, and may the immortal deities rejoice in (the oblation presented with) the sva_ha_.

    RV X.110 (Griffith): 1. THOU in the house of man this day enkindled worshippest Gods as God,  Jatavedas.
    Observant, bright as Mitra, bring them hither: thou art a sapient and foreknowing envoy.
    Tanunapat, fairtongued-, with sweet meath balming the paths and waysof Order, make them pleasant. Convey our sacrifice to heaven, exalting with holy thoughts ourhymns of praise and worship.
    3 Invoked, deserving prayer and adoration, O Agni, come accordant with the Vasus. Thou art, O Youthful Lord, the Gods Invoker, so, best of Sacrificers, bring them quickly.
    4 By rule the Sacred Grass is scattered eastward, a robe to clothe this earth when dawns are breaking.
    Widely it spreads around and farextended-, fair for the Gods and bringing peace and freedom.
    5 Let the expansive Doors be widely opened, like wives who deck their beauty for their husbands. Lofty, celestial, allimpelling- Portals, admit the Gods and give them easy entrance.
    6 Pouring sweet dews let holy Night and Morning, each close to each, he seated at their station, Lofty, celestial Dames with gold to deck them. assuming all their fair and radiant beauty.
    7 Come the two first celestial sweetvoiced- Hotars, arranging sacrifice for man to worship As singers who inspire us in assemblies, showing the eastward light with their direction.
    8 Let Bharati come quickly to our worship, and Ila showing like a human being. So let Sarasvati and both her fellows, deft Goddesses, on this fair grass be seated.
    Hotar more skilled in sacrifice, bring hither with speed today- God Tvastar, thou who knowest. Even him who formed these two, the Earth and Heaven the Parents, with their forms, and every creature.
    10 Send to our offerings which thyself thou balmest the Companies of Gods in ordered season.  AgniVanaspati the Immolator sweeten our offered gift with meath and butter.
    11 Agni, as soon as he was born, made ready the sacrifice, and was the Gods preceder. May the Gods cat our offering consecrated according to this true Priests' voice and guidance.

    Translation of Sāyaṇa/Wilson:10.110.01 Kindled today, Ja_tavedas, in the dwelling of the worshipper, you who are divine, sacrifice to the gods. Bear (the oblation), you who respect your friends, who are intelligent; you are the wise, far-seeing messenger (of the gods).
    10.110.02 Pure-tongued Tanu_napa_t, flavour the paths of the sacrifice which lead (to success), moistening them with the sweet (Soma); elevating our praises and our rite by understanding, convey our sacrifice to the gods. [Tanu_napa_t: Agni; tanu = a cow that has calved and yields milk, whence comes butter, and from butter fire-- Agni is thus the grandson of the cow; or, grandson of the waters, because from rain come the trees and trees supplying fuel propagate Agni].
    10.110.03 Agni, who are the invoker (of the gods), and are to be solicited and praised, come, being propitiated, along with the Vasus; you, O mighty (Agni), are the invoker of the gods; do you, who are most entitled to worship, solicited by us, offer them adoration.
    10.110.04 In the beginning of the day the sacred grass, pointing eastwards, is strewn with the prescribed (text) as a covering for the earth (of the altar); they spread it out far and wide as a pleasant (seat) for the gods and Aditi.
    10.110.05 Expanding wide, let the doors give access as gracefully decorated wives give access to their husbands, divine doors, spacious and admitting all, be easy of entry for the gods.
    10.110.06 May the adorable Day and Night, the givers of sound repose, having approached, sit down in the place (of sacrifice), two divine females, majestic and richly ornamented, bearing beauty of a bright form.
    10.110.07 Divine ministers, prior (to those of earth), repeaters of pious praise, instituting the sacrifice at which men are to worship, (sit down) stimulating (the priests) at the sacrifices, makers (of praises), indicating the eastern fire with the prescribed (text). [Eastern fire: A_havani_ya. The two divine ministers, of Hota_ are Agni and A_ditya].
    10.110.08 May Bha_rati_ come quickly to our sacrifice, and Il.a_ thinking (of what she has to do), like a human being; may Sarasvati_ also-- the three gracious goddesses, sit down upon this pleasant sacred grass.
    10.110.09 To the divine Tvas.t.a_, who decked the parental heaven and earth and all the worlds with living forms, to him, O priest, who are venerable and wise, being solicited byu us, offer oblation here today.
    10.110.10 Offer of your own will in due season the food (and other) oblations of the gods besmearing it. Let Vanaspati, S'amita_, the divine Agni, sweeten the oblation with honey and butter. [Vanaspati_ = the deified yu_pa, or sacrificial post; or, the may be addressed to the priest; S'amita_: immolator of the victim. The post, the immolator and the fire are here deified as the chief instruments or agents of the sacrifice].
    10.110.11 As soon as he was  born, Agni constructed a sacrifice, he was the preceder of the gods; may the gods partake of the oblation presented with the sva_ha_ through the voice of him the hota_ of the sacrifice at the eastern station.

    RV II.6 (Griffith): 1. AGNI, accept this flaming brand, this waiting with my prayer on thee: Hear graciously these songs of praise.
    2 With this hymn let us honour thee, seeker of horses, Son of Strength, With this fair hymn, thou nobly born.
    3 As such, lover of song, with songs, wealthlover-, giver of our wealth!With reverence let us worship thee.
    4 Be thou for us a liberal Prince, giver and Lord of precious things.
    Drive those who hate us far away.5 Such as thou art, give rain from heaven, give strength which no man may resist:Give food exceeding plentiful.
    6 To him who lauds thee, craving help, most youthful envoy! through our song,Most holy Herald! come thou nigh.
    7 Between both races, AgniSage, well skilled thou passest to and fro,As envoy friendly to mankind.
    8 Befriend us thou as knowing all. Sage, duly worship thou the Gods,And seat thee on this sacred grass.

    RV V.28 (Griffith): 1. AGNI inflamed hath sent to heaven his lustre: he shines forth widely turning unto Morning.Eastward the ladle goes that brings all blessing, praising the Godswith homage and oblation.
    2 Enkindled, thou art King of the immortal world: him who brings offerings thou attendest for his
    weal.He whom thou urgest on makes all possessions his: he sets before thee, Agni, gifts that guests may
    3 Show thyself strong for mighty bliss, O Agni, most excellent be thine effulgent splendours.
    Make easy to maintain our household lordship, and overcome the might of those who hate us.
    4 Thy glory, Agni, I adore, kindled, exalted in thy strength.A Steer of brilliant splendour, thou art lighted well at sacred rites.
    Agni, invoked and kindled, serve the Gods, thou skilled in sacrifice:For thou art bearer of our gifts.
    6 Invoke and worship Agni while the sacrificial rite proceeds:For offeringbearer- choose ye him.

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    May 9, 2018 Panaji, Goa.

    “Water is life and without water, our existence would be very difficult,” said Governor of Goa, Mridula Sinha. She was speaking at the book release function of three books in Konkani – ‘Katha Saraswati’, ‘Nadi Saraswati’ and ‘Saraswati Nadi: Sod and Bodh’ in Panaji on Wednesday. Bhartiya Itihas Sankalan Samiti, Goa Pradesh released these three books that contain all the necessary information on the river Saraswati that existed in the past for all age groups. Sinha speaking about the Indian culture said: “Whenever there has been a time when we have started to forget our history there have been people who remind us about what we have forgotten. In this way, our history is still living although it has happened several years ago.” Sinha feels that whether the river is in her home state, Bihar or from Goa, the sole purpose of a river is to nourish and it has been doing it without anything in return.

    Water has proved to be essential for life and hence industrialist, Shrinivas Dempo in his address said that we should not pollute our rivers. “Our ancestors treated the rivers as goddesses hoping that the generations to come will keep it clean considering it to be pure,” said Dempo. He added: “Today the world is battling against global warming and a major reason for this is the harm we have been causing to nature and our water bodies.” He said that people should know about this river that nourished thousands of people and these books will help in know more about it. “The next generation should undertake intensive research in understanding the topic and bringing more facts to light,” said Dempo.
    Books are the ocean of knowledge but the culture of reading has seen a steep decline over the years said minister for urban development and law, Francis D’Souza. “People must take benefit of the content in these books. The translation has made it easier to understand and being in Konkani many people will know about this river,” he said adding that we should read and know about our history.
    At the function, the Haribhau Vaze a representative of Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Samiti was felicitated for his continuous guidance and support. Speaking at the function he said: “India has a good form of water resources in the form of rivers. The government should utilize these resources for the betterment of the public.”
    The books have been translated to Konkani by Bhushan Bhave and Anant Kelkar and as a gesture of gratitude, they along with the typists were felicitated at the function. Bhave in his address said: “Rivers have played a significant role in shaping civilization across the globe. It is noteworthy that rivers in India have great cultural importance,” said Bhave. He added: “Rig-Veda and other Vedic literature speak volumes about River Saraswati as a great river, mother and goddess thus giving River Saraswati a divine status.” He also explained how River Saraswati dried up in and all the several stories, legends or myths that are attached to this phenomenon of drying of River Saraswati.
    Also present for the event were IMB chairperson, Sanjay Harmalkar and member of Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Samiti, Varad Shabnis.

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    सिन्धु m. and f. (prob. fr. √1. सिध् , " to go ") a river , stream (esp. the इन्दुs , and in this sense said to be the only river regarded as m. » -नद, col.2) RV. &c; m. flood , waters (also in the sky) RV. AV.; m. ocean , sea RV. &c सिन्धुक mfn. marine W.; born or produced in Sindh (विष्णु-पुराण)(Monier-Williams)
    See: Tansen Sen, 2015, Chinese Sources on South Asia, in: Rila Mukherjee, ed., Beyond National Frames:India, South Asia and the world, Delhi, Primus, 2015
    Ratnākara was the name of a people andalso name of Indian Ocean:  रत्ना* कर m. (ifc. f(). ) a jewel-mine ( -त्व n. ) Pan5car. BhP. &c; the sea , ocean Ka1v. &c; pl. N. of a people MBh. 
    "The name Suvarnabhumi is Sanskrit for "Land of Gold"(Devanagariसुवर्णभूमिIASTSuvarṇabhūmi
    Suvarṇa is "Gold", Bhūmiis "Land"; literally "Golden Land"). The name was chosen by the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which the name Bhūmi was being part of the monarch's profile and as it named after him and refers to the Hindu-Buddhist golden kingdom, theorised to have been located to the east of the Ganges, possibly somewhere in Southeast Asia. In Thailand, government proclamations and national museums insist that Suvarnabhumi was somewhere in the coast of central plain, near the ancient city of U Thong, which might be the origin of the Indianised Dvaravati 
    culture"(Damrong Rachanubhab, "History of Siam in the Period Antecedent to the Founding of Ayuddhya by King Phra Chao U Thong", Miscellaneous Articles: Written for the Journal of the Siam Society by His late Royal Highness Prince Damrong,Bangkok, 1962, pp.49-88, p.54; Promsak Jermsawatdi, Thai Art with Indian Influences, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, 1979, pp.16-24. William J. Gedney, "A Possible Early Thai Route to the Sea", Journal of the Siam Society, Volume 76, 1988, pp.12-16.)

    Tianzhu (India)
    Tianzhu is the historical East Asian name for India. Originally pronounced as Hin-duk 天竺 in Old Chinese , it comes from the Chinese transliteration of the Persian Hindu, which is itself derived from the Sanskrit Sindhu, the native name of the Indus River. Persians travelling in northwest India named the region after the river around the 6th century BC.[1] Tianzhu is just one of several Chinese transliterations of Sindhu. Yuāndú[2] (身毒 OC n̥i[ŋ][d]ˤuk) appears in Sima Qian's Shiji and Tiandu (天篤) is used in the Hou Hanshu (Book of the Later Han).[3] Yintejia (印特伽) comes from the Kuchean Indaka, another transliteration of Hindu.[1] A detailed account of Tianzhu is given in the "Xiyu Zhuan" (Record of the Western Regions) in the Hou Hanshu compiled by Fan Ye (398–445):
    "The state of Tianzhu: Also, named Yuandu, it lies several thousand li southeast of Yuezhi. Its customs are the same as those of Yuezhi, and it is low, damp, and very hot. It borders a large river. The inhabitants ride on elephants in warfare; they are weaker than the Yuezhi. They practise the way of Futu [the Buddha], [and therefore] it has become a custom [among them] not to kill or attack [others]. From west of the states Yuezhi and Gaofu, and south until the Western Sea, and east until the state of Panqi, all is the territory of Yuandu. Yuandu has several hundred separate towns, with a governor, and separate states which can be numbered in the tens, each with its own king. Although there are small differences among them, they all come under the general name of Yuandu, and at this time all are subject to Yuezhi. Yuezhi have killed their kings and established a general in order to rule over their people. The land produces elephants, rhinoceros, tortoise shell, gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin. It communicates to the west with Da Qin [the Roman Empire], and [so] has the exotica of Da Qin."[4]
    Tianzhu was also referred to as Wutianzhu (五天竺, literally "Five Indias"), because there were five geographical regions in India known to the Chinese: Central, Eastern, Western, Northern, and Southern India.[5]
    In Japan, Tianzhu was pronounced as Tenjiku. It is used in such works as the Japanese translation of Journey to the West.
    In Korea, Tianzhu was pronounced as Cheonchuk. It is used in Wang ocheonchukguk jeon, meaning An account of travel to the five Indian kingdom, a travelogue by the 8th century Buddhist monk Hyecho from the Korean Kingdom of Silla.


    1. Jump up to:a b Cheung 2014, p. 181.
    2. Jump up^ "词语"身毒"的解释". 汉典
    3. Jump up^ Yu 2013, p. 73.
    4. Jump up^ Yu 2013, p. 77.
    5. Jump up^ Cheung 2014, p. 179.


    • Cheung, Martha Pui Yiu (2014) [2006]. "Zan Ning (919–1001 CE), To Translate Means to Exchange". An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation: From Earliest Times to the Buddhist Project. Routledge. pp. 177–187. ISBN 978-1-317-63928-2.
    • Yu, Taishan (November 2013). "China and the Ancient Mediterranean World: A Survey of Ancient Chinese Sources". Sino-Platonic Papers (242).

    Yuezhi "The Yuezhi or Rouzhi (Chinese月氏pinyinYuèzhīWade–GilesYüeh4-chih1[ɥê ʈʂí]) were an ancient people first reported in Chinese histories as nomadic pastoralists living in an arid grassland area in the western part of the modern Chinese province of Gansu, during the 1st millennium BC. After a major defeat by the Xiongnu, during the 2nd century BC, the Yuezhi split into two groups: the Greater Yuezhi (Dà Yuèzhī 大月氏) and Lesser Yuezhi (Xiǎo Yuèzhī 小月氏)...While the Yuezhi have often been associated with artifacts of extinct cultures in the Tarim Basin, such as the Tarim mummies and the so-called Tocharian languages, the evidence for any such link is purely circumstantial.
    Asia circa 1 AD – the Yuezhi ("Tocharians") are located near the centre of the map.



    P. C. Bagchi
    Monumenta Serica
    Vol. 13 (1948), pp. 366-375
    Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

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    Triangula tablet. Horned seated person. crocodile. Split ellipse (parenthesis). On this tablet inscription, the hieroglyphs are: crocodile, fishes, person with a raised hand, seated in penance on a stool (platform). 

    A faint trace of a kneeling adorant, worshipper is seen (See comparable scene on Ganweriwala tablet presented in this monograph): బత్తుడు battuḍu'worshipper'బత్తుడు battuḍu, baḍaga'a professional title of five artificers' பத்தர்² pattar
    n. < T. battuḍu. A caste title of goldsmiths; தட்டார் பட்டப்பெயருள் ஒன்று.

    khuṭo ʻleg, footʼ.  khũṭ ‘community, guild’ (Santali)

    மேடை mēṭai n. [Telugu. mēḍa] 1. Platform, raised floor; தளமுயர்ந்த இடப்பகுதி. 2. Artificial mound; செய்குன்று. (W.) 3. cf. mēṭa. Storey; terraced house or palace; மாடி. விண்ணார் நிலவுதவழ் மேடை (தாயு. பைங்கிளி. 54).మేడ (p. 1028) mēḍa mēḍa. [Tel.] n. A mansion or large house: an upper chamber, a storey, హర్మ్యము, సౌధము. मेंड (p. 390) mēṇḍa m ( H) Edge, margin, or border of a field, esp. as raised: also a ridge or raised edge more generally. (Marathi) Ta. meṭṭu mound, heap of earth; mēṭu height, eminence, hillock; muṭṭu rising ground, high ground, heap. Ma. mēṭu rising ground, hillock; māṭu hillock, raised ground; miṭṭāl rising ground, an alluvial bank; (Tiyya) maṭṭa hill. Ka. mēḍu height, rising ground, hillock; miṭṭu rising or high ground, hill; miṭṭe state of being high, rising ground, hill, mass, a large number; (Hav.) muṭṭe heap (as of straw). Tu. miṭṭè prominent, protruding; muṭṭe heap. 
    Te. meṭṭa raised or high ground, hill; (K.) meṭṭu mound; miṭṭa high ground, hillock, mound; high, elevated, raised, projecting; (VPK) mēṭu, mēṭa, mēṭi stack of hay; (Inscr.) meṇṭa-cēnu dry field (cf. meṭṭu-nēla, meṭṭu-vari). Kol. (SR.) meṭṭā hill; (Kin.) meṭṭ, (Hislop) met mountain. Nk. meṭṭ hill, mountain. Ga. (S.3LSB 20.3) meṭṭa high land. Go. (Tr. W. Ph.) maṭṭā, (Mu.) maṭṭa mountain; (M. L.) meṭāid., hill; (A. D. Ko.) meṭṭa, (Y. Ma. M.) meṭa hill; (SR.) meṭṭā hillock Konḍa meṭa id. 
    Kuwi (S.) metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill.(DEDR 5058). Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.Munda)mẽṛhet iron (metal), meD 'iron' (Ho.) med 'copper' (Slavic)

    फडphaa 'hood of cobra' rebus: फडphaa 'metalwork artisan guild in charge of manufactory'. paṭṭaḍa 'workshop'(Telugu)

    aya 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) PLUS ' kanka, karNika 'rim of jar' rebus: karNI 'supercargo' karnika 'scribe, engraver' 

    Orthography of face of seated person on seal m0304 tvaṣṭṛ, ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker', hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora signify iron smelters

    I suggest that orthography of face of seated person on seal m0304 signifies tvaṣṭṛ, ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker', so do similar hypertexts on Indus Script Corpora signify iron smelters as seen from inscriptions presented in this note.

    Rigveda textual evidence reinforces the possibility that the orthography also indicates three faces on the seated person. Rigveda describes  tvaṣṭṛ as tri-s'iras 'three-headed' and the artist who signifies such a person seated in penance attempts to signify three faces of tvaṣṭṛ ṭhaṭṭhāra 'smelter, brassworker' as tri-s'iras consistent with the Vedic tradition.

    Head gear: Hieroglyph: taTThAr 'buffalo horn' Rebus: taTTAr 'brass worker';
    tatara 'smelter' (Japanese) 
     <  ṭhaṭṭhāra 'brass worker' (Prakritam) (< is indicated as a possibile transfer mode in language contacts for metalwork technical gloss.)

    "The tatara (?) is the traditional Japanese furnace used for smelting iron and steel. The word later also came to mean the entire building housing the furnace...tatara is foreign to Japan, originating in India or Central Asia...Tokutaro Yasuda suggests that the word may be from the Sanskrit word taatara, meaning "heat," noting that the Sanskrit word for steel is sekeraa, which is very similar to the word used in Japan for the steel bloom which the tatara produces..."

    The dissemination of iron-manufacturing technology to Japan

    *ṭhaṭṭh ʻ strike ʼ. [Onom.?]N. ṭhaṭāunu ʻ to strike, beat ʼ, ṭhaṭāi ʻ striking ʼ, ṭhaṭāk -- ṭhuṭuk ʻ noise of beating ʼ; H.ṭhaṭhānā ʻ to beat ʼ, ṭhaṭhāī f. ʻ noise of beating ʼ.(CDIAL 5490)

    தட்டான்¹ taṭṭāṉ, n. < தட்டு-. [M. taṭṭān.] Gold or silver smith, one of 18 kuṭimakkaḷ, q. v.; பொற்கொல்லன். (திவா.) Te. taṭravã̄ḍu goldsmith or silversmith. Cf. Turner,CDIAL, no. 5490, *ṭhaṭṭh- to strike; no. 5493, *ṭhaṭṭhakāra- brassworker; √ taḍ, no. 5748, tāˊḍa- a blow; no. 5752, tāḍáyati strikes.

    *ṭhaṭṭha ʻ brass ʼ. [Onom. from noise of hammering brass? -- N. ṭhaṭṭar ʻ an alloy of copper and bell metal ʼ. *ṭhaṭṭhakāra ʻ brass worker ʼ. 2. *ṭhaṭṭhakara -- 1. Pk. ṭhaṭṭhāra -- m., K. ṭhö̃ṭhur m., S. ṭhã̄ṭhāro m., P. ṭhaṭhiār°rā m.2. P. ludh. ṭhaṭherā m., Ku. ṭhaṭhero m., N. ṭhaṭero, Bi. ṭhaṭherā, Mth. ṭhaṭheri, H. ṭhaṭherā m.(CDIAL 5491, 5493)

    Tatta1 [pp. of tapati] heated, hot, glowing; of metals: in a melted state (cp. uttatta) Aii.122≈(tattena talena osiñcante, as punishment); Dh 308 (ayoguḷa); J ii.352 (id.); iv.306 (tattatapo "of red -- hot heat," i. e. in severe self -- torture); Miln 26, 45 (adv. red -- hot); PvA 221 (tatta -- lohasecanaŋ the pouring over of glowing copper, one of the punishments in Niraya).(Pali)

    தட்டுமுட்டு taṭṭu-muṭṭu, n. Redupl. of தட்டு² [T. M. Tu. taṭṭumuṭṭu.] 1. Furniture, goods and chattels, articles of various kinds; வீட்டுச்சாமான்கள்தட்டுமுட்டு விற்று மாற்றாது (பணவிடு. 225). 2. Apparatus, tools, instruments, utensils; கருவி கள். 3. Luggage, baggage; மூட்டைகள். (W.)Ta. taṭṭumuṭṭu furniture, goods and chattels, utensils, luggage. Ma. taṭṭumuṭṭu kitchen utensils, household stuff. Tu. taṭṭimuṭṭu id.(DEDR 3041)

    The face of the seated person is an enigma. Does the artist intend to show three faces as for TvaSTR tris'iras? Or, does the artist intend to focus on strands of facial hair or wisps -- dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, dhāī˜ f.  (Sindhi.Lahnda)(CDIAL 6773) Rebus: dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(Marathi)?

    I suggest that the orthography signifies both conjectures: three faces, hairy face. In the overall context of the hieroglyph-hypertexts constituting the m0304 inscription, the hytext signifies a metalwork description:

    For e.g., 

    Hieroglyph: karã̄ʻwristlets, banglesʼ.(Gujarati)S. karāī f. ʻ wrist ʼ(CDIAL 2779) Rebus: khār खार्  'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

    khār खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b,l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta

    khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -büṭhü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru -द्वकुरु‍&below; । लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji -ग&above;जि&below; or -güjü -ग&above;जू&below; । लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü -कूरू‍&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -koṭu -क&above;टु&below; । लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küṭü -क&above;टू&below; । लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 -म्य&above;च&dotbelow;ू&below; । लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3] ), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu -न्यचिवु&below; । लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun] ), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ -च्&dotbelow;ञ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wān वान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -waṭh -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waṭas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.(Kashmiri)

    Hieroglyph: seated person in penance: kamaḍha 'penance' (Pkt.) Rebus: kammaṭi a coiner (Ka.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Ta.) kammaṭa = mint, gold furnace (Te.)

    In the same refrain, it is suggested that the face of the seated person as hypertext signifies the following:

    Hieroglyph: body hair: Ash. dro ʻ woman's hair ʼ, Kt. drū, Wg.drūdrū̃; Pr. ḍui ʻ a hair ʼ; Kho. dro(h) ʻ hair ʼ, (Lor.) ʻ hair (of animal), body hair (human) ʼ: → Orm. dradrī IIFL i 392 (semant. cf. Psht. pal ʻ fringe of hair over forehead ʼ < *pata -- )(CDIAL 6623) 

    Rebus: smelter (three) ferrite ores: dhāu 'metal' dhā̆vaḍ 'smelter': dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., ʻ *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.). [√dhā]Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or.ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāūdhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si.  ʻ relic ʼ; -- S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f. (CDIAL 6773)

    I suggest that three faces signify three ferrite ores: magnetite, haematite, laterite. All the three ferrite ores are signified on Indus Script Corpora: poLa 'zebu' rebus: poLa 'magnetite ore', bicha 'scorpion' rebus: bicha 'haematite ore', 

    Dotted ovarl hieroglyph: goTa 'round' rebus 1: goTa 'laterite ore';rebus 2: khoTa 'ingot'.

    eraka 'raised hand' rebus: eraka 'molten cast, copper' arka 'copper'. manca 'platform' rebus: manji 'dhow, seafaring vessel' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith'

    dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS ayo, aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal'. Thus, cast iron. 

    Hieroglyph: kamaha 'penance' (Prakrit) kamaha, kamaha, kamahaka, kamahaga, kamahaya = a type of penance (Prakrit)

    Rebus: kamaamu, kammaamu = a portable furnace for melting precious metals; kammaīu = a goldsmith, a silversmith (Telugu) kãpau  jeweller's crucible made of rags and clay (Bi.); kampaṭṭam coinage, coin, mint (Tamil)

    kamaṭhāyo = a learned carpenter or mason, working on scientific principles; kamaṭhāṇa [cf. karma, kām, business + sthāna, thāṇam, a place fr. Skt. sthā to stand] arrangement of one’s business; putting into order or managing one’s business (Gujarati)  

    The composition of two hieroglyphs: kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) + kamaha 'a person seated in penance' (Prakrit) denote rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi) + kamaa 'portable furnace'; kampaṭṭam 'coinage, coin, mint'. Thus, what the tablet conveys is the mint of a blacksmith. A copulating crocodile hieroglyph -- kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) + kamḍa, khamḍa 'copulation' (Santali) -- conveys the same message: mint of a blacksmith kāru kampaṭṭa 'mint artisan'.
    m1429B and two other tablets showing the typical composite hieroglyph of fish + crocodile. Glyphs: crocodile + fish ayakāra ‘blacksmith’ (Pali) kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) aya 'fish' (Munda) The method of ligaturing enables creation of compound messages through Indus writing inscriptions. kāru a wild crocodile or alligator (Telugu) Rebus: khar ‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri); kāru ‘artisan’ (Marathi).

    Pali: ayakāra ‘iron-smith’. ] Both ayaskāma and ayaskāra are attested in Panini (Pan. viii.3.46; ii.4.10). WPah. bhal. kamīṇ m.f.  labourer (man or woman) ; MB. kāmiṇā  labourer (CDIAL 2902) N. kāmi  blacksmith (CDIAL 2900). 

    Kashmiri glosses:

    khār 1 खार् । लोहकारः m. (sg. abl. khāra 1 खार; the pl. dat. of this word is khāran 1 खारन्, which is to be distinguished from khāran 2, q.v., s.v.), a blacksmith, an iron worker (cf. bandūka-khār, p. 111b, l. 46; K.Pr. 46; H. xi, 17); a farrier (El.). This word is often a part of a name, and in such case comes at the end (W. 118) as in Wahab khār, Wahab the smith (H. ii, 12; vi, 17). khāra-basta khāra-basta खार-बस््त । चर्मप्रसेविका f. the skin bellows of a blacksmith. -bühü -ब&above;ठू&below; । लोहकारभित्तिः f. the wall of a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -bāy -बाय् । लोहकारपत्नी f. a blacksmith's wife (Gr.Gr. 34). -dŏkuru लोहकारायोघनः m. a blacksmith's hammer, a sledge-hammer. -gȧji or -güjü - लोहकारचुल्लिः f. a blacksmith's furnace or hearth. -hāl -हाल् । लोहकारकन्दुः f. (sg. dat. -höjü -हा&above;जू&below;), a blacksmith's smelting furnace; cf. hāl 5. -kūrü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter. -kou - लोहकारपुत्रः m. the son of a blacksmith, esp. a skilful son, who can work at the same profession. -küü लोहकारकन्या f. a blacksmith's daughter, esp. one who has the virtues and qualities properly belonging to her father's profession or caste. -më˘ʦü 1 - लोहकारमृत्तिका f. (for 2, see [khāra 3), 'blacksmith's earth,' i.e. iron-ore. -nĕcyuwu  लोहकारात्मजः m. a blacksmith's son. -nay -नय् । लोहकारनालिका f. (for khāranay 2, see [khārun), the trough into which the blacksmith allows melted iron to flow after smelting. -ʦañĕ । लोहकारशान्ताङ्गाराः charcoal used by blacksmiths in their furnaces. -wānवान् । लोहकारापणः m. a blacksmith's shop, a forge, smithy (K.Pr. 3). -wah -वठ् । आघाताधारशिला m. (sg. dat. -waas -वटि), the large stone used by a blacksmith as an anvil.

    Thus, kharva may refer to an anvil. Meluhha kāru may refer to a crocodile; this rebus reading of the hieroglyph is.consistent with ayakāra ‘ironsmith’ (Pali) [fish = aya (G.); crocodile = kāru (Telugu)]
    The composite animal is comparable tothe pictorial motif onm1186, h177B which show a markhor adorned with scarves on the neck. The Meluhha rebus readings are:  miṇḍ ʻ ram ʼ, miṇḍāˊl ʻ markhor ʼ (Torwali) mẽḍhɔ 'ram' (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10310) Rebus: me~Rhet, meD 'iron' (Mu.Ho.Santali) PLUS dhatu 'scarf' Rebus: dhatu 'mineral'
    kuṭila, kuṭika— 'bent' MBh. Rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, 'brass' (Sanskrit)
    ḍato 'claws or pincers (chelae) of crabs'; ḍaṭom, ḍiṭom to seize with the claws or pincers, as crabs, scorpions; ḍaṭkop = to pinch, nip (only of crabs) (Santali) Rebus: dhatu 'mineral' (Santali) 
    kanac 'corner' rebus: kanac 'bronze' 
    bhaṭa 'warrior' rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace' 
    कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread' rebus: कर्णक 'helmsman'. Thus, the text message of the inscription is a wealth-accounting ledger of a helmsman'smetalwork with bronze, minerals, brass furnaces

    This three-sided sealing depicts a male cult figure seated in a yogic posture on a throne, a bull-like animal, and five characters in the Indus script. "Widespread finds of stone artefacts suggest that humans have occupied the Indian subcontinent for at least a million years, first as hunter-gatherers and later as farmers. India’s first great urban civilization, contemporary with those of Mesopotamia and Egypt, flourished for several centuries around the Indus Valley region. This ancient civilization was first systematically explored by archaeologists in the 1920s. Its best known excavated sites are Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, extensive and well-planned cities built of brick. Many aspects of the Indus culture remain mysterious. Its written documents, often in the form of small stone seals, are few and brief. The Indus script still remains undeciphered today."  Triangular prism sealing (EAMd.13) © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford

    One  triangular terracotta tablet (Md 013); surface find at Mohenjo-daro in 1936. Dept. of Eastern Art, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.  See: Three-sided Terracotta Seal By StephanieV. July 1st, 2015 "This beautiful three-sided terracotta sealing from 2000 BCE depicts a male cult figure seated in a yogic posture on a throne, a bull-like animal, and five characters in the Indus script. Today, the seal resides in the Ashmolean Museum at the University of Oxford."

    Ganweriwala ablet

    mēṭu, mēṭa, mēṭi stack of hay (Telugu) Ta. meṭṭu mound, heap of earth; mēṭu height, eminence, hillock; muṭṭu rising ground, high ground, heap. Ma. mēṭu rising ground, hillock; māṭu hillock, raised ground; miṭṭāl rising ground, an alluvial bank; (Tiyya) maṭṭa hill. Ka. mēḍu height, rising ground, hillock; miṭṭu rising or high ground, hill; miṭṭe state of being high, rising ground, hill, mass, a large number; (Hav.) muṭṭe heap (as of straw). Tu. miṭṭè prominent, protruding; muṭṭe heap. 

    Te. meṭṭa raised or high ground, hill; (K.) meṭṭu mound; miṭṭa high ground, hillock, mound; high, elevated, raised, projecting; (VPK) mēṭu, mēṭa, mēṭi stack of hay; (Inscr.) meṇṭa-cēnu dry field (cf. meṭṭu-nēla, meṭṭu-vari). Kol. (SR.) meṭṭā hill; (Kin.) meṭṭ (Hislop) met mountain. Nk. meṭṭ
    hill, mountain. Ga. (S.3, LSB 20.3) meṭṭa high land. Go. (Tr. W. Ph.) maṭṭā, (Mu.)maṭṭa mountain; (M. L.) meṭā id., hill; (A. D. Ko.) meṭṭa, (Y. Ma. M.) meṭa hill; (SR.) meṭṭā hillock (Voc. 2949). Konḍa meṭa id. Kuwi (S.) metta hill; (Isr.) meṭa sand hill. (DEDR 5058) (b) Ta. mēṭai platform, raised floor, artificial mound, terraced house. Ma. mēṭa raised place, tower, upper story, palace. Te. mēḍa house with two or more stories, upper chamber. Pa. mēṛ ole bungalow. Go. (Ko.) 
    mēṛā large house, bungalow (Voc. 2965). Konḍa mēṛa mide terraced building (see 5069). Pe. mēṛ storied house, mansion.Kuwi (S.) mēḍa illu storied house; (Isr.) mēṛa upstair building. / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meṭa- whitewashed storied house; Pkt. meḍaya- id.  (DEDR 4796b) 

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    My photo
     Saturday 30, December 2017

    History has been full of assumptions, theories and hypotheses. As E.H Carr has said, “History is a continuous dialogue between the past and the present.” As newer evidence and theories arise, our perceptions of history change accordingly. One such issue is of the exact geographical location of the Sapta-Sindhu (abbreviated as SS). This article proposes the theory that SS is the region of Saraswati and its six tributaries (Satluj, Yamuna, Markanda, Ghaggar, Dangri and Chautang) in Haryana region and not the oft repeated Punjab region of river Indus + 5 Punjab rivers + Saraswati.

    The 7 rivers of Saraswati valley form the original Sapta Sindhu.  (Map Courtesy- K.S Valdiya Report)


    Sapta Sindhu is not clearly defined in any of the ancient texts. The Rigveda merely mentions the story of Indra slaying Asura called Vritra and released the waters of the ‘Sapta Sindhu’ obstructed by Vritra. Few verses mention the name Sapta-Saindhavah or the region of the Sapta Sindhu but don’t define it. This ambiguity has given rise to theories regarding the region of Sapta Sindhu.

    Theory One- It considers the Punjab region as the zone of SS. The rivers Indus or Sindhu, Shatadru (Satluj), Parushni (Ravi), Vipasa (Beas), Asikni (Chenab) and Vitasta (Jhelum) and the Saraswati constitute the SS, thus placing the region of Rigveda in the Punjab region. This is by far the most circulated theory originating from the 19th century Indologists like Oldham, etc. This entire theory was crystallized in the 20th century when in 1921, John Marshall discovered the Indus Valley Civilization and now it became pertinent to place the Aryans in the Punjab region to prove the Aryan invasion from the north-west. More you place the SS to the northwest, the better.

    Theory Two- Some historians, in their eagerness to prove the invasion, tried to place the Saraswati itself outside India, into Afghanistan. The Avesta mentions the Helmond River of southern Afghanistan as Harahvaiti, which is similar to Saraswati (S becomes H in Avesta just like Sindhu became Hindu). Avesta also mentions the region as Hapta-Handu, which is similar to Sapta Sindhu. Thus, the SS is in Afghanistan and the ‘Vedic Aryans composed Rigveda in Afghanistan before invading into India’. The discovery of Saraswati in India itself rubbishes this theory and hence doesn’t warrant any further discussion.

    It is the first theory that this article seeks to counter. The problems in this theory are summarized as follows-

    The entire process of zeroing in on the Sapta Sindhu appears like a layman’s effort. Given the crude methods of historical study then, the historians could have proceeded something like this- The word Sapta-Sindhu has the word ‘Sindhu’, which not only means a river but also the name of Indus river. Thus, Sapta Sindhu must include Indus River. Now we must find 6 other rivers. The most obvious candidates are the five tributaries of Indus mentioned in the Rigveda- Shatadru (Satluj), Parushni (Ravi), Vipasa (Beas), Asikni (Chenab) and Vitasta (Jhelum). The last remaining river was considered as Saraswati due to the fact that it was mentioned the most in Rigveda.

    A primary reading of the Rigveda will tell you that Saraswati is the most important river of the SS region. If we consider the pattern of human settlement, the river having crucial significance in the lives of people will be in the center of the settlement. The humans will seek to spread on both the sides, keeping the river in the center due to its geographical and religious significance.

    This theory relegates the Saraswati to the easternmost corner of the SS with the central region occupied by the Doab of Ravi and Beas. This is completely contrary to any pattern of human settlement. If the Vedic Aryans indeed considered Saraswati as the most important river, their spread must be around the Saraswati and not keeping it in one corner of the Sapta Sindhu region.


    The theory presented in this article is that it is the Saraswati and her 6 tributaries Satluj, Yamuna, Markanda, Ghaggar, Dangri and Chautang that form the Sapta Sindhu region. But before going to the details of these rivers, let’s first look at why should the region around the Saraswati be considered the fittest candidate to locate the Sapta Sindhu. The intention is to prove that if the entire focus of Rigveda and later texts has been on the Saraswati and its surrounding region, this has to be the most plausible location of the Sapta Sindhu (SS)

    If SS is the most holy land, the holy places mentioned in the texts must lie in that region. For example, for Christianity, the holiest land is of Israel wherein lies Jerusalem, Bethlehem, etc. Let Christianity expand anywhere in the world, the holy land retains its importance. The Crusades of Europeans to reclaim Jerusalem prove the point. Similarly, if Vedic Aryans consider SS as their core region, the holy places mentioned in the ancient texts must lie there.

    The Rigveda chiefly mentions two holy places in the SS region, namely Ilayaspada and Manusha. RV (3.23.4) calls Ilayaspada as the best place on earth (Vara A Prithivya) while elsewhere, they are called the center of the earth (Nabha Prithivya). Now these two places must be located in the core SS region.

    Phenomenal study has been done by Shrikant Talageri in his book The Rigveda-A Historical Analysis. He mentions the Tirthayatra of Balarama from Mahabharata (3.81) where he visits chief Tirthas on the banks of Saraswati. MBh (3.81.53) mentions Manusha, which M.L Bhargava has identified as Manas near Kaithal in Haryana. Similarly, Ilayaspada has been identified at Shergarh near Kaithal. A point to be noted is that Saraswati flows just to the north of Kaithal.

    If the ‘best place’ and the ‘central place’ are located along the Saraswati river, the region surrounding these holy places must be the SS and not the lands to its west till the river Indus that will render these holy places to one corner.

    Moreover, the Puru-Bharata clan is the most important one in Rigveda. The Rigveda seems to be written completely in the favour of Puru-Bharatas. The RV (7.96.2) mentions Purus living on the ‘grassy banks of Saraswati’ showing the Purus owning the most important land of those times. Also, the Vishnu Purana (4.10) talks of an earlier story of king Yayati, who ruled the major sections of northern India then, giving away the ‘central’ land to Puru (i.e Saraswati valley). The Vishnu Purana calls Puru the supreme monarch of “earth”. The surrounding regions went to his brothers- southern region to Yadu (Yadavas), western to Turvasu, northwestern to Druhyu and northern part to Anu. Thus, the descendents of Puru ruled the central part of the kingdom, which the Rigveda points to be the Saraswati valley. This is confirmed by the Mahabharata which says the Kuru-Jangala kingdom of the Saraswati valley, ruled by the Pandavas belongs to the Puru clan.

    Plus, the holiest sites of those days are around the Kurukshetra region ruled by the Puru clan, on the banks of Saraswati and its tributaries, as mentioned in the travels of Balarama in Mahabharata. There are as many as 360 Tirthas in the Kurukshetra region, all near the prominent rivers. Best example is of the ancient Pruthudaka Tirtha located on the confluence of Saraswati and Markanda in today’s Pehowa in Haryana. (You can check a big list of such Tirthas around Kurukshetra from here )

    In short, if the most-mentioned and celebrated clan in the Rigveda (Puru)  is situated around the most important river of the Rigveda (Saraswati) and rules the holiest places of those times (Kurukshetra region), this region has to be in the center of Sapta Sindhu.

    Even the earliest place of settlement as mentioned by the Puranas is called Brahmavarta, set up by Swayambhuva Manu. The Manu Smriti (2.17) records, “The land, created by the gods, which lies between the two divine rivers Sarasvati and Drishadvati, the (sages) call it Brahmavarta.” Thus, the divine land of the earliest settlement is also in the Saraswati valley. Hence, wherever we search, the most sought after land is in the Saraswati valley.
    Lastly, archaeology also points out to a rough trend of better preference to the Saraswati valley than the Indus valley for human settlement. For the moment, consider the Aryan Invasion Theory to be true. By 1900 BCE, the Saraswati has dried up in its lower course and people are moving towards north. The late and post-Harappan settlements can be either in the Indus Valley where water is available in plenty or in the upper reaches of Saraswati in Haryana region where river survives a bit. In this situation, the Aryans invade and populate northern India. The settlements in this transition period are concentrated in the Saraswati valley, not in the Indus Valley

    Late Harappan Settlements concentrated in Saraswati Valley and parts of Ganga Valley

    Even the Painted Grey Ware (after 1200 BCE), considered to be the pottery of early Aryans, is found in the Haryana and west UP region chiefly. Remember, it is these same Aryans who are composing Rigveda around the Saraswati during this same time (1200 to 1000 BCE)

    Painted Grey Ware sites after 1200 BCE in Saraswati Valley

    Now assume the Aryan Invasion is not true and that the Indus Valley Civilization is indeed the Vedic civilization. Yet again, majority of the mature Harappan sites are concentrated in the Saraswati valley including its lower course and not in the Indus Valley. In short, archaeology points out that the Indus Valley was never preferred much for human settlement as compared to the Saraswati Valley. 

    Compare the Harappan sites in the two boxes- One of Indus Valley, other of Saraswati Valley. Even the dense sites around Ganweriwala are on banks of Saraswati.

    Thus, all evidences tend to point out that the Saraswati valley is preferred for geographical, religious and settlement purposes. It is indeed the chief area where the Sapta Sindhu ought to be located.

    Now, let us see exactly which 7 rivers can possibly constitute the Sapta Sindhu.


    A clarification at the start- These 7 rivers that we will be seeing are not being found artificially to somehow add up to seven rivers of the Sapta Sindhu or just to prove the theory. They were substantial rivers in ancient times and their old palaeochannels have been unearthed by the geologists recently. The information has been compiled in the report “Palaeochannels of Northwest India: Review and Assessment” by K.S Valdiya, submitted to Ministry of Water Resources in 2016.

    Zoomed map of the Seven Rivers of the Saraswati Valley, based on old palaeochannels

    As noted earlier, the seven rivers are thus from west to east direction-
    • Satluj- Satluj originates at Rakas Sarowar near Kailas and flows through Himachal Pradesh and enters plains in Punjab. It used to flow southwards from Ropar and meet the Saraswati at a place called Shatrana, south of Patiala. The combined river was 6-8 km wide at Shatrana. Yashpal el al (1980) have found palaeochannel of Satluj from Ropar to Shatrana broadly in N-S direction, extending for 75 kms with a width of 1 to 6 km. C. F Oldham in 1873 opined that this channel shifted towards the west from Ropar and began joining the Beas thus depriving of the Saraswati of its crucial waters.
    • Ghaggar- Ghaggar originates at Sirmaur in Himachal and flows through Panchkula and it demarcates the boundary between Punjab and Haryana. It used to join the Satluj in ancient times. Today it traces the old path of the Saraswati after Sirsa in Haryana, enters Rajasthan and then vanishes in the Cholistan desert near Bahawalpur.
    • Tangri- Tangri or Dangri originates in Morni hills of Himachal and flows through Ambala district. It used to join the Saraswati just downstream from Pehowa. Today it joins the Ghaggar Hakra. It’s palaeochannel have been marked by the satellite images by Bhadra et al in 2009.
    • Markanda- Known as Markandeya River. Markanda originates from Dharti Dhar in Himachal and enters plains at Kala Amb. Study by Bajpai and Kshetrimayum in 2011 analyzed underground sand sediments and concluded the Markanda indeed met the Saraswati near Pehowa-Thikri-Malakpur region
    • Sarsuti- Sarasuti is considered the original flow of the Saraswati but with its course shifted little to the west. The river originated at Adi Badri in the Siwalik Hills and flows through sites like Mughalwali, Mustafabad, Kurukshetra, Pehowa, Fatehabad and beyond Sirsa traces the course of today’s Ghaggar-Hakra. Study by Chaudhari et all in 2008 revealed the course of Sarsuti near Bhor Saidan in Kurukshetra district to be around 2 km wide. Soil samples from Bir Pipli, Kanepla, etc in Kurukshetra district reveal a palaeochannel that flowed till 2000 BCE.
    • Drishadvati- Chautang River today is a seasonal river arising out of the Siwaliks that flows through central Haryana and meets today’s Ghaggar-Hakra near Suratgarh in Rajasthan. In ancient times, this was the Drishadwati River which used to combine with Yamuna and together used to meet Saraswati. Bhadra et al in 2009 used remote sensing satellite data to delineate the channel of Drishadvati in Haryana.
    • Yamuna- Yamuna originated at Yamunotri and originally joined the Tons or Tamasa river. But later on, it flowed down from Paonta Sahib and took a west turn to flow through central Haryana, joins the Drishadvati and finally meets the Saraswati near Suratgarh in Rajasthan. Clift et al (2012) did a study on the sediments at IVC site at Ganweriwala, allegedly on the banks of the Saraswati. They reveal similarity with sediments of Yamuna plains showing the Yamuna used to empty in the Saraswati in ancient times.
    If these rivers are indeed considered as Sapta-Sindhu, it will considerably narrow down the core area of Rigveda and also explain the overbearing religious importance of the region of Kurukshetra in later times.

    On a concluding note, this article was a crude attempt to define geography of the Rigveda in a new way. There exist strong arguments as to why the Sapta Sindhu be located in its postulated location in Punjab. But as I said in the start- History has been full of assumptions, theories and hypotheses- There is no fun without them!

    Ancient Indian History- Voices from the past

     चोरहार्यं   राजहार्यं  भ्रातृभाज्यं   भारकारि | व्यये कृते वर्धतेव नित्यं विद्याधनं सर्वधनप्रधानं| " Knowledge can neither be stolen by thieves,nor can be taken away by kings.It can neither be divided in brothers nor is a load on one's shoulders. The more you give it, the more you get it back,in this way,the wealth of knowledge is the best wealth"

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