https://tinyurl.com/y7vsvtdm
Dilmun armourers, آهن ګران āhan-garān 'thunderbolt makers' of Sarasvati Civiliztion, Indus Script Meluhha hypertexts, Part 1 contd.
Section 4: Dilmun seals of Saar (12) with Indus Script hieroglyphs signify metalwork catalogues
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/hfznzjl
Sarasvati civilization was a trading partner with Bahrain from 2800 to 1500 BCE.
Meluhha merchant settlements are attested in cuneiform texts in Elam and in Mesopotamia. Thanks to Eric Olijdam who has provided an insightful monograph brilliantly collating a number of related artifacts from Ancient Near East. Some of these artifacts signify metalwork catalogues using Indus Script cipher and should be added to the Indus Script Corpora which is catalogus catalogorum of Bronze Age documented by seafaring Meluhha merchants along the Maritime Tin Route.
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/04/ant-twisted-rope-and-other-meluhha.html Twisted rope, ant and other Meluhha hieroglyphs on Ancient Near East and Indian sea

barad, balad 'bull' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) dula ‘pair’ Rebus: dul ‘cast metal’. kolom 'three' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' Hieroglyph: dotted circles: pottal 'hole' Rebus: pota 'metal casting. పోత (p. 0823) [ pōta ] pōta. [Tel. from పోయు.] n. Pouring, పోయుట. Casting, as of melted metal. పోత pōta. adj. Molten, cast in metal. పోతచెంబు a metal bottle or jug, which has been cast not hammered.(Telugu) Hieroglyphs: dotted circle and three strands on the knob of the seal: dhāˊtu *strand of rope ʼ (cf. tridhāˊtu -- ʻ threefold ʼ RV., ayugdhātu -- ʻ having an uneven number of strands ʼ KātyŚr.) S. dhāī f. ʻ wisp of fibres added from time to time to a rope that is being twisted ʼ, L. dhāī˜ f.(CDIAL 6773 ) Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn.Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ)(CDIAL 6773).
Unprovenanced Harappan-style cylinder seal impression; Museedu Louvre; cf. Corbiau, 1936, An Indo-Sumerian cylinder, Iraq 3, 100-3, p. 101, Fig.1; De ClercqColl.; burnt white agate; De Clercqand Menant, 1888, No. 26; Collon, 1987, Fig. 614. A hero grasping two tigers and a buffalo-and-leaf-horned person, seated on a stool with hoofed legs, surrounded by a snake and a fish on either side, a pair of water buffaloes. Another person stands and fights two tigers and is surrounded by trees, a markhor goat and a vulture above a rhinoceros. Text 9905
Hieroglyphs on the cylinder seal impression are: buffalo, tiger, rice-plant, eagle, ram, hooded snake, fish pair, round object (circle), crucible, twigs as part of hair-style of the seated person.
kula 'hooded snake' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'; kolle 'blacksmith' kolhe 'smelter'
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'
The bunch of twigs = kūdī,kūṭī (Samskritam)kūdī (also written as kūṭī in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and KauśikaSūtra (Bloomsfield'sed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgrussan Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badarī, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177). Rebus: kuThi 'smelter'
Hieroglyph multiplexes of the hypertext of the cylinder seal from a Near Eastern Source can be identified: aquatic bird, rhinoceros, buffalo, buffalo horn, crucible, markhor, antelope, hoofed stool, fish, tree, tree branch, twig, roundish stone, tiger, rice plant.


Two fish hieroglyphs flank the hoofed legs of the stool or platform signify: warehouse of cast metal alloy metal implements:
Hieroglyph: kaṇḍō a stool Rebus: kanda 'implements'
Hieroglyph: maṇḍā 'raised platform, stool' Rebus: maṇḍā 'warehouse'.
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal'
ayo 'fish' Rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda)
barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c.(Marathi).

The hieroglyph-multiplex of a woman thwarting two rearing tigers is also signified on other seals and tablets to signify:
Hieroglyph: kola 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron'
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS kola 'tiger' Rebus: kolle 'blacksmith'; kolhe 'smeter'; kole.l 'smithy, forge'. The kolmo 'rice-plant' Rebus kolimi 'smithy, forge' is a semantic determinant of the cipher: smithy with smelter.
The bottom register of the cylinder seal impression lists the products: smithy/forge forged iron, alloy castings (laterite PLUS spelter), hard alloy implements.
goTa 'roundish stone' Rebus: gota 'laterite'
dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' PLUS rã̄go 'buffalo' Rebus: rāṅgā 'zinc alloy, spelter, pewter'. Thus, cast spelter PLUS laterite.
markhor PLUS tail
miṇḍāl 'markhor' (Tōrwālī) meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Munda.Ho.) koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari) PLUS Kur. xolā tail. Malt. qoli id. (DEDR 2135) Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village.
Rhinoceros PLUS aquatic bird or eagle
Hieroglyhph: kāṇṭā 'rhinoceros. gaṇḍá m. ʻ rhinoceros ʼ Rebus: kāṇḍa 'tools, pots and pans and metal-ware' (Gujarati)
karaṛa 'large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: karaḍā 'hardalloy of metals' (Marathi) Alternative: eruvai 'kite, eagle' Rebus: eruvai 'copper (red)'
Two water-buffalos flanks a hieroglyph: something round, like a seed. Hieroglyph: rã̄go 'buffalo' Rebus: rāṅgā 'zinc alloy, spelter, pewter'. What does the hieroglyph 'something round' signify? I suggest that it signifies goTa 'laterite (ferrous ore)'.
All these hieroglyhphs/hieroglyph-multiplexes are read as metalwork catalogue items in Prakritam which had tadbhava, tatsama identified in Samskritam in Indian sprachbund (speech union).

Hieroglyphs on this seal impression are: safflower, eagle, bull calf.
Hieroglyph: karaḍā ' safflower'.करडी [ karaḍī ] f (See करडई) Safflower: also its seed. Rebus: karaḍa 'hard alloy' of arka 'copper'. Rebus: fire-god: @B27990. #16671. Remo <karandi>E155 {N} ``^fire-^god''.(Munda).
kōḍe, kōḍiya. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. Rebus: koḍ artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) kunda ‘turner’ kundār turner (Assamese)
eruvai 'eagle, a kind of kite' Rebus: eruvai 'copper'
Thanks to Eric Olijdam who has provided an insightful monograph brilliantly collating a number of related artifacts from Ancient Near East. (Eric Olijdam, 2008, A possible central Asian origin for seal-impressed jar from the 'Temple Tower' at Failaka, in: Eric Olijdam and Richard H. Spoor, eds., 2008, Intercultural relations between south and southwest Asia, Studies in commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996), Society for Arabian Studies Monographs No. 7 [eds. D. Kennet & St J. Simpson], BAR International Series 1826 pp. 268-287).
https://www.academia.edu/403945/A_Possible_Central_Asian_Origin_for_the_Seal-Impressed_Jar_from_the_Temple_Tower_at_Failaka In this monograph, Eric Olijdam has provided remarkable evidences for mercantile and intercultural connections in a remarkably interactive civilizational area of the Bronze Age covering the Persian (Arab) Gulf, Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) and in my view, also Meluhha since some artifacts cited seem to signify Indus Script hieroglyphs since the links of Persian Gulf sites with Meluhha are well attested by a cylinder seal impression signifying hieroglyphs: elephant, rhinoceros, crocodile (gharial):
https://www.academia.edu/403945/A_Possible_Central_Asian_Origin_for_the_Seal-Impressed_Jar_from_the_Temple_Tower_at_Failaka In this monograph, Eric Olijdam has provided remarkable evidences for mercantile and intercultural connections in a remarkably interactive civilizational area of the Bronze Age covering the Persian (Arab) Gulf, Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) and in my view, also Meluhha since some artifacts cited seem to signify Indus Script hieroglyphs since the links of Persian Gulf sites with Meluhha are well attested by a cylinder seal impression signifying hieroglyphs: elephant, rhinoceros, crocodile (gharial):
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/09/seafaring-meluhha-artisans-use-indus.html
Seals in Dilmun Society - Universiteit Leiden
https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/.../ba-2011-sophietews.pdf?...1
by S Tews - 2012
Steatite Dilmun Seal from Saar (Crawford 2001,58)
Shipping and Maritime Trade of the Indus People
By: S.R. Rao
Harrappan Ports
In the course of a rapid survey of the coast line of Kutch, Kathiawar and South Gujarat undertaken by the writer during the years 1954 to 1958, several Harappan settlements came to notice, most of them being ports situated at the mouths of the rivers. Todio is a small Harappan port on the southwestern coast of Kutch which afforded shelter to the ships plying between the Indus estuary and the Gulf of Cambay in the second millennium B.C. Amra and Lakhabawal are two other ports situated near Jamnagar on the northwestern coast of Kathiawar, while Kindarkhera near Porbander, Prabhas (Somnath) near Veraval, and Kanjetar near Kodinar are on the main trade route. They are important estuarine ports of the late Harappa period on the western coast of Kathiawar.
The earliest, and the most important, sheltered harbor, which the Harappans developed into a large emporium and servicing station, is Lothal (22 degrees 31’N; 72 degrees 15’E). Situated as it is at the head of the Gulf of Cambay in the estuary of the Sabarmati and Bhogawa rivers, it was the warehouse of the rich rice, cotton, and wheat-growing hinterland. The inhabitants exported agricultural and marine products and imported the raw materials such as gemstones and metals, needed for domestic consumption and for supplying the processing industries which sustained a large population. Farther south are Megham and Bhagatrav, two other Harappan trading stations situated respectively at the mouths of the rivers Narmada and Kim.
Thus, the entire coastline of Kutch, Kathiawar, and South Gujarat, covering a distance of 1,400 kilometers, was studded with Harappan ports in the second millennium B.C. Some were already established as early as the third millennium. George F. Dales, who surveyed the Makran coast, has located a new Harappan port at Sotka-Koh on the Pasni estuary. That site lies 130 kilometers, to the east-southeast of Sutkagen-dor, the westernmost Harappan settlement which, he thinks, was also a port four thousand years ago. Obviously, both settlements must have been maritime trading stations.
Land or Sea Route
Some scholars have suggested that the Harappans might have taken a land route to Kathiawar from Sind via Desalpur in Kutch and Rojdi in Central Saurashtra. Recent excavations have clearly established that Desalpur was a small HArappan settlement which borrowed certain elements (such as the stud-handled bowl and coarse grey ware) from Lothal and certain others from Mohenjo-=daro. Sri K.V. Soundararajan, the excavator, has assigned the early levels of Desalpur to about 2000 B.C., which would be contemporary with phase IIIB of Lothal A and the early levels of Rojdi, both of which have been dated by the Carbon-14 method. In this connection it may be mentioned that the two cultural periods, A and B, of Lothal represent respectively the mature and the degenerate (or late) Harappa cultures. Period B consists of structural phase V while the earlier period A consists of phases I through IV, numbered from the bottom up. Below Lothal IIIB, dated 2010 – 115 B.C., lie five structured levels: IIIA, IIC, IIB, IIA, and I. Hence the Lothal port must have been occupied by Harappans a few centuries before the two inland settlements at Desalpur and Rojdi came into existence.
Kanasutaria and Sujnipur, two inland sites situated northeast of Lothal, are assignable to the Transition Phase of the Harappa culture and must have come into existence a few centuries after the mature Harappa phase ended at Rangpur and Lothal. Hence, they cannot be considered as intermediary stations on a nearby land route taken by the Harappans on their southward march from Sind to Kathiawar. In fact, no inland station of the Harappa culture is as early in date as Lothal. Farther south of Lothal is an early Harappan port known as Bhagatrav. Its situation supports the view that the Harappans moved along the coast to South Gujarat.
In a paper in Lalit Kala (nos. 3-4, New Delhi, 1957) I have shown that the Harappans came by a sea route to Kathiawar in two waves. The availability of a good sheltered harbor at Lothal which provided access to the hinterland and the possibility of controlling the sources of raw materials were sufficient to attract the seafaring merchants of the Indus Valley. They made a peaceful penetration, lived together with the local inhabitants, and established in due course inland stations at Koth, Rangpur, Rojdi, etc. This initial colonization took place in the latter half of the third millennium B.C. The second wave came in the beginning of the second millennium as a result of a catastrophic flood in the Indus and other rivers, which destroyed most of the towns and villages and forced the inhabitants to move to safer regions. Some of the refugees from the lower reaches of the Indus escaped to Kitch and Kathiawar and made temporary settlements at Todio, Kindarkhera, Prabhas, Kanjetar, Mehgam, and other estuarine ports. These are termed ‘late Harappan’ ports as distinct from such ‘early Harappan’ ports as Lothal and Bhagatrav. Further exploration of the coast may bring to light many more Harappan ports. It can thus be safely assumed that in both periods the Harappans took the sea route.
Lothal: The Dock
One of the important results of the excavation of Lothal is the welcome light it has thrown on the maritime activities of the Indus people.
The largest structure of baked bricks ever constructed by the Harappans is the one laid bare at Lothal on the eastern margin of the township to serve as a dock for berthing ships and handling cargo. It was built in phase IIA about 2300 B.C. It is trapezoid in plan with brick-built walls enclosing an excavated basin. This basin was fed with water through an inlet channel, the excess being allowed to escape through a spillway, whose western and eastern embankment walls are on an average 214.87 meters long, and its southern and northern walls 37.26 meters, while their extant height is 3.30 meters. Originally, they must have been higher still, flush with the wharf built adjoining the northern wall. The walls are 1.60 meters wide at the foundation level and 1.30 meters at the top, except in the reconstructed patches which are only 0.75 meters wide. The inner face of the basin is absolutely vertical without any sort of access. On the outer face of the brick walls three offsets are visible. Originally, there was a 12.21-meter gap in the northern embankment wall which served as an inlet for ships entering the basin at high tide.
The ships reached Lothal from the Gulf of Cambay through the estuary of a river flowing along the western margin of the town and entered the dock through a gully running east-wes on the northern margin. Before our work in 1961 tracing the original flow-channel of the river (first stage) and the gully, it was thought that ships had had access to the basin from the very beginning through the eastern embankment wall. The excavations showed that the inlet located in the eastern embankment was provided in phase IV to sluice ships into the dock through an inlet-channel of the river (second stage). The need for this inlet-channel was due to an unprecedented flood which blocked the mouth of the river and silted up its original flow-channel on the western margin of the town. The inlet of the second stage is 7.02 meters wide and the channel only 1.5 to 2 meters deep and the inlet gap 7.02 meters wide. But originally, the dock was designed to sluice ships 18 to 20 meters in length and 4 to 6 meters in width through the 12.21 meters-wide inlet gap in the northern embankment. At least two ships could pass through the inlet simultaneously.
Maneuvering was also easy in the early stage as ships entered through the shorter (northern) arm of the dock, whereas, in the post-flood days they had to enter through the longer (eastern) arm. It may be pointed out that the country craft plying nowadays between Malabar and Gujarat with a draft of 1.5 to 2 meters and weighing as much as 60 tons enter the ancient dock at Gogha which is still in use. The width of this dock is only 10 to 15 meters. On this basis it can be safely assumed that ships weighing 40 to 50 tons could easily have entered the Lothal dock through the inlet (second state) in the western embankment even after the river changed its course. The original builders of the dock had taken necessary precautions to counteract the water thrust by providing offset on the outer face of the brick walls, and by increasing the thickness of the western wall where the thrust was greatest. The wall was further supported by a mud-brick wharf, 13 to 20 meters wide. The northern margin of the town was protected against scouring action of the gully, through which ships had to be sluiced, by a massive wall of kiln-burnt bricks. At the mouth of the inlet-channel (second stage) brick walls were built on either side to protect the inlet against scouring. A spillway was built in the souther embankment to allow excess water to escape. The high degree of engineering skill achieved by the Lothal folk can be understood from the ingenious way in which they could regulate the flow of water into the dock at high and low tides. They could ensure flotation of ships in the basin by sliding a door in the vertical grooves of the flanking walls of the spillway at low water. Excess water was allowed to escape by keeping the spillway open at high water. In no other port of the Bronze Age, early or late, has an artificial dock with water-locking arrangements been found.
In fact, in Indian itself, hydraulic engineering made no further progress in post-Harappan times. The dock at Gogha, an early historical port on the Kathiawar coast, south of Lothal, which is in use even today has a spillway but no water-locking arrangement. It is always kept open to ensure automatic de-silting. The boats get stuck at low water and flotation is not possible. Obviously, the water-locking arrangements made by the Harappans were not followed in the early historical period in other ports.
The occurrence of stone anchors in the basin of the Lothal dock indicates that ships were anchored with the help of stones. They were occasionally tied to wooden posts as indicated by the presence of postholes. The position of the anchors indicates the floor level of the basin and allows a calculation of the depth of the water. The height of the existing embankment wall is 2.5 meters high, but was originally more. Hence, the maximum depth of water available in the basin must have been at least 3 meters. The height of the water column above the sill of the inlet in the first stage was about 2,5 meters. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that ships with a draught of 2 to 2.5 meters could enter the dock at high tide through the inlet in the northern embankment (first stage). Later on, it is only smaller ships with a draught of 1.5 to 2 meters that could enter through the inlet in the eastern embankment (second stage).
Anchors
Of seven stone anchors found at Lothal five come from the dock and one each from the gully and the acropolis. Four anchors are of limestone, two of sandstone, and one of miliolites. Six of them are spheroid in shape and one is triangular in plan with a rectangular section. The latter has a hole at the apex but none at the base. The Egyptians and Phoenicians are said to have used round and triangular ones from which wooden sticks projected so as to keep the anchors engaged in the sand. In each of four of the six spheroid anchors form Lothal there is one large hole in the center and two smaller ones used for fixing the wooden sticks which engaged the anchors in sand or silt. Two other anchors have only one large hole each. From these details it is clear that the sailors from Lothal used two types of anchors. The first type with three holes was a composite one, while the second type with a single hole was a rock anchor.
Boats
Unfortunately, no remains of actual boats have been found. The shape and other details of the boats used can only be inferred from clay models. of boats and paintings on potsherds. Three different types of boats can be seen in the five terracotta models found at Lothal. The only complete specimen available represents a ship with sail. It has a sharp keel, a pointed prow, and a blunt stern. A hole visible near the stern was used for tying a rope when the ship had to be towed or secured to a wooden post. It could also be used for fixing a mast. The socket on one of the sides was either used for securing the sail or for resting an oar against a peg. A second type of boat is represented by a single specimen. One of its ends is curved the other is damaged. Perhaps both the stern and the prow were curved as in the case of the Egyptian boats of the Gerzean period (before 3100 B.C.). A single hole a little away from the center of the floor was meant for fixing the mast. Unfortunately, the prow is damaged. The keel is pointed and the sides are raised.
The remaining three models, all damaged, form a distinct group with flat bottom and pointed prow. Possibly the stern was not pointed. No holes are found in any of the three models. Apparently, they represent barges without sails as used on rivers and creeks. The first two types having a sharp keep with provision for sails represent ships which plied on the high seas. They could enter the dock in the first stage only. In the second stage, flat-bottomed canoes and barges were used for bringing cargo from the ships berthed in deeper waters. A fourth type of boat is suggested by the paintings executed on two potsherds recovered in the excavations. The type is similar to the multi-oared boats of the late Gerzean period in Egypt. At least 36 pairs of oars are indicated in one case, while in the other the total number cannot be ascertained as the sherd is damaged, although it too must have been a multi-oared boat.
Cargo and Trade
The non-availability of fine-grained siliceous stones in the alluvial belts of the Indus and Sabarmati Valleys necessitated their importation from elsewhere. Mohenjo-daro and Lothal must have imported agate and chert respectively, from the Narmada Valley and the Sukkur-Rohri region. As Chanhu-daro and Lothal were two important centers for bead-making, they imported agate and carnelian and produced beads on a large scale.
In addition to bead factories, workshops of coppersmiths have been excavated at Lothal. The occurrence of bun-shaped ingots with 96.46% to 99.8% purity at Mohenjo-daro and Lothal suggests that copper was imported from overseas sources, among which may be counted Susa and Oman. Bun-shaped ingots have been found at Ras-al-Qala and a few other sites in the Persian Gulf islands. The ingots from Susa and Mohenjo-daro contain arsenic as one of the impurities whereas the ingot from Lothal does not contain any arsenic, even in traces. It is, therefore, likely that Lothal and Mohenjo-daro obtained their supply of copper from two different sources.
That there was a far-flung trade in copper as late as the latter half of the second millennium B.C. is suggested by the shipwreck recovered by the University Museum expedition near Cape Gelidonya off the Turkish coast (Expedition, Vol. 3 no. 2). Copper and bronze ingots of oxhide and bun-type were among the cargo of that ill-fated ship of the Late Bronze Age. According to Oppenheim the clay tablets from Ur indicate that sailors returning from Dilmun offered a share of their cargoes including gold, silver, copper, lapis-lazuli, stone beads, ivory, inlays (of shell), pearls, wood, and eye-paints to the Goddess Ningal. It is said that whereas in the Akkadian period (about 2350 B.C.) ships came from Magan and Meluhha, during the Third Dynasty of Ur (about 2100 B.C.) no ships came from Meluhha. During the Larsa period (about 2000 B.C.) Dilmun merchants acted as intermediaries, thus monopolizing the trade with Ur. Most of the evidences of foreign contact in the form of Reserved Slip Ware, copper ingots, a bull amulet of bronze, clay impressions of stamp seals, and the Persian Gulf seal found at Lothal relate to the Akkadian or slightly earlier period but not to the Larsa period. As most of the square seals of Indus origin found at Ur, Kish, and Asmar come from the Akkadian levels, it is reasonable to suppose that Indian ports had direct contact with the Sumerian ports in the Akkadian period but not in the periods after the Third Dynasty.
The principal exports of Lothal were ivory, shell inlays and ornaments, beads of gemstones and steatite, and, perhaps, cotton and cotton goods. Bhal, the alluvial flat wehre Lothal is situated, has long been famous for its cotton. The Kathiawar coast abounds in conch shell. The raw material and rejected pieces of shell found in the factories outnumber the finished products, suggesting that shell was worked for export. Lothal was also an important center for ivory-working. That elephants were reared here is indicated by the occurrence of elephants’ tusks and femurs. The minute details of its anatomy depicted on the sealings are further evidence of intimate knowledge of the animal. From a merchant’s house in the bazaar street, shell bangles, two Indus seals, eight gold pendants similar to those found in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, and sherds of Reserved Slip Ware were recovered. Obviously he was engaged in trade with foreign countries.
Several writers have referred to the occurrence of Indus seals at Ur, Susa, Kish, Asmar, Hama, Lagash, and Tepe Gawra. Of eighteen seals of Indian origin from Ur listed by C.J. Gadd in an article in The Proceedings of the British Academy in 1932, fifteen are circular, two cylindrical, and one squarish. The circular seals must have come from Bahrein where upwards of two hundred seals of this type have been recovered recently by the Danish expedition. The circular seals from Ur are presumed to have belonged to Indian merchants who lived in the Persian Gulf islands and traded with merchants at Ur. The cylindrical seals from Ur which bear Indus motifs may also have belonged to the Indian merchants living at Ur, the reason for this supposition being that each region had its own distinct type of seal–circular in Bahrein, cylindrical in Mesopotamia, square in the Indus valley and Kathiawar. The circular seals found in Bahrein have been assigned to the Akkadian and pre-Akkadian periods by the current Danish Bahrein Expedition. The circular steatite seal found at Lothal is almost identical with the seals from the Akkadian levels of Ras-al-Qala in Bahrein.
Two terracotta sealings from Lothal are significant. One bears impressions of a seal with a swastika motif drawn in multiple lines in the same style as the seals from Susa, Brak, and Sialk. The other bears a compartmented square design similar to the one on the seals from Sialk and Susa. Other articles of Indus trade such as cubical stone weights and square steatite seals of Indus workmanship travelled as far north from Ur as the Diyala region. A cubical weight has been found in Tepe Gawra stratum IX-X (about 3200 B.C.). Among other sites where Indus weights are found ar Kish, Ur, and Susa.
Plain and etched carnelian beads as well as wafer beads of steatite which are of undoubted Indus workmanship have been reported from various sites in the Tigris-Euphrates Valley. Etched carnelian beads are found at Susa, Ur, Troy, Hissar, Kish, and Tell Asmar between 2500 and 2000 B.C. Among the more significant artifacts of foreign origin found on the Harappan sites, mention may be made of hut-shaped and compartmented steatite vessels, a bronze amulet with a couchant bull figure reminiscent of those from Susa, and pins of copper of bronze with animal- or bird -heads. Lothal has produced two beautiful copper dogs closely resembling one from Susa. The ceramic evidence is also of considerable importance. The Reserved Slip Ware found at Mohenjo-daro and Lothal is identical in fabric and treatment to the ware from the Sargonid levels of Ur, Brak, and the Diyala region. It is said to occur in the Early Dynastic levels also in the Diyala region. A terracotta head of a bearded man with Sumerian features from Lothal suggests contact with the West. Trade regulations between Egypt and Kathiawar are suggested by two terracotta figurines, one resembling a gorilla and the other a mummy, both found at Lothal.
Cite This Article:
Rao, .S.R."Shipping and Maritime Trade of the Indus People" Expedition Magazine 7.3 (May 1965): n. pag.Expedition Magazine. Penn Museum, May 1965 Web. 08 Jun 2016 <http://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/?p=995>
Section 5: Maritime trade of Meluhha (Sarasvati Civilization) seafaring merchants, artisans
Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/h2pzo85
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Meluhha and Bronze Age revolution
A Maritime tin route from Hanoi to Haifa has been posited to transport tin which was a critical component to alloy with copper to sustain the Bronze Age revolution. On this route which predated Silk Road by two millennia, the Persian Gulf (Straits of Hormuz), together with the Straits of Malacca, was the critical maritime link. Archaeological reports on sites along the Persian Gulf have cumulatively evidenced the trade and cultural contacts Meluhha (Sarasvati civilization) merchants and artisans (some with settlements in Ancient Near East) had with Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East as active participants in the revolution. The presence of Munda in Austro-asiatic speaker areas of Ancient Far East is well-attested by Austro-asiatic etyma also present in glosses of Indian sprachbund (pace FBJ Kuiper on Munda words in Samskrtam).
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Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].
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Austroasiatic languages map (in German) from H.-J. Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, 1958: map
The Gundestrup cauldron and Pillar of Boatmen are evidence of the Meluhhan contact areas in the Ancient NEar East. So are the hieroglyphs of frog, peacock, elephant, antelopes, heron on Dong Son bronze drums evidenc of the Meluhhan contact areas in the Tin Belt of the Globe in Ancient Far East.
Glyptic art of the Seals from Persian Gulf are a combination of Mesopotamian syles of cylinder seals combined with Indus Script hieroglyphs. Meluhhans had a flourishing tradw with Sumer ca. 2350 BCE. The inscriptions of Persian Gulf cylinder seald and also Dilmun-type stamp seals provide conclusive evidence for the presence of Meluhha merchants/artisans in the Persian Gulf and interacting with Ur and Susa. The trade transactions with Susa are attested by a Susa pot with the cargo of metal implements, tools, weapons. The decipherment of Indus Script hieroglyphs on the Susa pot as metalwork catalogues are presented in:
A Susa pot with Indus Script hieroglyphs is a 'rosetta stone' for Indus Script Corpora of metalwork proclamations http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/susa-pot-with-indus-script-hieroglyphs.html
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/06/antithetical-antelopes-indus-script.html The hieroglyphs on the Kuwait Museum gold disc can be read rebus:
See: http://tinyurl.com/hvcmaqd Luca Peyronel, Some Thoughtson Iconographic Relations between the Arabian Gulf and Syria-Mesopotamia during the Middle Bronze Age, Society for Arabian Studies Monographs No.7. Iconographic Relations between the Arabian Gulf and Syria-Mesopotamia during the Middle Bronze Age, Intercultural relations between south and southwest Asia, Studies in commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996) eds. Eric Olijdam, Richard H Spoor, BAR International Series 1826, 2008, Archaeopress, pp.236-252. An Indus Script seal impression adorns the title page of this monograph no. 7.
kondh ‘young bull’. kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’. sangaDa 'lathe, brazier' rebus: sangAta 'collection' (of metalwork) koTiya 'rings on neck' rebus: kotiya 'baghlah dhow, cargo boat'. कुटिल kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copperand 2 parts tin) dATu ‘cross’ rebus: dhAtu ‘mineral’ gaNDa ‘four’ rebus: kaNDa ‘implements’ dula ‘two’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’ ayo, aya ‘fish’ rebus: aya ‘iron’ ayas ‘metal’ aya ‘fish’ rebus: ayas ‘metal’ PLUS adaren ‘lid’ rebus: aduru ‘unsmelted metal’ kolmo ‘rice plant’ rebus: kolimi ‘smithy, forge’ muh ‘ingot’ kolom ‘three’ rebus: kolimi ‘smithy, forge’ dula ‘two’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’ ranku ‘liquid measure’ rebus: ranku ‘tin’ kolmo ‘rice plant’ rebus: kolimi ‘smithy, forge’ karNaka, kanka ‘rim of jar’ rebus: karNI ‘supercargo, engraver, account’.
See: https://www.academia.edu/1898205/Potts_2010_-_Cylinder_seals_and_their_use_in_the_Arabian_Peninsula_AAE_21_ DT Potts, 2010 Cylnder seals and their use in Arabian Peninsula. After presenting the following figures of cylinder seals, DT Potts concludes:
Fig. 5a-f bull-man holding/touching a ‘ritual’ object or a branch; Fig 5c, d bull-man standing ‘above’ an animal; Fig. 5a-f : bull-man holding/touching a ‘ritual’ object or a branch
Fig. 3a Features: god with a naked or garbed attendant behind or before; god holding/touching a crescent-standard; bull-man holding/touching a ‘ritual’ object or a branch Fig. 3b bull-man grasped/touched by a naked male figure Fig. 3b-f bull-man grasping an animal; Fig. 3d bull-man standing ‘above’ an animal; Fig. 3a : bull-man holding/touching a ‘ritual’ object or a branch
Fig. 2 e-f god with a naked or garbed attendant behind or before; Fig. 2c-d god grasping/touching a gazelle
Features Fig. 1c-f: god with a naked or garbed attendant behind or before; Fig. 1d-e god seated on a stool/throne ‘above’ a bull; Fig. 1a-f god drinking through a tube leading to a jar; god holding a cup
Many sites on the Gulf of Khambat, and the site of Lothal evidence that the Sarasvati civilization was involved in trade through the Persian Gulf and beyond through Tigris-Euphrates upto Haifa, Israel in Ancient Near East.
This is a remarkable square seal from Ur, with cuneiform script together with a bison/bull/ox hieroglyph. This may be called Gadd Seal 1 of Ur since this was the first item on the Plates of figures included in Gadd's paper. Assigned to the pre-Sargonic period, this is perhaps a seal of a Meluhha (Indus) merchant. Gadd lists 18 seals from Ur and sites in Babylonia, witn Indus-type writing system. Gadd Seal No. 2 is of circular shape with a button boss, perhaps of Persian Gulf origin (perhaps belongs to a Meluhha merchant in Bahrain). This seal plus seal nos. 3,4,5,15,16,17 have Indus script motifs and hieroglyphs. Seal no. 6 is cylindrical and Sumerian with hieroglyphs of zebu, scorpion, and other Indus Script hieroglyphs. Seal no. 7 has kuTi, 'tree' Indus Script hieroglyph (which signifies rebus kuThi 'smelter'). Seal no. 8 is Sumerian and perhaps relates to a Bahrain merchant who holds a goat (mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper'), an Indus script hieroglyph. Seals 9,10,11, 12,13,14 are perhaps from Bahrain of a Meluhha merchant. Seal no. 15 was found with carnelian, steatite and copper beads in a Sargonid period grave, and is a Persian Gulf seal attributable to contacts with Sarasvati riverbasin (Gujarat carnelian in particular). Seal No. 16,17,18 are clearly those of Meluhha merchants in Bahrain. Seals found at Kish, Gawra and Asmar are of Indus Script corpora. Briggs Buchanan assigns Seal nos. 2,3,4,5 and 16 to Indus seal type I, a type which includes circular seals but with Indus script on the obverse. Seal no. 15 is categorised in type II as a crude Indus script imitation while seal no. 16 is categorised in type III as Persian Gulf Bahrain seal of the type found in Lothal and also Failaka. This tablet assigned to 10th year of Gungunum of Larsa (1923 BCE) is stamped by an Indus Script seal of type III in Buchanan classification of Persian Gulf seals.
Hieroglyph: *śrētrī ʻ ladder ʼ. [Cf. śrētr̥ -- ʻ one who has recourse to ʼ MBh. -- See śrití -- . -- √śri ]
Seṭṭhitta
Seṭṭhitta (nt.) [abstr. fr. seṭṭhi] the office of treasurer or (wholesale) merchant Si. 92.
The glyphics are:
Semantics: ‘group of animals/quadrupeds’: paśu ‘animal’ (RV), pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)
Glyph: ‘six’: bhaṭa ‘six’. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’.
Glyph (the only inscription on the Mohenjo-daro seal m417): ‘warrior’: bhaṭa. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. Thus, this glyph is a semantic determinant of the message: ‘furnace’. It appears that the six heads of ‘animal’ glyphs are related to ‘furnace’ work.
Stamp seals with figures and animals as Indus Script hieroglyphs
A bun-ingot flanked by two goats: mlekh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' PLUS muh
Yale tablet. Bull's head (bucranium) between two seated figures drinking from two vessels through straws. YBC. 5447; dia. c. 2.5 cm. Possibly from Ur. Buchanan, studies Landsberger, 1965, p. 204; A seal impression was found on an inscribed tablet (called Yale tablet) dated to the tenth year of Gungunum, King of Larsa, in southern Babylonia--that is, 1923 B.C. according to the most commonly accepted ('middle') chronology of the period. The design in the impression closely matches that in a stamp seal found on the Failaka island in the Persian Gulf, west of the delta of the Shatt al Arab, which is formed by the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers.
karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kaNDa 'divisions' rebus: kaNDa 'implements' muh 'face' rebus: muhA 'quantity of smelted metal taken out of a furnace';'ingot' kaNDa 'water' rebus: kaNDA 'implements' kanda 'fire-altar' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' dhAV 'strand' rebus: dhAv 'mineral, dhAtu'
Failaka seal. The Yale tablet is dated to ca. the second half of the twentieth century B.C.... Trade3 on the Persian gulf was in existence well before that time-- about 2350 B.C.-- when Sargon, the first Akkadian king referred to ships from or destined for Melukhkha, Magan and Tilmun (Dilmun) at his wharves. in the Third Dynasty of Ur (around 2000), when trade apparently was centred at Magan. It is even better documented on other tablets from Ur (from about 1900 and from about 1800), belonging to various kings of Larsa. At this time the trade was centered at Tilmun... Cuneiform inscriptions naming Inzak, the god of Tilmun, were found on Failaka and, a long time ago, one on Bahrein... Failaka can be equated with Tilmun, or at least was an important part of it. (Briggs Buchanan, A dated seal impression connecting Babylonia and ancient India, Archaeology, Vol. 20, No.2, 1967, pp. 104-107).
dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' muh 'face' rebus: muhA 'quantity of smelted metal taken out of a furnace';'ingot' kaNDa 'water' rebus: kaNDA 'implements' kanda 'fire-altar' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'.dhAV 'strand' rebus: dhAv 'mineral, dhAtu'
Cuneiform sign SAG
Meluhha and Bronze Age revolution
Indus Script evidence validates maritime trade of Meluhha (Sarasvati civilization) with Dilmun from 2500 BCE.
A Maritime tin route from Hanoi to Haifa has been posited to transport tin which was a critical component to alloy with copper to sustain the Bronze Age revolution. On this route which predated Silk Road by two millennia, the Persian Gulf (Straits of Hormuz), together with the Straits of Malacca, was the critical maritime link. Archaeological reports on sites along the Persian Gulf have cumulatively evidenced the trade and cultural contacts Meluhha (Sarasvati civilization) merchants and artisans (some with settlements in Ancient Near East) had with Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East as active participants in the revolution. The presence of Munda in Austro-asiatic speaker areas of Ancient Far East is well-attested by Austro-asiatic etyma also present in glosses of Indian sprachbund (pace FBJ Kuiper on Munda words in Samskrtam).

Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].

Austroasiatic languages map (in German) from H.-J. Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, 1958: map
The Gundestrup cauldron and Pillar of Boatmen are evidence of the Meluhhan contact areas in the Ancient NEar East. So are the hieroglyphs of frog, peacock, elephant, antelopes, heron on Dong Son bronze drums evidenc of the Meluhhan contact areas in the Tin Belt of the Globe in Ancient Far East.
Glyptic art of the Seals from Persian Gulf are a combination of Mesopotamian syles of cylinder seals combined with Indus Script hieroglyphs. Meluhhans had a flourishing tradw with Sumer ca. 2350 BCE. The inscriptions of Persian Gulf cylinder seald and also Dilmun-type stamp seals provide conclusive evidence for the presence of Meluhha merchants/artisans in the Persian Gulf and interacting with Ur and Susa. The trade transactions with Susa are attested by a Susa pot with the cargo of metal implements, tools, weapons. The decipherment of Indus Script hieroglyphs on the Susa pot as metalwork catalogues are presented in:
A Susa pot with Indus Script hieroglyphs is a 'rosetta stone' for Indus Script Corpora of metalwork proclamations http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/10/susa-pot-with-indus-script-hieroglyphs.html
Kuwait gold disc with Indus Script hieroglyphs
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1. A pair of tabernae montana flowers tagara 'tabernae montana' flower; rebus: tagara 'tin'
2. A pair of rams tagara 'ram'; rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) Next to one ram: kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Alternative: kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'.
3. Ficus religiosa leaves on a tree branch (5) loa 'ficus leaf'; rebus: loh 'metal'. kol in Tamil means pancaloha'alloy of five metals'. PLUS flanking pair of lotus flowers: tAmarasa 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' thus, denoting copper castings.
4. A pair of bulls tethered to the tree branch: barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) PLUS kola 'man' Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kur.i 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Alternative: ḍhangar 'bull'; rebus ḍhangar 'blacksmith' poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'.
Two persons touch the two bulls: meḍ ‘body’ (Mu.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Thus, the hieroglyph composition denotes ironsmiths.
Two persons touch the two bulls: meḍ ‘body’ (Mu.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Thus, the hieroglyph composition denotes ironsmiths.
5. A pair of antelopes looking back: krammara 'look back'; rebus: kamar 'smith' (Santali); tagara 'antelope'; rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) Alternative: melh, mr..eka 'goat' (Brahui. Telugu) Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' (Pali), mleccha-mukha 'copper' (Samskritam)
6. A pair of antelopes mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; rebus: mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Mu.)
7. A pair of combs kāṅga 'comb' Rebus: kanga 'brazier, fireplace'
Phal. kāṅga ʻ combing ʼ in ṣiṣ k° dūm ʻI comb my hairʼ khyḗṅgia, kēṅgī f.;
kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb (Punjabi) káṅkata m. ʻ comb ʼ AV., n. lex., °tī -- , °tikã -- f. lex. 2. *kaṅkaṭa -- 2 . 3. *kaṅkaśa -- . [Of doubtful IE. origin WP i 335, EWA i 137: aberrant -- uta -- as well as -- aśa -- replacing -- ata -- in MIA. and NIA.]1. Pk. kaṁkaya -- m. ʻ comb ʼ, kaṁkaya -- , °kaï -- m. ʻ name of a tree ʼ; Gy. eur. kangli f.; Wg. kuṇi -- přũ ʻ man's comb ʼ (for kuṇi -- cf. kuṇälík beside kuṅälíks.v. kr̥muka -- ; -- přũ see prapavaṇa -- ); Bshk. kēṅg ʻ comb ʼ, Gaw. khēṅgīˊ, Sv. khḗṅgiā, Tor. kyäṅg ʻ comb ʼ (Dard. forms, esp. Gaw., Sv., Phal. but not Sh., prob. ← L. P. type < *kaṅgahiā -- , see 3 below); Sh. kōṅyi̯ f. (→ Ḍ. k*l ṅi f.), gil. (Lor.) kōĩ f. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kōũ m. ʻ woman's comb ʼ, pales. kōgō m. ʻ comb ʼ; K. kanguwu m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, kangañ f. ʻ woman's ʼ; WPah. bhad. kãˊke i ʻ a comb -- like fern ʼ, bhal. kãke i f. ʻ comb, plant with comb -- like leaves ʼ; N. kāṅiyo, kāĩyo ʻ comb ʼ, A. kã̄kai, B. kã̄kui; Or. kaṅkāi, kaṅkuā ʻ comb ʼ, kakuā ʻ ladder -- like bier for carrying corpse to the burning -- ghat ʼ; Bi. kakwā ʻ comb ʼ, kaka hā, °hī, Mth. kakwā, Aw. lakh. kakawā, Bhoj. kakahī f.; H. kakaiyā ʻ shaped like a comb (of a brick) ʼ; G. (non -- Aryan tribes of Dharampur)kākhāī f. ʻ comb ʼ; M. kaṅkvā m. ʻ comb ʼ, kã̄kaī f. ʻ a partic. shell fish and its shell ʼ; -- S. kaṅgu m. ʻ a partic. kind of small fish ʼ < *kaṅkuta -- ? -- Ext. with --l -- in Ku. kã̄gilo, kāĩlo ʻ comb ʼ.2. G. (Soraṭh) kã̄gaṛ m. ʻ a weaver's instrument ʼ?3. L. kaṅghī f. ʻ comb, a fish of the perch family ʼ, awāṇ. kaghī ʻ comb ʼ; P. kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb ʼ, °ghī f. ʻ small comb for men, large one for women ʼ (→ H. kaṅghā m. ʻ man's comb ʼ, °gahī, °ghī f. ʻ woman's ʼ, kaṅghuā m. ʻ rake or harrow ʼ; Bi. kãga hī ʻ comb ʼ, Or. kaṅgei, M. kaṅgvā); -- G. kã̄gsī f. ʻ comb ʼ, with metath. kã̄sko m., °kī f.; WPah. khaś. kāgśī, śeu. kāśkī ʻ a comblike fern ʼ or < *kaṅkataśikha -- .WPah.kṭg. kaṅgi f. ʻ comb ʼ; J. kāṅgṛu m. ʻ small comb ʼ.(CDIAL 2598)
Rebus: large furnace, fireplace: kang कंग् । आवसथ्यो &1;ग्निः m. the fire-receptacle or fire-place, kept burning in former times in the courtyard of a Kāshmīrī house for the benefit of guests, etc., and distinct from the three religious domestic fires of a Hindū; (at the present day) a fire-place or brazier lit in the open air on mountain sides, etc., for the sake of warmth or for keeping off wild beasts. nāra-kang, a fire-receptacle; hence, met. a shower of sparks (falling on a person) (Rām. 182). kan:gar `portable furnace' (Kashmiri)Cf. kã̄gürü, which is the fem. of this word in a dim. sense (Gr.Gr. 33, 7). kã̄gürü काँग्् or
kã̄gürü काँग or kã̄gar काँग््र्् । हसब्तिका f. (sg. dat. kã̄grĕ काँग्र्य or kã̄garĕ काँगर्य , abl. kã̄gri काँग्रि ), the portable brazier, or kāngrī, much used in Kashmīr (K.Pr. kángár, 129, 131, 178; káṅgrí, 5, 128, 129). For particulars see El. s.v. kángri; L. 7, 25, kangar;and K.Pr. 129. The word is a fem. dim. of kang, q.v. (Gr.Gr. 37). kã̄gri-khŏphürü kã̄gri-khŏphürü काँग्रि-ख्वफ््&above;रू&below; । भग्ना काष्ठाङ्गारिका f. a worn-out brazier. -khôru -खोरु&below; । काष्ठाङ्गारिका<-> र्धभागः m. the outer half (made of woven twigs) of a brazier, remaining after the inner earthenware bowl has been broken or removed; see khôru. -kŏnḍolu -क्वंड । हसन्तिकापात्रम् m. the circular earthenware bowl of a brazier, which contains the burning fuel. -köñü -का&above;ञू&below; । हसन्तिकालता f. the covering of woven twigs outside the earthenware bowl of a brazier.
It is an archaeometallurgical challenge to trace the Maritime Tin Route from the tin belt of the world on Mekong River delta in the Far East and trace the contributions made by seafaring merchants of Meluhha in reaching the tin mineral resource to sustain the Tin-Bronze Age which was a revolution unleashed ca. 5th millennium BCE. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-corpora-as-catalogus.html
Phal. kāṅga ʻ combing ʼ in ṣiṣ k° dūm ʻI comb my hairʼ khyḗṅgia, kēṅgī f.;
kaṅghā m. ʻ large comb (Punjabi) káṅkata m. ʻ comb ʼ AV., n. lex., °tī -- , °tikã -- f. lex. 2. *kaṅkaṭa --
Rebus: large furnace, fireplace: kang कंग् । आवसथ्यो &1;ग्निः m. the fire-receptacle or fire-place, kept burning in former times in the courtyard of a Kāshmīrī house for the benefit of guests, etc., and distinct from the three religious domestic fires of a Hindū; (at the present day) a fire-place or brazier lit in the open air on mountain sides, etc., for the sake of warmth or for keeping off wild beasts. nāra-kang, a fire-receptacle; hence, met. a shower of sparks (falling on a person) (Rām. 182). kan:gar `portable furnace' (Kashmiri)Cf. kã̄gürü, which is the fem. of this word in a dim. sense (Gr.Gr. 33, 7). kã̄gürü काँग्् or
kã̄gürüकाँग or kã̄gar काँग््र्् । हसब्तिका f. (sg. dat. kã̄grĕ काँग्र्य or kã̄garĕ काँगर्य , abl. kã̄gri काँग्रि ), the portable brazier, or kāngrī, much used in Kashmīr (K.Pr. kángár, 129, 131, 178; káṅgrí, 5, 128, 129). For particulars see El. s.v. kángri; L. 7, 25, kangar;and K.Pr. 129. The word is a fem. dim. of kang, q.v. (Gr.Gr. 37). kã̄gri-khŏphürü kã̄gri-khŏphürü काँग्रि-ख्वफ््&above;रू&below; । भग्ना काष्ठाङ्गारिका f. a worn-out brazier. -khôru -खोरु&below; । काष्ठाङ्गारिका<-> र्धभागः m. the outer half (made of woven twigs) of a brazier, remaining after the inner earthenware bowl has been broken or removed; see khôru. -kŏnḍolu -क्वंड । हसन्तिकापात्रम् m. the circular earthenware bowl of a brazier, which contains the burning fuel. -köñü -का&above;ञू&below; । हसन्तिकालता f. the covering of woven twigs outside the earthenware bowl of a brazier.
It is an archaeometallurgical challenge to trace the Maritime Tin Route from the tin belt of the world on Mekong River delta in the Far East and trace the contributions made by seafaring merchants of Meluhha in reaching the tin mineral resource to sustain the Tin-Bronze Age which was a revolution unleashed ca. 5th millennium BCE. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-corpora-as-catalogus.html
kã̄gürü
It is an archaeometallurgical challenge to trace the Maritime Tin Route from the tin belt of the world on Mekong River delta in the Far East and trace the contributions made by seafaring merchants of Meluhha in reaching the tin mineral resource to sustain the Tin-Bronze Age which was a revolution unleashed ca. 5th millennium BCE. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/08/indus-script-corpora-as-catalogus.html
8. A pair of fishes ayo 'fish' (Mu.); rebus: ayo 'metal, iron' (Gujarati); ayas 'metal' (Sanskrit)
9.A pair of buffaloes tethered to a post-standard kāṛā ‘buffalo’ கண்டி kaṇṭi buffalo bull (Tamil); rebus: kaṇḍ 'stone ore'; kāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’; kaṇḍ ‘furnace, fire-altar, consecrated fire’.
10. A pair of birds Rebus 1: kōḍi. [Tel.] n. A fowl, a bird. (Telugu) Rebus: khōṭ ‘alloyed ingots’. Rebus 2: kol ‘the name of a bird, the Indian cuckoo’ (Santali) kol 'iron, smithy, forge'. Rebus 3: baṭa = quail (Santali) Rebus: baṭa = furnace, kiln (Santali) bhrāṣṭra = furnace (Skt.) baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭa ‘furnace’ (Gujarati)
11. The buffaloes, birds flank a post-standard with curved horns on top of a stylized 'eye' PLUS 'eyebrows' with one-horn on either side of two faces
ṭhaṭera ‘buffalo horns’. ṭhaṭerā ‘brass worker’ (Punjabi)
Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye. Rebus: kanga ' large portable brazier, fire-place' (Kashmiri).Thus the stylized standard is read rebus: Hieroglyph components:kanga + ṭhaṭerā 'one eye + buffalo horn' Rebus: kanga 'large portable barzier' (Kashmiri) + ṭhaṭerā ‘brass worker’ (Punjabi)
Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string.Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Tu. kaṇṇů eye, nipple, star in peacock's feather, rent, tear. Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather. Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave. Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Nk. (Ch.) kan (pl. -l) eye. Pa.(S. only) kan (pl. kanul) eye. Ga. (Oll.) kaṇ (pl. kaṇkul) id.; kaṇul maṭṭa eyebrow; kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole; (S.) kanu (pl. kankul) eye. Go. (Tr.) kan (pl.kank) id.; (A.) kaṛ (pl. kaṛk) id. Konḍa kaṇ id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi(F.) kannū (pl. kar&nangle;ka), (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. Kur. xann eye, eye of tuber; xannērnā (of newly born babies or animals) to begin to see, have the use of one's eyesight (for ērnā, see 903). Malt. qanu eye. Br. xan id., bud. (DEDR 1159) kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV. Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa, °ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Wg. kŕãmacrdotdot;, Pr. k&schwatildemacr;, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260,kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. kã̄&rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu;A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān, °nā, kanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. °ni, kanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān,°nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ.(CDIAL 3019) Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.(Konkani)
Paš. ainċ -- gánik ʻ eyelid ʼ(CDIAL 3999) Phonetic reinforcement of the gloss: Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye.
See also: nimišta kanag 'to write' (SBal): *nipēśayati ʻ writes ʼ. [√piś] Very doubtful: Kal.rumb. Kho. nivḗš -- ʻ to write ʼ more prob. ← EPers. Morgenstierne BSOS viii 659. <-> Ir. pres. st. *nipaiš -- (for *nipais -- after past *nipišta -- ) in Yid. nuviš -- , Mj. nuvuš -- , Sang. Wkh. nəviš -- ; -- Aś. nipista<-> ← Ir. *nipista -- (for *nipišta -- after pres. *nipais -- ) in SBal. novīsta or nimišta kanag ʻ to write ʼ.(CDIAL 7220)
Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye. Rebus: kanga ' large portable brazier, fire-place' (Kashmiri).
Thus the stylized standard is read rebus: Hieroglyph components:kanga + ṭhaṭerā 'one eye + buffalo horn' Rebus: kanga 'large portable barzier' (Kashmiri) + ṭhaṭerā ‘brass worker’ (Punjabi)
Ta. kaṇ eye, aperture, orifice, star of a peacock's tail. Ma. kaṇ, kaṇṇu eye, nipple, star in peacock's tail, bud. Ko. kaṇ eye. To. koṇ eye, loop in string.Ka. kaṇ eye, small hole, orifice. Koḍ. kaṇṇï id. Tu. kaṇṇů eye, nipple, star in peacock's feather, rent, tear. Te. kanu, kannu eye, small hole, orifice, mesh of net, eye in peacock's feather. Kol. kan (pl. kanḍl) eye, small hole in ground, cave. Nk. kan (pl. kanḍḷ) eye, spot in peacock's tail. Nk. (Ch.) kan (pl. -l) eye. Pa.(S. only) kan (pl. kanul) eye. Ga. (Oll.) kaṇ (pl. kaṇkul) id.; kaṇul maṭṭa eyebrow; kaṇa (pl. kaṇul) hole; (S.) kanu (pl. kankul) eye. Go. (Tr.) kan (pl.kank) id.; (A.) kaṛ (pl. kaṛk) id. Konḍa kaṇ id. Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) id. Manḍ. kan (pl. -ke) id. Kui kanu (pl. kan-ga), (K.) kanu (pl. kaṛka) id. Kuwi(F.) kannū (pl. kar&nangle;ka), (S.) kannu (pl. kanka), (Su. P. Isr.) kanu (pl. kaṇka) id. Kur. xann eye, eye of tuber; xannērnā (of newly born babies or animals) to begin to see, have the use of one's eyesight (for ērnā, see 903). Malt. qanu eye. Br. xan id., bud. (DEDR 1159) kāṇá ʻ one -- eyed ʼ RV. Pa. Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ blind of one eye, blind ʼ; Ash. kã̄ṛa, °ṛī f. ʻ blind ʼ, Kt. kãŕ, Wg. kŕãmacrdotdot;, Pr. k&schwatildemacr;, Tir. kāˊna, Kho. kāṇu NTS ii 260,kánu BelvalkarVol 91; K. kônu ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, S. kāṇo, L. P. kāṇã̄; WPah. rudh. śeu. kāṇā ʻ blind ʼ; Ku. kāṇo, gng. kã̄&rtodtilde; ʻ blind of one eye ʼ, N. kānu;A. kanā ʻ blind ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ; Or. kaṇā, f. kāṇī ʻ one -- eyed ʼ, Mth. kān, °nā, kanahā, Bhoj. kān, f. °ni, kanwā m. ʻ one -- eyed man ʼ, H. kān,°nā, G. kāṇũ; M. kāṇā ʻ one -- eyed, squint -- eyed ʼ; Si. kaṇa ʻ one -- eyed, blind ʼ. -- Pk. kāṇa -- ʻ full of holes ʼ, G. kāṇũ ʻ full of holes ʼ, n. ʻ hole ʼ (< ʻ empty eyehole ʼ? Cf. ã̄dhḷũ n. ʻ hole ʼ < andhala -- ).S.kcch. kāṇī f.adj. ʻ one -- eyed ʼ; WPah.kṭg. kaṇɔ ʻ blind in one eye ʼ, J. kāṇā; Md. kanu ʻ blind ʼ.(CDIAL 3019) Ko. kāṇso ʻ squint -- eyed ʼ.(Konkani)
Paš. ainċ -- gánik ʻ eyelid ʼ(CDIAL 3999) Phonetic reinforcement of the gloss: Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye.
See also: nimišta kanag 'to write' (SBal): *nipēśayati ʻ writes ʼ. [√piś] Very doubtful: Kal.rumb. Kho. nivḗš -- ʻ to write ʼ more prob. ← EPers. Morgenstierne BSOS viii 659. <-> Ir. pres. st. *nipaiš -- (for *nipais -- after past *nipišta -- ) in Yid. nuviš -- , Mj. nuvuš -- , Sang. Wkh. nəviš -- ; -- Aś. nipista<-> ← Ir. *nipista -- (for *nipišta -- after pres. *nipais -- ) in SBal. novīsta or nimišta kanag ʻ to write ʼ.(CDIAL 7220)
Paš. ainċ -- gánik ʻ eyelid ʼ(CDIAL 3999) Phonetic reinforcement of the gloss: Pe. kaṇga (pl. -ŋ, kaṇku) eye.
See also: nimišta kanag 'to write' (SBal): *nipēśayati ʻ writes ʼ. [√piś] Very doubtful: Kal.rumb. Kho. nivḗš -- ʻ to write ʼ more prob. ← EPers. Morgenstierne BSOS viii 659. <-> Ir. pres. st. *nipaiš -- (for *nipais -- after past *nipišta -- ) in Yid. nuviš -- , Mj. nuvuš -- , Sang. Wkh. nəviš -- ; -- Aś. nipista<-> ← Ir. *nipista -- (for *nipišta -- after pres. *nipais -- ) in SBal. novīsta or nimišta kanag ʻ to write ʼ.(CDIAL 7220)
Alternative: dol ‘eye’; Rebus: dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali)Alternative: kandi ‘hole, opening’ (Ka.)[Note the eye shown as a dotted circle on many Dilmun seals.]; kan ‘eye’ (Ka.); rebus: kandi (pl. –l) necklace, beads (Pa.);kaṇḍ 'stone ore' Alternative: kã̄gsī f. ʻcombʼ (Gujarati); rebus 1: kangar ‘portable furnace’ (Kashmiri); rebus 2: kamsa 'bronze'.
khuṇḍ ʻtethering peg or post' (Western Pahari) Rebus: kūṭa ‘workshop’; kuṭi= smelter furnace (Santali); Rebus 2: kuṇḍ 'fire-altar'
Why are animals shown in pairs?
dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Mu.)
khuṇḍ ʻtethering peg or post' (Western Pahari) Rebus: kūṭa ‘workshop’; kuṭi= smelter furnace (Santali); Rebus 2: kuṇḍ 'fire-altar'
Why are animals shown in pairs?
dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); rebus: dul ‘cast metal’ (Mu.)
Thus, all the hieroglyphs on the gold disc can be read as Indus writing related to one bronze-age artifact category: metalware catalog entries.
See: https://www.academia.edu/1898205/Potts_2010_-_Cylinder_seals_and_their_use_in_the_Arabian_Peninsula_AAE_21_ DT Potts, 2010 Cylnder seals and their use in Arabian Peninsula. After presenting the following figures of cylinder seals, DT Potts concludes:
"In conclusion, the number of seals discovered in eastern Arabia comes nowhere near the thousands known further north in the cuneiform-using heartland of the ancient Near East. Nevertheless, the apparent dearth of cylinder seals in the region is itself a relative estimation. Compared with the Indus Valley, eastern Iran, Central Asia and the Bronze Age Caucasus, the numbers are not insignificant. There is, however, a very clear fall-off in seal numbers...
as we move south from Failaka to Bahrain and eastern Saudi Arabia, and then from the central Persian Gulf to south-eastern Arabia, and again when one moves from the UAE to Oman. Stamp seal-using protocols are well known in the Indus Valley and on Bahrain⁄Failaka (Dilmun), and the relatively small number of cylinder seals south of Failaka raises the question of whether an ethnic ⁄linguistic factor might be involved in their frequency and distribution. On Failaka and Bahrain during the Bronze Age, for example, one might hypothesise that local Dilmunites used stamp seals in their own tradition, while ethnic Babylonians, or Dilmunites emulating Babylonian ways, used cylinder seals. The same may have been true in the Oman peninsula, but it seems more likely that cylinder seals there — some of which are almost certainly of local manufacture, to judge by their iconography — reflect emulation of what may have seemed to be a high status instrument of legal administration. Cylinder seals may have been sought after as prestige objects by local east Arabians, and their presence might not necessarily signal the presence of foreigners or the adoption of sealing protocols using the cylinder rather than the stamp seal. The influence of the Harappan and Dilmunite stamp sealing traditions must have been great during the Bronze Age, and the development of an indigenous stamp sealing tradition in Oman at this time may be a reflection of that influence. (Potts, DT, 2010, Cylinder seals and their use in the Arabian Peninsula, Arab arch epig. 2010: 21: 20-40, p.37). koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'treasurer, warehouse' . मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda)
मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda)
kola 'tiger' rebus: kol 'working in iron' mlekh 'goat' rebus:milakkhu 'copper' barad, balad 'ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin'
Fig. 6c offering table with hooves grasped/touched by bull-men or humans
Fig. 6e table grasped/touched by monkeys
Fig. 6a-e symbols/objects apparently placed on the table
Fig. 6a,c table apparently placed on a ‘podium’
कर्णक kárṇaka, kannā 'legs spread', 'rim of jar', ' pericarp of lotus' karaṇī 'scribe, supercargo', kañi-āra 'helmsman'.kanḍo stool, seat. (DEDR 1179) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar' (Santali) kāṇḍa ' tools, pots and pans and metal-ware'
koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'treasurer, warehouse' . मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.M
करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं ) A kid. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) khaNDa 'divisions' Rebus: khANDa 'implements'
ull-man standing on a hatched podium Fig. 4b, f bull-man holding/touching a ‘ritual’ object or a branch; Fig. 4a, c-d bull-man grasping an animal; Fig. 4b : bull-man holding/touching a ‘ritual’ object or a branch
karaDi 'safflower' Rebus: karaDa 'hard alloy' (Marathi); khaNDa 'divisions' Rebus: khANDa 'implements' koThAri 'crucible' Rebus: koThAri 'treasurer, warehouse' . मेढ (p. 662) [ mēḍha ] 'polar' star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.M
करडूं or करडें (p. 137)
करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं ) A kid. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi)
करडूं or करडें (p. 137) [ karaḍū or ṅkaraḍēṃ ] n A kid. कराडूं (p. 137) [ karāḍūṃ ] n (Commonly करडूं ) A kid. (Marathi) Rebus: करडा (p. 137) [ karaḍā ] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'
barad, balad, 'ox' rebus: bharat 'alloy of pewter, copper, tin'
meṭ sole of foot, footstep, footprint (Ko.); meṭṭu step, stair, treading, slipper (Te.)(DEDR 1557). dula ‘pair’.
Rebus: dul 'metal casting'
Rebus: dul 'metal casting'
Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) dul meṛed, cast iron (Mu.) mẽṛhẽt baṭi = iron (Ore) furnaces (Santali)
kuDi 'drink' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' khaNDa 'water' rebus: khaNDa 'implements'
“Recent excavations on the island of Bahrain have uncovered a seal impression similar to a stamped seal tablet in the Yale Babylonian Collection. This Yale impression is dated to the tenth year of Gungunum, King of Larsa, in southern Babylonia – that is 1923 BCE. The Bahrain seal was found in a Barbar culture level, partially contemporary with the Umm an-Nar culture of Oman, which can in turn be paralled at Bampur V with the incised ware (‘hut-pot’) motifs. The general evidence, thus, points to a date c. 1900 BCE for the terminus of the Bampur sequence, and for the date of the Kurab shaft-hole pick-axe.” (Lamberg-Karlovsky, GC, 1969, Further Notes on the Shaft Hole Pick Axe From Khurab MakranIran, Vol. 7, 1969, pp 163-164) http://www.jstor.org/stable/4299621 .British Institute of Persian Studies
https://www.scribd.com/doc/315224554/Further-Notes-on-the-Shaft-Hole-Pick-Axe-From-Khurab-Makran-G-C-Lamberg-Karlovsky-Year-1969Many sites on the Gulf of Khambat, and the site of Lothal evidence that the Sarasvati civilization was involved in trade through the Persian Gulf and beyond through Tigris-Euphrates upto Haifa, Israel in Ancient Near East.
m417 Glyph: ‘ladder’: H. sainī, senī f. ʻ ladder ʼ Rebus: Pa. sēṇi -- f. ʻ guild, division of army ʼ; Pk. sēṇi -- f. ʻ row, collection ʼ; śrḗṇi (metr. often śrayaṇi -- ) f. ʻ line, row, troop ʼ RV. The lexeme in Tamil means: Limit, boundary; எல்லை. நளியிரு முந்நீரேணி யாக (புறநா. 35, 1). Country, territory.
Ash. ċeitr ʻ ladder ʼ (< *ċaitr -- dissim. from ċraitr -- ?).(CDIAL 12720)*śrēṣṭrī2 ʻ line, ladder ʼ. [For mng. ʻ line ʼ conn. with √śriṣ 2 cf. śrḗṇi -- ~ √śri. -- See śrití -- . -- √śriṣ 2 ]
Pk. sēḍhĭ̄ -- f. ʻ line, row ʼ (cf. pasēḍhi -- f. ʻ id. ʼ. -- < EMIA. *sēṭhī -- sanskritized as śrēḍhī -- , śrēṭī -- , śrēḍī<-> (Col.), śrēdhī -- (W.) f. ʻ a partic. progression of arithmetical figures ʼ); K. hēr, dat. °ri f. ʻ ladder ʼ.(CDIAL 12724) rebus: Seṭṭhi [fr. seṭṭha, Sk. śreṣṭhin] foreman of a guild, treasurer, banker, "City man", wealthy merchant Vin i. 15 sq., 271 sq.; ii. 110 sq., 157; S i. 89; J i. 122;ii. 367 etc.; Rājagaha˚ the merchant of Rājagaha Vin ii. 154; J iv. 37; Bārāṇasi˚ the merchant of Benares J i. 242, 269; jana -- pada -- seṭṭhi a commercial man of the country J iv. 37; seṭṭhi gahapati Vin i. 273; S i. 92; there were families of seṭṭhis Vin i. 18; J iv. 62; ˚ -- ṭṭhāna the position of a seṭṭhi J ii. 122, 231; hereditary J i. 231, 243; ii. 64; iii. 475; iv. 62 etc.; seṭṭhânuseṭṭhī treasurers and under -- treasurers Vin i. 18; see Vinaya Texts i. 102.
Seṭṭhitta (nt.) [abstr. fr. seṭṭhi] the office of treasurer or (wholesale) merchant S
The glyphics are:
Semantics: ‘group of animals/quadrupeds’: paśu ‘animal’ (RV), pasaramu, pasalamu = an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped (Te.) Rebus: pasra ‘smithy’ (Santali)
Glyph: ‘six’: bhaṭa ‘six’. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’.
Glyph (the only inscription on the Mohenjo-daro seal m417): ‘warrior’: bhaṭa. Rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace’. Thus, this glyph is a semantic determinant of the message: ‘furnace’. It appears that the six heads of ‘animal’ glyphs are related to ‘furnace’ work.
This guild, community of smiths and masons evolves into Harosheth Hagoyim, ‘a smithy of nations’.
It appears that the Meluhhans were in contact with many interaction areas, Dilmun and Susa (elam) in particular. There is evidence for Meluhhan settlements outside of Meluhha. It is a reasonable inference that the Meluhhans with bronze-age expertise of creating arsenical and bronze alloys and working with other metals constituted the ‘smithy of nations’, Harosheth Hagoyim.
Dilmun seal from Barbar; six heads of antelope radiating from a circle; similar to animal protomes in Failaka, Anatolia and Indus. Obverse of the seal shows four dotted circles. [Poul Kjærum , The Dilmun Seals as evidence of long distance relations in the early second millennium BC, pp. 269-277.] A tree is shown on this Dilmun seal.
Glyph: ‘tree’: kuṭi ‘tree’. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali).
It appears that the Meluhhans were in contact with many interaction areas, Dilmun and Susa (elam) in particular. There is evidence for Meluhhan settlements outside of Meluhha. It is a reasonable inference that the Meluhhans with bronze-age expertise of creating arsenical and bronze alloys and working with other metals constituted the ‘smithy of nations’, Harosheth Hagoyim.
Dilmun seal from Barbar; six heads of antelope radiating from a circle; similar to animal protomes in Failaka, Anatolia and Indus. Obverse of the seal shows four dotted circles. [Poul Kjærum , The Dilmun Seals as evidence of long distance relations in the early second millennium BC, pp. 269-277.] A tree is shown on this Dilmun seal.
Glyph: ‘tree’: kuṭi ‘tree’. Rebus: kuṭhi ‘smelter furnace’ (Santali).
baTa 'six' Rebus: bhaTa 'furnace' ranku 'antelope' Rebus: ranku 'tin'
Izzat Allah Nigahban, 1991, Excavations at Haft Tepe, Iran, The University Museum, UPenn, p. 97. furnace’ Fig.96a.
There is a possibility that this seal impression from Haft Tepe had some connections with Indian hieroglyphs. This requires further investigation. “From Haft Tepe (Middle Elamite period, ca. 13th century) in Ḵūzestān an unusual pyrotechnological installation was associated with a craft workroom containing such materials as mosaics of colored stones framed in bronze, a dismembered elephant skeleton used in manufacture of bone tools, and several hundred bronze arrowpoints and small tools. “Situated in a courtyard directly in front of this workroom is a most unusual kiln. This kiln is very large, about 8 m long and 2 and one half m wide, and contains two long compartments with chimneys at each end, separated by a fuel chamber in the middle. Although the roof of the kiln had collapsed, it is evident from the slight inturning of the walls which remain in situ that it was barrel vaulted like the roofs of the tombs. Each of the two long heating chambers is divided into eight sections by partition walls. The southern heating chamber contained metallic slag, and was apparently used for making bronze objects. The northern heating chamber contained pieces of broken pottery and other material, and thus was apparently used for baking clay objects including tablets . . .” (loc.cit. Bronze in pre-Islamic Iran, Encyclopaedia Iranica, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bronze-i Negahban, 1977; and forthcoming).
Izzat Allah Nigahban, 1991, Excavations at Haft Tepe, Iran, The University Museum, UPenn, p. 97. furnace’ Fig.96a.
There is a possibility that this seal impression from Haft Tepe had some connections with Indian hieroglyphs. This requires further investigation. “From Haft Tepe (Middle Elamite period, ca. 13th century) in Ḵūzestān an unusual pyrotechnological installation was associated with a craft workroom containing such materials as mosaics of colored stones framed in bronze, a dismembered elephant skeleton used in manufacture of bone tools, and several hundred bronze arrowpoints and small tools. “Situated in a courtyard directly in front of this workroom is a most unusual kiln. This kiln is very large, about 8 m long and 2 and one half m wide, and contains two long compartments with chimneys at each end, separated by a fuel chamber in the middle. Although the roof of the kiln had collapsed, it is evident from the slight inturning of the walls which remain in situ that it was barrel vaulted like the roofs of the tombs. Each of the two long heating chambers is divided into eight sections by partition walls. The southern heating chamber contained metallic slag, and was apparently used for making bronze objects. The northern heating chamber contained pieces of broken pottery and other material, and thus was apparently used for baking clay objects including tablets . . .” (loc.cit. Bronze in pre-Islamic Iran, Encyclopaedia Iranica, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bronze-i Negahban, 1977; and forthcoming).
Stamp seals with figures and animals as Indus Script hieroglyphs
a. Dia 2.9 cm thickness 1.25 cm Gulf region, Bahrain, Karrana, Bahrain national Museum, Manama 4061
b. Dia 2.4 cm thickness 1.15 cm Gulf region, Bahrain, Karrana, Bahrain national Museum, Manama 4054
c. Dia 3 cm thickness 1.3 cm Gulf region, Failaka, Tell Sa’ad, F3, trench I, nu National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum 881 AIT
d. Dia 6.5 cm thickness 3 cm. Gulf region, Failaka, Tell Sa’ad, F3, trench I, nu National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum
e. Dia 2.8 cm thickness 1.3 cm Gulf region, Failaka, Tell Sa’ad, F3, trench I, nu National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum
f. Dia 2.5 cm thickness 1.3 cm Gulf region, Failaka, Tell Sa’ad, F3, trench I, nu National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum 881 UK
g. Dia 3.5 cm thickness 1.25 cm Gulf region, Failaka, Tell Sa’ad, F3, trench I, nu National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum 1129 CE.
“A number of decorative elements on the seals excavated at Bahrain and Failaka – two islands in the Gulf, which have been identified with the legendary kingdom of Dilmun – can be traced to Mesopotamia, Iran, the Indus Valley, Anatolia, and Central Asia. The cultural influences that these foreign motifs reflect stemmed from the maritime trade that connected the far-flung cities of the region beginning about 2500 BCE and lasting until about 1500 BCE. Epigraphic evidence from dated seal impressions and tablets found at Susa and Ur suggests that the Dilmun stamp seals, with their distinctive shape, were made between the end of the third millennium BCE and the early second millennium BCE. They are characterized by a flat obverse and a hemispherical reverse. Their backs are pierced for suspension and scored with multiple grooves at right angles to the piercing. Pairs of concentric circles are placed symmetrically on eithr side of the groose. Other characteristic features of the Dilmun glyptic include the manner in which animals and human figures are depicted. Deep cavities mark the eyes of animals, and there is no indication of a pupil; human figures, seen in profile, have linear bodies and stylized facial features rendered with horizontal lines. Foreign decorative elements on Dilmun seals include typical third-millennium BCE Mesopotamian imagery centered on male figures engaged in a rich repertoire of activities, including presentations in which local gods are occasionally adorned with the Mesopotamian horned crown as protectors of the flock; in contests with animals (see nos. 220d,e). In these scenes the adaptation of Mesopotamian dress, horned crown, bull-men (see no. 220c), standards, and lyres with taurine sound boxes (see no. 220f) indicates a close contact between the two regions and may signify a spiritual affinity. In catalogue number 220a a seated figure holds an axelike tool in one hand and reaches for the hand of a standing winged creature, possibly a deity, with the other. Similar winged figures on seals dating to the third millennium BCE are known from both Mesopotamia and Central Asia. The northern connection is underscored in this image by a solitary foot (here with four toes), a motif known from Central Asia and Syria and Iran. Two more seemingly unrelated elements – a bird and a gazelle – complete the composition. Ships and boats are a common theme. In catalogue number 220b the image can be interpreted as a variation of the Mesopotamian contest scene. Here, the central figure dressed in a tufted garment stands in a boat. He graps the animal’s foreleg with one hand, while the other is extended towards a companion figure. The craft resembles the modern-day mashluf – a small boat with a rather shallow draft, ideal for marsh travel. The boat with its upturned stern is reminiscent of vessels depicted in the earlier seals of Ur, a motif rarely occurring the second-millennium BCE Mesopotamian glyptic. The Mesopotamian pictorial repertoire is again reflected on a Dilmun seal showing two figures in an architectural setting (cat. No. 220c). The motif may best be compared with that of an early Old Babylonian seal in the Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven, where suppliant deities and worshippers face an altar within a temple. They raise their hands in a gesture of respect toward a star standard on a podium. On the roof are two winged creatures and two vertical snakes that may be grasping. Two nude, double-belted fantastic beings with what seems to be three horns flank the structure and repeate the central worshippers’ gestures. Local decorative motifs such as a rosette, three stars, and two tree branches complete the harmonious, almost symmetrical composition that is so typical of later Dilmun seals. Mesopotamian banquet imagery occurs on three seals. In catalogue number 220e a high podium on which a small jar is placed separates two seated figures who confront each other. One of them is drinking through a long straw from a jar comparable in size to the one on the podium. This drinking scene closely parallels the image on a sealing dated to the reign of Gungunum of Larsa. Such drinking scenes must have had propitious significance for local Dilmunite seal owners. On a second seal with banquet imagery – by far the largest of the seven seals discussed here – two men dressed in tiered, flounced skirts face eath other (cat. No. 220d). Seated on rectangular stols, they are flanked by a ladder and a bird; between them are four vessels beneath a crescent and a star. Below, occupying most of the seal’s surface, are two vertical rows of bovids and recumbent antelopes. Two human figures, one nude, the other clothed, each raise one hand. On the third seal a seated man plays a three-stringed lyre (cat. No. 220f). The sound box is similar to Mesopotamian examples, such as those excavated from the royal tombs of Ur and those depicted on the Standard of Ur and in glyptic art. On preserved Mesopotamian lyres, bulls’ heads decorate the boxes, but in the present example the artists has created the music box out of the body of a bull so that its back acts as a strut – a detail paralleled on a stele from Tello, where the sound box of a lyre is formed by two superimposed bulls, one in profile. Seals with a radial composition form a distinct group. An example in this exhibition (cat. No. 220g) displays six antelope heads radiating like a six-pointed star from a central point. This decoration closely resembles that on sealings excavated at the early-second-millennium BCE site of Acemhovuk, in central Anatolia. Similar compositions are recorded earlier, however, at the site of Mohenjo-daro in the Indus Valley.
(Art of the First Cities: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean to the Indus, Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp.320-321)
“218. Cylinder seal with confronted figures and a tree. Steatite h 2.2 cm dia 1.15 cm Gulf region, Failaka F6 1174 Early Dilmun ca. 2000-1800 BCE National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters, Kuwait National Museum 1129 AXJ. The cylindrical form and the imagery of the seal exhibited here clearly illustrate how strong was Mesopotamian influence on the glyptic art of the Gulf. The image is a crude imitation of a Mesopotamian banquet scene. Two figures are seated on stools, which have been made to differ slightly by the addition of a second horizontal bar to one on the right. Horned headdresses identify the figures as deities. They are dressed in garments with tufts, indicated by the vertical striations, and their lower bodies appear exaggeratedly triangular. A crescent fills the space above and between them. Two nude worshippers, each of whom holds a crescent, flank a stylized tree, perhaps a date palm. Although the scene may have Mesopotamian roots, the peculiar details of the tree and the manner in which the humans are depicted – with elongated bodies and horizontal facial features – are typical of Gulf seals. This seal has counterparts at Susa, in Iran, where similarly nude worshippers are shown in front of enthroned deities.”(Art of the First Cities: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean to the Indus, Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp.318-319)
“221. Stamp seal with a boat scene. Steatite. L. 2 cm, w. 1.9 cm Gulf region, Failaka, F6 758 early Dilmun, ca. 2000-1800 BCE National Council of Culture, Arts, and Letters, Kuwait National Museum, 1129 ADY. This seal from Failaka island, at the head of the Gulf, is unusual in shape, as it is square rather than circular possibly alluding to the most common form of Harappan seals. The subject is a nude male figure standing in the middle of a flat-bottomed boat, facing right. The man’s arms are bent at the elbow, perpendicular to his torso. Beside him two jars stand on the deck of the boat, each containing a long pole to which is attached a hatched square that perhaps represents a banner. Flat-bottomed vessels with a single sail were used to transport cargoes in shallow tidal waters, but the one illustrated on this seal lacks a sail. If the two vertical posts on the stern are interpreted as steering paddles, then it resembles a model found in India at Lothal, which appears to have had square sails. Although the seal’s shape is atypical, all the decorative elements, including the boat and the two jars, find parallels on other seals from Dilmun, indicating that this one was made in the region where it was found.” (Note: On the Lothal boat model, three blind holes used as sockets may have held the masts of square-shaped sails.)(Art of the First Cities: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean to the Indus, Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp.322-323)
Early Near Eastern Seals in the Yale Babylonian Collection, by Briggs Buchanan, with introduction and seal inscriptions by William W. Hallo, edited by Ulla Kasten. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1981.
Uruk-period seal (NBC 2579).
Seal no. 79 Persian gulf cylinder seal with seated person. Burnt steatite. H. 2.7 cm, dia 1.4 cm; string hole .3 cm Late 3rd-early 2nd millennium BCE Sb 1383 Excavated by Mecquenem. “The Mesopotamian influence on glyptic from the Persian gulf area is very clearly demonstrated in this example, one of the few cylinder seals executed in this distinctive style. Close parallels are found at Failaka, in the Gulf. Adopted here are not only the Mesopotamian cylinder-seal shape but also the theme of a worshipper standing before a seated horned deity in a flounced (?) garment and a version of the context scene with crossed animals. Pecular iconographic details also appear, however, such as the nude worshipper with his hand in a pot; the two ‘master of animals’, one nude and one kilted, grasping the animals’ necks; and the snake framing the scene from above. Glyptic and textual evidence suggests that the cities of Susa and Ur were trading centers in close contact with ancient Dilmun, located in the Persian Gulf. This contact, however, does not seem to have been limited to an exchange of goods. Francois Vallat has noted, the chief god of Dilmun, was one of a triad of deities worshipped on the Susa Acropole in the eighteenth century BCE. Persian Gulf-style seals found at Susa and other foreign sites with Mesopotamian and Indus-derived themes incorporated into their iconography were created, some scholars believe, for Dilmunite traders living abroad.” (The Royal City of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre By Musée du Louvre, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992, p.120)
ingot
. Thus copper ingot. The dotted circles and three lines on the boss: dhAv 'strand' rebus: dhAv, dhAtu 'mineral' kolom 'three' rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge' tri-dhAtu 'three strands' rebus: three minerals. Thus the seal signifies a copper mineral cast ingot and a smithy/forge working with three minerals, tridhAtu. Seal of the old Elamite period in Metmuseum cat. no. 78 Persian Gulf stamp seal with two caprids. Burnt steatite. 2.2 cm. dia, .8 cm ht. Late 3rd -early 2nd millennium BCE Sb1015 Excavated by Mecquenem
The Royal City of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre By Musée du Louvre, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992 “Many objects found at Susa reflect contacts with the Persian Gulf region…A mercantile document and a basket sealing were stamped with Gulf-style seals. Elamite imitations of Gulf seals were made in the local bitumen compound. Perhaps the most characteristic type of Persian Gulf seal is illustrated by this piece, one of four burnt, (whitened) steatite stamp seals found at Susa that have distinctive grooves and dot circles incised on a raised boss on the back. The face of this seal is engraved with the figures of two goats crouching head to foot on opposite sides of the circular field, the center of which is marked by a lozenge. Their slightly modeled bodies are defined by a curving outline, and distinctive details, such as large dot-circle eyes and striated necks, are sharply cut. Similar seals are known mainly from the Gulf region (and one example was found at Lothal in India). They were also exported to, and imitated at, the southern Mesopotamian city of Ur, a site with cuneiform texts that refer to the import of copper, semiprecious stones, and perhaps pearls from Dilmun. They are datable to the end of the third and the beginning of the second millennium BCE. That is the period when one elaborate Persian Gulf seal depicting a a Mesopotamian-derived ‘banquet scene’ was stamped on an old Babylonian contract between two merchants. The tablet, written in the time of Gungunum, ruler of Larsa in the late twentieth century BCE, is in the Yale Babylonian Collection. The document from Susa mentioning a Dilmunite merchant and ten minas of copper dates to the same period.” (p.119)
karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kaNDa 'divisions' rebus: kaNDa 'implements' muh 'face' rebus: muhA 'quantity of smelted metal taken out of a furnace';'ingot' kaNDa 'water' rebus: kaNDA 'implements' kanda 'fire-altar' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'. dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' dhAV 'strand' rebus: dhAv 'mineral, dhAtu'
dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting' karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा [karaḍā] Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. (Marathi) kolmo 'rice plant' rebus:kolimi 'smithy, forge' kuTi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter' muh 'face' rebus: muhA 'quantity of smelted metal taken out of a furnace';'ingot' kaNDa 'water' rebus: kaNDA 'implements' kanda 'fire-altar' meD 'body' rebus: meD 'iron' karNaka 'spread legs' rebus: karNI 'supercargo'.dhAV 'strand' rebus: dhAv 'mineral, dhAtu'
Gadd, CJ, 1932, Seals of ancient Indian style found at Ur, in: Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932, Plate 1, no. 1. Gadd considered this an Indus seal because, 1) it was a square seal, comparable to hundreds of other Indus seals since it had a small pierced boss at the back through which a cord passed through for the owner to hold the seal in his or her possession; and 2) it had a hieroglyph of an ox, a characteristic animal hieroglyph deployed on hundreds of seals.
This classic paper by Cyril John Gadd F.B.A. who was a Professor Emeritus of Ancient Semitic Languages and Civilizations, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, opened up a new series of archaeological studies related to the trade contacts between Ancient Far East and what is now called Sarasvati-Sindhu (Hindu) civilization.
There is now consensus that Meluhhan communities were present in Ur III and also in Sumer/Elam/Mesopotamia. (Parpola S., A. Parpola & RH Brunswig, Jr., 1977, The Meluhha village. Evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia in: Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 20, 129-165.)
Use of rebus-metonymy layered cipher for the entire Indus Script Corpora as metalwork catalogs provides the framework for reopening the investigation afresh on the semantics of the cuneiform text on Gadd Seal 1, the Indus seal with cuneiform text.
This renewed attempt to decipher the inscription on the seal starts with a hypothesis that the cuneiform sign readings as: SAG KUSIDA. The ox is read rebus in Meluhha as: barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. The gloss bharata denoted metalcasting in general leading to the self-designation of metalworkers in Rigveda as Bharatam Janam, lit. metalcaster folk.
While SAG is a Sumerian word meaning 'head, principal' (detailed in Annex A), KUSIDA is a Meluhha word well-attested semantically in ancient Indian sprachbund of 4th millennium BCE. The semantics of the Meluhha gloss, kusida signifies: money-lender (Annex B). Thus SAG KUSIDA is a combined Sumerian-Meluhha phrase signifying 'principal of chief money-lender'. This could be a clear instance of Sumerian/Akkadian borrowing a Meluhha gloss.
SAG KUSIDA + ox hieroglyphon Gadd Seal 1, read rebus signifies: principal money-lender for bharata metal alloy artisans. This reading is consistent with the finding that the entire Indus Script Corpora are metalwork catalogs.
The money-lender who was the owner of the seal might have created seal impressions as his or her signature on contracts for moneys lent for trade transactions of seafaring merchants of Meluhha.
The Gadd Seal 1 of Ur is thus an example of acculturation of Sumerians/Akkadians in Ur with the Indus writing system and underlying Meluhha language of Meluhha seafaring merchants and Meluhha communities settled in Ur and other parts of Ancient Near East.
Annex A: Meaning of SAG 'head, principal' (Sumerian)
The Sumerians called themselves sag-giga, literally meaning "the black-headed people"
- phonetic values
- Sumerian: SAG, SUR14
- Akkadian: šag, šak, šaq, riš sign evolution
- 1. the pictogram as it was drawn around 3000 BC;
- 2. the rotated pictogram as written around 2800 BC;
- 3. the abstracted glyph in archaic monumental inscriptions, from ca. 2600 BC;
- 4. the sign as written in clay, contemporary to stage 3;
- 5. late 3rd millennium (Neo-Sumerian);
- 6. Old Assyrian, early 2nd millennium, as adopted into Hittite;
- 7. simplified sign as written by Assyrian scribes in the early 1st millennium.
Akkadian Etymology
From Proto-Semitic *raʾš-.
Noun
𒊕 (rēšu, qaqqadu) [SAG]
Sumerian:
(SAG)
Derived terms[edit]
- SAG(.KAL) "first one"
- (LÚ.)SAG a palace official
- ZARAḪ=SAG.PA.LAGAB "lamentation, unrest"
- SAG.DUL a headgear
- SAG.KI "front, face, brow"
Sag.ur.Sag is interpreted as “ Chief warrior” (www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/10.1086/677312.pdf http://www.angelfire.com/tx/tintirbabylon/ME.html)
Annex B: Meaning of kusīda 'money-lender'
कुशीदम् Usury; see कुसी. कुषीद a. Indifferent, inert. -दम् Usury. कुसितः 1 An inhabited country. -2 One who lives on usury; see कुसीद below. कुसितायी kusitāyī (= कुसीदायी).कुसी kusī (सि si) द d कुसी (सि) द a. Lazy, slothful. -दः (also written as कुशी-षी-द) A monkey-lender, usurer; Mbh.4.29. -दम् 1 Any loan or thing lent to be repaid with in- terest. -2 Lending money, usury, the profession of usury; कुसीदाद् दारिद्र्यं परकरगतग्रन्थिशमनात् Pt.1.11; Ms. 1.9;8.41; Y.1.119. -3 Red sandal wood. -Comp. -पथः usury, usurious interest; any interest exceeding 5 per cent; कृतानुसारादधिका व्यतिरिक्ता न सिध्यति कुसीदपथमा- हुस्तम् (पञ्चकं शतमर्हति) Ms.8.152. -वृद्धिः f. interest on money; कुसीदवृद्धिर्द्वैगुण्यं नात्येति सकृदाहृता Ms.8.151. कुसीदा kusīdā कुसीदा A female usurer. कुसीदायी kusīdāyī कुसीदायी The wife of a usurer. कुसीदिकः kusīdikḥ कुसीदिन् kusīdin कुसीदिकः कुसीदिन् m. A usurer. (Samskritam. Apte) kúsīda ʻ lazy, inert ʼ TS. Pa. kusīta -- ʻ lazy ʼ, kōsajja -- n. ʻ sloth ʼ (EWA i 247 < *kausadya -- ?); Si. kusī ʻ weariness ʼ ES 26, but rather ← Pa.(CDIAL 3376). FBJ Kuiper identifies as a 'borrowed' word in Indo-Aryan which in the context of Indus Script decipherment is denoted by Meluhha as Proto-Prakritam: the gloss kusīda 'money-lender'. (Kuiper, FBJ, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit, Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uit. Mij.; Kuiper, FBJ, 1955, Rigvedic loan-words in: O. Spies (ed.) Studia Indologica. Festschrift fur Willibald Kirfel Vollendung Seines 70. Lebensjahres. Bonn: Orientalisches Seminar; Kuiper, FBJ, 1991, Arans in the Rigveda, Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi).
Dilmun is a trading post on the 'Lower Sea'. In Mesopotamian mythology, Dilmun is the land of immortality, a favourite meeting place of the gods, which was visited by the hero Gilgamesh in his search for everlasting life. Inscriptions indicate that the ancestors of the Sumerians came from Dilmun, and it was here that they learnt the art of writing. We agree with S.N.Kramer's observations identifying Dilmun with the Sarasvati-Sindhu (Indus) valley. The God Enki is said to have given his son Inzak dominion over Dilmun. On the Lagash tablet (ca. 2520 BC) is recorded: "The ships of Dilmun from the foreign lands brought me woods". A document of ca. 1800 BC refers to an expedition "to Dilmun to buy copper there'. Sargon of Assyria (710 BC) notes that "he had received presents from the King of Dilmun, a land which lies like a fish, 60 hours away in the midst of the sea of the rising sun".
An Assurbanipal clay cylinder states: Dilmun ki s'a qabal ta_mtim s'apli_t (Dilmun is in the midst of the lower sea) (D.D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria, ARAB, II 970. A Ungnad, ZA 31 (1917): 34, 1.9. That Dilmun was a continental coastland may be surmised from Sargon II's great Display inscription: bi_t-ia-kin s'a kis'a_d na_r marrati adi pa_t Dilmun (Bi_t-Iakin which (extends) from the bank of the brackish river to the border of Dilmun)(Luckenbill, ARAB, 54 = 82 =99). Sargon II's inscription states: Upe_ri s'ar Dilmun s'a ma_la_k 30 be_ru ina qabal ta_mtim s'a nipih s'ams'i ki_ma nu_ni s'itkunu narbasu (Upe_ri, king of Dilmun, whose resting place is 30 double hours away like a fish in the midst of the ocean of the rising sun)(Luckenbill, ARAB, 41,70). During the reign of Sargon of Assyria, Dilmun and Magan are stated to be "on the farther side of the lower sea" and there is also a reference to the " sea of Magan" (J.Muhly, Copper and Tin, p. 226; W.F. Leeman, Foreign Trade, p. 81, n.11; M. Weitemeyer, Acta Orientalia, 27 (1964): 207; E. Weidner, AfO, 16 (1953): 5, 1.42). The timber for the boats in Bahrain always came from India. The name of the Meluhha-boat is magilum (Enki and the World Order 128).[Boats which plied on the Sindhu river are called mohanna.]
"The Ninevite Gigamesh Epic, composed probably at the end of the second millennium BC, has Utnapishtim settled "at the mouth of the rivers", taken by all commentators to be identical with Dilmun." (W.F.Albright, The Mouth of the Rivers, AJSL, 35 (1919): 161-195).
The mouth of the rivers may relate to the Rann of Kutch/Saurashtra lying at the mouth of the Sindhu and Sarasvati rivers. In the Sumerian myth Enki and Ninhursag, which recounts a Golden Age, paradise is described: "The crow screams not, the dar-bird cries not dar, the lion kills not... the ferry-man says not 'it's midnight', the herald circles not round himself, the singer says not elulam, at the outside of the city no shout resounds." The cry of the sea-faring boatmen in Indian languages on the west-coast is: e_le_lo!
Lines 123-129; and interpolation UET VI/1:
"Let me admire its green cedars. The (peole of the) lands Magan and Dilmun, Let them come to see me, Enki! Let the mooring posts beplaced for the Dilmun boats! Let the magilum-boats of Meluhha transport of gold and silver for exchange...The land Tukris' shall transport gold from Harali, lapis lazuli and bright... to you. The land Meluhha shall bring cornelian, desirable and precious sissoo-wood from Magan, excellent mangroves, on big ships The land Marhashi will (bring) precious stones, dushia-stones, (to hang) on the breast. The land Magan will bring copper, strong, mighty, diorite-stone, na-buru-stones, shumin-stones to you. The land of the Sea shall bring ebony, the embellishment of (the throne) of kingship to you. The land of the tents shall bring wool... The city, its dwellin gplaces shall be pleasant dwelling places, Dilmun, its dwelling place shall be a pleasant dwelling place. Its barley shall be fine barley, Its dates shall be very big dates! Its harvest shall be threefold. Its trees shall be ...-trees."
We postulate a hypothesis that Dilmun refers to the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization area and that MAR-TU refer to the people of Marusthali (the present-day Thar-Cholistan on the banks of the Sarasvati river.) In the context of the decipherment of the script inscriptions as lists of bronze-copper weapons, the following analysis based on Uruk texts is significant:
"Almost from the beginning of the excavations in the ruins of the old city of Uruk in Lower Mesopotamia in 1928, work has concentrated on uncovering large parts of the temple area of that city, the holy district of Eanna... It was in these various layers and accumulations of debris covering large parts of the Eanna district that over the years more than four thousand clay tablets and fragments were found... In the Archaic Metals List we again find DILMUN in a line which due to a common denominator proves to be part of an internally cohesive group of entries. The entire list starts out with a sequence of metal vessels and continues with metal tools and weapons. This group opens with a sequence of various daggers, continues with various groups of unidentified objects and from line 23 on shows five entries with the common denominator tun2, 'axe'. The lines read in tentative translation: 'big axe', 'two-handed axe', 'one-handed axe', 'x-axe', and 'Dilmun axe'. Here most likely the differentiation bears on differences in shape, size or function; the 'two-handed axe' may mean a double-edged axe, for instance. Again, if seen as a coherent context DILMUN may be used here as equivalent to 'Dilmun-type axe'. I do not think it could just refer to the provenance of an axe but rather to specific qualities... three texts clearly are dealing with textiles but only one of them has a context which might be interpreted; tentatively it reads' 1 bale of DILMUN garment'... as the title following the one containing the sign for DILMUN we find the comosite sign for namesda, the title of the opening line of the Archaic Professions list. It is supposed that this title represents the highest official. Probably without all connotations of the terms 'ruler' or 'king' it nevertheless should be fairly close. The preceding line contains a number of signs which if translated literally could mean 'the prince of the good Dilmun-house (or temple)'. The exact meaning is elusive. To sum up, from our texts we do not get an adequate picture of the relations of Babylonia, or the city of Uruk, with Dilmun. On a general level, however, we can conclude that not only did such relations exist already by the end of the fourth millennium BC, but that these contacts apparently were not restricted to trade. To be sure, the exchange of metal and ttextiles may represent the main ties, but the existence of titles containing Dilmun in their name in normal Babylonia contexts like the Professions List point to much closer mutual contacts that would be sustained by occasional trade. The same is suggested by the existence of DILMUN in generic designations for kinds of textiles or metal tools. We certainly are entitled to assume that these relations had existed long before the emergence of writing." [Hans J. Nissen, The occurrence of Dilmun in the Oldest texts of Mesopotamia, pp. 335-339].
In the Old Babylonian period, some Mesopotamian seals depict a deity holding a crook. (cf. Seal 124 in Macropoli Collection). The deity also appears with his foot on a gazelle, but sometimes on a small pedestal; he wears a long robe or a kilt and on his head a horned headdress or a tall cylindrical hat. He has been identified as the god AMURRU. In texts and cylinder seal impressions his name is written d/AN.MAR.TU or d/MAR.TU, i.e., AMURRU(M), 'GOD OF THE WEST' in Akkadian. He is often loosely called the god of the Amorites because of his association in texts with the desert and steppe. He became the son of Anu the sky god and was often associated with Sin the moon god. He was referred to as the warrior god. The association with the desert is remarkable. In the Sarasvati Sindhu valley area, the arid zone on the banks of the Sarasvati river is called MARUSTHALI (now called Thar/Cholistan or Great Indian Desert). And, MARUTS are celebrated in the Rigveda as wind-gods, echoing the phenomenon of the 'a_ndhi' or sandstorms common in the region of Thar/Cholistan desert.
"From the Ur III (2112-2004 BC) and Isin-Larsa (2025-1763) periods, we have a number of textual sources which suggest that an ethnic group of people called MAR-TU were associated with the land of Dilmun-- the first of three entities found to be trade partners with Mesopotamia from at least 2500 BC (the others being Makkan and Meluhha). From Drehem, a city near Nippur, we note the occurrence in two texts (dated to AS 2-2044 BC)(CST 254 and TRU 305) of a colophon which reads 'MAR-TU (and) Diviners coming from Dilmun' (or MAR-TU Diviners coming from Dilmun)(BUccellati 1966: 249)... In addition, other evidence suggests that the MAR-TU were associated with (sea) fishing (Civil 1961: Buccellati 1966: 90). Thus Buccellati and later Gelb concluded that the MAR-TU existed in the south in the area of the Gulf as far as Bahrain (Gelb 1968: 43; 1980: 2). Finally, this linkage is suggested by a text from Eshnunna, a Mesopotamian city on the Diyala river. In this text most likely dated to Is'aramas'u (c. 1970 BC) MAR-TU are arranged by segmented lineage affiliation (babtum). The total states that twenty-six MAR-TU are e-lu-tum-me, a term perhaps best translated as meaning' trustworthy' or 'reliable' vis-a-vis the local Eshnunna officials. One MAR-TU from the lineage of Bas'anum is said to be a-ab-ba-ta or 'from the sea (lands)' or the land across the sea (Gelb 1968: 43)... the newely discovered Ibla texts mention the MAR-TU principally in connection with metal daggers (Pettinato 180: 9 and commentary) and prisoners of war (Pettinato 1981b: 120, see text TM 75G.309). (Note also the MAR-TU name Iblanum as meaning man from Ibla, Buccellati 1966: 155, 246)... From the early second millennium BC, we have a much wider body of evidence dealing with the MAR-TU. This is due to the greatly increased numbers of MAR-TU escaping the hamad and entering the settled zones. As early as S'u-Sin year (2034 BC) we see that a large defensive wall was being built in central Mesopotamia for the express purpose of keeping out the MAR-TU (the MAR-TU wall (called) the one which keeps Didanum away, Buccellati 1966: 92). Unfortunately, by the early reign of the succeeding king, Ibbi-Si, things had changed:
Reports that hostiel MAR-TU had entered the plains having been received, 144,000 gur grain (representing) the grain in its entirety was brought into Isin. Now the MAR-TU in their entirety have entered the interior of the country taking one by one all the great fortresses. Because of the MAR-TU I am not able to provide... for that grain... (Jacobsen 1953: 40)
According to the year date of Ibbi-Sin 17, some of these MAR-TU apparently came from the Gulf region: 'The year the MAR-TU, the powerful south wind who, from the remote past, have not known cities, submitted to Ibbi-Sin, the king of Ur.' (cf. also Gelb's views, 1961: 36)... Oppenheim's review of UET V suggests that Ur apparently served as a focal point and port for foreign trade, specifically with Dilmun (Oppenheim 1954: 8, n.8). A number of texts describe this activity as traders called alik Dilmun sailed to Dilmun and exchanged goods. A number of texts (e.g. UET V 286, 297, 549 and 796) clearly demonstrate that individuals with MAR-TU names were involved in the trade (e.g. in UET V 297 a certain Zuabbaum; in UET V 549 a person named Milkudanum; and in UET V 796 Alazum). This then is a clear link between Dilmun and the MAR-TU-- a hypothesis already formulated from a number of literary texts and Ur III economic records... It seems clear in summary that the MAR-TU were linked to Dilmun in a political sense (rulers in southern Mesopotamian towns), commercial agents in Mesopotamia (alik Dilmun), and inhabitants of Dilmun itself (Susa Tablet, UET V 716).[Juris Zarins, MAR-TU and the land of Dilmun, 232-249 in: Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain through the ages: the archaeology, London, KPI, 1986.]
Sir Henry Rawlinson in 1880 suggested that Dilmun of the Sumerian and Akkadian texts might be identified with Bahrain island. This was on the basis of a stone cone found by Captain Durand during an archaeological survey of Bahrain in 1879, but later lost. The text related to the temple of Inzak, elsewhere known as the god of Dilmun. (Captain Durand, Extracts from Report on the Islands and Antiquities of Bahrain, with notes by Major-General Sir. H.C. Rawlinson, JRAS, N.S. 12 (1880): 189-227, with two maps. Also suggested by Fr. Hommel, Ethnologie und Geographie des Alten Orients, 1904/1926, p. 24, 270.) Since then various identifications have been suggested such as: encompassing Saudi Arabian mainland in the area called Dilmun, Iranian side of the Persian Gulf as constituting Dilmun, Al-Qurna in southern Iraq and the Indus Valley (S.N.Kramer). All these identifications suggest that not all of them are valid for all periods of Mesopotamian history. Throughout Mesopotamian history, however, Dilmun has been an important trade centre, and 'one of the remote areas which was at times within the reach of Mesopotamian political influence. Noticeable among the early texts mentioning Dilmun is that of Urnanshe who had wood transported to Mesopotamia from Dilmun (ca. 2500 BC). In the same early period copper is known to hae been exported from Dilmun to Sumer. About 2100 BC Urnammu of the 3rd dynasty of Ur reopened the Arabian Gulf trade, this time with direct contact with Magan, from which copper was exported to Mesopotamia. The Dilmun trade flourished in the Larsa period (ca. 2000-1763 BC), but then died out. After an interim of 400 years Kassite influence appears in Dilmun (early 14th century BC). It seems that at this time the only export article was dates. Under Sargon of Assyria (end of 8th century BC) Upe_ri, king of Dilmun, is recorded to have sent tribute to the Assyrian empire. In 544 BC, Dilmun disappears from Mesopotamian history when, according to an administrative document, Nabonidus, king of Babylon, had a governor there. Dilmun is also mentioned in Sumerian literary texts as a famous place of prosperity and happiness, and even of eternal life, with the result that comparisons with the Biblical paradise have been made.' (Bendt Alster, Dilmun, Bahrain, and the alleged paradise in Sumerian Myth and Literature, in: Daniel T. Potts (ed.), Dilmun: New studies in the archaeology and early history of Bahrain, Berlin, Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1983, pp. 39-74). (See also: Daniel Potts, Dilmun: Where and When? Dilmun: Journal of the Bahrain Historical and Archaeological Society, 11 (1983): 15-19; Theresa Howard-Carter, The tangible evidence for the earliest Dilmun, JCS, 33 (1981): 210-223; S.N.Kramer, Quest for Paradise, Antiquity, 37 (1963): 112-113)
On the northern coast of Bahrain, at Barbar, a Sumerian temple, which had been rebuilt three times was found. The dates for the contruction events are estimated to be: beginning of third millennium B.C., middle of the third millennium BC and for the third event, ca. 2200-2000 BC. In the first temple there were two staircases descending to a square well. This was retained in all the three phases. Peder Mortensen suggested, based on the similarity with the Khafajah and al-'Uaid temples, that the temple was for goddess Ninhursag. The mother-goddess plays an important role in the Sumerian Dilmun myth, Enki and Ninhursag. (Peder Mortensen, Kuml 1956: 189-198, 1970: 385-398).
Indus valley type seals and cubical chert weights were found. (T.G. Bibby, Kuml 1970: 345-353; cf. Michael Roaf, Weights on the Dilmun standard, Iraq 44 (1982): 137:141). A bronze mirror handle was also found in the Barbar temple suggesting a link with the Kulli culture in South Baluchistan (N.Rao, Kuml 1969: 218-220). "....as far as the third millennium BC is concerned, the cultural relations with the early civilizations in the Indus valley and southern Iran seem to have been much more outspoken than those with Mesopotamia. (M.Tosi, Dilmun, Antiquity, 45 (1971): 21-25). Yet, as far as the early second millennium BC is concerned, a cultural setting has certainly been found within which the identification of Dilmun with Bahrain makes good sense... There is now wide agreement among most, but not all scholars, that from the middle of the third millennium BC, Magan and Meluhha are to be found east of Mesopotamia along the coast of the Arabian Gulf or the Arabian Sea, whereas later, from the middle of the secon dmillennium BC, Egypt, Nubia or Ethiopia must be considered. (I.J.Gelb, Makkan and Meluhha in Early Mesopotamian Sources, RA 64 (1970): 1-8; E. Sollberger, The Problem of Magan and Meluhha, Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology 8-9 (1968-69): 247-250; John Hansman, A Periplus of Magan and Meluhha, BOAS 36 (1973): 554-587; E.C.L. During Caspers and A. Govindakutty, R. Thapar's Dravidian Hypothesis for the Location of Meluhha, Dilmun and Makan, JESHO 21 (1978): 114-145.) The cuneiform texts certainly give the impression that at least originally they (Makan and Meluhha) were located in the same direction as Dilmun, but farther away-- and later, remembrance of this direction was demonstrably kept alive, which makes the matter rather complicated. Archaeologically it makes sense to speak of Bahrain as a station on the way to Magan and Meluhha if these two were located east of Bahrain, as the most important cultural relations of Bahrain were Indus and Iran rather than Egypt. The use of Indus measuring standards in Bahrain clearly testifies to this, and was taken for granted by the Mesopotamian traders... The most important suggestins that have been made for Magan are Makran on the Iranian coast, and the Oman peninsula. As copper has been found in the Oman, the latter possibility seems highly likely. This, however, has been questioned by W. Heimpel, according ot whom diorite statues of Naramsin and Gudea said to be made of stones from Magan cannot have come from Oman, because diorite stones big enough for these statues are reported not to exist in Oman. As a possible source he suggests a position 50 miles NNE of Bandar Abbas on the northern side of the Arabian Gulf. Meluhha is to be found along the coast of Baluchistan and the Indus valley.
"...there was a temple of Enzak, the god of Dilmun, on Failaka... it was Failaka that was Dilmun?...the so-called a_lik Dilmun, the sea-faring merchants of Ur... The returning merchants used to offer a share of their goods or a silver model of their boat to the temple of the goddess Ningal, and he texts tell about partnerships and the sharing of profit and losses in a way which would not fit such an easy travel as thaf from Ur to Failaka. The distance from Aba_da_n to Failaka is no more than 60 nautical miles (111 km.) and could hardly be considered a great enterprise... Another possibility would be to suggest that Dilmun was a designation not only of Bahrain, but also of other parts of the Arabian Gulf area, among which Failaka would be counted... Dilmun is likely to the name of a rather large geographical area, including Bahrain, Failaka, Tarut, and certain parts of the Arabian littoral (During Caspers and Govindakutty, JESHO 21 (1978): 130; cf. the map in D.O.Edzard and G.Farber, Repertoire Geographique des Textes Cuneiformes 2, Wiesbaden, 1974)..." (Bendt Alster, opcit., 1983, p. 41).
COMMON MOTIFS ON MESOPOTAMIAN CIVILIZATION AND SARASVATI SINDHU CIVILIZATION SEALS/TABLETS
The following seals of Mesopotamia contain features reminiscent of themes depicted on the seals of the Sarasvati Sindhu civilization. Typical motifs are: rows of animals, combat, antelope or tiger with head turned, woman with thighs spread out, circle-and-dot, one-horned bull, hare, plant, snake, bird, fish. All these motifs have been explained as related to metallic weapons, in the context of the decipherment of Indus script pictorials and signs. In the Mesopotamian motifs, there are clear images related to WEAPONS.
The only motif that is remarkably unique in Mesopotamian seals is the LION. Only a tiger motif appears on the seals of the Sarasvati Sindhu civilization. The closest to a lion motif is the bristled-hair (like a lion's mane) on the face of the three-faced, fully adorned, horned, seated person surrounded by animals and an inscription.
Beatrice Teissier, Ancient Near Eastern Cylinder Seals: From the Marcopoli Collection, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1984.
In 1990, the Arab Archaeological Mission and the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums of the State of Bahrain excavated the mounds of Saar, near the causeway between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the State of Bahrain. Shell seals were found. [Haya Al Khalifa, The shell seals of Bahrain, pp. 255-259]
Barhain seal: ten circular depressions surround the spiral |
Bahrain seal: Two antelopes |
Bahrain seal: four antelope heads emanating from a star |
Susa
"Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient Indian style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920, pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne, MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been whollyconfirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the same group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa, after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by their vague shapes, with legs tucked under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268].
Dilmun (Failaka) seals
[Poul Kjærum, The Dilmun Seals as evidence of long distance relations in the early second millennium BC, pp. 269-277.]
[Poul Kjærum, The Dilmun Seals as evidence of long distance relations in the early second millennium BC, pp. 269-277.]
Demonstrating a connection between Dilmun and Syria based on seal imagery, Buchanan observes: "It seems possible that around 2000 BC, the Persian Gulf merchants had a relationship, other than one involving trade, with some ethnic element in Syria (merchants or colonists)". (Briggs Buchanan, 1965, A Persian Gulf Seal, Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger, 199-209, Chicago, p. 207).
Lapis lazuli seals and sources
In Mesopotamian and Sarasvati-Sindhu valley sites, significant numbers of objects of lapis lazuli have been found. In the 'royal' tombs,lapis lazuli, carnelian and gold are the three important materials used. Lapis lazuli is a rare stone found in Badakhshan mines (NE Afghanistan, currently known as Kerano-Munjan), in the Pamirs and near Lake Baikal in eastern Siberia (F. Rutley, Elements of Mineralogy (rev. by H.H. Read 1948), pp. 380-381). "Darius states that his lapis lazuli came from his satrapy of Sogdia, in which province Badakhshan was located; and finally, the colour range from Sar-i-Sang is closely comparable to that of archaeological lapis lazuli. The varying shades of the pieces of veneer on the 'Standard' of Ur, for instance, can be exactly paralleled by modern specimens from Badakhshan...
The lapis lazuli seal W. 14772 cl relates to the Uruk IV period. The unstratified lapis lazuli seal G.7-205 (Fig. 4b) has the figures of two salukis and a 'fox'... This is comparable to the impression of another seal found at that level (Fig. 4a)... Also comparable are the seal impressions shown in Fig. 4c and 4d. Fig. 4c has two superimposed dogs on the left and the hunted animal with turned head in front of them. Fig. 4d, if divided horizontally also shows a similar scene... Porada has noted that filling motifs of 'disembodied heads of horned animals are another feature of the period'.[A.J.Tobler, Excavations at Tepe Gawra, II, Levels IX-XX, 1950, p. 192; Georgina, Herrmann, Lapis Lazuli: the early phases of its trade, in Iraq 30, 1968, pp.21-54]
Aratta. Enmerkar, the king of Uruk (Early Dynastic Period II) wanted from the state of Aratta: gold, silver and semi-precious stones, particularly lapis lazuli, to beautify shrines and temples, especialy the Apsu temple in Eridu. He implored Inanna: " O my sister, Inanna, for Erech Let them (the people of Aratta) fashion artfully gold (and) silver, Let them... pure lapis lazuli from the slab,.... Of the holy giparru where you have established (your) dwelling... Let the people of Aratta, Having brought down the stones of the mountains from their highland, Build for me the great chapel, set up for me the great shrine." (S.N.Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, p. 9, line 38 ff.). To reach Aratta, Enmerkar's herald had to traverse Anshan, a kingdom bordering Elam... and then cross seven further 'mighty mountains'. (S.N.Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, A Sumerian Epic Tale of Iraq and Iran, 1952, p. 17, line 166 ff.) Enmerkar was the second king of the first dynasty of Ur, of which Gilgamesh was the fifth.
Seven EDII seals show contest friezes (Ashmolean Museum) The lapis lazuli seal shows in the lower register geometric motifs reminiscent of the Jemdat Nazr Diyala seals. ram in the thicket has not only horns, fringe, beard, eyes and eye-rims of lapis lazuli, but also part of its fleece is made of overlapping sections of the blue stone. Lapis lazuli was also used in amulets sculpted as frogs, fish, flies, calves, bulls, rams, ibex, monkey, seated bull, eagle. 37 Royal cemetery seals depict banqueting scenes, (generally belonging to ED III) all except five depict these scenes in two registers. Some seals have on one register a contest, spread eagle or animal row motif. Contest friezes in the 'fara' style began in EDI.
The seal of Nin-banda. In the upper register, the central figure is a man who grasps two animals around their necks. The animals are attacked from the rear by another animal, whom they turn to face. The lower register shows two crossed lions attacking two animals whose bodies are sharply angled. 53 lapis lazuli seals of EDIII date depict contest friezes; of these 17 are from Ur. A total of 138 lapis lazuli seals are assigned to this date.
Dilmun, Meluhha, Makkan
"Around 2500 BC, Dilmun is first referred to as a supplier of wood, by Urnanshe, King of Lagash. His successors, Lugalanda and Uri'inimgina (before 2350 BC) dispensed various textiles, resins, oil and silver out of the state storehouses to merchants of Lagash. The merchants were to trade the goods in Dilmun for copper and other wares, such as onions, linen, resin and bronze 'marine spoons'... During the succeeding Old Akkadian Period (2334-2193 BC) the Mesopotamians were no longer the only traders to visit Dilmun. The seas were open to all contries and seafaring merchants from the distant lands of Dilmun, Meluhha and Makkan tied up at Akkad's quay, during Sargon's reign (2334-2279 BC). Copper was shipped directly from Makkan; people from Meluhha are mentioned in written sources as interpreters and seamen. During the reign of Gudea of Lagash, copper, diorite and wood were delivered from Makkan and Meluhha delivered rare woods (such as Sissoo wood), gold, tin, lapis lazuli and carnelian to Lagash. Naramsin warred against Makkan; Mesopotamia strove for predominance in the area... Ships from Makkan did not sail to the north. It appears that one or more trading centers in Makkan were visited during the voyages where Makkan wares-- chiefly copper-- and luxury items from Meluhha were bartered. Therefore it appears that many wares referred to in the written sources as 'Makkan goods', actually were materials originally brought from Meluhha. Through trans-shipment in Makkan, these goods were then later referred to as coming from Makkan; the same confusion occurs later with materials from Dilmun... Both the goods and the foreign merchants trading in Dilmun's markets influenced forms of trade. The cuneiform characters had been taken over from the Sumerians, but the system of weights used in barter derived from the Indus Valley culture. (Michael Road, Weights on the Dilmun Standard, Iraq, vol. 44, 1982, 137-141). Spreading out from Dilmun, this system of weights became very popular and was used as far away as Ebla in Syria... Dilmun is mentioned for the last time in written records, during the reign of Samsu'liluma in the year 1744 BC, with the entry...'12 measures of purified copper from Alasia and Dilmun'. With this notice, the new supplier of copper is also mentioned; Alasia (Cyprus) would control the Mediterranean and Near Eastern market for copper for the next millennium. Alasia's rise did not occur in isolation; obviously a lengthy series of crises led to the collapse of the existing system in the East. Unlike Dahlak, Dilmun did not cease to exist; Tukulti-Ninurta refers to himself as 'King of the Upper and Lower Seas' and ruler over Dilmun and Meluhha. However, Meluhha and Makkan are no longer referred to in written records in the old sense.
"...More recent arcaheological researches in East Arabia have brought to light many finds which are related to the presence of Indus valley people. In the settlements of Hili 8 and Maysar-1, both of which have been investigated, Indus valley pottery is frequently found. Seals with Indus valley script and typical iconography indicate influences in Makkan down to the level of business organization. Marks identifying pottery in Makkan were taken from those used in the Indus valley, including the use of the signs on pottery used in the Indus valley. The discovery of a sea-port-- which may be ascribed to the Harappans-- at Ra's al-Junayz on Oman's east coast by an Italian expedition would seem to indicate that trade routes should be viewed in a more differentiated fashion than has been done upto now." [Sege Cleuziou, Preliminary report on the second and third excavation campaigns at Hili 8, Archaeology in the United Arab Emirates, vol. 2/3, 1978/79, 30ff.; Gerd Weisgerber, '...und Kupfer in Oman', Der Anschnitt, vol. 32, 1980, 62-110; Gerd Weisgerber, Makkan and Meluhha- 3rd millennium copper production in Oman and evidence of contact with the Indus valley, Paper read in Cambridge 1981 and to appear in South Asia Archaeology 1981; Maurizio Tosi, A possible Harappan seaport in Eastern Arabia: Ra's al-Junayz in the Sultanate of Oman, Manuscript]." Gerd Weisgerber, Dilmun--a trading entrepot; evidence from historical and archaeological sources, 135-142 in: Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain through the ages: the archaeology, London, KPI, 1986. [Simo Parpola/Asko Parpola/Robert H. Brunswig, The Meluhha village. evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the later third millennium Mesopotamia?, Journal of the Economic and Political History of the Orient, vol. 20, 1977, 129-165. 'If the tablets and their sealed envelopes had not been found, in fact, we might never have suspected the existence of a merchant colony.' (T. Ozguc, An Assyrian trading outpost, Scientific American, 1962, 97 ff.) cited after Lamberg-Karlovsky 1972).]
"Oman peninsula/Makkan lies half way between the two main civilization centres of the third millennium Middle East: Mesopotamia and the Indus valley... an increasing influence of Harappan civilization on Eastern Arabia during the last two centuries of the third millennium. This influence seems to strengthen during the early second millennium where proper Harappan objects are found all over the Oman peninsula: a cubic stone weight at Shimal, sherds of Harappan storage jars on several sites including Hili 8 (period III). Maysar and Ra's Al-Junayz bears a Harappan inscription and Tosi (forth.) has emphasized the importance of this discovery for the knowledge of Harappan control over the Oman Sea." [Serge Cleuziou, Dilmun and Makkan during the third and early second millennia BC, 143-155 in: Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain through the ages: the archaeology, London, KPI, 1986.]
Warfare in Ancient Sumer
Copper tools predominate in Sumer by Ur III period (2380-2360 B.C.) In Sumer, the early urban civilization of southern Mesopotamia, kings used writing to record and commemorate significant military victories.
The standardized equipment of bodyguards were: a copper helmet, battle-axe, the dagger and a heavy spear. The early spearheads had long tangs, which were thrust into the spearshaft. A hook was formed at the end of the tang to firm up the attachment to the shaft. The blade of a Mesopotamian battle-axe was round, designed to pierce helmets and skulls and slash gaping flesh-wounds.
"Mari on the Euphrates... The palace administration was responsible for the provision of arms, munitions, and siege equipment. King Zimri-Lim wrote while on a military campaign to order further supplies of arrowheads: 'To Mukannishum [his official in the palace] say this, Thou speaks your lord. When you hear this letter read, have made: 50 arrowheads of 5 shekels [40 grams] weight in bronze, 50 arrowheads of 3 shekels, 100 arrowheads of 2 shekels, 200 arrowheads of 1 shekels. Give orders to have this done at once. Then have them put in store to await my further instructions. I suspect the siege of Andariq will be prolonged. I shall write to you again about these arrowheads. When I do write, have them brought to me as quickly as possible.' Anothe letter from the king to the same official orders him: 'When you hear my letter read to you, have made 1,000 bronze arrowheads at 1/4 shekels [2 grams] each. Have them made from the red bronze at your disposal, and have them sent to me at once.'.. Later, when Shamshi-Adas's son Yasmah-Addu was installed as vice-regent at Mari... in a letter to his son, Shamshi-Adad ordered 10,000 arrowheads to be made, requiring almost five tons of bronze. Some of the bronze for the job had to be transported from Assur since the Mari palace armourers did not have enough stock. The accounts were kept straight Watkins, 1989, The Beginnings of Warfare, in: General Sir John Hackett (ed.), Warfare in the Ancient World, London, Sidgwick and Jackson Ltd.)
Sources of tin: the great enigma of Early Bronze Age archaeology
"The Early Bronze Age of the 3rd millennium B.C. saw the first development of a truly international age of metallurgy... The question is, of course, why all this took place in the 3rd millennium B.C... It seems to me that any attempt to explain why things suddenly took off about 3000 B.C. has to explain the most important development, the birth of the art of writing... As for the concept of a Bronze Age one of the most significant events in the 3rd millennium was the development of true tin-bronze alongside an arsenical alloy of copper... That such (arsenic alloy) ingots would be silver in color and were therefore known as annaku in Akkadian and d'm in Egyptian (E.R.Eaton and H. McKerrell, World Archaeology 8 (1976): 179f.) is extremely unlikely because the former means 'tin' and the latter 'electrum'... Many theories have been presented to account for the spread of metallurgy in the 3rd millennium B.C., through Beaker Folk in the west, torque-bearers in Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, and Khirbet-Kerak people in the Near East, as well as Cycladic colonists in Iberia and Trojan prospectors in eastern Europe. Such theories involve large-scale migration of peoples over vast distances, migrations often identified with one ethnic group such as Indo-Europeans or Hurrians. It is probably best to reject all such theories, along with the elaborate archaeological reconstructions that have accompanied them. There is no evidence to support the existence of any specialized group of metalworkers in the Early Bronze Age, and it has not been possible to substantiate any theory of migration or colonization at this time. Even the famous Indo-European migration into Greece and Anatolia is in need of a comploete reinvestigation... Now everyone, from the British Isles to India and China, emphasizes the local origins of technology developed by indigenous cultures. Surely the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction and we are seeing the extreme reaction to an equally extreme past position. The truth must lie somewhere in the middle ground... In fact the spread of tin-bronze, the other major development in copper metallurgy in this period, implies the existence of some type of long-distance trade. As there are no known sources of tin anywhere in the Aegean, the Eastern Mediterranean (apart from Egypt), or the Near East, the appearance of tin-bronze in such widely separated areas as north-western Anatolia (Troy), Cyprus (Vounous), and southern Mesopotamia (Ur and Kish) requires a network of trade routes covering a considerable area... The sources of tin being used in the 3rd millennium B.C. remain the great enigma of Early Bronze Age archaeology... The Old Assyrian letters from the Anatolian merchant colony (or ka_rum) at Kultepe, ancient Kanes', covering the period known as ka_rum II, 1950-1850 B.C. , provides extremely detailed information on shipment of loads of tin (Old Assyrianannukum) from the capital city of Assur to the members of the private business-houses residing at Kanes'... All that we know is that the tin was brought to Assur, presumably from points to the east, and from Assur shipped overland by annual donkey caravans to central Anatolia. We also know that the textiles, representing the other half of the trade goods sent to Anatolia, came from Babylonia to the south... With disturbances in the north, especially in the Zagros mountains, cutting off the trade in tin with Anatolia, Sams'i-Adad I (king of Assyria, ca. 1850-1600 B.C.) shifted his interests westward and Mari (located on the upper part of Euphrates midway between Aleppo and Baghdad) became an entrepot on a trade route that brought tin up the Euphrates to Mari... the texts are vague as to the ultimate source of this tin, but it seems to be coming from Iran by a southern route through Susa. There is also some indication that Elamites were involved in the trade... The tin was shipped to Mari in the form of ingots (Akkadian le_'u) and there stored in various parts of the palace known as abu_sum (storeroom), the bi_t kunukki (seal-house), and the kisallu (courtyard)... More evidence on the copper trade comes from Old Babylonian Ur, where the excavator, Sir Leonard Woolley, uncovered the house of Ea-na_s.ir, a merchant who specialized in the trade in copper, located at what Woolley called No. 1 Old Street. A number of texts found in the area and dating to the reign of Rim-Sin, king of Larsa (1822-1763 B.C.), record Ea-na_s.ir's activities in the copper trade, which consisted of importing what is called Tilmun copper... called Magan copper in earlier periods, which was shipped to Mesopotamia up the Persian Gulf. [A. Leo Oppenheim, The Seafaring Merchants of UR, JAOS74 (1954): 6-17, and J.D. Muhly, 1973, Copper and Tin, Conn.: Archon., Hamden; Transactions of Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 43) p. 221f. ]... However, the shipment of tin all the way from Iran to southern Mesopotamia and up the Euphrates to Ugarit and beyond to Crete represents a trade route of epic scope... the so-cakked Dark Age lasting from ca. 1600 to 1400 B.C... saw the establishment of the Hurrian kingdom of Mitanni, with its Indo-Aryan background (T. Burrow, The Proto-Indo-Aryans, 1973, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1973: 123-40)... the recipes for making bronze contained in many Bronze Age cuneiform texts. The following text from Mari is a good example: (Text is G. Dossin: Archives de Sumu-lamam, roi de Mari, RA 64 (1970): 17-44, esp. 25, text n.6. The specification te-ma-yu which appears in several texts from this archive, is really of unknown meaing). Here the proportions are quite exact: 20 shekels of tin is added to 170 shekels of copper (almost 1:8) to make exactly 190 shekels of bronze. This means that there was a fair amount of metallic tin in use during the Late Bronze Age. By ca. 1400 B.C. tin was being used in Greece to cover clay vases destined for the grave, in order to make them look like silver, and to line ivory cosmetic boxes to keep the ivory from being stained by the rouge or ointment placed inside...""According to ratios given in the texts tin was very cheap, as high as 240:1 and 180:1 in a tin/silver ratio. What is curious is that bronze was twice as expensive as tin, for a text says of a payment that 'if (paid) in tin (it should be) at the ratio of four minas (of tin) per (shekel of silver), if in bronze at the rate of two minas.' (Text isHarvard Semitic Studies (HSS) XIV as quoted in Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (CAD), s.v. annaku, 129a). This seems to indicate a great increase in the amont of tin in circulation during the period 1500-1300 B.C... One text even refers to an alloy (Akkadian billatu) composed of 1 mina of copper and 8 1/2 shekels of tin, giving a ratio of 7:1. (Text is Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts 205, quoted in CAD, s.v. billatu, 226a.) In the Old Assyrian period one text gives a ratio of 8:1 (4 minas of copper, 1/2 mina of tin, the metal being destined for the smith, Akkadian nappa_hum)(Text is Cuneiform Texts from Cappadocian Tablets in the British Museum (CCT) I 37b, quoted in CAD, s.v. annaku, 128a.)
1.1/3 MA.NA AN.NA2. a-na 2 5/6 MA URUDU.LUH.HA
3.TE-MA-YU
4. i-na 8 GIN.TA.AM ba-l[i-e]l
5. SU.NIGIN 3 MA.NA 10 GIN ZABAR
6. a-na nam-za-qi-im1/3 mina of tin to 2 5/6 minas
of washed copper from
Tema (?) has been alloyed
at the ratio of 8:1
Total: 3 minas, 10 shekels
of bronze for a key
Notes:
takaram = tin, white lead (Ta.Ma.); t.agromi = tin metal, alloy (Kuwi)
nis.ka = allusion to a goldsmith (RV. 8.47.15); may also mean gold coins (RV. 1.126.2, 4.37.4, 5.27.2)
loha = red (RV.); lohitaka = of red colour, reddish (Pa_n.ini's As.t.a_dhya_yi: 5.4.30); lohita_yasa = red metal, copper, made of it (Pa_n.ini'sAs.t.a_dhya_yi: 5.4.94) Pa_n.ini's As.t.a_dhya_yi: 5.4.94 states that ayas denotes a genus or a name (hence, may connote metal): anas as'man ayas saras ityevamanta_t tatpurus.at, t.ac pratyayo bhavato ja_tau sam.jn~a_ya_m ca vis.aye = anas (cart), as'man (rock), ayas (metal), saras(river) denote a genus or name; lohita_yasam is a sam.jn~a_ or name; ka_la_yasam is a genus or aja_ti.
ayil = iron (Ta.); ayiram = any ore (Ma.); aduru = native metal (Ka.)
ayorasa = metal rust (RV.); an:ga_ra = charcoal (RV.); ayastamba = metallic pitcher (RV. 5.30.15); a_yasi_ = metallic (RV. 1.116.15, 1.118.8, 7.3.7, 7.15.14, 7.95.1); ayas = metal (prob. copper or bronze)(RV. 1.57.3, 1.163.9, 4.2.17, 6.3.5, 6.47.10, 6.75.12, 10.53.9-10).
loha: metal that is extracted (Skt.) cf. Akkadian le_'u = ingots
loha_dhyaks.a = director of metal work (Arthas'a_stra : 2.12.23)
ka_rma_ra = metalsmith who makes arrows etc. of metal (RV. 9.112.2: jarati_bhih os.adhi_bhih parn.ebhih s'akuna_na_m ka_rma_ro as'mabhih dyubhih hiran.yavantam icchati_ ) karmaka_ra = labourer (Pa_n.ini's As.t.a_dhya_yi:ka_rukarma = artisan's work (Arthas'a_stra : 2.14.17); karma_nta = a workshop or factory (Arthas'a_stra : 2.12.18, 23 and 27, 2.17.17, 2.19.1, 2.23.10). kan- = copper work (Tamil)
d'm = electrum (Egyptian); assem= electrum (Egyptian); somnakay = gold (Gypsy); soma = electrum (RV)(See analysis in: Kalyanaraman, Indian Alchemy).
[Notes:
bi_d.u = alloy of iron (Tu.)
pis.t.aka = agglomerate of fine particles (Arthas'a_stra : 4.3.147)
pa_ka = roasting, cooking (Arthas'a_stra : 4.1.64, 5.2.24)
dravi = smelter or metalsmith who melts metal (RV. 6.3.4: tignam... paras'uh na jihva_m dravirna dra_vayati da_ru dhaks.at: fire devours wood with its axe-like sharp tongue, just as the smelter melts the metal).
s'ulva = copper; underground vein of metal ore or water (Arthas'a_stra : 2.13.16 and 44; 2.14.20-22 and 30-31; 2.12.1, 2.24.1); vellaka = an alloy of silver and iron in equal proportions (Arthas'a_stra : 2.14.22);
ta_mra = copper (Arthas'a_stra : 2.12.23-24, 2.13.52 and 58, 2.17.14, 4.1.35); na_ga = lead (Skt.);
trapu = tin (RV; Pa_n.ini's As.t.a_dhya_yi: 4.3.138)(Skt.); capala = quickmelting tin or bismuth ore (Skt.);
kan:sa = bronze (RV.);
kajjala = lamp-black used as collyrium (Pa_n.ini's As.t.a_dhya_yi: 6.2.91) an~jana = collyrium (RV.); = antimony compound/sulphide (Arthas'a_stra : 2.11.31, 2.12.6 and 24; 2.22.6)
ka_m.sya = related to bell-metal (Pa_n.ini's As.t.a_dhya_yi: 4.3.168);
a_raku_t.a = brass (Skt.); pittal.ai = brass (Ta.)]
(See J.D. Muhly, New evidence for sources of and trade in bronze age tin, in: The Search for Ancient Tin , Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press, 1978, pp. 43-48)(James D. Muhly, The Bronze Age Setting, in: Theodore A. Wertime and James D. Muhly (eds.), 1980, The Coming of the Age of Iron, New Haven, Yale University Press, pp.25-67.)