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Copper anthropomorph Indus Script hypertexts deciphered. mē̃ḍh 'ram' Rebus: Медь [Med'] (Russian, Slavic) 'copper' Rebus: मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant'

September 30, 2015, 7:45 pm
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Hieroglyphs signify proclamations in Indus Script Corpora. Artifacts in the round also occur with hieroglyphs to signify proclamations of metalwork competence of the artisans and seafaring merchants of Meluhha. One remarkable artifact of the civilization is a copper anthropomorph with characteristic components of hieroglyph-multiplex as hypertext. This hypertext is deciphered in Indus Script cipher as copper merchant's helper. The hieroglyph for a proclamation is sangada'joined animal parts' Rebus: sangara'proclamation'. This decipherment explains why such unique hieroglyph-multiplexes are created and presented as Indus Script Corpora catalogus catalogorum of metalwork.

Orthographic style of creating anthropomorph (sangaḍa 'joined animal parts') is a characteristic feature of Indus Script cipher. Examples are: copper anthropomorphs found all over North India, terracotta figurines of felines or bulls/bovines as anthropomorphs, i.e. attribution of a human form to animal motifs. Hieroglyph-multiplex sangaḍa Rebus: sangara is a proclamation, an orthographic representation in Indus Script Cipher, a metalwork catalogue.

Consistent with the Indus Script Corpora as catalogus catalogorum of metalwork, the hieroglyph-multiplexes on the anthropomorphs may be deciphered as part of a metalwork lexis in Meluhha.

 Медь [Med'] (Russian, Slavic) 'copper' gloss is cognate with mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Munda) meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) . The early semantics of the Meluhha word meḍ is likely to be 'copper metal'. Rebus: मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant'. Seafaring merchants of Meluhha ! 

The anthropomorphs are a proclamation (Rebus: sangara-- hieroglyph: sangaḍa 'joined animals or animal parts'), ancient professional calling cards on ancient forms of tablets of metalwork competence.

Copper anthropomorphs found in significant numbers are of two types: Type 1: (Without any further texts or inscription) A body of a standing person (with head shaped like a sivalinga) with arms signified by the curved horns of a ram. Type 2. The same form as Type 1 but with an added hieroglyph: fish.

Indus Script Cipher explains hieroglyphs as hypertexts on the copper anthropomorphs

mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; Rebus: mē̃ḍ'iron' (Mu.) meḍ iron (Ho.)  Rebus:मेढ meḍh 'helper of merchant' (Prakritam. Desinamamala. Hemacandra) medh a sacrifice (Samskritam) 

meḍ 'body' Rebus: mē̃ḍ  'iron'
meNḍha'ram' Rebus: mē̃ḍ  'iron'
aya'fish' Rebus: aya'iron'ayas'metal'
The body of a standing person with the legs drawn apart may also signify a warrior. baTa 'warrior' Rebus: baTa'furnace'.

Thus, the copper anthropomorphs signify metalwork, iron furnaces. The word meD is explained as 'iron' in Munda and Ho. The same word is explained in Slavic languages as 'copper'. Such transferance of signifying metals by th same gloss also occurs for the word loh which is semantically explained as copper or iron or metal, in general.

Miedź, med' (Northern Slavic).
Corruptions from the German "Schmied", "Geschmeide" = jewelry.
Used in most of the Slavic and Altaic languages.

— Slavic
Мед [Med] Bulgarian
Bakar Bosnian
Медзь [medz'] Belarusian
Měď Czech
Bakar Croatian
Kòper Kashubian
Бакар [Bakar] Macedonian
Miedź Polish
Медь [Med'] Russian
Meď Slovak
Baker Slovenian
Бакар [Bakar] Serbian
Мідь [mid'] Ukrainian
http://www.vanderkrogt.net/elements/element.php?sym=Cu
The Sheorajpur anthropomorph (348 on Plate A) has a 'fish' hieroglyph incised on the chest
Title / Object:anthropomorphic sheorajpurFund context:Saipai, Dist. KanpurTime of admission:1981Pool:SAI South Asian ArchaeologyImage ID:213 101Copyright:Dr Paul Yule, HeidelbergPhoto credit:Yule, Metalwork of the Bronze in India, Pl 23 348 (dwg)

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-copper-alloy-anthropomorphic.html
One anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’
A remarkable legacy of the civilization occurs in the use of ‘fish‘ sign on a copper anthropomorph found in a copper hoard. This is an apparent link of the ‘fish’ broadly with the profession of ‘metal-work’. The ‘fish’ sign is apparently related to the copper object which seems to depict a ‘fighting ram’ symbolized by its in-curving horns. The ‘fish’ sign may relate to a copper furnace. The underlying imagery defined by the style of the copper casting is the pair of curving horns of a fighting ram ligatured into the outspread legs (of a warrior).
Hieroglyhph: eraka 'wing' Rebus: eraka, arka 'copper'.In 2003, Paul Yule wrote a remarkable article on metallic anthropomorphic figures derived from Magan/Makkan, i.e. from an Umm an-Nar period context in al-Aqir/Bahla' in the south-western piedmont of the western Hajjar chain. "These artefacts are compared with those from northern Indian in terms of their origin and/or dating. They are particularly interesting owing to a secure provenance in middle Oman...The anthropomorphic artefacts dealt with...are all the more interesting as documents of an ever-growing body of information on prehistoric international contact/influence bridging the void between south-eastern Arabia and South Asia...Gerd Weisgerber recounts that in winter of 1983/4...al-Aqir near Bahla' in the al-Zahirah Wilaya delivered prehistoric planoconvex 'bun' ingots and other metallic artefacts from the same find complex..." 
In the following plate, Figs. 1 to 5 are anthropomorphs, with 'winged' attributes. The metal finds from the al-Aqir wall include ingots, figures, an axe blade, a hoe, and a cleaver (see fig. 1, 1-8), all in copper alloy. 
Fig. 1: Prehistoric metallic artefacts from the Sultanate of Oman: 1-8  al-Aqir/Bahla'; 9 Ra's al-Jins 2, building vii, room 2, period 3 (DA 11961) "The cleaver no. 8 is unparalleled in the prehistory of the entire Near East. Its form resembles an iron coco-nut knife from a reportedly subrecent context in Gudevella (near Kharligarh, Dist. Balangir, Orissa) which the author examined some years ago in India...The dating of the figures, which command our immediate attention, depends on two strands of thought. First, the Umm an-Nar Period/Culture dating mentioned above, en-compasses a time-space from 2500 to 1800 BC. In any case, the presence of “bun“ ingots among the finds by nomeans contradicts a dating for the anthropomorphic figures toward the end of the second millennium BC. Since these are a product of a simple form of copper production, they existed with the beginning of smelting in Oman. The earliest dated examples predate this, i.e. the Umm an-NarPeriod. Thereafter, copper continues to be produced intothe medieval period. Anthropomorphic figures from the Ganges-Yamuna Doab which resemble significantly theal-Aqir artefacts (fig. 2,10-15) form a second line of evidence for the dating. To date, some 21 anthropomorphsfrom northern India have been published." (p. 539; cf. Yule, 1985, 128: Yule et al. 1989 (1992) 274: Yule et al 2002. More are known to exist, particularly from a large hoard deriving from Madarpur.)


Fig. 2: Anthropomorphic figures from the Indian Subcontinent. 10 type I, Saipai, Dist. Etawah, U.P.; 11 type I, Lothal, Dist. Ahmedabad,Guj.; 12 type I variant, Madarpur, Dist. Moradabad, U.P.; 13 type II, Sheorajpur, Dist. Kanpur, U.P.; 14 miscellaneous type, Fathgarh,
Fig. 2: Anthropomorphic figures from the Indian Subcontinent. 10 type I, Saipai, Dist. Etawah, U.P.; 11 type I, Lothal, Dist. Ahmedabad,Guj.; 12 type I variant, Madarpur, Dist. Moradabad, U.P.; 13 type II, Sheorajpur, Dist. Kanpur, U.P.; 14 miscellaneous type, Fathgarh,Dist. Farrukhabad, U.P.; 15 miscellaneous type, Dist. Manbhum, Bihar.
The anthropomorph from Lothal/Gujarat (fig. 2,11), from a layer which its excavator dates to the 19 th century BCE. Lothal, phase 4 of period A, type 1. Some anthropomorphs were found stratified together with Ochre-Coloured Pottery, dated to ca. 2nd millennium BCE. Anthropomorph of Ra's al-Jins (Fig. 1,9) clearly reinforces the fact that South Asians travelled to and stayed at the site of Ra's al-Jins. "The excavators date the context from which the Ra’s al-Jins copper artefact derived to their period III, i.e. 2300-2200 BCE (Cleuziou & Tosi 1997, 57), which falls within thesame time as at least some of the copper ingots which are represented at al-Aqir, and for example also in contextfrom al-Maysar site M01...the Franco-Italian teamhas emphasized the presence of a settled Harappan-Peri-od population and lively trade with South Asia at Ra's al-Jins in coastal Arabia. (Cleuziou, S. & Tosi, M., 1997, Evidence for the use of aromatics in the early Bronze Age of Oman, in: A. Avanzini, ed., Profumi d'Arabia, Rome 57-81)."
"In the late third-early second millennium, given the presence of a textually documented 'Meluhha village' in Lagash (southern Mesopotamia), one cannot be too surprised that such colonies existed 'east of Eden' in south-eastern Arabia juxtaposed with South Asia. In any case, here we encounter yet again evidence for contact between the two regions -- a contact of greater intimacy and importance than for the other areas of the Gulf."(Paul Yule, 2003, Beyond the pale of near Eastern Archaeology: Anthropomorphic figures from al-Aqir near Bahla' In: Stöllner, T. (Hrsg.): Mensch und Bergbau Studies in Honour of Gerd Weisgerber on Occasion of his 65th Birthday. Bochum 2003, pp. 537-542).
https://www.academia.edu/1043347/Beyond_the_Pale_of_Near_Eastern_Archaeology_Anthropomorphic_Figures_from_al-Aqir_near_Bahl%C4%81_Sultanate_of_Oman )
See: Weisgerber, G., 1988, Oman: A bronze-producing centre during the 1st half of the 1st millennium BCE, in: J. Curtis, ed., Bronze-working centres of western Asia, c. 1000-539 BCE, London, 285-295.
With curved horns, the ’anthropomorph’ is a ligature of a mountain goat or markhor (makara) and a fish incised between the horns. Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards.  At Sheorajpur, three anthropomorphs in metal were found. (Sheorajpur, Dt. Kanpur. Three anthropomorphic figures of copper. AI, 7, 1951, pp. 20, 29).
One anthropomorph had fish hieroglyph incised on the chest of  the copper object, Sheorajpur, upper Ganges valley,   ca. 2nd millennium BCE,   4 kg; 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. State Museum,   Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. miṇḍāl markhor (Tor.wali) meḍho a ram, a sheep (G.)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍh ‘helper of merchant’ (Gujarati) meḍ iron (Ho.) meṛed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Munda) ayo ‘fish’ Rebus: ayo, ayas ‘metal. Thus, together read rebus: ayo meḍh ‘iron stone ore, metal merchant.’
A remarkable legacy of the civilization occurs in the use of ‘fish‘ sign on a copper anthropomorph found in a copper hoard. This is an apparent link of the ‘fish’ broadly with the profession of ‘metal-work’. The ‘fish’ sign is apparently related to the copper object which seems to depict a ‘fighting ram’ symbolized by its in-curving horns. The ‘fish’ sign may relate to a copper furnace. The underlying imagery defined by the style of the copper casting is the pair of curving horns of a fighting ram ligatured into the outspread legs (of a warrior).
An elaboration of the copper anthropomorph occurs on a Haryana artifact.

An animal-headed anthropomorph http://www.business-standard.com/article/specials/naman-ahuja-is-mastering-the-art-of-reaching-out-114092501180_1.html
The hieroglyphs are: 1. crocodile; 2. one-horned young bull; 3. anthropomorph (with ram's curved horns, body and legs resembling a person)
See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/crocodiles-help-scholar-link-indus.html

Indus Script cipher readings of hieroglyph-multiplexes on this artifact are:

1. meḍho a ram, a sheep (Gujarati)(CDIAL 10120) Rebus: meḍ 'iron' (Ho.) 
2. meD 'body' Rebus: meD 'iron' baTa 'warrior' Rebus: baTa 'furnace'
3. khoṇḍ, kõda 'young bull-calf' Rebus: kũdār ‘turner’. कोंद kōnda ‘engraver, lapidary setting or infixing gems’ (Marathi)
4. kāru 'crocodile' (Telugu) Rebus: kāruvu 'artisan' (Telugu) khār 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2015/05/composite-copper-alloy-anthropomorphic.html

Saipal, Dist. Etawah, UP. Anthropomorph, type I. 24.1x27.04x0.76 cm., 1270 gm., both sides show a chevron patterning, left arm broken off (Pl. 22, 337). Purana Qila Coll. Delhi (74.12/4) -- Lal, BB, 1972, 285 fig. 2d pl. 43d

http://heidicon.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/heidicon/239/213101.html

http://katalog.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/cgi-bin/titel.cgi?katkey=900213101

From Lothal was reported a fragmentary Type 1 anthropomorph (13.0 pres. X 12.8 pres. X c. 0.08 cm, Cu 97.27%, Pb 2.51% (Rao), surface ptterning runs lengthwise, lower portion slightly thicker than the edge of the head, 'arms' and 'legs' broken off (Pl. 1, 22)-- ASI Ahmedabad (10918 -- Rao, SR, 1958, 13 pl. 21A)

The extraordinary presence of a Lothal anthropomorph of the type found on the banks of River Ganga in Sheorajpur (Uttar Pradesh) makes it apposite to discuss the anthropomorph as a Meluhha hieroglyph, since Lothal is reportedly a mature site of the civilization which has produced nearly 7000 inscriptions (what may be called Meluhha epigraphs, almost all of which are relatable to the bronze age metalwork of India).

http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2014/01/meluhha-hieroglyphs-snarling-iron-of.html

http://www.clevelandart.org/art/2004.31  Anthropomorphic Figure, c. 1500 - 1300 BC
India, Bronze Age. copper, Overall - h:23.50 w:36.50 d:0.50 cm (h:9 1/4 w:14 5/16 d:3/16 inches). Norman O. Stone and Ella A. Stone Memorial Fund 2004.31

Copper hoards from the Gangetic valley, India. Of the type not found in Bactria.
knives
Antennae-hilted swords of copper.

http://archaeologyonline.net/artifacts/19th-century-paradigms-5

Image result for anthropomorphic indusAnthropomorphic figure

India
Indus civilization (ca. 3300-1300 B.C.)
ca. 1500 B.C.
Sculpture in bronze
H 19 cm x W 30,50 http://www.axel-vervoordt.com/en/art-antiques/ancient-oriental/pre-columbian/#!/anthropomorphic-figure
Image result for anthropomorphic indusImage result for anthropomorphic indusImage result for anthropomorphic indusImage result for anthropomorphic indus
Anthropomorphic figures formed from copper. Northern India, Doab region, circa 1500-1200 BCE
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #72
"Two composite anthropomorphic / animal figurines from Harappa. Whether or not the masks/amulets and attachable water buffalo horns were used in magic or other rituals, unusual and composite animals and anthropomorphic/animal beings were clearly a part of Indus ideology. The ubiquitous "unicorn" (most commonly found on seals, but also represented in figurines), composite animals and animals with multiple heads, and composite anthropomorphic/animal figurines such as the seated quadruped figurines with female faces, headdresses and tails offer tantalizing glimpses into a rich ideology, one that may have been steeped in mythology, magic, and/or ritual transformation. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D) of the larger figurine: 3.5 x 7.1 x 4.8 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)" Source: http://www.harappa.com/figurines/72.html

Aligrama, Swat
1600 - 500 BC
The Gandhara (or Swat) grave culture emerged ca. 1600 BC, and flourished in Gandhara, Pakistan from 1500 BC to 500 BC. Simply made terracotta figurines were buried with the pottery, and other items are decorated with simple dot designs. Horse remains were found in at least one burial.

Anthropomorphic burial urn.
The Gandhara grave people have been conjecturally associated by certain Indian archeologists with early Indo-Aryan speakers, and the Indo-Aryan migration into South Asia, which cross-bred with indigenous elements of the remnants of the Indus Valley Civilization (Cemetery H). There is no evidence that they spoke an Indo-Aryan language.
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #1
Anthropomorph bull. Man's face on a terracotta bull. http://www.harappa.com/figurines/1.html  A group of terracotta figurines from Harappa "After many decades of research, the Indus Civilization is still something of an enigma -- an ancient civilization with a writing system that still awaits convincing decipherment, monumental architecture whose function still eludes us, no monumental art, a puzzling decline, and little evidence of the identity of its direct descendants. In a civilization extending over an area so vast, we expect to find monumental art and/or architectural symbols of power displaying the names of the powerful. Instead, we find an emphasis on small, elegant art and sophisticated craft technology. In this so-called "faceless civilization," three-dimensional representations of living beings in the Harappan world are confined to a few stone and bronze statues and some small objects crafted in faience, stone, and other materials - with one important exception. Ranging in size from slightly larger than a human thumb to almost 30 cm. (one foot) in height, the anthropomorphic and animal terracotta figurines from Harappa and other Indus Civilization sites offer a rich reflection of some of the Harappan ideas about representing life in the Bronze Age. (Photograph by Georg Helmes)."
Indus Valley Figurines: Slide #49

http://www.harappa.com/figurines/49.html Feline figurine with "coffee bean" eyes from Harappa. "It has been suggested that some feline figurines have anthropomorphic facial features. While features such as "coffee bean" eyes are unusual, the facial features of many animal figurines are stylized. Such features as beards are not necessarily anthropomorphic features, but may represent either tigers’ ruffs or lions’ manes. Variations in facial features may represent differences in wild felines rather than anthropomorphization. Approximate dimensions (W x H(L) x D): 4.1 x 12.2 x 6.1 cm. (Photograph by Richard H. Meadow)"

Abhik Ghosh, PhD
Department of Anthropology, Panjab University
Keywords
chotanagpur, ethno-archaeology, india, iron, prehistory, rock art
Citation
A Ghosh. Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 4: Ethnoarchaeology, Rock Art, Iron And The Asuras. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2008 Volume 3 Number 1.
Abstract
This paper discusses for interrelated aspects of prehistoric and proto-historic cultures from the Chotanagpur region of India. It begins by looking at the ethno-archaeological data from the region. Then, it goes on to discuss the various kinds of rock art sites in the entire region. Third, it looks at the iron sites in the region. Finally, it looks at the phenomenon often described as Asura sites or Asura cultures in the region. All these elements would be studied to glean important facts regarding the prehistoric sites in the region and to attempt to find ways to understand their cultures. It is hoped that this paper would generate many studies that expand the scope of this paper to incorporate more data and many more ideas for a further and better understanding of these early cultures.


Introduction

In this continuing saga of human expansion in the Chotanagpur region, it is necessary to note the fact that there are many communities in the region which have lifestyles and cultures from which we may learn about the earlier pre-historic and proto-historic communities of the region. Archaeologists practicing this arena of knowledge are called ethno-archaeologists. Through the works of a number of ethno-archaeologists, the first section of the paper will attempt to delineate the variety of cultural models that will attempt to make sense of the Chotanagpur prehistoric material from the past[123].
The conclusions from this material will then lead us into the study of the symbols and findings of the huge number of rock art material from the region. This will add on to our knowledge of the way early cultures thought about their environments and their lives. It would add on the knowledge of ethno-zoology/palaeo-zoology to the earlier data of the region. Some of the data is available in the adjoining states of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal, rather than solely in the heartland of the Bihar/Jharkhand region.
The complexity and variety of iron-using and iron-making as well as iron-extracting communities in India is amazingly diverse. In fact, there are so many kinds of cultures that are involved in these processes that it would be entirely wrong to say that there has ever been a true Iron Age community in India, and definitely not in the Chotanagpur region. These facts are illustrated through the sites found showing iron usage.
Leading through this morass of data of the Chotanagpur region, finally, I shall describe the complexity of information available regarding the Asuras of the region. The Asuras have been studied ethno-archaeologically, they have been part of the iron-using and iron-making part of Chotanagpur culture and, it is possible, they have been instrumental in forming some of the first states in the region. The data available on the Asuras will thus be discussed in detail throwing light on the various issues that emerge.
It is hoped that this paper will thus help us in formulating a better idea of the cultures that lived during the prehistoric and proto-historic period in Chotanagpur.

The Data From Ethno-Archaeology

It must be stated here that often archaeologists have mistaken assumptions regarding what constitutes a tribe. This is aided and abetted by the fact that even today anthropologists have also defined tribes differently. Further, the term ‘tribe’ may be used as an econo-political type in an evolutionary hierarchy of societies[4], or it may be used as a socio-cultural type, whether or not evolutionarily connected to an earlier era. For details of the real problems that it generates, it would be useful to look at the concept as a really occurring cluster of types some of which may or may not be present[5].
The snake cults in the region have been discussed many times by others. There seem to be a snake in the rock carvings found in the excavation of Sarjamhatu medium irrigation scheme near Chaibasa. Further, Rajgir has many items which show snake being a venerated item dated to the third century BC. This continues into the Manasa cult in Bengal. Such Naga figures also exist in Vaisali and Kumrahar in Bihar between 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD. A Naga-Panchami festival is still held in July-August in Bihar[6].
R. P. Sharma[7], in this context, argues out a gradual differentiation of peasantry from an earlier tribal ancestry in the Indian context. However, due to a mixing up of the term ‘tribe’ with other categories which may or may not be associated with it, his claims fall flat. Further, he has also not noted, that perhaps what we have begun to call tribes may not have come into existence until after the state came into existence in the region and a group of people was forced to create an identity of its own, in opposition to state forces and definitely because of it[8]. Even if it happened in a limited number of cases, it is still a valid enough possibility for it not to be ignored.
Bhattacharya[9] comments on the terracotta snake found from Chirand and links it up with the cultural aspects of the Bauris of Bankura district in West Bengal. Their worship of the cult of Manasa is symbolically associated with their linkage to the king, and hence to power, prestige and economic advantages.
Such studies have also been conducted very fruitfully in great detail on the Kanjars of Uttar Pradesh by Malti Nagar and V.N. Misra[10] and on the Van Vagris of Rajasthan by V.N. Misra[11].
As far as the metallurgy of the region is concerned, many authors have tried to link up the metallurgy of local indigenous communities with the meals found from archaeological sites. Ray, et al.[12] and Ray[13] have found that the Sithrias caste practise a brass working in an indigenous style which is remarkably similar to the brass artifacts found at Kuanr.
In this regard, the structure of the indigenous iron-making communities as studied by Sarkar[14] is of great importance. He divides the art of the blacksmith into two sections – the removal of iron from the ore or smelting, and the fashioning of iron into other products or forging. He sees, often, that the two are supported by two different groups of people. Sometimes, the two are looked upon differently by local populations, one being kept lower than the other in the hierarchy. The Agaria are a tribal community that have inhabited the Central Indian region and their name comes from the word aag or fire. The Agaria were less numerous in the Ranchi plateau but had become incorporated with the Asurs of the region. Lohars are a group of communities who work on iron and they may have either a tribal or non-tribal origin. They were often secluded and were of a low caste designation. He was required widely and most villages had at least one Lohar. In the Santal Parganas, they trace their origin either from Birbhum, Manbhum or Burdwan, as well as from Magahi.
It seems that in these areas, general use of iron had not started in the early historical period. Thus, though mining and extraction of the metal was important to the states of the period, its use seems to have remained unmentioned. In fact, the word Munda (as a tribe of this region is called) also means a ball of iron. Tribal groups were mostly relegated to iron extraction and often the ores were found in the forested and hilly regions which were claimed to be traditionally their habitats. The iron of Bengal was famed for its malleability. In Birbhum, the iron smelters included Santals, Bonyahs and Kols. Such activity was part-time and seasonal and was combined with agriculture. ‘Iron earth’ was obtained either from the surface or by digging small shafts under the ground. The extraction was normally in the open, but the smelting houses were like blacksmith’s workshops and run by Kol-lohars, who were a non-agricultural group. They were in contact with iron merchants and received advances from them. There were also others who sold it to others and carried to iron markets called aurangs[15].
In Bihar and Jharkhand, such iron-smelting was an ancient craft in the Rajmahal Hills, Palamu-Ranchi and Dhalbhum-Singhbhum regions. Many tribals participated. In the Rajmahals it was the Kols, who were migrants with hunting as a subsidiary occupation or even some agriculture. Then, there were the Agaria/Asurs of Ranchi and Chotanagpur, the Cheros and Bhoktas of Palamau, Hos and Kharias of Dhalbhum, Korahs and Nyahs of Bhagalpur district, often on their way to becoming settled agriculturists. They handed over iron to the Lohars for cash. In the Rajmahal hills and Santal parganas there were larger forges and indications of organized, large-scale and long-term smelting of iron also, leading to functional specialization and blacksmith colonies. In Orissa, Patuas and Juangs created iron of the best quality. In Bonai it was done by the Kols, probably from Singhbhum. It was a subsidiary craft practiced by Sambalpur villagers along with agriculture. In Darjeeling, iron was manufactured but not smelted by the Kamins. In Khasia hills it was done by the Garos, Khasis and Nagas, though this region had features different from that of the Chotanagpur[15].
Thus, over time, the blacksmith became part of the caste hierarchy and often rose in it through the process of Sanskritization while the iron-smelters remained lower in the hierarchy. While the Lohars and Lohras were allowed to become smiths in the villages of Oraons, the Agarias were not even allowed to use Oraon wells. Myths exist in the whole region, which separate the Gonds, the Santals, Bhumij, Ho or Lohars from the iron-smelting tribes and they involve the invoking of gods (like the Sun) to destroy the Asurs/Agarias. Thus, while these tribes worship the sun the Asur-Agarias do not. The Kherwars, Cheros and Bhoktas similarly removed the Bhurs and Marhs to Singhrauli or Kaimur where they were smelting iron. One group of Kols, under the influence of the Oraons, started worshipping the sun, doing agriculture and left iron-smelting. Another group ran from there, hid in the Bonai hills and started iron-smelting. Women in tribal communities like the Agaria or Kol were allowed to work in the smelting process while the Lohars did not allow women in their work. Such practices recreated this social division between them. As Lohars from outside kept adjusting to the communities they stayed with, they also became more and more confused in the adoption of these new cultural mores[15].
Tripathi and Mishra[16] also studied the iron-making communities in detail and found out that the Mahuli Agarias produced white iron which was used for preparing weapons. A high grade iron was also produced by the Parsa group of Agarias as well as the Kamis of Darjeeling.
Shahida Ansari[1718] has explained certain specific features of hunter-gatherers of the past using the cultural practices of the Musahars, or rat-eaters, of Uttar Pradesh. It was claimed by the author that some of the small animals carried in rock paintings include rats for eating. It is, of course, a fact that a great deal can be learnt from such studies, especially relating to demography, resource use, cultural practices, decision-making as well as housing structures and material culture. Their settlement patterns have also been used as a method to study the settlement patterns of archaeological sites in the Uttar Pradesh region, in order to understand them better.
Ansari[18] studied the Kols, Musahars and Tharus of U.P. to get a better idea of the way clay storage bins are used in the Neolithic period. Mahisdal (1380±105 BC and 1085±110 BC for Period I Chalcolithic) and Pandu Rajar Dhibi (1012±120 BC for Period II Chalcolithic), among others, were analyzed in this category. From Mahisdal in the 2nd millennium BC layer Rice (Oryza sativa L.) were found while the same was found in the first half of the 2ndmillennium BC layer at Pandu Rajar Dhibi.
Mohanta, et al.[19] have discovered 17 iron-smelting sites of prehistoric origin in the Mayurbhanj district. They argue against a diffusion of iron-smelting technology into the area and claim that it was produced indigenously. Iron is dated here to about the second half of the first millennium B.C. but it could have been earlier. Whether it was the prime mover in the clearing of forests and initiating agriculture is still not clear.
Further, Ray[13] also comments that the megalithic structure creation is a cultural habit of the present day Bhumij tribe, who erect such big stones over the charred bones of their ancestors. Such practices may have continued from the Neolithic.
Ray and Chakraborty[20] studied the Santals in the West Bengal region and saw the major use of pottery was by these tribals, yet they did not know how to make pottery. This function was performed by Hindu potters. As a result, such Hindu potters aided in a way the Santal habit of mixing hunting-gathering with an agricultural way of life.

The Rock Art Of The Region

In 1915 Percy Brown with C.J. Balding and C.W. Anderson found the rock paintings at Singanpur[21]. These were made with red ochre and the iron oxide was found in the rocks of the cave. Suspecting that the present floor was not the original one, it was excavated to a depth of 18 inches to 2.5 feet, yielding some pieces of rock crystal, coloured quartz, a small lump of red ochre and agate flakes. The weapons depicted include clubs, bows and axes. According to N.K. Chowdhury, these were drawn on felspathic sandstones, probably of the Dharwar period. The removal of felspars due to weathering has led to the friability.
The rock paintings found from Hazaribagh in Bihar became popular due to the efforts of Bulu Imam, who had contacted INTACH in order to publicise and protect these paintings through printed book/s[22] and web sites. The sites are found at Isko, Thathangi, Raham and Satpahar (1-9) in Hazaribagh district; Ranigadar, Naadiha, Fioluhar (Kauwakola), Sarkanda (Kakolata Fall Area) in district Nawada; Baltharva, Sankarpur in district Gaya and Mukwa, Pateshar, Jhapla, Hathidah, Dugha in district Kaimur.
They are often made of white or black paints. Neumayer[23] tries to give these paintings the context that is present in the Vindhyan rock paintings, comparing styles and patterns to show similarities and differences. He reaches the conclusion that one could not achieve any decision relating to dates from this site though it is possible that were linked to the Mesolithic settlements in the Vindhyan region. Further, the Oraons and other tribes in the region use similar styles of paintings even today in their depiction of various scenes on their bridal huts which they had been calling Khowar. Hence, due to this nomenclature, the tribal Khowar art has been transformed from the ancient past to the present day has been the claim of Bulu Imam and others. The proof of such a claim is still awaited though some tools have been picked up from the floor of the cave (Singh; 1996-97: personal communication). The linkage of the tools on the floor with the period of the paintings is still not clear.
Prasad[24] calls it the Vratya tradition. Here, again, it is claimed that skins may have been used for painting where caves were not available, and after the Palaeolithic it may have been a lost art which was again ‘reawakened’ many years later. It is claimed here that flint burins of various types and sizes were employed. The pigments used were red haematite or other oxides of iron and lime. Most of this was available in the nearby area. The painting was done by fingers or with a spatula, a crude brush like a frayed end of a twig or a pad of fur. A liquid binder must have been used for the paint whose identity has yet to be established. Prasad claims that a pastoral economy has mainly male deities. The paintings depict an organized catching of animals for domestication. A man carries a baby animal over his shoulder while a tall ‘superman’ stands with a prominent phallus observing. A dancing woman has been drawn using the form of a petroglyph using sharp stones. Other animals, including a dinosaur-type of animal are also seen. In Kaimur community dancing is seen as among the present-day tribals of the region. Other symbols seem to be magical or religious.
The rock engravings in the rock-shelters of Orissa (part of which are within the Chotanagpur plateau region) have been referred to by Neumayer with respect to the context of the Mesolithic in the region. They include Vikramkhol and Ulap in Sambalpur district (the former reported by K.P. Jayaswal[25] in 1933), Gudahandi and Yogimath (Nuwapara district), Manikmoda and Ushakothi (Sundargarh district) and Pakhna Pathar (Mayurbhanj district). Since then twenty-one more rock art sites have been added. Most of these are in district Sundargarh. It forms the connecting link between the Central Indian Chhattisgarh region and the Eastern Indian Chotanagpur region. The rock-art of this region resembles the rock-art sites in Central India[26].
The rock system is sedimentary, fossiliferous, purple ferruginous sandstone, silt-stone, shells and grits. The rocks found here are soft, medium-grained sandstone and red shale of the Cuddapah group and thus weathers easily. There are extensive plateaus and dense vegetation with several seasonal and perennial nallahs and streams. At the peaks or edges of such regions the rocks have been hollowed out naturally giving rise to rock shelters. Artifacts, including microliths, are also found lying beside or are embedded in and around these shelters. At Vikramkhol, Jayaswal in 1933 had claimed that the inscriptions resembled a pictographic script from right to left intermediary between the script of Brahmi and that of Mohenjodaro. The paintings include the use of red and yellow ochre. He claimed, thus, that Brahmi was Indian and the Phoenician and European scripts were developments from it. This was supported by N.P. Chakrabarti in 1936, Charles Fabri[27] in 1936 and G.C. Mohapatra[28] in 1982. However, Gordon[29] in 1960 disagreed with this view, claiming that there was no script to be seen among these inscriptions. This was also agreed as not being a script by Pradhan[26].
The microliths found include blades, backed points, lunates, trapeze, triangles, tined arrow-heads, burins, fluted cores, flakes and chips, lumps of ground haematites, hand-made mat-impressed pottery and wheel made pottery (Lekhamoda VI), ringstones, hammer-stones and celts extending from the Mesolithic period to the Neolithic-chalcolithic period. In all the cases engravings have been found with the paintings. The engravings were filled with dark red ochre or rubbed with moist haematite lumps. In their stylistic nature and their symbolism, they differ from the Central Indian rock paintings (though faint resemblances exist) and may have had a ritual purpose as among the wall paintings of the Saora and Santal, engravings among the Juangs, Kondhs or Gonds of tribal Orissa. Thus, an ethno-archaeological method of analysis might be more suitable in this context[26].
Erwin Neumayer[30] also reported more sites from Sambalpur and Sundargarh districts of Orissa – Osakothi or Ushakothi, Phuldungri, Brahmanigupha, Chhenga Pahar, Bridge Rock, Lakhamara, Sargikhol, Chhichiriakhol, Ulapgarh and Titliabahal. Again, he could not discern any similarities between these images and those in Central India.

The Problem Of The ‘Asura’ Sites

Over a hundred sites were described by S.C. Roy over the years (see an outline in Roy[31]). They were described as Asur sites due to local mythology, Asur garhs or forts and Asur sasans or burial grounds. In fact, the great slabs of stones on some of these Asur graves had been removed by the Mundas for the graves of their ancestors. Roy saw them as having the following basic features (after Chakrabarti[32]):
They were always on elevated areas conveniently located on the banks of a water course and eminently suited for defence.
They had foundations of brick buildings, large tanks, cinerary urns, copper ornaments and stone beads, copper celts and traces of iron-smelting. The antiquity of the stone temple ruins and stone sculptures found associated with some reputed Asura sites was unlikely to be applicable to them.
The period covers a wide chronological horizon, though Roy’s assertion that they cover the Stone, Copper and early Iron Age are wrong. They are mostly within the early historic period.
Further, S.C. Roy divided two kinds of urns found in the graves as belonging to Group A or Group B. Group A in Khuntitoli included large earthenware urns not found by him earlier in Ranchi and Singhbhum excavations. Group A and Group B in this village were separated by a water channel. Group B urns were of the usual ghara shape that he normally found in such graves in the district. In both cases, the contents of the urns do not indicate any differences. He also indicates that since the area had seen prolonged use, perhaps one group (group A) was more advanced and had a more improved pattern of urn than group B which might have been an earlier form. The slabs were supported like a seat with four stones on four corners ‘like a house’ and the size of the slab was no indication of the amount of grave goods included. Each slab was placed East-West on its long axis.
The grave goods included bronze and copper chains, bracelets, anklets, finger rings, toe rings, beads, bronze ankle bells, ear ornaments, dishes, bells, unstamped copper coins, iron arrowheads, rings, jugs (some spouted) with patterns on them and bones, which had been kept here after burning. Below the level of the graveyard some Neolithic stone celts were also found. Here, after the rains, Roy picked up stone crystal beads, arrowheads, axe-heads, stone cores and flakes from 7/8-15 feet below the brick foundations of Asur buildings. Shiva-lingas with the encircling yonis were also present. Roy believed the Asurs to be the worshippers of these. At Khuntitoli, a tiny metal figure of a man driving a plough drawn by two bullocks was ploughed up near an Asur site.
Further small stools were found in regions like Palamau district, and such stools are still worshipped and kept under trees, people believing them to have been there for many centuries. Further, Roy also comments on the fact that even if Asurs invented the smelting of iron, there were too few iron artifacts. Thus, he sees a four or three stage culture represented by the Asur graves – first a Neolithic stage, over that a Copper Age and overlapping that an Iron Age. Under this there may be some palaeolithic tools. Above this there may be Kushan coins. The Asurs of yore seem to have great forts, were skilled potters and workers in copper, bronze and iron. The currency involved coins of shells and small, round, thick pieces of copper.
A strong belief in the after-life was also inferred from the grave goods. The bodies were burnt, then broken with a heavy stick and put into the cinerary urns. Some of the bones show injury marks, one on a skull, if it be ante-mortem which is likely, resulted in the death of the individual. The stature was between 4 feet 10 inches to 5 feet with good musculature. Such an injury that resulted in death was inferred from a skull in Khuntitoli, Singhbhum district[33]. The skull capacity was smaller and there were prominent cheek bones, with small jaws, face and slight prognathism[34]. Caldwell[35] also analyzed the proportion of various metals in the artifacts found.
Murray’s report in 1940 indicates his studies of Ruamgarh in 1926 of such a site from Singhbhum district. There are problems of lumping all the cultural materials into one horizon and then labeling it as being from 3rd-4thcenturies AD. The two crania found were not part of the site itself but were found some way beside it due to the exposure of their burial and two stones resting near them indicate a burial area. One was a male of between 22-26 years, the other, also a male, between 17-21 years. They could possibly be linked to Mundas in the region[33].
The skulls and skeletal material found from Bulandibagh and Kumrahar near Patna are dated to about 2115 ± 250 BP (Kumrahar). The Kumrahar adult female skull was more recent and different to the Bulandibagh young adult male[36].
Though the issue may be argued, there is no true megalithic formation present. The so-called ‘megalithic’ sites found in the district could be interpreted in a different way. The majority of the tribals of the region, especially the Mundas and the Oraons, worship not only the forests, land, river, and mountains but also the stones around them. Spirits are given a place in the hearth by digging in a wooden block or a piece of stone. There is ancestor worship and many of the spirits are those of ancestors. Hence, the usage of large stone pieces to mark graves or to extend the usage to give a khunt or permanent place for a spirit cannot be extrapolated into an entire, regulated practice and cultural features that is a hallmark of megalithic cultures in South India.
Secondly, there are problems with the dating of this practice since large stones or pulkhi are still placed on top of the place where the remains of the dead are interred to this date in many tribal villages, especially among the Mundas.
Thus, the ‘Asura’ sites are characterized by remains of brick buildings, traces of iron-smelting, copper implements and ornaments, gold coins, stone implements, beads, silted up tanks, cinerary urns, iron implements, potsherds, stone implements and sculptures. The pottery is of coarse fabric, thick in section, terracotta red in colour and mostly wheelmade. It includes jars, bowls and vases[32]. The radio carbon dates suggested that these finds belonged to the late centuries B.C. and the early centuries A.D. Copper objects found sometimes overlap with these Asura sites[37].
Two uncalibrated radiocarbon dates for some of these sites are TF-369 – 1970+90 BP (20 BC) and TF-70 – 1850+100 BP (100 AD)[32].
Was there an Asura kingdom at the time? We cannot know this for certain. There are indications that some of these sites were located on elevated areas which were highly defensible. It is entirely possible that what is taken to be Asura finds may be the finds of two or more cultures living in close association or trading, with one of them participating in early chiefdoms or states. That the ‘Asura’ community was practicing trade with others is evident from the gold coins found in some of the sites.
In Darbhanga district, Bihar, there is a fort called Asurgarh, about 40 miles from Darbhanga and Madhubani. Supposedly, it had been settled by Asur Shah, a Muslim chieftain, some of whose punch marked coins were also found. Locals claim the area to be old, if not Buddhistic in period, but a Muslim chieftain would put it not older than 15th century. The name given to the chieftain is also not complimentary[38].
What we know of present Asuras is very little. The 1981 Census shows them to be less than 8,000 in number. They remember that their sole earning used to be from smelting iron ore with the help of charcoal. Few families maintain this practice now, and NGOs like Vikas Bharati in Bishunpur are trying to train them and others to teach and re-learn these dying skills[3940].
Banerji-Sastri[41] tried to trace them through historical sources and found the earliest reference to be around 2nd century BC. Earlier to this, they may have belonged to the land of the Assyrians. It is claimed that the Ashurabsorbed the cultures of ancient Egypt and Babylon and passed them on to India. They are known in history as Ashur about the 1200s (BC) after which they disappear to re-emerge in the 10th century BC. The author claims they came to India through sea routes rather than land ones.
They then became incorporated into Indian society, traveling into many of its parts. They became the Brahmans who sat beside the various kings in India and were well-versed in astronomy and medicine. They also collaborated and fought with a variety of different groups. They may have become the kings of Magadh (now the Patna and Gaya districts of Bihar) and have left traces in Rajgir and various other Central Indian sites along with the mythology of the sacrifice conducted by Raja Janmejaya due to which all the snakes of the Chotanagpur region died, a mythology still enacted by many tribals of the region[42].
Further, they were seafarers and traveled all over India often through waterways. They became gradually absorbed into Indian society of that time, though some returned back to Assyria and others went on to the Pacific. Small groups of them often lost at wars and hid in the jungles of Chotanagpur, Nagpur, the North East, going to the places which carried their names, for they brought to India their own serpent symbols of the Naga and that of Garuda[43].
Initially, it may be supposed that the defined Asuras of Sanskritic mythology of those who were “of unintelligible speech”, “devoid of rites”, “following strange ordinances”, “without devotion”, “not sacrificing”, “indifferent to the gods” and “lawless” were the tribals of the Chotanagpur and other regions. However, this may not be entirely true, since Munda mythology refers to the Asuras as being killed by their gods, the variety of Asura sites and their graveyards. Roy[44] claims that the present-day Asurs took up the name of this ancient group and its iron-smelting.
These Asurs are divided into three kinds: there are the Soika Asurs, also called Agarias or Agaria Asurs (the iron-smelters), the Birjias who have also taken up plaiting bamboo baskets, etc. with iron-smelting and the Jait Asurs who live in villages, smelt iron and manufacture ploughshares and other rude iron implements, some families also taking up agriculture and being Hinduised neither marry nor interdine with other sections. Incidentally, iron-smelting Agarias are also found in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh states also[44].
The Birjias as well as the Soika Asurs have nomadic or migratory groups (uthlu) as well as settled groups (thania). The settled Birjias are further divided into the Dudh Birjias who do not eat beef and the Rarh Birjias who do. A further division among the Birjias are those who anoint their brides and bridegrooms only with oil (Telia Birjias) and those who use vermilion as well as oil (Sinduraha Birjias). The Asurs seem to have similar practices with the Mundas and the Birjias seem to have clan as well as individual totems. They now practise only cremation of the dead and there is no urn-burial. However, such burial is seen among the Hos and Mundas. In a particular ritual called sanrsi-kulasi, iron implements are used to sacrifice fowl to ancient Asur spirits in order that they continue giving them a plentiful supply of iron-ore. Though the two tribes look similar, the title Asur seems to have been given to them because they practice iron-smelting. The earlier Asurs were not from the same racial stock as the Mundas[44].
Roy[44] further avers that they were an earlier advanced group of people who lost to the Indo-Aryans and escaped to the jungles. They were rapidly absorbed into the Indian groups through intermarriage and the Bengalis contain a large proportion of this mixture also. They are also found in Southern and Central India. He refers to them as the Nag branch of the Asurs and finds similarities with Asur sites and the ruins of the Indus Valley civilization. He also feels that this group may have had more than one division and may have been as widespread as the Indus Valley sites.
In the mythology of the Mundas, there is an account of the existence of the Asuras, who were iron-smelters, long before the advent of Mundas. The Asuras would not allow the Mundas to stay. Hence, the Munda gods tried to intercede on behalf of the Mundas. When the Asuras still refused to allow Mundas into their territory, the Asuras were punished by the gods. The men went into their iron-smelting furnaces believing that they would find gold. Doors were shut on them and they burnt to death. The women became part of the Munda tribe.
The dates match this version of mytho-history, for the first Munda King, Phanimukut Rai, was crowned in 93 A.D. according to the Vansavali or genealogy kept by his 63rd descendant, the present Maharaja of Chotanagpur.
The coming of the Oraons into the region is also clouded in mystery. Some accounts claim that the Oraons were present at the coronation of Phanimukut Rai. Others claim that they lost their kingdom when the Turkish Muslims attacked and won Rohtasgarh in 1198 A.D. Still others vehemently declare that they were beaten by Sher Shah Suri who treacherously defeated them and won Rohtasgarh from them in 1538 A.D., leaving them to flee to Chotanagpur[45].
It is also a matter of confusion that Oraons are a Dravidian language speaking group[46] while the Asuras and the Mundas are an Austro-Asiatic language speaking group[46].
Apart from the Oraons, the Sauriya Paharia, the Mal Pahariya and the Gond speak the Dravidian language. Hence, by this token it was believed that since all the other communities spoke either Indo-Aryan or Austro-Asiatic languages they must have migrated from the Southern parts of India. According to S.C. Roy, the route could not be ascertained but he suspected that a small portion of this group settled in the Rajmahal hills and came to be called the Maler tribe. S.C. Roy thus influenced his student to conduct a study on the Maler. The study of S.S. Sarkar on the Maler of Rajmahal Hills disproved this hypothesis.
However, it is clear that the Oraons came after the Mundas had already established themselves in the region. This can be seen from their mythological accounts. The Oraons of Ranchi district frequently claim that they had to give up their language as well as their gods when they settled on Munda land which may be seen even now. Then, many Oraons villages still have their old Munda names. Finally, the original, communal land-ownership of the Mundas (known as the khuntkatti) gave way to the present bhuinhari land tenure of the Oraons which is a breakdown of the khuntkatti tenure. This land tenure also was broken down into a tenure system for the later settlers and who were required as service providers (whether castes or tribes) for the dominant caste or tribe of the village. This became the raiyati tenure.
Having delineated these problems, I again return to the issue of state formation or of the rise of chiefdoms. The case of the Asuras makes it clear that there was trade with others outside this area. Whether such Asuras can be linked to the Asuras of the Mahabharata period is a matter of conjecture[40]. However, if the black or gray clayey layer is taken to be the site of a neolithic-chalcolithic industry, then other evidences would have to be taken into account.
Iron is known from many regions in the area. At Barudih in Singhbhum district, an iron sickle with a profusion of Neolithic celts and coarse black-and-red pottery has been dated to 1055/210 BC (calibrated to 140-830 BC). Further, in the Neolithic-Chalcolithic phase, a total of 80 sites are recorded from Bengal alone. Of these, the iron-bearing layers of Bahiri, Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Mangalkot yield dates around 1000 BC for their first iron-bearing levels[47].
It is necessary for a large population to go in for an intensification of their agriculture as arable land decreases. However, early states need not have intensification of agriculture as a necessary hallmark[48]. They may have a root crop agriculture tradition which would require the small-sized celts and ring-stones found in the region[4950].
It is not yet clear when or how sedentary agricultural practices came into the region. The Oraons claim that they first started practicing agriculture but there is no evidence to prove this. What is clear is that the early inhabitants of Ranchi district did not solely practice sedentary agriculture. All of them had alternative modes of livelihood.

Conclusions

Considering the fact that the Hathnora calvarium was dated to about 760,000 BP, it seems important to find out the spread and dispersion of prehistoric cultures in India during the entire period. The Chotanagpur region may be taken to be one geographic zone and thus it has been taken as a unit, even though it spans many states. One of the states that it spans is Madhya Pradesh, which includes the Hathnora region.
This tenuous link has been taken to include the fact that populations from these regions must have passed through the region or even settled there. The diversity and specificity of the tools found in the region need to be explained, if not through direct stratigraphic and other hard evidences, then through the lens of a variety of theoretical approaches.
The data from ethno-archaeology teaches us that there is a very tenuous link between the current classification of communities as ‘tribes’ or as ‘peasants’ since there is a deep interlinkage between these two hypothetically created definitions. Also, many communities also traditionally participated in metal-working and so their ‘simple’ or ‘primitive’ nature is thrown into doubt. Different communities seem to have formed niches or economic-categories in between modern communities. This model that is seen in the current context may also have been followed earlier. As a result, it seems clear that earlier communities need not have followed one culture but would have been composites of populations having many cultures, often interspersed and sharing traits and ideas.
Thus, the iron using and iron making cultures of the past could not have been a unified Iron Age but was a product of this past multi-cultural heritage where many cultures collected, smelted and worked iron to help out and earn from the iron using communities that emerged.
The rock art-creating cultures are another offshoot of this complexity that is emerging in this zone. There seems to be a large variety in these as well and spatially this is to be expected since they are located in regions fairly separated. However, the rock art that is seen here seems to have lent itself readily to being transmitted culturally to present generations of tribals in the Jharkhand region who use such motifs as decorations on the mud walls of their huts even today. Also, there seems to be a traditional sequence from one stage to the next and associated skeletal finds that substantiate this.
The Asura sites are much more varied and interesting than they had appeared at first. It seems that most states, grave goods and use of iron and other metals has often made early archaeologists call them Asura sites, which has been linked with some mythological material or researches into local folklore. However, the Asura sites seem to be developing into the same pattern of variety within the structure that we see in the ethno-archaeological, iron using and iron making and rock art contexts. Thus, they are also formed from a variety of cultures and communities and their apparent similarity should not blind us to this basic reality. In the next stage of analysis we shall see how the entire structure of the prehistory of the Chotanagpur region may be seen from this perspective.

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19. Mohanta, Basanta K., Kishor K. Basa, Pranab K. Chattopadhyay and Tapan K. Das. 2003. Pre-industrial iron smelting in Mayurbhanj, Northern Orissa: An ethnohistoric study, Man and Environment 28(2): 81-90.
20. Ray, Ranjana and Falguni Chakraborty. 2004. Mesolithic stage in West Bengal: An appraisal, Vinay Kumar Srivastava and Manoj Kumar Singh (eds.) Issues and Themes in Anthropology. Felicitation volume in honour of Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya. Delhi: Palaka Prakashan, pp. 137-146.
21. Anderson, C.W. 1918. The rock paintings of Singanpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 4: 298-306.
22. Imam, Bulu. 1995. Bridal caves: A search for the Adivasi Khovar tradition. New Delhi: INTACH.
23. Neumayer, Erwin. 1994-95. Rock paintings from Hazaribagh, Bihar, Puratattva 25: 80-84.
24. Prasad, Prakash Charan. 1992-93. Prehistoric rock paintings in Bihar, Puratattva 26: 87-88.
25. Jayaswal, K.P. 1933. The Vikramkhol inscription, Sambalpur district, The Indian Antiquary 62: 58-60.
26. Pradhan, S. 1995-96. Rock engravings in the rock shelters of upland Orissa, Puratattva 26: 32-42.
27. Fabri, C.L. 1936. The Vikramkhol rock inscription, Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India, 1930-34 I: 230.
28. Mohapatra, G.C. 1982. Notes on the Vikramkhol and Ushakothi rock-shelters in Orissa, Man and Environment 6: 97-100.
29. Gordon, D.H. 1960. The prehistoric background of Indian culture, 2nd ed. Bombay.
30. Neumayer, Erwin. 1988-89. Rock pictures in Orissa, Puratattva 22: 13-24.
31. Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1920. Distribution and nature of Asur sites in Chota nagpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 393-406.
32. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1993. Archaeology of Eastern India, Chotanagpur
plateau and West Bengal. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
33. Kennedy, Kenneth A.R. 1972. Anatomical description of two crania from Ruamgarh: An ancient site in Dhalbhum, Bihar, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 7: 129-141.
34. Roy Chowdhury, Amal Kumar. 1920. Appendix I: Note on Asur bones, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 407-408.
35. Caldwell, K.S. 1920. Appendix II: The result of analyses of certain ornaments found in Asur sites, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 6(Pt. III): 409-423 (with Appendices III and IV).
36. Ray, Gautamsankar. 1972. A note on the human remains from Pataliputra, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 7: 143-147.
37. Patil, D.R. 1963. The antiquarian remains in Bihar. Patna: Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute.
38. Krishnan, H.R. 1939. Asurgarh – An unexplored ruin, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 25: 52-57.
39. Singh, R.P. 1993. Asur (in Hindi). Ranchi: Bihar Tribal Research Institute.
40. Ruben, Walter. 1940. The “Asur” tribe of Chota-nagpur: “Blacksmiths and devils in India,” Man In India 20(4): 290-294.
41. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(a). The Asuras in Indo-Iranian literature, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 110-139.
42. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(b). Asura expansion in India, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 243-285.
43. Banerji-Sastri, A. 1926(c). Asura expansion by sea, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 334-360.
44. Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1926. The Asurs – Ancient and modern, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 12: 147-152.
45. Ghosh, Abhik. 2002. History and culture of the Oraon tribe. Delhi: Mohit Publications.
46. Grierson, G.A. (Ed.). 1906. Linguistic survey of India vol. IV. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing.
47. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. and Nayanjot Lahiri. 1993-1994. The Iron Age in India: The beginning and consequences, Puratattva No.24: 12-33.
48. Netting, Robert McC. 1990. Population, permanent agriculture, and politics: Unpacking the evolutionary port-manteau, Steadman Upham (ed.) The Evolution of Political Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 21- 61.
49. Bhattacharya, D.K. 1993. Is prehistory dead in India?, Journal of the Asiatic Society 35(3): 52-73. (Read in 1992 under Panchanan Mitra Lecture Series).
50. Bhattacharya, D.K. 1996. Towards a regional archaeology in India, K. M. Shrimali (ed.) Indian Archaeology since Independence. Delhi: Association for the Study of History and Archaeology, pp. 85-94.

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Map of the Chota Nagpur ecoregionMap of the Chota Nagpur ecoregion


Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region, India, Part 1: Making Sense Of The Stratigraphy

A Ghosh
Keywords
archaeology, bihar, chotanagpur, india, jharkhand, stratigraphy
Citation
A Ghosh. Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region, India, Part 1: Making Sense Of The Stratigraphy. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2007 Volume 1 Number 2.
Abstract
This paper, the first of a series, attempts to review the literature available on the various sites in the entire Chotanagpur region. The reason for this is the fact that even though this region is spread out over the states of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal, it has its own specific kind of topology and topography. Very few archaeologists, geologists and anthropologists have dealt with this entire range though all those who have worked here have made comments on this issue. Hence, in this paper, I shall look at attempts to unify the stratigraphic data of the region in order to find commonalities in this region. With such an overview one may then be able to check out and find the reasons for the pattern of archaeological records of this region and have an idea of the early prehistory of this region.


Introduction

The Chotanagpur region includes the Indian states of Bihar and Jharkhand. Parts of it extend out into the states of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal also. For the purposes of this paper, the earlier borders of the Chotanagpur region would be used as a marker for the study since it simplifies the discussion of this area. It lies between 22° and 25° 30' N latitudes and between 83° 47' and 87° 50' E longitudes covering an area of about 86,239 sq. km. The average height of this region is about 2,000 feet (see maps 1, 2 and 3). Further, its geographical region, though may again be subdivided into other zones, seem to have similar overall characteristics. As a result of this extension, many sites of the surrounding areas have also been discussed to look for continuity and spatial distributions.
A second disclaimer, if you will. It is not possible to include in a brief research article the entire encyclopaedic panoply of sites. I have thus selected and chosen in order to gain an idea of the region as well as to reach certain conclusions. A preliminary outline of sites in the region and communities studied for the purpose has been given in the appendices.
Figure 1
Figure 2
Figure 3

Stratigraphy

The Chotanagpur region is mostly composed of Archaean granite and gneiss rocks with patches of Dharwar series. Tertiary deposits are found in patches. Quaternary deposits cover a wide area.

It has been seen by some authors that Acheulian occurrences are well-known in India, ranging from more than 350 to c. 150 kyr. “Although both Early and Late stages of the Acheulian have been identified…stratigraphic profiles showing the sequential development are absent, and the role of other factors, such as raw material variability for stone tool manufacture, has not been thoroughly examined.”… “Given the location and characteristics of hominid settlements in the Hunsgi-Baichbal Valley, and an inferred palaeo-monsoonal and semi-arid landscape on the subcontinent, a model of dry season aggregation and wet season dispersal has been hypothesized…Analysis of artefact assemblages has shown that the formation of Acheulian localities was influenced by a variety of geomorphological processes, but that certain technological and spatial distributions were the product of hominid behaviours…” (Korisettar and Petraglia; 1998: 8-9).
“Most Acheulian occurrences in India have been placed using relative age estimates in the later phases of the Acheulian, most presumably dating to the second half of the Middle Pleistocene and to the Late Pleistocene. A set of uranium series dates places Acheulian sites comfortably to above 350 kyr to c. 150 kyr” (Singhvi, Wagner and Korisettar; 1998: 71).
While the inhospitable terrain deters many, it is a surprise that this mineral rich zone has seen too few detailed geological surveys in the past few years. Due to the mining areas, Singhbhum, Dalbhum and surrounding areas have been surveyed recently but not other areas (see, for instance, Sarkar; 1982, Bose, Mazumder and Sarkar; 1997, Mazumder and Sarkar; 2004 and Mazumder; 2005 for some recent surveys). Urgent work is needed to be carried out in all these areas in order to confirm the stratigraphies seen here. Of course, the nature of funding is often dependent on the minerals thought to be found in the region.
A brief overview of the archaeological context of the region might help us to understand the pattern and nature of human colonization in this area from the earliest days. I begin with a brief summary of the layers found, as described by one author. Then, I shall show some of the variations found. It is impossible to explain here the total extent and range of the variations found. Finally, some authors have tried to link these variations into an overview. One of these shall be discussed here.
Figure 4
The bedrock is of archaean age, and has granite, gneiss and micaceous schists (A).
Over this lies a layer of compact pebbly secondary laterite (B). This layer is not represented everywhere. It is a product of the weathering of the laterite at higher levels and being deposited at a lower level. The bed has pebble-sized fragments of laterite, often consolidated into hard conglomerate, considered to have been formed at the beginning of Pleistocene, when the climate became wet.
On this lies a thin bed of mottled clay, formed as a result of decomposition of Archaean rock (C). In Singhbhum and Dhenkanal, a few choppers and hand axes were found at the junction of this bed and the overlying bed of gravel conglomerate. Hence, prehistoric cultures started after this period of mottled clay.
A layer of cemented gravel is laid with unconformity over this layer of mottled clay from 1m to 5m (D). On the banks of the main rivers, it may be lying directly on the bedrock. The bed may have pebbles of local origin. After deposition, calcareous and ferruginous cement causes their conglomeration. Along the riverbank this part is in complete submersion and is thus eroded in high floods. Lower Palaeolithic tools, distinct in colour from their surrounding matrix from this bed, then become heavily rolled. Those tools dug out are not rolled. Thus, perhaps, early man has evolved co-evally with these gravels. The Toba ash deposit found a few kms. southwest of Khamar has been dated to 0.3 myrs B.P. for the lower Palaeolithic culture from this bed.
The gravel conglomerate is overlaid by a bed of brown silt of about 1m 20cm thick. It is mixed with sand, grit and calcareous concretions. Secondary carbonates show that it was formed in a dry period and yields lower Palaeoliths (E).
On top of this is a layer of upper loose gravel bed, of about 1.5m to 2m thick, with the gravels smaller in size, angular in nature compared to those in the lower gravel beds (F). They are mixed with silt, sand, grit and lime concretions and again yield lower Palaeoliths.
Over this is a silt bed which is yellowish brown in colour and about 2m thick. It is finer in texture than the lower silt. It is rich in lime and sticky when wet (G). It is supposed to have been derived from the local ferruginous rocks and deposited during a dry period. Flake tools rich in Levalloisean technique are found from this zone.
Further, on top are thin discontinuous layers of small gravels found in a complete section. These are angular and about 1 cm in diameter. They are mixed with lime concretions, perhaps formed at the shorter oscillations between wet and dry phases at the end of the Pleistocene period, the Late Pleistocene being dated to about 19,000 years B.P. (H). It contains the last phase of the Palaeolithic, rich in flake-blade and blade tools.
The final layer is a deposit of silt which is reddish brown in colour and is considered to be recent in origin (I). It yields Mesolithic tools from its lower parts, Neolithic from its middle part and chalcolithic culture from the surface (based on Ray; 2004).
Mohapatra in 1962 suggested a climatic background of the quaternary on the basis of stratigraphy, with three climatic cycles of alternating wet and dry conditions. The formation and deposition of lateritic gravel forms the starting point at the beginning of Pleistocene, going on to the alternating beds of gravel and silt marking alternating wet and dry climates. Some regional variability is present in the entire region (in Ray; 2004).
The account given by Ghosh in 1965-66 claims a slightly different stratigraphy. The red lateritic secondary gravel is missing and a yellow and brown sticky clay take its place. In these layers are found Late Stone Age tools. On top of this is a layer of red soil topped with recent alluvium (Chakrabarti; 1993: 52).
Figure 5
Roughly, however, the boulders in a lateritic matrix yield lower palaeolithic tools. The lateritic secondary gravel yields upper and middle palaeolithic industry and may be tentatively dated to about 20,000 B.P. The yellow soil layer, sometimes inter mixed with gravel, may be expected to yield mesolithic tools of the Early Holocene period.
At Bhimbandh, in the Kharagpur hills, the river sections of the Man were found to be as follows (Singh; 1959):
(a)Bed Rock
(b)Yellow and sometimes Red soil. Cementations are present at some places. This layer was formed in a period of less humidity. One tool was found in between the two layers, redeposited in the rainy season.
(c)Boulder deposit. This layer was formed in a period of intense humidity.
(d)Red soils. This is the second phase of less humidity. This contains Middle Palaeoliths and non-geometric microliths.
(e)Gray soils with ashy character mixed with gravels. This was laid in a dry period. Its grayness was due to the vegetation which dried and burnt in the summer. It is associated with some tools and potteries of later period.
Figure 6
At the Khiching region of Mayurbhanj district in Orissa, the following stratigraphy was observed by Chakrabarti in 1990:
(a)Surface soil with coarse red sand.
(b)The upper layer grades to reddish brown silty clay.
(c)Pebbly gravel, well-sorted, poorly cemented, iron oxide coating on sand grains and pebbles.
(d)Pebbly-cobbly gravel, moderately sorted, cemented by hydrated oxides of iron, implementiferous.
(e)Clay beds found under laterite layers of varying thickness, not fully exposed.
Near Burla, in Sambalpur District, Orissa, a two level stratigraphy was proposed by H.C. Sharma (1994):
(a) a calcareous fissured clay (grey in colour) containing only pebble tools (chopper and chopping tools).
(b) A lateritic boulder/pebble conglomerate containing handaxes, cleavers, choppers and a few chopping tools.
On the other hand, Chattopadhyay and Saha (2004) propose a similar context for all surface finds in the West Bengal region as follows and may be dated to the late Upper to Middle Pleistocene:
(a)Bed rock, mainly Archaean,
(b)Depositions of secondary or detrital laterite, and
(c)Alluvium.
Figure 7
Basak (1997) had sited a succession of layers in the following manner at Dhuliapur, at the Quaternary fill on the banks of the river Tarafeni:
(a)Thick reddish brown silt at the top, a terrace. On the surface one finds iron slag. Within 30 cm are found ash lenses, burnt soil and bone fragments.
(b)Microlith yielding colluvial gravel.
(c)Calcrete nodules and tubules (rhizoconcretions) in a grayish brown silty loam. Calcrete nodules are lag concentrates. Fragmentary and slightly abraded animal fossils are associated with this, on top of the calcrete. This was dated by Fluorine/Phosphate ratio for 10 bone samples and found to be 3-5 thus being close to Terminal Pleistocene. Fossils from Dhuliapur include black buck (Antilope cervicapra), spotted deer (Axis axis) and Bos namadicus. Such specimens have been found also from several river basins in parts of Bankura, Burdwan and Purulia districts of West Bengal. Thus, the microlithic context was correlated with the semi-arid grassland situation in the Terminal Pleistocene (18,000 – 10,000 B.P.). Thus, the authors confirm a Late Pleistocene aridity existing in the region.
(d) A thick brownish yellow clayey loam, mottled and oxidized by the development of desiccation cracks.
(e)Moderately consolidated gravel consisting of rounded to sub-rounded cobbles, pebbles of vein quarz, quartzite, sandstone and some metamorphosed basic rocks. It is moderately sorted clast supported gravel, cemented by calcareous material.
(f) Upper Lalgarh Formation. A few Lower Palaeolithic artifacts were recovered from here.
However, Chattopadhyay and Saha (2004) claim that in the Chotanagpur region the stratigraphy is varied and the context dictates the one to be used. They give the geological succession of the region as:
  • Archaean
  • Newer Dolerite
  • Vindhyans
  • Gondwana
  • Rajmahal Trap
  • Late Tertiary Gravels
  • Laterite, and
  • Alluvium.
A composite stratigraphy of Birbhum was seen from the following (Chakrabarti; 2002-2003: 24):
  1. A thin veneer of humus
  2. Yellowish brown to reddish brown silt and fine grained sand with grits of quartz and chert (slope wash material)
  3. Yellowish red silt and medium grained sand with iron oxide granules and grits of rock fragments constituting mainly of vein quartz and chert (slope wash material), Holocene
  4. Old surface built by alluvial and fluviatile fan Pleistocene sediments
  5. Unconformity
  6. Laterite bed comprising of nodules, quartz pebbles, fossil-woods in a clayey matrix
  7. Plio-Pleistocene boundary
  8. Unconformity
  9. Yellowish felspathic mottled clayey bed
  10. Conglomerate bed with pebbles of different rock types, fossil-woods, agate in a clayey matrix
  11. Yellowish-greyish mottled horizontally bedded sand and mud
  12. Unconformity
  13. Jurassic volcanic rocks of the Rajmahal Traps
  14. Subsurface basement ridge of Gondwana rocks
  15. Basement granitoid Precambrian rocks, at places intruded by dolerite dykes.
In 1982 Asok Kumar Datta tried to create a unified stratigraphy of the West Bengal region as follows (p. 85):
Figure 8
In spite of all these attempts, it must be acknowledged that there are problems with the fixing of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary itself, even after all the evidences have been taken into account (Ganjoo; 1990).
Having put all of these issues into context, it may be seen that the Chotanagpur region has many inherent complexities with regard to stratigraphy and the context of many of the sites found. A majority of these sites are surface finds, showing that early human populations may have existed here perhaps well into the historical period. Our present knowledge in these areas definitely needs to be upgraded. So far, the geologists working here have been attracted by the monetary worth of the minerals that are to be extracted from this mineral-rich zone. Their aims and objectives for checking out the stratigraphy were different and guided by a certain kind of political economy. Now, perhaps, a large number of them need to check out the areas mentioned above to clarify the range and location of the strata that may house the artifacts of early human beings. It is only then that we may begin to have an objective chronology of the region's rich archaeological heritage.

References

r-0. Basak, Bishnupriya. 1997. Microlithic Sites in the Tarafeni Valley, Midnapur District, West Bengal: A Discussion in Man and Environment, vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 11-28.
r-1. Bose, Pradip K., Rajat Mazumder and Subir Sarkar. 1997. Tidal Sandwaves and Related Storm Deposits in the Transgressive Protoproterozoic Chaibasa Formation, India in Precambrian Research, vol. 84, pp. 63-81.
r-2. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1993. Archaeology of Eastern India, Chotanagpur
Plateau and West Bengal. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
r-3. Chakrabarti, Subrata. 1990. The Stone Age Prehistory of Khiching, Orissa in Man and Environment, vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 13-21.
r-4. Chakrabarti, Subrata. 2002-2003. Archaeology of Birbhum: The Past Informs the Present in Puratattva, No. 33, pp. 23-33.
r-5. Chattopadhyay, R.K. and Sharmila Saha. 2004. Palaeolithic Jharkhand in Vinay Kumar Srivastava and Manoj Kumar Singh (eds.) Issues and Themes in Anthropology. Felicitation volume in honour of Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya. Delhi: Palaka Prakashan, pp. 183-221.
r-6. Datta, Asok Kumar. 1982. The Palaeohistory of Man and His Culture. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan.
r-7. Ganjoo, R.K. 1990. The Plio-Pleistocene Boundary in India: A Reappraisal in Man and Environment, vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 29-34.
r-8. Ghosh, A.K. 1966. Implementiferous Laterite in Eastern India in D. Sen and A.K. Ghosh (eds.) Robert Bruce Foote Memorial Volume. Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyaya, pp. 149-162.
r-9. Korisettar, Ravi and Michael D. Petraglia. 1998. The Archaeology of the Lower Palaeolithic: Background and Overview in Michael D. Petraglia and Ravi Korisettar (eds.) Early Human Behaviour in Global Context: The Rise and Diversity of the Lower Palaeolithic Record. London: Routledge, pp. 1-22.
r-10. Mazumder, Rajat and Subir Sarkar. 2004. Sedimentation History of the Palaeoproterozoic Dhanjori Formation, Singhbhum, Eastern India in Precambrian Research, vol. 130, pp. 267-287.
r-11. Mazumder, Rajat. 2005. Proterozoic Sedimentation and Volcanism in the Singhbhum Crustal Province, Indian and Their Implications in Sedimentary Geology, in press.
r-12. Ray, Ranjana. 2004. Man and Culture in Eastern India: An Anthropological Study on Quality of Life Through Time. Sectional President's Address, 91st Session 2003-2004, Anthropological and Behavioural Sciences, Chandigarh. Kolkata: The Indian Science Congress Association.
r-13. Sarkar, A.N. 1982. Structural and Petrological Evolution of the Precambrian Rocks in Western Singhbhum, Bihar. Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, vol. 113, pp. 1-97. Calcutta: Director General, Geological Survey of India.
r-14. Sharma, H.C. 1994. Palaeolithic Finds Around Burla, District Sambalpur, Orissa in Man and Environment, vol. 19, Nos. 1-2, pp. 285-290.
r-15. Singh, R.C. Prasad. 1959. Paleoliths From Bhimbandh in Journal of the Bihar Research Society, vol. 45, Pt. 1-4, pp. 297-299.
r-16. Singhvi, Ashok K., Gunther A. Wagner and Ravi Korisettar. 1998. Techniques for the Chronometry of the Palaeolithic: Evidence for Global Colonization in Michael D. Petraglia and Ravi Korisettar (eds.) Early Human Behaviour in Global Context: The Rise and Diversity of the Lower Palaeolithic Record. London: Routledge, pp. 23-83.

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Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 2: Proposed Stages, Palaeolithic And The Mesolithic

A Ghosh
Keywords
chotanagpur, india, mesolithic, palaeolithic, prehistory
Citation
A Ghosh. Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 2: Proposed Stages, Palaeolithic And The Mesolithic. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2007 Volume 2 Number 1.
Abstract
The archaeology of the Chotanagpur region, a plateau with an average height of 2000 feet above sea level in central and eastern India, has remained very complex and confusing. It is time now to rethink the entirety of research practices in the region and to put together the theories that model the existence of human beings in the region. Initially, an attempt has been made to put together the various theoretical approaches in the region, especially the industries and stages that have been proposed by various authors. Next, the recent sites found in the region purporting to be from the palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods have been highlighted. Finally, a set of conclusions that may explain some of the phenomena seen through the imperfect data of material culture are presented here. This, it is hoped, would lead to a better explanation of the prehistoric sites found in the Chotanagpur region. Finally, it might prove to be a means of further understanding the way prehistoric cultures have been manifesting themselves during the Neolithic period.


Introduction

Having looked at the stratigraphy and the context of the sites found in the Chotanagpur region (for details see Ghosh; 2008), it becomes apparent that the geological features of the region that is now known as Jharkhand state and earlier called Bihar would not be sufficient to analyze the human habitation in this region. These state divisions are more recent and the geological conditions that gave rise to a similar Chotanagpur plateau were much more ancient. As a result, it would be necessary to also look at the sites in the adjoining regions of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal (see maps 11, 12 and 14) states in India which have a similar topography. The character of many of the tools found in this region seem to show that this extension of the study area is justified.
The topography and stratigraphy of the region has been detailed in a previous paper (Ghosh; 2008) and it shows that unraveling the context of any site is unlikely to be an easy prospect in any part of the Jharkhand area except the Singhbhum region where, due to extensive mining activities, a number of surveys had been conducted in the region by scholars from around the world over the years. Having said that, a site by site study can often help to bring out emergent qualities of such complex systems of explanation. Through those scholars who have attempted overviews of stratigraphies and of the sites, we can perhaps gain a glimpse of what it was like to have lived as a human on these hilly regions.
At initial analysis, it seems that there are few sites in this region that may attest to the existence of humans. This has been, perhaps, because few of these sites have been in the primary context. Sites in many other areas, often in the primary context, have been presented widely in the media and in research papers. The sites here have not been so well known except to a select band of scholars. The sites have been described on a regular basis over almost the past two centuries. They have amounted to over a thousand well researched sites in the region. Some later scholars have reviewed the early sites to see if they can yield further data. As a result, this rich yield needs to be contextualized and put together.
This humble analysis given here, then, in no way is to be seen as one polemical of those stalwarts who have pointed out through the morass of problems some of the emergent characteristics. It is hoped to build upon these early studies. Also, anthropology is holistic and a social anthropological approach may give rise to a different viewpoint than one that an archaeologist may have. A collation of the recent data is thus felt to be necessary, if only to point out the way to future researches.
Thus, in the initial stages, the various industries and stages of human palaeolithic industry postulated by various authors has been taken into account. Then, an account of the palaeolithic and Mesolithic industries have also been summarized with special focus on more recent sites. Based on these certain conclusions have been attempted. Whether these conclusions are warranted or not, it is hoped, further researches would be helpful in pointing out. Whatever be the outcome, it is expected that the reader takes notice that the terms palaeolithic and Mesolithic are taken with caution, in the ironic sense that is advocated by Rorty, in order that we may use it, yet be ready to discard it should better terms be more suitable to the context found here.
Figure 1
Figure 1: Prehistoric Sites In The Birbhum District Of West Bengal
Figure 2
Figure 2: The Tarafeni Region Showing Prehistoric Sites In Midnapur District Of West Bengal, India
Figure 3
Figure 3: Prehistoric Sites In Bankura District Of West Bengal
Table 1: Prehistoric Archaeological Sites In Some Parts Of The Chotanagpur Region
1.BIHAR AND JHARKHAND (22° 00' and 28° 30' N lat. and 83° 47' and 87° 50' E long.)1.1 RANCHI/LOHARDAGA/GUMLA DISTRICTS (22° 22' and 22° 43' N and 84° 00' and 85° 54' E) HISTORY S.C. Roy 1965-66 1968-69 V. Jayaswal (1978) V. Jayaswal (1978) S.R. Roy (1975-76) S.R. Roy (1975-76) Bhakuadih Bhalua Dungri (3) (73 E/15) Bighatoli Birta Budhudih Buradih Chainpur Chainpur North (73 A/4) Charma (10) (73 E/5) Chipri (19) (73 A/7, 23° 24'N; 84° 22'E) Chokahatu (73 E/16, 23° 10'N; 85° 48'E) Damari Daruharu Diankel Dubalabera Ghagra (17) (73 A/11, 25° 35'N; 84° 35'E) Guram Hardag (7) (73 E/7) Harra Pahar 1 (73 A/4) Harra Pahar 2 (73 A/4) Islampur Jamatoli Jamtoli (73 A/4) Jilin Buru Pahar (4) (73 E/7) Jojadih (6) (73 E/12, 23° 05'N; 85° 35'E) Jumar Kamre (13) (73 E/7, 23° 25'N; 85° 15'E) Kandra Kanke Road foothills Keraghagh Khijritoli Kochedaga Kondko (2) (73 E/11) Kuchagharia Kurumgarh Lohardaga Malgaunsa Malgo 1 (73 A/7) Malgo 2 (73 A/7) Malgo 3 (73 A/7) Maranghada Maranghatu McCluskieganj (15) (73 A/14, 73 E/12, 73 E/6) Murgu (14) (73 E/3, 23 25'N; 85° 10'E) Nawadih Nawagaon Nichitpur Paras River Project (11) (73 A/12, 23° 10'N; 84° 45'E) Parasdhika (1) (73 E/7 or E/11) Pipratoli Pitar/Pithartoli (18) (73 A/11, 25° 15'N; 84° 30'E) Potpoto Purnapani Rajadera Roshanpur (12) (73 A/16) Salam 1 (73 A/7) Salam 2 (73 A/7) Sapahi Saradkel (8) (73 E/8, 23° 05'N; 85° 20'E) Tape (16) (73 E/7, 73 E/10) Torpa Udhuru COPPER HOARD SITES Bahea (probably historical, but a stone celt also found) Bandua Bartola Bassia P.S. Dargama (also Asur site) Harra Chowrah Darh Kamdara Khunti subdivision Namkum Ranchi district, ancient graves, traditionally Asur ASURA SITES (2-5th Century A.D.?) Akta Anigara (73 E/8) Arangi Arsande Bahea (73 E/11) Balagarh Bamni (73 E/5) Barhe Barkuli Bartua Baru Barudi Belwadag (73 E/8) Bichna (73 E/4) Birta Bisakhatanga Borea (Bharompahar) Bundu (73 A/12) Burudih Buruma Chakla Chalho Chandapara Chandrapur Chandwali Chichigara Chiraundi Chirna Churda Dargama (73 E/8) Da'som Deogain Dhurua Digi Digri (73 E/8) Diuri Dorma Dulmi Dulua (73 E/4) Erkia (73 E/12) Etre Fuljhar River Gajgaon (73 F/5) Garae Garai Gargaon (73 E/8) Garhatoli Gora Hansa (73 F/5) Hardi Hitutola (73 E/8) Hurua Indpiri Ite Ithey Ithey, near Ranchi Jamri Jiki Kamia (73 E/8) Kamta Kanthartoli Kathartoli Katkuari Kelo Kendua Kerke Khijri Khuntitola Kunjila (73 E/8) Khuntitoli Koinjara Kongsea Korambe Kospur Kujram Kuli Ajan Kumkuma Lampadi Lapungdi Lohardaga (73 A/11) Lowadi Lupungdi (73 E/8) Malatu Manmani Marngaontoli of Bamni Mosmano Murud Namkum (73 E/7) Oskea (73 E/5) Otong-Ora Pandu (73 E/4) Patta Hesel Piridi Pithoria Pokla (73 E/8) Raitondang Renroa Ridari (73 E/8) Rolagutu Rungrutoli (Patpur) Saheda Sanrigaon Sargaon-Kaimlo border Saridkel Sidu Silagai Simbuya Sogra Soparam Sundari Tanjara-Gara Tati Tirla Toner (73 E/5) Tringutu Bortola 1.2 PALAMAU DISTRICT (23° 20' and 24° 39' N and 83° 20' and 84° 58' E) Akhra (11) (73 A/1, 23° 54'N; 84° 11'E) Amanat Bridge (2) (72° D/4, 24 05'N; 84° 07'E) Bajna (6) (63 P/16) Bakhari Betla Birbandha (5) (63 P/16, 24° 06'N; 84° 50'E) Chandarpur (8) (72 D/8, 24° 02'N; 84° 26'E) Chhoti Bholi (13) (72 D/4, 24° 12'N; 84° 12'E) Chianki Dhekulia Durgabati Bridge (3) (72 D/4, 24° 09'N; 84° 03'E) Jhabar (9) (72 D/4, 24° 0'N; 84° 12'E) Jinjoa Bridge (12) (72 D/4, 24° 09'N; 84° 11'E) Jorkot (10) (73 A/1, 23° 59'N; 84° 07'E) Maila Bridge (7) (72 D/4, 24° 03'N; 84° 09'E) Nawagarh Hill (14) (72 D/8, 24° 15'N; 84° 24'E) Palamau Patthar Chatti Pratappur Ranchi Road (15) (73 A/10, 23° 42'N; 84° 37'E) Ranka Kalan (4) (64 M/13, 23° 59'N; 83° 47'E) Shahpur (1) (72 D/4, 24° 02'N; 84° 02'E) COPPER SITES Hami Mahuadanr Saguna 1.3 HAZARIBAGH AND GIRIDIH DISTRICTS (23° 25' and 24° 48' N. and 84° 29' and 86° 38' E)HISTORY Hughes (1865) A.K. Ghosh K.P. Jaiswal Institute of Patna Baragunda (12) (72L/4, 24° 10'N; 86° 14'E) Barkagaon (6) (73E/1, 23° 51'N; 85° 15'E) Barwe Bonga (9) (72H/8, 23° 05'N; 85° 24'E) Gola (1) (73E/10, 23° 30'N; 85° 45'E) Hesagarha (4) (73E/5, 23° 46'N; 85° 30'E) Karso (7) (72H/7, 24° 17'N; 85° 25'E) Kusumdih (2) (73E/10, 23° 32'N; 85° 44'E) Mandu (5) (73E/5, 23° 47'N; 85° 29'E) Neropahar (11) (72H/11, 24° 29'N; 85° 40'E) Pachamba (13) (72L/8, 24° 13'N; 86° 16'E) Paradih (10) (72D/16, 24° 10'N; 84° 51'E) Paresnath Hillslope (14) (73I/1, 23° 58'N; 86° 10'E) Pundra (8) (73D/16, 24° 03'N; 84° 58'E) Rajrappa Ramgarh Lele Bandha 'nullah' COPPER SITES Baragunda Giridih (unspecified sites) Karharbari (72L/8) TIN SITES Nurungo (24° 10'N; 86° 05'E) ROCK ART SITES Dudhpani Isko Raham Satpahar (1-9) Thathangi 1.4 SINGHBHUM DISTRICT (21° 58' to 23° 36' N. and 85° E to 86° 54' E)HISTORY Capt. Beeching (1868) V. Ball (1880) C.W. Anderson (1915; River Sanjai and its tributaries) P. Mitra E.F.O. Murray (1941) S.C. Sinha (June 1950 to August 1951) D. Sen and others A.K. Ghosh (1970) S.R. Roy (1976-78) Bamni (39) (73 J/1, 22° 58'N; 86° 10'E) Bangaon Barapahar (2) (73 J/6, 22° 38'N; 86° 22'E) Barudih (36) (73 F/13) (Late Neolithic site with C 14 absolute date at 3000B.P.) Beniasole (11) (73 J/6) Bhalukhocha Bichhati-Dungri (13) (73 J/6) Chaibasa Chakradharpur-1 (29) (73 F/10) Chakradharpur-2 (30) (73 F/10, 22° 40'N; 85 40'E) Chakradharpur-3 (31) (73 F/10, 22° 39'N; 85 40'E) Chakuria (7) (73 J/6) Charakmara (16) (73 J/11, 22° 27'N; 86° 41'E) Dhalbhumgarh Dora (44) (73 F/13) Dugni (43)(73 F/13, 22° 45'N; 85° 59'E) Dungdungi (40) (73 F/13) Ful-Dungri (15) (73 J/6, 22° 35'N; 86° 30'E) Galudih Garra Nadi Dam (4) (73 J/6) Ghatsila Ghuntia (27) (73 F/14) Hat Gamharia-1 (21) (73 F/14) Hat Gamharia-2 (22) (73 F/11) Hat Gamharia-3 (23) (73 F/11) Hat Gamharia-4 (24) (73 F/11, 22° 17'N; 85° 45'E) Hat Gamharia-5 (41) (73 F/12) Hesadih (33) (73 F/5, 22° 47'N; 85° 21'E) Jamshedpur Jojodih (35) (73 F/9, 22° 47'N; 85° 45'E) Kalikapur (19) (73 J/6, 22° 36'N; 86° 17'E) Kamalpur (20) (73 J/6, 22° 36'N; 86° 15'E) Kandra (37) (73 J/1) Karalajuri (28) (73 F/14, 22° 35'N; 85° 46'E) Kendposi Kharkai Bridge (42) (73 F/13, 22° 35'N; 85° 52'E) Kharsati Bridge Kitadi-Dungri (14) (73 J/6, 22° 36'N; 86° 26'E) Languish Lapso-Kyanite (34) (22° 47'N; 85° 44'E) Maheshpur (18) (73 J/11, 22° 18'N; 86° 41'E) Maubhandar Musabani-Maubhandar crossing (10) (73 J/6) Patbera (17) (73 J/11, 22° 27'N; 86° 43'E) Pathardih Puaputul Purnapani (38) (73 J/1, 22° 59'N; 86° 10'E) Rajdoha (6) (73 J/6, 22° 42'N; 86° 16'E) Rakha Copper Project (3) (73 J/6, 22° 38'N; 86° 22'E) Rakha mines Ruam-Digri (1) (73 J/6, 22° 38'N; 86° 22'E) Sansantand Sasaghati (25) (73 F/8, 22° 12'N; 85° 23'E) Serenga (8) (73 J/6) Sonua Swaspur (5) (73 J/6) Tatibe (26) (73 F/8, 22° 10'N; 85° 21'E) Tebo (32) (73 F/5, 22° 46'N; 85° 27'E) Terga (9) (73 J/6) Uldah (12) (73 J/6, 22° 40'N; 86° 25'E) Ulighutu ASUR SITES Barjo Chakradharpur Dudukendi Dudur Indpiri Kamdela Khuntitoli Korankel Lotapahar Ruamgarh Srijang SITES WITH CELTS Barudih (Burnt rice dated to 2nd Millenium BC) Bongara-Bhangat Borda Chaibasa Chandil Dora Dugni (73 F/13, 22° 44'N; 85° 55'E) Ghatsila Jamda Jojo Nimdih Ramchandra Pahar/ Chandra Buru Roro valley Sanjai bridge near Chakradharpur Sini Talsa-Turamdih Ukri HISTORICAL SITESBenusagar Chandil Deultanr Dulmi Ichhagarh COPPER HOARDS Andhari Borodanga/Bardugna Kera

Industries And Stages

Due to the wet, monsoonal climate in this zone, it is becoming apparent that perhaps no major fossils of early man are to be found from this region. The Indian monsoons divide into two branches when they hit the tip of the peninsula and these two branches circle around to enter the country. Chotanagpur, due to its unique location and mountainous terrain, receives rainfall from both these branches. This results in a substantial cooling down of the region. Earlier, the forests and heavy rains ensured such a cool climate that the British shifted their capital to this region from Calcutta, or substantial sections of it. At present, the cutting down of the forests has degraded the ecosystem to such an extent that fans and coolers are now required for part of the year (unlike earlier). Certainly no major fossil-rich zones are yet apparent which fall within the range of human habitations in the region.
According to Jayaswal, who analyzed a number of sites in the Chotanagpur region in 1981 there were basically three industries:
Industry I: This was associated with the boulders conglomerated in a lateritic matrix and was taken to be a part of the Lower Palaeolithic tool tradition of the Indian subcontinent. It consisted of chopping tools, handaxes, scrapers, flakes, prepared cores, levallois cores, cleavers, etc.
Industry II: This was associated with the deposition of lateritic soil and gravel; probably Upper Palaeolithic in content. It contained side-scrapers, end-scrapers, knives, tranchets, backed blades, flakes, blade cores, prepared cores, levallois cores, mousterian cores, irregular cores, etc.
Industry III: This was found in the surface humus above the red soil and consisted of a microlithic industry of side-scrapers, retouched blades, backed blades, lunates, burins, knives, end-scrapers, etc. There were also many fluted cores among the waste products (Chakrabarti; 1993: 52).
Ray (2004: 10) follows a different set of industries following Ghosh (1970), as follows:
Stage-I: Pebble-core element comparable to lower Palaeolithic stage marked by Acheulian tradition and began around 0.3 myr ago in the lower gravel conglomerate, continued through the lower silt bed upto the upper gravel bed. The tools collected include choppers, handaxes, cleavers, scrapers and large unretouched flakes, with most being large, heavy, jagged profile and having large and deep flake scars. Patches of cortex show the material used were pebble-based, made on quartz or quartzite, the latter being dominant. Finished tools and debitage are abundant. Tools evolve and show internal differentiation as the layers go up. From the lower gravel bed to the lower silt bed there is a change in tool refinement and there is a diversification of subtypes. In the upper silt bed, choppers become rare and disappear. Here, many tools are made on Levalloisean flakes, although Acheulian still dominates. This divides this stage into the Lower (lower gravel bed), Middle (lower silt) and Upper stages (upper silt).
Stage-II: Flake-element may be the middle Palaeolithic stage except that the true Mousterian element is lacking. Besides some evidence of the Mousterian of Acheulian tradition, the Levalloisean tradition dominated this stage. Earlier tool types continue but with lesser frequency, except for scrapers. Scrapers were used for making tools and had many functional subtypes, with retouchings becoming more developed and the appearance of denticulates. Handaxes may be found but with lesser proportion while cleavers and choppers are absent. Knives, points, awls, discoidal cores (both as debitage and as tools), unretouched flakes with marks of use are some of the evidences found. All of it comes from the upper silt bed. The material used was fine-grained cherty quartzite with less impurities.
Stage-III: Flake-blade element is hardly comparable to the European upper Palaeolithic since no such blade and burin industry is found in the region. Rather, in place of true blades morphologically similar blades made by prepared core technique are found called flake-blades. Blades made by the punching technique are present but they are not dominant in their frequency of occurrence. All of it comes from the upper part of the upper silt bed. There is not much variation (apart from the flake-blades) with the so-called Indian middle Palaeolithic stage. Levallois technique becomes more refined. The raw material was cryptocrystalline rock.
Vidula Jayaswal has divided the palaeoliths found in Ranchi district into two categories:
Industry I: An assemblage of 30 Lower palaeoliths collected from nine sites.
Industry II: An assemblage of 100 Lower palaeoliths collected from nine sites.
B.K. Saran carried out explorations in the Khunti region finding an industry which he called transitional between the Middle and Late Stone Ages (Chakrabarti; 1993).

Palaeolithic Period

The tools from Bhimbandh (also see above, Singh; 1959, Singh; 1960) seem to be equivalent to those found in many other surrounding areas of U.P., Mayurbhanj and the Singrauli basin. They include Acheulian hand-axes, Levalloisean hand-axes, both Acheulian and Levalloisean scrapers and end scrapers of the Middle Stone Age. The site was originally found by Bose, Gupta and Bose (1960).
In 1988, Ratha and Bhattacharya reported a site called Kuchinda from Sambalpur district, Orissa. Out of 394 items picked and analysed, 192 were finished types. Most are on quartzite but three are on milky crystalline quartz. There is an emphasis on pebbles as the raw material. Handaxes outnumber cleavers and have been formed both unifacially and bifacially, picks (alternate border flaking to give a sharp pointed end), backed knife, side scrapers and end scraper. They seem to be about 60-70 thousand years old. They match with a Middle Acheulian industry.
In 1990, S. Chakrabarti reported nine sites from the Khiching area. The author readily admits that a quantitative analysis of the tools found would not be suitable since all the sites are in a disturbed context. However, he does claim that the sites range from the Lower-Middle-Upper Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic.
In 1994, H.C. Sharma reported three sites in the region of Burla of Sambalpur district of Orissa. At Barapahar were found choppers, chopping tools, proto-handaxes, handaxes, cleavers, scrapers, points, borers, blade flakes, burins, flakes, chunks and chips. They were made of quartzite, quartz or milky quartz and jasper. The technique was stone hammer or cylinder hammer with retouchings along the border, except with some choppers. Bulbs of percussion are prominent. At Daridungri, he found Lower and Middle Palaeolithic artifacts like chopping tools, proto-handaxes, handaxes, cleavers, discoids, scrapers, borers, points, burins, flakes, blade cores and chunks/nodules. This was seen to be a factory site. At Hirakud, he found choppers, chopping tools, cleavers, scrapers, points, borers, blades, flakes and chunks, all in fresh condition. Based on the stratigraphy, Sharma divides his tools into Lower Palaeolithic, Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic types. In the first category, he finds 79 tools. He sees this to be divided into a chopper-chopping Soanian tradition and a handaxe-cleaver industry with tendencies to the Madrasian tradition. The proto-handaxes form a link between these two traditions. In the Middle Palaeolithic, he finds 89 artefacts. In the Upper Palaeolithic he finds a blade core at Daridungri and a blade flake at Hirakud. Based on this he claims there to be a meeting point between the pebble-based chopper-chopping tool industry with the Acheulian industry, both of which were running simultaneously.
In the Kharagpur hills, tools seem to be discovered from 1944-45 and onwards till the excavation of Paisra (Pant and Jayaswal; 1978). Recently, Bhattacharya and Singh have discovered a series of such sites from the region. Sohdihwa, one of these, is close to the local River Man. The basal rock is about 60-80 cm from the surface. Seasonal rainwater washes away the topsoil. The tools were found lying exposed on the rock surface. The site is in a very disturbed context but spreads for two km. Extremely hard and highly calcareous morrum deposits occur as mounds which have a high concentration of quartz nodules and microlithic debitage. It was commented that the microlithic assemblage might well have come into being immediately after or in continuation with the late Palaeolithic stage, a possibility never entertained before. Some fragments of ring stones and rubbing stones are also seen. It may be seen that late Palaeolithic types on fine-grained quartzite could be seen upto as late as 4,000 to 3,000 B.C. By this time incipient farming would also have started (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1997).
260 Late Palaeolithic tools (prepared on a grey or yellowish fine-grained quartzite), with 524 microliths (on milky as well as crystalline quartz) and 3 fragments of Neolithic types were found and 1 rubbing stone. Both, though disturbed in context, could not have been separated very far in time. About 20% cores are present and of these 80% are blade cores. Flakes and blades include pseudo-levalloisean point, notched flake, levalloise flakes besides finished tool types on them. The highest frequency of types include retouched blades and then a variety of burins. Sohdihwa was thus found to be a factory site. Microlithic types from the site included burins, lunates, retouched blades, thumb nail scrapers, corbiac burins and points made on flakes. Thus the site could be said by the authors to be a late Palaeolithic industry emerging into a full-fledged microlithic technology. It compares well as an Epi-Palaeolithic site. Burins might have been used to cure tortoises, open fresh water shells and as drill-heads on bones and wood. It is also claimed by the authors that the microlithic users and the late Palaeolithic tool-makers formed two different groups of people. Perhaps they had expertise in two different economic activities. As a result, a wider ecological base could have been exploited. This confusion relating to ‘types' or ‘stages' led Sankalia in 1974 to create a Neo-Chalcolithic stage and Chakrabarti in 1993 a Ferro-Chalcolithic stage. A.K. Ghosh and R. Ray call it the Upper Palaeolithic industry a “blade and bladelet” industry (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1997).
A radiocarbon date cited for the microlithic layer above the Acheulian one reads about 7420±110 B.P. (5470±110BC). The authors in 1999 discovered Pathalgarwa with 844 specimens from the site representing a late Lower Palaeolithic culture. The area has a variety of raw material and it seems that it was not only a factory site but may also have been a site from which raw material may have been transported to other areas. The tools are extremely fresh and give the appearance of having been made recently. Levalloise technique was very frequent, with unretouched blades as wastes, and this may thus be a flake and blade tradition. The blades are broad and sturdy. The handaxes and cleavers are thin and lenticular in shape and represent a late Acheulian type, but the Vaal technique has often been used to get a thick butt end and compares well with a Micoquian handaxe. Some handaxes are small in size, seeming to be made of exhausted cores. Apart from this there are side scrapers, tortoise cores, notches, denticulates, one being made into a Tayac point, hand points are also found and burins with some made in the Bec alternate method. There is a denticulate made on the lateral border of a blade, end scrapers and retouched blades. Thus the site is Upper Palaeolithic in character (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1997-98).
In 1998, another site called Jurpaniya was recorded from the Kharagpur Valley. Analyzing this site, the authors claim the need for identifying a separate late Palaeolithic or Epi-Palaeolithic stage within the Upper Palaeolithic. An alluvial layer, probably from the Pleistocene pluviations, has a tool-bearing layer which was very extensive around a hot spring 15/20 cm – 30 cm in thickness and extending to about two square kilometers. 344 tools were collected from the site (292 flakes and 52 cores). They mostly prepared on fine-grained quartzite though a small minority is prepared on milky quartz. The tool types include retouched blades, burins, points on flakes, end scrapers, notches, borers, pen knives, gravettian points and side scrapers on levalloise flakes. The cores, flakes and blades are smaller than an Upper Palaeolithic industry but are larger than a Mesolithic industry. Such an industry may be seen also at Baghor dated at 26,000 B.C. with the Epi-Palaeolithic at 12,000 to 10,000 B.C. It marked the first entry of forest dwellers into open grasslands. R-selected or short-maturing species were hunted with fishing and collecting. In course of time it could transform into a pure Mesolithic (Bhattacharya and Singh; 1998).
In 2000-2001, Bhattacharya and Singh again reported another site from the same region called Adhwariya. This is again a surface site spread over a square km but if the top soil were to be removed it might extend further. It seems that since there is little debris made by human beings staying here, they must have come here to camp to collect wood and raw materials. The region forms the habitat of Kora and Santhal tribes. Neo-tectonic movements have ensured that only Quaternary period sediments are found here. The formation here may be dated provisionally to be from Middle to Upper Pleistocene extending up to Early Holocene. 1160 specimens from this site include cores, flakes, blades, elongated pebble with chisel edge, chopping tools, chopper, side scrapers, end scrapers, retouched blades, handaxes (often with advanced cylinder hammer flakings) and cleaver. According to the authors, the area shows a higher stage of working as compared to other sites in the Orissa or West Bengal range. Hence, the group could be an earlier migration from Santhal Parganas in Bihar and Bankura and Purulia in West Bengal. These are areas where Acheulian tools with a pebble base are known. This area may form a distinct eco-zone as compared with the rolling, undulating, lateritic plains of Chotanagpur plateau with occasional groves of bamboo and sal forests. It also seems as if, after the Palaeolithic period, there has been a population depletion up to the Holocene. Further, the authors clearly put in words the lack of “evidence of a three fold Palaeolithic succession demonstrable in this region.” (Bhattacharya and Singh; 2000-2001: 21).
In 2001, Manoj Kumar Singh reported yet another site from the Kharagpur hills region of Jamui district called Rakatrohaniya Tad. A total of 1614 specimens were collected. There seemed to be a preference for using large pebbles for making tools, and a tendency to finish large and massive tools. Further, the tools are all in a weathered condition indicating their antiquity. It has a large number of blades, flake cores, side choppers or backed knives with the original pebble cortex forming the back, nucleated or exhausted cores, discoid cores, Levalloisean cores, retouched cores, and just about all the finished types seem to be available along with the usual diminutive handaxes.
In 2004, M.K. Singh again reported another site, Satbehariya, from the Kharagpur hills, on the slope of Manithan hill in the vicinity of the sites of Paisra and Bhimbandh. The artifacts were again found on the surface of thin laterite pellets. While the site is spread over 2 square kilometers, the 4-5 metre deposited layer of soil as such yielded no tools. The tools become lesser towards the slopes. All the tools look fresh and thus, this seems to be on a primary floor. There are a large number of finished types. There seem to have been tectonic movements in the Early Quaternary period as a result of which there are only Quaternary sediments from the Middle Pleistocene or younger in the valley areas adjoining the Kharagpur hill tract. The oldest continental Quaternary sediments cover the region and are known as ‘older alluvium' or ‘Jamui formation'. There is a ferruginous residual soil above the bedrock below the Jamui formation indicates a tropical climate at the beginning of the Quaternary period. This was replaced by the relatively cold and dry climate during the aggradations of the basal boulder sands of the Jamui formation. The Jamui formation may be provisionally considered to be of Middle to Upper Pleistocene, extending up to Holocene in age. 300 specimens were picked from the site including 108 cores and 192 flakes. Only 10 levalloisean flakes are recorded. Tool types include handaxes (finely executed but with remarkably little retouching at the borders), blades, cleavers (as with handaxes, the shape is thin and laminar), side scrapers, convergent side scrapers, backed knives, carinated end scrapers formed from exhausted blade cores and a notched borer with side scraper retouching on its entire length. Hence, here lower Palaeolithic tools occur till very late in the Pleistocene era. There appears to be no threefold Palaeolithic succession in this zone. It may have been caused by a late appearance of human beings into the region.
It seems that in Hazaribagh district, the stone tools (127 from 11 sites) from surface collections show an emphasis on stone hammer technique rather than a typical block-on-block technique, probably due to the fact that the latter is more useful for working massive and spherical pebbles. The latter methods seems to be more prevalent in the central part of India. The handaxes found by the authors in this region fall between 8-15 cm by 4.5-9 cm and are called Amygdaloid by the authors. There are secondary retouchings and the use of cylinder hammer techniques. A paucity of flake cleavers exists. The borers are mostly on Levalloise flakes and some have Bec-alternate retouchings. Of these sites it seems that Kusumdih had sustained human populations staying over a long period, while the other areas only had temporary inhabitation. A further 21 specimens from 4 sites represent the Middle Palaeolithic assemblage from the region. They are prepared on fine-grained siliceous rock or quartzite or chert. Most finished types are on Levalloise flakes and include, side scrapers, handaxes, borers, and a thumb-nail scraper. The handaxe is 6 cm long. Upper Palaeolithic assemblages number 39 with 15 pieces being debitage. They include side scrapers on Levalloise flakes, retouched blade point, borer and backed knife. Blades are prepared on fine-grained quartzite, quartz and chert (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
In Singhbhum, the Lower palaeoliths (316 from 42 sites) are often on quartzite, both fine- and coarse-grained. Most specimens are patinated. A type of Abbevillian handaxe was found at Ulighutu and Kendposi. The biface component was seen to be Upper Acheulian in content. Also scrapers, blades and knives were found, mostly adapted from the river pebble raw material. Middle Palaeoliths number 63 specimens from 16 sites. The characteristic is again the diminutive but extensively worked handaxes and cleavers of the region, side scrapers, mostly with bifacial flaking, end scrapers and points. Upper Palaeoliths from this region include 10 pieces including burins, points, retouched blades and a side scraper. The authors claim it does not match Upper Palaeolithic types from anywhere in India (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
A solitary Lower Palaeolithic assemblage site with 2 side scrapers was found by the authors in Palamau district. Middle Palaolithic 7 specimens from two sites, with Acheulian handaxe made with cylinder hammer technique, retouched flake and Levalloise flake were found. Further, 18 points, tiny handaxes and cleavers with shallow flake scars are also found (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
In Ranchi district 12 specimens were found from one site made of fine-grained quartzite or milky quartz and are Late Acheulian in character, with handaxes, chopper-chopping tool, cleavers, side scrapers and discoid cores. Vidula Jayaswal called the collection from Chainpur and Bishunpur areas as Industry I. Jayaswal had also found 100 Middle Palaeoliths from the region in 9 sites which she termed as Industry II including side scraper, end scraper, knife, tranchet and backed blade. 56 Upper Palaeolithic tools were found including blades, backed blades, points and side scrapers (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
In Santhal Parganas, 6 tools are recorded by the authors from 4 localities from the non-Damin area, three being handaxes and three side scrapers. Their working is Late Acheulian in character in the Lower Palaeolithic period. No Middle Palaeolithic artefact was found but the tools found of Upper Palaeolithic types from the Damin region showed a stylistic preference for using retouched tools, artifacts, retouched cores and flakes and side scrapers from predominantly multiple platform cores as also retouched blades and bladelets, carinated end scrapers, micro gravettes, burins, with signs of hafting as points and barbs on projectiles mark this period. Palaeolithic usage with microlithic usage may have occurred at the same time (Chattopadhyay and Saha; 2004).
It seems from the authors' data that the region cannot be definitely proved have a sustained Palaeolithic occurrence of humans beyond the upper Pleistocene. In conclusion Chattopadhyay and Saha (2004: 212-213) conclude that:
  1. The major movement of Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers seem to have centred around Singhbhum where it has the maximum spread.
  2. Palaeolithic activities in Singhbhum may be as early as its adjoining part of Hazaribagh, if not, even slightly earlier.
  3. It is a distinct possibility that Mayurbhanj region of Orissa played an important role for the initial spread of Palaeolithic activities in Singhbhum.
  4. The distribution of artifacts of Singhbhum and Hazaribagh is not restricted to the hilly region but extended to the undulated detrital lateritic tract. We may further assume that this movement of Palaeolithic population gradually extended further towards east of Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia districts of West Bengal.
  5. Therefore, in course of time, the entire Chotanagpur plateau including its fringe areas of West Bengal and highlands of Orissa formed a bigger zone of activities for Palaeolithic peoples.
  6. Middle Palaeolithic was an indigenous development and represented a continuation of an earlier culture. Hence, change of raw material seems nominal. Further, the region as a whole is characterized by the continuing use of handaxe and at least a few cleavers albeit in diminutive form. It is not surprising therefore that these do not compare with the typical Mousteroid types recorded from the Maharashtra-Karnataka region.
  7. The Upper Palaeolithic, likewise, is very poorly represented. Further, more often than not these occur overlapping in regions of microlithic occurrences. Yet, it would be illogical to deny the existence of an Upper Palaeolithic stage in the present area of study especially in view of the presence of retouched long blade recorded from Singhbhum. Incidentally, the Damin area of Santhal Parganas have yielded an excellent assemblage of broad and elongated blades types, retouched cores and flakes, besides different types of Upper Palaeolithic assemblages. The raw material used here, mostly chert, is however quite different from the materials of other parts of our study area.
  8. A feature that is strikingly apparent in the occupational history of Damin area – the past vis-à-vis the ethnographic present – is long-term continuity. The micro environmental zones of the Damin regions are as varied as the upland forest, strips of river basin, woodland, shrub and thorny areas besides game which attracts the users of the Damin industry are certainly the source areas for the ethnographic present. The persistent character of the subsistence economy of the Damin population geared by hunting, foraging and fishing has gradually become a major force of seasonal daily wage labour labour for the neighbouring region. The assemblages are devoid of organic remains which are the principal sources to trace the adaptive pattern of the micro-environment. The reconstruction of the relationship between the upper Palaeolithic industry (context) may not be possible for the pre-historic period but settlement records and the present day situation offer scope to explain the dynamics of the hunter-gatherer culture. The states of Damin industry including its ethno-archaeological context also highlighted in the works of Chakrabarti where he rightly suggests by endorsing M.L.K. Murthy's opinion “typical of industries in woodland ecosystem…they may represent a regional facies of the Upper Palaeolithic.”
However, it seems that this region also has sites which are microlithic in their content. This might seem to be contrary with the statements made above unless their horizons or industries are separable entities.

Mesolithic Stage

Though the Indian Mesolithic is known as the microlithic stage, Ray (2004) refers to it as a blade-bladelet element because both are the major tool blanks found. This comes from the lower part of the uppermost silt bed. A majority of total tools found belong to this section. The material used includes agate, chert, jasper, milky quartz, etc. Tools include scrapers, points, awls, burins, borers and lunates with flakes, blades, bladelets, discoidal and fluted cores as debitage and tool blanks. The tools range from 1cm to 6cm. Mohanty's study of Keonjhar in 1993 shows them to be in association with heavy-duty tools, like cores, scrapers, choppers, thick knives and picks made on altered basalt.
A.C. Carlyle seems to have coined the term Mesolithic from the soil of India as an intermediate stage between the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic. While Pleistocene ends in 10,000 years B.P., Mesolithic in Europe starts around 9,500 years B.P., ending around 6,000 to 5,000 years B.P. In India it has been included in the late Stone Age, the microlithic Age or the Mesolithic Age. The Mesolithic in India, characterized by microlithic industry, has neither a fixed genesis or continuity and is not fixed by absolute dating methods. The 900 tools collected from 8 sites in West Bengal by the authors included scrapers, knives, lunates, triangles, trapezes, burins, points, borers and denticulates. The types are similar but local ecologies and activities may be the cause for change in the proportion of the types found. A differentiated Neolithic-Mesolithic boundary with any site having these items clearly separable has yet to be found for any region in the locality (Ray and Chakraborty; 2004).
The idea of a catch-all phrase of the Mesolithic as an in-between stage of degeneration from the Palaeolithic to the Neolithic has to give way to newer concepts where larger groups may have operated together and complex hunter-gatherer strategies may have existed. The main problem of this stage has been the preservation of items that prove this (Price; 1991).
In 1966-67, Bhupendra Pal Singh reported a microlithic site from Karamchat in Shahabad District, Bihar. This is in the Gupteshwar Dham region. The raw material was fine-grained silicious element including glassy quartz, flint, jasper, agate, chalcedony, chert, etc. There were 84 finished implements including blades, points, scrapers on blade, a lunate and scrapers on core. There were 56 by-products including 45 cores and 11 flakes indicating a factory site. The site represented few geometric forms.
In 1980-81, Bhattacharya, Chakrabarti and Chakrabarti reported a preliminary microlithic collection from four sites around Santiniketan in Birbhum district of West Bengal. 12 pieces were collected from Shyambati, 63 from Taltorer Danga, 57 from Deer Park and 34 from Paruldanga. At Paruldanga, it seems that an antiquity of 12,000 years BP or greater is estimated (Chakrabarti; 2002-2003: 26). At the Deer Park a typical typological evolution may be seen from backed flakes to backed blades. Fossil wood pieces are also found here. The first two sites are basaltic in the use of raw material. The raw material in the latter two sites is cherty material and fossil wood. Lacking a true Mesolithic tool kit collection, the authors conclude that the sites might represent a habitation coeval with the chalcolithic of the region.
In 1980-81, Chakrabarti, Bhattacharya and Chattopadhyay reported a series of sites from Bankura. In some sites there was an association of celts with microliths, and also at Dihar there were found microliths made on glass. There is an association of Neolithic celts with microlithic debitage, a few pieces of iron implements and medieval pottery at Shulgi and Namokechanda. The Dwarakeswar, Gandheswari, Kumari-Kansavati and Silavati valleys contain lower palaeoliths. Further, the microliths occur with Black-and-Red Ware at Kumardanga and Tulsipur. It is presumed by the authors that in the period of temple construction in 11 th century Bankura, there were still some pockets of microlith users. This may be true of Purulia as well.
In 1991 Datta reported five sites from the Midnapur district, around the Tarafeni river. The five sites yielded 1,779 artefacts of different tool types. At Kattara I, Upper Palaeolithic types were found including blades, scrapers, points, borers, lunates, etc. Blade and blade tools form the major component. At Kattara II, there were Upper Palaeolithic blades, points, scrapers, etc. At Laljal, there were Mesolithic tools including blades, points, lunates, scrapers, burins, borers, etc. At Srinathpur, the Mesolithic tools included blades, points, lunates, burins, etc. At Asri, points, lunates, scrapers and burins comprise the Mesolithic period collection. At Kattara I and II, blades and blade-based tools comprised about 80% of the tools found. There seems to have been less uniformity in sizes in this period. In the three Mesolithic sites there is a uniformity in the distribution of length and breadth in the tool types. From the green quartzite of the Upper Palaeolithic period, a cherty quartz becomes the dominant raw material of the Mesolithic people. The three Mesolithic sites are close and also show similarities in their assemblages.
Basak (1997) analyzed 49 sites in the Tarafeni valley of Midnapur district, West Bengal. Many of the raw materials used for making the tools are absent at these sites. A uniquely detailed analysis is the hallmark of this analysis. The author has been most thorough in his analysis. 541 cores were present but only 22 raw material blocks. Only 417 cortical flakes were present out of 1699. Primary decortification flakes (with 100% cortex cover) and those with more than 50% cortex cover (secondary decortification flakes) are only 14 (0.8%). The rest all have less than 50% cortex cover. It was assumed that partially decorticated cores of raw material were transported here for tool-making. Perhaps they were normally transported with them as part of a tool kit. Due to a shortage of raw material cores were extensively used. They were manufactured, used and discarded at the time and place of their use. A blade scar/blade ratio as well as a core/flake ratio has also been given for each site. The flakes discarded from the blade manufacturing process often show use marks without any further retouching. Blades, once hafted, are rarely discarded like other flakes at the place of their use and this shows a characteristic clustering of blades at sites of manufacture. Further, blades get worn due to transportation. Such loose blades may be discarded at the time of use. The rich and extensive use of the valley could be due to the availability of water in a semi-arid period.
Tarafeni dating by palaeomagnetic method in Russia to the gravel layer yielding Lower Palaeolithic tools has come to about 70,000 years BP. At Susunia it came to at least 40,000 years BP by C-14 method at the limits of its sensitivity (Datta; 1982).
Singh (1999) discovered three new sites in the region near Simdega of Gumla district. It is possible that it falls within the dates 7000 BC to 1000 BC for such tool types in the area. As compared with temperate areas, the microlith users survived for a considerable period. As a result, it must have been running in parallel with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic or even Iron Age. The three areas found were within a 100 km of both Madhya Pradesh (Raigarh and Sarguja districts) as well as Orissa (Sundergarh district).
At Islampur, there are fine gravel of chert lying over a km area. Calcareous concretions are found all over the area. This could be due to the use of shells in the region. As these are discarded by the microlithic users, they decompose into these calcareous depositions. Broken shells in large number are also seen here. Yellowish chert, black chloride and quartz were quarried from local outcrops as the raw material. 1563 tools were picked from these regions, consisting of flakes, fluted blades, fluted cores (sometimes with double platforms), blades detached by punching technique, three broken blades showing clear evidence of surface flaking done in the manner of European Solutrean leafs (classed as leaf point fragments), retouched blades, backed blades, burins (most prepared on fragments of fluted cores by delivering a truncation on the terminal end and then removing the burin facet along the length), burinated cores (fragments of blades and cores with one or two burin blows), macrolunates, many thick flakes and bladish flakes backed to emphasize a pointed end, end scrapers, slender microlithic lunates and notches. It seems to the author to be older than any of the other microlithic industries noted so far, representing a transition of late Palaeolithic into microlithic (Singh; 1999).
At Purnapani 1466 tools were collected from the third terrace of the river Chhinda. A majority is waste material. The others include micro Gravette point, carinated end scraper, burinated fluted core, lunates, triangles, end scrapers, borers, penknife, retouched blades and burins. This shows a continuity with Islampur and may be younger in age to the Islampur site (Singh; 1999).
Keraghagh is a site with 2515 tools found on the second terrace of the river Chhinda. Of this, waste materials amount to 87.5% like flakes, blades (unretouched blades, flakes, crest guiding blades and core rejuvenation) and cores. Blades are removed both by punching and fluting. Its younger date is indicated by scalene triangles, points, truncated blades, high frequency of lunates, obliquely blunted blades, macro lunates. These three sites match the radiocarbon dates for Paisra (7420±110B.P.) (Pant and Jaiswal; 1991). The gradual adaptation of the population here took a long duration, up to the third millennium B.C. Wheel made, well-fired glazed potsherds of gritty clay were also found in association and the author could collect 9 celts from the local farmers ploughing the fields. Thus classifying the various stages as consisting of certain actual periods could be a mistaken version for the region (Singh; 1999).
The Deulga Hills of Sambalpur region yield rock art in its cave shelters. More than a hundred rock shelters have been found here. Fifteen of these yielded signs of prehistoric habitation. The walls of these shelters include a wide array of petroglyphs while microliths, heavy-duty pebble tools, crudely made potsherds are found on the floors of most of the shelter. A number of conical or cylindrical cupules, often in alignment are found on the rocky floors. The rock art is in the form of petroglyphs, mostly engraved, or abraded/scratched, or rubbed on the front wall. Various naturalistic as well as schematic representations of a variety of animal forms are found, especially fish and birds (Walimbe, Behera and Mushrif; 2001).
In 2001, Walimbe, Behera and Mushrif dug a trial pit and found three broad layers of habitation.
Layer I: Reddish-coloured, loose, silty-sand, mixed with exfoliated sandstone fragments. This contained lithic assemblages, both microlithic and non-microlithic, a few crudely made and shapeless potsherds, freshwater mollusk shells of bivalve variety and a few fragments of animal bones.
Layer II: Reddish-brown, loose, silty-sand, mixed with occasional sandstone fragments and calcretes. Lithic assemblages here included microlithic and non-microlithic ones, the upper part of a bone point, mollusk shells of bivalve and gastropod types, a few animal bone pieces and human skeletal remains. The skeletal remains seemed to be of one individual and were disturbed. Only on one small-sized cranial fragment is some charring evident. The rest of the bones show no such sign. There is minimal weathering but parts of bones are also missing. Though the sex of the specimen could not be definitely ascertained it had died between 25-30 years of age, was short of stature (144.37”±4.05 cm (if male) and 138.61” ± 4.45 cm (if female)) and genetically gracile in build. Hence, the people in this period subsisted on limited hunting of small to medium-sized animals and aquatic as well as plant food resources. The human beings suffered relatively heavy mechanical stress as compared to a pastoral economy.
Layer III: Brownish-grey, loose, silty-sand mixed with a few sandstone fragments and calcium carbonate nodules. Lithic artifacts, mollusk shells, some pieces of animal bones and several pieces of foliated mica were also found.

Conclusions And Preliminary Ideas

Though it seems to be apparent to some of the authors that Singhbhum (now divided into East and West Singhbhum districts) was the centre of activity of hunter-gatherers during the palaeolithic period, with subsequent spread to Hazaribagh (in Jharkhand), Midnapur (presently divided into Purba and Paschim Medinipur districts), Bankura and Purulia districts of West Bengal, as well as to the Mayurbhanj district of Orissa, this has been belied by successive finds in almost all the districts of Jharkhand (for an example see Table 1). Hence, though probable paths of human habitation may be speculated about, it has been impossible to state clearly that Singhbhum district might be the centre of human habitation during this period. In fact, such a notion might be mistaken.
The use of food resources of the humans living in this region at the time included plant food resources, limited hunting of small animals, bears and some other animals as well as that kind of food which was available near water resources like fish and mollusk. These are still part of the diet of current day tribes of the region as are mushrooms and honey. Some of the tribes also eat field rats, which may have been useful, especially since storage of grains and other foods was begun.
Though food eating varies from tribe to tribe, many of the current tribes of the Chotanagpur region bring their hunted animals, indigenous medicines, and food to the market for sale and exchange with other communities. Such a practice of exchange of food may have existed in the past also. As a result, though local food practices continued, there was a lot of borrowing and sharing among the communities in the region, regarding ideas, food and many other things. It is thus no wonder that today a clear distinction is no longer apparent between the use of religious symbols, food and other items of material culture among the tribes of the region.
Over the years, as the numbers of large animals declined and animal husbandry increased, there has been a shift to the hunting of small animals rather than larger ones. This has been seen in the shift of the tool kit from heavy duty tools to the use of microliths in this region. However, in other areas, other strategies have also been used. This has been the use of decreasing sizes of heavy duty tools like miniature handaxes and cleavers in this entire region. As a result of this unusual toolkit, a variety of possibilities open up. Often, the use of miniature ring stones remains unexplained. One possibility has been that these may have been used as sinkers for fishing nets made of bamboo, grasses, ropes and other materials. I am indebted to Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya for proposing many of these ideas that open up these possibilities.
One of the most remarkable ideas floated by Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya is that of a root-crop horticultural exploitation of natural sources. Such root crops, though not very systematically grown, are present in the ‘food lore' of the tribal communities of the region. Such root-crop cultivation coupled with the kind of tools available show us a remarkable spread of activities as possibilities.
One would require, at this stage, to modify one's ideas of what a culture consists of. One would have to consider it as a concept that does not mean a fixed and unwavering set of activities that continue over time in a set of people, thus defining them as a community of its practitioners. One would require to think of culture as a set of practices and possibilities, a tool-kit if you will, of things that may be done in order to carry out survival activities. Such a culture would create, recreate and reformulate itself on a daily basis, yet maintaining a strong ‘storage' and transmission characteristics of its practices over generations.
Using this concept of culture, then, one sees the prehistoric hunter-gatherers and other populations to mean those groups of people who use different mixes of these economic activities in order to acquire food. Some would be more inclined towards hunting, while others less. Some would be more inclined to stay on near lakes where they could use mollusks and fishes (as at Deulga hills). Still others would have continued with preliminary domestication of plants and animals. Such communities would have no imperative to change over long periods of time and may have had settled habitations that continued well into the Chalcolithic period.
This is why there has been a new term suggested for such communities which has been suggested as the Epi-Palaeolithic. It would seem to be much more than just a transitional community between two academically defined archaeological stages. It would seem to be a way of life, a strategy of survival, of many of the communities that used multiple economies as strategies for making better use of available resources. It would mean a broader base of environmental knowledge than found in most societies today.
This brings us to the concept of the time period of these habitations. To all intents and purposes dates of 70,000 BP show that early habitations in the region were already existing during this period with some of them continuing well into the proto-historic or historic period itself. Thus habitations in the region could well include, even allowing for in- and out-migration, many of the present tribal communities of the region as well as some of the integrated agricultural ones.

References

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 Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 3: The Neolithic Problem And The Chalcolithic

Abhik Ghosh
Department of Anthropology, Panjab University
Chandigarh
Citation: A. Ghosh: Prehistory Of The Chotanagpur Region Part 3: The Neolithic Problem And The Chalcolithic. The Internet Journal of Biological Anthropology. 2009 Volume 2 Number 2. DOI: 10.5580/223e
Keywords: Neolithic, Chalcolithic, India, Chotanagpur, Prehistory
Abstract

The archaeology of the Chotanagpur region, as explained earlier, has been steadily giving new surprises over the years. It is time now to rethink the whole issue thoroughly in the context of influences from the entire region as well as indigenous growth and development of traditions and ways of life. First, an attempt has been made to cobble together the very patchy Neolithic record of the region and then the conclusions have been transferred to the Chalcolithic period in the region as well. This work will attempt to take into account the major sites of this period in the region. This data is analyzed through the lens of certain theoretical perspectives that may explain them. This would lead to a better understanding of the continuity of the prehistoric sites found in the Chotanagpur region. Finally, it might prove to be a means of further understanding the way prehistoric cultures have been manifesting themselves during the early historic period.

Introduction

The Chotanagpur region is a plateau area which now covers the Indian states of Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. It has an average elevation of about 2000 feet above sea level. The soil and other stratigraphic conditions have been discussed earlier (see Ghosh; 2008(a)).

The problem of this zone was always that the Neolithic celts found in this area were few and far between. There did not seem to be any continuity with either the confusing Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods with its fairly large numbers of groups (see Ghosh; 2008(b)) or with the scattered starting of state systems in the latter period. Hence, though there were celts found, there was no area which had a large number of celts. Also, there was no evidence that there had been trade or the association of celts with a large cultural assemblage which could be the precursor of a state system or even that of a local chieftain.

Two possibilities could have emerged from this. Firstly, it could be that there was only a very scattered Neolithic in the region. The few celts found could also have been obtained as part of trade goods. Secondly, it was also possible that the Neolithic began in fertile areas which became hubs of agricultural activity later. As a result, signs of previous occupations were wiped out, leaving the scattered evidences found today. A look at the totality of the evidence throws out a third possibility. This possibility is inherent when one looks closely at the data of the large populations that existed in the previous periods. It seems that it might have been possible for such early groups to adopt a multiple economic system where systematic agriculture may only have been a fraction of the economy and other aspects of horticulture and other modes may have occupied a significant proportion. Perhaps this is what Prof. D.K. Bhattacharya meant when he jokingly talked of the great Neolithic scam in undivided Bihar.

Since such communities were following multiple economies earlier, it would come as no surprise then to see them add on other abilities and economies in the Chalcolithic period. Hence, eventually, one will have to do away with terms like Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Iron Age as far as communities in this region are concerned.

The Neolithic Problem In Chotanagpur

Neolithic tools are mostly found in the top layer of the soil. It is possible that these implements have gradually worked their way to the top over the years. Such neolithic implements include polished or unpolished celts, small arrowheads of leaf-shaped or chisel-edged patterns, cores, flakes, stone beads, chisels, adzes, axeheads, etc.

The collections of Bodding in 1901 and 1904 were transported to Oslo by 1934 and were analyzed by F.R. Allchin in 1962 (1979) who divided the entire collection into two – a Neolithic assemblage (2149) and a Late Stone Age assemblage (38) of a total of 2620 pieces.

Mitra (1931) notes that a celt that he observed from S.C. Roy's collection from an Asura grave in village Gora in the Khunti subdivision of Ranchi district in 1930 was called Ther-diri or ‘Thunder stone' by the Kolarian people of the region. It would be dated about 15,000 to 25,000 years old. The Kolarian people believe these to have rained down on the earth from the skies by gods or semi-divine personages like Rama or Lakhshmana. These celts have a divine afflatus and kept beside a parturient woman, it aids in easy and speedy deliveries.

Mitra (1931) also notes that such celts are also called ‘Thunder stones' among the Mongoloid tribes of Assam. The Naga tribes in the Naga hills of Assam call them ‘thunderbolts', as mentioned by Prof. Henry Balfour in an article in Folklore in June 1929. Some call it luck-bringing, while the Lhota Nagas do not touch them. The Ao Nagas believe them to bring thunderstorms and cause houses to be struck by lightning. Balfour, in an article on the issue in Folklore of March 1930, describes such a case accurately, and the Ao Nagas believed it had been caused by a celt with a reddish streak running through it. The celt was sent to the Pitt-Rivers museum of Anthropology by J.H. Hutton and in the November gale of 1928 a large portion of the museum roof was blown off. In another Naga case, mentioned by J.H. Hutton, it was seen that there was some belief in its powers to reduce the intoxicating powers of alcohol and for cooling the tongue by licking it. There is belief in other medicinal powers associated with celts also, as mentioned by S.C. Roy, especially relating to headache, difficult urination, rheumatic or other pain in any part of the body, affections of the lungs, etc. Water with which the stone has been rubbed on another stone is an essential part of the remedy, being applied to the affected part. Perforated rock-crystal beads called rati-jara (‘night fever') are dug out from the fields or found in ancient cinerary urns are valued as a cure for certain fevers, especially those which occur in the night.

One of the few Neolithic sites in the region has been found from Chirand which has been excavated (Narain; 1970, Vishnu Mittre; 1972). It is in Saran district of Bihar, about 8 kms. East from the district headquarters Chhapra. The flood plains of the Ganges were used for grain cultivation by the broadcast method and microlithic blades hafted onto clay or wooden sickles were used to cut the grain (Prasad; 1980). Carbonised wheat, rice, barley, lentils and legumes (mung, masur and peas) have been found at the Neolithic level. Rarity of storage jars seem to indicate that food was rarely stored and hence marginal. Hunting was seen to be the major occupation and source of food. Bones of Bos indicus (domesticated humped cattle), Bubalus bubalis (domesticated buffalo), Ovis aries (domesticated sheep), Capra hircus (domesticated goat), Sus domesticus (domesticated pig), Canis familiaris (dog), Rhinoceros unicornis (Indian one-horned rhinoceros), Elephas maximus (Indian elephant), Cervus duvauceli (swamp deer), Axis axis (chital) and Sus scrofa (wild boar) were found, often with cut marks suggesting their use as food. Fish bone has also been found in huge quantities, as well as turtle, snail, tortoise and mollusk. Roasting or multiple ovens has indicated roasting of animals. There fish bones inside the cooking vessels which bear soot marks. There are no plates or dishes but bowls, handis (pots) and spouted vessels occur in large number indicating the liking for liquid food. A terracotta serpent was also found at this site. The site is dated to between 4,000 – 3,000 B.C. or more accurately to 1375 ±#177; 100 BC (Prasad; 1980, Bhattacharya; 1989).

Thapar (1973-74) pointed out that there appeared to be two kinds of Neolithic sites. One kind showed varying levels of Neolithic economy without any preparatory processes. On the other hand, another group of sites indicate a largely hunting and gathering economy which elaborated at some stage of cultural evolution by the use of ground stone implements, and occasionally attesting the presence of domestic animals. He claims that the problem is the obsession to look for sites with a continuous sequence of events by many archaeologists. Some way has to be found where the two meet.

In the neighboring areas of the Kaimur hills of district Rohtas, Bihar, a variety of such sites of early farming communities has been studied by Birendra Pratap Singh in 1988-89. These Neolithic settlements were overlaid by deposits of Chalcolithic and NBPW culture. Those in the plains regions near the rivers seem to be more successful and the foothills were being used for faunal and lithic resources. These foothills were not very far from sites like Senuwar.

Surface explorations in the Chotanagpur region have often unearthed Neolithic celts and other tools. They have been found from Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Santhal Pargana districts, and in other areas. Most have been surface finds. Some have been dug up by farmers while ploughing fields. One such celt made on green-coloured jasper in a highly polished and symmetrical state was displayed by Bulu Imam who had found more such celts in the region (Imam; 1996: personal communication).

Sathe and Badam (1996) have commented about the animal remains found from Senuwar in Rohtas District, Bihar. The Period IA is Neolithic (3rd millennium BC), Period IB is Neolithic-Chalcolithic (1700±#177;120 BC, 1600±#177;120 BC, 1500±#177;110 BC and 1400±#177;110 BC), Period II is Chalcolithic and Period III is NBP and Kushana. Less domestic buffalo than cattle, and after that sheep and goats are seen. Domestic buffalo and cattle were killed between 6 to 18 months while sheep/goats between 8 months to 1 year. Pigs were killed between 1-2 years of age. One upper incisor of an equid was found at Chalcolithic level. Nilgai, blackbuck, four-horned antelope, barking deer, chital or spotted deer, sambar/barasingha (Cervus sp.) show occasional hunting. Along with this there are three genera of mollusks, abundant in Neolithic-Chalcolithic period. Half of the meat eaten seems to have been cattle or buffalo. However, in spite of the rivers Kudra and Son being nearby, there were no fish remains.

Kumar and Pant (1996-97) divide the era into three stages:

Stage I: (ca. 2300 BC – 1950 BC)

It is represented by the Senuwar sub-period IA and the entire Neolithic complex of Mahagara-Koldihwa. It is based on the economy of the cultivation of only one cereal (rice) and the domestication of various animals, partly supplemented by gathering, fishing and hunting. It is compared with the tribal economy of Chotanagpur of the present day among the Santal, Munda, Oraon and Ho. A study of faunal remains of Senuwar by Badam, shows scattered animal bones (domestic/hunted or butchered), considered the property of the community with the flesh being distributed. This may have been true also for the communal ownership of domesticated animals. Cattle and sheep were domesticated at Mahagara and Senuwar. Senuwar also domesticated buffaloes and pigs. Mahagara domesticated goats and horses also. Pigs are kept by the Santals, Mundas and Oraons. A cattle pen was located at the centre of Mahagara. Eighteen huts were found but none had cattle sheds. Whether rice was cultivated in the same pattern is unknown. Contributing only marginally, rice was supplemented by the collection of wild rice, grasses (job's tear and fox's tail), wild fruits (ber, etc.), hunting of big games, particularly big ungulates, and exploitation of aquatic fauna (turtle and fish). Such egalitarian societies had no socio-economic hierarchy. Thus, pastoralism with hunting-gathering economy and rice cultivation were all present. Rice, barley, field pea, lentils and some millets were identified. There was also dwarf wheat, grass pea, kodon and vetch. It contains Red Ware, Burnished Red Ware and Burnished Grey Ware. Some Burnished Grey Ware contains post firing ochre painting on the rim. Bowls show the same identification marks as the Vindhyan Koldihwa and Mahagara Neolithic.

Stage II: (ca. 1950 BC – 1650 BC)

It is marked by the cultivation of some new cereals and pulses, like barley (Hordeum vulgare), dwarf-wheat (Triticum spaeorococcum), jowar-millet (Sorghum bicolor), finger-millet/Ragi (Eleusine coracana), lentil (Lens culinaris), field pea (Pisum arvense) and Khasari (Lathyrus sativus). It was reached by Senuwar middle level to the end of Sub Period A. Similar agricultural carbonized grains were found from Chirand and Taradih. A two crop system exists but no further changes occur in mode of habitation, pottery, stone objects, bone objects and other cultural patterns. Wheat, barley and pulses found here are similar to the Indus Valley Civilization. It is claimed here that after the decline of the Harappan cities around 2000 BC, the people moved eastwards and hence this diffusion occurred. The Belan valley seems to have missed this change, and it affected the Kaimur foot-hills of Bihar. As people settled they moved to places east and north like Taradih, Chirand, Chechar-Kutubpur and Maner. Domestication of animals and hunting and gathering continued, though agriculture became more dominant.

Stage III: (ca. 1650 BC – 1300 BC)

Copper was introduced but the economy remained Neolithic. This was seen at Senuwar Sub Period B of the Neolithic. Though no copper was found in the other places it was also seen at Chirand, Chechar-Kutubpur, Taradih and Maner. A two crop system of agriculture exists, with domestication of animals, gathering of forest produce, big game hunting, and increased fishing. New species of wheat, millet and pulses are seen here. Seeds of bhang, dhatur have been found as well as a piece of iron wood (found in north Bengal and Assam). Bigger antler implements are now used for cultivation. Though lifestyles remain the same at Senuwar after the introduction of copper, marginal increase in number and types of all things occur including beads and there is some refinement and modifications. It may also show a larger number of people and a higher standard of living. New craft activities may also have begun due to copper. The copper was from Rakha mines and the single lead rod could be from Phaga area of Bhagalpur in Bihar. Most microliths are made on bladelets.

According to Ray (2004), this stage is very widespread and the major tool types are axes, adzes, chisels, wedges, knives, choppers and heavy-duty scrapers made on altered basalt. Chipping, pecking and grinding is the method of making these tools. Microlithic tools on cherts are associated with Neoliths. There is also pot-making, with pots being crude, thick, handmade, grit tempered and ill fired, orange and reddish buff in colour. Pottery types from different areas of eastern India seem to be similar. Barudih, Chirand and Pandu Rajar Dhibi are three excavated sites dating to the Neolithic. Burnt rice at Barudih was dated to about 1,000 B.C. Other dates obtained for similar beds are in the Bangladesh formation dated to 7000-6000 years B.P. Domestication of plants and animals occur, with village communities and craft specialization, like pottery and textile.

Bhattacharya (2004) makes certain relevant comments about the Neolithic in Jharkhand from 2000-1000 BC. A Neolithic is where the human population has become sedentary, has ceramics, ground and polished axes and domesticated cereals and livestock. However, he claims that in the middle Ganga valley adjoining the Chotanagpur region, there might have been a multi-‘species' farming community growing but having interactions with metal-producing and stone-material exchanging communities in the Chotanagpur region. The Chotanagpur region, being hilly, had to recourse to multiple economies for survival while those near the river valley plains did not need to do so. As a result, over all these types of tools and metals a repeated celt-making activity remains in the region. Further, due to trade and the area being rich in resources, it did not need to shift from older economies to new ones since there was no pressure or stress upon it to do so. As populations grew, they faced stress and sections would join a local agricultural community as a slightly different ethnic group with an ability to do artisanal or other activity. Such hunting groups number 215 in the Ganga valley. Many were sucked in as labour in about 1800 to 600 BC.

The earliest use of wheat and barley in India seem to be 2500-1800 BC in the Eastern Indian region. For rice, it 1500-1800 BC in the Eastern region while it goes up to 2300 BC in the Western region. For Jowar (Sorghum) millets it is found in Central India at about 4-5th century BC to 3-6th century AD. In the Ganga plains, rice was seen at Koldihwa at 5440 ±#177; 240 BC. In Bihar, rice has been found in early historic, Iron age and the Neolithic periods (earliest to about 1300 BC). In West Bengal, it has been found up to about 1250 BC in the Chalcolithic period. In Madhya Pradesh, though, all of the major agriculturally used species are found up to 2000 BC in the Chalcolithic period. In Orissa, rice has been found in about 1500 BC in the Neolithic period (Vishnu-Mittre; 1989).

It would be useful, in this context to review the ethno-archaeological studies from the region that have led to a contribution to our understanding of the region.

The Chalcolithic

While acknowledging that some parts of India did have the requisite metals, a large number of methods for metal-working as well as the raw materials seem to have come from other areas outside the present borders of India, according to Lamberg-Karlovsky (1967). The Bihar-Orissa type of celts are the flat, shouldered types are also found in Uttar Pradesh. The Bihar-Orissa types of harpoons, anthropomorphic figurines, antennae-hilted swords and spearheads seem to have evolved from Bihar-Orissa types found from copper hoards. Tin was worked in India in ancient times from Hazaribagh district, copper from Singhbhum district and copper ore associated with nickel from Singhbhum district. Campbell, in his analysis of 27 axes from Manbhum in 1916 claimed that they were produced in closed molds and then beaten to the required thickness while still hot.

Surprisingly, V. Ball in 1869 attributes the older copper workings in Singhbhum to be done by Seraks or Jaina lay worshippers. This seems to be partly true for many areas in India. If so, then they may be dated to at least 10-13th centuries AD. A pot of money of the Puri-Kushana period were found in association near the Rakha mines. The coins were not trimmed and it could be that a mint was set up near the copper mine itself. These could thus be dated to about 6-7th centuries AD. It seems as if the copper-iron age was coeval with the Neolithic and in this region, in some way, the two were connected. It is thus probable that the copper-iron-gold mining in the region could be around 1st-2nd millennium BC (Chakrabarti; 1993).

Beads of carnelian, agate, onyx, crystal and glass are also found in association with mining localities of eastern Singhbhum. They seem to be dated to a general early historic date. Some also have palaeoliths and neoliths in association. Further, the skill of these workers has been of a very high order and they have been extremely efficient at removing copper, so much so that they resemble present standards of copper mining and smelting (Chakrabarti; 1993).

Copper celts have been found in the past (Campbell; 1916) in the low hills from Paresnath to Pokhuria in the north of Dhanbad Subdivision to the Barakar river in the North, especially from Bisuadih and in a bundle dug up about a foot below the surface in Kolber. They were also found by Cobden-Ramsay (1916) from Bhagra Pir in Mayurbhanj, where they were again about a foot below the surface on the bank exposed by the river, a total of nine or ten pieces in all. Many other celts, ornaments and other finds have been reported by Roy (1916(a), 1916(b)).

There seems to have been a preponderance of tin alloys in the Ranchi region though lead and zinc mixtures are also found. However, all of the known copper and other metal-using sites had been using scrap metal or old metal as part of their raw material. As a result, it may not be ultimately possible to trace these metals to their original sources with such ease as has been believed earlier. A variety of alloys and mixtures have been repeatedly used in various regions in India (Lahiri; 1994-1995).

According to S.P. Gupta, the Copper Hoards found in the region began from Bihar about 2,000 BC and flourished in the Jamuna-Gangetic valley between 1800-1300 BC. He shows that there is a link between the copper items found in the Bengal-Bihar zone and the U.P. zone and they should be taken up together (Gupta; 1965).

Pandu Rajar Dhibi in Burdwan District, West Bengal is a Chalcolithic site excavated in 1962-64 under the leadership of late P.C. Dasgupta. It is the largest Black-and-Red Ware settlement in West Bengal. A variety of painted pots, copper bangles, beads of semi-precious stones, microliths along with a large number of bone and antler artifacts have been found from this site. The bones belong to four periods: Period I (1600-1400 BC), Period II (1200-900 BC), Period III (899-600 BC) and Period IV (599-300 BC). Recent bone fragments found include points, pins, arrowheads, surma sticks, blow-pipes, lunates, points, awls, beads and knives. Antler was not used as raw material in Bhaluksonda, Susunia and Dihar in Burdwan district and at Debpahar in Midnapur district but was found at Mahisdal in Birbhum district, Tamluk in Midnapur district and Mangalkot in Burdwan district (Banerjee; 2000).

At Mahisdal, Period I (1500/1600 BC) included various kinds of painted (black and white) as well as plain Black-and-Red Ware pottery, some Black-painted Red Ware, Red Ware bearing incised fillets, plain Red Ware, Black Ware sometimes with incised and pinhole decorations, microliths, terracotta objects, a flat copper celt, bone objects, beads of semi-precious stones and steatite, charred rice and a complete absence of iron. Iron appears only in Period II (about 800 BC) (Chakrabarti; 1993).

At Bahiri, the mound Chandra Hazar Danga in Birbhum district, had a Black-and-Red Ware pottery as the predominant type. It was excavated by Chakrabarti in 1981. Period I dates were 1120 – 795 BC, Period II at 810 – 410 BC and Period III at 660 ±#177; 180 BC. Iron-smelting was carried out in large amounts in the Period I and II (Chakrabarti; 1993).

One of the seven dates is Chalcolithic for Hatikra in Birbhum district (about 1000 BC). The other six dates are between 325 and 990 AD (Chakrabarti; 1993).

In this stage both metal and stone elements for the making of tools are found. The metals include copper, brass, bronze and iron. There are also chipped and ground celts, flake tools and metal ornaments. Orissan sites include Pallahara, Kuanr and Kanjipani, Dhalbhumgarh, Maubhandar and Rakha mines in Jharkhand and Porihati and Dhobakacha in West Bengal. Excavated by Ray (1993) and Ray, Kundu and Bhattacharya (2000), it shows all tools made on metamorphosed basalt, with heavy-duty tools being chipped celts, wedges, saddle querns, sickles and thick knives. Flakes, blades and cores are found as blanks as well as utilized pieces, and long blades are found with sharp lateral margins and marks of use. Levalloisean, punching and pressure-flaking techniques dominated. Wastes outnumbered tools, the site being a factory site and showed inhabitation. Potsherds (red and buff coloured but not very fine in texture), burnt clay and brass ornaments were also present, with crucibles (thick, heavy and with embedded metal slag), earthern pellets for slings, and rings and bangles made on brass. The ornaments analysed showed that the alloy was prepared by simultaneous reduction of chalcopyrite and lead zinc sulphide ore over a charcoal fire, perhaps a method used earlier in the Chalcolithic period. Ray claims that the evolving of the state in the region is due to the monopoly of mining in the region and the development of metallurgy.

S. Pradhan (2000) reported three sites from the Karandi valley in Orissa. From a trial excavation in these sites Chalcolithic material was found. At Badibahal, slow wheel-turned Buff and Red Ware were found which were ill-fired and fragmentary. Layer 2 had potsherds of both handmade and wheel-made type, both grit tempered and ill-fired and also fragmentary. In Layer 1, in association, a stone celt was found. At Bhejidihi, pottery, iron objects like chisels, nails and spearheads, stone objects like celts, microlithic chert bladelets, beads of quartz, carnelian, agate and jasper, terracotta objects like spindle whorls, toy cart wheels, hop scotches, copper ingot and bangles were found. Two periods were recognized here. Period I was Chalcolithic with bone, stone tools, copper and painted pottery. Period II was Early Iron Age represented by iron objects with Red Ware, Black Polished ware and Black-and-Red Ware. At Kurmigudi, pottery was found with fluted cores, bladelets, bone points, terracotta crucibles, hop scotch, a chopping tool, a broken piece of ring stone and a piece of antler. The author claims that Bhejidihi conforms to that of Golabai (painted pottery represented by post-firing painting in dark ochre) and Kambeswaripalli (painted pottery represented by creamy white painting on Black-and-Red Ware). At Bhejidihi, there is also black painting on Red Ware, similar to that of Period II at Pandu Rajar Dhibi. At Pandu Rajar Dhibi the Black-and-Red Ware is painted while at Bhejidihi it is unpainted.

The copper hoards seem to have a problematic relating to the difficulty of its assemblages and their dating or their attribution to any particular cultural group (Yule; 2001).

Many sites in West Bengal have also shown graduated metal working over long periods like Banesvar Danga, Bangarh, Bahiri, Bharatpur, Chandraketugarh, Dihor, Hatikra, Kankrajhor, Kotasur, Laljal, Mahisdal, Mangalkot, Pakhanna, Pandu Rajar Dhibi, Sulgi, Tamluk and Tulsipur. Chattopadhyay claims that the copper hoard objects were not always of the Chalcolithic period but there is a possibility of it having continued to a later period. The Eastern copper hoards differ typologically and technologically from the Western copper hoards. After maturity, it is possible that copper hoards from this period migrated to the Gangetic Doab. Brass articles were also exported to Thailand (Chattopadhyay; 2004).

Conclusions

An interlinking is thus seen with the Neolithic, Chalcolithic and the later and earlier periods in the region though they cannot be readily observed in every region from the stratigraphic data. Many of the sites were found near river areas though it is quite likely that these sites also existed in interior areas also and whose signs were erased through later settlements.

There is also evidence that these goods were transferred to other areas like Thailand and also to other areas within India. Further, the nature and behavior of the people who were storing copper in hoards is not clear nor is there any clear idea of which period they might have belonged to. As a result, it is quite possible that they might have been a behavioral characteristic of different cultural groups in the same region over a period of time.

The evidence seen here is also showing clearly that the use of certain tools or metals or other economic practices was not restricted to any one cultural group but was spread out over many different culture-bearing populations. Perhaps the laws of pragmatism prevailed.

What of regional variations? It seems that the areas which were adjoining the plains areas contributed most to the early farming settlements in the plains areas (see Maps). They became like a sort of satellite to such developing areas. The sheer magnitude and variety of the sites show that a great population grew and developed in this region over this period (see Appendices I and II). Thus interior sites developed on their own though they all had trade relations with other communities while those near the borders of the plateau region interacted most with the growing, powerful states coming up through agriculture in the plains. There was a lot of trade and interaction among these communities at this point, even to the extent of borrowing major technologies relating to agriculture. Also horticultural and other produce may have been the specialty of these ‘fringe' communities which the initial agriculturists lacked and found to be delicacies.

One way of looking at large scale cultural borrowings of this kind would be see them as happening in larger cultural clusters creating a mega-culture. Such mega-cultures could borrow or use large-scale cultural commonalities for perhaps specific areas of social life like economy, agriculture, trade, pottery, weaponry, metallurgy, etc. These might be related to the Alfred Schutz's stock-knowledge-at-hand for a whole area or region. Though the idea of a stock-knowledge-at hand was wrought by Alfred Schutz as referring to one cultural group, in this case the idea needs to be modified to include sections of cultures or groups of culture-bearers who combine ideas according to pragmatic reasons in order to follow a set group of practices that are relevant to the entire group. Such mega-cultures may approximate or bridge the concept used by many archaeologists as ‘traditions,’ since they are wary of using the term culture for such large-scale activities that may possibly involve multiple culture-bearing groups. I shall develop on these ideas in the next part of this exposition, where I shall show how different cultures in the region actually had similar activities.

Thus, there is a direct continuity between the cultures and traditions that existed in the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic to those that existed later. Unraveling the complexity of later migrations of other populations that came in and of the alliances formed between these communities should be the basis of any future archaeology of the region. This work is thus preliminary in setting the outlines of such a research paradigm.

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Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1916(a). Relics of the Copper Age found in Chota Nagpur, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 2: 481-484.
Roy, Sarat Chandra. 1916(b). A find of ancient bronze articles in the Ranchi District, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society 2: 485-487.
Sathe, Vijay and G.L. Badam. 1996. Animal remains from the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods at Senuwar, District Rohtas, Bihar, Man and Environment 21(2): 43-48.
Singh, Birendra Pratap. 1988-89. Early farming communities of Kaimur foot-hills. Puratattva Number 19: 5-18.
Thapar, B.K. 1973-74. Problems of the Neolithic cultures in India: A retrospect, Puratattva Number 7: 61-65.
Vishnu Mittre. 1972. Neolithic plant economy at Chirand, The Palaeobotanist 1: 18-22.
Vishnu Mittre. 1989. Forty years of Archaeobotanical research in South Asia, Man and Environment 14(1): 1-16.
Yule, Paul. 2001. Addenda to the Copper Hoards of the Indian subcontinent: Preliminaries for an interpretation http://crossasia-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/510/1/yule_man_envir_2001.pdf in: Man in Environment 26.2, 2001, 117-120. This note supplements the author's book-length "The copper hoards of the Indian subcontinent: Preliminaries for an interpretation" with appendices by Andreas Hauptmann and Michael J. Hughes, published in the Jahrbuch des RomischGermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, 36, 1989 (1992).



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Prehistory of Jharkhand and Singhbhum, some literature


August 3, 2015 at 2:19 pm

Prehistory of Jharkhand and Singhbhum, some literature

The earliest remains of mankind on the Chotanagpur plateau have received little attention to date, although the first finds date from 1864. In 1868 Beeching described this discovery of stone implements in the Chaibasa and Chakradharpur area.
  • [Captain Beeching], ‘Notes on some stone implements in the district of Singhboom by Captain Beeching’, communicated by V. Ball, Esq., PASB January to December 1868, July 1868, p. 177;
  • Sarat Chandra Roy, The Mundas and Their Country, Calcutta, 1912, reprint London: Asia Publishing House, 1970, p. 10.
In 1874 Ball got ‘a remarkably fine stone adze’ from the Superintendent of Police in Chaibasa. About his finds, see:
  • Valentine Ball, Jungle Life in India, or the Journeys and Journals of an Indian Geologist, London, 1880, also reprinted 1985 as Tribal and Peasant Life In Nineteenth Century India, New Delhi: Usha, pp. 136; 140; 472-5; 675-83.
For further finds in Singhbhum, see:
  • Dharani Sen and Uma Chaturvedi, ‘Further Finds of Stone Axes in Singhbhum’, MII, Vol. 35, 1955, pp. 305-15.
    D. Sen, G. S. Ray, and A. K. Ghosh, ‘Palaeoliths from Manbhum and Singhbhum’, MII, Vol. 42, 1962, pp. 10-18.
For overview of the Jharkhand (Chotanagpur) area the remarkable series by Abhik Ghosh:
And, among other things, on the discovery of rock art in Chotanagpur:
Joseph Van Troy connected some finds with the Mundas on the plateau:
  • Joseph Van Troy, ‘The Pre-Historic Context of the Coming of the Mundas to the Ranchi Plateau: A review’, Sevartham, Indian Culture in a Christian Context, Vol. 15, 1990, pp. 27-41.
    Joseph Van Troy, ‘Prehistory and Early History of Chotanagpur’, in Sanjay Bosu Mullick (ed.), Cultural Chota Nagpur, Unity in Diversity, published for William Carey Study and Research Centre, New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1991, pp. 23-41.
An exhaustive inventory of bronze age metalwork in India did not draw definite chronological conclusions for the Chotanagpur plateau.
  • Paul Yule, Metalwork of the Bronze Age in India, Series: Prähistorische Bronzefunde Abteilung XX – Band 8, München: C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1985.

http://www.wakkaman.com/index.php/forums/reply/365/

www.indologica.com/volumes/.../vol23-24_art08_CHAKRABARTI.pdf Dilip K Chakrabarti, Ancient settlements of the Ganga plain: West Bengal and Bihar  https://www.scribd.com/doc/283221745/Ancient-settlements-of-the-Ganga-plain-West-Bengal-and-Bihar-Dilip-K-Chakrabarti

https://www.scribd.com/doc/283219128/Copper-hoards-of-northern-India-by-Paul-Yule-1997-Expedition-Vol-39-No-1
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