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AAP? Communist agenda -- Karat

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Published: January 3, 2014 03:20 IST | Updated: January 3, 2014 04:26 IST

AAP’s agenda has long been the Communist programme: Karat

Anita Joshua
CPI (M) General Secretary Prakash Karat. File photo: Shiv Kumar Pushpakar
The HinduCPI (M) General Secretary Prakash Karat. File photo: Shiv Kumar Pushpakar
Without revealing the party’s hand on whether the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) could be a potential ally, Communist Party of India (Marxist) general secretary Prakash Karat on Thursday said the virtues the new party claims for itself and its agenda of social justice, democratisation and decentralisation of power has long been the Communist programme.
Mr. Karat made these observations in a detailed article in the forthcoming issue of the party organ People’s Democracy in a bid to clear the air on the CPI(M) position vis-à-vis the AAP.
However, he did not answer the question the media has been posing on a possible alliance between the two parties. In fact, AAP leader Prashant Bhushan was quoted in a newspaper report as stating that the party would not tie up with the CPI(M) as corruption had seeped into its rank and file.
Acknowledging that the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi’s appeal to the middle class and youth was blunted by the AAP, Mr. Karat added: “However, the AAP’s stand on communalism and its attack on the communal Hindutva agenda were absent. Can the AAP ever hope to present itself as an alternative without taking a clear-cut stand against communalism?” He also questioned if the AAP had an alternative to neo-liberalism, adding that there was a tendency to gloss over these matters “perhaps due to the contradictions that exist in the social base” of the AAP.
Noting that the AAP’s rapid rise has been “generally welcomed by the democratic and secular circles in the country,” Mr. Karat said: “The involvement of a normally apolitical middle class and attracting the youth to political activism with idealism is a singular achievement.”

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/aaps-agenda-has-long-been-the-communist-programme-karat/article5531656.ece?homepage=true

Tongues that won't stop wounding -- Chandrima Bhattacharya & Pronab Mondal

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Tongues that won’t stop wounding

- A life more tragic than the cruel death
Calcutta, Jan. 2: The 16-year-old girl who was gang-raped twice and who died from burn injuries on Tuesday had killed herself, say her neighbours at the locality near Dum Dum airport where she used to stay. But that does not mean that the neighbourhood had spared her in any way.
The morning of December 23 began ostensibly with a fight over water, at the tap where several women had queued. But it was really about something else, says a woman who had become close to the girl’s mother and the girl during their one-month stay there.
“Whatever was being said to them, whatever the language was, whatever was being talked of, there was only one point,” says the woman who will not be named. “The girl was being told that she had brought shame to the neighbourhood. She was a bad girl,” says the woman.
The showdown at the tap drove her to set herself on fire, say the residents of the locality, one of the many “colonies” along the airport towards Barasat. It was the final spark after what she was subjected to for days.
The girl lived in a one-room tenement with her parents at a rent of Rs 2,000 per month, cheek by jowl with the other neighbours on one side and the landlord’s rooms on the other.
It is impossible to have secrets here. But the family, who had been hounded out of their previous Madhyamgram locality because the girl had been raped, had managed for about a month. Then the neighbours came to know.
In Madhyamgram, the girl had found one friend, Chhotu, a fish seller. Chhotu apparently surmised that she was “available” and invited five friends to join him in raping the girl.
She was raped by the six men first on the evening of October 26, not far from her Madhyamgram house, after which she was thrown onto a field.
Two days later, when she was returning after lodging a police complaint with her father on a cycle van, Chhotu and his friends grabbed her and raped her again in a taxi, this time to punish her for daring to go to the police.
Then they dragged her to the railway tracks, where they would have left her to be run over by a train, when a group of people saw them and stopped them.
The six were arrested by the end of October but life in the Madhyamgram shanty became unbearable. Threats followed. The loose comments blaming the girl for the rape were worse. It was constant humiliation. Sometimes abject fear.
To escape, the girl and her family moved into the airport locality about a month after the rape, in end-November. They lived quietly for about a month. The girl and her mother would join the woman who had befriended them to go to the temple for “Shiv charcha”. They had no other social life. No one knew.
But matters began to change with the visits of Minta Sil, the nephew of the landlord’s wife. Minta was a resident of the neighbourhood till two years ago and a frequent visitor. He is also a friend of Chhotu, the prime accused.
Minta would drop in at his aunt’s and other houses, which started the whispers. Then the landlady’s daughter, a resident of Madhyamgram, came visiting.
The twice-tormented girl was at once “outed”; the landlady’s daughter declared the girl’s “true identity” loudly in the close neighbourhood.
There was no stopping the tongues after that.
First, landlord Ranjan Sil, a barber, asked the girl’s family to leave. His wife Bela confirms this. But their response was perhaps the most restrained.
“We didn’t want trouble,” she says. “We didn’t know who they were. We wouldn’t have rented the room out had we known,” says the 55-year-old, shaken by the turn of events.
Her husband, emaciated and barely able to walk, is breaking down repeatedly, saying he had no role to play in the death.
But his son Ratan, enlightened by his sister and cousin Minta, did have a role to play, say the neighbours. Some of them supported him wholeheartedly.
People began to whisper again. There were loud comments. The family was being asked to leave the neighbourhood, relentlessly, not only by the landlord.
The girl’s mother began to look for another house with the help of her new friend, the woman who did not want to be named. “We had found one too, on another side of the colony,” says the woman.
But the people wouldn’t stop talking. Or pointing out.
On the night of December 22, around 2am, Ratan, who works as a driver, scaled the wall outside the girl’s part of the house, got in and shouted the girl’s name. He went away only after the mother came out.
Something was building up in the neighbourhood. Next morning, it broke at the “timekol” — the tap that yields water at particular hours.
The girl’s mother was at the tap, apparently complaining about the family’s plight, to which a neighbour retorted, triggering a bitter exchange and a gesture of insult that may have been the immediate trigger for the girl’s death.
“I told her (the girl’s mother) to go away if she found living here a problem,” said the neighbour who feels the mother misunderstood her and retorted.
But the mother’s friend says that the woman at the tap was one of the neighbours who were constantly talking about the girl’s “misdemeanour”.
That morning, the verbal duel took another turn when the woman at the tap waved her slippers at the girl’s mother who retaliated with words. Everyone had gathered: a spectacle was going on.
It was then, say the neighbours, that the girl ran into her tenement, barred her door, and set herself on fire.
Was she murdered? That is for the investigation — the police have registered a murder case — to prove.
The tragedy perhaps lies less in how she died and more in how she was forced to live.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140103/jsp/frontpage/story_17747092.jsp#.UsYnn9IW0ng

Good news: MMS retiring after 2014. 3rd conf. of SoniaG UPA score-card: Modi for PM.

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  1. India's invisible PM resurfaces to address a news conference, only his 3rd in 10 years. His tenure's real asset? BJP as a "dream" opposition
    MMS only contribution: he refused to resign so therefore Buddhu could not become PM.
  2. MMS who spoke slowly and choosing words carefully said Buddhu " eminently qualified to be President "(of an evaporating ) Cong party
    1. The only good news from PM's conference. He is retiring after 2014 elections.
  • Friday , January 3 , 2014 |

    Inflation a concern, but India heading for better times: PM

    New Delhi, Jan 3 (PTI): Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Friday admitted the government's failure to contain inflation but said high prices have helped farmers and the country was heading for better times.”
    “…we have also not been as successful in controlling persistent inflation as we would have wished. This is primarily because food inflation has increased. However, we should remember that our inclusive policies have put more money in the hands of the weaker sections”, Singh said while addressing a press conference, his third as Prime Minister.
    The worry about inflation, he added, “is legitimate but we should also recognise that incomes for most people have increased faster than inflation.”
    While making a case for increasing supplies and improving marketing and logistics to contain food prices, especially of perishables like fruits and vegetables, he stressed “much of this work lies in the domain of the states.”
    As regards growth, which has slipped to a decade's low of 5 per cent in 2012-13, the Prime Minister attributed the slowdown to global factors but exuded confidence that the growth momentum would revive in the coming years.
    “We are set for better times. The cycle of global economic growth is turning for the better. Many of the steps we have taken to address our domestic constraints are coming into play. India’s own growth momentum will revive”, he added.
    He said that during the term of United Progressive Alliance, India for the first time in its recorded history witnessed a sudden acceleration of economic growth to 9 per cent.
    “This exceptional performance was followed by a slowdown initiated by the global financial crisis. Over the past couple of years, all emerging economies have experienced a slowdown. India was no exception”, he added.
    Singh further added that it was not just the acceleration of growth that “gives me satisfaction. Equally important is the fact that we made the growth process more socially inclusive than it has ever been.”
    According to a report card captioned “10 Years of Progress and Growth” released Friday, India's average economic growth rose to 7.7 per cent in the 10-year regime of the UPA government as compared to 6.2 per cent recorded in the previous decade.
    “Average GDP growth rate during the period of UPA government (2004-05 to 2013-14) has been 7.7 per cent despite two global slowdown in this period,” the report card said.
    Agriculture growth rate, it said, has been rising consistently and the sector expanded by 2.5 per cent and 3.7 per cent during the 10th and 11th Five Year Plans, respectively, and expected to touch 4 per cent in the ongoing 12th Plan period.
    It said the country's GDP at current sprice has increased almost three times to Rs 100.28 lakh crore during the last nine years from Rs 32.42 lakh crore in 2004-05.
    Similarly, per capita income has risen almost three-fold during the period.
    The per capita income has gone up to Rs 68,747 in 2012 from Rs 24,143 in 2004, the report card said.
    “Per capita income has increased at an annual average of nearly 20 per cent during the last nine years, well above the consumer price index during the same period,” it said.
    On rural wages, the document said it has tripled in the last year and thus improving the purchasing power of majority of people in villages.
    Referring to large projects, it said the UPA government has expedited and cleared as many 293 projects involving investment of Rs 5.7 lakh crore in 2013.
    To fast-track stalled projects, the government has set up Cabinet Committee on Investment (CCI) and Project Monitoring Group (PMG).
    The document said credit flow to Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) has grown nearly seven times in the last seven years. The outstanding loan to the MSME sector was at Rs 5.27 lakh crore in 2012 as against Rs 83,498 crore in 2005.
    In the last two years, the Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme has supported 80,000 micro enterprises and so created job opportunities for 9.23 lakh people.
    Towards financial inclusion, the document said more people are now using bank facilities. The number of bank accounts has increased from 43.97 crore in 2004 to 77.32 crore as of last year.
    The report also said the poverty ratio has fallen steeply during the UPA regime to 21.9 per cent in 2012 from 37.2 per cent in 2004.
    “Under the UPA government, poverty in India has declined in an unprecedented manner. Average decline in poverty was 2 per cent per annum during 2004-2012, almost twice the rate of the preceding decade,” said the report card.
    It said the number of poor people came down to 26.93 crore, which was 21.9 per cent of the total population in 2012, from 40.71 crore in 2004 when the UPA government came to power.
    http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140103/jsp/frontpage/story_17747523.jsp#.UsaG1NIW0ng
  • The highs and lows of PM Manmohan Singh's political career

    Manmohan Singh speaks to the press on his 10 year term as Prime Minister
    Manmohan Singh
    Manmohan Singh
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh broke his silence in his first address to the media over the last 3 years. Here is a look at the highs and lows of the political career of Manmohan Singh.

    Highs
    • Manmohan Singh steered the Indo-US civil nuclear energy deal amidst stiff opposition from the Left parties even risking the UPA-I government.
    • Showed his political astuteness in getting Mulayam Singh Yadav's Samajwadi Party on board in 2008.    
    • Rights based laws enacted - Right to Information, Right to Education, MNREGA Employment Guarantee scheme.
    • Economic boom: India recorded over 9% GDP growth in first four years of UPA.
    • UPA-II came to power with Manmohan Singh as Congress PM.
    • Food bill and Lok Pal acts passed.
    • FDI in multi-brand retail : despite Trinamool Congress walking out of coalition in 2012.

    Lows
    • Manmohan Singh's image declines as UPA-II embroiled in scam after scam - PM lambasted as 'silent' PM.
    • Coal scam, 2G telecom scam, taking alongwith it several Union ministers.
    • Rail minister Pawan Bansal and Law minister Ashwani Kumar, both considered close to Manmohan Singh, forced to resign undermining PM's clout in the Cabinet.
    • Declining value of the rupee instills fear of economic collapse.
    • Galloping food inflation and price rise and failure of the government to arrest it.
    • Rahul Gandhi as Congress Vice President trashes Cabinet's ordinance on tainted netas as "nonsense", undermining PM's authority. Government retracts ordinance.
    • Congress politically decimated in last four assembly polls largely attributed to UPA's poor performance.
    • Calls for PM's resignation and Rahul Gandhi's appointment as PM candidate by Congress politicos.
    • http://www.business-standard.com/article/politics/the-highs-and-lows-of-pm-manmohan-singh-s-political-career-114010300187_1.html

    Analysis: Singh Tweets His Economic Record

Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at the G20 summit in Russia, Sept. 6, 2013. 
Even before announcing he would not run for a third term as prime minister on Friday, Manmohan Singh was already getting nostalgic about his time in 7 Race Course Road.
For the past two weeks India’s prime minister has been blasting his nearly one million followers on Twitter with charts showing the country’s economic progress during his 10 years in office.
The blue-turbaned leader of the world’s largest democracy may be stepping down after general elections but his party needs voters to appreciate India’s recent economic achievements if it hopes to stay in power beyond polls this spring.
The biggest threat to the Congress party and its allies will be the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party, whose prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi, has a reputation for skillful economic management as Gujarat’s chief minister. Opinion polls show that Mr. Modi and the BJP are viewed as better for business and the economy.
Mr. Singh has tried to set the record straight in his recent tweets, which show the last 10 years’ growth in everything from personal bank accounts to air traffic.
While economists, executives and fund managers agree that on average it has been a great decade for India, they say Mr. Singh’s #humblebrags may exaggerate his impact.
India Takes Flight

Since 2004-05, the number of air travellers within and outside India has increased exponentially- nearly three times
Air traffic on Indian carriers has soared to more than 75 million in recent years from less than 25 million just a decade ago.
“Aviation has changed completely in India since 2004,” said Kapil Kaul, the South Asia head of aviation-research firm CAPA. “Prior to 2004, [the sector] was overregulated and undermanaged, resulting in very little innovation.”
Although the roadmap for fixing aviation was written before he came to office, Mr. Singh took up the reform mantle during his first term: Privately owned carriers were allowed to operate international routes, and the government spent lavishly to build new airports and modernize existing ones.
Still, most of the surge in traffic didn’t come from Air India.
Well-managed private airlines—and some badly managed ones that went out of business—brought prices down and flew to new destinations, allowing millions of Indians to upgrade their “AC 2-tier sleeper” train tickets to economy-class air tickets.
World-Beating Growth
View image on Twitter
FACT: Since 2004, India has been the second fastest growing large economy in the world for a 10 year period -
Though it failed to overtake China, India had the second-highest growth rate of any major economy over the past 10 years. Many economists, however, would say the rapid expansion was in spite of India’s economic policies, not because of them.
“Having been prime minister during India’s record growth era, Singh can obviously claim some credit for it,” said Swaminathan Aiyar, a research fellow at the Cato Institute, a Washington-based libertarian think tank. “But the whole developing world, including once-blighted Africa, boomed at the same time. Clearly there was a global tide lifting all boats.”
Some credit should also go to Mr. Singh’s predecessor, the BJP’s Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was prime minister from 1998-2004.
“Vajpayee laid part of the foundation for the Indian boom,” Mr. Aiyar said.
Bank Accounts Bloom
View image on Twitter
Hundreds of millions of previously unbanked citizens have opened new accounts in the past decade.
While India’s state-run banks have been reaching farther and farther into India’s hinterlands, the private sector—both big private banks such as ICICI Bank and microlenders such as SKS Microfinance—also deserves credit for helping bring more people into the formal banking system.
There’s no denying the country has made progress on financial inclusion, or access to banking and credit for a broader range of consumers. But India needs to go further.
“This is fairly standard messaging from government,” said Subir Gokarn—a former deputy governor of the Reserve Bank of India and currently director of research for Brookings India, an arm of the Washington-based Brookings Institution—when asked about Mr. Singh’s tweets.
In a 2011 speech, Mr. Gokarn noted that banking services still weren’t reaching households with yearly income below 50,000 rupees, and that bank products were still underused in the smallest villages.
Rural Road Rush
View image on Twitter
Since 2004-05, more than four times rural roads have been cleared to connect Indian villages under PMGSY.
India has spent billions to build roads and highways over the past 10 years. Yet despite it being a major issue debated by politicians across the country, India has still failed to untangle land-acquisition rules in a way that would end drawn-out disputes between developers and local landowners and encourage more building.
The government’s new land-acquisition law, which came into effect Wednesday, might help, said Arpita Mukherjee, a professor at the Indian Council for Research and International Economic Relations.
Meanwhile, India also isn’t doing enough to make existing roads more efficient. There are regular traffic jams along national highways. Trucks are required to undergo inspection at state borders, where checkpoints are only manned for a few hours each day. Major expressways still aren’t well-connected with state roads, which aren’t well-connected with district roads.
Higher Education
View image on Twitter
Since 2004-05, the number of students in Higher Education in India has more than doubled.
The explosive growth in higher education in India over the last decade has been a byproduct of fast economic growth, said Eswaran Sridharan, the academic director of the University of Pennsylvania Institute for the Advanced Study of India.
But as enrollment has swelled, quality has dipped, Mr. Sridharan said. Fast-growing universities are finding themselves perpetually short of faculty to teach the flood of new students.
“There has to be much greater attention to quality—which means faculty quality,” Mr. Sridharan said.
The real value at universities lies in professional programs such as law, medicine and management, which can maintain high tuition fees because they enable graduates to get high-paying jobs.
At Indian universities, Mr. Sridharan said, these programs are currently “bare-bone.”
Follow India Real Time on Twitter @WSJIndia

Manmohan fulfills Mahatma's wish -- MD Nalapat. The best thing that has happened to India -- Decimation of Congress party.

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Manmohan fulfills Mahatma’s wish

Geopolitical notes from India

M D Nalapat
Friday, January 03, 2014 - The day this column gets printed, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is scheduled to announce what has been obvious since 2010,that he will not be in consideration for a third term as PM, even should the Congress Party do a Hat Trick and return to office in the 2014 polls. Since 1969,the party has in effect become the personal property of one or the other branch of the Nehru family, with Sanjay Gandhi (the son of Indira Gandhi) becoming the effective supremo in 1974,after a series of nationwide strikes and electoral defeats had led his mother to lose confidence in her advisors and to turn to her youngest son. The elder boy, Rajiv, was happy piloting an Avro propeller aircraft around selected regions of the country, usually chosen carefully so that he could return to Delhi in the evenings to be with his mother, children and wife. It was Sanjay who took charge, until his death in 1980.A few months later, Indira Gandhi asked her eldest son and sole surviving child Rajiv Ratan Birjees Gandhi to resign from the state-owned Indian  Airlines Corporation  and “assist” her in politics, and after her passing in 1984,it was Rajiv who got sworn in as PM, despite not having a day’s experience in government, except from 15,000 feet up in the skies.

When Rajiv himself was killed in 1991,there was a clamour from within the Congress Party that his widow Sonia take charge. An ambitious politician from Maharashtra State, Sharadchandra Govindrao Pawar, wanted the job. It was clear that he would push to the sidelines the Nehru family, were he to get the job. Groomed and promoted by a regional satrap, Yeshwantrao Balwantrao Chavan, and not by one of the Nehru clan,Pawar had no reason to feel a sense of loyalty to a family that had taken over a party which till 1969 had vestiges of collegial functioning. His mentor (Y B Chavan) had himself wanted to see the Nehru family replaced, rebelling when it was safe to do so, but coming back later once Indira Gandhi re-asserted her dominance. Sharad Pawar himself walked out of the Congress Party in the 1970s in order to become the youngest Chief Minister of his state, a show of independence which led Sonia Gandhi to quietly lobby for the ageing Pamulaparthy Venkata Narasimha Rao to take over as PM after the 1991 elections.

Her influence was far greater than that of Pawar, and although he had much more support within party than Rao, Sonia’s voice prevailed and he lost out. It had been expected that Narasimha Rao would step down after half his 5-year term was over, thereby enabling Sonia Gandhi to replace him with a trusted retainer, Arjun Singh. However, Rao refused to quit, signalling in mid-1993 that he would accept a fresh term as PM, should Congress return to power in 1996 Sonia Gandhi made sure that the Congress Party would get defeated, by encouraging a group of dissidents to form Congress (Tiwari) and contest against the Rao-led Congress Party in general elections.

The splitting of the vote ensured large gains for the BJP, which however had to cede ground to an alliance of smaller parties supported by both the Left parties as well as by Congress. In 1998,this ramshackle outfit collapsed, and this time, the BJP was able to lead a coalition government.National Security Advisor Brajesh Mishra, who was in effect the Executive PM because of ill-health of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, felt insulted when AIADMK (a major coalitionpartner) leader Jayalalitha made her secretary reply to his missive, and showed his petulance by blocking even inconsequential requests of the AIADMK, such as the appointment of favourites to boards of nationalised banks. Finally, Jayalalitha had had enough of such insulting treatment,and she withdrew support to Vajpayee, thereby forcing an election in 1999.

Fotunately for Vajpayee, then Chief of General Staff Pervez Musharraf chose that time to launch a military adventure in Kargil.War usually rallies people to the side of the government, and Kargil was no exception. Even though the war had been caused by the carelessness of Team Vajpayee in securing the frontier, the spoils of war ensured that he got re-elected, only to get defeated in the next election, in 2004,because of his failure to curb corruption within his team Manmohan Singh took over in 2004 because he was handpicked by Sonia Gandhi as an individual with a zero political base of his own, and therefore no threat to the family’s control of the Congress Party. Had Singh focussed on doing his duty by the country rather than appeasing his political master (or,in this case, mistress), he would have established his grip from the start by sacking a few ministers and officials off his own bat.

Instead, from the start, he allowed Sonia Gandhi and her Political Secretary Ahmed Patel to control both personnel as well as policy. This resulted in a steady diminution of the Prime Minister’s Office. Were Manmohan to give an order and Ahmed Patel a contrary command, it would be the latter who would prevail, because it was obvious that  ministerial appointments were made not by the PM but by the Congress President. The boost given to the economy by liberalisation since 1992 helped cover up the maladministration caused by the post-2004 government, until by 2008,it was becoming obvious that the cocktail of high taxes, high regulation and high interest rates was slowing down India significantly. Since Manmohan Singh came to power, the freedoms given to the people have been sharply reduced. Small wonder that by 2010,a popular movement against corruption and maladministration blossomed, l ed by Anna Hazare. His disciple Arvind Kejriwal has now become Chief Minister of Delhi.

The rise of Kejriwal and his Aam Aadmi (Common Man) Party sounds the deathknell of the Congress Party. Although Rahul Gandhi can be expected to work hard at reviving the fortunes of the pary he has inherited, it is unlikely that he will succeed. Indeed,should the BJP defeat the Congress and annoit Narendra Damodardas Modi as Prime Minister this year, the Congress Party is likely to go the way of the dinosaur. It will fragment into splinters which get absorbed by other parties, notably the BJP and the AAP. Mahatma Gandhi sought the dissolution of the Congress Party once India became free in 1947.Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, by not offering the slightest resistance to pressure from his party leadership in deals big and small, has fulfilled the wishes of the Mahatma. He will probably be the last PM from the Congress Party.

—The writer is Vice-Chair, Manipal Advanced Research Group, UNESCO Peace Chair & Professor of Geopolitics, Manipal UniversityHaryana State, India.

History of Mathematics in India from Vedic Period to Modern Times

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The insights provided in these lectures should be integrated with the textbooks on Ancient History of India.

The lectures are a treasure of information on contributions made by Hindu civilization and Indian scholars to the History of Mathematics.

Congratulations to Profs. Ramasubramanian, MD Srinivas and MS Sriram for this contribution to History of Science in general and to Mathematics, in particular.

Kalyanaraman


Last May, 2013 Prof. K. Ramasubramanian of IIT Bombay, Prof. M. S. Sriram of Madras University and myself delivered a course of 40 lectures on  "Mathematics in India: From Vedic Period to Modern Times" under the NPTEL Programme of IIT Madras. The videos of these lectures have recently been uploaded by NPTEL at the URL


These videos are also available on the Youtube:



These videos are still under review and we would greatly appreciate your comments and suggestions.

Withe best regards

M D Srinivas 

Mohun Bagan used law intern to frame Justice Ganguly, alleges petitioner -- Harish V. Nair

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Mohun Bagan used law intern to frame Justice Ganguly, alleges petitioner

Harish V. Nair   |   Mail Today  |   New Delhi, January 4, 2014 | UPDATED 09:24 IST

 
Justice (retd) A.K. Ganguly
The alleged sexual harassment case involving Supreme Court (Retd.) Justice A.K. Ganguly took a curious turn on Friday with a petitioner alleging before the Supreme Court that Mohun Bagan football club had "used the intern" to frame the West Bengal Human Rights Commission (WBHRC) chief.

The fresh petition filed by a Delhi-based doctor Padma Narayan Singh came a day after the Union cabinet began the process for his removal as WBHRC chief by approving a proposal to send a presidential reference to the Supreme Court.

"In this well planned criminal conspiracy against Justice Ganguly, Mohun Bagan used the said female intern who has prepared the case report on the club in the above arbitration matter... Mohun Bagan managing director Anjan Mitra has written to AIFF president Praful Patel asking him to review the judgment passed by Justice Ganguly on the ground of his questionable integrity as he had been accused by the said female intern of sexually harassing her," Singh's petition read.

The petition Singh also demanded staying all proceedings against Ganguly as the intern's blog was "timebarred" and restrain any effort to remove him as the head of WBHRC. The plea alleged that the club wanted to use the situation to demand Rs.2 crore back from the AIFF.

An SC bench agreed to hear the petition on Monday but refused to stay the initiation of criminal action against Ganguly as demanded by the petitioner. Mohun Bagan finance secretary Debashish Dutta laughed off Singh's allegation.

"We are not at all bothered by this allegation. We have stated our stance on the verdict earlier and had even conveyed it to the AIFF a month back," Dutta said.

Ganguly was appointed the arbitrator by the AIFF in a case involving Mohun Bagan following a stone pelting incident during an I-League derby against East Bengal on December 8, 2012, in which 40 people were injured. It was in connection with this case that Ganguly was at the Le-Meridien hotel in the Capital along with the law intern on December 24, 2012, when the alleged molestation took place.

Ganguly had imposed a two year ban on the club for walking out of the match, which was subsequently reduced to a fine of Rs.2 crore following the club's appeal to the AIFF executive council.
East Bengal players carry a Mohun Bagan player hit by a stone during their December 8, 2012, match.

Plea for review

Following Ganguly's indictment by the SC panel, Mitra had written a letter to AIFF president Patel which read: "We draw your kind attention to the news reports regarding SC ex-judge A.K. Ganguly who has been accused of molesting an intern. Please note that this is the same person who recommended a harsh decision against our club in the last season for a field incident during the I-League... Having had to pay Rs.2 crore last season to the AIFF, our financial balance was affected to the extent that we have not been able to pay salaries to our players for the last season."


http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/intern-harassment-case-mohun-bagan-justice-a-k-ganguly-aiff-wbhrc/1/334311.html

Wanted, a house fit for Caesar's spouse, Kejriwal -- Sobhana K Nair

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Sunday , January 5 , 2014 |

Wanted, a house fit for Caesar’s wife
Stung, Arvind says a flat ‘no’

New Delhi, Jan. 4: India’s most-watched house hunt has sprung back to life after Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal decided to turn “Caesar’s wife” and declined two duplex flats to fend off accusations of reneging on his pledge to renounce the perks of power.
“Many of my well-wishers, friends and supporters have called me,” Kejriwal said this morning. “They felt I should not take up this accommodation. So I have decided to forgo it.”
The chief minister has now asked his officials to find a more “modest” accommodation for him but within his New Delhi constituency so he can live close to his voters, sources said. Till then, he will continue to live in his wife’s Indian Revenue Service quarters at Kaushambi in Ghaziabad.
Later in the day, Kejriwal tweeted: “But friends, I would need to have two adjacent houses, one of them as an office. Else I would become ineffective.”
Opposition BJP members had yesterday pilloried Kejriwal in the Assembly, saying his acceptance of the two flats made a mockery of his promise to end “VIP culture”.
Asked about this today, Kejriwal was quoted by PTI as saying: “It is actually important. We have come to cleanse dirty politics. Like Caesar’s wife, we have to be above suspicion and we have to subject ourselves to scrutiny.”
The “Caesar’s wife” adage is one that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh too is fond of quoting, as he did three years ago while expressing willingness to be questioned by a parliamentary panel on the 2G controversy.
Kaushambi, though part of the National Capital Region, is administered by the government of Uttar Pradesh where, technically, a Delhi chief minister cannot reside.
He may have to for some time, though, unless government house-hunters are as good as the capital’s street-savvy property dealers who can sell a refrigerator to an Eskimo.
“We have to look for a corner flat to avoid disturbing neighbours,” a government official outlined the challenge, “and find two such adjacent flats within a particular constituency.”
Kejriwal has already refused a Type 7 bungalow, but the two Bhagwan Das Road duplex flats together have a built-up area of 6,000sqft, matching some of the Type 8 bungalows allotted to Union ministers, which are between 5,000sqft and 15,000sqft.
The chief minister had yesterday said he would use one of the two flats as his office and wondered what the fuss was about since he was merely upgrading from his four-bedroom Ghaziabad flat to a five-bedroom home.
He had also compared the flat allotted to him with the Type 8 central government bungalow — one of the larger ones — his Congress predecessor Sheila Dikshit has lived in since 2003 and is yet to vacate.
Dikshit’s 3 Moti Lal Nehru Marg home was built under the personal supervision of Sir Edwin Lutyens. Like all “original” Lutyens Type 8s, it has just three — but huge —bedrooms, with attached dressing rooms and bathrooms, a sprawling two-acre-plus garden, separate servants’ quarters, and an office block.
Kejriwal’s party colleague Shazia Ilmi jumped to his support. She tweeted that Dikshit’s bungalow is worth at least Rs 1,100 crore.
Only one of Kejriwal’s six ministers, Manish Sisodia, has accepted government accommodation: a three-bedroom flat.
Public works department sources said the Delhi government had never framed any rules of entitlement relating to bungalow size or renovation budget, usually preferring to follow the central government norms for its ministers.
“Every Union minister gets a onetime payment of Rs 2.5 lakh for furnishings during allotment and a fixed annual maintenance fund after that. Since the Delhi government has no rules, both its ministers and bureaucrats misuse these privileges,” a senior official said.
This time, accommodation has become an issue because of the stress on symbolism such as riding the Metro to the swearing-in.
Advice of substance was tweeted by Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah: “I don’t think anyone voted against Sheila Dikshit because of her residence, so best to focus on what really matters rather than the fluff.”

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140105/jsp/frontpage/story_17753663.jsp#.UsimbdIW0ng

Google-ECI tie a security goof-up, threat to Indian democracy

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Security fears over Election Commission-Google tie-up



Security fears over Election Commission-Google tie-up
Google and EC have reportedly entered into an agreement under which the internet giant will help EC to manage online voter registration and facilitation services ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.


NEW DELHI: A group of cyber security experts have questioned the Election Commission's move to tie up with Google for voters' registration, saying it could have possible impact on national security and democracy itself.

In the light of recent exposes about the penetrative and widespread intelligence gathering by the US agencies exposed by Edward Snowden, the activists also alleged that the EC's move was done without any strategic considerations and could have long-term repercussions.

"It is shocking that in a country like India which is called world's software superpower, Election Commission, instead of an Indian company, has chosen a foreign company like Google, which has colluded with American intelligence agencies like NSA (National Security Agency) for global cyber spying, to provide electoral registration and facilitation services by providing them the whole database of registered voters in India," the Indian Infosec Consortiumsaid in the capital on Saturday.

"This will pose an unprecedented security risk to India, as this data is bound to be surely misused by Google and American agencies for cyber espionage and other surveillance operation by the United States," the group said.

According to reports, Google and EC have entered into an agreement under which the internet giant will help EC to manage online voter registration and facilitation services ahead of the 2014 elections.

Google will help manage online registration of new voters, allow the enrolled voters to verify their details, and get directions to the polling station. Voters' queries on the commission website are also to be managed by Google.

Jiten Jain, a member of the consortium, said the EC's move also raise questions if it is a violation of Public Records Act of 1993, which prevents official records from being stored abroad.

Rajsekhar Murthy, another member of the consortium, said the poll panel should have spoken to Indian companies such as Infosys or TCS before jumping into such a decision. "Cost wise it is not much," he said.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Security-fears-over-Election-Commission-Google-tie-up/articleshow/28411428.cms

Anyone but Modi - Congress strategy. Voter says, its the economy, stupid. AAP not so aam -- Madhav Nalapat

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Congress chalks out anyone but Modi strategy
A Strategy Group is working on a plan ‘to ensure that the BJP tally falls below 175’ in the elections.
MADHAV NALAPAT  New Delhi | 4th Jan 2014
secretive "Congress Strategy Group" has been set up by Rahul Gandhi to ensure that the next government will either be Congress-led or Congress-supported, thereby excluding a Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition with Narendra Modi as Prime Minister.
This group is "mining its contacts within the investigative agencies, friendly BJP sources and others, to secure information on corruption indulged in by BJP office-bearers", according to an associate of the group. The source added that the Delhi result showed that "the BJP is as vulnerable as Congress on the issue of corruption". In such a context, he saw "much merit" in the Aam Aadmi Party's contention that there was no difference between BJP and Congress on the corruption issue. He revealed that in Delhi "a whispering campaign was set loose (with information supplied by a BJP faction) reminding voters that (BJP chief ministerial nominee till the month before polling) Vijay Goel had been removed from the Vajpayee Council of Ministers (allegedly) because of doubts over his conduct". He added that "we have evidence that the facts relating to Goel were well known to Rajnath Singh" but that the BJP president as well as his predecessor Nitin Gadkari "were backing Goel 100%". A month before the polls, BJP Prime Ministerial nominee Narendra Modi intervened to replace Goel with Harsh Vardhan, but this was "too late as voter preferences had hardened".
A "number cruncher" for the secret Strategy Group claimed that "as many as 16 BJP tickets were given on the basis of extraneous considerations, including family ties to senior leaders as well as the giving of consideration for securing a ticket". "All but one of such candidates lost, thereby keeping the BJP from getting the four-state sweep that Narendra Modi was aiming at," he said.
These sources claimed that "in the case of several poor choices for candidates in Delhi, the local cadre was less than enthusiastic about ensuring their victory, so that nearly two dozen seats were lost by small margins".
BJP office-bearers have denied that any ticket was given on "extraneous considerations", and claimed that efforts were made to ensure "a balanced and principled list of candidates".
"We lost a tactical battle, in Delhi, but have paved the way for a strategic victory in 2014 (by keeping the BJP out of government at the Centre)," the Congress strategist claimed. He added that "the BJP is vulnerable on the issue of corruption in several states, and we will ensure that these facts become known to the voter."
He pointed to both Nitin Gadkari as well as Rajnath Singh as leaders who were "approachable" and, therefore, vulnerable. "Remember how the honest Babulal Marandi was replaced on a flimsy charge by the BJP leadership as Jharkhand Chief Minister by Arjun Munda after less than two years," the associate pointed out, adding that the latter "obliged several top BJP leaders by giving concessions to their nominees". "In Himachal Pradesh, a vigilance inquiry is ongoing about transactions which took place under P.K. Dhumal, and the facts about this will soon be made public." He claimed that HP CM Virbhadra Singh was being "hounded" by the BJP "because he refused to call off the (Dhumal) probe. However, Virbhadra is no match for certain BJP leaders when it comes to managing media perceptions."
The number cruncher added that "facts are being collated on B.S. Yeddyurappa as well as on two current BJP Chief Ministers" that will "soon become public".
Aware of the anti-Congress sentiment building up across the country, the Strategy Group is working on a plan "to ensure that the BJP tally falls below 175" and to "create a negativism about Narendra Modi so that he will need to cross 220 seats to come as PM. If the BJP tally falls below 220 but above 175, the party will have to offer a PM choice other than Modi."
The source did not respond when asked whether Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's jibe at the Gujarat CM was part of this strategy of seeking to de-legitimise Modi. "The best case scenario is a repeat of 2004, where we (the Congress) can head a government supported by the Left and regional parties wary of the BJP", while the "default position is a Third Front government backed by the Congress Party from outside", and which may include the Left parties.
"The intention is to keep Modi out of 7 Race Course Road" and the path to this, according to these sources, is "to bring out more and more facts about corruption by BJP office-bearers, so that the huge anti-corruption vote in the cities moves away from Modi".
The strategist added that "soon after Rahul Gandhi is announced as Prime Ministerial candidate, the guns will start blazing", in that charge after charge against BJP leaders will get levelled "not only by the Congress party but by activist groups and others to whom information is being supplied".

http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/congress-chalks-out-anyone-but-modi-strategy

MADHAV NALAPAT
ROOTS OF POWER
Economy, not corruption, is the voter’s prime concern
Very few genuine aam aadmis are there in higher echelons of AAP. A former IRS officer of Kejriwal’s seniority cannot pass himself off as just your man in the street.
Arvind Kejriwal talks with AAP leader Manish Sisodia during the confidence vote in Delhi Assembly on Thursday. PTI
orruption was never the prime concern of the voter, until he understood the correlation between his own miserable state and the extent of graft among politicians and officials. In the just-concluded state Assembly polls, in at least four of the states, citizens punished or rewarded Chief Ministers based on perceptions of graft. Even after the defeat of the DMK in the last Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu, the majority of those within the political class believe that the gifting of sops is the way to high office. They forget that in Tamil Nadu, the voter compared the pennies thrown in their direction by the Karunanidhi family with the hoards of gold ducats stashed away by the family and its friends. After the Delhi poll results, it would appear from his rush towards freebies that Arvind Kejriwal believes that it was the promise of cheap power and free water which got him his chair. The reality is that it was neither, but the impression of integrity conveyed by the men and women of the Aam Aadmi Party. Should the Kejriwal family, or those close to other ministers, suddenly begin to sport a lifestyle far more opulent than what their neighbours have witnessed thus far, it will not be long before the AAP begins to lose traction among the voters, no matter the quantum of freebies dished out by its government in Delhi. If Manmohan Singh has become an object of ridicule these days, it is because of the stench of graft that has clung to him ever since the 2010 Commonwealth Games scam exploded onto television screens. And if Narendra Modi is still far and away the most popular politician in the country, it is not because of the colourful kurtas he wears, but the belief that he runs a clean government.
These days, now that cable television has become ubiquitous, aspiration levels have risen to heights never seen before. Even those at the lower levels of income dream of a future where they ride not a bicycle but a car. If the Tata Nano has failed to click to the extent the genius of its conception merits, it is because of the perception that it is the only car that is not a prosperous man's vehicle but that of the common man, a category few want to remain in, despite Arvind Kejriwal's new job. Ensuring a minimum wage or a beyond-subsistence level of food consumption even to the poorest ought not to be with an eye on votes, but on grounds of justice and equity. Each beggar on the streets, each farmer suicide, each child dying of malnutrition, is yet another reason why ministers and officials across the country ought to be ashamed rather than arrogant. It was not because he liked the sensation of fresh air on his chest that Mahatma Gandhi went bare-bodied, but because he knew that the way to bond with the people was to dress the way they were forced to, and to travel the way they did, in third class compartments rather than in railway saloon cars. Besides the perception that they are — still — honest, another reason why so many gave the AAP a chance was because the lifestyle of its most visible mascot, Arvind Kejriwal, resembled that of the average citizen far more than the magnificence with which the topmost leaders of both the Congress and the BJP live in Delhi, with their chartered aircraft and the BMWs and Audis they zip around the city in.
Of course, now that so many millionaires and MNC executives are flocking to the AAP, there may be a dilution in the belief that the AAP is truly "aam", for after all, there were — even in its pre-millionaire days — very few genuine aam aadmis in the higher echelons of the AAP. For instance, Prashant Bhushan can be called many things, such as a superb legal brain or a dogged campaigner, but being an aam aadmi is not one of them. Neither can a former Indian Revenue Service officer of the seniority of Kejriwal pass himself off as just your man in the street. Every movement sees a huge accretion to its ranks once success is achieved, which explains the stampede to join the BJP by retired home secretaries passed over for gubernatorial posts, and by others who failed to meet the UPA's criteria for higher office. Now that the Delhi Secretariat has been won, some of such birds of convenience are now seeking nests within the AAP. Hopefully, at least a few of them will fulfil their desire to "serve the people" by being made ministers, governors and sundry office-holders of Red Light rank.
The coming general election is likely to be decided on the basis of just which party or alliance is seen as offering the best economic choice. Not for the voter Manmohan Singh's excuse of international exigencies rather than non-performance being the cause of its failure. Despite the reams of comment about the Kejriwal Effect on Narendra Modi's chances, the fact is that it is still the Gujarat strongman who has the upper hand in the arena of public perception. That is, if he can convince a public sceptical of all major political parties that he has truly "Modified" the BJP.

Oligarchs, demagogues and mass revolts…against democracy -- James Petras

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Oligarchs, demagogues and mass revolts…against democracy
by James Petrason 05 Jan 2014


In ancient Rome, especially during the late Republic, oligarchs resorted to mob violence to block, intimidate, assassinate or drive from power the dominant faction in the Senate. While neither the ruling or opposing factions represented the interests of the plebeians, wage workers, small farmers or slaves, the use of the ‘mob’ against the elected Senate, the principle of representative government and the republican form of government laid the groundwork for the rise of authoritarian “Caesars” (military rulers) and the transformation of the Roman republic into an imperial state.

Demagogues, in the pay of aspiring emperors, aroused the passions of a motley array of disaffected slum dwellers, loafers and petty thieves (ladrones) with promises, pay-offs and positions in a New Order. Professional mob organizers cultivated their ties with the oligarchs ‘above’ and with professional demonstrators ‘below’. They voiced ‘popular grievances’ and articulated demands questioning the legitimacy of the incumbent rulers, while laying the groundwork for the rule by the few. Usually, when the pay-master oligarchs came to power on a wave of demagogue-led mob violence, they quickly suppressed the demonstrations, paid off the demagogues with patronage jobs in the new regime or resorted to a discrete assassination for ‘street leaders’ unwilling to recognize the new order’. The new rulers purged the old Senators into exile, expulsion and dispossession, rigged new elections and proclaimed themselves ‘saviors of the republic’. They proceeded to drive peasants from their land, renounce social obligations and stop food subsidies for poor urban families and funds for public works.

The use of mob violence and “mass revolts” to serve the interests of oligarchical and imperial powers against democratically-elected governments has been a common strategy in recent times. Throughout the ages, the choreographed “mass revolt” played many roles: (1) It served to destabilize an electoral regime; (2) it provided a platform for its oligarch funders to depose an incumbent regime; (3) it disguised the fact that the oligarchic opposition had lost democratic elections; (4) it provided a political minority with a ‘fig-leaf of legitimacy’ when it was otherwise incapable of acting within a constitutional framework  and (5) it allowed for the illegitimate seizure of power in the name of a pseudo ‘majority’, namely  the “crowds in the central plaza”.

Some leftist commentators have argued two contradictory positions: One the one hand, some simply reduce the oligarchy’s power grab to an ‘inter-elite struggle’ which has nothing to do with the ‘interests of the working class’, while others maintain the ‘masses’ in the street are protesting against an “elitist regime”. A few even argue that with popular, democratic demands, these revolts are progressive, should be supported as “terrain for class struggle”.  In other words, the ‘left’ should join the uprising and contest the oligarchs for leadership within the stage-managed revolts!

What progressives are unwilling to recognize is that the oligarchs orchestrating the mass revolt are authoritarians who completely reject democratic procedures and electoral processes. Their aim is to establish a ‘junta’, which will eliminate all democratic political and social institutions and freedoms and impose harsher, more repressive and regressive policies and institutions than those they replace. Some leftists support the ‘masses in revolt’ simply because of their ‘militancy’, their numbers and street courage, without examining the underlying leaders, their interests and links to the elite beneficiaries of a ‘regime change’. 

All the color-coded “mass revolts” in Eastern Europe and the ex-USSR featured popular leaders who exhorted the masses in the name of ‘independence and democracy’ but were pro-NATO, pro-(Western) imperialists and linked to neo-liberal elites. Upon the fall of communism, the new oligarchs privatized and sold off the most lucrative sectors of the economy throwing millions out of work, dismantled the welfare state and handed over their military bases to NATO for the stationing of foreign troops and the placement of missiles aimed at Russia.

The entire ‘anti-Stalinist’ left in the US and Western Europe, with a few notable exceptions, celebrated these oligarch-controlled revolts in Eastern Europe and some even participated as minor accomplices in the post-revolt neo-liberal regimes. One clear reason for the demise of “Western Marxism” arose from its inability to distinguish a genuine popular democratic revolt from a mass uprising funded and stage-managed by rival oligarchs!

One of the clearest recent example of a manipulated ‘people’s power’ revolution in the streets to replace an elected representative of  one sector of the elite with an even more brutal, authoritarian ‘president’ occurred in early 2001 in the Philippines. The more popular and independent (but notoriously corrupt) President Joseph Estrada, who had challenged sectors of the Philippine elite and current US foreign policy (infuriating Washington by embracing Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez), was replaced through street demonstrations of middle-class matrons with soldiers in civvies by Gloria Makapagal-Arroyo. Mrs. Makapagal-Arroyo, who had close links to the US and the Philippine military, unleashed a horrific wave of brutality dubbed the ‘death-squad democracy’. The overthrow of Estrada was actively supported by the left, including sectors of the revolutionary left, who quickly found themselves the target of an unprecedented campaign of assassinations, disappearances, torture and imprisonment by their newly empowered ‘Madame President’.

Past and Present Mass Revolts Against Democracy:  Guatemala, Iran and Chile
The use of mobs and mass uprisings by oligarchs and empire builders has a long and notorious history. Three of the bloodiest cases, which scarred their societies for decades, took place in Guatemala in 1954, Iran in 1953 and Chile in 1973.

Democratically-elected Jacobo Árbenz was the first Guatemalan President to initiate agrarian reform and legalize trade unions, especially among landless farm workers. Árbenz’s reforms included the expropriation of unused, fallow land owned by the United Fruit Company, a giant US agro-business conglomerate. The CIA used its ties to local oligarchs and right-wing generals and colonels to instigate and finance mass-protests against a phony ‘communist-takeover’ of Guatemala under President Arbenz. The military used the manipulated mob violence and the ‘threat’ of Guatemala becoming a “Soviet satellite”, to stage a bloody coup. The coup leaders received air support from the CIA and slaughtered thousands of Arbenz supporters and turned the countryside into ‘killing fields’. For the next 50 years political parties, trade unions and peasant organizations were banned, an estimated 200,000 Guatemalans were murdered and millions were displaced.

In 1952 Mohammed Mossadegh was elected president of Iran on a moderate nationalist platform, after the overthrow of the brutal monarch. Mossadegh announced the nationalization of the petroleum industry. The CIA, with the collaboration of the local oligarchs, monarchists and demagogues organized ‘anti-communist’ street mobs to stage violent demonstrations providing the pretext for a monarchist-military coup. The CIA-controlled Iranian generals brought Shah Reza Pahlavi back from Switzerland and for the next 26 years Iran was a monarchist-military dictatorship, whose population was terrorized by the Savak, the murderous secret police.

The US oil companies received the richest oil concessions; the Shah joined Israel and the US in an unholy alliance against progressive nationalist dissidents and worked hand-in-hand to undermine independent Arab states. Tens of thousands of Iranians were killed, tortured and driven into exile. In 1979, a mass popular uprising led by Islamic movements, nationalist and socialist parties and trade unions drove out the Shah-Savak dictatorship. The Islamists installed a radical nationalist clerical regime, which retains power to this day despite decades of a US-CIA-funded destabilization campaign which has funded both terrorist groups and dissident liberal movements.

Chile is the best-known case of CIA-financed mob violence leading to a military coup. In 1970, the democratic socialist Dr. Salvador Allende was elected president of Chile. Despite CIA efforts to buy votes to block Congressional approval of the electoral results and its manipulation of violent demonstrations and an assassination campaign to precipitate a military coup, Allende took office.

During Allende’s tenure as president the CIA financed a variety of “direct actions” - from paying the corrupt leaders of a copper workers union to stage strikes and the truck owners associations to refuse to transport goods to the cities, to manipulating right-wing terrorist groups like the Patria y Libertad (Fatherland and Liberty) in their assassination campaigns. The CIA’s destabilization program was specifically designed to provoke economic instability through artificial shortages and rationing, in order to incite middle class discontent. This was made notorious by the street demonstrations of pot-banging housewives. The CIA sought to incite a military coup through economic chaos. Thousands of truck owners were paid not to drive their trucks leading to shortages in the cities, while right-wing terrorists blew up power stations plunging neighborhoods into darkness and shop owners who refused to join the ‘strike’ against Allende were vandalized. 

On September 11, 1973, to the chants of ‘Jakarta’ (in celebration of a 1964 CIA coup in Indonesia), a junta of US-backed Chilean generals grabbed power from an elected government. Tens of thousands of activists and government supporters were arrested, killed, tortured and forced into exile. The dictatorship denationalized and privatized its mining, banking and manufacturing sectors, following the free market dictates of Milton Friedman-trained economists (the so-call “Chicago Boys”). The dictatorship overturned 40 years of welfare, labor and land-reform legislation which had made Chile the most socially advanced country in Latin America. 

With the generals in power, Chile became the ‘neo-liberal model’ for Latin America. Mob violence and the so-called “middle class revolt”, led to the consolidation of oligarchic and imperial rule and a 17 year reign of terror under General Augusto Pinochet dictatorship. The whole society was brutalized and with the return of electoral politics, even former ‘leftist’ parties retained the dictatorship’s neo-liberal economic policies, its authoritarian constitution and the military high command. The ‘revolt of the middle class’ in Chile resulted in the greatest concentration of wealth in the hands of the oligarchs in Latin America to this day!

The Contemporary Use and Abuse of “Mass Revolts”- Egypt, Ukraine, Venezuela, Thailand and Argentina

In recent years “mass revolt” has become the instrument of choice when oligarchs, generals and other empire builders seeking ‘regime change’. By enlisting an assortment of nationalist demagogues and imperial-funded NGO ‘leaders’, they set the conditions for the overthrow of democratically elected governments and stage-managed the installment of their own “free market” regimes with dubious “democratic” credentials.

Not all the elected regimes under siege are progressive. Many ‘democracies’, like the Ukraine, are ruled by one set of oligarchs. In Ukraine, the elite supporting President Viktor Yanukovich, decided that entering into a deep client-state relationship with the European Union was not in their interests, and sought to diversify their international trade partners while maintaining lucrative ties with Russia. Their opponents, who are currently behind the street demonstrations in Kiev, advocate a client relationship with the EU, stationing of NATO troops and cutting ties with Russia. 

In Thailand, the democratically-elected Prime Minister, Yingluck Shinawatra, represents a section of the economic elite with ties and support in the rural areas, especially the North-East, as well as deep trade relations with China. The opponents are urban-based, closer to the military-monarchists and favor a straight neo-liberal agenda linked to the US against the rural patronage-populist agenda of Ms. Shinawatra.

Egypt’s democratically-elected Mohamed Morsi government pursued a moderate Islamist policy with some constraints on the military and a loosening of ties with Israel in support of the Palestinians in Gaza. In terms of the IMF, Morsi sought compromise. The Morsi regime was in flux when it was overthrown: not Islamist nor secular, not pro-worker but also not pro-military. Despite all of its different pressure groups and contradictions, the Morsi regime permitted labor strikes, demonstrations, opposition parties, freedom of the press and assembly. All of these democratic freedoms have disappeared after waves of ‘mass street revolts’, choreographed by the military, set the conditions for the generals to take power and establish their brutal dictatorship – jailing and torturing tens of thousands and outlawing all opposition parties.

Mass demonstrations and demagogue-led direct actions also actively target democratically elected progressivegovernments, like Venezuela and Argentina, in addition to the actions against conservative democracies cited above. Venezuela, under Presidents Hugo Chavez and Vicente Maduro advance an anti-imperialist, pro-socialist program. ‘Mob revolts’ are combined with waves of assassinations, sabotage of public utilities, artificial shortages of essential commodities, vicious media slander and opposition election campaigns funded from the outside. In 2002, Washington teamed up with its collaborator politicians, Miami and Caracas-based oligarchs and local armed gangs to mount a “protest movement” as the pretext for a planned business-military coup. The generals and members of the elite seized power and deposed and arrested the democratically-elected President Chavez.  All avenues of democratic expression and representation were closed and the constitution annulled. In response to the kidnapping of ‘their president’, over a million Venezuelans spontaneously mobilized and marched upon the Presidential palace to demand the restoration of democracy and Hugo Chavez to the presidency. 

Backed by the large pro-democracy and pro-constitution sectors of the Venezuelan armed forces, the mass protests led to the coup’s defeat and the return of Chavez and democracy. All democratic governments facing manipulated imperial-oligarchic financed mob revolts should study the example of Venezuela’s defeat of the US-oligarch-generals’ coup. The best defense for democracy is found in the organization, mobilization and political education of the electoral majority. It is not enough to participate in free elections; an educated and politicized majority must also know how to defend their democracy in the streets as well as at the ballot box.

The lessons of the 2002 coup-debacle were very slowly absorbed by the Venezuelan oligarchy and their US patrons who continued to destabilize the economy in an attempt to undermine democracy and seize power. Between December 2002 and February 2003, corrupt senior oil executives of the nominally ‘public’ oil company PDVSA (Petróleos de Venezuela) organized a ‘bosses’ lockout stopping production, export and local distribution of oil and refined petroleum produces. Corrupt trade union officials, linked to the US National Endowment for Democracy, mobilized oil workers and other employees to support the lock-out, in their attempt to paralyze the economy. The government responded by mobilizing the other half of the oil workers who, together with a significant minority of middle management, engineers and technologists, called on the entire Venezuelan working class to take the oil fields and installations from the ‘bosses’. To counter the acute shortage of gasoline, President Chavez secured supplies from neighboring countries and overseas allies. The lockout was defeated. Several thousand supporters of the executive power grab were fired and replaced by pro-democracy managers and workers.

Having failed to overthrow the democratic government via “mass revolts”, the oligarchs turned toward a plebiscite on Chavez rule and later called for a nation-wide electoral boycott, both of which were defeated. These defeats served to strengthen Venezuela’s democratic institutions and decreased the presence of opposition legislators in the Congress. The repeated failures of the elite to grab power led to a new multi-pronged strategy using: (1) US-funded NGO’s to exploit local grievances and mobilize  residents around community issues; (2) clandestine thugs to sabotage  utilities, especially power, assassinate peasant recipients of land reform titles, as well as prominent officials and activists; (3) mass electoral campaign marches and (4) economic destabilization via financial speculation, illegal foreign exchange trading, price gouging and hoarding of basic consumer commodities. 

The purpose of these measures is to incite mass discontent, using their control of the mass media to provoke another ‘mass revolt’ to set the stage for another US-backed ‘power grab’. Violent street protests by middle class students from the elite Central University were organized by oligarch-financed demagogues. ‘Demonstrations’ included sectors of the middle class and urban poor angered by the artificial shortages and power outages. The sources of popular discontent were rapidly and effectively addressed at the top by energetic government measures: Business owners engaged in hoarding and price gouging were jailed; prices of essential staples were reduced; hoarded goods were seized from warehouses and distributed to the poor; the import of essential goods was increased and saboteurs were pursued. 

The Government’s effective intervention resonated with the mass of the working class, the lower-middle class and the rural and urban poor and restored their support. Government supporters took to the streets and lined up at the ballot box to defeat the campaign of destabilization. The government won a resounding electoral mandate allowing it to move decisively against the oligarchs and their backers in Washington.

The Venezuelan experience shows how energetic government counter-measures can restore support and deepen progressive social changes for the majority. This is because forceful progressive government intervention against anti-democratic oligarchs, combined with the organization, political education and mobilization of the majority of voters can decisively defeat these stage-managed mass revolts.

Argentina is an example of a weakened democratic regime trying to straddle the fence between the oligarchs and the workers, between the combined force of the agro-business and mining elites and working and middle class constituencies dependent on social policies. The elected-Kirchner-Fernandez government has faced “mass revolts” in the a series of street demonstrations whipped up by conservative agricultural exporters over taxes; the Buenos Aires upper-middle class angered at ‘crime, disorder and insecurity’, a nationwide strike by police officials over ‘salaries’ who ‘looked the other way’ while gangs of ‘lumpen’ street thugs pillaged and destroyed stores.  

Taken altogether, these waves of mob action in Argentina appear to be part of a politically-directed destabilization campaign by the authoritarian Right who have instigated or, at least, exploited these events. Apart from calling on the military to restore order and conceding to the ‘salary’ demands of the striking police, the Fernandez government has been unable or unwilling to mobilize the democratic electorate in defense of democracy. The democratic regime remains in power but it is under siege and vulnerable to attack by domestic and imperial opponents.

Conclusion

Mass revolts are two-edged swords: They can be a positive force when they occur against military dictatorships like Pinochet or Mubarak, against authoritarian absolutist monarchies like Saudi Arabia, a colonial-racist state like Israel, and imperial occupations like against the US in Afghanistan. But they have to be directed and controlled by popular local leaders seeking to restore democratic majority rule.

History, from ancient times to the present, teaches us that not all ‘mass revolts’ achieve, or are even motivated by, democratic objectives. Many have served oligarchs seeking to overthrow democratic governments, totalitarian leaders seeking to install fascist and pro-imperial regimes, demagogues and authoritarians seeking to weaken shaky democratic regimes and militarists seeking to start wars for imperial ambitions.

Today, “mass revolts” against democracy have become standard operational procedure for Western European and US rulers who seek to circumvent democratic procedures and install pro-imperial clients. The practice of democracy is denigrated while the mob is extolled in the imperial Western media. This is why armed Islamist terrorists and mercenaries are called “rebels” in Syria and the mobs in the streets of Kiev (Ukraine) attempting to forcibly depose a democratically-elected government are labeled “pro-Western democrats”. 

The ideology informing  the “mass revolts” varies from “anti-communist” and “anti-authoritarian” in democratic Venezuela, to “pro-democracy” in Libya (even as tribal bands and mercenaries slaughter whole communities), Egypt and the Ukraine. 

Imperial strategists have systematized, codified and made operational “mass revolts” in favor of oligarchic rule. International experts, consultants, demagogues and NGO officials have carved out lucrative careers as they travel to ‘hot spots’ and organize ‘mass revolts’ dragging the target countries into deeper ‘colonization’ via European or US-centered ‘integration’. Most local leaders and demagogues accept the double agenda: ‘protest today and submit to new masters tomorrow’. The masses in the street are fooled and then sacrificed. They believe in a ‘New Dawn’ of Western consumerism, higher paid jobs and greater personal freedom … only to be disillusioned when their new rulers fill the jails with opponents and many former protestors, raise prices, cut salaries, privatize state companies, sell off the most lucrative firms to foreigners and double the unemployment rate.

When the oligarchs ‘stage-manage’ mass revolts and takeover the regime, the big losers include the democratic electorate and most of the protestors. Leftists and progressives, in the West or in exile, who had mindlessly supported the ‘mass revolts’ will publish their scholarly essays on ‘the revolution (sic) betrayed” without admitting to their own betrayal of democratic principles. 

If and when  the Ukraine enters into the European Union, the exuberant street demonstrators will join the millions of jobless workers in Greece, Portugal and Spain, as well as millions of pensioners brutalized by “austerity programs” imposed by their new rulers, the ‘Troika’ in Brussels. If these former demonstrators take to the streets once more, in disillusionment at their leaders’ “betrayal”, they can enjoy their ‘victory’ under the batons of “NATO and European Union-trained police” while the Western mass media will have moved elsewhere in support of ‘democracy’.

http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=3066

Lok Sabha elections to be held from mid-April

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Lok Sabha elections to be held from mid-April


Lok Sabha elections to be held from mid-April
The much-awaited announcement for the polls is likely to be made by the end of February or early March, for which work has already begun, top Election Commission sources said.

NEW DELHI: Bracing for the big exercise, theElection Commission is all set to hold Lok Sabha elections starting mid-April and spread it over at least five phases till early May. 

The much-awaited announcement for the polls is likely to be made by the end of February or early March, for which work has already begun, top Commission sources said. 

Along with the Lok Sabha polls, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Sikkim will go to polls to elect their new assemblies. 

"The announcement of the poll schedule would be done in the last days of February or at best the first two-three days of March," the sources told . 

Before the scheduled announcement, the Lok Sabha may meet for one last time to pass a vote-on-account budget to enable expenditure for six months of the new fiscal year 2014-15 to give time for the new Government to present a full-fledged budget in the next Parliament. 

There is also speculation that a special session of Parliament may be convened shortly to pass anti-corruption measures by the government in the run up to the elections. The term of the current Lok Sabha expires on June 1 and the new House has to be constituted by May 31. 

The Commission is looking into the issue of whether to spread the elections over five phases or may be one more phase. 

An estimated 80 crore voters will be eligible to vote in the coming elections after new voters have been added to the rolls, whose final revision is underway. 

The Commission has already got the electoral rolls ready, except for some "health check-ups" to be made so that they are out before the end of this month, they said. "We already have a list of electoral rolls. We need to update it. We expect that before January end, the lists will be ready," a top EC official said. 

A total of 1.1 crore poll personnel, half of them being security forces will be deployed for the smooth conduct of polls and to ensure that they are free and fair. 

Other work in the run-up to the announcement of the poll schedule is in full swing. Dates are being considered for a meeting with the Union Home Secretary for finalising deployment plans of central paramilitary forces before announcement of the poll schedule. 

Chief Electoral Officers of various states are also holding separate meetings with DGPs of states for availability of state police forces for polls. 

"There will be a final meeting of the Commission with the Union home secretary for securing the availability of security forces for poll duty," the sources said. 

Poll officials said the database of the civilian staff to be deployed for conducting polls is also being prepared and at least 5.5 million civilian staff would be required. 

The list of central government employees to be deployed for poll duty as micro observers in sensitive polling stations is also being prepared and final touches are being given to the list. 

The EC is also working on finalising the polling stations for elections. At least 8 lakh polling stations are to be set up for polling across the country. 

The poll body is working out last-minute changes in polling stations for the convenience of both voters and poll staff. 

Preparations for deployment of around 12 lakh electronic voting machines are also being made and the Commission is likely to get another 2.5 lakh new EVMs by mid-February which it had ordered with various public-sector companies. 

The last Lok Sabha polls were held in five phases from April 16 to May 13 and the counting of votes was done on May 16, 2009. The announcement for the last Lok sabha polls was done on March 2, 2009. 

During the 2009 polls, there were 714 million voters against 671 million voters in 2004 Lok Sabha polls. 

Favouring a multi-phased election for a country like that of India's size and electorate, poll officials said it is better like this for "complete satisfaction of voters". Otherwise it can lead to "discontentment" in case of any shortcomings, they said. 

Top poll officials justified multi-phased polls, saying some states are to be accorded special treatment due to their being extremist-affected like Jammu and Kashmir and Chhattisgarh, besides others. 

The EC sources said the Commission has not conducted any election in a single go in one phase after 1971 as the size of the electorate in the world's largest democracy has grown considerably over the years. 

The officials also said that the entire poll process takes around three months time. But there is a limit of six weeks time from the announcement of the schedule to the first date of poll in view of the Supreme Court direction that the model code of conduct inhibiting government decisions cannot be an unduly long period. 

They said the Commission has to give around two weeks' time for government formation before the term of the Lok Sabha or a state assembly expires.In the states of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Sikkim, which will have assembly polls along with the Lok Sabha polls, the Commission will place two EVMs alongside for voters to vote in both the elections. 

The Election Commission has not got a request from any other state for early elections so far though there is speculation that Haryana may opt for early polls. 

Andhra Pradesh has a 294-member assembly. Though the Central government is keen on splitting the state to enable formation of Telangana, there is no certainty on whether it is possible before the elections. Odisha will elect its 147-member assembly while Sikkim has a 32-member state assembly. 

The terms of Andhra Pradesh assembly is till June 2, 2014, that of Odisha is till June 7, 2014 and of Sikkim till May 21, 2014.

Afghanistan’s Worsening, and Baffling, Hunger Crisis -- Rod Nordland

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The New York Times





In Bost Hospital in Lashkar Gah, Afghanistan, an 8-month-old boy named Samiullah is suffering from marasmus, a form of advanced malnutrition. Afghan hospitals have reported significant increases in severe malnutrition cases among children.

Afghan women tested the appetites of their children as part of an assessment of their malnutrition at an outreach therapeutic feeding program. Countrywide, such cases have increased by 50 percent or more compared with 2012, according to United Nations figures.

Nurses at a Kabul hospital measured a child to help assess its nutritional status. Even the Afghan capital has seen an increase. “In 2001, it was even worse, but this is the worst I’ve seen since then,” said Dr. Saifullah Abasin, head of the malnutrition ward there.



A child was weighed in Kabul. While malnutrition cases have risen, doctors and officials are unsure why. Most doctors and aid workers agree that war and the displacement of people are contributing. But some believe that more poor Afghans are coming in after hearing about the treatment available to them.

Noor Ahmad, 4, was brought to Bost Hospital from the Garmsir district by his mother, Qamar Gula, after he stopped eating and his stomach swelled.

A 14-month-old child was examined at Indira Gandhi Children’s Hospital in Kabul. Unlike malnutrition crises elsewhere in the world, this one has not been connected to specific food shortages or crop failures. In addition, parents are not showing up malnourished, even when their children are.



Mothers and their children in a therapeutic feeding center at Bost Hospital, which is admitting 200 children a month for severe, acute malnutrition — four times as many as it did in January 2012, according to Médecins Sans Frontières, which supports the Afghan-run hospital with financing and supplementary staff.

A 15-month-old suffering from kwashiorkor, a protein deficiency condition that results in a distended belly, has it drained of fluid at Indira Ghandi Children’s Hospital.

A mother and father worked to administer medicine, on their own, for their son via a nasal tube at the Kabul hospital.



The pediatric intensive care unit at Bost Hospital in Lashkar Gah. Médecins Sans Frontières helped the hospital nearly double the number of beds in the pediatric wing, but there are still not enough.

Women carrying children through the front gate at Bost Hospital. Dr. Yar Mohammad Nizar Khan, the head of pediatrics there, believes the biggest problem is a lack of breast-feeding in Afghanistan.

A mother and her malnourished child at Indira Gandhi Children’s Hospital. Efforts to educate people about nutrition and health care are often stymied by conservative traditions that cloister women away from anyone outside the family.
January 4, 2014

Afghanistan’s Worsening, and Baffling, Hunger Crisis


LASHKAR GAH, Afghanistan — In the Bost Hospital here, a teenage mother named Bibi Sherina sits on a bed in the severe acute malnutrition ward with her two children. Ahmed, at just 3 months old, looks bigger than his emaciated brother Mohammad, who is a year and a half and weighs 10 pounds.
In another bed is Fatima, less than a year old, who is so severely malnourished that her heart is failing, and the doctors expect that she will soon die unless her father is able to find money to take her to Kabul for surgery. The girl’s face bears a perpetual look of utter terror, and she rarely stops crying. Half of the other children in the ward are crying as well, a cacophony that rarely pauses.
Afghan hospitals like Bost, in the capital of war-torn Helmand Province, have been registering significant increases in severe malnutrition among children. Countrywide, such cases have increased by 50 percent or more compared with 2012, according to United Nations figures. Doctors report similar situations in Kandahar, Farah, Kunar, Paktia and Paktika Provinces — all places where warfare has disrupted people’s lives and pushed many vulnerable poor over the nutritional edge.
Even the capital has seen an increase. “In 2001, it was even worse, but this is the worst I’ve seen since then,” said Dr. Saifullah Abasin, head of the malnutrition ward at Indira Gandhi Children’s Hospital in Kabul.
Reasons for the increase remain uncertain, or in dispute. Most doctors and aid workers agree that continuing war and refugee displacement are contributing. Some believe that the growing number of child patients may be at least partly a good sign, as more poor Afghans are hearing about treatment available to them.
What is clear is that, despite years of Western involvement and billions of dollars in humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, children’s health is not only still a problem, but also worsening, and the doctors bearing the brunt of the crisis are worried.
Nearly every potential lifeline is strained or broken here. Efforts to educate people about nutrition and health care are often stymied by conservative traditions that cloister women away from anyone outside the family. Agriculture and traditional local sources of social support have been disrupted by war and the widespread flight of refugees to the cities. And therapeutic feeding programs, complex operations even in countries with strong health care systems, have been compromised as the flow of aid and transportation have been derailed by political tensions or violence.
Perhaps nowhere is the situation so obviously serious as in the malnutrition ward at Bost Hospital, which is admitting 200 children a month for severe, acute malnutrition — four times more than it did in January 2012, according to officials with Doctors Without Borders, known in French as Médecins Sans Frontières, which supports the Afghan-run hospital with financing and supplementary staff.
One patient, a 2-year-old named Ahmed Wali, is suffering from the protein deficiency condition kwashiorkor, with orange hair, a distended belly and swollen feet. An 8-month-old boy named Samiullah is suffering from marasmus, another form of advanced malnutrition in which the child’s face looks like that of a wrinkled old man because the skin hangs so loosely.
Médecins Sans Frontières helped Bost Hospital nearly double the number of beds in the pediatric wing at the end of last year, and there are still not enough — 40 to 50 children are usually being treated each day, mostly two to a bed because they are so small. Nearly 300 other children, less severely malnourished, are in an outpatient therapeutic feeding program.
Now, M.S.F. is planning to open five satellite clinics with intensive feeding programs in Lashkar Gah to take the pressure off the overcrowded hospital.
Despite the increase in the malnutrition caseload, doctors and health officials are not sure there has actually been a sharp rise in child malnutrition that can be attributed to any single factor.
“It’s quite an unusual situation, and it’s difficult to understand what’s going on,” said Wiet Vandormael, an M.S.F. official who has helped coordinate with Bost Hospital.
In part, expansion of the hospital’s facilities has acted as a magnet, drawing more cases, Mr. Vandormael said. Unlike at other public hospitals in Afghanistan, patients and their caregivers do not have to pay for their own medicine and food at Bost. And M.S.F. has been able to ensure that it gets regular deliveries of Unicef-provided therapeutic foods used to treat malnutrition.
“Our treatment is better, so we get more patients as they hear about it,” said Dr. Yar Mohammad Nizar Khan, head of pediatrics at Bost Hospital.
Nonetheless, the numbers are still worrisome. Dr. Mohammad Dawood, a pediatrician at Bost Hospital, said there were seven or eight deaths a month there because of acute malnutrition from June through August, and five in September. Doctors around the country have reported similar rates.
Officials at Unicef and the Afghan Ministry of Public Health have declined to characterize child malnutrition here as an emergency, however. As defined internationally, that would mean severe acute malnutrition in more than 10 percent of children younger than 5; health officials in Afghanistan estimate the rate is more like 7 percent.
“Science-wise, the increase in number of children reporting to the hospitals is not an absolute evidence the situation is getting worse,” said Moazzem Hossain, head of nutrition for Unicef here. “It’s a good sign, the program is expanding, more are being screened, more are being found and treated.”
Another problem is unreliable statistics.
In January 2012, for instance, Unicef and the Afghan government’s Central Statistics Organization released a survey of more than 13,000 households showing that some provinces had reached or exceeded emergency levels, with more than 10 percent acute severe child malnutrition.
The survey caused an uproar, but Unicef and the Health Ministry repudiated it, saying it was based on faulty research. Unicef then financed a more thorough child nutrition survey, which was completed in November, but the government has yet to release the data, said Dr. Bashir Ahmed Hamid, head of nutrition for the Health Ministry. “Unfortunately, we faced some challenges with data analysis.”
Dr. Hamid said he expected the new data to show very high levels, probably more than 50 percent, of long-term or chronic malnutrition, which shows up as stunted growth in children. While acute malnutrition can be fatal, chronic malnutrition can cause multiple health and developmental problems.
Unlike malnutrition crises elsewhere in the world, this one has not been connected to specific food shortages or crop failures. In addition, parents are not showing up malnourished, even when their children are.
Doctors involved in treating the victims offer many explanations for what is happening. “There are mines in their fields, and they can’t get to their crops,” said Dr. Dawood in Helmand Province. “And they can’t get to help at local clinics, so they’re coming in very late stage in very critical condition.”
His colleague Dr. Khan blamed another problem. “The main cause of malnutrition in Afghanistan is lack of breast feeding,” he said. “They see beautiful pictures of milk cartons, and they think it’s better.”
In a country where access to clean water is difficult, and most milk is powdered, that is often a recipe for diarrhea and other conditions that can worsen malnutrition.
In addition, where women commonly have many children, often with less than a year between them, it is difficult for mothers to provide enough nourishment, by breast or bottle. Ahmed Wali, the 2-year-old Bost Hospital patient with kwashiorkor, is the ninth of 10 children of his mother, Baka Bebi, who is in her mid-30s. She weaned him onto powdered milk mixed with stream water as soon as she could.
Poverty is another factor. In Afghanistan, the poverty line is defined as a total income sufficient to provide 2,100 calories a day to each family member. Some 36 percent of Afghans are below that threshold, according to the Health Ministry.
In 2013, Unicef raised its target for providing therapeutic foods to severe acutely malnourished Afghan children, to 52,144 from 35,181. Therapeutic foods are specially made for the severely malnourished, who have difficulty digesting normal food.
But Dr. Hossain of Unicef acknowledged that those programs had experienced supply-chain problems, and Unicef is working with the Health Ministry to develop better monitoring and management systems. Shipments of therapeutic foods, mostly made by two companies in France and Norway, have been reduced because of differences between NATO and Pakistan, and sanctions on Iran, the two countries with ports closest to landlocked Afghanistan, he said.
“Managing a feeding system is difficult; there is a long way for Afghanistan to go,” he added. “But even countries like Sri Lanka, with an outstanding health system, are still struggling to manage therapeutic feeding supplies.”
Cases of acute severe malnutrition are running at more than 100 a month, including five to 10 deaths, at Indira Gandhi Children’s Hospital in Kabul, and such cases have doubled since 2012, said Dr. Aqa Mohammad Shirzad, who is in charge of pediatric malnutrition programs there.
Each of the hospital’s 17 beds for severely malnourished patients has at least two patients, and some have three. The malnutrition intensive care ward there has an incubator that does not work, one suction pump and oxygen bottles, for respiratory masks, propped up without stands or proper connections.
A 5-year-old boy who weighs less than 20 pounds was being treated recently on a bench because the infusion line would not stretch to a bed. Two window panes nearby were missing glass.
This is the country’s premier pediatric hospital, the one to which Fatima’s father was told to bring her from Bost Hospital to have heart surgery. She never arrived.
Jawad Sukhanyar contributed reporting from Kabul, Afghanistan, Taimoor Shah from Kandahar, and New York Times employees from Khost and Kunar.

We cannot trust our friend in Islamabad -- G Parthasarathy

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WE CANNOT TRUST OUR FRIEND IN ISLAMABAD

Friday, 03 January 2014 | G Parthasarathy | in Edit


How should India judge whether Nawaz Sharif is going to respect the sanctity of the Line of Control? In his first term as Prime Minister, his handpicked ISI chief staged the 1993 Mumbai blasts
The return of Mr Nawaz Sharif to power in Pakistan was marked by pious statements by him on peace and stability on the one hand and by inflammatory rhetoric describing Kashmir as Pakistan’s ‘jugular vein’ on the other. Whether it was at the United Nations in New York or at the White House, Mr Sharif chose to return to his stale rhetoric of Kashmir being the ‘core issue’ between India and Pakistan, implicitly asserting that there could be a nuclear holocaust unless Pakistan reached a satisfactory solution to the issue with India. This rhetoric was accompanied by the unleashing of an old Sharif family retainer Hafiz Mohammed Saeed to spew venom, threatening conflict against India not only on Kashmir, but also for allegedly diverting and depriving Pakistan’s people of their vital water resources. The Pakistan Army has augmented this diplomatic effort, by claiming that it will use tactical nuclear weapons in the event of Indian retribution to future 26/11 Mumbai style terrorist attacks.
Mr Sharif’s apologists in South Block, of course claimed that he had really had a “change of heart” and that he cherished nothing more than peace and harmony with India. Yet, Mr Sharif’s return to power was marked by 195 cease-fire violations, with the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba even choosing to attack an Army officers’ mess in the Jammu Sector and with Indian jawans being beheaded elsewhere, by infiltrators crossing the Line of Control. South Block did not do its credibility any good by misleading the Union Minister for Defence AK Antony to first claim and then retract from a statement he made, absolving the Pakistan Army of its sins. It was against this background that it was agreed at the New York Summit that the Directors General of Military Operations would meet and devise measures to deescalate tensions across the LoC.
Given their desire for a civilian shield, behind which they like to avoid responsibility for their actions on the LoC the Pakistan Army stalled on the proposal, by insisting that delegations should by headed by civilian officials. But, they ultimately had to yield when India insisted that the talks should be between DGMOs as agreed to in New York. Firmness pays and the DGMO talks held on the Wagah border yielded some positive results. The most important part of the Joint Statement issued at Wagah on December 24 was agreement between the DGMO’s to “maintain the sanctity (of) and ceasefire on the Line of Control”. They also agreed to make the existing hotline between them more effective. Two flag meetings between Brigade Commanders on the LoC were also agreed to, for maintaining peace and tranquillity across the LoC.
The successful meeting of the DGMOs was followed by a meeting between Commanders of the Border Security Force and the Pakistan Rangers in which there was forward movement on effective use of existing communications and on illegal constructions close to the border. Most importantly, people who cross the border inadvertently do not, hopefully, have to spend months incarcerated.
While some tend to link these developments to the exit of the hard-nosed former General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, this ignores the reality that there is nothing to suggest that there is any change in the Pakistani Army’s long-term policies of supporting radical groups like the Afghan Taliban and the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba, for promoting violence across Pakistan’s borders with India and Afghanistan. It also now appears that there are differences between the Army and the political establishment on using force against the Tehriq-e-Taliban e Pakistan, in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan. Mr Sharif, Imran Khan’s Tehriq-e-Insaf, which rules the Pakhtunkhwa Province and Islamist Parties like the Jamat-e-Islami are all opposed to the use of force against the TTP. But, the Army has interestingly commenced operations against the TTP, in North Waziristan, home of the infamous Haqqani network, which operates from this area against Afghan and Nato forces in Afghanistan.
This development appears to suggest that after TTP leader Hakimullah Mehsud was killed in an American drone Strike, the Sharif Government has acquiesced in the military operations in North Waziristan, as Maulana Fazlullah, the TTP’s new leader is known to be a fundamentalist hard liner. There also appears to be a deal between the military and its long-term assets, Jalaluddin and Sirajuddin Haqqani that the operations against the TTP will not challenge the Haqqani hegemony in North Waziristan, or reduce ISI support for their operations in Afghanistan. This complex arrangement involving deals within deals, could well fall apart, in which case, border management across the Durand Line will become a nightmare. Thus, while Pakistan may find it expedient to observe the ‘sanctity’ of the LoC if things get out of hand on its north-western borders, it could also revert to its old ways, if things cool down in the tribal areas. India would be well advised to be prepared for both eventualities.
The meeting of DGMOs now sets the stage for India to insist with Mr Sharif that it expects him to reaffirm his Government’s commitment to the ‘sanctity’ of the LoC. He personally pledged to respect the ‘sanctity’ of the LoC to former US President Bill Clinton when he rushed to the White House on July 4, 1999. During this visit Mr Sharif implored Mr Clinton to bail him out, as Pakistan’s Kargil misadventure was becoming a national and international disaster. It was also setting the stage for a confrontation with his then Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf, on who should take the blame for the national disgrace Pakistan faced.
How should India judge whether Mr Sharif is going to respect the ‘sanctity’ of the LoC? Mr Sharif’s first term as Prime Minister was marked by using his handpicked ISI Chief General Javed Nasir to stage the Mumbai bomb blasts in 1993, where over 250 people were killed. During his second term, Mr Sharif not only emboldened and gave respectability to Hafeez Mohammed Saeed, but also set up a Pakistan Gurudwara Prabandak Committee headed by General Nasir, to incite and subvert Sikh pilgrims from India. Khalistan flags were fluttering in Sikh places of pilgrimage in Pakistan, just after former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Lahore Bus Yatra. A close watch is also imperative on Mr Sharif’s approach towards Sikh pilgrimage groups and efforts to revive militancy in Punjab. A policy of wait and watch, with dialogue, confined to terrorism, infiltration, trade and economic relations and people to people contacts with Pakistan should suffice, till a new Government assumes office in India, after the coming general election.

http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/edit/we-cannot-trust-our-friend-in-islamabad.html

Hindu temples freed from government clutches. State should return all usurped temples back to the rightful Hindu proprietors -- Supreme Court in Chidambaram Nataraja temple case.

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EXCERPTS FROM THE JUDGEMENT:

...Thus, this Court clarified that there cannot be super-session of administration in perpetuity. It is a temporary measure till the evil gets remedied....

...22. Under Art. 26(b), therefore a religious denomination or organization enjoys complete autonomy in the matter of deciding as to what rites and ceremonies are essential according to the tenets of the religion they hold and no outside authority has any jurisdiction to interfere with their decision in such
matters."...
...19. The Division Bench of Madras High Court while deciding the dispute earlier in Marimuthu Dikshitar (Supra), traced the history of Dikshitars and examined their rights, etc. The Court concluded:
"Looking at it from the point of view, whether the Podu Dikshitars are a denomination, and whether their right as a denomination is to any extent infringed within the meaning of Article 26, it seems to us that it is a clear case, in which it can safely be said that the Podu Dikshitars who are Smartha Brahmins, form and constitute a religious denomination or in any event, a section thereof. They are even a closed body, because no other Smartha Brahmin who is not a Dikshitar is entitled to
participate in the administration or in the worship or in the services to God. It is their exclusive and sole privilege which has been recognized and established for over several centuries. In the case of Sri Sabhanayakar Temple at Chidambaram, with which we are concerned in this petition, it should be clear
from what we have stated earlier in this judgment, that the position of the Dikshitars, labelled trustees of this Temple, is virtually analogous to that of a Matathipathi of a Mutt, except that the Podu Dikshitars of this Temple, functioning as trustees, will not have the same dominion over the income of the properties of the Temple which the Matathipathi enjoys in relation to the income from the Mutt and its properties. Therefore, the sections which we held ultra vires in relation to Mutts and Matathipathis will also be ultra vires the State Legislature in relation to Sri Sabhanayakar Temple, Chidambaram
and the Podu Dikshitars who have the right to administer the affairs and the properties of the Temple. As we have already pointed out even more than the case of the Shivalli Brahmins, it can be asserted that the Dikshitars of Chidambaram form a religious denomination within the meaning of Article 26 of the
Constitution.


We certify under Article 132 of the Constitution that it is a fit case for appeal to the Supreme Court. Notification quashed." (Emphasis added)...

...21. It is evident from the judgment of the High Court of Madras, which attained finality as the State withdrew the notification, that the Court recognised: a) That Dikshitars, who are Smarthi Brahmins, form and constitute a 'religious denomination'; b) Dikshitars are entitled to participate in admiistration of the Temple; and c) It was their exclusive privilege which had been recognised and established for over several centuries.... 
...The declaration that "Dikshitars are religious denomination or section thereof" is in fact a declaration of their status and making such declaration is in fact a judgment in rem....

...37. The fundamental rights as protected under Article 26 of the Constitution are already indicated for observance in Section 107 of the Act 1959 itself. Such rights cannot be treated to have been waived
nor its protection denied. Consequently, the power to supersede the functions of a `religious denomination` is to be read as regulatory for a certain purpose and for a limited duration, and not an  authority to  virtually abrogate the rights of administration conferred on it In such a fact-situation, it was not permissible for the authorities to pass any order divesting the said respondent from administration of the Temple and thus, all orders passed in this regard are liable to be held inconsequential and unenforceable. More so, the judgments relied upon by the respondents are distinguishable on facts...


...41. It is submitted by Dr. Swamy that rules have to be framed defining the circumstances under which the powers under Section 45 of the Act 1959 can be exercised. The Act 1959 does not contemplate unguided or unbridled functioning. On the contrary, the prescription of rules to be framed by the State Government under Sections 116 read with Sections 45 and 65, etc. of the Act 1959 indicates that the legislature only intended to regulate and control any incidence of maladministration and not a complete replacement by introducing a Statutory authority to administer the Temple....

...In any event, the Podhu Dikshitars are trustees in the temple and they have not been divested of their properties. The Executive Officer is only collaborating with the trustees in administering the properties. Their religious activities have not been touched. Neither the powers of the trustees have been suspended nor the Executive Officers have been vested with their powers and the Executive Officers only assist the trustees in management of the temple. It was not the intention to remove the
trustees altogether, nor the order of appointment of the Executive Officer suspends the scheme already framed way back in 1939....


...Even if the management of a temple is taken over to remedy the evil, the management must be handed over to the person concerned immediately after the evil stands remedied. Continuation thereafter
would tantamount to usurpation of their proprietary rights or violation of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution in favour of the persons deprived. Therefore, taking over of the
management in such circumstances must be for a limited period. Thus, such expropriatory order requires to be considered strictly as it infringes fundamental rights of the citizens and would amount to
divesting them of their legitimate rights to manage and administer the temple for an indefinite period. We are of the view that the impugned order is liable to be set aside for failure to prescribe the duration
for which it will be in force.... 



...it is not permissible for the State/Statutory Authorities to supersede the administration by
adopting any oblique/circuitous method. ...

...we have come to the conclusion that the power under the Act 1959 for appointment of an Executive Officer could not have been exercised in the absence of any prescription of circumstances/ conditions in which such an appointment may be made. More so, the order of appointment of the Executive Officer does not disclose as for what reasons and under what circumstances his appointment was necessitated. Even otherwise, the order in which no period of its operation is prescribed, is not sustainable being ex facie arbitrary, illegal and unjust.

Published: January 6, 2014 16:45 IST | Updated: January 6, 2014 17:54 IST

Chidambaram temple to be managed by priests: SC

PTI
  • Devotees bursing crackers on the premises of Natarajar temple in Chidambaram to express their joy over Supreme Court verdict on Monday. Photo: A. V. Raghunathan
    The HinduDevotees bursing crackers on the premises of Natarajar temple in Chidambaram to express their joy over Supreme Court verdict on Monday. Photo: A. V. Raghunathan
  • A view of Chidambaram Natarajar Temple. Photo: C. Venkatachalapathy
    The HinduA view of Chidambaram Natarajar Temple. Photo: C. Venkatachalapathy

The Supreme Court held that the Podu Dikshitars (priests) had a right to administer the temple as a religious denomination.

The famous Nataraja temple in Chidambaram, Tamil Nadu will be managed by priests and not by the state government, the Supreme Court on Monday ordered.
A bench of justices B. S. Chauhan and S. Bobde set aside the order of the Madras High Court which had in 2009 transferred the administration of the 1000-year-old Lord Shiva temple to the government.
The apex court passed the order on appeals filed by the temple’s priests and BJP leader Subramanian Swamy.
Mr. Swamy contended that an attempt was made after Independence to bring the temple administration under State control in August 1951 but the Supreme Court had held that the Podu Dikshitars had a right to administer the temple as a religious denomination.
Referring to the provisions of Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, Mr. Swamy had submitted, “Section 107 specifically bars the application of the Act to institutions coming under the purview of or enjoying the protection of Article 26 of the Constitution.”
He contended that if there were allegations of misappropriation of temple’s property then it should be dealt with under the provisions of Indian Penal Code and not by taking over the temple administration.
The state government in 1987 had appointed an official to manage the endowments and considerable assets and property owned by the temple.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/chidambaram-temple-to-be-managed-by-priests-sc/article5545264.ece

Supreme Court’s verdict comes to rescue of Chidambaram temple

By Sandhya Jain on6 Jan 2014

Supreme Court's verdict comes to rescue of Chidambaram temple
The Supreme Court on Monday morning set aside the takeover of the sacred Nataraj temple at Chidambaram by the Tamil Nadu State Government, and paved the way for the return of the temple administration to its traditional custodians, the Podu Dikshitars, thus marking the opening of the year with a major civilisational victory for Hindu dharma. The Special Leave Petition by Dr Subramanian Swamy and the Podu Dikshitars was admitted by the Supreme Court; the State Government has been given an opportunity to argue why the temple should continue to be under its control.
The development is a landmark for Hindus and could pave the way for the return of all temples taken over by various State Governments, as Justices BS Chauhan and J Chalemeshwar ruled that ‘small and silly mistakes’ made by the trust cannot be grounds for the Government takeover of temples on a permanent basis. Temples maybe taken over for short periods to sort out problems. A major beneficiary of this decision will be the Shirdi Sai Baba temple in Nasik, Maharashtra, which has long been eyed by the State Government on account of the richness of the offerings made, which escalate with each passing year. Other prominent temples in the grip of respective State Governments include the Tirupati Balaji temple in Andhra Pradesh and the Tripura Sundari and Chauda Deota temples in Tripura.
The devout have long resented the takeover of temples whereby State Governments take over the huge temple coffers and use the same as per their whims, without regard to the sentiments and needs of the traditional guardians and the devotees. Tamil Nadu’s Hindu Religious & Charity Endowments (HR&CE) department controls 36,425 temples; 56 mutts; 47 temples belonging to mutts; and 1721 specific endowments and 189 trusts. The policy of interfering in temple administration in the south began with the British, but around 1840, they decided to give up this policy. Some major mutts agreed to administer some important temples and endowments so they could be run according to temple traditions, but only upon receipt of written agreements (Muchalikas) as a protection against the Raj again taking back the temples.
In this manner, the temple funds were used for the rituals of worship and upkeep of temples. But in 1925, the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act, 1923 (Act I of 1925) was passed for better administration of certain religious endowments. It was challenged and repealed in 1927 and thereafter amended several times; the Act XII of 1935 empowered the board to notify (takeover) a temple after giving reasons for the same. The first attempt to take over the Chidambaram Sabhanayagar temple in 1947 failed, but attempts continued to be made thereafter. The Indian Constitution of 1950 guaranteed certain special religious and administrative rights to religious denominations or sections thereof. But the then Madras Government passed the Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowments Act in 1951; it gave wide ranging powers to the Commissioner. The HR&CE immediately engaged in litigation with several leading temples whose traditional trustees sought the return of the temple management.
Devotees have long resented the department managing temple affairs because there is no accountability of the funds received, utilisation, and even agama rules are flouted in the quest for money, which is not the purpose for which temples are built. A small example is the issue ofprasadam stalls. For devotees, only food prepared piously in the temple kitchen and offered to the deities in the temple in the traditional manner is regarded as prasadam. But the HR&CE has been regularly auctioningprasadam stalls to the public (highest bidder) and in the process, food items from outside the temple premises are sold in packages inside the temple premises, a practice unheard of anywhere in the country.
Other shops and commercial activities are also being permitted within the temples premises. Temple hundies are a huge source of funds for the department. In the Chidambaram temple, the department illegally installed hundies though the Podu Dikshitars did not keep hundies traditionally; nor did they sell archana tickets. They only collect funds in kind when needed for temple upkeep and special activities. The Podu Dikshitars have been the archakas and trustees of the Chidambaram temple from time immemorial; they printed their temple constitution for the first time in 1849. A dikshitar gets the right to do sacramental service to lord Nataraja and participate in temple administration only after marriage. The community performs duty at the temple in groups of 20 and each batch stays for 20 days till each has in his turn performed the complete tour of puja at the different shrines of the temple where the daily pujas are held.
Though the daily administration of the temple is done by a nine-member management committee, all major decisions are taken by the general assembly of Podu Dikshitars in a democratic way. The dikshitars live ascetic lives; the temple possesses invaluable offerings of jewellery made by former rulers and rich merchants, which are physically verified as per rules once in four days, 20 days and six months. There has been no embezzlement till date. The Chidambaram dikshitars are different from other Brahmin sects in that they are found only in Chidambaram town and form an endogamous clan; they marry only within their community. They are fervent devotees of Shiv. Their puja rituals are special and are found nowhere else in the Hindu world, and are believed to have been expounded by the sage Patanjali. The Podu Dikshitars were among the first to open the temple to all castes of Hindus. Chidambaram is possibly the only ancient temple in Tamil Nadu which permits non-Hindu devotees to have darshan of the deities including the presiding deity Nataraj. In the two main festivals celebrated every year, devotees of all communities are permitted to participate with equal respect and status.

http://www.niticentral.com/2014/01/06/supreme-courts-verdict-comes-to-rescue-of-chidambaram-temple-176190.html

REPORTABLE
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA
CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION

CIVIL APPEAL NO.10620 OF 2013

Dr. Subramanian Swamy
...Appellant


Versus


State of Tamil Nadu & Ors.
...Respondents


With

CIVIL APPEAL NO.10621 OF 2013

Sabhayanagar Temple
...Appellant


Versus


State of Tamil Nadu & Ors.
...Respondents


With

CIVIL APPEAL NO.10622 OF 2013



T. Sivaraman & Ors.
...Appellants


Versus


State of Tamil Nadu & Ors.
...Respondents




J U D G M E N T


Dr. B. S. CHAUHAN, J.


1. All these appeals have been filed against the impugned
judgment and order dated 15.9.2009 passed in Writ Appeal No.181 of
2009 by the High Court of Madras affirming the judgment and order
dated 2.2.2009 of the learned Single Judge passed in Writ Petition
No.18248 of 2006 rejecting the claim of the writ petitioner - Podhu
Dikshitars to administer the Temple.
In Civil Appeal No. 10620/2013, the appellant has raised
the issue of violation of the constitutional rights protected under
Article 26 of the Constitution of India, 1950 (hereinafter referred to
as 'Constitution') in relation to the claim by Podhu Dikshitars
(Smarthi Brahmins) to administer the properties of the Temple in
question dedicated to Lord Natraja. The same gains further importance
as it also involves the genesis of such pre-existing rights even prior
to the commencement of the Constitution and the extent of exercise of
State control under the statutory provisions of The Madras Hindu
Religious and Charitable Endowments Act 1951 (hereinafter referred to
as the 'Act 1951') as well as the Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and
Charitable Endowments Act 1959 (hereinafter referred to as the 'Act
1959').
Civil Appeal No. 10621/2013 is on behalf of Podhu
Dikshitars claiming the same relief and Civil Appeal No. 10622/2013
has been filed by the appellants supporting the claim of the appellant
in Civil Appeal No. 10621/2013.


2. For convenience in addressing the parties and deciding the
appeals, we have taken Civil Appeal No. 10620/2013 as the leading
appeal. The facts and circumstances giving rise to the appeal are as
under:
A. That Sri Sabhanayagar Temple at Chidambaram (hereinafter
referred to as the 'Temple') is in existence since times immemorial
and had been administered for a long time by Podhu Dikshitars (all
male married members of the families of Smarthi Brahmins who claim to
have been called for the establishment of the Temple in the name of
Lord Natraja).
B. The State of Madras enacted the Madras Hindu Religious and
Charitable Endowments Act, 1927 (hereinafter referred to as the 'Act
1927'), which was repealed by the Act 1951. A Notification
No.G.O.Ms.894 dated 28.8.1951 notifying the Temple to be subjected to
the provisions of Chapter VI of the Act 1951 was issued. The said
notification enabled the Government to promulgate a Scheme for the
management of the Temple.
C. In pursuance to the same, the Hindu Religious Endowments
Board, Madras (hereinafter called the 'Board') appointed an Executive
Officer for the management of the Temple in 1951 vide order dated
28.8.1951 etc.
D. The Dikshitars, i.e. respondent no.6 and/or their
predecessors in interest challenged the said orders dated 28.8.1951
and 31.8.1951 by filing Writ Petition nos. 379-380 of 1951 before the
Madras High Court which were allowed vide judgment and order dated
13.12.1951 quashing the said orders, holding that the Dikshitars
constituted a 'religious denomination' and their position vis-`-vis
the Temple was analogous to muttadhipati of a mutt; and the orders
impugned therein were violative of the provisions of Article 26 of the
Constitution.
E. Aggrieved, the State of Madras filed appeals before this
Court, which stood dismissed vide order dated 9.2.1954 as the
notification was withdrawn by the State-respondents. After the
judgment in the aforesaid case as well as in The Commissioner, Hindu
Religious Endowments, Madras v. Sri Lakshmindra Tirtha Swamiar of Sri
Shirur Mutt, AIR 1954 SC 282 (hereinafter referred to as 'Shirur Mutt
Case'), the Act 1951 was repealed by the Act 1959. Section 45 thereof
empowers the Statutory Authorities to appoint an Executive Officer to
administer the religious institutions. However, certain safeguards
have been provided under various provisions including Section 107 of
the Act 1959.
F. On 31.7.1987, the Commissioner of religious endowment in
exercise of his power under the Act 1959 appointed an Executive
Officer. Consequent thereto, the Commissioner HR&CE passed an order
dated 5.8.1987 defining the duties and powers of the Executive
Officer, so appointed for the administration of the Temple.
G. Aggrieved, the respondent no.6 challenged the said order by
filing Writ Petition No.7843 of 1987. The High Court of Madras
granted stay of operation of the said order dated 5.8.1987. However,
the writ petition stood dismissed vide judgment and order dated
17.2.1997.
H. Aggrieved, the respondent no.6 preferred Writ Appeal No.145
of 1997 and the High Court vide its judgment and order dated 1.11.2004
disposed of the said writ appeal giving liberty to respondent no.6 to
file a revision petition before the Government under Section 114 of
the Act 1959 as the writ petition had been filed without exhausting
the statutory remedies available to the said respondent.
I. The revision petition was preferred, however, the same
stood dismissed vide order dated 9.5.2006 rejecting the contention of
the respondent no.6 that the order dated 5.8.1987 violated
respondent's fundamental rights under Article 26 of the Constitution
observing that by virtue of the operation of law i.e. statutory
provisions of Sections 45 and 107 of the Act 1959, such rights were
not available to the respondent no.6. In this order, the entire
history of the litigation was discussed and it was also pointed out
that the Executive Officer had taken charge of the Temple on 20.3.1997
and had been looking after the management of the Temple since then.
The said order also revealed that the respondent no.6 could not
furnish proper accounts of movable and immovable properties of the
Temple and recorded the following finding of fact:
"The powers given to the Executive Officer, are the
administration of the Temple and its properties and maintain
these in a secular manner. Hence, the rights of the petitioners
are not at all affected or interfered with, in any manner
whatsoever the aim and reason behind the appointment of the
Executive Officer is not for removing the petitioners who call
themselves as trustees to this Temple." (Emphasis added)


J. The respondent no.6 preferred Writ Petition No.18248 of
2006 for setting aside the order dated 9.5.2006 which was dismissed by
the High Court vide judgment and order dated 2.2.2009 observing that
the judgment referred to hereinabove in Writ Petition (C) Nos. 379-380
of 1951 titled Marimuthu Dikshitar v. The State of Madras & Anr.,
reported in 1952 (1) MLJ 557, wherein it was held that Dikshitars were
a 'religious denomination', would not operate as res judicata.
K. Aggrieved, the respondent no.6 filed Writ Appeal No.181 of
2009. The present appellant Dr. Subramanian Swamy was allowed by the
High Court to be impleaded as a party. The Writ Appeal has been
dismissed vide impugned judgment and order dated 15.9.2009.
Hence, these appeals.


3. The appellant-in-person has submitted that Article 26 of
the Constitution confers certain fundamental rights upon the citizens
and particularly, on a 'religious denomination' which can neither be
taken away nor abridged. In the instant case, the Dikshitars had been
declared by this Court, in a lis between Dikshitars and the State and
the Religious Endowments Commissioner, that they were an acknowledged
`religious denomination' and in that capacity they had a right to
administer the properties of the Temple. Though in view of the
provisions of Section 45 read with Section 107 of the Act 1959, the
State may have a power to regulate the activities of the Temple, but
lacks competence to divest the Dikshitars from their right to manage
and administer the Temple and its properties. It was strenuously
contended that the High Court committed an error by holding that the
earlier judgment of the Division Bench in Marimuthu Dikshitar (Supra)
would not operate as res judicata. Therefore, the appeal deserves to
be allowed.


4. Per contra, Shri Dhruv Mehta and Shri Colin Gonsalves,
learned Senior counsel, and Shri Yogesh Kanna, learned counsel have
opposed the appeal contending that no interference is required by this
court as the High Court has rightly held that the aforesaid judgment
of the Madras High Court or the judgment of this Court in Shirur Mutt
case (Supra) would not operate as res judicata even if the earlier
dispute had been contested between the same parties and touches
similar issues, for the reason that Article 26(d) applies only when
the temple/property is owned and established by the 'religious
denomination'. In the instant case, the Temple is neither owned by
respondent No. 6, nor established by it. Thus, the appeal is liable
to be dismissed.
Shri Subramonium Prasad, learned Addl. Advocate General
appearing for the State and the Statutory authorities has opposed the
appeal contending that the Executive Officer has been appointed to
assist the Podhu Dikshitars and to work in collaboration with them and
the said respondent has not been divested of its powers at all, so far
as the religious matters are concerned. Thus, the matter should be
examined considering these aspects.
5. We have considered the rival submissions made by learned
counsel for the parties and perused the record.
6. Before entering into the merits of the case, it may be
relevant to refer to the relevant statutory provisions.
Section 27 of the Act 1959 provides that the trustee would
be bound to obey all lawful orders issued by the Government or the
statutory authorities.
Section 45 of the Act 1959 provides for appointment and
duties of Executive Officer and relevant part thereof reads:
"(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, the
Commissioner may appoint, subject to such conditions as may be
prescribed, an Executive Officer for any religious institution
other than a Math or a specific endowment attached to a Math.
(2) The Executive Officer shall exercise such powers and
discharge such duties as may be assigned to him by the
Commissioner.
Provided that only such powers and duties as appertain to the
administration of the properties of the religious institutions
referred to in sub-section (1) shall be assigned to the
executive officer.
xxx xxx xxx
xxx
On the other hand, Section 107 of the Act 1959 provides that the
Act would not affect the rights guaranteed under Article 26 of the
Constitution. It reads:
"Nothing contained in this Act shall, save as otherwise
provided in Section 106 and in Clause (2) of Article 25 of the
Constitution, be deemed to confer any power or impose any duty
in contravention of the rights conferred on any religious
denomination or any Section thereof by Article 26 of the
Constitution."
Section 116 of the Act 1959 reads as under:
"116. Power to make rules-
(1) The Government may, by notification, make rules to carry
out the purposes of this Act.
(2) Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing
power, such rules may provide for-
(i) all matters expressly required or allowed by this
Act to be prescribed;
xx xx xx
(3) All rules made and all notifications issued under this Act
shall, as soon as possible after they are made or issued, be
placed on the table of the Legislative Assembly and shall be
subject to such modifications by way of amendment or repeal as
the Legislative Assembly may make either in the same session or
in the next session."


7. Article 26 of the Constitution provides for freedom to
manage religious affairs and it reads as under:
"26. Freedom to manage religious affairs - Subject to public
order, morality and health, every religious denomination or any
section thereof shall have the right -


(a) to establish and maintain institutions for religious and
charitable purposes;


(b) to manage its own affairs in matters of religion;


(c) to own and acquire movable and immovable property; and


(d) to administer such property in accordance with law."

(Emphasis added)


8. The word "such" has to be understood in the context it has
been used. A Constitution Bench of this Court in Central Bank of
India v. Ravindra & Ors., AIR 2001 SC 3095 dealt with the word "such"
and held as under:
"43. Webster defines "such" as "having the particular quality or
character specified; certain, representing the object as already
particularised in terms which are not mentioned. In New
Webster's Dictionary and Thesaurus, meaning of "such" is given
as "of a kind previously or about to be mentioned or implied; of
the same quality as something just mentioned (used to avoid the
repetition of one word twice in a sentence); of a degree or
quantity stated or implicit; the same as something just
mentioned (used to avoid repetition of one word twice in a
sentence); that part of something just stated or about to be
stated". Thus, generally speaking, the use of the word "such" as
an adjective prefixed to a noun is indicative of the draftsman's
intention that he is assigning the same meaning or
characteristic to the noun as has been previously indicated or
that he is referring to something which has been said before.
This principle has all the more vigorous application when the
two places employing the same expression, at earlier place the
expression having been defined or characterised and at the
latter place having been qualified by use of the word "such",
are situated in close proximity."
(See also: Ombalika Das & Anr. v. Hulisa Shaw, AIR 2002 SC 1685).


9. The aforesaid provisions make it clear that the rights of
the 'denominational religious institutions' are to be preserved and
protected from any invasion by the State as guaranteed under Article
26 of the Constitution, and as statutorily embodied in Section 107 of
the Act 1959.


10. Undoubtedly, the object and purpose of enacting Article 26
of the Constitution is to protect the rights conferred therein on a
`religious denomination` or a section thereof. However, the rights
conferred under Article 26 are subject to public order, morality and
health and not subject to any other provision of Part III of the
Constitution as the limitation has been prescribed by the law makers
by virtue of Article 25 of the Constitution.
The term 'religious denomination' means collection of
individuals having a system of belief, a common organisation; and
designation of a distinct name. The right to administration of
property by a 'religious denomination' would stand on a different
footing altogether from the right to maintain its own affairs in
matters of religion. (Vide: Acharya Maharajshri Narendra Prasadji
Anandprasadji Maharaj etc.etc. v. The State of Gujarat & Ors., AIR
1974 SC 2098; T.M.A. Pai Foundation & Ors. v. State of Karnataka &
Ors., AIR 2003 SC 355; and Nallor Marthandam Vellalar & Ors. v.
Commissioner, Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments & Ors., AIR
2003 SC 4225).


11. The Constitution Bench of this Court in S. Azeez Basha &
Anr. v. Union of India, AIR 1968 SC 662, while dealing with the
rights of minority to establish educational institutions, also dealt
with the provisions of Article 26 of the Constitution and observed
that the words "establish and maintain" contained in Article 26 (a)
must be read conjunctively. A 'religious denomination' can only claim
to maintain that institution which has been established by it. The
right to maintain institutions would necessarily include the right to
administer them. The right under Article 26(a) of the Constitution
will only arise where the institution is established by a 'religious
denomination' and only in that event, it can claim to maintain it.
While dealing with the issue of Aligarh Muslim University, this Court
rejected the claim of Muslim community of the right to administer on
the ground that it had not been established by the Muslim community
and, therefore, they did not have a right to maintain the university
within the meaning of Article 26(a) of the Constitution.


12. In Khajamian Wakf Estates etc. v. State of Madras etc.,
AIR 1971 SC 161, the Constitution Bench of this Court held that the
religious denomination can own, acquire properties and administer them
in accordance with law. In case they lose the property or alienate
the same, the right to administer automatically lapses for the reason
that property ceases to be their property. Article 26(d) of the
Constitution protects the rights of 'religious denomination' to
establish and administer the properties as clauses (c) and (d)
guarantee a fundamental right to any religious denomination to own,
acquire, establish and maintain such properties.


13. In Sri Sri Sri Lakshamana Yatendrulu & Ors. v. State of
A.P. & Anr., AIR 1996 SC 1414, this Court examined the constitutional
validity of some of the provisions of the Andhra Pradesh Charitable
and Hindu Religious Institutions and Endowments Act 1987. The Court
also examined the object of the scheme framed under Section 55 of the
said Act and held as under:
"..That the power of the Commissioner to frame scheme is not
absolute but is conditioned upon reasonable belief on the basis
of the report submitted by the Deputy Commissioner and there
must be some material on record for entertaining a reasonable
belief that the affairs of the Math and its properties are being
mismanaged or that funds are misappropriated or that the
mathadhipathi grossly neglected in performing his duties. Prior
enquiry in that behalf is duly made in accordance with the rules
prescribed thereunder. The members of the committee so
appointed shall be the persons who are genuinely interested in
the proper management of the Math, management of the properties
and useful utilization of the funds for the purpose of which the
endowment is created. Thus, the paramount consideration is only
proper management of the Math and utilisation of the funds for
the purpose of the Math as per its customs, usage etc."
(Emphasis added)


The Court further held:
"Such a scheme can be only to run day-to-day management of the
endowment and the committee would be of supervisory mechanism as
overall incharge of the Math."
(Emphasis added)


As the Act 1987 did not provide the duration for which the scheme
would remain in force, the court held that "the duration of the scheme
thus framed may also be specified either in the original scheme or one
upheld with modification, if any, in appeal." The Court held:
"36. The object of Section 55 appears to be to remedy
mismanagement of the math or misutilisation of the funds of the
math or neglect in its management. The scheme envisages
modification or its cancellation thereof, which would indicate
that the scheme is of a temporary nature and duration till the
evil, which was recorded by the Commissioner after due enquiry,
is remedied or a fit person is nominated as mathadhipathi and is
recognised by the Commissioner. The scheme is required to be
cancelled as soon as the nominated mathadhipathi assumes office
and starts administering the math and manages the properties
belonging to, endowed or attached to the math or specific
endowment."
(Emphasis added)


Thus, this Court clarified that there cannot be super-session of
administration in perpetuity. It is a temporary measure till the evil
gets remedied.


14. In the aforesaid backdrop, we shall examine the present
appeals.
The learned Single Judge while deciding Writ Petition No.
18248/2006 examined the case raising the following question:
"Observations of the Division Bench in 1952 (1) MLJ 557 that
Podhu Dikshitars are a 'denomination' are to be tested in the
light of well-settled principles laid down in various decisions
of the Supreme Court."
The learned Single Judge as well as the Division Bench made it a
pivotal point while dealing with the case.


15. The Constitution Bench of this Court in Shirur Mutt (Supra)
categorically held that a law which takes away the right to administer
the religious denomination altogether and vests it in any other
authority would amount to a violation of right guaranteed in clause
(d) of Article 26 of the Constitution. Therefore, the law could not
divest the administration of religious institution or endowment.
However, the State may have a general right to regulate the right of
administration of a religious or charitable institution or endowment
and by such a law, State may also choose to impose such restrictions
whereof as are felt most acute and provide a remedy therefore. (See
also: Ratilal Panachand Gandhi & Ors. v. State of Bombay & Ors., AIR
1954 SC 388; and Pannalal Bansilal Pitti & Ors. v. State of A.P. &
Anr., AIR 1996 SC 1023).


16. The Shirur Mutt case (Supra) had been heard by the Division
Bench of the Madras High Court alongwith Marimuthu Dikshitar (Supra),
and against both the judgments appeals were preferred before this
court. However, in the case of respondent no.6, the appeal was
dismissed as the State of Madras had withdrawn the impugned
notification, while in Shirur Mutt case the judgment came to be
delivered wherein this Court held as under:
"15. As regards Art. 26. the first question is, what is the
precise meaning or connotation of the expression "religious
denomination" and whether a Math could come within this
expression. The word "denomination" has been defined in the
Oxford Dictionary to mean "a collection of individuals classed
together under the same name : a religious sect or body having a
common faith and organisation and designated by a distinctive
name". It is well known that the practice of setting up Maths as
centres of theological teaching was started by Shri
Sankaracharya and was followed by various teachers since then.
After Sankara came a galaxy of religious teachers and
philosophers who founded the different sects and sub sects of
the Hindu religion that we find in India at the present day.
Each one of such sects or sub-sects can certainly be called
a religious denomination, as it is designated by a distinctive
name, --in many cases it the name of the founder --- and has a
common faith and common spiritual organization. The followers of
Ramanuja, who are known by the name of Shri Vaishnabas,
undoubtedly constitute a religious denomination; and so do the
followers of Madhwacharya and other religious teachers. It is a
fact well established by tradition that the Udipi Maths were
founded by Madhwacharya himself and the trustees and the
beneficiaries of these Maths profess to be followers of that
teacher. The High Court has found that the Math in question is
in charge of the Sivalli Brahmins who constitute a Section of
the followers of Madhwacharya.As Art. 26 contemplates not merely
a religious denomination but also a Section thereof, the Math or
the spiritual fraternity represented by it can legitimately come
within the purview of this Article.
16. The other thing that remains to be considered in regard to
Art. 26 is, what, is the scope of clause (b) of the Article
which speaks of management 'of its own affairs in matters of
religion?" The language undoubtedly suggests that there could be
other affairs of a religious denomination or a Section thereof
which are not matter of religion and to which the guarantee
given by this clause would not apply. The question is, where is
the line to be drawn between what are matters of religion and
what are not?
xx xx xx
22. Under Art. 26(b), therefore a religious denomination or
organization enjoys complete autonomy in the matter of deciding
as to what rites and ceremonies are essential according to the
tenets of the religion they hold and no outside authority has
any jurisdiction to interfere with their decision in such
matters."


This Court upheld the validity of Section 58 of the Act 1951 which
had been struck down by the Division Bench which is analogous to
Section 64 of the Act 1959.


17. In view of the provisions of Sections 44 and 45(2) of the
Act 1959, the State Government can regulate the secular activities
without interfering with the religious activities.


18. The issues involved herein are as to whether Dikshitars
constitute a 'religious denomination' and whether they have a right to
participate in the administration of the Temple. In fact, both the
issues stood finally determined by the High Court in the earlier
judgment of Marimuthu Dikhsitars (Supra) referred to hereinabove and,
thus, doctrine of res judicata is applicable in full force.


19. The Division Bench of Madras High Court while deciding the
dispute earlier in Marimuthu Dikshitar (Supra), traced the history of
Dikshitars and examined their rights, etc. The Court concluded:
"Looking at it from the point of view, whether the Podu
Dikshitars are a denomination, and whether their right as a
denomination is to any extent infringed within the meaning of
Article 26, it seems to us that it is a clear case, in which it
can safely be said that the Podu Dikshitars who are Smartha
Brahmins, form and constitute a religious denomination or in any
event, a section thereof. They are even a closed body, because
no other Smartha Brahmin who is not a Dikshitar is entitled to
participate in the administration or in the worship or in the
services to God. It is their exclusive and sole privilege which
has been recognized and established for over several centuries.
In the case of Sri Sabhanayakar Temple at Chidambaram,
with which we are concerned in this petition, it should be clear
from what we have stated earlier in this judgment, that the
position of the Dikshitars, labelled trustees of this Temple, is
virtually analogous to that of a Matathipathi of a Mutt, except
that the Podu Dikshitars of this Temple, functioning as
trustees, will not have the same dominion over the income of the
properties of the Temple which the Matathipathi enjoys in
relation to the income from the Mutt and its properties.
Therefore, the sections which we held ultra vires in relation to
Mutts and Matathipathis will also be ultra vires the State
Legislature in relation to Sri Sabhanayakar Temple, Chidambaram
and the Podu Dikshitars who have the right to administer the
affairs and the properties of the Temple. As we have already
pointed out even more than the case of the Shivalli Brahmins, it
can be asserted that the Dikshitars of Chidambaram form a
religious denomination within the meaning of Article 26 of the
Constitution.
We certify under Article 132 of the Constitution that it is a
fit case for appeal to the Supreme Court. Notification
quashed."
(Emphasis added)


20. On the basis of the certificate of fitness, the State of
Madras preferred Civil Appeal No.39 of 1953 before this Court against
the said judgment and order of the Madras High Court, which was heard
by the Constitution Bench of this Court on 9.2.1954. However, the
said appeal stood dismissed as the State withdrew the notification
impugned therein. Relevant part of the order runs as under :
"The Appeal and the Civil Miscellaneous Petition above mentioned
being called on for hearing before this Court on the 9th day of
February, 1954 upon hearing the Advocate-General of Madras on
behalf of the Appellants and counsel for the respondents and
upon the said advocate-General appearing on behalf of the State
of Madras agreeing to withdraw the notification G.O. Ms. No.894
Rural Welfare dated 28.8.1951 published in Fort St. George
Gazette dated 4.9.1951 in the matter of the Sabhanayagar Temple,
Chidambaram, Chidambaram Taluk, South Arcot District/the Temple
concerned in this appeal/this Court doth order that the appeal
and the civil miscellaneous petition above mentioned be and the
same are hereby dismissed."


21. It is evident from the judgment of the High Court of
Madras, which attained finality as the State withdrew the
notification, that the Court recognised:
a) That Dikshitars, who are Smarthi Brahmins, form and constitute a
'religious denomination';
b) Dikshitars are entitled to participate in administration of the
Temple; and
c) It was their exclusive privilege which had been recognised and
established for over several centuries.


22. It is not a case to examine whether in the facts and
circumstances of the case, the judgments of this court in various
cases are required to be followed or the ratio thereof is binding in
view of the provisions of Article 141 of the Constitution. Rather the
sole question is whether an issue in a case between the same parties,
which had been finally determined could be negated relying upon
interpretation of law given subsequently in some other cases, and the
answer is in the negative. More so, nobody can claim that the
fundamental rights can be waived by the person concerned or can be
taken away by the State under the garb of regulating certain
activities.


23. The scope of application of doctrine of res judicata is in
question.
The literal meaning of "res" is "everything that may form an object
of rights and includes an object, subject-matter or status" and "res
judicata" literally means "a matter adjudged a thing judicially acted
upon or decided; a thing or matter settled by judgments". "Res
judicata pro veritate accipitur" is the full maxim which has, over the
years, shrunk to mere "res judicata", which means that res judicata is
accepted for truth.


24. The doctrine contains the rule of conclusiveness of the
judgment which is based partly on the maxim of Roman jurisprudence
"interest reipublicae ut sit finis litium" (it concerns the State that
there be an end to law suits) and partly on the maxim "nemo debet bis
vexari pro uno et eadem causa" (no man should be vexed twice over for
the same cause).
Even an erroneous decision on a question of law attracts the
doctrine of res judicata between the parties to it. The correctness
or otherwise of a judicial decision has no bearing upon the question
whether or not it operates as res judicata. (Vide: Shah Shivraj
Gopalji v. ED-, Appakadh Ayiassa Bi & Ors., AIR 1949 PC 302; and
Mohanlal Goenka v. Benoy Kishna Mukherjee & Ors., AIR 1953 SC 65).




25. In Smt. Raj Lakshmi Dasi & Ors. v. Banamali Sen & Ors., AIR
1953 SC 33, this Court while dealing with the doctrine of res
judicata referred to and relied upon the judgment in Sheoparsan Singh
v. Ramnandan Singh, AIR 1916 PC 78 wherein it had been observed as
under:
"........ the rule of res judicata, while founded on ancient
precedents, is dictated by a wisdom which is for all time.....
Though the rule of the Code may be traced to an English source,
it embodies a doctrine in no way opposed to the spirit of the
law as expounded by the Hindu commentators. Vijnanesvara and
Nilakantha include the plea of a former judgment among those
allowed by law, each citing for this purpose the text of
Katyayana, who describes the plea thus: 'If a person though
defeated at law, sue again, he should be answered, ''you were
defeated formerly". This is called the plea of former
judgment.'... And so the application of the rule by the courts
in India should be influenced by no technical considerations of
form, but by matter of substance within the limits allowed by
law''


26. This Court in Satyadhyan Ghosal & Ors. v. Smt. Deorajin
Debi & Anr., AIR 1960 SC 941 explained the scope of principle of res-
judicata observing as under:
"7. The principle of res judicata is based on the need of giving
a finality to judicial decisions. What it says is that once a
res is judicata, it shall not be adjudged again. Primarily it
applies as between past litigation and future litigation, When a
matter - whether on a question of fact or a question of law -
has been decided between two parties in one suit or proceeding
and the decision is final, either because no appeal was taken to
a higher court or because the appeal was dismissed, or no appeal
lies, neither party will be allowed in a future suit or
proceeding between the same parties to canvass the matter again.
This principle of res judicata is embodied in relation to suits
in S. 11 of the Code of Civil Procedure; but even where S. 11
does not apply, the principle of res judicata has been applied
by courts for the purpose of achieving finality in litigation.
The result of this is that the original court as well as any
higher court must in any future litigation proceed on the basis
that the previous decision was correct."
A similar view has been re-iterated by this court in Daryao & Ors.
v. The State of U.P. & Ors., AIR 1961 SC 1457; Greater Cochin
Development Authority v. Leelamma Valson & Ors., AIR 2002 SC 952; and
Bhanu Kumar Jain v. Archana Kumar & Anr., AIR 2005 SC 626.


27. The Constitution Bench of this Court in Amalgamated
Coalfields Ltd. & Anr. v. Janapada Sabha Chhindwara & Ors., AIR 1964
SC 1013, considered the issue of res judicata applicable in writ
jurisdiction and held as under:
"...Therefore, there can be no doubt that the general
principle of res judicata applies to writ petitions filed under
Article 32 or Article 226. It is necessary to emphasise that the
application of the doctrine of res judicata to the petitions
filed under Art. 32 does not in any way impair or affect the
content of the fundamental rights guaranteed to the citizens of
India. It only seeks to regulate the manner in which the said
rights could be successfully asserted and vindicated in courts
of law."


28. In Hope Plantations Ltd. v. Taluk Land Board, Peermade &
Anr., (1999) 5 SCC 590, this Court has explained the scope of
finality of the judgment of this Court observing as under:
"One important consideration of public policy is that the
decision pronounced by courts of competent jurisdiction should
be final, unless they are modified or reversed by the appellate
authority and other principle that no one should be made to face
the same kind of litigation twice ever because such a procedure
should be contrary to consideration of fair play and justice.
Rule of res judicata prevents the parties to a judicial
determination from litigating the same question over again even
though the determination may even be demonstratedly wrong. When
the proceedings have attained finality, parties are bound by the
judgment and are estopped from questioning it."
(See also: Burn & Co., Calcutta v. Their Employees, AIR 1957 SC 38;
G.K. Dudani & Ors. v. S.D. Sharma & Ors., AIR 1986 SC 1455; and Ashok
Kumar Srivastav v. National Insurance Co. Ltd. & Ors., AIR 1998 SC
2046).


29. A three-Judge Bench of this court in The State of Punjab v.
Bua Das Kaushal, AIR 1971 SC 1676 considered the issue and came to the
conclusion that if necessary facts were present in the mind of the
parties and had gone into by the court, in such a fact-situation,
absence of specific plea in written statement and framing of specific
issue of res judicata by the court is immaterial.


30. A similar view has been re-iterated by this court in Union
of India v. Nanak Singh, AIR 1968 SC 1370 observing as under:
"This Court in Gulabchand Chhotalal v. State of Gujarat, AIR
1965 SC 1153 observed that the provisions of Section 11 of the
Code of Civil Procedure are not exhaustive with respect to all
earlier decision operating as res judicata between the same
parties on the same matter in controversy in a subsequent
regular suit, and on the general principle of res judicata, any
previous decision on a matter in controversy, decided after full
contest or after affording fair opportunity to the parties to
prove their case by a Court competent to decide it, will operate
as res judicata in a subsequent regular suit. It is not
necessary that the Court deciding the matter formerly be
competent to decide the subsequent suit or that the former
proceeding and the subsequent suit have the same subject-matter.
There is no good reason to preclude, such decisions on matters
in controversy in writ proceedings under Article 226 or Article
32 of the Constitution from operating as res judicata in
subsequent regular suits on the same matters in controversy
between the same parties and thus to give limited effect to the
principle of the finality of decisions after full contest."


31. It is a settled legal proposition that the ratio of any
decision must be understood in the background of the facts of that
case and the case is only an authority for what it actually decides,
and not what logically follows from it. "The court should not place
reliance on decisions without discussing as to how the factual
situation fits in with the fact-situation of the decision on which
reliance is placed."
32. Even otherwise, a different view on the interpretation of
the law may be possible but the same should not be accepted in case it
has the effect of unsettling transactions which had been entered into
on the basis of those decisions, as reopening past and closed
transactions or settled titles all over would stand jeopardized and
this would create a chaotic situation which may bring instability in
the society.
The declaration that "Dikshitars are religious denomination or
section thereof" is in fact a declaration of their status and making
such declaration is in fact a judgment in rem.


33. In Madan Mohan Pathak & Anr. v. Union of India & Ors., AIR
1978 SC 803, a seven-Judge Bench of this Court dealt with a case
wherein the question arose as to whether the order passed by the
Calcutta High Court issuing writ of mandamus directing the Life
Insurance Corporation of India (hereinafter referred to as L.I.C.) to
pay cash bonus for the year 1975-76 to its class 3 and 4 employees in
terms of the settlement between the parties was allowed to become
final. Immediately after the pronouncement of the judgment, the
Parliament enacted the LIC (Modification of Settlement) Act, 1976. The
appeal filed against the judgment of Calcutta High Court was not
pressed by LIC and the said judgment was allowed to become final.
This Court rejected the contention of the LIC that in view of the
intervention of legislation, it was not liable to meet the liability
under the said judgment. The Court held that there was nothing in the
Act which nullifies the effect of the said judgment or which could set
at naught the judgment or take away the binding character of the said
judgment against LIC. Thus, the LIC was liable to make the payment in
accordance with the said judgment and it could not be absolved from
the obligation imposed by the said judgment.


34. This Court, while considering the binding effect of the
judgment of this Court, in State of Gujarat & Anr. v. Mr. Justice R.A.
Mehta (Retd.) & Ors., AIR 2013 SC 693, held:
"There can be no dispute with respect to the settled legal
proposition that a judgment of this Court is binding,.....It is
also correct to state that, even if a particular issue has not
been agitated earlier, or a particular argument was advanced,
but was not considered, the said judgment does not lose its
binding effect, provided that the point with reference to which
an argument is subsequently advanced, has actually been decided.
The decision therefore, would not lose its authority, "merely
because it was badly argued, inadequately considered or
fallaciously reasoned". (Vide: Smt. Somavanti & Ors. v. The
State of Punjab & Ors., AIR 1963 SC 151; Ballabhdas Mathuradas
Lakhani & Ors. v. Municipal Committee, Malkapur, AIR 1970 SC
1002; Ambika Prasad Mishra v. State of U.P. & Ors., AIR 1980 SC
1762; and Director of Settlements, A.P. & Ors. v. M.R. Apparao &
Anr., AIR 2002 SC 1598)."


35. The issue can be examined from another angle. Explanation
to Order XLVII, Rule 1 of Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 (hereinafter
referred to as the 'CPC') provides that if the decision on a question
of law on which the judgment of the court is based, is reversed or
modified by the subsequent decision of a superior court in any other
case, it shall not be a ground for the review of such judgment. Thus,
even an erroneous decision cannot be a ground for the court to
undertake review, as the first and foremost requirement of
entertaining a review petition is that the order, review of which is
sought, suffers from any error apparent on the face of the order and
in absence of any such error, finality attached to the judgment/order
cannot be disturbed. (Vide: Rajendra Kumar & Ors. v. Rambhai & Ors.,
AIR 2003 SC 2095).


36. In view of the fact that the rights of the respondent no. 6
to administer the Temple had already been finally determined by the
High Court in 1951 and attained finality as State of Madras (as it
then was) had withdrawn the notification in the appeal before this
Court, we are of the considered opinion that the State authorities
under the Act 1959 could not pass any order denying those rights.
Admittedly, the Act 1959 had been enacted after pronouncement of the
said judgment but there is nothing in the Act taking away the rights
of the respondent no. 6, declared by the court, in the Temple or in
the administration thereof.


37. The fundamental rights as protected under Article 26 of the
Constitution are already indicated for observance in Section 107 of
the Act 1959 itself. Such rights cannot be treated to have been waived
nor its protection denied. Consequently, the power to supersede the
functions of a `religious denomination` is to be read as regulatory
for a certain purpose and for a limited duration, and not an authority
to virtually abrogate the rights of administration conferred on it.
In such a fact-situation, it was not permissible for the
authorities to pass any order divesting the said respondent from
administration of the Temple and thus, all orders passed in this
regard are liable to be held inconsequential and unenforceable.
More so, the judgments relied upon by the respondents are
distinguishable on facts.


38. Thus, in view of the above, it was not permissible for the
High Court to assume that it had jurisdiction to sit in appeal against
its earlier judgment of 1951 which had attained finality. Even
otherwise, the High Court has committed an error in holding that the
said judgment in Marimuthu Dikshitar (Supra) would not operate as res
judicata. Even if the Temple was neither established, nor owned by
the said respondent, nor such a claim has ever been made by the
Dikshitars, once the High Court in earlier judgment has recognised
that they constituted `religious denomination' or section thereof and
had right to administer the Temple since they had been administering
it for several centuries, the question of re-examination of any issue
in this regard could not arise.


39. Relevant features of the order passed by the Commissioner
are that the Executive Officer shall be incharge of all immovable
properties of the institution; the Executive Officer shall be entitled
to the custody of all immovables, livestock and grains; the Executive
Officer shall be entitled to receive all the income in cash and kind
and all offerings; all such income and offerings shall be in his
custody; all the office holders and servants shall work under the
immediate control and superintendence of the Executive Officer, though
subject to the disciplinary control of the Secretary of the respondent
no.6., etc.


40. Section 116 of the Act 1959 enables the State Government to
frame rules to carry out the purpose of the Act for "all matters
expressly required or allowed by this Act to be prescribed". Clause 3
thereof requires approval of the rules by the House of State
Legislature. The Executive Officer so appointed by the Commissioner
has to function as per assigned duties and to the extent the
Commissioner directs him to perform.


41. It is submitted by Dr. Swamy that rules have to be framed
defining the circumstances under which the powers under Section 45 of
the Act 1959 can be exercised. The Act 1959 does not contemplate
unguided or unbridled functioning. On the contrary, the prescription
of rules to be framed by the State Government under Sections 116 read
with Sections 45 and 65, etc. of the Act 1959 indicates that the
legislature only intended to regulate and control any incidence of
maladministration and not a complete replacement by introducing a
Statutory authority to administer the Temple.


42. Section 2(16) CPC defines the term `prescribed` as prescribed
by rules. Further, Section 2(18) CPC defines rules as Rules and forms
as contained in the First Schedule or made under Section 122 or
Section 125 CPC. Sections 122 and 125 CPC provide for power of the
High Court to make rules with respect to its own functioning and
procedure. Therefore, it appears that when the legislature uses the
term `prescribed`, it only refers to a power that has simultaneously
been provided for or is deemed to have been provided and not
otherwise. Similarly, Section 2(n) of the Consumer Protection Act,
1986 defines prescribed as "prescribed by rules made by the State
Government or as the case may be, by the Central Government under the
Act".


43. Section 45 of the Act 1959 provides for appointment of an
Executive Officer, subject to such conditions as may be prescribed.
The term 'prescribed' has not been defined under the Act. Prescribed
means prescribed by rules. If the word 'prescribed' has not been
defined specifically, the same would mean to be prescribed in
accordance with law and not otherwise. Therefore, a particular power
can be exercised only if a specific enacting law or statutory rules
have been framed for that purpose. (See: Manohar Lal Chopra v. Rai
Bahadur Rao Raja Seth Hiralal, AIR 1962 SC 527; Hindustan Ideal
Insurance Co. Ltd. v. Life Insurance Corporation of India, AIR 1963 SC
1083; Maharashtra SRTC v. Babu Goverdhan Regular Motor Service Warora
& Ors., AIR 1970 SC 1926; and Bharat Sanchar Nigam Ltd. & Anr. v. BPL
Mobile Cellular Ltd. & Ors., (2008) 13 SCC 597).


44. Shri Subramonium Prasad, learned AAG, has brought the
judgment in M.E. Subramani & Ors. v. Commissioner, HR&CE & Ors., AIR
1976 Mad 264, to our notice, wherein the Madras High Court while
dealing with these provisions held that the Commissioner can appoint
an Executive Officer under Section 45 even if no conditions have been
prescribed in this regard. It may not be possible to approve this
view in view of the judgments of this Court referred to in para 41
supra, thus, an Executive Officer could not have been appointed in the
absence of any rules prescribing conditions subject to which such
appointment could have been made.


45. However, Shri Subramonium Prasad, learned AAG, has
submitted that so far as the validity of Section 45 of the Act 1959 is
concerned, it is under challenge in Writ Petition (C) No. 544 of 2009
and the said petition had earlier been tagged with these appeals, but
it has been de-linked and is to be beard after the judgment in these
appeals is delivered. Thus, in view of the stand taken by the State
before this court, going into the issue of validity of Section 45 of
the Act 1959 does not arise and in that respect it has been submitted
in written submissions as under:
(a) The scheme of administration in Board's Order No.997 dated
8.5.1933 under the Act 1927 contained various provisions inter-
alia that active management would rest in the committee
consisting of nine members who were to be elected from among the
Podhu Dikshitars (clause 4);
(b) At the time of issuing the order of appointment of
Executive Officer, the Podhu Dikshitars were given full
opportunity of hearing and the powers and duties of the
Executive Officer as defined by the Commissioner would show that
the religious affairs have not been touched at all and the
trustees and the Executive Officers are jointly managing the
temple. The Podhu Dikshitars have not been divested of the
properties and it was not the intention of the State Government
to remove the trustees altogether, rather the Executive Officers
function alongwith the trustees;
(c) In any event, the Podhu Dikshitars are trustees in the
temple and they have not been divested of their properties. The
Executive Officer is only collaborating with the trustees in
administering the properties. Their religious activities have
not been touched. Neither the powers of the trustees have been
suspended nor the Executive Officers have been vested with their
powers and the Executive Officers only assist the trustees in
management of the temple. It was not the intention to remove the
trustees altogether, nor the order of appointment of the
Executive Officer suspends the scheme already framed way back in
1939.


46. Be that as it may, the case is required to be considered in
light of the submissions made on behalf of the State of Tamil Nadu and
particularly in view of the written submissions filed on behalf of the
State.


47. Even if the management of a temple is taken over to remedy
the evil, the management must be handed over to the person concerned
immediately after the evil stands remedied. Continuation thereafter
would tantamount to usurpation of their proprietary rights or
violation of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution in
favour of the persons deprived. Therefore, taking over of the
management in such circumstances must be for a limited period. Thus,
such expropriatory order requires to be considered strictly as it
infringes fundamental rights of the citizens and would amount to
divesting them of their legitimate rights to manage and administer the
temple for an indefinite period. We are of the view that the impugned
order is liable to be set aside for failure to prescribe the duration
for which it will be in force.
Super-session of rights of administration cannot be of a permanent
enduring nature. Its life has to be reasonably fixed so as to be co-
terminus with the removal of the consequences of maladministration.
The reason is that the objective to take over the management and
administration is not the removal and replacement of the existing
administration but to rectify and stump out the consequences of
maladministration. Power to regulate does not mean power to supersede
the administration for indefinite period.
Regulate is defined as to direct; to direct by rule or
restriction; to direct or manage according to the certain standards,
to restrain or restrict. The word `regulate' is difficult to define
as having any precise meaning. It is a word of broad import, having a
broad meaning and may be very comprehensive in scope. Thus, it may
mean to control or to subject to governing principles. Regulate has
different set of meaning and must take its colour from the context in
which it is used having regard to the purpose and object of the
legislation. The word `regulate' is elastic enough to include issuance
of directions etc. (Vide: K. Ramanathan v. State of Tamil Nadu & Anr.,
AIR 1985 SC 660; and Balmer Lawrie & Company Limited & Ors. Partha
Sarathi Sen Roy & Ors., (2013) 8 SCC 345)


48. Even otherwise it is not permissible for the
State/Statutory Authorities to supersede the administration by
adopting any oblique/circuitous method. In Sant Lal Gupta & Ors. v.
Modern Coop. Group Housing Society Ltd. & Ors., (2010) 13 SCC 336,
this Court held:
"It is a settled proposition of law that what cannot be done
directly, is not permissible to be done obliquely, meaning
thereby, whatever is prohibited by law to be done, cannot
legally be effected by an indirect and circuitous contrivance on
the principle of "quando aliquid prohibetur, prohibetur et omne
per quod devenitur ad illud". An authority cannot be permitted
to evade a law by "shift or contrivance"."


(See also: Jagir Singh v. Ranbir Singh, AIR 1979 SC 381; A.P. Diary
Dev. Corporation federation v. B. Narsimha Reddy & Ors. AIR 2011 SC
3298; and State of Tamil Nadu & Ors. v. K. Shyam Sunder & Ors. AIR
2011 SC 3470).


49. We would also like to bring on the record that various
instances whereby acts of mismanagement/maladministration/
misappropriation alleged to have been committed by Podhu Dikshitars
have been brought to our notice. We have not gone into those issues
since we have come to the conclusion that the power under the Act 1959
for appointment of an Executive Officer could not have been exercised
in the absence of any prescription of circumstances/ conditions in
which such an appointment may be made. More so, the order of
appointment of the Executive Officer does not disclose as for what
reasons and under what circumstances his appointment was necessitated.
Even otherwise, the order in which no period of its operation is
prescribed, is not sustainable being ex facie arbitrary, illegal and
unjust.


50. Thus, the appeals are allowed. Judgments/orders impugned
are set aside. There shall be no order as to costs.



.............................................J.

(DR. B.S. CHAUHAN)





.........................................J.
(S.A. BOBDE)
New Delhi,
January 6, 2014


























































ITEM NO.1A COURT NO.4 SECTION XII
(For judgment)

S U P R E M E C O U R T O F I N D I A
RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS
CIVIL APPEAL NO(s). 10620 OF 2013

DR. SUBRAMANIAN SWAMY Appellant (s)

VERSUS

STATE OF TAMIL NADU & ORS. Respondent(s)

WITH
Civil Appeal NO. 10621 of 2013
Civil Appeal NO. 10622 of 2013

Date: 06/01/2014 These Appeals were called on for hearing today.

For Appellant(s) Petitioner-In-Person

Mr. K.R. Sasiprabhu,Adv.

Mr. K. Parmeshwar,Adv.
Mr. S.R. Setia,Adv.

For Respondent(s) Mr. Subramonium Prasad,AAG,Tamilnadu
Mr. M. Yogesh Kanna,Adv.
Ms. Vanita Chandrakant giri,Adv.
Mr. A.Santha Kumaran,Adv.
Mr. B.Balaji,Adv.

Mr. R.V. Kameshwaran,Adv.

Mr. P.R. Kovilon Poongkuntron,Adv.
Mrs. Geetha Kovilan,Adv.

Mr. Abhisth Kumar,Adv.

Mr. S.K. Verma,Adv.

Respondent-In-Person

Mr. Naresh Kumar,Adv.


Hon'ble Dr. Justice B.S. Chauhan pronounced the judgment of
the Bench comprising of His Lordship and Hon'ble Mr. Justice S.A.
Bobde.


Appeals are allowed in terms of the signed reportable
judgment.


(O.P. Sharma) (M.S. Negi)
Court Master Assistant Registrar
(Signed reportable judgment is placed on the file)


http://courtnic.nic.in/supremecourt/qrydisp.asp

                    WRITTEN SUBMISSIONS:IN NATARAJA TEMPLE CASE
              SLP(C)No.30278 of 2009 on November 20, 2013

I.            PRELIMINARIES

1.   This SLP No. 30278 of 2009 [Vol I, p.56-75] is against the 2009 DB judgment of MHC dt.15.09.09 [Vol I, p. 1-55] on Writ Appeal WA No.181 filed by Respondent 3 [Sri Sabhanayagar Temple] was dismissed. I was an Impleaded Party in the said WA.

2.   The Counter of the State of Tamil Nadu, i.e., Respondent No. 1, is on p. 280-347. My Reply Affidavit is on p.394-448 [starting p 396, para 3].

3.   Prayer is on p.7.

II.          THE MAIN ARGUMENT IN THIS SLP

1.   The Dates are on p. D to I grounds for this SLP are on page 59--. The List of Dates starts on p. D and ends on page I.

2.   This temple has been the openly declared target of take over and destruction by the Atheistic Dravidian Movement, that was inspired by the British Imperialists to frustrate the national freedom movement led by Gandhiji and a galaxy of Tamil Nadu leaders. The movement failed but later co-opted

3.   The first attempt after Independence was vide Notification No. G.O. Ms. 894 dated 28-8-1951 in which several charges of mismanagement and misappropriation were made against the PDs.

4.   This G.O. was challenged before the DB of MHC [CV-I, p.    ].

5.   The Hon’ble DB quashed the said G.O. holding the PDs to be a religious denomination and hence protected under Article 26 of the Constitution [Vol-II, p.95&102].  

6.   The concept of denomination is not defined in the Constitution, or in the HR&CE Acts but is in the said judgment of the DB of the MHC which was clubbed with the Shirur Mutt case.

7.   Religious denomination was defined in the said 1951 Shirur Mutt case [(1952) 1 MLJ 557; SLP p. 76-118; Citation Volume (CV)-I p. 1-50 at p.34-35] which draws on the Oxford Dictionary to define it as “a collection of individuals classed together under the same name: a religious sect or body having a common faith and organization and designated by a distinctive name”.

8.   The Division Bench then held the Podhu Dikshidars [p. 601; CV-I p. 45] to be a ‘Religious Denomination’ with a clear finding that:   “Looking at from the point of view, whether Podhu Dikshidars are a denomination and whether their right as a denomination is to any extent infringed within the meaning of Article 26 it seems to us that it is a clear case in which it can be safely said that the PDs who are Smartha Brahmins, form and constitute a religious denomination, or in any event, a section thereof.”

9.   In the said judgment of the Hon’ble DB, it was also held that “the charges were without any foundation and proceeded on a total misconception of the facts” [CV-I p.49-50 or Vol-II p.116].

1.   Hence the impugned G.O. No. Ms. 894 of 1951 was quashed even on merits [ Vol-II, p.117].

2.   The said DB judgment of the Madras High Court [V-II, p.76-118 at 94-95; and 118] became final in 1954 when the CA No.39 of 1953 filed by the then Madras government against the DB judgment was dismissed by a Constitutional Bench of this Hon’ble Court [Vol-II, p.119-123].

3.   Hence any legal challenge to the denominational status of the PDs, since then, is ab initio void and barred as Res Judicata.

4.   However flouting this bar, the TN government again after 52 years, issued G.O. 168 of 2006 to take-over temple administration [Vol    p.    ].

5.   This G.O. notified the approval of TN government of the appointment of an E.O. u/s 45(2) of HT&CE Act (1959) [ Vol     p.  ]

6.   This G.O. was challenged inter alia, on the ground of Res judicata in Writ Petition WP No. 18248 of 2006, and heard by a Single Judge Bench[SLP-2 Vol II p. 151-203]. It was dismissed.

7.   In that WP it was prayed ( Volume? p.196) that G.O.168 of 2006 [Vol II p.133-50] be quashed.  

8.   The Hon’ble Single Judge trivialized the claim of Denomination status of the Petitioners upheld in (1952) 1 MLJ ??? “……..are to be tested in light of well-settled principles laid down in various decisions of the Supreme Court”. Hence, the bar of Res judicata was declined [Vol.II p.173, para 34 ].

9.   Respondent No.1’s Counter affidavit before the Hon’ble Single Judge however had not denied the claim of Podhu Dikshidars in their WP that they constitute a religious denomination.

10.Respondent 1 had made a mere passing reference in the Counter [citing (1997) 4 SCC 606; CV-II p.249-83 see Vol-II p.173 para 36], that the “Supreme Court has held that the believers of Siva worship do not belong to a denomination or sect”.

11. This is a non-sequitur since the world of Siva worshippers is a floating body and not a definite class and organization to be called a denomination.

12.This Single Judge Bench dismissal of the PDs’ WP was challenged in a WA [SLP No.32111 of 2009 (SLP-2, p.300-16)], that was filed against this order of the Hon’ble Single Judge passed on their WP 18248 of 2006.

13.In WA 181-83 of 2009 of the PDs before the DB of MHC, neither of the Respondents 1 & 2 filed any counter affidavit, against the averment of the PDs that they are a religious denomination-- and hence that they were entitled to the protection of Article 26 of the Constitution.  

14.The Division Bench of the MHC in its judgments of 2009 [Vol-I, p.1-55, p.241-42 at para 44-47] have also trivialised the decision in the Shirur Mutt case, i.e., of the PDs being a religious denomination, both terming it as a mere non-binding “observation”.

15.The 2009 DB judgment goes even further in blandly and baldly stating that the “observations” of the Shirur Mutt case “are not in consonance with the three tests enunciated by the Supreme Court in various judgments mentioned above,..” [para 44, p. 241 in SLP].

16.Hon’ble Supreme Court has already at least once before come down heavily on such trivialization.

17.In Murali’s case[(2005) 6 SCC166 at paras 16,17, and 19 on page 171; or CV-II 317 at p. 321-22] this Hon’ble Court has stated: “We fail to understand how an executable part of decree… and declares the Institution to be of a religious denomination can be described as merely ‘incidental observation’, ‘obiter dicta’, ‘not part of ratio decidendi’ .------”

18.In the impugned MHC Single Judge and Division Bench judgments a bald and untenable distinction was made between the concepts of “religious denomination” and “denominational temple”.

19.This is without any precedent or merit. The former concept in fact encompasses the latter. The Respondents appear to have adopted this presumed erroneous dichotomy before Your Lordships here, as a desperate and futile attempt to circumvent the bar of res judicata.

20.Thus the Hon’ble Division Bench in 2009 wrongly held that [ SLP p.237, para 37]: “This observation [of the PDs being a religious denomination], by itself, cannot be regarded as a finding recorded on the issue as to whether the temple is a denominational temple. That issue was not directly and substantially in issue in the Shirur Mutt case”.

21.Respondent No.1 in the Counter in my SLP herein [see p. 399-403] has now for the first time stated that: “Hon’ble High Court has decided the religious denomination of Podhu Dikshidars alone in the above case in (1952) 1 MLJ 557[p. 399 SLP]. Read my reply SLP p. 400-403.  

22.In may be noted at this stage that the PDs are held not only as a mere ‘denomination’ but in fact a ‘religious denomination’ because they not only satisfy the criteria of the Oxford dictionary to be a denomination, but a close reading of the Shirur Mutt judgment points to their founding and managing of the Sri Sabhanayagar temple.

23.In the Constitutional Bench judgment in Venkataramana Devaru v. State of Mysore [(1958) SCR 895; CV-II p. 221-48 at p. 232] this Hon’ble Court specifically defined a religious denomination of the Gowda Saraswat Brahmins  “not as a mere denomination”, but “a sect associated with the foundation and maintenance of the Sri Venkataramana Temple.”

24.The language and import of Article 26 is also clear: that a religious denomination will establish and maintain a religious institution including a temple-- and hence a denominational temple.

25.Consequently, a temple founded and managed by a religious denomination is by definition a denominational temple. The Respondents thus are making a distinction that is absurd.

26.Hence, I submit on these authorities on law, that the PDs are a religious denomination within the meaning of Article 26 of the Constitution, and consequently the Sri Sabhanayagar temple is a denominational temple. 

27.Such a temple may or not be a public temple, or vice versa [in SLP 404-06, the Saurashtra Sabha case]. In any case, Article 25(2)(b) requires every temple to be “substantially” open to the general Hindu public i.e., subject only to reasonable restrictions on the access permitted [Devaru case, op.cit.].

28.The Hon’ble Division Bench of the MHC also referred to a new HR&CE Act having being enacted in 1959 repealing the 1951 Act. Hence, the Hon’ble Bench opined[p….]that the matter of denomination has to be denovoconsidered.

29.Neither the Hon’ble Single Judge nor the Hon’ble Judges of the Division Bench have referred to the Constitution Bench judgment of this Hon’ble Court in the Pathak’s case [AIR 1978 SC 803 paras 24- 26 CV-II 347 at p. 372-75] on Res Judicata, as to why this judgment would not be applicable or binding or relevant in this matter.

30.In (2010) 3 SCC 353 at 376 para 60 the principle of Res Judicata has been further re-iterated.

31.In the classic: The Doctrine of Res Judicata [Butterworth, London, 1996]originally authored by G.Spencer Bower in 1924 and revised by Hon’ble Justice Handley of Australia, after a review of all English law cases, it is re-iterated that a final decision even if subsequently proven wrong is binding on the same issues and same parties, as Res Judicata [p.14].

32. I had filed Written Submissions before the Division Bench after my impleadment in which I had brought the Pathak judgment to the Hon’ble Bench’s attention.

33.But I could not lead oral arguments because of the violence directed against me by sympathisers of the LTTE in open court while arguing the matter before their Lordships of the Hon’ble Division Bench. The Report of Justice Sri Krishna Committee gives full facts of those sordid events.

34.Thus, the Hon’ble DB of the MHC in the Shirur Mutt case finding that the PDs are a religious denomination and entitled to the protection of Article 26, acts a bar of res judicata in all subsequent litigation between the same parties on the same issue, even if the laws have changed since, or the finding of the Court was erroneous. 

35.I submit, in view of the cited judgments of this Hon’ble Court, any proceedings herein between the same parties and same issues under the HR&CE Act, is hit and barred by Res Judicata and the Sri Sabhanayagar Temple is protected by Article 26(c)&(d) of the Constitution because the PDs are a religious denomination. 

36.The Hon’ble DB of MHC in 2009 was not persuaded by the argument of Res Judicata and dismissed the WA.

37.Hence this SLP.

Concisely stated, my two submissions before Your Lordships are:   
First, it is settled law since 1953, that the Podu Dikshidars constitute a religious denomination within the meaning and of Article 26 of the Constitution and hence entitled to the protection of the said fundamental right.
The impugned DB judgment of 2009 of the Hon’ble the Madras High Court, upholding the said G.O. 106, is therefore vitiated byRes Judicata and thus and ought to be set aside.
This prayer is further fortified since admittedly Section 45 r/w Section 107 of the HR&CE Act is inapplicable [ As admitted by the Respondent in Counter...]
Second, the take-over of temple properties comes under the purview of Article 31(A)(1)(b).
A judgment of a Seven Judge Constitutional Bench of this Hon’ble Court  [reported in AIR 1969 SC 168 at 176, CV-II p. 388 at p. 400-01] and Karnataka [(1998) 2 Kar L.J 587 [DB] at p.609, para 38], Kerala, Punjab, and AP High Courts have clarified that the scope of “property” in that Article covers other items than estate or land. Temple lands and properties thus would come within the ambit of Art.31A(1)(b).
Period limitation was incorporated in Article 31A(1)(b) of the Constitution by way of the First Amendment in 1951, and before the HRE Act 1951, which therefore contained the five year limitation.
Thus, if any take-over by government is without a period limit then it becomes ultra vires Art 31A(1)(b), if challenged as infringing Article 14 and/or 19 [here it can be under 19(g)].
The impugned G.O. No.168 is therefore not only ultra vires Article 26 which protects denominations, but also Article 31 A(1)(b) of the Constitution, since there is no indication in the text of the said G.O. that the acquisition of the management of the resources and properties of the said temple, is only for a limited period .
Significantly, the 1951 HRE Act in Section 64(4) [p. 454 in the Brief] had placed a limit of 5 years for a notification for take-over, to remain valid.
But for inexplicable reasons, in the 1959 HR&CE Act, it was replaced by Section 72 [p. 449-453] after deleting the period limitation.
Thus Section 45 acquisition besides being impermissible for Denominations vide Section 107 of the HR&CE Act of 1959, is also ultra vires Article 31A(1)(b) of the Constitution.
It also is ultra vires Article 27 since the State is not constitutionally empowered to further or to derogate any religion, as well as the Preamble regarding state commitment to secularism.
Prolonged take-over of temples will for example require paying salaries and stipend to priests and archakas from State funds.
Since 1959, there is not a single instance of the Respondents returning to the trustees a taken over temple.
After an amendment to the Act in 1965, take-over and retention of a temple became a discretionary open-ended option for the Government vide Section 72(6) [p. 450] for to rescind or not to, the G.O..
The 1965 amendment now empowers the government to take-over temples even if there is no prima facie evidence of mismanagement. This is against case laws.
In fact it has been brazenly disclosed by the authorities that it is government policy to take-over temples [in Jyotiramalingam case, AIR 1985 Mad 341; CV-I p.69 at p.72-74]. 
There are today about 45,000 temples in the Respondents’ control most for over several decades, with no oversight agency to monitor the use or misuse of temple funds. Hand over a list.
In any case as held by the Constitutional Bench [op.cit.,], a mere discretion of the Government to return the property is not an acceptable answer.

PRAYER

A foreigner's report after internship at Kabir (started by Kejriwal): Full text of report - Shimrit Lee

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A sneak preview into the work of a foreigner & how she worked on the details for AAP over 3 months of internship at Kabir.

Few questions raised here:

- Was Kabir, the NGO started by Kejriwal while still in Government service receive funds?

- Was it funded by BVD & AIVD (Dutch Intel agencies)? Dutch were banned from funding any NGOs in India in 2002. But, Kejriwal received funds in 2006-2008. Illegal?

- Was the foreigner here with a valid visa? Or was here on Tourist visa, as she was in Egypt during Tahrir protests?

- Since she was also attending conferences, did she have a MHA approval?

- What was the financial transactions she was involved in?

Lot more questions are propping up. Refer to attached document.

http://www.scribd.com/doc/196502999/Publif-power-India-and-other-democracies




Conclusion

The Economist Intelligence Unit's Index of Democracy in 2008 cites a number of examples in
which “flawed democracies” have evolved into “full democracies.” For example, Italy has
successfully made the transition, improving fair elections and ensuring that all parties have
equal access to the media. In South Korea, improvements in civil liberties and a further reduction in
any residual risk of a return to military rule underpin the move to the full democracy category.
Such groundbreaking shifts in levels of freedom are not impossible to imagine. Nations throughout
the world are striving towards greater public participation. Through mechanisms of participation and
decentralization, accountability, and transparency citizens are increasingly becoming the rulers of
their own destinies. In order to grow and progress, it is crucial for any country to take on a global
perspective, analyzing and understanding the ways in which others have struggled for the same
democratic goals.

On paper, India's democratic system is spotless: elections every five years, a three-tier structure of shared power (central, state, panchayat), citizen's charters, a guarantee of female participation, and so on. However, it is important to delve deeper and examine the realities of the system in a more critical manner. Indian democracy has been described as a “hollowed out scaffolding” with nothing inside there is no citizen participation. To what extent does such a democracy speak to the needs and desires of the people? How can a transparent, effective, and accountable government be realized? How can “Jaanne ka haq aur jeene ka haq,” the “right to information and the right to life” be understood
against the backdrop of the politics of exclusion that exist in India?
Not only must one examine the system from the inside, but it is also critical to step outside of one's familiar basis and analyze the structure from the outside, with a global perspective. This requires discovering the unknowable, imaging how others live, and exploring experiments of democracy that are taking place across the world. Democracy is a constant battle. Even if results are not immediately realized, it is the struggle itself, the means, the anger, desires, needs and dreams of the people that build a democracy that is truly of the people, by the people and for the people. Aglobal imagination is crucial to this process.


Justice Ganguly resigns from WBHRC

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Published: January 6, 2014 14:16 IST | Updated: January 6, 2014 19:26 IST

Justice Ganguly resigns from WBHRC

ANI
  • Justice (retd) A.K. Ganguly after meeting with West Bengal Governor M.K. Narayanan at Raj Bhavan in Kolkata on Monday . Photo: Sushanta Patronobish.
    The HinduJustice (retd) A.K. Ganguly after meeting with West Bengal Governor M.K. Narayanan at Raj Bhavan in Kolkata on Monday . Photo: Sushanta Patronobish.
  • Chairman of West Bengal Human Rights Commission Justice Ashok Ganguly at his office in Kolkata on Thursday.
    PTIChairman of West Bengal Human Rights Commission Justice Ashok Ganguly at his office in Kolkata on Thursday.
Former Supreme Court judge, Justice A.K. Ganguly, who has been accused of sexual assault by a law intern, resigned on Monday from the West Bengal Human Rights Commission (WBHRC).
Earlier on Monday, Justice Ganguly had distanced himself from a public interest litigation (PIL) petition that was filed in the Supreme Court supporting him.
The PIL was filed by Delhi-based doctor M Padma Narayan Singh in the Supreme Court, seeking a direction to restrain the government from taking any action against Justice Ganguly. But the Supreme Court rejected the petition on Monday.
The petitioner had also sought a quashing of the report in which a three-member panel of Supreme Court judges indicted Justice Ganguly for unwelcome behaviour against the woman law intern.
The three-judge Supreme Court committee probing the complaint filed by the law intern against Justice Ganguly said that there was prima facie evidence.
The three-judge panel, which heard testimonies submitted its report to the Chief Justice of India, P. Sathasivam, naming Justice Ganguly as the accused.
It is the first time that the Supreme Court has set up an internal inquiry into sexual harassment allegations against a presiding or former judge.
Justice Ganguly is the Chairman of Human Rights Commission in West Bengal and has presided over numerous cases involving crimes against women during his career as a judge.
The intern’s allegations created a media furore -- with female lawyers, politicians and activists calling for the country’s top court to investigate the incident and for the accused judge to be named publicly.
The case is one of a small but growing number in which victims of alleged sexual harassment have come forward to complain about powerful male superiors.
Activists say sexual harassment and abuse by powerful and privileged men is widespread in India, but few women have been willing to talk about it.
Ganguly undecided on resigning, dissociates from SC petition
Amid speculation that he is likely to resign as chairperson of the West Bengal Human Rights Commission (WBHRC) Justice (retd) Ashok Kumar Ganguly maintained his earlier stand on the issue on Monday.
Speaking to The Hindu Justice Ganguly said that he is “yet to decide” on his resignation from the WBHRC.
The retired Supreme Court judge who was in New Delhi on Sunday returned to the city early in the morning and attended office at the State’s human rights panel.
Asked about the comments made by Soli Sorabjee, former Attorney General that he is contemplating resigning from WBHRC Justice Ganguly replied, “I will not comment on the issue”.
Justice Ganguly dissociated himself from the petition filed in the Supreme Court to restrain the Centre from removing him as the chairperson of WBHRC. “I have nothing to with it (the petition)”, he said.
In a petition moved before the Supreme Court last week, the petitioner had alleged that Justice Ganguly was a victim of a conspiracy because as an arbitrator he had decided on a matter between All India Football Federation and Mohan Bagan, a prominent sports club of city.
“I am a supporter of Mohun Bagan. I have nothing against the club,” Justice Ganguly said.
Ever since the three -judge panel of the Supreme Court held last month that allegations of sexual harassment by a woman law intern against him disclose prima facie an act of unwelcome behaviour Justice Ganguly has been under pressure from several quarters to quit as the chairperson of WBHRC.
Earlier this month the Union Cabinet gave its nod for a Presidential Reference to the Supreme Court to remove him from the State’s human rights panel.
PTI story adds
SC dismisses PIL to say proceedings
Earlier, the Supreme Court on Monday refused to entertain a PIL seeking its direction to stay all proceedings against its former judge A K Ganguly, who is facing allegations of sexual harassment.
A bench of Chief Justice P. Sathasivam and Justice Ranjan Gogoi dismissed the PIL, saying that it cannot interfere in the issue at this stage and law will take its course in the matter.
“We have gone through every word of your averments and prayers. We are not inclined to go into it. Its too early to say anything about it,” the bench said, adding that “let the law take its own course“.
The court was hearing a PIL, filed by a woman doctor and Delhi resident M Padma Narayan Singh, seeking quashing of the complaint on which a three-member panel of apex court judge indicted Justice Ganguly, Chairman of West Bengal Human Rights Commission, for unwelcome behaviour against a law intern.
The petitioner, who is a senior citizen, alleged that Ganguly has become a victim of conspiracy as he, as an arbitrator, had decided a matter between a prominent football club of Kolkata and All India Football Federation (AIFF) in which the intern had also participated.
The bench also dismissed another similar PIL filed on the issue.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/justice-ganguly-resigns-from-wbhrc/article5544913.ece?homepage=true

Prashant Bhushan's tryst with treachery -- V. Sundaram, IAS (R)

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PRASHANT BHUSHAN’S TRYST WITH TREACHERY

                                        -V Sundaram IAS (R)

After Pandit Jawaharlal Nehrus Historic Speech of Tryst With DestinySpeech in the Constituent Assembly on the Day of Our Independence on August 15 1947, The Aam Aadmi Partys (AAP) Senior Party Man Prashant Bhushan, covered himself with Glory through his great Utterance to this effect: We should have a referendum in Jammu and Kashmir to ascertain and decide as to whether the People of Jammu and Kashmir want the Indian Army to handle the Problem of Internal Security in Jammu and Kashmir.

THE WHOLE COUNTRY KNOWS THAT PRASHANT BHUSHAN IS A WHISTLE-BLOWING ANARCHIST WHO EARNESTLY BELIEVES THAT TO BE TREASONABLE IS REASONABLE AND TO BE REASNOABLE IS TREASONABLE.

I have no doubt that Thomas Carlyle(1795-1881), that great Saint, Sage and Seer --- Venerable, profound and Irrepressible --- of Victorian England, had Traitors like Prashant Bushan in mind when he wrote as follows in his famous Work ON HEROES AND HERO WORSHIP(1841) .

It is not Honest Inquiry that makes Anarchy; but it is Error, Insincerity, Half-Belief, and Criminal Untruth that make it.

Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) wants absolute Power. Aravind Kejriwal and Prashant Bushan (And other leading Lights of AAP) are working in concert to create conditions of Uncontrolled and Uncontrollable Anarchy in India as a Planned Stepping Stone to Absolute Power. The Innocent Common People living in Delhi are going on the same path of Self ---Destruction as the Common People of Germany when they blindly supported Adolf Hitler in 1933!

Treacherous men like Prashant Bushan have nothing but unconcealed contempt for the hundreds of Army Officers and Jawaans who have laid down their lives for the Security of their Motherland in Jammu and Kashmir during the last 6 Decades and more. I would like to pay my humble tribute to our Brave, Patriotic and Selfless Armed Forces in Jammu and Kashmir through the following Glorious Poems.

“And they who for their country die
Shall fill an honoured grave,
For glory lights the soldier’s tomb
And beauty weeps the brave.
                                                           - Joseph Rodman Brake(1795-1820)

“A glorious death is his 
Who for his country falls” 
                                                      - Homer in his "Iliad’ in 1000 B.C.
With proud thanksgiving, a mother for her children, 
England mourns for her dead across the sea. 
Flesh of her flesh they were, spirit of her spirit, 
Fallen in the cause of the free. 
Solemn the drums thrill; Death august and royal 
Sings sorrow up into immortal spheres, 
There is music in the midst of desolation 
And a glory that shines upon our tears. 
They went with songs to the battle, they were young, 
Straight of limb, true of eye, steady and aglow.
They were staunch to the end against odds 
uncounted; 
They fell with their faces to the foe.
They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old: 
Age shall not weary them, nor the years contemn. 
At the going down of the sun and in the morning 
We will remember them. 
They mingle not with their laughing comrades again; 
They sit no more at familiar tables of home; 
They have no lot in our labour of the day-time; 
They sleep beyond England’s foam. 
But where our desires are and our hopes profound,
Felt as a well-spring that is hidden from sight, 
To the innermost heart of their own land they are known
As the stars are known to the Night; 
As the stars that shall be bright when we are dust, 
Moving in marches upon the heavenly plain; 
As the stars that are starry in the time of our darkness,
To the end, to the end, they remain.
                               
                                                  - Laurence Binyon (1869-1943)
I AM FULLY AWARE OF THE FACT THAT ADDRESSING SUCH MOVING POEMS TO MEN LIKE PRASHANT BUSHAN IS LIKE DROPPING FLOWER PETALS INTO THE GRAND CANYON AND WAITING FOR THE ECHO!!

The Leaders of the AAP speak in Multiple Tongues! Aravind Kejriwal has given Two Takes on the Historic Pronouncement of Prashant Bushan on the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Jammu and Kashmir. Let us hear Aravind Kejriwal:

1.    "We don't agree with what Prashant Bhushan said about Kashmir, it's his personal view.Whatever the Army wants to do regarding deployment, there is no question of a Referendum on it. We do not support Prashant Bhushan's Statement."

2.    The AAP later read out a clarification on behalf of Mr Bhushan: "AAP is of the view that Kashmir is an integral part of India. I share this view."


Mr Bhushan had earlier said on NDTV's "We The People" that in keeping with participatory democracy, locals in the Kashmir Valley should be allowed to determine whether they want the army for internal security or not. "It is very important to take the wishes of the people into consideration about their own security," he said.

I fully endorse the view of Arun Jaitley that "Issues of national security cannot be decided by populism or referendum. They can only be decided on security considerations.

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has rightly tweeted:
"Governments get a mandate to govern and decide, they don't need to conduct a referendum before every tricky decision. Leaders must lead.

General Bikram Singh, former Chief of Army Staff, has rightly stated  “The Repeal ofArmed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in Jammu and Kashmir would only be an open invitation to Chaos and  Anarchy”

I am fully aware of the fact that Mighty Leaders --- Nay Almightly National Leaders --- like Prashant Bhushan and Aravind Kejriwal would accuse me of Treason for being Superstitiously and Communally Patriotic. To such great Patriots , I would like to give my answer by Quoting the following beautiful poem by a great Australian poet Ian Mudie(1911-1976) which I have suitably adapted to suit my context:
If This Be Treason
                                     Ian Mudie (1911-1976)

So this is Treason, that a love of land
strengthen and circle in our hearts
through every hour of the day?
So this is treason, that our minds
should stir to none but native breeze,
that we should dream of unity
and our land's high purpose,
that we should see
a national future
triumphant in our song,
that we should be
willing servants
OF BHARAT MATA’S DREAM?
If this be treason, then let every tree
fall to the axe, let all brave flowers
wither in traitorous disgrace.
If this be treason, then the very earth
offends against the state,
and every stick and stone
plots order's overthrow,
assassination breeds
in every waratah, the wattle's sabotage
broods on every golden hill.

IF LOVE OF LAND A DASTARD TREASON BE,
THEN BLACK GLOWS THE SUN AND SOLID IS THE SEA.

January 6, 2014

Hinduism in Ghana (9:19 video)

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An extraordinary look at the spread of Hinduism in Ghana through the Hare Krishna movement

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=txRa9Ggzb60&noredirect=1

Published on Nov 4, 2012

This is a short video project about the Hare Krishna movement in Ghana, documenting a religious festival that was held in the central city of Kumasi. Footage was recorded in July, 2012 using a Sony Cybershot point & shoot, hence the shakiness and variation in volume. Any questions/suggestions can be sent to farah.momen@gmail.com. For more about my experience, check out my blog entries at www.jhr.ca/blog/.
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The Journalists for Human Rights McGill University Chapter is a group of students actively engaged in informing their community about human rights issues through media campaigns (print, radio, and TV) and other campus projects.

visit http://jhrmcgill.wordpress.com/ or email us at jhrmcgill@gmail.com for more info, or to get involved!

Check out the online edition of Speak!, our chapter magazine, at jhrmcgillspeak.wordpress.com


Rama Setu case: New government advocate to represent Centre

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Ram Setu case: New government advocate to represent Centre


http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/ram-setu-case-new-government-advocate-to-represent-centre-467901

Abolishing Income tax; bringing down tax-GDP ratio -- R. Jagannathan

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Abolishing Income Tax: Why tax-GDP ratio must come down as we grow

by R Jagannathan Jan 7, 2014

At the heart of any question about tax - whether on incomes or non-income - is one of ideology and social philosophy, not just economics. If you believe in the idea of free markets and a minimal state, the question on whether you should abolish income tax or merely make its collection more efficient depends on the outcomes you expect from it.

If you believe in a limited role for the state, where it performs some essential functions that no one else can, and stays away from becoming a major economic player itself, then it is logical to move towards a situation where taxes keep falling as national income and prosperity grows.

The logic: as the size of the economy grows, economies of scale will bring down the relative costs of several components of state expenditure. For example, you don't need to double the army or the bureaucracy just because GDP has doubled. Nor do you have to double the volume of currency printing: it's not only because of the ongoing shift to non-physical electronic transactions, but because a minimalist state will allow private currencies to also play a role in providing competing modes of transaction settlement, improving economic efficiency.

If Bitcoin, gold, Litecoin and other private currencies coexist with the rupee or the dollar, the most efficient unit of currency will gain dominance over time. It will also make the state more accountable and aware of the costs it is incurring in offering a service. If tomorrow gold or a privately printed rupee is more valuable than the official rupee, all the government needs to do is to ensure the new currency's printers live up to their promises. It can then gracefully exit the currency business itself.

In a minimalist scenario, the job of the state would be to defend its territory, enforce the law and contracts between private parties, regulate the macro-economy, and provide basic public goods and services that benefit all (law and order, clean streets). It can leave the provision of public goods (freebies, food security) to others. The state should not try to be a player in the provision of commercial goods and services, or general do-gooding. Its job is to facilitatethese processes so that the job gets done - including feeding the poor or running free schools or universal healthcare.

The general principle on which a minimal state should function is this: if somebody else can get the job done, it should not do so itself. If no one is willing to do a job, it must incentivise the same through tax or other policies. Only if no one is willing to do an essential job for love or money should the state directly enter the picture and provide a good or service.

In a minimalist state, taxes should go down as a proportion of GDP, not up. Economists in general keep arguing about the tax-GDP ratio and how it can or must be raised, but the question that needs posing is the opposite: how can it be brought down so that there is maximum freedom for citizens to live out their lives and their dreams, and grapple with their failures.

So when P Chidambaram tells us in his 2013-14 budget speech that “we must reclaim” the recent tax-GDP ratio peak of 11.9 percent (it is currently below 10 percent due to the slowdown), we have to ask him why: why must the ratio always go up? Raising the ratio is not an end in itself; it is the result of economic growth, and rational economic theory should tell us that as an economy grows, if the ratio rises, it means the state should start cutting taxes and let citizens benefit from it. When the size of your business grows, your overheads must come down not go up. It should be the same with economic growth.

Actually, we should not bother about the tax-GDP ratio at all - it may go up or down depending on economic conditions. What we should bother about is what taxes do to growth - and whether having more taxes is a help or hindrance to growth.  It is best to look at taxes as an overhead: as you grow, the overhead per unit of output must come down.

This is the fundamental ideological position from which I have suggested the abolition of income tax (on non-corporations) in an article yesterday. This is a companion piece for underlining the premises on which the article is based. I am shortly amending the article itself based on feedback and some inconsistencies.

Economists love income tax because it is a mother lode of easy money - especially when it is deducted at source from organised sector salary earners. Left wingers love this tax because it panders to their vicarious need to soak someone (especially those they consider the rich) using someone else need as the excuse (the poor, etc). Robinhood is often the most sought after role in society.

Looking at taxes purely from the point of view of human psychology, income tax is the one tax no one would like to pay if they can find a way to avoid it - legally if possible, illegally, if not. This is why people love deductions and tax loopholes. The reason is because we see income as ours by right - payment received for work done. So when someone tries to take a part of it away, it creates dissonance.

On the other hand, we usually don't grudge paying tax when we buy something. Buying something is a voluntary, and often discretionary, act, and so we are not coerced into paying a tax related to it.

This is the logic behind deciding whether to cut income or non-income (good and services) taxes. If you want to reduce the ambit of the state, you should be cutting income tax first and then other taxes. The long term goal is to bring down taxation as a percentage of GDP to expand the freedoms of the individual by making the state a mere catalyst and not a central player in our lives.

Behind this idea is another ideological and philosophical premise: the economic relationship between state and citizen. A state exists only because of the give and take relationship that exists between them, which includes a customer-service provider relationship. An emotional connect may or may not exist between citizen and state, but that has to be in addition to the contractual one.

State and citizens trade economic and other benefits between them. Just as you pay a price for buying a Hindustan Unilever product or for the services of a management or tax consultant, the state has to provide equivalent service for price paid (i.e. taxes collected).

If the Indian state collects Rs 10-12 lakh crore in taxes every year, the centre has to tell me what service it is providing me for this cost - and what the alternatives are. We all need to know what it costs to provide for the country's defence, protecting citizens (police, courts, etc), providing basic facilities to the poor, etc. If the cost of providing a state service is greater than providing it privately, then we have to start looking at the alternatives.

More important, we also need to know if the taxes collected are resulting in increased economic efficiency or less. The truth is large parts of the Indian state are about creating work for itself and making the lives of citizens harder.
], no tax has a justification till it is clearly identified with providing an explicit citizen service - and all taxes that don't have this justification have to go. Reuters, no tax has a justification till it is clearly identified with providing an explicit citizen service - and all taxes that don't have this justification have to go. Reuters
Take a simple thing like know your customer (KYC) norms. The idea is to ensure that any service provider knows his customer to be a genuine citizen, and not a terrorist or crook who is to be denied the service. But the whole KYC rigmarole has become so counterproductive that it is an impediment to business and inconveniencing citizens. The system of centrally prescribing a set of inflexible rules for every bank or mutual fund has become an expensive indulgence where crooks simply fake the papers and millions of ordinary citizens run around from pillar to post to generate the papers needed. The KYC is essentially a systemic boondoggle, where we spew endless reams of paper and copies, creating work that adds no value to anybody.

The idiocy of KYC was nowhere better demonstrated than in the case of former Reserve Bank Governor Duvvuri Subbarao, who initiated the entire round of KYC complications in the banking system, and recently faced roadblocks to opening his own bank account in Hyderabad post-retirement. He had a tough time being KYC-complaint.

However, there is a reason why such stupidities happen. The purpose of the state is to perpetuate itself, and for doing so it will keep inventing reasons to expand its ambit. If today terrorism provides a reason, tomorrow the poor will. Once you justify the need for expanding the state, you will ensure that your resource needs expand. And once this happens, you will justify more taxes, and so on.

Just as work expands to fill up available time, the state expands to soak up available resources - even if it means creating useless expenditures of the citizen and itself through KYC, or multiple taxation, or whatever. Once KYC becomes an end in itself, to overcome the problems related to KYC the state will offer Aadhaar as the silver bullet to solve the KYC problem. And once Aadhaar proves to be of dubious benefit and seriously compromises citizen privacy and security, the state will invent another scheme to keep itself and citizens busy - and justify even more taxes.

The case for the abolition of income tax on individuals is this: there is no justification to confiscate what is mine till you give me a specific service in lieu of this sacrifice. Put another way, no tax has a justification till it is clearly identified with providing an explicit citizen service - and all taxes that don't have this justification have to go.

If the state says defence needs a 3 percent tax on every citizen, and makes a reasonable case for it, I am happy to pay it. We can all pay a 3 percent defence tax, rich and poor, based on our incomes or expenditures. There is no need to knock off 34 percent from everybody's incomes in the name of raising the tax-free ratio.

It is a justified need that must result in taxes, and not the need to provide more resources to the state, never mind how it is used.

The onus of proving the need for any tax lies with the state. Not only that, no tax must stay on the statute book forever. Its existence must be periodically justified.
http://www.firstpost.com/economy/abolishing-income-tax-why-tax-gdp-ratio-must-come-down-as-we-grow-1326477.html
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