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Creeping China -- Brahma Chellaney

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Creeping China


By Brahma Chellaney

Brahma Chellaney picks apart China’s self-described “cabbage” strategy, designed to secure hegemony in Asia.
DSCF5649China’s growing geopolitical heft is emboldening its territorial creep in Asia. After laying claim formally to more than 80% of the South China Sea, it has just established a so-called air defense identification zone in the East China Sea, raising the odds of armed conflict with Japan and threatening the principle of freedom of navigation of the seas and skies. Meanwhile, the People’s Republic continues to nibble furtively at territory across the long, disputed Himalayan border with India.
Few seem to fathom the logic behind China’s readiness to take on several neighbors simultaneously. China is seeking to alter the status quo gradually as part of a high-stakes effort to extend its control to strategic areas and resources. President Xi Jinping’s promise of national greatness — embodied in the catchphrase “China dream” — is tied as much to achieving regional hegemony as to internal progress.
China’s approach reflects what the Chinese general Zhang Zhaozhong this year called a “cabbage” strategy: assert a territorial claim and gradually surround the area with multiple layers of security, thus denying access to a rival. The strategy relies on a steady progression of steps to outwit opponents and create new facts on the ground.
This approach severely limits rival states’ options by confounding their deterrence plans and making it difficult for them to devise proportionate or effective counter-measures. This is partly because the strategy — while bearing all the hallmarks of modern Chinese brinkmanship, including reliance on stealth, surprise, and a disregard for the risks of military escalation — seeks to ensure that the initiative remains with China.
The pattern has become familiar: construct a dispute, initiate a jurisdictional claim through periodic incursions, and then increase the frequency and duration of such intrusions, thereby establishing a military presence or pressuring a rival to cut a deal on China’s terms. What is ours is ours, the Chinese invariably claim, and what is yours is negotiable. For example, China says “no foundation for dialogue” with Japan exists unless the Japanese accept the existence of a territorial dispute over the uninhabited Senkaku Islands.
Here, as elsewhere, China has painted its rival as the obstructionist party. As Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi put it, “Japan needs to recognize that there is such a dispute. The whole world knows that there is a dispute.” But there is a dispute only because China has succeeded in shaking the status quo in recent years by popularizing the islands’ Chinese name (“Diaoyu”) and staging incursions into their territorial waters and airspace.
After steadily increasing the frequency of those incursions since September 2012, China has recently begun increasing their duration. The establishment of a new air defense identification zone extending over the islands is its latest cabbage-style security “layer” — a unilateral power grab that US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel quickly branded “a destabilizing attempt to alter the status quo in the region.” The zone even covers the sky over the Leodo (Suyan) Reef, a submerged rock that both South Korea and China claim. As China escalates its campaign of attrition against a resolute Japan, it increases the risk of armed conflict, whether by accident or miscalculation.
China’s strategy has had more success — without provoking serious risks — against the weaker Philippines. This is apparent from China’s effective seizure last year of Scarborough Shoal, located well within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, and the controlling presence of Chinese vessels this year around the Second Thomas Shoal, part of the disputed Spratly Islands. China has not yet tried to evict the eight Filipino marines still living on the Second Thomas Shoal, but Zhang has included this shoal in the country’s “series of achievements” in the South China Sea.
China is not aiming for control of just a few shoals or other tiny outcroppings; it seeks to dominate the South and East China Seas strategically and corner maritime resources, including seabed minerals. The combined land area of the Senkaku and Spratly Islands amounts to barely 11 square kilometers; but the islands are surrounded by rich hydrocarbon reserves. While seeking to enlarge incrementally its military footprint in the more than 80% of the South China Sea that it claims, China’s aim in the East China Sea is to break out of the so-called “first island chain,” a string of archipelagos along the East Asian coast that includes the Senkaku Islands and Taiwan.
By contrast, vast tracts of disputed land are at stake in the resource-rich Himalayan region. Here, too, China’s incursions, after increasing in frequency, are now being staged intermittently for longer periods.
Make no mistake: China’s territorial creep is contributing to Asian insecurity, fueling political tension, and turning the world’s economically most vibrant continent into a potentially global hot spot.
To be sure, China is careful to avoid any dramatic action that could become a casus belli by itself. Indeed, it has repeatedly shown a knack for disaggregating its strategy into multiple parts and then pursuing each element separately in such a manner as to allow the different pieces to fall into place with minimal resistance.
This shrewdness not only keeps opponents off balance; it also undercuts the relevance of US security assurances to allies and the value of building countervailing strategic partnerships in Asia. In fact, by camouflaging offense as defense, China casts the burden of starting a war on an opponent, while it seeks to lay the foundation — brick by brick  — of a hegemonic Middle Kingdom. Chinese leaders’ stated desire to resolve territorial disputes peacefully simply means achieving a position strong enough to get their way without having to fire a shot.

Brahma Chellaney, Professor of Strategic Studies at the New Delhi-based Center for Policy Research, is the author of Asian Juggernaut; Water: Asia’s New Battleground; and Water, Peace, and War: Confronting the Global Water Crisis.


http://chellaney.net/2013/12/01/creeping-china-2/

PC blunders in haste, repents at leisure -- Nirmala Sitharama. PC, the author of Indi's financial crisis.

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PC blunders in haste, repents at leisure

By Nirmala Sitharaman 1 Dec 2013

PC blunders in haste, repents at leisure
BJP in a strongly worded letter has demanded an apology from Finance Minister P Chidambaram after the latter claimed that BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has delivered his first lesson in economics. Chidambaram based his statement on a report in The Indian Express. Much to the Minister’s discomfort, the Indian Express, on Sunday has issued a clarification.
The paper has clarified: “The Indian Express had inadvertently used inflation instead of economic crisis in the report. The error is regretted.”
BJP national spokesperson Nirmala Sitharaman in a Press statement said, “Through his hurried statement, typically worded with pompousness and put-on sarcasm, P Chidambaram has only rushed to cover-up his failures to manage the economy. The Minister has failed to check what actually was said by Narendra Modi.  Had he only checked the speech, P Chidambaram would have known that ‘aarthiksankat’ were the exact words used and not ‘inflation.’”
Following the full statement of the letter:
PC blunders in haste, repents at leisure

Psecularatti. Shoma hysterical when Tejpal's computer was seized. Poirot Tejpal en route to revisit crime scene.

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Shoma was hysterical during raid at Tehelka: Goa cops

Raj Shekhar, TNN Nov 30, 2013, 06.20AM IST

NEW DELHI: When Goa cops landed up at Tehelka office in South Delhi in connection with the sexual assault case involving founder editor Tarun Tejpal, the operation was as not as smooth as they expected. Sources said managing editor Shoma Chaudhury, who has since resigned, delayed in giving her statement and also became 'hysterical' after police began to make seizures, forcing the cops to stay in the office till 2am.
The three-member Goa Police team, including DySP Sammy Tavares and investigating Officer Sunita Sawant, reached the Tehelka office around 4.45pm on Saturday. The team was equipped with recording devices and laptops. Chaudhury had reached her office an hour before the cops arrived.
Shoma was first questioned by the police team about the sequence of events that had followed after she got to know about the alleged sexual assault. She was made to write her statement on a laptop.
Sources said Shoma shouted at the team and tried to stop them when they decided to take away Tejpal's computer (CPU). She even dropped names of some senior politicians and threatened to make calls, an investigator said.
However, the police team firmly asked her to cooperate or face legal action after which she allegedly complied, sources said. The next day, the cops questioned the three other employees who were told about the alleged assault by the victim in Goa.

Tehelka case: Tejpal sent to 6-day police custody, will be taken to crime scene

Smita Nair Posted online: Sun Dec 01 2013, 16:03 hrs
New Delhi : A day after his arrest, Tehelka founder-editor Tarun Tejpal, accused of sexually assaulting a junior colleague in the lift of a Goa hotel on November 7-8, was sent to police custody for six days on Sunday. Following the court’s order, Tejpal was taken to the Crime Branch office in Dona Paula where he was interrogated through the day.Judicial Magistrate Shama Joshi, who passed the order, did not allow anyone, apart from defence lawyers, the investigation team from Dona Paula Crime Branch and public prosecutor Francis Tavera, inside the courtroom.

Tejpal, wearing the same set of clothes that he wore at the time of his arrest, was brought to court amid heavy security at 11:42 am. The arguments went on for an hour, with public prosecutor Francis Tavera seeking 14 days remand.

During the anticipatory bail hearing on Saturday, special public prosecutor Saresh Lotlikar had indicated that they would seek 14 days’ custody as it is the most “elucidate interrogation”. Tavera argued that since the accused’s version must be recorded and confirmed, he needs to be in custody till the time the investigating agency has completed its investigation.

Outside the court, Tejpal’s counsel Geeta Luthra said they were satisfied with the order.
Sandeep Kapoor, the advocate who represented Tejpal, said, “We counter-argued that the agency has recovered everything they have to. Besides they sealed the office and he has been cooperating. He has made himself available to them on his own. We put forward everything that happened in the last two days. The judge was convinced and said six days is enough.” Kapoor said Tejpal would meet his lawyers for a few minutes during interrogation everyday, as allowed by Principal Judge Anuj Prabhudesai.

The investigating team is expected to take Tejpal to the hotel where the incident is alleged to have occurred, to confirm and reconstruct the sequence of events. Under the criminal procedure code, the mapping of the crime scene along with reconstruction of the incident, will be done in the presence of two panch witnesses.

Investigating officer Sunita Sawant, who attended the court proceedings, will have to build a case based on the three statements given by the alleged victim, and also bring on record Tejpal’s version. Tejpal’s apology emailed to the alleged victim is being treated as his first version.

Modi dares Cong to unleash CBI. Centre in deep slumber -- NaMo in Jammu

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MODI DARES CONG TO UNLEASH CBI

Monday, 02 December 2013 | Staff Reporter | New Delhi

BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi on Sunday dared the Congress and the Centre to let the CBI loose on him, saying that they can’t ‘threaten’ him the way they did with Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mayawati.
In an oblique reference to the Centre’s threat on the snoopgate, Modi said, “I am neither Mayawati nor Mulayam Singh Yadav. I am Narendra Modi. I want to tell the Congress and its leaders that they cannot threaten me with the CBI.”
His remarks came soon after the Centre announced that it would enquire into the ‘misuse’ of State machinery in Gujarat in wake of the alleged ‘snooping’ on a woman. The Centre said the surveillance on the woman architect, allegedly by the Gujarat Police, was apparently in violation of phone tapping rules as it was reportedly carried out without the mandatory permission from the Centre when she went out of the State. “Inquiry will be conducted and a decision will be taken. Union and State Home secretaries have been authorised to take action against (illegal) snooping,” Union Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde said in Mumbai.
This, however, invited a sharp reaction from Modi, who slammed the UPA Government for misusing Government machinery, particularly the CBI, to pressurise its allies and rivals for its political gains.
“You (Congress) cannot make me succumb to such tricks,” Modi said, addressing his fifth and the final rally in the national Capital. On Saturday too, Modi had referred to the snooping episode saying it was an attempt by the Congress party’s ‘dirty tricks department’ to malign his image as the party feared his growing popularity.
The BJP’s PM candidate attacked the Congress over the issue of corruption saying it was not a ‘new disease with the party’. “The Congress shows hand (party’s symbol) during campaigning and when there is favourable atmosphere, it tries its hand at corruption. They show one hand and loot with both,” Modi said during his rally at Dakshinpuri in South Delhi; the same venue where Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi had held a rally two weeks ago. Rahul’s rally had witnessed low turnout. Modi’s rally, however, witnessed an impressive turnout of supporters who cheered every time Modi attacked the Congress.
He came down heavily on the Delhi and Central Governments for failing to curb price rise, despite making a promise of offering relief within 100 days of forming the Government. He also gave a clarion call to the voters to oust the UPA Government and the Delhi Government saying their poor economic policies had piled up unending miseries on the common men. “Do not leave the opportunity to topple the Congress Government. Congress is known for cheating the people. In 2009, they promised to bring down inflation within 100 days. They broke the promise, you strike off relations with them,” Modi said.

Centre is in deep slumber: Modi in Jammu


Niticentral Staff1 Dec 2013


Centre is in deep slumber: Modi in Jammu
BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi, addressing his first rally in Jammu lashed out at the Congress-led UPA Government for going into a deep slumber and even public anger is not able to wake them up.
Addressing a massive Lalkar Rally at MA Stadium in Jammu Modi said, “Government in Delhi is sleeping but they are in such deep slumber that people’s anger cannot wake them.”
Raising the issue of Pakistan sponsored terrorism Modi asked, “Is there any Government that will remain sleeping even when their people are getting killed?”
Modi echoed views expressed by party chief Rajnath Singh, who earlier even told at the Lalkar Rally that if Article 370 proved to be beneficial, his party would stand by the measure.
Referring to the provision, Modi said that women had not been given equal rights in the State unlike in other parts of the country.
“If Omar (Abdullah) married outside Kashmir, his rights of being a citizen remain whereas his sister Sara loses the right for the same. Is this not discrimination against the women in the State,” he asked, while referring to the Chief Minister’s family.
Taking on the Centre for its China policy, the Gujarat Chief Minister claimed that China had been distributing free SIM cards to villagers along the border with India.
“I want to ask whether our Telecom Ministry can’t provide the same,” he said.
Modi also spoke about ‘non-implmentation’ of the 73rd Amendment providing financial powers to Panchayats and took a veiled dig at the ruling National Conference, saying, “Those who talk about autonomy are not ready to provide the same to their own elected local bodies.”
He attacked the State Government for indulging in corruption and said the Prevention of Corruption Act is applicable everywhere other than Jammu & Kashmir.
“For 60 years they talked about separate State (autonomy) but what did people get? Nothing and there is no accountability also…In the name of separate State, they encouraged separatism.”
“It would have been better if they focused on creating a super State,” he said.
(With inputs from agencies)
Sunday December 1, 2013 2:24 
Talking about the tourism industry Modi says, Tourism is suffering here. Tourists are going to Himachal Pradesh. It is a very good place of scenic beauty, lot of films were shot here. Why could J&K not get a film institute? Sadly they are not interested in development & progress.
Sunday December 1, 2013 2:27 
Should J&K not have IITs and IIMs? State or Centre are not interested in that also, says Modi. By fighting with each other we cannot move ahead, he says.
Sunday December 1, 2013 2:29 

Psecularatti Poirot kept the elevator in circuit by simply pressing buttons -- Samyabrata Ray Goswami

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Psecularatti Poirot kept the elevator in circuit by simply pressing buttons. 

ThinkFest Real-life investigative work which will shame Agatha Christie's fiction.

Kalyan

Monday , November 25 , 2013 

Footage cloud on Tejpal text

- 15-minute gap challenges ‘fleeting’ claim
Tehelka managing editor Shoma Chaudhury arrives at her office in New Delhi on Saturday. She was questioned by a Goa police team from 4.45pm on Saturday till around 2am on Sunday. (PTI)
Panaji, Nov. 24: A preliminary scan of CCTV footage outside the hotel elevator where Tarun Tejpal is alleged to have assaulted a subordinate has brought under stress the “recused” chief editor’s claim of an “incredibly fleeting” consensual encounter.

“On November 7, the journalist and Tejpal are seen going into the elevator at 12.15am and coming out at 12.30am. The girl rushes out and then Tejpal follows her out,” said a source in Goa police who did not want to be named because the investigation is ongoing and he is not authorised to speak to the media.

If the final analysis confirms the preliminary assessment, it will mean that the footage corroborates two key factors in the girl’s version and contests the account by Tejpal in a text message sent on Friday to his friends.

Tejpal had sought to punch holes in the girl’s version by drawing attention — with an exclamation mark — to the relatively low height of the hotel building to insist that it was a fleeting encounter.
“The truth is it was an incredibly fleeting, totally consensual encounter of less than a minute in a lift (of a two-storey building!),” Tejpal’s text message had said, although an email from a “Tarun” had conceded that he had attempted a “sexual liaison” despite her “clear reluctance”.

The girl said the block has three floors (ground, first and second floors) but Tejpal had managed to keep the elevator running up and down. “I then realised that Mr Tejpal was simply pressing buttons on the lift’s panel to make the elevator stay in circuit, preventing it from stopping anywhere…,” according to an email attributed to the girl and sent toTehelka managing editor Shoma Chaudhury.

Tejpal had said the CCTV “footage will clear everything”.

However, if the footage indeed shows elevator entry at 12.15am and exit at 12.30am, the one-minute theory will not stand. The 15-minute gap will lend weight to the girl’s version that Tejpal kept the elevator in circuit.

Footage from the following day, November 8, also appears to corroborate the girl’s account.
The Goa police source said: “On November 8, at 8.53pm, Tejpal is seen taking the girl into the elevator, holding her hand. They come out after seven minutes. This time, too, the girl rushes out with Tejpal following. She walks fast up to a woman and talks to her for 10 minutes while Tejpal walks past. She then moves away too.”

The email attributed to the girl had said: “I was scared of getting into the lift with him again…. By this time he was holding me by the wrist and had taken me into the lift.”

Goa police have also taken a brown briefcase, said to belong to Tejpal and containing some pictures, from the Tehelka office in Delhi.

O.P. Mishra, the deputy inspector-general of police, declined to speak more on the briefcase. “The investigation is at a crucial stage and too many details will hamper the case,” he told a media conference at Panaji.

Colleagues to be witnesses
Three colleagues of the girl, in whom she had confided right after the alleged assault, have agreed to be prime witnesses in the case and their version has matched that of the girl, according to Mishra and other sources.

“The statements of five employees of Tehelka have been recorded today. The three journalists have agreed to be our prime witnesses in the case. Their statements match exactly with the victim’s complaint letter to managing editor Chaudhury,” said Mishra.
The three were interviewed by the police at Goa Bhavan in New Delhi. “They were first examined separately and then together — every time their versions matched that of the girl. They have also deposited the mobile phone from which the girl called a close friend to report the matter,” said a police source.

At least two of the three have resigned or are close to resigning from Tehelka.

The two other employees quizzed are managing editor Chaudhury and a person from whose phone Tejpal allegedly made a call to the girl after the incident.

Chaudhury, who was questioned for over nine hours till around 2am on Sunday, said: “It was an extremely courteous experience and I fully cooperated and showed every document that was relevant, every email exchange that was there between my colleagues, the management… it was shared.” Chaudhury further said: “It was a good experience and I hope it helps bring clarity and justice to the entire case.”

Goa police officers were not so effusive. The police team, which has left Delhi for Mumbai, may return to Delhi on Tuesday and question Chaudhury again if needed.

“In Mumbai, our team plans to talk to the girl and record her statement, if possible, and by tomorrow,” an officer said. In Delhi, a friend said she had agreed to give a statement and was also willing to appear before a magistrate.

The Tejpal timing
Sources said a statement from the girl would be instrumental in deciding the future course of the police probe on Tejpal. “We have not established contact with Tejpal yet,” DIG Mishra said. “We will proceed as per the standard protocol followed in such cases.”

Investigators typically like collecting all possible pieces of prima facie evidence — documents, witness accounts, emails, data stored on hard drives and visual evidence related to the crime — before quizzing the accused. The protocol is followed to sharpen the questions and extract either a confession or contradictory statements.

“Our first concern is to make a watertight case. We need to record the statements of the victim and some key witnesses to build a strong case,” Mishra added.

Rajan Karanjawala, Tejpal’s lawyer, said Goa police had so far not communicated with him.
A source close to Tejpal’s legal team said it was contemplating whether to approach a court seeking the transfer of the case from Goa, ruled by the BJP which has been a regular target of Tehelka’s investigations.

But, the source said in the afternoon, no decision has been taken yet. “That’s a decision we will take when Goa police approach us after recording the complainant’s statement,” the source said.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1131125/jsp/frontpage/story_17609259.jsp#.Upv4WtIW02c

Cyber heroes of India

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"Cyber-Hindus" - India's new breed of political activists

NEW DELHI/BANGALORE Mon Dec 2, 2013 7:57am IST
Supporters of India's main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) raise their arms and shout slogans as they listen to a speech by Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi, prime ministerial candidate for and Gujarat's chief minister, during a rally ahead of the state elections, in New Delhi November 30, 2013. REUTERS/Anindito Mukherjee
Supporters of India's main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) raise their arms and shout slogans as they listen to a speech by Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi, prime ministerial candidate for and Gujarat's chief minister, during a rally ahead of the state elections, in New Delhi November 30, 2013.
CREDIT: REUTERS/ANINDITO MUKHERJEE


(Reuters) - Four men chatting in a Delhi bar are not, by their own admission, natural drinking buddies.
The young professionals in their 20s and 30s come from vastly different regions of India and varied backgrounds.
They first "met" on Twitter, spotting each other on the micro-blogging site where they voiced a common desire - to see Hindu nationalist leader Narendra Modi become the next prime minister.
After online introductions, they met face-to-face on their own initiative, and, finding they had plenty in common, gather monthly in the nation's capital to talk about life, work, and, most importantly, how to make a difference in India's upcoming election. The men insisted they paid for their own expenses, and only one of them was associated with Modi's party.
Tiny cells of friends like this one are being created up and down the country, they say - a rare instance of India's politically apathetic urban middle class getting drawn into activism. Many come together of their own volition, others with a nudge from Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
It's another arrow in his quiver ahead of a general election that must be held within six months, and opinion polls are already predicting he and the BJP will win more seats than the ruling Congress party.
The young pro-Modi activists are being dubbed "cyber-Hindus". When online, they spread Modi's message, counter newspaper criticism of him and question reporters' integrity, or mock the Gandhi dynasty that runs the Congress party and has dominated Indian politics since independence in 1947.
At party rallies, where the more traditional cadres are also at hand, the tech-savvy volunteers tweet, or produce live-streaming of speeches.
"I think he (Modi) has proven himself," says Nitin Kashyap, a financial services executive who took a six-month sabbatical from work to volunteer for the campaign.
"This guy has done something which should have been done in India a long, long time ago," adds the 34-year-old from a small town in Assam.
GRAPHIC: Modi's cyber-army: link.reuters.com/hep94v
The brand consultant sitting next to him, who gives only his Twitter handle @Keshar_ because he is concerned his political views could affect his business, calls Modi a "uniting force".
"That guy has worked his way up from being a tea boy to becoming an aspiring prime minister of India," he says of Modi, who has played on his humble roots during a gruelling pre-election tour of the country that has electrified Indian politics in the last 10 weeks.
"That's a big deal for the country. He's relating to an IT guy, he's relating to somebody in the desert, somebody up north in the hills, everybody."
While the numbers of these cyber-Hindus are a drop in the ocean of an electorate of 770 million, tech-savvy activists believe that, with the aid of social media, they can mobilise millions of like-minded Indians to vote for Modi and the BJP in the elections.
The BJP even appears to be making inroads into the poor rural vote and that of an emerging middle class living in small towns, even though both groups benefit from Congress handouts to farmers - underlining how Modi's pro-business credentials are striking a chord.
RISE OF TECHNOLOGY
The rise of the cyber-Hindus marks a shift for the BJP and for Indian politics as a whole.
The party has long been associated with its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a voluntary right-wing group that preaches "Hindutva", a hardline brand of Hindu nationalism.
Clad in baggy khaki shorts, RSS members still meet in parks across India to salute, exercise, sing patriotic songs and discuss the greatness of their nation.
But now, the BJP's message comes increasingly from a swell of aspirational, right-leaning Indians angry about endemic corruption they blame on Congress and eager to protect the rights of a Hindu majority.
Modi, who joined the RSS as a teenager, flits between both worlds. Since 2001, he has been chief minister of Gujarat, where he touts an economic success story he wants to apply to India to lift it from economic torpor.
It was under his watch there in 2002 that Hindu mobs killed at least 1,000 people, most of them Muslims, and Modi has been accused of turning a blind eye, or even encouraging the riots.
He denies any wrongdoing, and says he has been unfairly targeted by Congress, which boasts a secular, inclusive agenda.
India's 1.2 billion people are mostly Hindu with Muslims a 14 percent minority. Sikhs, Christians and Buddhists make up the rest.
In a Reuters interview, Modi called himself "techno-savvy". He has nearly three million Twitter followers, and addressed four rallies at a time using holographic technology last year.
Congress, meanwhile, has been slow to develop a cyber strategy, amid disagreement among senior figures about how much impact it will have on the election outcome.
Modi sees technology as a particularly good way of connecting with India's burgeoning youth - there are expected to be more than 150 million first-time voters in 2014. The percentage of the population using the internet has jumped from around 0.5 percent in 2000 to 12.5 percent in 2012, according to the International Telecommunication Union.
"Technology is our DNA," says Arvind Gupta, the head of Modi's Delhi-based IT cell. He sees social media as a way both to tell and to listen, or, as he calls it, "a two-way street."
At Gupta's state-of-the-art IT operation, a team of young volunteers works at computers to spread the BJP message, knock down negative articles or comments and delve into corruption scandals that could taint opponents. At huge Modi rallies across India, local IT outfits numbering up to 100 volunteers also stream speeches live and tweet and blog words and images.
"It's not hype - he has a proven track record," said Anil Chalageri, 33, as he helped livestream Modi's November rally in Bangalore, where he addressed a crowd of some 300,000 people.
"They want to see Gujarat across the nation," said the founder of QualiBrisk, a human resources firm.
VOTES, NOT TWEETS
Back in the Delhi bar, Kashyap and his friends see social media as a means of empowerment - getting their message to hundreds, if not thousands of people.
What they want, they say, is real change.
"I feel a responsibility on my shoulders," says Ankit Jain, a 26-year-old diamond dealer with some 8,600 Twitter followers.
"Twitter will not change anything. Voter registration is very important. Every vote counts."
Shreshtha Sharma, the fourth member of the group and founder of a software development company, shares his friends' excitement about Modi, whose popularity among young, right-wing Indians borders on a personality cult.
But he is reluctant to predict outright victory for the BJP, which needs to make huge gains from 2009 to prevail in 2014.
"That will depend on whether this generation has obtained the critical mass," says the 28-year-old. "But the generation after us, they will be able to shift it. If Modi isn't able to do it now, then he will definitely be able to do it later on."

(Additional reporting by Mike Collett-White and Sanjeev Miglani in NEW DELHI; Writing by Mike Collett-White; Editing by Raju Gopalakrishnan)

An economic agenda for India 2020 -- Subramanian Swamy

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An economic agenda for India 2020

Subramanian Swamy December 2, 2013 

The Indian financial system suffers from a hangover of cronyism and corruption that have brought the government budgets on the verge of bankruptcy

Setting a 2020 Perspective Economic Agenda for India requires clarity about the framework within which economic policy choices have to be made. There is a wide global consensus today that democracy and competitive market economy provide that framework. Democracy is a system of governance by consent of the people. Democracy has become the trend, the accepted system of government globally, and it is spreading worldwide.
Furthermore, devolved democracies better manage contradictions and conflicts arising out of a heterogeneous society and provide effective feedback through an independent press to enable corrective action by the government. It empowers people to question the authorities and make them accountable in an election.
Moreover, the comparative economic results in East and West Germany, North and South Korea, China before reform and China now, have conclusively proved that a competitive market system driven by incentives is superior to a coercive, state-controlled system, and that transparent democracy is a better system of governance than a closed dictatorship.
With the disintegration of the USSR into 16 countries in 1991, the comparative economic development theory has changed its focus from a study of alternative systems to alternative governance models of democracy, market system and globalisation, that is, change of focus from dictatorship vs. democracy, and state ownership vs. competitive market, to harmonising freedom and choice, with regulation, and how much public sector and how much private, and how the emancipating and enabling power of democracy is to be balanced with the development of a profit-driven and competitive efficient market — what regulatory democratic institutions must do to promote the efficient allocation of resources with good, transparent and accountable governance.
Governance norms, if properly enforced, can enable India to grow at 12 per cent a year by efficiently using the current 36 per cent rate of investment — by reducing the current incremental capital output ratio from 4.0 to 3.0. This implies a 36 divided by 3 per cent growth rate in GDP, or 12 per cent a year, which will mean a doubling of GDP every 72 divided by 12 years, or just six years, and that of per capita income doubling every seven years. This growth rate can take us to the league of the top three nations of the world, of the U.S., China and India, by 2020 and help overtake China in the next two decades thence. That should be the goal of governance for us today.
India is not yet an economically developed nation. While it has demonstrated prowess in IT software, biotech and pharmaceuticals, accelerated its growth rate to 9 per cent a year to become the third largest nation in terms of GDP at PPP rates, it still has a backward agricultural sector hosting 62 per cent of the people of India. Farmers are committing suicide unable to repay their loans, the national unemployment rate is over 15 per cent of the adult labour force, and there is prevalence of child labour arising out of nearly 50 per cent of the children not making it to school beyond the fifth standard. The country has a deeply malfunctioning primary and secondary educational system, 300 million illiterates and 250 million people in dire poverty. India’s infrastructure is pathetic, with frequent electric power breakdowns even in metropolitan cities, dangerously unhealthy water supply in urban areas, galloping HIV infections, and gaping holes on the National Highways.
To become a developed country, India’s GDP will have to grow at 12 per cent a year for at least a decade. Technically this is within India’s reach, since it would require the rate of investment to rise from the present 28 per cent of GDP to 36 per cent while productivity growth will have to ensure that the incremental output — capital ratio declines from the present 4.0 to 3.0. These are modest goals that can be attained by increased FDI and by use of IT software in domestic industry.
Need for more reforms
But for that to happen, more vigorous market-centric economic reforms to dismantle the vestiges of the Soviet model in Indian planning, especially at the provincial level, are required. The Indian financial system also suffers from a hangover of cronyism and corruption that have brought government budgets to the verge of bankruptcy. This too needs fixing.
India’s infrastructure requires about $150 billion to make it world-class, while the education system needs 6 per cent of GDP instead of 2.8 per cent today. But an open competitive market system can find these resources, provided the quality of governance and accountability is improved. Obviously, a second generation of reforms is necessary for all this.
But reforms are urgently required to be carried out to accelerate India’s growth rate to 12 per cent a year. India has many advantages today for achieving a booming economy: a demographic dividend, an agriculture that has internationally the lowest yield in land and livestock-based products, and also at the lowest cost of production, a full 12 months a year of farm-friendly weather, a highly competitive skilled labour force and low wage rates at the national level, the advantages of which have already been proved to the world by the outsourcing phenomenon. We have a young population (average is 28 years compared to the 38 years of the U.S., and Japan’s 49 years) that can be the base for it by ushering in innovation in our production process.
Since the worldview of economic development has now completely changed, economic development is no more thought of as capital-driven but as knowledge-driven. For application of knowledge, we need innovations. This means more original research, which needs more fresh young minds— the cream of the youth — to be imbued with learning and placed at the frontier of research.
Instead, for decades since Independence we had been told that India’s demography was its main liability, that India’s population was growing too fast, and what India needed most was to control its population, even if by coercive methods.
Globally, India today leads in the supply of youth — persons in the age group of 15 to 35 years — and this lead will last for another 40 years. We should not, therefore, squander this “natural resource”. We must, by a proper policy for the young, realise and harvest this demographic potential.
China is the second largest world leader in having a young population today. But the youth population in that country will start shrinking from 2015, because of the lagged effect of the one-child policy. Japanese and European total populations are already fast ageing, and will start declining in absolute numbers from 2013. The U.S. will, however, hold a steady trend thanks to a liberal policy of immigration, especially from Mexico and the Philippines. But even then the U.S. will have a demographic shortage in skilled personnel. All developed countries will experience a demographic deficit. India will not, if we empower our youth with multiple intelligence. Our past liability, by a fortuitous turn of fate, has become our potential asset.
Thus, India has now become, by unintended consequences, gifted with a young population. If we educate this youth to develop cognitive intelligence to become original thinkers, imbibe emotional intelligence to develop team spirit and a rational risk-taking attitude, inculcate moral intelligence to blend personal ambition with national goals, cultivatesocial intelligence to defend the rights of the weak, gender equality, the courage to fight injustice, and the spiritual intelligence to tap into the cosmic energy (Brahmand) that surrounds the earth, then we can develop a superior species of human being, an Indian youth who can be relied on to contribute to make India a global power within two decades. Only then, our demographic dividend will not be wasted. This has to be the core of the economic agenda for a new government in 2014.
(The writer is a former Cabinet Minister of Commerce)

Dear TheHindu, it would be nice if you shift your ad space to a separate 
section of the website as it has become difficult to read important 
Opinion articles because of the constant nagging of the ad visuals 
alongside. I hope you would take cognisance !

from:  mayank
Posted on: Dec 2, 2013 at 11:23 IST

Mr Swamy's emphasis on more vigorous market-centric economic reforms is erroneous.In a globalised economy and market system(which defines itself as being concerned only with scarce resources), transnational companies build state of the art high-tech production facilities all over the world, letting go millions of laborers who can no longer compete.With modern application of algorithms, our brain power is also being challenged. We are being swept up into a powerful new technology revolution that offers the promise of a great social transformation, unlike any in history.This new technology calls for a new level of economic understanding, one recognising true resource efficiency rather than just market efficincy. This implies a new concept of economy,a concept not based on traditional notions, but based on empirical data, individual, scoial and ecological well-being as understood by science. Then only you can develop a superior species of human being.

from:  kartik nautiyal
Posted on: Dec 2, 2013 at 11:06 IST

Dr.Swamys assesment of indian economy and his vision for 2020 are realistic.It is true that we live in a controlled democracy where neoptism is rampant and judicial system ,one of the pillars of democracy is very weak.Implementation of E-governance will keep a check on corruption.On foreign exchange earnings,Indian NRIs are remitting $70 billion surpassing chinas $60 billion a year, and will increase steadily.India has huge potential in archtectural tourism,medical tourism and spiritual tourism. All that india wants is a motivated leadership at centre,and allow merit to take front stage and once this is achieved,we can proudly say we are a democratic country.

from:  Rajasekhar
Posted on: Dec 2, 2013 at 10:49 IST

Great article sir. Very well written. We expect to see lot more articles of this kind.

from:  vivekanandan
Posted on: Dec 2, 2013 at 10:46 IST

currently our population is biggest liability to us,sooner or later we need to find out a way to convert it into an asset,may be the most important natural asset,train our man power develope their thinking and attitude positively towards productive oppurtunity

from:  raviraj
Posted on: Dec 2, 2013 at 10:45 IST  

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article5411214.ece

J&K is not a problem. J&K is an integral part of India. Not comprehending this is the only problem -- Lt. Gen. Malik

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former Deputy Chief of Army Staff, Indian Army




Solution to J & K problem lies in New Delhi...
IssueNet Edition| Date : 02 Dec , 2013
J&K is an integral part of India.  The only problem that can be called J&K Problem is the non- comprehension by India, its people and the government to this ultimate truth of its being the integral part of India and not distinct or separate entity in any way from the other states of India.  The problem that would remain to be settled then is the need to free the areas of J&K illegally occupied by Pakistan and China.  Once this fact is understood and fully comprehended by us, all else will fall in place.
It is proposed to discuss this very complex and muddled up situation, erroneously called “The Jammu & Kashmir Problem”, as under:
  •         Strategic Importance of J&K
  •         The Problem and its historic Mishandling
  •         Solution
Strategic Importance of J&K 
The illegally occupied part of J&K by Pakistan is in two parts, Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (the so called Azad Kashmir by Pakistan) and Gilgit- Baltistan(GB) (earlier called the Northern Areas).  China is in possession of Akshai Chin and the Shaksgam valley illegally ceded by Pakistan to China in 1963.
J&K forms the head of the Indian sub continent, and has been the traditional  trade route of Central and South Asia to the East and Tibet, generally called the ‘Silk Route’.  It is bounded by more countries than any other state of India;  in the North East with Tibet, and further North with Xinjiang province of China, in the North West with the Wakhan corridor of Afghanistan, in the West with the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and further South with Punjab of Pakistan. This geographic layout is strategically so important that no power of the world wants to remain away from the area, as it gives them access to the sensitive areas of the neighbouring countries.. Its high mountains provide strategic depth and domination over the surrounding area. For hundreds of years in the past, the Russian, Persian, Chinese, Tibetan and the British Indian empires, sought the passes of this region to dominate each other. The region rests along “the ancient axis of Asia” where South, Central and East Asia converge and, since time immemorial, has been the gateway for both India and China to Central Asia.
The maps below show the geo strategic location and its dominating position.
Distorted Pak map: Erstwhile Jammu & Kashmir showing illegal occupation of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan by Pakistan and Shaksgam and Akshai Chin by China The map is not accurate for boundaries, particularly the alignment of the line shown to Karakorum pass, leaving Siachin glacier in Pak occupied territory.
Akshai Chin detailed map showing all the landmarks recently in the news. Map not to scale.
The state of Jammu and Kashmir consists of  two  parts, one that is with India and the other that is under the occupation of Pakistan and China.  The part with India  consists of  three regions: Jammu, the Kashmir valley and Ladakh.  While the Kashmir valley is famous for its beautiful mountainous landscape, Jammu’s numerous shrines attract tens of thousands of Hindu pilgrims every year. Ladakh, is renowned for its remote mountain beauty and Buddhist culture. The illegally occupied part of J&K by Pakistan is in two parts, Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (the so called Azad Kashmir by Pakistan) and Gilgit- Baltistan(GB) (earlier called the Northern Areas).  China is in possession of Akshai Chin and the Shaksgam valley illegally ceded by Pakistan to China in 1963.
The “high roof of the world” , the Gilgit-Baltistan and the Ladakh region of the pre-independence  state of Jammu and Kashmir  is geo- strategically very  important. This region lies between the high Hindu Kush and Karakoram mountain ranges to its north and the Western Himalayas to its immediate south, with  the Kashmir Vale and the Jammu region further South.  The strategic importance of J&K can be understood from the fact that China is spending huge sums to build infrastructure through highways connecting Tibet to Xinjiang through the Chinese occupied Akshai Chin plateau, and Xinjiang to Pakistan via the Karakorum highway through the Kunzreb pass.  This highway then connects Gwadar port on the Arabian sea, giving warm water port and access to the Indian Ocean to China.  Its importance can be visualized in that China trade can avoid the bottleneck of Malacca straits as also cuts down turn round to the interior provinces of China.  China is now in de facto control of the GB area.  It is believed to have deployed more than ten thousand troops for the purpose of developing infrastructure in the area.  It is also believed that Pakistan is to lease the GB area to China for 50 years under the pretext of developing the area.
The strategic importance of J&K thus can be understood that now we face two enemies on our borders at a point where we are the weakest and have the maximum to lose, having already lost nearly 50% of the erstwhile J&K princely state through aggression by Pakistan in 1947 and then China in the 50s and 1962.Strategic importance of J&K is also to be understood from the point of view of strategic and valuable mineral deposits in the area, particularly in the GB and Ladakh area.  It is surmised that GB area is rich in uranium deposits, besides  great potential of hydro electric works.
It is unfortunate that the government of India took this area to be “Where not a blade of grass grows”  That is where lies the problem, not understanding the Strategic Importance and correctly relating it to National Security.  We have thus been so manoeuvred that we face two enemies on our most vulnerable area with the least developed infrastructure, with the result that to thwart the design of these two hyenas on our door step, we find ourselves sandwiched with extremely poor logistics backing.  Today we are faced with a situation in Daulat Beg Oldie Area with Chinese having entered 19 Km into our territory and claiming it as theirs.  We are face to face with disaster awaiting us as the only logistics backing with us is an airstrip at DBO with no worthwhile  land route from Leh onwards.  And even upto Leh we are dependent on the fair weather route via Zojila pass.  The alternate route from Manali to Upsi in Ladakh is still waiting the Rohtang pass tunnel to be built
The Problem and its historic Mishandling
The problem of J&K can be summarized under the  heads; J&K called ‘disputed territory’ ‘Article 370’, the ‘over dominance of Kashmir  over the other areas’ and ‘Political indifference’ at the State and Centre government
UN resolution of 1948, which is cited by most adversaries of India, deals only with the aggression by Pakistan and not its accession to India. Accession is legal in every way and cannot be disputed.
Disputed Territory      UN resolution of 1948, which is cited by most adversaries of India, deals only with the aggression by Pakistan and not its accession to India. Accession is legal in every way and cannot be disputed.  Similarly the so called “Two Nation Theory”, under whose umbrella Pakistan was formed,  applied only to British ruled India and not the princely states, and hence a state being Muslim majority did not disqualify it from joining Indian Union.  In the same context, referendum in J&K is illegal as it was not agreed by Muslim League to hold referendum in princely states but left to their rulers to accede to India or Pakistan, contiguity being a criteria for the same.  Thus the only dispute that remains is the vacation of the aggression by Pakistan and the areas illegally ceded to China by Pakistan  Government of India has to thus base its relations with Pakistan and China on that theme
Article 370    This is a self imposed gridlock that gives  no advantage to India internationally, or to the state internally.  Internationally this shows that J&K is different and not a part of India and any country can raise the status of J&K in international fora, as very often done by Islamic countries.  As for  internally for the state of J&K itself, it puts it at a disadvantage in development and other fields, as private financiers are not keen to invest there due to the restrictions of ownership.  Besides, psychologically its people find themselves at a disadvantage when working in other parts of India.  Article 370 and the policy followed through its propagation is the most glaring example of appeasement of the national minority of Muslims  and the subjugation of the state minority of Hindus.  No nation can have two laws and rules for national citizenship.  On the other side in the illegal POK and GB, Pakistan has been encouraging its Punjabi Wahabi elements to settle in and control the area.  Its demographic profile is totally altered.
One of the myths that needs to be broken is that “Kashmir is J&K”, because it is actually only a small part of it – 7% to be exact of the J&K Princely state and about 15% of the J&K with India.
Over dominance of Kashmir     One of the myths that needs to be broken is that “Kashmir is J&K”, because it is actually only a small part of it – 7% to be exact of the J&K Princely state and about 15% of the J&K with India. Even the saying that “From Kashmir to Kanyakumari”  is not correctly worded because Kashmir is not the Northernmost part of India; Ladakh is. And as per the official Indian map, Gilgit and Aksai Chin are the Northernmost parts, none of these being part of Kashmir.  Even ‘Azad Kashmir’ PoK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) is not Kashmir. In the same way the Kashmiri Muslim is not in majority in J&K, when we take non Kashmiri Muslims in the other parts of J&K into account, from Ladakh and Jammu region.  In fact Indian Army’s advance into present POK in 1948 was said to have been halted on the advice of Sheikh Abdullah to Pandit  Jwaharlal  Nehru that the areas beyond were not Kashmiris.  And yet J&K politics is all centered round Kashmir and the Kashmiris.  All Chief Ministers have been Kashmiri with bulk of the state and national funding being spent on Kashmir valley.   The other two parts, Jammu and Ladakh have a grievance on that and rightly so.  Ladakh has been demanding Union territory status and Jammu as separate state.
The misfortune is that in all this fight we forget the other two parts of J&K, namely POK and GB.  Today they are raising their voice to ask India to liberate them and fight for their human rights that have been denied to them by Pakistan.  The only symbolic gesture India makes is to keep a few vacant seats in their name in the state assembly.  This is sheer tokenism and nothing more.  Their demand that as the elections can not be held in POK & GB, some of them should be nominated and allowed to put across the problems of these areas, as also raise these in international fora.  They also demand that their children should be given reservation in schools and institutions of higher learning in J&K as rightfully they are citizens of J&K living under the heels of Pakistan army.
The other part, Aksai Chin and the Shaksgam valley illegally occupied by China is not even considered by us in any discussion within or with the Chinese.  Our thrust remains to demarcate the border in this area.  The areas thus conceded is over 38,000 Sq Km in Aksai Chin and nearly 5,000 Sq Km in Shaksgam Valley.
Political Indifference at the State and Centre Government    
 We fail to perceive this as the first battle by Pakistan to the ultimate jehadi war in India.
Somehow the impression is gaining ground that the State and Centre are not very keen to bring the problem under control.  It is voiced by many experts that it suits the State government, whichever party in power, to continue providing tacit and covert support to the separatists,  jehadi and the Pak supported elements, and milk the centre for resources.  Scapegoats are easily found to pass on the blame for non governance and inaction.  Security forces and the AFSPA is easily exploited for this.  No firm action is taken against the separatists, who espouse their cause freely and indulge in nefarious activities within and abroad.  Terrorism and violence is treated as the right of the people to indulge in.  As Pakistan is considered a party to the dispute, its political interference, terrorist acts and inciting people to violence is taken as legitimate right of Pakistan.  We fail to perceive this as the first battle by Pakistan to the ultimate jehadi war in India.  We have failed to assert our right to ‘hot pursuit’, to strike at training camps across the border  and to block all propaganda and contacts that spread discontent.  Here we are not only a ‘soft state’ but a ‘failed state’ that refuses to protect its legitimate national rights. 
The historic Blunders  of J&K Problem                                                                                               J&K has been one series of monumental blunders by Indian government.  First we let Lord Mountbatten to unilaterally write to Maharaja Hari Singh for a referendum later when no such condition was desired by him, or stipulated in the ‘Accession Treaty’  We  stopped the advance of Indian army to liberate POK and GB areas in 1948 and instead took the matter to the UN.  The western powers were just looking for such an opportunity to have a say in the most strategic area that dominated the underbelly of China and USSR
To declare special status under a special article 370 of the constitution, thereby making J&K psychologically and physically different and separate, thus hindering its effective integration into the Indian Union
To declare special status under a special article 370 of the constitution, thereby making J&K psychologically and physically different and separate, thus hindering its effective integration into the Indian Union
Recognition of Chinese suzerainty over Tibet in 1950 and withdrawal of our military posts from Lhasa and Yatung were to bring China on to our northern borders  and open up another front to guard. But that was not the end of this flawed China policy, we indulged in daydreaming of Hindi Chini Bhai Bhai and neglected our defence.  Result was the shameful debacle of 1962.  It has rightly been called the ‘Himalayan Blunder’  But the most shameful act was the acceptance of the ceasefire, unilaterally declared by the Chinese, and not preparing to fight back.  After all nations have suffered tactical reverses, but they did not necessarily become strategic defeats.  During WWII British army was down and out at Dunkirk and had to evacuate European main land, but it came back after four years to defeat the Germans.  Similarly Singapur was lost in 1942, but the British Indian Army went back and defeated the Japanese.  Why have we accepted the 1962 debacle as final and never even lay claim to our lost land from the aggressor.  If on the Republic Day in 1963, instead of weeping over our tactical defeat and singing “Aye Mere Watan ke logo , jara aankh mein bhar lo pani’  we had roused the nation and sung Netaji Subhash Bose INA song of “Kadam kadam barhai ja, Khushi ke geet gaye ja, Yeh  jindgi hai kom ki, tu Kom par mitae ja”, perhaps we would have been a different nation today
In 1965 Pakistan was emboldened after having acquired latest arms and ammunition from the USA under the Baghdad Pact (later CENTO) and seen the state of Indian army devastated by the Chinese in 1962 to take advantage of the historic opportunity and launched ‘Operation Gibraltor’ to liberate J&K and later captured some areas of Chhamb Jaurian in Jammu region. Indian Army fought back ‘ with whatever they had’ and managed to blunt the Pakistan offensive in Punjab and Jammu region.  Our major achievement was in the Kashmir sector where we captured Haji Pir Pass that links Uri and Poonch. Unfortunately India gave it back to Pakistan at the Tashkent meet.  The army calls it ”A War won on the battlefield but lost on the negotiating table”
1971 is a glorious chapter in the annals of Indian military history.  We created history by liberating a nation and decisively defeating the Pakistan army on the battlefield, capturing 93,000 PWs.  No greater victory could be asked for. Alas, we squandered the victory at Shimla where Indira Gandhi fell to the false promises of smooth talking ZA Bhutto, and the old story repeated itself.  We won the war on the battlefield, but lost it on the negotiating table.
Under the threat of the bomb, Pakistan was able to put Punjab on fire and later J&K
In 1974 our scientists did India proud by making the bomb and demonstrating it at Pokhran.  Alas, we again fell under the threat of USA and disassembled all the infrastructure for the same, but having alerted Pakistan who went all out to acquire the bomb through any means. He succeeded in making one in 1985, while we remained without one for a much longer period.  Under the threat of the bomb, Pakistan was able to put Punjab on fire and later J&K.  Our much stronger armed forces now were immediately unable to react to this new kind of warfare that had surfaced in the subcontinent.  Fortunately in 1998 India got a government that looked to the security of the nation first and all else later, under the leadership of Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee.  We reasserted ourselves at Pokhran II.
Solution                                                                                                                                               
The solution to the J&K problem does not lie in Srinagar or in Pakistan and China.  It squarely and appropriately lies in New Delhi.
Solution lies in the words and teachings of our ancient sages and Rishis. Swami Vivekananda said that “Shakti” is the power that builds the nation and without it the nation is enslaved.  He asked, ‘Why is it that our country is the weakest- because ‘Shakti’ is held in dishonor here’  This he had said over a century ago, but unfortunately, it is true even today. ‘Shakti means national power to influence events in the interest of the nation.  This Shakti flows out of economic strength, social harmony, people educated and dedicated to national cause, and most importantly  military strength.  However, the crucial element of the national ‘Shakti’ is the national leadership that is able to harness all this power and bring it to bear in national  interest.
The strategic solution lies in breaking the unholy nexus between China and Pakistan by, firstly vigorously claiming POK and GB areas, supporting the population to fight the occupation forces, and by breaking the China link to the Arabian sea through Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa and Balochistan.  The democratic voice of Pakhtoons for Pakhtoonistan encompassing areas South and East of defunct Durand line must be supported.  Similarly the human rights violations, in fact genocide,  of the Baloch people struggle for democracy in their province must be taken up at international arena and supported
Conclusion    
As a veteran,  I feel saddened when I find that the leadership pays no heed to the security of our  nation.  Jammu & Kashmir has been the hunting ground of both, China and Pakistan and we have treated it as a dispute and an internal law and order problem.  I do not advocate war as the only solution.  But with the changing dimensions of warfare ranging from nuclear, cyber, space to proxy war, we need to devise new ways and means to be one step ahead of the enemy. Pakistan has been at war with India since Oct 1947, and China since 1950 when it occupied Tibet, yet we failed to recognize the enemy and his modus operandi on both fronts. In between active war operations, they carry on proxy war with ‘thousand cuts’, supporting insurgency in J&K and the North East   Mao tse Tung said that ‘Diplomacy flows out of the barrel of a gun’ In this ‘Dog eat dog’ world, it is no good making diplomatic overtures and resting on assurances on paper that are not worth the paper they are written on.
India must not accept China intrusion into J&K or any other area passively, but must counter with well planned and calibrated Indian moves along the border into tactically and strategically sensitive areas to China at the time of our choosing.
How many times Pakistan has made promises and never kept them. How the Chinese have been treating us and claiming Arunachal Pradesh and all Aksai Chin. Their intentions are clear, only we fail to see it that way, with the result that today India is widely perceived as being unable to handle external or internal challenges ranging from terrorism sponsored by Pakistan. being snubbed by Maldives, leave alone dealing with an assertive China, which has no qualms in blocking India’s membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and undermining India’s influence in Asia  The answer lies in building friendship bridges across Asia Pacific region with Japan, Vietnam, Philippines, Taiwan, Australia, USA and other smaller countries by extending economic and military help to them.  Besides, India must not accept China intrusion into J&K or any other area passively, but must counter with well planned and calibrated Indian moves along the border into tactically and strategically sensitive areas to China at the time of our choosing.  The latest intrusion into Depsang valley in Ladakh is a very clever move by China. It wants to bargain for a settlement in Aksai Chin but keep Arunachal Pradesh open.  The solution does not lie in negotiating border settlement in the West alone, as that will seal the fate of Aksai Chin for ever, leaving India no bargaining power in the North East
So how long shall we keep living in fools’ paradise.  Awake my countrymen, your country is threatened, both externally and internally, and unfortunately your so called democratically elected government at present is fast asleep, content in its ‘appeasement policy’ internally and externally.  Unless a country is militarily strong, no one will respect you, and all the economic gains will be for someone else to enjoy. Let not history of the past seven hundred years repeat itself.

8 THOUGHTS ON “SOLUTION TO J & K PROBLEM LIES IN NEW DELHI…






  1. Dear Lt Gen Malik,
    Well written facts and solutions, which the sleeping Indian government needs to be made aware of to act on the probelm with urgency and puit an end to the pak Chinise intrusions into our country.
    I strongly agree with you on the failure of the congress government each time they have ruled the country. Shree Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the only PM who was clear that National security comes first before anything else and he proved it during Kargil war.
    My thought: I regard our military forces with utmost respect. All the 3 forces and the BSF can join hands to raise the voice against the inaction of the government in solving the border issues of the country and force the government strongly to take action immediately and ofcourse the military will surely support the cause as they know the border issue facts well and they are the true heroes protecting our country. Or give the military the decision making power in national secruity issues if the government cannot act on the border disputes. I am sure the military wont disappoint the nation.
    Cheers
    Rupa
  2. My late father a WWII war hero said later in life after decades of Congress shenanigans: Indian’s are gene encoded for servitude. Weep not General the vast majority of Indian’s are “dumb driven cattle” (in Gandhi’s words) and will willingly go to slaughter under the watchful eye of the Congress and Leftist parties.
  3. Article 370 was the most divisive idea of the foolish minds who were entrusted with the writing of the constitution. India today is reaping the misfortunes. Pakistan and China will continue to terrorize, brutalize and marginalize a nation of 1.2 billions because the nation is leaderless and article 370 is the excuse for terrorism in Kashmir. The first priority for India is to remove article 370 for the sake of national unity and security. This is an internal matter for India and no foreign nation can have any say. The people of Kashmir must be treated under the same constitution with individual freedom and rights as the rest of the nation. There is no basis for creating a separate status for a state of India that is one of the most strategic part of the nation in terms of defense, water source and national boundaries.
  4. My my point of view, China wants to slow and weaken India by taking over regions that if controlled by India would make it an advantage over China on both economic and social welfare. For this reason China is employing tactics that will weaken what it feels is it’s strongest challenger in Asia in terms of development and economic status because many people will prefer doing business with India and start leaving China. That’s why China is trying very hard to prevent people from turning their focus on India. In addition if there is instability in India the one to benefit most is China among the other Asian countries.
  5. Great article! The only solution for long term peace is to reunify India. This can be done through military means only, overt and covert. India should strength its military on a war footing. Our military should be ready for a multi-front war with both China, Pakistan and other countries like Nepal, Sri Lanka, Burma and possibly Bangladesh. The aim of the military should be reunify India. Even if it means nuclear war, we should go for the kill. Pakistan should be annexed and reunified. Tibet and Xinjiang (East Turkistan) should be liberated and main land China should be attacked on a massive scale. Tibet should be given an option to join the Indian union. Tibet is very important from a strategic point of view. It is also key to ensure long term water security for millions of Indians. Further a pacifist Tibet will be reoccupied by another power if we don’t protect it. Once Tibet joins the Indian union, Nepal and Bhutan will followup suit. Bangladesh and Burma should also be annexed, along with Sri Lanka and Maldives. This can be done through covertly, like in the case of Sikkim. However this can be done only if the military is active in protecting the nation’s interest and not scumb to political incompentency. The military should remember that the nation’s security is more important than the nation’s constitution. The military should shed its inter services rivalry, welcome the appointment of a CDS and Theater commanders. Further they should synergies their resources for effective fighting. http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/solution-to-j-k-problem-lies-in-new-delhi/0/


There's little respite for abused women -- Sandhya Jain

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There's little respite for abused women
by Sandhya Jainon 03 Dec 2013


In the rape controversy involving former editor Tarun Tejpal, Tehelka ignored the Vishaka guidelines under which the victim asked managing editor Shoma Chaudhary to set up an internal probe. When no action was taken in the November 7 and 8 episodes and the matter regarded as settled with Tejpal’s six month recusal, the victim’s friends exposed the cover-up on November 20. We do not know what pressures operated upon the victim and her colleagues in the tense two weeks that they continued to work in the same office; what is commendable is that each refused to buckle.

After public outrage forced the Goa Police to initiate a probe (the BJP government ‘went into overdrive’ according to Tejpal’s friend Vrinda Grover, lawyer) there have been crude attempts to get the accused off the hook. A member of his immediate family barged into the home of the victim’s mother on November 22 and tried to intimidate her to accept a deal and reveal their legal strategy.

On November 25, the victim resigned, citing disappointment with the organisation. By then, journalists were quitting in disgust; main financier KD Singh announced he was going to pull out. Tehelka lost its aura the minute news of the episode leaked; that the Tejpal-Chaudhary duo believed they could brazen it out is a blistering indictment of their socio-political circuit.

To digress briefly, it has come to light that the money-spinning THiNK Fest where the alleged assault took place, originally launched by Tehelka publisher Anant Media Pvt Ltd, was quietly taken over by Thinkworks Pvt Ltd, wholly owned by Tarun Tejpal, his sister Neena Tejpal, and managing editor Shoma Chaudhary. Yet THiNK Fest sponsors believed it was organised by Tehelka, a loss making enterprise where staff salaries were frequently delayed, and Tehelka staff were used to man the show; the victim’s assignment at Goa was to chaperone the De Niro family. The staff seemed unaware that they were drafted to work unduly long hours for a different entity, without pay or overtime (travel and lodging are not remuneration). If so, an investigation into the work culture at Tehelka is in order.

In a moral indictment of Chaudhary, the victim asserts that though she received a private unconditional apology from the accused, her demand for a public apology (within Tehelka) was dismissed and the matter belittled as ‘an untoward incident’; the Vishaka guidelines were disobeyed. Worse, Chaudhary claimed on television that the victim was “satisfied” with her actions; when matters escalated Tejpal and Chaudhary began chanting “another version” of events amounting to “intimidation, character assassination and slander”.

Precisely such episodes in a rural setting (always worse) led some social activists and NGOs to move a class action before the Supreme Court in 1997, to enforce the fundamental rights of working women under Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution of India. Vishaka & Ors vs State of Rajasthan & Ors was triggered by the alleged brutal gang rape of a social worker in a Rajasthan village; it sought safeguards by an alternative mechanism in the absence of legislative measures, to meet a felt and urgent social need.

A bench comprising Chief Justice of India JS Verma, Justice Sujata V Manohar and Justice BN Kirpal concluded that sexual harassment also violated Article 19(1)(g) ‘to practice any profession or to carry out any occupation, trade or business’, as this mandates availability of a “safe” working environment. Ideally, the duty to ensure such safety and dignity through suitable legislation and a mechanism for enforcement lies with the legislature and executive. But when instances of sexual harassment violating fundamental rights of women workers come for redressal to the Supreme Court, they attract remedy under Article 32 under which the Court can lay down guidelines for protection of these rights to fill a legislative vacuum.

Accordingly, in cooperation with members of the Bar, the Court framed guidelines to which the Union of India consented, to govern the behaviour of employers and all others at work places. The judges relied on International Conventions and norms, especially the Beijing Statement of Principles of the Independence of the Judiciary in the LAWASIA region, which were accepted by Chief Justices of Asia and the Pacific in 1995 as representing the minimum standards necessary to be observed to maintain the independence and effective functioning of the judiciary. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was also considered as the Government of India had ratified its Resolution in June 1993. Indeed, it was here that India committed to establish a Commission for Women’s Rights to act as a public defender of women’s human rights.

The guidelines are equal to law declared by the Court under Article 141. The Court defined sexual harassment to cover all manner of unwelcome sexually determined behaviour, and included employment to cover all work involving drawing a salary, honorarium or voluntary, in government, public or private enterprise. It specifically covered occasions “when the woman has reasonable grounds to believe that her objection would disadvantage her in connection with her employment or work including recruiting or promotion or when it creates a hostile work environment”.

The Court explicitly directed the employer, in cases of a specific offence under the Indian Penal Code or under any other law, to complain to the appropriate authority and ensure that victims or witnesses are not victimized or discriminated against. Each organisation was to set up a complaint redressal mechanism and ensure time-bound treatment of complaints. This did not happen at Tehelka, a point made by the victim when she escalated her counterattack after a vilification campaign was launched against her.

Tejpal’s friends regularly surfaced on television channels peddling a puissant defence after a perfunctory ‘he must be punished if he has done anything wrong’, even as the accused evaded the law until finally arrested on the night of November 30. It bears mention that no television channel invited the colleagues to whom the victim made instantaneous complaints after both incidents, to offer that side of the story.

It took 16 years and nationwide anger over the Delhi gang-rape of December 2012 for the Vishaka guidelines to be translated into law, viz., the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013. And now, because a member of the socio-political stratosphere is caught in its snare, the clamour to tone down its ‘draconian’ provisions has already begun.

http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=3030

Something stinks at Writers' -- Pronab Mondal

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Something stinks at Writers’

Offence 
Sprinkling and pouring kerosene on the top floor of Writers’ Buildings
Suspicion
Malicious conspiracy to set Writers’ Buildings ablaze
Charged under
IPC Section 436 (mischief by fire or explosive substance with intent to destroy a house; punishment: jail for 10 years or life), Section 511 (attempting to commit the offence defined by Section 436, punishment: imprisonment for life or not exceeding 5 years in this case), Section 34 (common intent, which helps in the arrest of more suspects)
Overlooked
Suspect was hired by the registrar of the home publication department to spray insecticide in the department housed in Writers’ Buildings. He has been spraying apparently the same substance for six years, starting from Bhabani Bhavan, the state police headquarters where the department was located before it was shifted to Writers’ in June
Serampore, Dec. 2: The kerosene “conspiracy” unearthed at Writers’ Buildings last week has gutted a family in Hooghly.
Jyotirmoy Nandi, the family’s sole breadwinner, has been arrested on the charge of being a “conspirator”.
An official no less than the Bengal home secretary had spoken of a plot to set ablaze Writers’, the seat of power now vacated for renovation. In keeping with the gravity of the “conspiracy”, Jyotirmoy, 47, has been charged under multiple sections that could jail him for life if proved guilty.
But some factors have been either overlooked or not given importance when the police picked up the suspect and slapped the charges: Jyotirmoy is a pest controller and he was hired by a wing of the home department itself to spray insecticide in that particular section of Writers’.
As countless common people know, kerosene is often added to insecticides. How safe or ideal the practice is, is another question but few have been charged with a conspiracy to burn down an edifice such as Writers’ because they did what they have been doing for years.
Sources said Jyotirmoy had been using the same concoction for six to seven years to keep the home publication department free of insects. The repository of government reports was earlier located at Bhabani Bhavan, the state police headquarters in Alipore, but was shifted to Writers’ in June.
“Everyone knows that my husband is a pest controller…. Why will he set Writers’ ablaze?” asked Aparna, Jyotirmoy’s wife. “He could enter Writers’ only because he was allowed to enter. Then why was he arrested?” she asked.
Choking back tears at the dilapidated one-storey home at Serampore, she wondered how her husband, who earned around Rs 5,000 a month as a pest controller, came to be labelled a “conspirator”.
Jyotirmoy had left home on Friday morning with a plastic sprayer, a bottle of kerosene and an insecticide.
“He has been doing the same job at several government offices. People would call him up for pest control and he would turn up at the offices with his sprayer, insecticide and kerosene,” said Aparna.
She recalled that her husband came back early on Friday evening but received a call asking him to turn up at Hare Street police station with his sprayer the next day.
“He was arrested as we found kerosene on the floor of Writers’. We had also found some files and papers soaked in kerosene, which was probably brought in a bottle that we recovered from the spot,” said an officer at Hare Street police station.
According to the officer, the odour of kerosene and the insecticide stoked the suspicion of a policeman on duty. Finding kerosene sprinkled on the floor, the policeman raised the alarm and the news reached Nabanna, the new state secretariat, around 5pm.
The officer did not mention if any matchsticks or other combustible material was found at the spot.
Within an hour, home secretary Basudeb Banerjee went public with the claim that a plot was hatched to set Writers’ ablaze, which the police had foiled by acting promptly.
Once the highest security official of the state had referred to a conspiracy, the police had little option but to act.
It was then that Jyotirmoy was contacted and asked to turn up at Hare Street police station. He was eventually taken into custody, slapped with stiff charges (see chart) and produced in court that sent him to police custody till December 6.
However, it is not clear why the cops thought it fit to give him the choice of turning up at the police station the next morning if they really thought he was a “conspirator”.
Had the police anywhere in the world allowed a would-be arsonist – that too out to burn down a building like Writers’ — to roam overnight unmonitored, it would have been treated as an inexcusable dereliction of duty.
“The home secretary issued a statement and so we had to arrest the person who was assigned to spray insecticide. How could we slap him only with the charge of negligence and allow him to walk out on bail?” an officer of Hare Street police station asked.
Home secretary Banerjee could not be contacted despite repeated attempts on Monday. Chief secretary Sanjay Mitra said in reply to a question that he had not received any report on the issue till the afternoon.
Jyotirmoy’s wife Aparna said: “He had told me several times that he would pour kerosene on the floor after finishing his spraying as that was the best possible way to keep the insects away. As he used to do it on Fridays, by the time the offices opened on Monday, the oil would have evaporated.”
If convicted and found guilty, the pest controller may have to serve time in jail, said a lawyer.
“But proving the charge will be difficult…. The person has no criminal antecedents and he has been doing this job for so many years. Above all, establishing the motive behind the conspiracy will be difficult,” the lawyer added.
Contacted, Bismay Rai, the registrar of the home publication department, refused to comment. A source said the person occupying the registrar’s post paid Jyotirmoy Rs 500 on Friday as remuneration for his services.
Other sources who used to work in Writers’ said Jyotirmoy had been coming once a month since June to spray insecticides in the room. “As far as I recall, he has been doing the same job at Bhabani Bhavan for the last six to seven years,” said a source.
Some neighbours of the Nandis wondered why those who had hired the pest controller were not speaking up. “This is not the first time that he had sprayed pesticide and kerosene…. What is the basis of the conspiracy theory that he was trying to set Writers’ ablaze? Couldn’t the people who had hired him tell the cops the truth?” asked Chitta Roy, a neighbour.
Police sources said that in the absence of any specific instruction, they would have no option but to opposed jyotirmoy’s bail on December 6.
At the Serampore home, Jyotirmoy’s aged parents — Biswanath, 85, and Chitra, 73, — are in tears. Jayati, the daughter of Jyotirmoy and Aparna, is expecting and the delivery date is drawing near.
“We spent all our savings on our daughter’s wedding one-and-a-half years ago…. We don’t have the resources to employ a good lawyer to ensure his release,” Aparna said.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1131203/jsp/frontpage/story_17638009.jsp#.Up1Bw9IW02c

Sardar Patel a 'Hindu nationalist' hated Hyderabadi culture -- AG Noorani

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Sardar Patel a 'Hindu nationalist' hated Hyderabadi culture, says Noorani

Author: IANS
Publication: India Today
Date: November 30, 2013
 
Eminent lawyer and political commentator A. G. Noorani said India's first home minister Sardar Patel was a "quintessential Hindu nationalist" who treated erstwhile Hyderabad State as a Muslim state and hated its culture.
 
Noorani, whose book "The destruction of Hyderabad" was released hereFriday, said Patel ordered 'police action' when the economic blockade was beginning to tell and Nizam would have agreed to accede to India due to pressure from many people.
 
Giving a detailed account of the events that led to the 'police action' in 1948, he said there was a massacre of Muslims in Hyderabad. Noorani has also given in the book full text of the report of Sunderlal Committee on the massacre.
 
The legal expert said while Jawaharlal Nehru was a "quintessential secular Indian nationalist", Patel was a "quintessential Hindu nationalist". "While Nehru like Sarojini Naidu admired Hyderabadi culture, particularly Urdu language, Patel considered it alien and hated it."
 
Noorani claimed that Patel was very soft on C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer though he had asked for independence of Travancore and was also soft on Maharaja of Kashmir.
 
He pointed out how he nominated K.M. Munshi, "who was a RSS mole in Congress party", as India's Agent General in Hyderabad.
 
"Look at Patel. In one and same speech in January 1948 he attacked Maulana Azad's patriotism and invited RSS and (Hindu) Mahasabha to join Congress. What treatment Nizam would have expected from him?"
 
Noorani said Patel by deciding policy on Hyderabad State took revenge on Nehru for deciding the Kashmir policy.
 
"You don't have a police action with one lieutenant general, three major generals, one armoured division and the air force. Only a dishonest man like Krishna Menon would have given such title and unfortunately it was adopted," he said.
 
Noorani, author of other books like "Jinnah and Tilak" and "Kashmir Dispute", claimed after the police action, Patel uprooted bureaucracy in Hyderabad State by suddenly demoting Urdu and the bureaucrats from Madras, Mumbai and other places were brought.
 
The legal expert also threw light on the role played by Mohammed Ali Jinnah in Hyderabad dispute. He said Nizam wrote letter to Jinnah after partition seeking his advice and "Jinnah seized on this".
 
"Jinnah's advice was a piece of criminal irresponsibility. He said even if you don't have ammunition, fight. He wanted Hyderabad to fight with India so that he get few points in India Pakistan cold war," he said
 
Noorani said when Lord Mountbatten gave written proposal for plebiscite in Kashmir, Junagadh and Hyderabad, Jinnah insisted that Hyderabad be kept out. According to him, Jinnah had made an investment of Rs.2 lakh in Hyderabad.
 
Noorani said the only hero in his book are people of Hyderabad who kept the composite secular culture alive with tolerant Telugu people of Andhra Pradesh.
 
Media baron Ramoji Rao, who released the book, said at 83, Noorani remained a towering personality in India's legal fraternity with extraordinary abilities to research and document.
 
Describing him as one of the most objective authors and analysts of our times, Ramoji Rao said he was known for his candidness in expressing his views.
 

'Women don't pity themselves anymore' -- Stella James to Preethika Rana

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‘Women Don’t Pity Themselves A Anymore’

Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
A protest at India Gate in New Delhi, Dec. 27, 2012.

Earlier this month, Stella James, a 22-year-old lawyer, went public about an alleged assault on her by a retired judge in the capital in December – a time when New Delhi was grappling with widespread protests in the wake of a fatal gang rape.
In a post for the Journal of Indian Law and Society, a student-run blog hosted by the Kolkata-based National University of Juridical Sciences, Ms. James alleged that a “highly reputed, recently retired” Supreme Court judge had assaulted her while she was interning in his office late last year. The judge hasn’t been identified publicly.
The young lawyer’s account, which caught national attention, prompted the Supreme Court to begin an inquiry into her claims. The allegation of assault against a judge also spurred a debate about sexism in the top brass of India’s judiciary and how it poses an obstacle to justice.
In her first interview after a probe was ordered, Ms. James, who now works for a South Africa-based legal nonprofit out of Bangalore, spoke to The Wall Street Journal about why she decided against filing a formal complaint, what finally made her go public, and about changing attitudes toward victims of sex crimes in India.
Edited excerpts:
The Wall Street Journal: Why didn’t you file a formal complaint in December when you say the assault took place?
Stella James: It took me time to come to terms with the fact that I had been assaulted. When I finally did, all that I wanted to do was to erase the memory from my conscious. This was a man I had admired, I looked up to him.
Indeed, I pondered over the idea of legal recourse, but feared it would do more harm than good. First, my case would’ve dragged on for years. Second, defense lawyers would make me relive every violating moment in court – something I wanted to bury at the time. Third, in cases of assaults, where there is no physical evidence, it’s one word against the other, really. There’s no reason why a law graduate would’ve won over a judge with a spotless record. Even now, for instance, when I appear before the panel, I feel I’m being looked at with suspicious eyes. I have to constantly justify that I’m not lying, I’m not making up this story. I feel humiliated.
It’s ironic I – being a lawyer – say this, but I don’t think Indian law, or our legal system for that matter, is equipped enough to sensitively deal with crimes against women.
WSJ: Did you seek help from your family?
Ms. James: I told them only in May – five months later. They, too, weren’t keen on a formal complaint.
When I told my grandmother I was assaulted, she couldn’t understand why I was making a big deal out of it. In fact, she didn’t even think it was wrong. ‘We have all been harassed at some point or the other,’ she would say. My mother, meanwhile, said what had happened was indeed wrong, but that I had to accept it and move on. ‘You don’t have any other option,’ she would say.
A screenshot of Ms. James’s blog post.
WSJ: So what prompted you to write the blog?
Ms. James: In courts, women lawyers openly discuss the harassment they face. But that talk never makes it to the bench. I felt somebody had to make the first move. My intention was not to point fingers, to launch an inquiry, or to create a media storm. All that I wanted to do was shine light on the day-to-day harassment in India’s courts.
I also felt writing about it would perhaps give me closure.
WSJ: Did you expect it to go viral?
Ms. James: Not at all. I had never imagined it would catch national attention; I’m happy it did. My objective was to spark a broader debate about attitudes toward women in the judiciary, which I feel, the blog did to quite an extent.
WSJ: Do you think national soul-searching in the wake of the December rape inspired you to go public?
Ms. James: Maybe. What has happened over the last few months has been revolutionary. Now, more and more people are questioning why they should put up with harassment – on the streets, in their homes, and at their workplaces. ‘Why should we bear with this? We haven’t done anything wrong,’ they say.
Because society is beginning to debate violence against women, rape survivors and victims of assaults are beginning to view themselves differently. Earlier, for example, there was guilt and shame attached to being raped and assaulted. The words themselves were a taboo. Women would fear they would be ostracized if they spoke out. What has changed now – after months and months of debate over sex crimes – is that women don’t pity themselves anymore. They feel there is a small group, a small segment of society that will stand by them. Of course, that number is still very small, but for those who have been at the receiving end, it means a great deal.
Click here to read related news story about changing attitudes in India.
Click here to read more posts by Preetika. Follow her on Twitter @Preetika_Rana.

Huffington post claims, later says unable to verify the amount of USD 2 billion held by SoniaG

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Swiss Illustrie on Rajiv Gandhi Cited in: http://ramanan50.wordpress.com/2011/02/22/rajiv-2-5-billionsswiss-magazine-confirms/

Moneylife » Sonia Gandhi worth $2 billion, claims Huffington Post
Sonia Gandhi worth $2 billion, claimsHuffington Post
MONEYLIFE DIGITAL TEAM | 02/12/2013 02:53 PM |   
According to Huffington Post, the Congress party chief is on 12th position among world's richest leaders with a wealth of $2 billion
HuffPost World has compiled a list of the 20 richest world leaders currently in power based on available data. The list led by Russian president Vladimir Putin (estimated to be worth $40 billion) also features Congress president and United Progress Alliance (UPA) chairperson Sonia Gandhi. She is at 12th position and worth $2 billion on the list of world's richest leaders.

"The roster includes a mixture of kings, presidents, sultans and queens. Most are male (as the world's political leaders tend to be, too). They skew to the Middle East, with seven of the 20 leaders originating from that region, and their wealth generally comes from family connections, profitable investments and in some cases, corrupt rule. Unsurprisingly, many of their country's citizens lead much, much humbler lives," the report says.

Here is the list of world's richest leader compiled by Huffington Post...
 
SrN
Name of the leader/Country
Estimated Wealth
1
Vladimir Putin, President of Russia
Worth: $40 Billion
2
Bhumibol Adulyadej, King of Thailand
Worth: $30 Billion
3
Hassanal Bolkiah, Sultan of Brunei      
Worth: $20 Billion
4
Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud, King of Saudi Arabia
Worth: $18 Billion
5
Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the UAE   
Worth: $15 Billion
6
Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Emir of Dubai
Worth: $14 Billion
7
Kim Jong-un, Supreme Leader of North Korea
Worth: $5 Billion
8
Hans-Adam II, Prince of Liechstenstein
Worth: $5 Billion
9
Mohammed VI, King of Morocco
Worth: $2.5 Billion
10
Sebastian Pinera, President of Chile
Worth: $2.5 Billion
11
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Emir of Qatar
Worth: $2 Billion
12
Sonia Gandhi, President of India's INC
Worth: $2 Billion
13
Albert II, Prince of Monaco
Worth: $1 Billion
14
Qaboos bin Said, Sultan of Oman
Worth: $700 Million
15
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of Equatorial Guinea
Worth: $600 Million
16
Bashar Al-Assad, President of Syria
Worth: $550 Million
17
Ilham Aliyev, President of Azerbaijan
Worth: $500 Million
18
Elizabeth II, Queen of England
Worth: $400 to 500 Mln
19
Sabah IV Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Sheikh of Kuwait
Worth: $400 Million
20
Mswati III, King of Swaziland
Worth: $100 Million


http://www.moneylife.in/article/sonia-gandhi-worth-2-billion-claims-huffington-post/35493.html?utm_source=PoweRelayEDM&utm_medium=Email&utm_content=Subscriber%2384530&utm_campaign=Today%27s%20Exclusives

Huffington Post removes Sonia Gandhi from list of richest leaders

"Gandhi was originally included based on a listing on a third party site which was subsequently called into question," said the editor without giving name of the third-party site.
"Gandhi was originally included based on a listing on a third party site which was subsequently called into question," said the editor without giving name of the third-party site.

WASHINGTON: An American news website has removed the name of Congress president Sonia Gandhi from the list of richest leaders of the world after the party derided the portal for the "absurd and ridiculous" item.

"Sonia Gandhi and the former emir of Qatar Hamid bin Khalifa al-Thani have been removed from this list," the editor of Huffington Post wrote on its website last evening after the list of the world's richest leader was updated.

"Gandhi was originally included based on a listing on a third party site which was subsequently called into question," said the editor without giving name of the third-party site.

"Our editors have been unable to verify the amount, removed the link, and regret any confusion," the Huffington post said, four days after it listed Gandhi as the 12th richest world leader putting her asset to USD 2 billion.

The Congress Party had questioned the authenticity of the such a figure by Huffington Post.

"If Huffington Post would stick to huffing puffing, then I think they would do a much better job for themselves. Because If you do put out these absurd and ridiculous things out in print, then you only open yourself to be made a laughing stock. I would not even like to dignify with a response," Information and Broadcasting Minister Manish Tewari yesterday said in New Delhi after the list was released.

While putting Gandhi's wealth at USD 2 billion, Huffington Post had not given details of how it arrived at such a figure.

Kashmiri clique in J&K. NaMo's visit raised hopes and dashed them -- Bhim Singh

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J&K: Article 370 can be removed under Article 368
by Bhim Singhon 04 Dec 20131 Comment


Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s massive rally in Jammu did not meet the hopes and aspirations of the people of Dogra land (Jammu Pradesh). The Bharatiya Janata Party leader failed to address the 63-year agony of the refugees from Pakistan who have been living in the State without any civil or political rights; another 10 million citizens of India from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir are residing in the State without any settlement to this date. Another one lakh refugees are living in camps since 1965, victims of eviction by the Government of India from Chhamb and Deva Batala.

In truth, as many as four lakh Kashmiri migrants and nearly 50,000 migrants from Doda, Ramban, Kishtwar, Poonch, Rajouri, Reasi and other places of Jammu Pradesh have not been given the relief they were entitled to despite a direction from the Supreme Court. Further, the youth have been victimised with discriminatory orders issued by the regime to provide ‘a peanut salary’ on recruitments to non-gazetted jobs in government departments.

The BJP’s oldest manifesto (that is, Jana Sangh) had sought abrogation of Article 370; but Mr Narendra Modi, briefed by well-wishers of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, failed to adhere to the spirit of his own party’s history and did not even speak about amending this pernicious Article. Advocating a ‘debate’ on Article 370 is a slogan of the National Conference, supported by the Congress and the Communist Parties. It seems that Mr Modi did not know that the Parliament of India has abdicated its authority to make any legislation vis-à-vis J&K.

It is pertinent that comparing the scope of the law made on the status of ‘permanent residence’ has nothing to do with the scope and authority of Article 370. The law relating to permanent residence is drawn from the Royal Decree of the Maharaja issued in 1927, relating to the State Subjects.

Regarding the issue of the permanent residence law as it pertains to females who marry a non-permanent resident, it was in 1975 that the then Revenue Minister late Mirza Afzal Beg issued a rule that females who marry outside the State with a non-permanent resident shall be disentitled to be permanent residents. This meant that such a female would lose all her civil and political rights in the State. This law was challenged by several ladies, including Rubina Bakshi, daughter of former Prime Minister of J&K, Bakshi Ghulam Mohd; Posh Charak, Dogri poet Padma Sachdev; and Angmo Shano of Ladakh and several other daughters of permanent state residents. The full bench of the High Court of J&K in 2001 quashed this order of the Government as mala fide, discriminatory and ultra vires. The Supreme Court did not even hear the matter.

In November 2002, a coalition government led by Mufti Mohd Sayeed brought a law to reverse the judgment of the High Court and the Legislative Assembly passed this bill by proxy, without any discussion and without any advance notice to the legislators.

The Legislative Council heard the matter for several days. The Government was short of only one vote. This author refused to support the Bill piloted by the Government in which his own Panthers Party was a coalition partner. This one vote made the whole difference. In his longest debate in the Legislative Council, the author succeeded and the Chairman Abdul Rashid Dar declared that the Government was short of one vote as Prof. Bhim Singh has voted against the bill. This historic decision of the Panthers Party opened the windows of justice and equity for the women of J&K. Since 2002, there is no bar on females to inherit property as they are issued a permanent resident certificate, with marriage or without marriage. Still, one appreciates Mr. Modi for raising the issue, though he has clearly been misled on the merits of the case.

As for Article 370, it has put a ban on the power of the Parliament. But this can be amended by Parliament itself within the meaning and scope of Article 368 of the Constitution of India as Parliament has power to make, change, amend or delete any provision of law except certain provisions relating to the basic features of the Constitution. Article 370 is on record a “temporary provision”; hence, its extension cannot be justified.

A glaring blunder is that the temporary provision called Article 370 was inserted in the Constitution of India in 1950 with the sole intention of controlling the power of the monarch, Maharaja Hari Singh, whose authority was not abolished by the Constituent Assembly in 1950. The Maharaja was allowed to continue as monarch with a purpose to please Sheikh Mohd Abdullah and to keep Abdullah’s hopes alive that he would be the Sultan of Kashmir after the Maharaja.

Article 370 became infructuous in 1952 when the J&K Constituent Assembly abolished the monarchy with one line resolution on August 20. All the powers retained by the Maharaja (since the Accession of J&K to the Union of India in 1947) lapsed that very day. Article 370 when read even casually, expressly states that it shall apply in respect of the Government that was constituted by the Maharaja of J&K. It says that no law on J&K shall be applicable to J&K unless approved by the Government of J&K constituted by the Maharaja of J&K. It leaves one is no doubt that it was only to curtail the powers of the monarch. When the monarchy was thrown out, Article 370 became infructuous.

Unfortunately, the BJP, like the National Conference and the Congress, has been playing with the sentiments of the nationalist section of the people in the name of Article 370 by not revealing the true status of Article 370. For this writer, the real wonder was that Narendra Modi aspired to make J&K a super state under the governance of the Kashmiri rulers as he felt Kashmiriyat was superior to Indian nationalism. He failed to appreciate that Dogriyat and Ladakhiyat have no less a role in the promotion of national integration.

The greatest lacuna exposed by the visit was that Narendra Modi did not know that J&K is the only State where there has been no fresh delimitation of Assembly and Parliament constituencies since the 2001 census. He seems unaware of the discrimination meted out to the youth, students, employees and the people of Jammu Pradesh by the ruling Kashmiri clique. All in all, his visit raised hopes, and dashed them.
User CommentsPost a Comment
Singh gee,your modi "gee" is only a paper tiger, unlike most of you he is smart enough to not to mess with hornet's nest, he very well knows what is going to happen once goras leave the Afpak area.
One more thing Singh gee, stop worrying about "Kashmiriat" just remember this slogan:
"Pakistan say rishta kiya,La Illaha Illallah"!
observer
5 Hours ago
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http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=3032

The mischief of Art. 370 -- Siddharth Singh. Repeal Art. 370 -- Arvind Lavakare

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Comment of Arvind Lavakare on LiveMint:

I wish the author had first highlighted the case for the repeal of Article 370 ---an event that all J&K State governments, and all Congress governments at the centre ( with or without coalition partners) have always opposed. The arguments for the Article'd repeal are many, but kindly allow me to mention the most significant ones below:

1. The J&K State is the only territory of India which is not officially proclaimed as "secular"---- the word with which all political parties in our country, excepting the BJP, of course, is insanely obsessed with. The reason why J&K is NOT "secular" officially is because the Indira Gandhi Government's 42nd Constitutional Amendment, 1976, which introduced the word "Secular" in the Indian Constitution'd Preamble, was not acceptable to the J&K State Government of the time and was, accordingly, not made applicable to that State. The fact that hardly any politician from any party including the BJP has never known to lament this most conspicuous character of the J&K State is itself a tragic irony on the abysmal lack of attention to detail by political parties as well as the myriad experts and analysts of our media world.

2. The concept of "minority welfare" is totally absent in J&K State. The reason is clear: the "Sultanate" of J&K never intended to look after minority communities of the State, be they Kashmiri Pandits, Buddhists or Christians

3. J&K State must be the only political entity in the democratic world in which one set of the officially recognised national citizens are not empowered to vote in the electoral process for the State even as they have the right to vote in the elections for the national parliamewnt by wqhatever name called. This unique absurdity has occurred in J&K State because it has been facilitated by Article 370 to grant certain privileges and rights to citizenry described as "permanent residents" (who meet certain stipulated conditions) while denying those privileges and rights to other residents of the J&K State even if they are otherwise recognised as citizens of India

4 Among the 100-odd legislations applicable to all states of India excepting J^K are those relating to the CBI and the Indian Penal Code.

5. A minister in the J&K State is constitutionally stipulated to take his/her oath of office owing allegiance to the Constitution of J&K State and NOT of the Constitution of India!!! Is there any other democracy in the wotld that willingfly allows its self-respect to be raped in this manner?

6. OF the 28 States that form a part of India, only the J&K State Assembly has a tenure

 of six (6) years while the remaining 27 have a tenure of five )(5) years! Why this joker in t5he pack?

Coming to the constitutional method of abrogating or repealing Article 370, Mr Siddharth Nath Singh believes that "section 3 of the Article empowers the President of India to declare that the article has ceased to exist." Regrettably, this is NOT so. the paragraph after the preceding cited portion carries the insurmountable caveat that makes the preceding portion applicable "Provided that the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the State ...shall be necessary before the President issues such a notification".


With a constitutional amendment not permitted for J&K with the standard operating procedure of Article 368, and Article 370 itself itself bearing the overbearing prefix pf "Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution", the only available method of abrogating or repealing Article 370 wholesale is as stated in shackling clauses   (3) of ASrticle 370 itself.

Hence, the only way of getting rid of Article 370 must necessarily involve a two-step procedure. First, the President of India will have to issue a notification under Article 370 that, with the erstwhile "Constituent Assembly of J&K having becoming dissolved and moribund after the State Constitution was fully enacted as far back as  January 1957, the continuing reference to the "Constituent Assembly" in clauses (2) and (3) of the present Article 370 must be amended, with the consent of the reigning J&K State Government, The next step would be for the President of India to issue, after obtaining   the stipulated concurrence of the J&K State Government, another executive order under Article 370 declaring the Article 370 has ceased to exist.

The above is the only way to say good by to Article 370. bUt it will require a marathon effort by the BJP to first come to power Jj&k  Does the BJP have the stamina, the will power and the determination to do just that? That is the question 

Arvind.

There is a good case for repealing Article 370. The political reasons for its continuation ceased to exist a long time ago

If one were to list one feature of the Constitution that provokes instant controversy, it has to be Article 370. Listed in part XXI of the Constitution that deals with temporary, transitional and special provisions, Article 370 endows Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) with a distinct legal and political identity endowed with no other state.
At a rally in Jammu on SundayNarendra Modi, the prime ministerial candidate of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), called for a debate on Article 370 on whether it had benefited J&K or not. An instant controversy ensued. Part of it had to do with Modi himself: anything he says is subjected to intense scrutiny, as it should be. But a lot also has to do with the touchy nature of the subject. The article was the product of extraordinary circumstances in which J&K acceded to India; the hopes, and belied hopes, of residents of the state and the fears about secessionism that has prevailed there for a long time now.
Essentially, the article imposes limits on the legislative power of the Union over J&K. There are strict limits to what Parliament can legislate for the state. Special measures are required to extend any ordinary legislation to the state. The state has a separate constitution, something that no other state has. These provisions give a large measure of autonomy to the state. But that is not enough for many. Nothing short of a totally separate identity with the most tenuous links to the Union will satisfy such people. India is unique among countries that have let this separate identity transmute into outright demands for secession. There are examples where groups with different languages and cultures have been assimilated in the country where they are located while preserving their identity. South Tyrol (a predominantly German cultural area in Italy) is one example. There other examples as well. But J&K is in a different class altogether. Pakistan’s continuous interference in the state, mistakes made by New Delhi and a vested separatist constituency make a peaceful solution very difficult.
Demands for repealing Article 370 largely centre on ending this problem.
The original purpose of Article 370 was to give a measure of autonomy and confidence to the people of the state that their way of life and political interests would be safeguarded. Autonomy soon bred a distinct identity and that, in turn, spawned a secessionist ideology. In the conditions that prevail in J&K, a mere mention of the repeal of Article 370 creates an uproar. So when Modi merely hinted at a debate on the subject, the political class in J&K was up in arms.
India’s mistakes in J&K are well-known and have a painful history. Largely, they had to do with the lack of confidence and fear on part of the Union government about the potential loss of the state. In the process, mistakes were made that created a mess that is only being slowly corrected. But that fear remains in the minds of policymakers in New Delhi. A mere hint at changing the relationship between the state and the Union sends alarm bells ringing. This has prevented clear-headed thinking on the subject.
If political reasons for undoing Article 370 are clear, the constitutional path to that end has been complicated by a thicket of interpretations that ultimately serve no purpose. And the constitutional problem is a reflection of the vicious politics of autonomy in J&K.
There has been a fair bit of legal quibbling on the nature of Article 370. Some of these disputes are well-known. For example, technically it is impossible to repeal the article. The simply worded argument for this claim is this: that any amendment or abrogation will require the concurrence of the constituent assembly of J&K, a body that no longer exists. That assembly was dissolved in January 1957 after it finished the task of framing the Constitution of J&K.
This is a fascinatingly corrupt interpretation whose sole political purpose is to ensure a special, distinct status for J&K. The facts are different. Article 370 is a temporary provision of the Constitution. Further, section 3 of the article empowers the President of India to declare that the article has ceased to exist.
So, where is the hitch in repealing Article 370?
The story is complicated but is worth detailing. In May 1954, the President used his powers under Article 370 to extend a number of provisions of the Constitution of India to J&K. Among these was a proviso to Article 368—the feature that allows amendments to the Constitution—which limited its applicability to J&K. That is a red flag waived against any attempt to repeal Article 370.
Again, this is a questionable interpretation. The order is mere executive order that applies to J&K and is not a constitutional amendment. It has no bearing on what exists in the Constitution and what can be amended.
There are, of course, limitations to what Parliament can amend. In addition, the Supreme Court through the basic features doctrine has imposed limitations on this power of Parliament. The basic features of the Constitution (for example, the secular nature of the Republic and the separation of powers) cannot be changed. Article 370—a temporary provision—is certainly not a basic feature and as such there ought to be no bar against its repeal.
Siddharth Singh is Editor (Views) at Mint. Reluctant Duelist will take stock of matters economic, political and strategic—in India and elsewhere—every fortnight.

Financial sector reform in India. Achieve Congress mukt Bharat

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First step in reform: throw out the UPA Government, get rid of the shenanigans of SoniaG, PC type. The next NaMo regime should have Dr. Subramanian Swamy as Minister for Economics of Bharatam.KalyanaramanThe Economist

Financial-sector reform in India

Bridging the gulf

A financial system intended to promote equality and stability no longer does

SINCE taking office in September Raghuram Rajan, the governor of India’s central bank, has championed financial-sector liberalisation as a way to boost growth and help the poor. Change is risky, he has said. “But as India develops, not changing is even riskier.”
India’s financial system is like a ramshackle engine lovingly maintained by a sect of oil-spattered engineers and wearily tolerated by most people who depend on it. After Indira Gandhi, then prime minister, nationalised most banks in 1969, India slipped towards financial socialism, with a central bank that printed rupees on politicians’ command. When India opened up in 1991 a wave of reform took place. The system today is a mishmash. Market forces have a role, but the state looms large.
There are several well-run private banks, such as HDFC. But public-sector banks (most of which are listed but under state control) make three-quarters of all loans. Foreign banks’ market share is 5%. Unlicensed moneylenders thrive, hinting at lots of unmet demand for credit.
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is now fairly independent and no longer sets the rates of interest banks charge, but it still manipulates the flow of credit to assist the government and, at least notionally, the poor. Banks must invest 23% of their deposits in government bonds, and park a further 4% with the RBI. This creates a captive market for public debt, the bulk of which is owned by banks. Some 40% of loans must be directed towards “priority sectors”, mainly agriculture. Taken together these rules mean that 58% of the deposits the banking system raises are deployed according to the government’s preference.
A plethora of restrictions means the corporate-bond market is tiny. This helps the government since it means that its bonds are the only game in town for fixed-income investors. Whereas the stockmarket is very open, capital controls govern the flow of foreign funds into the debt market and limit the use of currency derivatives. The RBI intervenes in the market to manage government-bond yields. This helps the state to borrow cheaply.
This hybrid system is not an accident of history. Many officials feel that finance is too important to be left to either free markets or politicians. After all, India’s bubble-wrapped system was unscathed by the Asian crisis in 1997-98 and the global crisis in 2007-09. The RBI is one of India’s best institutions—uncorrupt and capable.
But for all the good intentions the truth is that this hybrid system may now promote social inequality and financial instability—the twin evils it is meant to eradicate. For a start, after decades of state direction only 35% of adults have bank accounts. This perpetuates poverty and makes it hard to collect taxes.
Bad debts have become a problem, too. About 11% of state banks’ loans have soured. The reserves they hold are low and their capital levels are mediocre. Because of India’s weak legal system, banks dislike forcing firms into bankruptcy. Part of the problem is temporary, reflecting the economic slowdown and bottlenecks in infrastructure projects. But state banks have been pressed to roll over credit lines to troubled but well-connected big firms that most private banks steer clear of. This sort of cronyism makes the banking system less stable. It is also unfair: the public is subsidising inept tycoons.
Nanny finance has not created a national champion. India’s biggest lender by market capitalisation, HDFC, is ranked 63rd globally. No local bank yet has the international savvy of its Chinese, Brazilian and Russian counterparts. All those rules have pushed activity offshore. At least half of all rupee trading is abroad. Citigroup and Standard Chartered, which along with HSBC are the biggest foreign banks in India, have an overall exposure to the country (including loans, trading positions and derivatives) that is 1.9 times the size of their regulated Indian operations.
The hybrid system is complicit in a borrowing binge by the government: the budget deficit is running at 7-8% of GDP. Since bond yields are held down artificially by the RBI, which buys bonds itself and forces banks to, politicians can borrow heavily without fear of a buyers’ strike.
Low interest rates and fast-rising prices mean the return savers get on deposits is below consumer-price inflation (CPI). Some people buy shares instead, but many bypass the formal financial system and buy gold, straining the balance of payments. Over half of the current-account deficit of 4.8% of GDP in the year to March 2013 was due to bullion imports. The vicious cycle of borrowing, inflation and gold partly explains the 22% slump in the rupee between May and August. It has since recovered a third of its losses, partly thanks to Mr Rajan’s soothing presence.
Mr Rajan’s liberalising vision was outlined in an official report that he wrote in 2008, when he was an academic. It was politely ignored at the time by an establishment that was enjoying a moment of Schadenfreude as Western countries which had hectored India saw their banks implode. Now he is in charge at the RBI he wants to create a blast of competition that will spread finance to more Indians. The RBI will give licences to new banks, probably early next year, and allow foreign banks to expand faster as long as they create local subsidiaries that can be regulated easily. The rules that force banks to buy government debt will be relaxed “in a calibrated way”. Mr Rajan says he will stop tycoons from exploiting the system and force banks to recognise bad debts. His unspoken hope is probably that state banks will be fully privatised and forced to raise their game.
All this is easier said than done. Letting private shareholders own a majority of state banks would require an act of parliament. India’s politicians like the power they have over these lenders. Palaniappan Chidambaram, the finance minister, has been urging them to lend more to revive the economy. The public-sector banks are unionised and resistant to change.
Private banks, meanwhile, are not charities. Some struggle to gather enough deposits, limiting their growth. A huge expansion in the number of branches would help, but might not be profitable. These institutions prefer to lend to yuppies than to farmers and infrastructure projects. If the RBI gave new licences to industrial houses such as Reliance Group, they might use their powerful brands to attract a surge of deposits. But that would further concentrate power in the hands of a few, and lead to accusations of cronyism.
Nor are foreign banks saints. HSBC and Standard Chartered make 70-90% of their Indian profits from investment and corporate banking. Citi and HSBC, along with Barclays, have already burned their fingers in a push to lend to individuals. In 2006-10 they led a frenzy in unsecured consumer loans and collectively lost $3 billion. Too-big-to-fail foreign banks might be keen to take over lenders in India. But their jumpy regulators in the West might object.
Mr Rajan is trying to reform at a low-point in the economic cycle. That creates its own problems. Would he really be prepared to trigger a wave of defaults in order to clean up India’s bad debts? It seems unlikely. If he raised interest rates above CPI, savers would applaud but growth would fall further. And just months after a financial panic and a dangerous spike in yields, it will be near impossible for the RBI to deregulate the bond market. In mid-November he said the RBI would again intervene to prevent “liquidity tightness”. The central bank now owns at least 17% of all central government bonds, the highest level since the crisis years of the early 1990s. It now owns more of its local bond market than the Federal Reserve after years of quantitative easing (see chart).
For a quick jolt to the system, Mr Rajan’s best hope is to embrace low-cost mobile-banking. India has lagged Africa in embracing this technology. But to reform the bond market and traditional banking he will first have to change the RBI. Today it is the honourable guardian of the status quo. Tomorrow it could be a force for reform that takes risks and persuades politicians that a nimbler financial system will make India richer and more stable. Confronting vested interests and ingrained thinking will be a slog but the rewards could be immense.

Safeguard Tirumala Tirupati Divya Kshetram and pilgrims. Investigate illegal Islamic Univ. near Tirupati.

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Report on Islamic University by the Fact Finding Committee


REPORT OF THE FACT FINDING COMMITTEE on
International Islamic University for Women etc., near Tirupati

I. The News:

  • A news item appeared in the newspapers regarding the construction of a big complex of 7 storeys near Thondavada village about 11 KMs. from Tirupati in the 2nd week of September 2013. The purpose of the building was not mentioned. At the same time a news item was being circulated in the internet on the above complex. It carried the photos of the construction and also provided the background. One Ms. Shaik Nowhera, a self proclaimed business women has undertaken the said construction. This development gave rise to apprehension in the minds of the general public as they had no clue about the purpose of that building. About 8 months back a display board was put up in front of the building with the name International Islamic University for Women and College and School for Muslim Women. This has invariably given rise to serious concerns to several well meaning people and Hindu devotees in India and abroad.

  • Ms. Shaik Nowhera is founder and C.E.O. of Heera group of companies. Her website states she was born in Kalluru village (A.P.) in 1973 and that at the age of 19 years she started teaching Quran and Hadith and practicing ‘Dawah’. She started an Islamic School at Tirupati town in the name of ‘Madrasa Niswan’ (under a society registered with the Registration of Societies Act, AP, India, No. 386) with around 150 students. It further states that free education was being given in that school for poor Muslim girls also and that in order to meet the expenditure, she started Heera group of companies. ‘Mission Statement’ of Heera Islamic Group states “it is guided by Imam, following Shariah Law engaged in Halal avoiding Haram. It is on a mission for spreading the knowledge of Allah to the four corners of the world”. 

II. The Context:

1. Tirumala Tirupati Divya Kshetram is revered by millions of Hindus all over the world. The temple town attracts about 20 million people every year on a conservative estimate. The threat perception to the temple and town is high according to security agencies. Heterogeneous population numbering millions is highly vulnerable from the point of view of security management. In addition to the above, Tirumala Tirupati witnessed the following threats:

  • a Naxalite attack on the former Chief Minister Sri. Chandrababu Naidu on 02.10.2003 near “Alipiri”;
  • some Christians were pursuing conversion of pilgrims to Christianity in Tirumala itself;
  • a Government Order declaring Tirumala as confined to area covering only two hills and not all the seven hills. It was strongly rumoured that the balance area and the hills were to be given for tourism development and also to build a very big Church. Fortunately, the Government Order was withdrawn after a huge public uproar by Tirumala Tirupati Samrakshana Samithi led by Sri. T.S. Rao (former DGP of AP) and several eminent persons;
  • a news item during the 3rd week of September 2013 stating that the 7 storeyed complex was being constructed without approval for establishing an International Islamic University for Women at Thondavada at a distance of 11 KMs from Tirupati on the road to Chandragiri;
  • an incident at Puttur, 38 KMs from Tirupati, of police arresting some persons with terrorist links and reports in the newspapers on 05.10.2013 that a plan was revealed by them to put explosives in umbrellas being taken to Tirumala to cause explosions and disturbances during Brahmostavams.

2. Under the above circumstances the Tirumala Tirupati Samrakshana Samithi constituted the present Fact Finding Committee with the following:

Justice S. Parvatha Rao, 
former High Court Judge, Andhra Pradesh
Chairman

Sri. T.S. Rao, I.P.S. (Retd.)
former Director General of Police, Andhra Pradesh
Convener

Dr. C. Umamaheswara Rao, I.A.S. (Retd.)
Member

3. The Committee had a preliminary meeting at Hyderabad on 14.10.2013 and started gathering information. The Committee visited Tirupati on the 11th & 12th of November, 2013 in order to know the facts on the ground,

4. On 11.11.2013, the Committee visited the area where the building was constructed and saw the site and the building by the side of the road from Tirupati to Chandragiri and the connecting road to Thondavada village and also the newly renovated Gurrappa temple (Shiva temple) by the side of the road to Thondavada, a short distance away from the building in question. The Committee went around the construction site. The Committee found that behind the boundary wall of the building in question on the back side cement pillars were raised and construction was going on in the land. The villagers there have stated that a Mosque is being constructed un-authorizedly in the open land behind the boundary wall of the site in question. The Committee found a lane behind the building in question from the road to Thondavada along the side of Swarnamukhi River. The entire backside of the building was visible from the lane as we walked along it. Each floor of the building had about 19 windows. After the building there is considerable open land with a number of coconut trees within the compound of the building which is enclosed on three sides by a wall of about 12 feet height. The area within the compound wall will be about 4½ to 5 acres. The building site falls within a triangle covered by three temples, namely, Gurrappa temple referred to above, the remains of the ancient Thimmappa temple on the adjoining site by the side of the Chandragiri road, and Agastheeswara temple located by the side of the road to Thondavada.

5. The Committee interacted with the villagers of Thondavada in their village on the same day (11.11.2013). The newly elected Sarpanch and the previous Sarpanch were present in the meeting. After that, in Chandragiri village, the Committee had a meeting in which villagers from Chandragiri and from about 8 villages in Chandragiri Mandal participated. During the meetings with the villagers, it was brought to the notice of the Committee that they had no idea whatsoever about the real purpose for which the building was constructed until a board was put up in front of it about 8 months back indicating that it was for an International Islamic University for Muslim Women. The recently elected (in August) Sarpanch of Thondavada village informed the Committee at the meeting that no permission was given to Ms. Shaik Nowhera or the Society by the Gram Panchayat for constructing the building, in so far he was aware. Sri Satyanarayana Reddy, who was the previous Sarpanch from 2006 to 2011, did not deny this. From 2011 to August, 2013 no elections were conducted for the Panchayat.

6. The villagers of Thondavada who attended the meeting also stated that after the old Gurrappa temple by the side of the road to Thondavada was renovated, a name board for the temple was sought to be put up at the entrance of the road on 11.10.2013, Ms. Shaik Nowhera and her associates vehemently objected to that and brought about 300 women in Burkha in buses who were made to squat on the road for a long time and that only after conciliation by some elders, the board was allowed to be put up. After that, Muslim girls and women were brought every day and kept in the premises and later they were made to stay in the building unauthorizedly even though no occupation certificate and completion certificate for the building in question were obtained.

7. The villagers of Thondavada, Chandragiri and neighbouring villages also stated that some of the muslim workers of the Society have been hiring rooms in private houses in the neighboring villages at exorbitant rents and that, in view of the background of the Puttur incident, they are apprehensive of this development. They have also pointed out that part of the site of the building in question might be located in the Thimmappa temple land and that the building itself encroached the land of Nallas of Swarnamukhi River which is government land. They have also informed the Committee that the Gram Panchayat officials and revenue officials were not being allowed to enter into the premises and that secrecy surrounded the whole activity and that only recently some officials could enter the site and they have reported that the entire building in question was centrally air-conditioned and the flooring was with marble stones and that the fittings in the rooms and in the lavatories were of high quality and very expensive.

8. It was brought to the notice of the Committee that on 19.10.2010 Ms. Shaik Nowhera applied to the Sarpanch of Thondavada for permission to Madrasa–E–Niswan Society Trust for constructing a building in Sy. No. 4/2A/1B in an extent of Ac. 1-49 Cents for poor minority students for which TUDA (Tirupati Urban Development Authority) had given approval. The permission sought from TUDA was only for constructing a building with ground floor and first floor. But when the construction of more floors was going on, notices dated 05.02.2012 and 28.08.2012 were issued by Thondavada Gram Panchayat to stop further construction contrary to the approved plan and that otherwise action would be taken. But the construction was continued up to ground + 6th floor.

9. In the evening on 11.11.2013, the Committee held a meeting in Tirupati in which several prominent persons attended and interacted with the Committee. The members of the Committee narrated to them the information gathered by the Committee from the villagers and about the gross violations in that construction, apprehension of the people, inactivity of the authorities in stopping the construction beyond the first floor contrary to the approved plan promptly by taking appropriate action. They are also informed that the building was centrally air-conditioned and was fitted with very expensive installations and was with expensive marble flooring which clearly indicates that it was not intended for poor minority girls.

10. The Committee met the following officials :
  • The Collector and the Jt. Collector of Chittoor District at Chittoor
  • JEO of Tirumala Tirupathi Devasthanam at Tirumala,
  • Superintendent of Police (Urban) at Tirupati and
  • Vice President of TUDA at Tirupati.

11. They confirmed that TUDA gave only technical clearance for the building sought to be constructed by the Society formed by Ms. Shaik Nowhera and as it was only for ground floor plus first floor, the concerned Panchayat Executive Secretary had to give permission for the construction. For buildings beyond ground plus first floor permission has to be obtained from TUDA. The actual construction made by the Society is in flagrant violation of the sanctioned plan. It was also stated that both Chandragiri and Thondavada villages come under TUDA.

III. Findings of the Committee:

1. On 03.02.2010 and 24.02.2010 applications were made by Ms. Shaik Nowhera to TUDA for constructing a building with ground floor and first floor in Sy. No. 4-2A/1B along with the plan for the proposed building. Technical approval to the building was given by the Vice President of TUDA on 08.03.2010 and the same was addressed to the concerned Panchayat Executive Secretary along with the approved plan. Copies of the same were sent to Ms. Shaik Nowhera and building inspector of TUDA.

2. On 19.10.2010, an application in Telugu along with building application form in English signed by her as owner of the land and by licensed building engineer for TUDA, was made by Ms. Shaik Nowhera to Thondavada Gram Panchayat for approval to construct the building. However, from the information gathered by the Committee, no specific approval by Gram Panchayat was given.

3. From the information available to the Committee, after the application was made to the TUDA in February, 2010 only Ms. Shaik Nowhera applied to the Tahsildar, Chandragiri Mandal for conversion of agriculture land in Sy. No. 4-2A/1B of an extent of Ac. 1.49 Cents (5891.34 Sq. Mts.) to non-agriculture land, and the same was granted by Tahsildar in September, 2010.

4. The land within the boundary walls constructed on three sides of the site in which the building in question was constructed is much more than Ac. 1.49 Cents in Sy. No. 4-2A/1B of Thondavada village which alone was converted into non-agriculture land for which application was made for constructing the building in question. The excess land is obviously encroached land. Only if proper survey is made the actual excess land and the survey nos. of the excess land can be ascertained. The villagers of Thondavada, Chandragiri and neighboring villages apprehend that certain extent of Thimmappa temple land is also encroached and is within the boundary walls of the site.

5. Pursuant to letter No. 6/A/2012 dated 06.08.2012 of TUDA, Thondavada Panchayat Executive Secretary issued notice dated 28.08.2012 referring to its earlier letter dated 05.02.2012 stating that the building in question was being constructed by Ms. Shaik Nowhera’s Society contrary and in violation of the plan approved by TUDA and that the construction should be stopped immediately and that otherwise action would be taken.

6. It is well known fact that Tirumala-Tirupati are Divyakshetrams and the most important place for Hindus and crores of Hindus and devotees of Lord Balaji from other regions from all over the world visit the holy places of Tirumala-Tirupati which are surrounded by temples like Srinivasa Mangapuram, Alamelu Mangapuram, Agastheeswara Swamy temple, Kanipakkam, Srikalahasti etc. which are important to the Hindus. Sri. S.V. Badri, a social activist and free lance journalist, and grandson of Kalyanaram Iyengar (Laddu Iyengar pioneer of the internationally renowned Tirupati Laddu) had explained the religious significance of the place. As per the Sthala Purana, Bhagawan Srinivas married Devi Padmavathi at Narayanavanam here. After marriage, Bhagawan with his concerts shifted to Srinivasa Mangapuram (near Thondavada) where a temple for Bhagawan Srinivas and Devi Padmavathi exists. Both Bhagawan and his concerts used to go to a Shiva temple located on the banks of sacred Swarnamukhi River to serve Sage Agasthya. This temple was said to be consecretated by Sage Agasthya and here the deity attained the name Agastheeswara. Bhagawan Srinivas served Sage Agasthya at this temple for six months before shifting to Tirumala. In fact, Sage Agasthya had consecrated five temples along the river Swarnamukhi. It is really strange and disturbing that an Islamic institution is being established in such a great Hindu pilgrimage centre.

7. It is known and acknowledged fact that Tirumala and Tirupati and its neighboring places occupy an important role in the religious life of Hindus. The Government of AP had issued Ordinance No. 3/2007 known as Andhra Pradesh Propagation of Other Religions in the Places of Worship or Prayer (Prohibition) Ordinance dated 22.05.2007. Subsequently it was replaced by an Act. The Government of AP issued G.O. Ms. No. 746 dt. 02.06.2007 through Revenue (Endowments-III) Department enumerating the temples which included Tirumala temple. Subsequently, Revenue (Endowments-III) Department issued another G.O. Ms. No. 747 dated 02.06.2007 under which the pathways lying in the Tirupati hills limits. The intention of the Ordinance/Act and GOs is to ensure that Tirumala and Tirupati are places of religious importance. They are safeguarded to maintain the sanctity, public order, tranquility, peace, security and harmony of the holy places of worship in Tirupati and Tirumala. It is well known that many pilgrims come by walk and other modes of transport from the foothills on all sides of the seven hills to visit various temples in and around Tirumala and Tirupati. G.O. Ms. No. 746 specifically mentioned Srikalahasti also. The intention of the said Ordinance / Act and GOs is to ensure that Tirumala and Tirupati would be free of propagation of any other religious activities and to ensure peaceful, safe and tranquil atmosphere for Hindus and for devotees of Lord Balaji as also of the other neighboring temples of Tirumala and Tirupati like Srinivasa Mangapuram, Alamelu Mangapuram, Agastheeswara Swamy temple, Kanipakkam, Sri Kalahasti etc.

8. As per the rules, if the construction exceeds two floors, approval has to be given by TUDA in their notified area. Thondavada village and the construction site fall within the notified area and though a seven floor complex in about five acres of land is being built, no approval has been taken from TUDA by Ms. Shaik Nowhera or the Society. After they applied to TUDA and Thondavada Panchayat for constructing ground floor plus first floor of the building, they began the construction of the building. Contrary to the sanctioned plan, they laid a foundation for ground plus six floors building and proceeded with the construction of the same continuously in spite of notices issued by the Thondavada Panchayat. The Committee therefore finds that there was fraudulent suppression of a very serious nature as the actual undisclosed intention was to construct a building with ground plus six floors even when the applications were made along with the plan for a building of ground floor and first floor.

9. Until the board was put some eight months back showing International Islamic University for Women, the local population did not know the real purpose of the building. The Committee was also told that Ms. Shaik Nowhera also purchased lands in the areas around the building in question. If several Mosques, Minars etc. come up in these places they will cause disturbance to the law & order and will also disturb the harmony of the local population.

10. Apart from the above, the following are the matters of concern:

  • A compound wall of 12 feet height has been constructed contrary to condition 5 of the conditions mentioned in the Order dated 08.03.2010 of TUDA which limits the height of the compound wall to 2.5 M.

  • Surveillance cameras on public movement along the road to Thondavada by the side of the compound wall of the building in question.

  • Construction of a further structure behind the building in question in the open land outside the compound wall which the local population believes is for a mosque.

  • Unauthorized occupation of Government and other land within the boundary walls and constructing the building in land in other survey nos. for which no approval and conversion was obtained.

  • The lands surrounding the building complex are part of Swarnamukhi River and its various Nallas. The building in question will affectively obstruct flow of water into the river and revival of Swarnamukhi River under Swarnamukhi River Rejuvenation Project will not be possible in the future. The Rejuvenation Project provides for construction of sub-surface dams with a mission of rejuvenating the river. Some NGOs of Chittoor district formed a consortium under the leadership of Rastriya Seva Samathi to take up the project which received support from CAPART, Ministry of Rural Development of Government of India, and TTD. 

IV. Recommendations:

1. Security agencies should evaluate a possible threat from the newly constructed building which is shrouded in secrecy and initiate action to safeguard Tirumala Tirupati Divya Kshetram and the pilgrims.

2. Investigation should be thoroughly carried out as regards the source of funding under the various statutes and laws of the land.

3. Income tax department should investigate into the income and expenditure of Heera group of companies etc. and in particular this Society and ascertain whether accounts are maintained and audited and whether returns are being filed by them regularly and got assessed.

4. Illegal structure beyond the plan for which technical clearance was given by TUDA vide its Order dated 08.03.2010 should be demolished and encroachments on the govt. lands should be removed after evacuating all persons illegally occupying the premises and the building in question. The remaining structure should be used by the Society only for running educational institutions as per the existing objects of the Society and after obtaining the necessary permissions and building clearances.

5. Alternatively, TTD may be requested to take over the building and use it for its purposes without any compensation for the building because it is an illegal structure and if at all, considering the payment of the cost price of the land purchased by the applicant after ascertaining that the source of money is legal 

OR

Alternatively, Padmavathi Mahila University may be requested to take over the building after the government resumes the same for running an educational institution in the area in accordance with their mandate.

6. The illegal structures like pillars behind the rear compound wall of the building in question on the river side have to be removed / demolished. 

V. Conclusion:

A country which faces several security threats both internally and externally cannot be over cautious in these matters. Alarm bells are ringing all around. The attack on Aksharadham, the Parliament and in particular the recent incident in Puttur on 05.10.2013 and sleeper cells of terrorists everywhere and several other incidents in Andhra Pradesh and elsewhere remind us of the problems abounding. The Committee sincerely hopes that the Government and other concerned authorities would act promptly and decisively in this matter.


Justice S. Parvatha Rao
Former High Court Judge

T.S. Rao
I.P.S. Retd. 
Andhra Pradesh Former DGP, AP.

Dr. C. Uma Maheswara Rao
I.A.S. Retd.


Hyderabad
Dt:29.11.2013.

Art. 370 is an instrument of oppression -- Arun Jaitley.

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See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/12/the-mischief-of-art-370-siddharth-singh.html Repeal Art. 370 -- Arvind Lavakare


Article 370 is an instrument of oppression

By Arun Jaitley on4 Dec 2013

Article 370 is an instrument of oppression
Narendra Modi’s speech at Jammu invited Omar Abdullah’s response. After a long time, Article 370 is being seriously debated in this country. An ill-informed debate had earlier linked the issue of Article 370 to a secular versus non-secular debate. Article 370 has nothing to do with Secularism. My own study on the subject has revealed a very interesting dimension as to how Article 370 can turn into an instrument of oppression and discrimination against Indian citizens.
Article 370 is a special provision created only in relation to the State of J&K. It is a temporary provision. It relates to the distribution of power between the Centre and the State. The Central List in relation to J& K was a small one. Most powers are vested in the State Legislature. If any power had to be transferred from the Centre to the State, it required the concurrence of the State. Article 370 states-
Article 370, Temporary provisions with respect to the State of J&K :
(1) Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution;
(a) The provisions of Article 238 shall not apply in relation to the State of Jammu and Kashmir;
(b) The power of Parliament to make laws for the said State shall be limited to
(i) Those matters in the Union List and the Concurrent List which in consultation with the Government of the State, are declared by the President to correspond to matters specified in the instrument of accession governing the accession of the State to the dominion of India as the matters with respect to which the dominion Legislature may make laws for that State; and
(ii) Such other matters in the said, lists as with the concurrence of the Government of the State, the President may by order specify.
Explanation – For the purposes of this article, the Government of the State means the person for the time being recognised by the President as the Maharaja of J&K acting on the advice of the Council of Ministers for the time being in office under the Maharaja’s proclamation dated the fifth day of March, 1948;
(c) The provisions of Article 1 and Article 370 shall apply in relation to that State;
(d) Such other provisions in the Constitution shall apply in relation to that State as a subject to such exceptions and modifications as the President may by order specify:
Provided that no such order which relates to the matters specified in the Instrument of Accession of the State referred are to in paragraph (i) of sub clause (ii) shall be issued except in consultation with the Government of the State: Provided further that no such order which relates to matters other than those referred to in the last preceding provision shall be issued except with the concurrence of that Government.
Pursuant to the provisions of Article 370 (1) (d), the President of India by an order (not legislation) notified the provisions of Article 35A of the Constitution. The provisions of Article 35A read as under:
Article 35A, notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, no existing law in force in the State of J&K, and no law hereafter enacted by the Legislature of the State,
(a) Defining the classes of persons who are or shall be the permanent residents of the State of J& K; or
(b) Conferring on such permanent residences any special rights and privileges or imposing upon other persons any restrictions as respects:-
(i) Employment under the State Government;
(ii) Acquisition of immovable property in the State;
(iii) Settlement in the State; or
(iv) Right to scholarships and such other forms of aid as the State Government may provide, shall be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with or takes away or abridges any rights conferred on the other citizens of India by any provisions of this part.”
There are thus citizens of India who have not been conferred the status of State subjects. The phrase ‘State subjects’ and ‘permanent residents’ are used interchangeably. Millions of people migrated to India in 1947. Those who settled in other parts of India have all the constitutional guarantees available to them. They are entitled to all fundamental rights available under the Constitution of India to the citizens. The unfortunate ones who migrated to the State of Jammu & Kashmir have been conferred citizenship of India. They can vote in national elections. They can hold property anywhere in India. However, they have not been conferred the status of being State subjects under Article 6 of the Jammu & Kashmir Constitution.
Being citizens of India, they are discriminated against. They cannot vote or contest elections of the Assembly, Municipality or Panchayats in the State. They cannot get a job in the State. They cannot acquire property in the state. Their children are not entitled to admission to colleges as State subjects. The bright ones amongst them cannot even get scholarship or any other type of aid from the State. Article 35A of the Constitution of India executively inserted pursuant to Article 370 (1) (d) excludes the provision of ‘this part’ of the Constitution. ‘This part’ of the Constitution refers to ‘Part III.’
The effect of this would be that laws inconsistent with fundamental rights would be valid qua these persons. These citizens of India are not entitled to the protection of Article 14 (equality), Article 15 (prohibition of discrimination on basis of religion, caste, race or place of birth), Article 16 (Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment and reservations), the fundamental rights under Article 19 including the right to free speech and the right to life and liberty under Article 21. They are not entitled to the freedom of practice and propagation of religion under Article 25. They are also not entitled to protection of interests available to minorities under Article 29 and 30. The non-State subjects, who are citizens of India, who live in Jammu & Kashmir by virtue of Article 35A, are denied these protections. The pre 2002 position in relation to daughters who marry outside the State that they would lose their right of inheritance is based on the authority to discriminate against citizens of India, between citizens of India and State subjects which Article 35A confers.
Should a provision like Article 35A which exists only because of Article 370 have place in any civilized society? It is oppressive against citizens of India. It is discriminatory and violative of fundamental rights. Article 35A was inserted in 1954. On a bare reading, it violates the basic structure of the Constitution. I wonder if its constitutional validity will be challenged at some point of time.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/12/04/article-370-is-an-instrument-of-oppression-164727.html

Metok tunnel in Tibet close to McMahon line, a strategic threat to Arunachal Pradesh -- Claude Arpi

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THROUGH METOK, CHINA TUNNELS ITS WAY TO INDIA

Thursday, 05 December 2013 | Claude Arpi | in Edit

Beijing has been trying to set up transport connectivity to the remote Tibetan region, close to the McMahon line, for long. It has now succeeded, and with immense consequences for the defence of Arunachal Pradesh
A Chinese website affiliated with the official Xinhua news agency, China Tibet Online, recently gave what it calls ‘fast facts on controversial Arunachal Pradesh’: “The recent Indian President’s visit to the so-called Arunachal Pradesh has triggered the controversial discussion of border issue between China and India again”. Commenting on President Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to Arunachal, Xinhua said that Beijing ‘urged’ India “to refrain from moves that complicate boundary issues and work with China to create conditions for talks”. The claims and the counter-claims aside, an important aspect of the border dispute is the infrastructure development close to the McMahon Line. Here the Chinese are far in advance of India.
As Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao landed in Delhi in December 2010, Xinhua dropped a bombshell: “The tunnel of highway linking Tibet’s Metok completed”. With Metok located just north of the McMahon Line, this development heralded one of the most important strategic changes for the defence of India’s north-eastern border.
The enormity of the project was obvious; construction workers had taken some two years to complete the construction of the 3,310m Galongla tunnel, built at an altitude of 3,750m. It was the most difficult section of the highway which was to link Metok County to the mainland (and allow troops to come close to the Indian border in a much shorter time). The rain and the snow made the mountain roads impassable for nine months of the year, and the trek to cross the Galongla pass could take 10 hours or more: “The new road will dramatically shorten the time as the journey through the tunnel will take just half an hour,” announced Xinhua. At that time, some 90km of highway remained to be built. The Metok road is the symbol of China’s will to develop its border with India. With a population of just 11,000, it was not only China’s last county to have a highway, but the road is a crucial link to the area bordering the Upper Siang district of Arunachal Pradesh.
For Tibetans, it has been one of the most sacred and pristine regions of their country; they consider Pemakoe, another name for Metok County, as the home of Goddess Dorjee Pagmo, Tibet’s Protecting Deity. Xinhua admits: “There is no other place in Tibet that gets so many titles as Metok, such as the ‘secret lotus’, ‘lonely island on the plateau’, ‘world’s wildlife museum’ and ‘rare animal gene pool’.”
But the Pemakoe is not an isolated paradise anymore. On October 31, China Tibet Online reported that the 117km Metok Highway had been opened to traffic. CNTV affirmed that the people in Metok country can now reach the highway linking their remote place to the nearby Bomi County by cars or buses; if the weather conditions are good, the journey takes hardly seven to eight hours. The Chinese correspondent added: “Getting out of Metok (Medog for the Chinese) used to be very dangerous, involving climbing two snow mountains 4,000 meters above sea level.” When the Bomi-Metok road joins the National Highway No 318 near Zhamog township, it has already crossed six rivers.
Xinhua explained: “Great efforts have been made by the Government to build a highway to link Metok and Bomi counties since 1960s”. Again, an attempt was made in 1974 and it failed. In 1980, a landslide occurred 106km away from the starting point; most of the newly-built road was devastated and many trucks and road-building equipment could not be rescued. The project was again abandoned. It re-started in 1990 and though in February1994, a kutcha road had been completed and vehicles managed to enter Metok, they never came back because of disastrous landslides and mudslides. A monument has even been built to commemorate China’s ‘shortest life’ road.
The road is even connected to Xi Jinping’s ‘Chinese Dream’: “The opening of the highway to Metok is far more than a technological breakthrough… Above all, it is the Chinese dream fulfilled after several failed attempts over the past 50 years. The opening of the highway is bound to boost the socio-economic development of Metok”.
One could, however, ask why so much effort? The answer is simple: The new road can be used by the People’s Liberation Army to reinforce the border with India. China Tibet Online quotes Agence France-Presse as saying that the new road has “touched a nerve in some of the so-called critics of Beijing’s rule in Tibet”; the latter believe that “infrastructure such as railways and airports enable immigration by the ethnic Han majority, exploitation of Tibet’s resources and consolidation of political control.”
This is an indisputable fact. An article in China Military Online published on September 11 said: “PLA sends materials to Metok, Tibet, by use of motorcades”, adding: “A motorcade regiment under the Sichuan-Tibet Military Service Station Department left for Metok county in the south-eastern part of the Tibet Autonomous Region. It admitted that it was the first time that the PLA had dispatched motorcades for delivering materials to Metok county.”
Two months before the official opening of the road for civilian use, the Chinese army was already bringing supplies for the troops stationed near the Indian border in the Metok area. The PLA’s website acknowledges that earlier Metok had to “rely on horsebacks and occasional helilifts”. Director of the Sichuan-Tibet Military Service Station Department Pang Kuo told Xinhua: “It used to take the ‘hinny fleet’ more than two months to provide the yearly ration of staple and non-staple food for officers and men posted in Metok. Now it takes only one trip of the motorcade to supply enough materials the troops need for a whole winter”.
Xinhua may poetically say that “without doubt the Metok road is the road of wealth, the road of hope and the road of happiness. Local people will experience unprecedented convenience in their daily life; the culture, tourism and agriculture of Metok are bound to thrive due to this road” and that the highway “embodies the Chinese dream for the benefit of its people and reflects the mutual aspirations of all ethnic groups”. But the fact remains that the PLA will be the first beneficiary. India has to wake up.
Lately, the Chinese have become increasingly assertive (not to say aggressive). The latest example is when the Chinese Ministry of National Defense announced the establishment of the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone. Beijing has taken a controversial and dangerous course, destabilising the region and upsetting its neighbours.
In India, we still remember the events in April, when the People’s Liberation Army planted their tents in the Depsang Plain of Ladakh. Better be prepared!

SoniaG, you have ruined the nation's economy. For the sake of Bharatam, step down, go -- with your chamchas.

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Scorched earth: How Cong is screwing the economy further

by by R Jagannathan Nov 25, 2013

With every passing day, it is becoming clear that the Congress party does not expect to, or even want to, win the 2014 elections. It's electoral goals are about three things: ensuring that the winner scores a low win rather than a big one (which means a BJP with less than 180 seats); making sure it get enough seats to be a robust opposition party (which means a Congress with 130-plus seats; and, most important, ruining the economy so badly that whoever comes to power will be seen as an economic incompetent - and presumably create conditions that are ripe for the Congress to return to power in 2016 or 2017.

This is the logic of enacting so many major economic laws in its lameduck year - the Food Security Bill and the Land Acquisition Bill, for example. All political parties find it difficult to oppose these bad laws in an election year. These bills won't deliver any electoral returns for the Congress in 2014, but they will spike the guns of whoever wins. And that seems to be their main purpose.

But we already know that. What is not so well known is that the Congress is steadily destroying what's left of a slowing economy by executive actions - actions that will lob time-bombs in the next government's lap even before it has a chance to settle down.

Four stories in the pink press today (25 November) tell us how this is a continuing effort.

A story in The Economic Times informs us that the rural development ministry under Jairam Ramesh is planning to hike NREGA wages even more than what was previously planned. The ministry has “scrapped a panel headed by National Statistical Commission Chairman Pronab Sen and set up a new one to prepare a fresh index that would lead to more generous wage revisions under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act…”.
]dUPA is planning to hike NREGA wages even more than what was previously planned.
Now, mind you, NREGA wages are already indexed to inflation. What the ministry is now trying to do is buy rural votes by making wage increases even higher. And this at a time when consumer inflation is above 10 percent. Anybody who wants to make inflation worse could not have thought of a better way to achieve this objective.

A PTI report in Mint newspaper shows that Ramesh is planning more damage. He has apparently sought increases in pensions paid under social welfare schemes, especially under the National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP).

Once again, it seems election time is appropriate for the use of depleted taxpayer funds to bribe voters with more money.

A story in Business Standard tells us that your income-tax refunds are going to be delayed further because tax revenues are not growing at the rate at which P Chidambaram indicated they would in his budget. The smaller refunds - amounts of a few hundred or a few thousand - are not being held up, but the big refunds are being put off.

Now why would a government do this? Refunds have to be refunded, today or tomorrow. Unless you don't plan to be around tomorrow, it makes no sense. When you delay big refunds to high net worth taxpayers and corporations, the accounts for 2013-14 will reflect a lower fiscal deficit. But the refunds would still have to be made - and that could happen in the next year, when, surprise, surprise, a new government will face huge bills.

This is nothing but a scorched earth policy.

Now, consider oil subsidies. Everyone knows that subsidies are not being paid in time. Despite nearly a year of price hikes in diesel, the subsidy remains at Rs 9.69 a litre as of mid-November. Total subsidies payable in the first half were Rs 60,907 crore, and another like amount will take the total subsidy to Rs 1,20,000 crore - unless international oil prices suddenly crash.

The government even at the start of the fiscal year had just about Rs 20,000 crore in its kitty for oil subsidies. And even if oil and gas production companies (ONGC , GAIL, etc) pay up another Rs 40,000 crore, Rs 60,000 crore of oil subsidies will spill over to the next year - to be paid by the next government.

The fourth exhibit of scorched earth is the government's commitment to retain the fiscal deficit at 4.8 percent in 2013-14. This “red line” on the fiscal deficit makes Chidambaram look like the paragon of rectitude, and he will surely manage to somehow tweak the numbers to achieve this number.

But the point is: at whose cost? A sharp cut in plan and capital expenditure just to achieve the fiscal deficit will worsen the growth slowdown next year - when Chidambaram won't be the finance minister. In short, Chidambaram is lobbing not only a lot of his bills to the next government, but also making the slowdown worse. A slowing economy will not generate enough revenues for the exchequer, and this means the next government will face an immediate ratings downgrade and a multitude of economic crises. It could be worse than 1991.

Everything the Congress is doing is to somehow manage the short-term and window-dress the national accounts so that the next government is sure to trip and fail.

In terms of fiscal management, UPA-2, headed by a so-called economist and a so-called reformer, has been the most irresponsible government India has ever seen.

An article in Business Standard by Rajiv Shastri, Director at Pramerica Asset Managers, tells us how irresponsible they have been.

Comparing formal budget subsidy numbers and the more detailed accounts provided by the ministry of statistics and programme implementation (Mospi) tells us the margin by which Congress has been more imprudent than the NDA.

According to Shastri, the real subsidy numbers are much higher than what the budget documents show. During the NDA's six years, the budget numbers showed major subsidies at an average of 1.49 percent of GDP. During the last five years (2008-09 to 2012-13), the budgeted subsidy average worsened to 2.43 percent.

That's bad enough. But the Mospi estimates of subsidies look even worse. As against the NDA average of 2.79 percent, under UPA the average for the last five years has been a massive 4.71 percent of GDP.

If we assume that all governments are cavalier about freebies and subsidies, it is also clear that under UPA, and especially UPA-2, economic irresponsibility has hit a new low.

One wonders if Manmohan Singh should call himself an economist anymore or P Chidambaram a reformer. It is easy to blame Pranab Mukherjee for the damage, but the political responsibility for the economic damage done rests with the PM and Sonia Gandhi.

Despite some fast footwork after August 2012, Chidambaram has not done much to redeem himself either.

The UPA under Sonia Gandhi will hand over a poisoned fruit to the next government. Possibly enough to call the UPA's economic actions anti-national.

http://www.firstpost.com/economy/scorched-earth-how-cong-is-screwing-the-economy-further-1248073.html
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