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Indian economy in crisis. Nationalize bank accounts of Indian citizens in 70 countries. Confiscate P-Notes. -- Dr. Subramanian Swamy

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         Statement of Dr. Subramanian Swamy, former Union Cabinet Minister

1.    By all economic criteria, the Indian economy is today sick and in a tail spin heading for a crash unless effective steps are taken soon to reverse the trends by a new economic reform policy.

2.    Some of these criteria are:

(i)             foreign exchange reserves divided by short-term foreign debt is at a very low[1990] level.
(ii)            Balance of payments’ current account deficit as a ratio of GDP is highest since 1990, at 4.0%.
(iii)          Total fiscal deficit in the Central and State Budgets now exceeds the danger mark of 12% of GDP, thereby committing a crime under the Fiscal Management Act passed by Parliament in 2005.
(iv)          Reverse short-term capital outflow by panic cashing of Participatory Notes, hawala operations, and rigged short-selling of the rupee in Dubai and Singapore, has accelerated destabilizing the rupee/$ rate, which as a consequence has fallen by record amount. 
(v)           India’s household savings rate, which was the highest in the world in 2004 has fallen, and is also shifting to hoarded non-financial assets, which is causing a huge fall in the growth rate of GDP, due to decline in investment and in employment .

3.    These trends are aggravated by the sharp rise in corruption and the reckless spending spree through stupid leaking schemes such as NREGA and the Food Security Act during the UPA tenure. The Indian economy is today in a financial ICU and on a ventilator.

4.    Hence unless the economic situation is rectified by new reform policies, disaster and default of debt payments await the Indian people.

5.    The announcement yesterday by RBI Governor of an increase in the REPO rate shows his short-sightedness and foreign mentality. His economics has been known to be the same as that caused the US Depression of the 1920s, namely following a conservative fiscal policy.

6.    Just when investment and capital market needed an injection of adrenalin, Dr. Rajan asphyxiated the investor. By mid-2014, the Union Government will be on the verge default of payments for past obligations.

7.    The NDA government in 2014 will have to usher some radical reforms to remove the dark clouds of despondency that has descended on the nation to revive the economy and put it back on a growth path of more than an annual growth rate of 10% per year.

8.    My suggestions for this would be as follows:

[a] Make income tax-deductible all recognizable forms of financial savings such bank term deposits, share certificates etc..
This will boost the rate of savings (If direct income tax is abolished, it will mean minimal paper work for the people).

[b] Issue Ordinance nationalization of all bank accounts of Indian citizens in 70 countries that permit secret banking.
This will net Rs 100,000 lakh crores or $ 1.6 trillion for government revenue.

[c] Confiscate and Abolish Participatory Notes, arrest under PMLA the prominent hawala operators, require special passport clearance of Indian citizens for travel to UAE, Singapore and Macao.

This will bring the rupee/$ rate down to Rs.40 within two weeks. NDA’s goal should be to make Rs. 10.00 =$ 1.00.
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SoniaG UPA, on the road to economy crash. Remove Rajan, RBI Governor -- Dr. Subramanian Swamy

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Saturday, 21 September 2013


Rajan's policies will lead to economy crash, he should be removed: Swamy
Swamy, a noted economist, alleged that the move shows Rajan's short-sightedness and foreign mentality and demanded his immediate removal.
PTI
21 Sep 20:19 pm IST
New Delhi: BJP leader Subramanian Swamy today said the economy is "sick" and heading for a crash by 2014 due to the falling Rupee and other ills and hit out at RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan for increasing the Repo Rate.

Swamy, a noted economist, alleged that the move shows Rajan's short-sightedness and foreign mentality and demanded his immediate removal.

"His economics has been known to be the same as that caused the US Depression of the 1920s, namely, following a conservative fiscal policy. Just when investment and capital market needed an injection of adrenalin, Dr Rajan asphyxiated the investor. By mid-2014, the government will be on the verge of default of payments," Swamy said.

He was speaking to reporters at his maiden press conference after merging his Janata Party with BJP last month.

Calling for a new reform policy, the BJP leader said India has forex reserves of only USD227 billion and there is danger of reverse of short-term capital outflow by panic cashing of Participatory Notes, hawala operations and rigged short-selling of the rupee abroad.

Swamy cautioned that any crisis in the country will lead to outflow of this money.

He also maintained that the balance of payments is skewed as our imports are higher. "Balance of payments'current account deficit as a ratio of GDP is highest since 1990, at 4 per cent," Swamy said.

The BJP leader also referred to the falling Rupee and said while it had dropped by only Rs 4 to a Dollar between 1999 to 2004 when NDA was in power, the slide has been of Rs 23.42 in the last nine years of UPA rule.

He said India's household savings- which is the highest in the world- has fallen due to price rise.

Swamy claimed that while 69 million jobs had been created during the NDA regime, Planning Commission figures show that only three million jobs have been created between 2004-12.

He said the rupee is under pressure as Indian money is deposited in tax havens abroad through the hawala route. This money is then invested in India through Participatory Notes.

Giving suggestions for improving the state of the economy, Swamy claimed that Rs 70 lakh crore of Indian money is stashed abroad illegally. If this is brought back Indians would not have to pay income tax.

He said that enough revenue can be generated by fair auction of spectrum, coal blocks, mines, and natural resources like Thorium found in southern states. "It would be better if income tax is abolished in India,"

Swamy said. Asked if he was voicing the BJP's view as he was speaking from the party platform, Swamy said, "I am here as a member of the BJP. The party is aware of my views. I am not in favour of income tax as it is a tax for harassment."

Swamy said though he favoured FDI, he is against FDI in multi-brand retail as companies like Walmart have an unfair advantage over Indian traders who do not get a level playing field.

"Our economy is in a financial ICU... on a ventilator," he said, adding that the UPA government should be ousted in the next elections.


http://bjp.org/images/pdf_2013/annexure_sep_21_13.pdf

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eJeSqUXC17Y


Statement of Dr. Subramanian Swamy, Former Union Cabinet Minister

  1. By all economic criteria, the Indian economy is today sick and in a tail spin heading for a crash unless effective steps are taken soon to reverse the trends by a new economic reform policy.

http://bjp.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=9022:press-dr-subramanian-swamy-indian-on-economy-21092013&catid=68:press-releases&Itemid=494



http://www.docstoc.com/docs/160666030/On-the-road-to-Indian-economy-crash--(Dr-Subramanian-Swamy-21-Sept-2013)

Comments on Firstpost:



  • chetan_1 

    Rajan should understand the role of Gold ESPECIALLY in India. Curbing Gold by various means will cause money to flow from Gold to n-number of commodities -- like say into Onions or Tomatoes etc., raising inflationary expectation, velociy of circulation of money -- which ultimately has to lead to Hyper Inflation like in Zimbabwe and or civil war. Sooner he understands this lesser damage will be caused by Government/RBI.Gold is the shock absorber. Rise of price of Gold is harmless
    like benign tumor -- it will be converted to cancer by curbing gold.
    Remove socialism from constitution. Fire all government employees -- go for all out privatization.

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      Nirguna 

      Very good Suggestion's. Going by Swiss - US pact, Money used against terror is now throughly sealed and efforts are being made in every country to check black money. This parallel economy has started hitting Europe hard and with US - its fuelling terrorism. WIth India, its used to destabilise markets and to run hawala network. Dr Swamy has rightly suggested the means to curb these practices. But in India, Industralists run the country with political parties acting as their stooges. Dr Swamy, now in BJP can act against these in the overrall interests of everybody including industrialists only if he is put in charge of Finance. But then, isnt it too much ask for in confused BJP ?! only time will answer these. People like him should be used to the fullest advantage of nation. Rarely you come across a politician who is intelligent, knows world better and loves India to the core and has knowledge of law and defence too. Multi faceted personality. only role fit - PM !

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        tp 

        Thought Swami was better material than this. Better full frontal broke than Greece!

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          Sathya 

          Perhaps he should become the PM of India!
          Swamy is a rabble-rouser ...

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            Raj 

            Swamy is a statistician and not an economist!

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              Shyam 

              Mr Swamy is targeting the wrong person. RBI governor can only do so much. If the central govt. is bent on destroying the economy by excessive spending leading to large fiscal deficits & high inflation, there is little an RBI gov can do!!!

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                um 

                he sure has some valid points,this guy is a genius

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                abhishek 

                Rajan is useless. Inflation will kill common man.

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                Asoka Chaudhari 

                India would become Switzerland or Singapore if it abolish income tax. We should have only flat consumption tax. Taxing production, saving & income is worst way to run economy. it suit politically but very bad for business. To abolish income tax the govt has to roll back NAREGA, FOOD BILL & numerous other well fare scheme. I would be happy if BJP abolish the income tax. The income tax is to control the power as it continually threat the businessman & people because they can raid you any time for any reason so basically control on everyone.

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                  chetan_1  Asoka Chaudhari 

                  There is a world wide movement to abolish income tax. Just 2% increase in VAT is sufficient to bridge the shortfall.
                  Even this two percent is not required if all government servants are fired(going for all out privatization). Income tax idea is just a political weapon.

                  • Avatar

                    Tamal Mukherjee  Asoka Chaudhari 

                    But you do pay income tax in Singapore (0-20%), not sure about Switzerland. Check Wiki.

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                      Asoka Chaudhari  Tamal Mukherjee 

                      i meant to say like Singapore in terms of development, we have issue of black money but if we have no income tax there wold be less black money, less corruption, we spend so much time in filing income tax, return , and the hassle of paperwork , income tax officer behave like tax payer are their slave & they mercy on us by not raiding us. Interesting development to look forward if BJP come to power. Also it can free up labor & resources that are stuck in these paper work & moved to other productive areas.
                annexure_sep_21_13

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                Ramasetu: Mohan Parasaran, Solicitor General drops out, asks Govt. to replace him. Govt., scrap sethu project. Declare Ramasetu national monument.

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                Govt counsel drops out of Sethu case


                Sept. 23, 2013

                New Delhi: Solicitor general Mohan Parasaran has withdrawn himself from appearing in the controversial case dealing with the Sethusamudram project in the Supreme Court, saying his presence would result in a conflict of interest as his father is a counsel for one of the petitioners opposing the 25,000 crore shipping channel project. Parasaran said that he has asked the government to replace him. 

                    Asked if his religious faith was behind his decision, Parasaran said the issue was simply about a conflict of interest. “My personal faith is there. No Muslim, Christian or Hindu will go against his personal faith. But the larger issue is conflict of interest,” he said. 


                    Senior advocate Rajiv Dhawan is expected to replace Parasaran. 


                    On September 16, the Centre had brushed aside objections raised by the Tamil Nadu government against the Sethusamudram project and told the apex court that it intended to go ahead with the venture. 


                AGENCIES

                http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Default/Scripting/ArticleWin.asp?From=Archive&Source=Page&Skin=TOINEW&BaseHref=TOICH/2013/09/23&PageLabel=1&EntityId=Ar00110&ViewMode=HTML
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                Consensus building on state takeover of beach mineral mining. GOI, withdraw DAE illegal notification of Jan. 2006 opening up atomic minerals for OGL

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                Consensus building on state takeover of beach mineral mining

                Jayalalithaa’s announcement on evolving mining policy adds to expectation; environmental activists hope the chief minister would replicate her 2003 decision to take control of sand quarrying.
                Ever since allegations about irregularities in beach mineral mining in Thoothukudi started emerging, demands for its takeover by the State government started getting louder. Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa’s recent announcement that her government would take a policy decision on mineral mining based on the report to be filed by a special team headed by Revenue Secretary Gagandeep Singh Bedi after inspecting 71 quarries in four southern districts, has further fuelled curiosity.

                Activists recall that in 2003, the AIADMK regime headed by Jayalalithaa had taken over sand quarrying to prevent massive irregularities and clean up the sector. They hope she would replicate that model in the case of mineral mining as well. A section of vocal political parties are already on board, but the key opposition party, the DMK, is conspicuous by its silence.

                Parties like the CPM, MDMK, MMK and PMK have expressed strong views on mineral mining. CPM’s State council welcomed Jayalalithaa’s recent directive on inspection of 71 mineral mining quarries in the four southern districts. Its State secretary G Ramakrishnan urged the chief minister to take criminal action against those involved in illicit mineral mining and seize their revenue. He forcefully argued his case for the government taking over mineral mining.

                Ramakrishnan pointed out that illicit mineral mining had caused huge losses to the State exchequer and impacted the livelihood resources of the coastal people. Since minerals would exhaust at some point in time, unabated mining would create environmental problems. He also drew attention to the Supreme Court’s observation that government is the custodian of natural resources and it was its duty to protect them.

                MDMK general secretary Vaiko urged the State government to stop mineral mining across the coastal areas in Tamil Nadu to protect the livelihood resources of fishermen. He said the licenses given to companies engaged in mineral mining should be cancelled immediately and the losses caused to fishermen by these companies reimbursed.

                Illicit mineral mining with the help of mega machines in the coastal areas have changed the sea currents, resulting in sea water intrusion in coastal districts. The radiation from the extraction of rare minerals has resulted in health hazards for coastal people. He blamed the sand mafia for dividing coastal villages for their own selfish motives.

                PMK founder S Ramadoss reiterated his demand for taking over mineral mining by the State government. sources. MMK leader Jawahirullah too welcomed the decision to suspend mineral mining until the inspection of the special team is over.
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                Aadhar infringes privacy, card NOT mandatory - Supreme Court

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                Add caption


                Tuesday, 24 September 2013 | Abraham Thomas | New Delhi
                In a major setback for the UPA Government’s Unique Identification (UID) Project, the Supreme Court on Monday held that UID will not be ‘mandatory’ for availing services or benefits under Government schemes.
                With Aadhaar cards or Unique Identification number becoming mandatory for obtaining a gas connection to a marriage registration certificate, the action of the Government in pushing the project forward came under serious legal challenge in apex court with a set of PILs questioning how the Government, without sanction from Parliament or any statutory backing, pursued with this scheme on such a large scale.
                The PIL filed by a former Karnataka judge KS Puttaswamy among others challenged the legal sanction of the UID Authority of India to dole out Unique Identification numbers to citizens and illegal immigrants alike, posing a serious risk to the security of the country. The bench noted with concern that cards were being issued even to illegal immigrants. “No Aadhaar card should be issued to illegal immigrants,” it said.
                For the Government, this came as a huge blow as several of its welfare projects such as Direct Cash Transfer scheme, etc were sought to be disbursed upon production of the Aadhaar card.
                Faced with such an order in an election year, the Centre’s worry was evident. Frantic efforts were made by Solicitor General Mohan Parasaran and Additional Solicitor General LN Rao who resisted the petition by clarifying there was no ‘mandatory’ requirement for an Aadhaar card to avail of its services. “It is issued on voluntary basis,” the Centre argued. On the question of issuing cards to illegal immigrants, Parasaran said, “The enforcement machinery is tightened. Just because some aberrations are reported by the media it does not mean the Aadhaar cards are issued to all and sundry.”
                Refuting Centre’s stand, petitioner’s lawyers — senior advocates Anil Divan and Shyam Divan — cited an instance from Maharashtra where Government employees and even judges were told to procure an Aadhaar Card to receive salary.
                Anil Divan even held a constitutional bar to the UID project. It was by an executive order of January 28, 2009 that the UIDAI was created. “An executive action could not circumvent Parliament,” the petition said as the Bill in this regard - National Identification Authority of India Bill 2010 was yet to receive approval of Parliament before being declared a law.
                Further, since the Aadhaar Card required persons to give all personal details, including finger prints, right to privacy of citizens was at jeopardy. In the event, the Bill failed to get support in Parliament, the information stored with the UIDAI could be used by the Government for any other purpose, besides the danger of getting leaked. Already, the Standing Committee on Finance had rejected the Bill in its present form. After this, the Government had stopped issuing of Aadhaar numbers around February 2012. But on August 15, 2012, the second phase of enrolment was started, the petition said.
                The Government has so far incurred a colossal expense under the Aadhaar project. As per the budget for the first three phases of the project, Rs 8,814 crore has been set apart.
                Published: September 23, 2013 19:33 IST | Updated: September 24, 2013 01:52 IST

                "Aadhaar infringes privacy"

                J. Venkatesan
                The Centre has told the Supreme Court that securing Aadhar cards was optional and it has not made it mandatory for the citizens. File photo
                The HinduThe Centre has told the Supreme Court that securing Aadhar cards was optional and it has not made it mandatory for the citizens. File photo
                The Aadhaar scheme is unconstitutional as applicants are required to part with personal information on biometrics, iris and fingerprints, infringing their right to privacy, which is held part of the fundamental right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution, Justice K.S. Puttaswamy, retired judge of the Karnataka High Court, and other petitioners told the Supreme Court.
                “There are no safeguards or penalties and no legislative backing for obtaining personal information, and the proposed law introduced by the government has been rejected by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance. Provisions for collection and retention of biometric data have been held impermissible in the United Kingdom and France by their top courts.”
                Justice Puttaswamy said linking of the Aadhaar number with food security under the new Act, LPG subsidy, the Employees’ Provident Fund and other direct transfer of benefits made enrolment under the Aadhaar scheme mandatory, falsifying the government’s claim that it was voluntary.
                Moreover, he alleged, Aadhaar numbers were being given indiscriminately, including to migrants without papers, creating a serious threat to national security. The executive order was “mala fide” as the whole object of rushing through the Aadhaar scheme was to “secure political gains.”
                Denial of services
                Senior counsel Anil Divan and counsel Ankit Goel, appearing for the petitioners, said Aadhaar resulted in denial of many benefits and services to persons who were otherwise eligible. They cited payment of salaries to teaching and non-teaching staff in Maharashtra only on the basis of Aadhaar; registration of marriages in Jharkhand; restriction of LPG connections.
                Solicitor-General, Mohan Parasaran and Additional Solicitor-General L. Nageswara Rao, appearing for the Centre, however, said the Aadhaar card was voluntary and not mandatory, and, therefore, no interim directions were required.
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                Rahul Gandhi is not an Indian, but an 'Italian citizen' -- Dr. Subramanian Swamy

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                Subramanian Swamy says Rahul Gandhi an 'Italian citizen'

                  | New Delhi, September 23, 2013 | 23:35
                Janata Party chief Subramanian Swamy on Monday said Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi is not an Indian but an Italian citizen.

                "Rahul Gandhi can never become the prime minister...He is an Italian citizen. I will bring out this in details very soon," said Swamy, who recently merged his party with the BJP.
                Swamy also said lawyer and Rajya Sabha MP Ram Jethmalani, 90, had many girlfriends. "Good thing is he doesn't hide that," he said.

                Asked on Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and Goa CM Manohar Parrikar's absence from the National Integration Council (NIC) meeting on Monday, he said the council was "a toothless body".

                "It's nothing big that the PM should preside over it. Modi and Parrikar were busy and could not find time. Bhopal is closer to Delhi and (Madhya Pradesh CM) Shivraj (Singh Chouhan) may have adjusted his time," he said.

                He also defended the BJP's decision to charge people for attending Modi's rallies.

                "What is wrong in that? Even Mahatma Gandhi charged. If Congress people charge and put the money in their pockets you don't say anything. And it's not compulsory for everyone to buy. We are not asking for money with a stick in our hand. Only those who attend will have to pay and those who don't want to attend need not pay," he said.

                "In Hyderabad, we charged Rs 5. Now the inflation has gone up. We will charge Rs 10," he said.

                He also said there was "nothing wrong" in BJP leader L K Advani meeting Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar.

                http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/subramanian-swamy-says-rahul-gandhi-italian-citizen/1/311338.html
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                Justice V.R Karishna Iyer endorses Narendra Modi as PM- V. Sundaram

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                I consider it my over-riding solemn public duty to forward to my friends and other citizens committed to the sacred cause of upholding the honour and dignity of Bharat Mata, the following appropriate and timely Statement issued by Justice V.R Krishna Iyer, who is probably the oldest living Judge in India. Secular seer, venerable and profound, Justice V.R Krishna Iyer has truly become the Bhishma Pitamah in India’s public life. As a public spirited person totally committed to the cause of upholding the glory and grandeur of Bharat Mata, Justice V.R Krishna Iyer has become a living legend in his life time. My reverential salutations to him!
                 
                Our great and ancient nation has been brought to the verge of total collapse and irretrievable ruin by the manoeuvres, machinations and manipulations of theFirangi Memsahib Sonia Gandhi and her Congress Party of marauders, looters and carpetbaggers. We have a shameless and spineless Prime Minister, a corrupt, shameless and spineless Finance Minister. We have a listless and lifeless Home Minister. The rest of the Union Council of Ministers are in the abject thraldom of the Firangi Memsahib Sonia Gandhi who controls the purse strings of the Sonia Congress Party --- a Party which functions on a 24*7 basis for the survival of Pakistan and the total extinction of Bharat Varsha. In this desperate situation the only hope for our Country lies in throwing out the Sonia Congress Gang in the forthcoming 2014 Lok Sabha Elections. All of us should work together for ensuring the magnificent victory of BJP and its allies in the 2014 Lok Sabha Elections.
                 
                The Era of National Resurgence and National Renaissance would get inaugurated next year with Shri Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister of India and Dr Subramanian Swamy the Finance Minister.  Just as Sir Winston Churchill (1874-1965) fought the Nazi hordes, the Italian Fascists and their Jihadi(Turkestan/Albanian Muslim) Allies, Shri Narendra Modi is fighting a coalition of anti-Indian forces led by the Firangi Memsahib Sonia Gandhi.
                 
                In this context, the following Vision of Resurgent India proclaimed by Mahadev Gobind Ranade (1842-1901) in 1898 comes to my mind:
                “With buoyant hope, with liberated Manhood, with a faith that never shirks duty, with a sense of justice that deals fairly to all, with unclouded intellect and all her powers fully cultivated, and lastly, a love that overleaps all bounds, Renovated India will take her proper rank among the nations of the world, and be the Master of the Situation and of her own Destiny. This is the cherished home, this is the Promised Land. Happy are they who see it in distant vision; happier those who are permitted to work and clear the way onto it; and happiest those who live to see it with their own eyes and tread upon the holy soil once more.”
                 
                 
                NARENDRA MODI—A GOOD CANDIDATE FOR PRIME MINISTERSHIP OF INDIA
                 
                          I gather from the media that Shri. Narendra Modi, presently Chief Minister of Gujarat is declared to be a candidate of BJP for Prime Ministership of India. Without reference to his politics and as an independent myself, I wish him success since I am of the view that he has positive qualities of nationalism and comity of cosmic dimension.  I take the view that we should not have nuclear power in India.  ‘Nuclear never and Solar ever’ is my policy.  Japan, the victim of Tsunami of nuclear danger and earthquake has close down its last nuclear project according to the media report.  Narendra Modi stands for solar power.  No other State in India has developed solar power on a grand scale as Narendri Modi’s Gujarat has done.  Mahatma Gandhi and the Constitution of India are against alcoholism which is a multiple evil and ruinous for the Indian people.  The only State which insists on prohibition and has put it into practice is Narendra Modi’s Gujarat.  So far as I can gather corruption in public life has been eliminated in Gujarat.  As a man his integrity deserves great praise.  On the whole his administration deserves national support and so I wish him the rare opportunity to be the Prime Minister of India who will implement the great principle of swaraj and eradicate poverty.  I am a socialist by conviction and support Modi on the assumption that he too is a socialist and an advocate of human rights and Indian fraternity, justice, social, economic and political of the Gandhian ethos.
                 
                September 24, 2013                                    V.R. KRISHNA IYER
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                Tracking Rama's vanavas. Tracking MuKa's desire to destroy Ramasetu. SoniaG UPA, protect Ramasetu, national monument. Scrap Setu project.

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                SETHU CASE: KARUNA FLAYS SG FOR RECUSING

                Wednesday, 25 September 2013 | Kumar Chellappan | CHENNAI


                DMK chief M Karunanidhi lambasted Solicitor General Mohan Parasaran on Tuesday for recusing himself from the controversial Sethusamudram Shipping Channel Project case in the Supreme Court. Mohan Parasaran had withdrawn from the case saying it would result in conflict of interest as his father Parasaran was appearing for one of the petitioners opposing the Rs 25,000-crore shipping channel project.
                Speaking to reporters in Chennai, the DMK chief said the Solicitor General had quit the case because of his faith in Lord Rama. Karunanidhi is known for his hatred for Lord Rama. He had ridiculed the Hindus who believe that the Ram Sethu, a stone structure between India and Sri Lanka in the Palk Bay, was built by Lord Rama. “In which engineering college did this Rama graduate?” Karunanidhi has asked many times.
                “A section of media reported that he had withdrawn from the case since he believed Ram built the Ram Sethu and that there will be a conflict of interest since his father K Parasaran is appearing for a petitioner,” he told reporters. Karunanidhi said that contrary to the stand of “secular” Central Government its Solicitor General had made comments which were “communal” in nature.
                “Sethusamudram project is something which will benefit Tamil Nadu and its people. At a time when the Centre has come forward in the Supreme Court to implement it, senior advocates like Mohan Parasaran making statements like a communal element does not seem proper,” said Karunanidhi.
                The Union Government on September 16 had told the SC that it would go ahead with the Sethusamudram Shipping Channel Project though the expert panel headed by RK Pachauri after a two-year study had said the project was not in public interest as it was not ecologically feasible and economically viable.
                The Centre’s move is seen as a ploy to keep Karunanidhi in good humour to ensure his continued support to the UPA dispensation till the 2014 Lok Sabha election.  
                http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/sethu-case-karuna-flays-sg-for-recusing.html

                RAMAYAN-ERA PLANTS BEAR WITNESS TO VANVAS ROUTE

                Wednesday, 25 September 2013 | Kumar Chellappan | Chennai

                People who belittle Ramayan as a mythology or a mere epic and Lord Ram as a fictitious character should be ready to give up their skepticism. Two Chennai-based botanists have come out with a three-year-long study which establishes that the Ramayan is a true life story authored by Valmiki, incorporating facts, figures, science and environment of the period.




                All 182 plants (including flowers, trees, fruits) mentioned in the Ramayan have been found to be true. M Amrithalingam and P Sudhakar, the two botanists working with the CPR Environmental Education Centre, Chennai, said they could confirm the existence of the flora and fauna mentioned by Valmiki in the Ramayan.
                “We tracked the route travelled by Lord Ram, Sita and Lakshman from Ayodhya in the north to south as part of their exile to the forest for 14 years. To our surprise, we could identify all the plant species in the Ramayan mentioned by Valmiki along this route,” Amrithalingam told The Pioneer. As a taxonomist, Sudhakar confirmed the plant variety with their Sanskrit and Latin names.
                The duo commenced their journey from Ayodhya and reached Chitrakuta’s tropical and deciduous forest. “Valmiki knew his flora, fauna and the geography. What we found was that the same flora and fauna existed in the same places as written in the epic,” pointed out Nanditha Krishna, director, CPREEC, who supervised the project.
                According to Krishna, the Ramayan is geographically very correct. “All sites in their route are still identifiable and has continuing traditions . It is not possible for a person to just write something out of his imagination and fit it into local folklore for greater credibility. Valmiki has not erred anywhere while specifying the plant species, flowers and wild animals,” she said.
                Sudhakar pointed out that in the Ramayan, Ram, Sita and Lakshman were warned to be cautious while they entered Dandakaranya forests. “This forest had lions and tigers. Now there are no lions in the area. This is because they were killed by poachers over the centuries. But the rocks in the famous Bhimbetka has prehistoric paintings of lion and tigers together which confirm Valmiki’s observation,” he said.
                Amrithalingam and Sudhakar journeyed from Dandakaranya to Panchavati and Kishkinda. “We found that Kishkinda has a dry and moist climate which synchronises with what Valmiki has authored,” said Amrithalingam.
                Chitrakuta and Dandakaranya regions mentioned in the epic are spread across the modern day Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, according to Krishna. Panchavati, from where Sita was abducted by Ravan, is situated on the banks of River Godavari on modern Maharashtra. “Diverse types of animal and bird species of this region have been mentioned by Valmiki. These include hamsa (swan), karandava (coot), kraunca(pond heron), Mayura (peacock) and sarasa (crane). These are all visible in the region even today,” said Krishna.  
                Lord Ram in his conversation with Sita and Lakshman speaks about the significance of plants and trees which they come across during their journey. “Even today we have Sthala Vriksha (trees associated with each location) and plants which are worshipped. Tulsi, banyan, punnaga are some examples to substantiate the theory that Ramayana is not just a story but a chronicle,' said Krishna.
                The research took them to Sri Lanka where too they found the flora and fauna which are all mentioned in the Ramayan. Ravan’s botanical garden was known as Ashoka Vana because of the presence of Ashoka trees. “The evergreen Ashoka Vana could be described as a garden where nature is portrayed in all its glory,” said Amrithalingam.
                According to Krishna, Valmiki knew what he was writing about. “Unless he was thorough about the topography, geography and ecology of the region, he could not have provided such sharp and precise observation of the time, place and location,” she said. The findings of Amrithalingam and Sudhakar has been published in the format of a book titled Plant and Animal Diversity in Valmiki's Ramayan.

                http://www.dailypioneer.com/todays-newspaper/ramayan-era-plants-bear-witness-to-vanvas-route.html

                àźšàŻŠàźČàźżàźšàźżàźŸàŻàźŸàź°àŻ àźœàŻ†àź©àź°àźČàŻ àźźàŻ‹àź•àź©àŻ àźȘàź°àźŸàźšàź©àźżàź©àŻ àźźàŻàźŸàźżàź”àŻ àźšàź°àźżàźŻàźČàŻàźČ : àź•àź°àŻàźŁàźŸàźšàźżàź€àźż

                First Published : 24 September 2013 03:11 PM IST
                àźźàź€àŻàź€àźżàźŻ àź…àź°àźšàźżàźČàŻ àźšàŻŠàźČàźżàźšàźżàźŸàŻàźŸàź°àŻ àźœàŻ†àź©àź°àźČàźŸàź•àźȘàŻ àźȘàź€àź”àźż àź”àź•àźżàź€àŻàź€ àźźàŻ‹àź•àź©àŻ àźȘàź°àźŸàźšàź°àź©àŻ àźšàŻ‡àź€àŻ àźšàźźàŻàź€àŻàź€àźżàź°àź€àŻ àź€àźżàźŸàŻàźŸ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàźČàŻ àź†àźœàź°àźŸàź•àźȘàŻ àźȘàŻ‹àź”àź€àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àź•àŻ‚àź±àźżàźŻàźżàź°àŻàźȘàŻàźȘàź€àŻ àźšàź°àźżàźŻàźŸàź© àźźàŻàźŸàźżàź”àźČàŻàźČ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àź€àźżàźźàŻàź• àź€àźČàŻˆàź”àź°àŻ àź•àź°àŻàźŁàźŸàźšàźżàź€àźż àź•àŻ‚àź±àźżàźŻàŻàźłàŻàźłàźŸàź°àŻ.
                àźšàŻ†àź©àŻàź©àŻˆàźŻàźżàźČàŻ àź‡àź©àŻàź±àŻ àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźżàźŻàźŸàźłàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻˆ àźšàźšàŻàź€àźżàź€àŻàź€ àź•àź°àŻàźŁàźŸàźšàźżàź€àźż, àź…àź”àź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ àź•àŻ‡àźŸàŻàźŸ àźšàźżàźČ àź•àŻ‡àźłàŻàź”àźżàź•àźłàŻàź•àŻàź•àŻ àźȘàź€àźżàźČàŻ àź…àźłàźżàź€àŻàź€àźŸàź°àŻ.
                àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźżàźŻàźŸàźłàź°àŻ : àź€àźźàźżàźŽàź•àź€àŻàź€àźżàźČàŻ àźȘàźŸàź°àŻàź”àŻˆàźŻàź±àŻàź±àź”àź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ àź•àźŸàźšàŻàź€ àź’àź©àŻàźȘàź€àŻ àźšàźŸàźŸàŻàź•àźłàźŸàź• àź…àź°àźšàŻˆ àźŽàź€àźżàź°àŻàź€àŻàź€àŻàźȘàŻ àźȘàŻ‹àź°àźŸàźŸàŻàźŸàźźàŻ àźšàźŸàź€àŻàź€àźżàź•àŻ àź•àŻŠàźŁàŻàźŸàźżàź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź±àźŸàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ. àźźàŻàź€àźČàŻàź”àź°àŻˆ àźšàźšàŻàź€àźżàź•àŻàź• àź”àŻ‡àźŁàŻàźŸàŻàźźàŻ†àź©àŻàź±àźŸàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ. àź‡àź€àŻàź”àź°àŻˆ àźšàźšàŻàź€àźżàź•àŻàź•àź”àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ. àź‰àźŁàŻàźŁàźŸ àź”àźżàź°àź€àźźàŻ àź‡àź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź±àźŸàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ. 3 àźȘàŻ‡àź°àŻ àź•àź”àźČàŻˆàź•àŻ àź•àźżàźŸàźźàźŸàź• àź‡àź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź±àźŸàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ. àź‡àź€àŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàź±àŻàź±àźż àź‰àź™àŻàź•àźłàŻ àź•àź°àŻàź€àŻàź€àŻ àźŽàź©àŻàź©?
                àź•àź°àŻàźŁàźŸàźšàźżàź€àźż : àźŽàź©àŻàź©àŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàŻŠàź±àŻàź€àŻàź€àź”àź°àŻˆàźŻàźżàźČàŻ àź‡àźšàŻàź€àźšàŻ àźšàŻ†àźŻàźČàŻˆàź•àŻ àź•àźŁàŻàźŸàźżàź•àŻàź•àź€àŻ àź€àźŸàź©àŻ àźźàŻàźŸàźżàźŻàŻàźźàŻ. àźȘàźŸàź°àŻàź”àŻˆàźŻàź±àŻàź±àź”àź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ, àźźàźŸàź±àŻàź±àŻàź€àŻàź€àźżàź±àź©àźŸàźłàźżàź•àźłàŻ àźȘàŻ‹àź©àŻàź±àź”àź°àŻàź•àźłàŻˆ àź‡àźšàŻàź€ àź…àź°àźšàŻ àź†àź°àźźàŻàźȘàźźàŻ àźźàŻàź€àźČàŻ àź…àźČàźŸàŻàźšàźżàźŻ àź•àźŁàŻàźŁàŻ‹àźŸàŻàźŸàź€àŻ àź€àŻàźŸàź©àŻ àź€àźŸàź©àŻ àźȘàźŸàź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź±àź€àŻ.
                àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźżàźŻàźŸàźłàź°àŻ : àź‡àźšàŻàź€àźżàźŻ àźšàźżàź©àźżàźźàźŸ àźšàŻ‚àź±àŻàź±àźŸàźŁàŻàźŸàŻ àź”àźżàźŽàźŸàź”àźżàź±àŻàź•àŻ àźźàŻ‚àź€àŻàź€ àź•àźČàŻˆàźžàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ àźŽàźČàŻàźČàźŸàźźàŻ àźȘàŻàź±àź•àŻàź•àźŁàźżàź•àŻàź•àźȘàŻàźȘàźŸàŻàźŸàźżàź°àŻàźȘàŻàźȘàź€àŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàź±àŻàź±àźżàźŻàŻàźźàŻ, àź…àźŽàŻˆàźȘàŻàźȘàźżàź€àźŽàŻ àź•àŻ‚àźŸ àź…àź©àŻàźȘàŻàźȘàźȘàŻàźȘàźŸàźŸàź€àź€àŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàź±àŻàź±àźżàźŻàŻàźźàŻ àź‰àź™àŻàź•àźłàŻ àź•àź°àŻàź€àŻàź€àŻ?
                àź•àź°àŻàźŁàźŸàźšàźżàź€àźż :àźšàźŸàź©àŻ àź…àź€àŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàź±àŻàź±àźż àźŽàź€àŻàź”àŻàźźàŻ àźšàŻŠàźČàŻàźČ àź”àźżàź°àŻàźźàŻàźȘàź”àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ. àź’àź°àŻ àź•àźČàŻˆàźžàź©àźŸàź• àź‡àź€àŻˆàź€àŻ àź€àźŸàź©àŻ àźšàźŸàź©àŻ àźšàŻŠàźČàŻàźČ àźźàŻàźŸàźżàźŻàŻàźźàŻ.
                àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźżàźŻàźŸàźłàź°àŻ : àźźàź€àŻàź€àźżàźŻ àź…àź°àźšàźżàźČàŻ àźšàŻŠàźČàźżàźšàźżàźŸàŻàźŸàź°àŻ àźœàŻ†àź©àź°àźČàźŸàź•àźȘàŻ àźȘàź€àź”àźż àź”àź•àźżàź€àŻàź€ àźźàŻ‹àź•àź©àŻ àźȘàź°àźŸàźšàź°àź©àŻ àźšàŻ‡àź€àŻ àźšàźźàŻàź€àŻàź€àźżàź°àź€àŻ àź€àźżàźŸàŻàźŸ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàźČàŻ àź†àźœàź°àźŸàź•àźȘàŻ àźȘàŻ‹àź”àź€àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àź€àźżàźŸàŻ€àź°àŻ†àź© àź”àźżàźČàź•àźżàźŻàźżàź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź±àźŸàź°àŻ‡?
                àź•àź°àŻàźŁàźŸàźšàźżàź€àźż : àźàźŸàŻàź•àźłàźżàźČàŻ àź…àźšàŻàź€àźšàŻ àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźżàźŻàŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàźŸàź°àŻàź€àŻàź€àŻ‡àź©àŻ. àźšàŻ‡àź±àŻàź±àŻˆàźŻàź€àźżàź©àźźàŻ àź”àźšàŻàź€ àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźżàź•àźłàźżàźČàŻ, àź‡àźšàŻàź€ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàźČàŻ àź…àź”àź°àŻàźŸàŻˆàźŻ àź€àźšàŻàź€àŻˆ, àźźàź©àŻàź€àźŸàź°àź°àŻàź•àźłàźżàźČàŻ àź’àź°àŻàź”àź°àŻ àźšàźŸàź°àŻàźȘàźżàźČàŻ àź†àźœàź°àźŸàź•àźżàź±àźŸàź°àŻ. àź‡àź€àź©àźŸàźČàŻ, àźźàŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàźŻàźźàźŸàź© àź‡àźšàŻàź€ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàź©àŻ àźšàźČàź©àŻ àź•àź°àŻàź€àźżàźŻàŻàźźàŻ, àźŽàź”àŻàź”àźżàź€ àźźàŻàź°àźŁàŻàźȘàźŸàźŸàŻàźźàŻ àźàź±àŻàźȘàźŸàźŸàźźàźČàŻ àź‡àź°àŻàźȘàŻàźȘàź€àź±àŻàź•àźŸàź• àź†àźœàź°àźŸàź”àź€àźżàźČàźżàź°àŻàźšàŻàź€àŻ àź”àźżàźČàź•àźżàź•àŻ àź•àŻŠàźłàŻàźł àźźàŻàźŸàźżàź”àŻ àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àŻàźłàŻàźłàŻ‡àź©àŻ. àź”àŻ‡àź±àŻ àź’àź°àŻàź”àź°àŻˆ àźšàźżàźŻàźźàźżàź•àŻàź•àŻàźźàŻàźȘàźŸàźż àź•àŻ‡àźŸàŻàźŸàŻàź•àŻ àź•àŻŠàźŁàŻàźŸàŻ‡àź©àŻ. àźŽàź©àź•àŻàź•àŻàźȘàŻ àźȘàź€àźżàźČàźŸàź• àź‡àź©àźżàźźàŻ‡àźČàŻ àźźàŻ‚àź€àŻàź€ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àź±àźżàźžàź°àŻ àź°àźŸàźœàźżàź”àŻ àź€àź”àźŸàź©àŻ àź†àźœàź°àźŸàź”àźŸàź°àŻâ€ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àź•àŻ‚àź±àźżàźŻàź€àźŸàź• àź’àź°àŻ àźàźŸàŻàźŸàźżàźČàŻ àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźż àź”àźšàŻàź€àŻàźłàŻàźłàź€àŻ. àź”àŻ‡àź±àŻŠàź°àŻ àź‡àź€àźŽàźżàźČàŻ, àź‡àźČàź™àŻàź•àŻˆ àźźàź©àŻàź©àź©àŻ àź°àźŸàź”àźŁàź©àźŸàźČàŻ àźšàźżàź±àŻˆ àźȘàźżàźŸàźżàź•àŻàź•àźȘàŻàźȘàźŸàŻàźŸ àź€àź©àź€àŻ àźźàź©àŻˆàź”àźż àźšàŻ€àź€àźŸàź”àŻˆ àźźàŻ€àźŸàŻàźȘàź€àź±àŻàź•àźŸàź• àź°àźŸàźźàź©àŻ, àź°àźŸàźźàź°àŻ àźȘàźŸàźČàź€àŻàź€àŻˆàź•àŻ àź•àźŸàŻàźŸàźżàź©àźŸàź°àŻ àźŽàź©àŻàźȘàź€àŻˆ àź…àź”àź°àŻ àźšàźźàŻàźȘàŻàź”àź€àźŸàź•àź”àŻàźźàŻ, àźźàŻ‡àźČàŻàźźàŻ àź‡àźšàŻàź€ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàźČàŻ àź’àź°àŻ àźźàź©àŻàź€àźŸàź°àź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźŸàź• àź…àź”àź°àŻàźŸàŻˆàźŻ àź€àźšàŻàź€àŻˆ àź•àŻ‡. àźȘàź°àźŸàźšàź°àź©àŻ àź†àźœàź°àźŸàź”àź€àźŸàźČàŻ àź‡àźšàŻàź€ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàźČàŻ àź€àźŸàź©àŻ àź€àŻŠàźŸàź°àŻàźšàŻàź€àŻ àź”àźŸàź€àźŸàźŸàŻàź”àź€àŻ àźźàŻàź°àźŁàŻàźȘàźŸàŻàźŸàź€àźŸàź• àź‡àź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àŻàźźàŻ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àź•àŻ‚àź±àźżàźŻàź€àźŸàź• àźšàŻ†àźŻàŻàź€àźż àź”àźšàŻàź€àŻàźłàŻàźłàź€àŻ. àźźàź€àŻàź€àźżàźŻ àź…àź°àźšàŻ àź’àź°àŻ àźźàź€ àźšàźŸàź°àŻàźȘàź±àŻàź± àź…àź°àźšàŻ. àź…àźšàŻàź€ àź…àź°àźšàźżàź©àŻ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àŻàź°àŻˆàźžàź°àźŸàź©, àźšàŻŠàźČàźżàźšàźżàźŸàŻàźŸàź°àŻ àźœàŻ†àź©àź°àźČàźŸàź• àź‡àź€àŻ àźšàźŸàźłàŻ àź”àź°àŻˆ àźźàŻ‹àź•àź©àŻ àźȘàź°àźŸàźšàź°àź©àŻ àźȘàźŁàźżàźŻàźŸàź±àŻàź±àźż àź”àźšàŻàź€àź”àź°àŻ, àź€àźżàźŸàŻ€àź°àŻ†àź©àŻàź±àŻ àźźàź€àŻàź€àźżàźŻ àź…àź°àźšàźżàź©àŻ àźźàŻàźŸàźżàź”àŻàź•àŻàź•àŻ àźźàźŸàź±àźŸàź•, àź€àź©àŻàź©àŻˆ àź’àź°àŻ àźźàź€àź”àźŸàź€àźż àźŽàź©àŻàźȘàź€àŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàŻ‹àźČàź€àŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàź”àźżàź€àŻàź€àźżàź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź±àźŸàź°àźŸ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàźŻàź”àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ. àźźàŻ‡àźČàŻàźźàŻ àź…àź”àź°àŻ àźšàŻŠàźČàźżàźšàźżàźŸàŻàźŸàź°àŻ àźȘàź€àź”àźżàźŻàźżàźČàźżàź°àŻàźšàŻàź€àŻ‡ àź”àźżàźČàź•àźżàźŻàź€àźŸàź•àź€àŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàźŻ àź”àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ. àź‡àźšàŻàź€ àź’àź°àŻ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àźżàźČàźżàź°àŻàźšàŻàź€àŻ àźźàźŸàŻàźŸàŻàźźàŻ àź”àźżàźČàź•àźżàźŻàź€àźŸàź•àź€àŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàź•àźżàź±àź€àŻ. àźšàŻ‡àź€àŻ àźšàźźàŻàź€àŻàź€àźżàź°àź€àŻ àź€àźżàźŸàŻàźŸàźźàŻ àźŽàź©àŻàźȘàź€àŻ àź€àźźàźżàźŽàź•àź€àŻàź€àźżàź±àŻàź•àŻàźźàŻ, àź€àźźàźżàźŽàŻàźšàźŸàźŸàŻàźŸàŻ àźźàź•àŻàź•àźłàŻàź•àŻàź•àŻàźźàŻ àźšàź©àŻàźźàŻˆ àźȘàźŻàź•àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź©àŻàź± àź€àźżàźŸàŻàźŸàźźàŻ. àź…àźšàŻàź€àź€àŻ àź€àźżàźŸàŻàźŸàź€àŻàź€àŻˆ àźšàźżàź±àŻˆàź”àŻ‡àź±àŻàź± àźźàź€àŻàź€àźżàźŻ àź…àź°àźšàŻ àźźàŻàź©àŻ àź”àźšàŻàź€àŻ àź‰àźšàŻàźš àźšàŻ€àź€àźż àźźàź©àŻàź±àź€àŻàź€àźżàźČàŻ àź’àźȘàŻàźȘàŻàź€àźČàŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàź”àźżàź€àŻàź€àźżàź°àŻàź•àŻàź•àźżàź©àŻàź± àźšàźżàźČàŻˆàźŻàźżàźČàŻ, àźźàŻ‹àź•àź©àŻ àźȘàź°àźŸàźšàź°àź©àŻ àźȘàŻ‹àź©àŻàź± àźźàŻ‚àź€àŻàź€ àź”àźŽàź•àŻàź•àź±àźżàźžàź°àŻàź•àźłàŻ, àźźàź€àŻàź€àźżàźŻ àź…àź°àźšàźżàź©àŻ àź•àź°àŻàź€àŻàź€àŻàź•àŻàź•àŻ àźźàźŸàź±àźŸàź•, àź’àź°àŻ àźźàź€ àź”àźŸàź€àźżàźŻàŻˆàźȘàŻ àźȘàŻ‹àźČ àź•àź°àŻàź€àŻàź€àŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàź”àźżàź€àŻàź€àźżàź°àŻàźȘàŻàźȘàź€àŻ àźšàź°àźżàźŻàźŸàź©àź€àźŸàź• àźŽàź©àź•àŻàź•àŻàź€àŻ àź€àŻ†àź°àźżàźŻàź”àźżàźČàŻàźČàŻˆ àźŽàź©àŻàź±àŻ àźȘàź€àźżàźČàźłàźżàź€àŻàź€àŻàźłàŻàźłàźŸàź°àŻ.
                http://tinyurl.com/kyc2p2q

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                PC aggrieved. Centre files defamation case against Dinamani.

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                Published: September 25, 2013 02:51 IST | Updated: September 25, 2013 02:51 IST

                Centre files defamation case against Tamil daily

                R. Sivaraman
                In a rare instance of the Union government prosecuting a newspaper for defamation, a case has been filed on behalf of the Finance Ministry against the editor, printer and publisher of Tamil daily Dinamani for publishing an allegedly defamatory article.
                The Central Board of Direct Taxes, under the Union Finance Ministry’s Department of Revenue, has filed the complaint against R.K. Jhunjhunwala, Printer and Publisher, and K. Vaidyanathan, Editor of Dinamani.
                The complaint said Finance Minister P. Chidambaram was aggrieved by the item, which insinuated that income tax searches on SRM group of educational institutions had taken place under the Minister’s dictates.
                K. Ramasamy, Senior Public Prosecutor, who represented the Ministry, presented the complaint before the Principal Sessions Judge G.Chockalingam on Tuesday. After perusing the complaint and documents, Mr.Chockalingam took the complaint on file and ordered that summons be issued to the two accused asking them to appear on November 1.
                The complaint described the item, published on June 20 under the caption ‘Meesai Munusamy’, was false and slanderous and it maligned Mr. Chidambaram in regard to his discharge of his public functions. It also projected the Central government and the Income Tax department in poor light.
                According to the complaint, on the basis of information gathered regarding evasion of tax by certain persons, including SRM Educational Institutions, searches were conducted various places on June 18. The searches led to the seizure of incriminating material relating to tax evasion.

                http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/centre-files-defamation-case-against-tamil-daily/article5164936.ece?homepage=true&css=print
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                PC’s fake encounter with facts -- Kishore Trivedi

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                Why has PC not answered Dr. Subramanian Swamy? Why is PC asking Finance Ministry to file defamation case against Dinamani.

                http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/09/soniag-upa-on-road-to-economy-crash.html 
                SoniaG UPA, on the road to economy crash. Remove Rajan, RBI Governor -- Dr. Subramanian Swamy

                Indian economy in crisis. Nationalize bank accounts of Indian citizens in 70 countries. Confiscate P-Notes. -- Dr. Subramanian Swamy

                http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/09/pc-aggrieved-centre-files-defamation.html 
                PC aggrieved. Centre files defamation case against Dinamani.









                PC’s fake encounter with facts
                Kishore Trivedi on September 23, 2013


                PC’s fake encounter with facts
                Arrogance blended with self-denial is a deadly cocktail and who better than our Finance Minister can demonstrate the after effects better! The fact that the Finance Minister and the UPA are living in a dream world was evident when he released a statement before going to the National Integration Council meeting, which questioned Narendra Modi’s claims of the economic growth under Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s NDA and the economic decline under the present UPA.
                Chidambaram asked Modi not to stage ‘fake encounters’ with facts when the truth is that the Finance Minister is fooling the entire nation by giving half-baked facts and incomplete analysis. I ask the Finance Minister five questions that will puncture his attempt to mislead the people of India.
                Question 1
                 Can Chidambaram deny that when UPA took charge (he was Finance Minister even back then), the growth rate of India was 8.6 per cent? 
                This was the result of a commendable effort of the Vajpayee Government considering the economic mess they inherited in 1998 and the severe economic sanctions by the world community in the aftermath of Pokhran. Placing India’s self respect first and backing it up by a grand vision, the Vajpayee Government left the economy at its peak with the growth rate of 8.6 per cent in 2004.
                Question 2
                Will Chidambaram also deny that the growth rate for 2012-2013, a year when he was Finance Minister, was barely five per cent?
                It is alright to share year by year growth rate figures of the NDA rule Mr Finance Minister but did you bother to check the growth rate of the nation in the last year itself, which stood at a mere 4.98 per cent? How did Chidambaram forget this inconvenient but obvious truth right under his watch?
                Question 3
                Is Chidambaram aware of the Q4 figure for 2012-2013 and Q1 figure for 2013-2014?
                It may be worthwhile to remind our Harvard educated Finance Minister that last quarter growth for 2012-2013 stood at 4.8 per cent and the figure dropped even lower during the first quarter of this year at 4.4 per cent. In fact, Narendra Modi was very kind not to mention the quarterly figures for this year this year, preferring to stick to the Q4 figures of last year, which are marginally better.
                Question 4
                Is Chidambaram aware of what economic think tanks and independent external agencies are saying about our economy?
                It is not only the common man and woman or Narendra Modi that is rightly worried about the economy. Various national and international agencies of repute have expressed concern about the economic gloom prevalent across the nation? If he is not, I would love to enlighten the anti-encounter specialist Chidambaram.
                Standard & Poor’s has said that the chances of India’s ratings downgrade look much higher compared to other emerging market economies. Further downgrade would even push it to ‘junk’ status. After the quarterly GDP growth at dismal 4.4 per cent, HSBC forecasted GDP growth for FY14 at just four per cent, a low not recorded since the 1990s. Bank of America went to the extent of saying that there is no hope the government can change things the way they are currently. According to the Reuters report, almost all global banks are skeptical about India’s growth prospects. Is this also the NDA’s doing?
                Question 5
                Does Chidambaram know where the NDA and UPA stand on job creation?
                One of the factors that determine the performance of the Government is the opportunity it created for the people.
                NSSO statistics (I presume they were not fudged by the NDA, Chidambaram) clearly suggest that the number of jobs created from 1999-2004 was 60.1 million whereas the figure between 2004-2011 is a poor 14.6 million (the figure for UPA 1, which PC calls the golden period growth is 2.7 million). These figures only speak for themselves!
                Thus, instead of setting his own house in order the Finance Minister has done everything else under the sun. Few remember that the economic ruin of India began in 2008 thanks to mindless spending.
                When the NDA came to power the growth rate was 4.8 per cent. Today we are yet again close to that figure in 2013 after a golden period starting from 1999, whose efforts were seen in the growth rate during 2003 and 2004.

                Do we want to go back to 1997? And by the way, do you know who the Finance Minister that time was


                http://www.niticentral.com/2013/09/23/pcs-fake-encounter-with-facts-136593.html
                ↧

                The Thorium Conspiracy - Stuff They Don't Want You to Know (Video). SoniaG UPA, announce thorium-based nuke reactors. Protect World's thorium reserves.

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                http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AptxNrQpGA4#t=28
                Published on Jan 25, 2013
                Nuclear power is found throughout the world, and the vast majority of nuclear reactors run on uranium. Uranium has several drawbacks, and disasters such as the meltdowns at Fukushima and Chernobyl stand as powerful examples of the potentially catastrophic risks posed by nuclear power. But, according to numerous sources, there's an alternative to uranium. Though thorium isn't perfect, it's more plentiful and arguably safer than uranium. So why aren't we using it? Check out this Stuff They Don't Want You To Know video and learn more about thorium, nuclear power and conspiracy theories.

                Top Comments

                • Shikogo 
                  I saw the title of the videoï»ż and was expecting another lame "aaah everyhing's a conspiracy!!11" video; but this actually seems very well researched and not as sensationalist as I expected. I might check this channel out more.
                   · 40 
                • Rob Elkton 
                  Here are the Facts - People sometimes post advertsï»ż for fake competitions to win iPads, on completely unrelated videos.
                  Here's where it gets crazy - I don't give a shit.
                   · 3  in reply to Vignesh Chinnapan (Show the comment)

                All Comments (544)

                Srinivasan Kalyanaraman 
                • lazyweapons 
                  er,ï»ż ok
                   · 
                • Jed Dye 
                  what you labelï»ż conspiracy nuts, are actually for the most part truth seekers.
                   ·  in reply to lazyweapons (Show the comment)
                • zaq001 
                  Read up on fukushima bro.
                  Like actually.
                  There were little to no effects from the meltdown on the population orï»ż the environment.
                   · 
                • Arthur Yagudayev 
                  Please go to Facebook and like my page Thorium petition 2013 and sign the petition on change. orgï»ż and make a difference!
                   · 
                • lazyweapons 
                  Iï»ż wonder what position britain is in the thorium bussiness?
                   · 
                • lazyweapons 
                  he couldn't get hold of an ipad if it slapped his mom in theï»ż fact.
                   · 
                • lazyweapons 
                  i've become addicted to this channel, so simpleï»ż and informed. i'm not even a conspiracy nut, but i've been watching these videos for ages and i'm begining to develop contraversial views...

                  Top Comments

                  • Shikogo 
                    I saw the title of the videoï»ż and was expecting another lame "aaah everyhing's a conspiracy!!11" video; but this actually seems very well researched and not as sensationalist as I expected. I might check this channel out more.
                     · 40 
                  • Rob Elkton 
                    Here are the Facts - People sometimes post advertsï»ż for fake competitions to win iPads, on completely unrelated videos.
                    Here's where it gets crazy - I don't give a shit.
                     · 3  in reply to Vignesh Chinnapan (Show the comment)

                  All Comments (544)

                  Srinivasan Kalyanaraman 
                  • lazyweapons 
                    er,ï»ż ok
                     · 
                  • Jed Dye 
                    what you labelï»ż conspiracy nuts, are actually for the most part truth seekers.
                     ·  in reply to lazyweapons (Show the comment)
                  • zaq001 
                    Read up on fukushima bro.
                    Like actually.
                    There were little to no effects from the meltdown on the population orï»ż the environment.
                     · 
                  • Arthur Yagudayev 
                    Please go to Facebook and like my page Thorium petition 2013 and sign the petition on change. orgï»ż and make a difference!
                     · 
                  • lazyweapons 
                    Iï»ż wonder what position britain is in the thorium bussiness?
                     · 
                  • lazyweapons 
                    he couldn't get hold of an ipad if it slapped his mom in theï»ż fact.
                     · 
                  • lazyweapons 
                    i've become addicted to this channel, so simpleï»ż and informed. i'm not even a conspiracy nut, but i've been watching these videos for ages and i'm begining to develop contraversial views...
                ↧

                Earthquake 7.8 in Baluchistan, new island formed, 600 m. off Gwadar.

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                A 30 to 40 feet high mountain like island near Gwadar can be seen in the picture. – Photo courtesy Syed Ali Shah
                Pakistani office workers speak on their mobile phones on the street after an earthquake in Karachi on September 24, 2013 (AFP, Rizwan Tabassum)
                A map of the shaking intensity felt in different areas from the magnitude-7.7 earthquake that struck southern Pakistan at 7:28 a.m. EDT (11:28 UTC, or 4:28 p.m. local time) on Sept. 24, 2013.

                Credit: USGS

                Strong Earthquake Strikes Pakistan, Dozens Killed

                ↧

                American policy-makers’ role in geopolitics

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                American policy-makers’ role in geopolitics

                In a situation which has made Vladimir Putin, President of Russia address the American people directly through an Oped in New York Times of Sept. 12, 2013, the lawmakers should realize that their powers to represent American citizens have been usurped by the Russian President.

                This should be a sober moment for introspection by all policy-makers of America before they become irrelevant even on issues related to nation-building back home. They could end up facing people like Putin advising American people about what it means to engage in nation-building back home.

                Every nation has a destiny which sets the goalposts for national leadership. The goalposts have to be shifted as changes occur in geopolitical situation in many parts of the globe.

                A dramatic change had occurred in the wake of the Second World War. The change is the end of colonial regimes and declaration of independence and self-rule by many nations.

                United Nations as an institution to provide a democratic forum for nations to deliberate on issues of common concern activate after the Second World War has not proved to be an effective mechanism for adjudicating tensions between and within nations. This is the one principal reason why America has tended to assume the role of a world policeman to set things right when some law and order situation arises.

                Should America continue to play such a policeman’s role, despite its past record and experience in interventions in Vietnam, Iraq, Egypt, Libya and now attempted in Syria?

                America today is beset by continuing, as yet unresolved problems created 5 years ago to the global financial system which was sundered by subprime mortgages, collateralized debt obligations, or credit default swaps. Lessons have not been learned to undo the nerds-driven derivatives from an artificially-inflated transactions of the marketplace. Despite American intervention in Afghanistan to fight the Taliban, there is no visible dent on the activities of Taliban which continue to pose a jihadi threat to the free-world, to America, in particular.

                What really has gone wrong with American attempts at military intervention?

                One view is that American military has become addicted to war and tends to get involved militarily to resolve issues which occur beyond the territorial jurisdiction of America.

                Is this addiction the reason why the focus on nation-building at home gets murky or simply sidelined?

                Is the choice a stark one between choosing America or choosing to selectively bomb Syria to teach President Assad a lesson and make him behave in the interest of Syrians?

                Is it the responsibility of America to do nation-building in states outside of American soil?

                Military interventions by America result in bizarre postures of no fly zones and laser-sharp remote-controlled missile strikes at targets selected by drones, citing the justification of ‘conscience of the world’, or ‘threat to the civilians’ or ‘breach of Red Line by using chemical weapons or weapons of mass destruction’.

                The interventions also end up in bizarre outcomes like the handing over of Benghazi to Islamist militias who persecuted Christians.

                When Sunnis use chemical weapons, America will end up bombing a Shiite state which used chemical weapons. Does it serve America’s national interest intervening in sectarian conflicts between Sunni and Shiite? If this is intended to weaken the political hold of Islam in the affairs of nation-states, America should state so in unequivocal terms, instead of hiding behind phrases such as ‘red line drawn by an imaginary world’.

                Sure, America should get involved in nation-building back home. Is Afghanistan America’s home? Is Syria America’s home?

                One way America can redefine her role in global polity is to promote regional groupings which will mirror United States of America. One such regional grouping could be an Indian Ocean Community of 59 nations along the Indian Ocean Rim. American can participate in and encourage the formation of IOC on the lines of the federating United States of America and create a United States of Indian Ocean.

                Kalyanaraman
                Sept. 25, 2013
                ↧
                ↧

                Witzel and other professors have no adhikāra to hold a Vedic workshop in puáč‡yabhĆ«mi, Bhāratam

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                . This post follows-up, as a prologue to this note of November 12, 2013.


                I suggest that the Witzel workshop should shift its venue to the confines of the professors’ classrooms and continue with their life missions to attract students into Harvard South Asia or other schools to study pseudo-Samskáč›tam.

                It will be sacrilege to hold the workshop in the puáč‡yabhĆ«mi, Bhāratam because some of the participants denigrate Hindu and Vedic dharma. It ain't no Vedic workshop, it is a-dharma workshop, a hypocritical exercise to use Veda as a cover to continue proselytizing activities.

                I question the Witzel-types’ adhikāra to self-proclaim their right to teach and preach Veda.

                Adhikāra, apart from being a qualification to entry into a particular system as well, is claimed to be different from system to system as per prescribed norms of the system. In Hindu tradition, adhikārarefers to ādhyātmika competence, in particular, ability to perform yajña and related yoga vidhānam. 

                The Witzel-types cannot be prevented from exercising the option to read the Veda in their own private languages but when they enter the public domain proclaiming to know the Veda and abuse Vedic traditions and Hindu civilization, they forfeit their rights. The freedom is constrained by the primordial tenet of dharma. Those who indulge in adharmic behavior have denied their responsibility and ceased to lay any claim to make pronouncements, even in aitihāsika style to distort and misrepresent Vedic thought. I am not questioning their bud-dhi, but accusing them of adharmic, evil intent to impose their own religious theology onto the gullible Hindu students the way Roberto de Nobili tried and failed in Madurai.

                Adhikāra derives from fulfilment of one's dharma,responsibility. Adhikāra does not inhere in a person, quite unlike a right in jurisprudence but is derived from fulfilment of one's responsibility. Thus Adhikāra has to earned, not claimed as an intrinsic right.

                The concept of Adhikāra has been subject of many interpretations.

                Richard W. Lariviere, adhikāra – right and responsibility in: Mohammad Ali Jazayery et al, Languages and cultures: studies in honor of Edgar C Polome, pp. 359-364) argues beyond the translation of adhikāra as 'right': "It is my contention that adhikāra has a broader meaning
it also includes the concomitant idea of 'responsibility' or 'obligation'." (p.359)

                Katyayanasrautasutra refers to adhikāra as qualification or authority to perform vedic yajnas.

                Pasna Upanishad (III.4): yathaa samraaD eva-adhikRtaan viniyunkta etaan graamaan graamaan adhitishthasva-iti This is a reference to a person authorized, who has competence.

                adhikāra is a corollary of dharma closely related to vidhi (Vedic injunction) and niyoga (obligation) or kaarya (what ought to be done).

                Thus, adhikāra as an obligation refers to duty, and NOT to right. Cf. Bhagavadgita 'karmanyeva adhikāras te).

                Dharmo hi niyogah (76)

                adhikāra is ownership of the results (phalaswamya) and relates to 'eligibility'. "The Mimamsaanyaayaprakaasha (ed. Franklin Edgerton, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1929) defines an adhikāravidhi as phalasvaamyabodhako vidhir, 'an injunction which indicates the ownership of the fruit (of the sacrifice)'" (loc. cit. p. 359)

                Is Adhikra good enough for 'rights'?

                Purushottama Billimoria, School of Social Inquiry, Faculty of Humanities, Deakin University, Geelong, Victoria, Australia Published in: Asian Philosophy, Volume 3, Issue 1 March 1993 , pages 3 – 13

                Abstract

                The paper considers the question of whether 'rights' as we have it in modern Western thinking has an equivalence within the Indian framework of Dharma. Under Part I we look at purusrthas to see if the desired human goals imply rights by examining the tension between aspired 'values' and the 'ought' of duty. Next, a potential cognate in the term 'adhikra' is investigated via the derivation of a refined signification of 'entitlements', especially in the exegetical hermeneutics of the Mimms. Finally, adhikra's re-emergence in the Bhagavadgit is considered. We suggest that while the boundary is significantly extended, the Git too appears to be circumspect in opening up the discourse in the more abstract and absolute sense which the term 'rights' nowadays enjoys.

                Introduction

                Does the concept of rights as we have it in modern social philosophy mean anything in the Indian tradition? Can we meaningfully speak of rights as a framing concept in Indian Dharma? This question has concerned me for some time and I wish to confine my exploration in this paper to some anticipations in BrāhmaƆical MÄ«māmsā.

                Now, how does one even begin to think of rights in the context of ancient and classical Indian moral thinking? Would it be legitimate to speak of rights as some kind of entitlements without reference to fundamental moral conceptions such as rta, dharma and vidhi or to scripturally sanctioned actions and so on? It would appear that just as in contemporary moral discourse it becomes extremely difficult to speak of duties without giving priority to rights, in the traditional Indian context, one cannot speak of rights—if one can speak of rights at all—without giving due priority to duties.

                I. Dharma's Duty
                Duties, it is often said, are the primary concept in Indian social and ethical thought. Even so, there is almost no possibility of considering or determining duties and obligations with regard simply to the natural entitlements of the individual, for a human being is only ever so conceived in the total context of the social order sanctioned by tradition (with the possible exception of the sannyasin). An isomorphism is supposed between rta (the cosmic or natural order, later referred to as sat,'existence') and the right as righteousness (satya) and actions of human beings which promote this harmony. This isomorphism is expressed in the comprehensive conception of dharma, which gradually becomes the touchstone of Indian life and the transcendental framework for determining the legitimacy or otherwise of the normative culture—of the gods, kings and subjects alike—at any point in time. As the root dhrsuggests,dharma is that 'law' that sustains and gives cohesion to the three worlds of nature, society and human beings. The discourse of ahorma does, however, with time shift more towards the human dimension. Henceforth it provides the trajectory for a comprehensive system of social and moral regulations for each of the different groups, and even vaster subgroups, that comprise the broad Hindu fold, as well as specifying certain universal norms encumbent upon all human beings (in the horizon of the three worlds). What appears to give coherency to the conception is its appeal to the organic
                unity of being or existence (i.e. sat), to the 'just' (just-ice) where it is due, and in its promise to minimise the burden of karma (individually and collectively). [1]

                PuruáčŁÄrthas

                Within the broad framework of dharma is traditionally placed the purusārthas (literally, 'the ends of human persons'), which have been understood as delineating the ultimate goals of human life that provide significance to human existence in all its modalities. There has, however, been some debate recently articulated by a number of scholars, in particular Daya Krishna, [2] over whether the purusārthas should be understood descriptively or prescriptively. The question raised underscores an ambiguity in the term purusārthas as it is generally used: does it simply describe what human beings naturally aspire to achieve, and what would therefore seem to be 'good', or does it suggest what human beings ought to aspire to, i.e. the right that has to be pursued as though it were an obligation? A recent writer, Kamalakar Miƥra, has averred that there is no reason why purusārtha need not be taken in both senses, i.e. descriptive and prescriptive. He aligns the Sanskrit purusārthas with 'values', which encompasses both 'what man aspires to achieve but also what he ought to aspire to, or, in other words, what is also good or right to do'. [3]

                The four goals of human life represented by the purusārthas schema, therefore, take on the shade of positive virtues, having been sanctioned by dharma, which give te human person not only an incentive but also, in a sense, a right to pursue these.

                Understood in this sense, the purusārthas, it may be argued, circumscribe certain rights, or better, entitlements to the human person, albeit within the context of a tightknit social relationship, whose due accomplishment or fulfilment prepares one for the ultimate freedom (the 'end' of ends). Again, given the synthesis of 'is/ought' under one deontological term (not unlike the s'reyas and preyas of the Upanisads ), and while certain values in an instrumental sense and interests are secured, it is also the function of the purusārthas to commend appropriate means or instruments for their proper accomplishment. In other words, the purusārthas specify duties and obligations (kartavya) through which these values are to be realised, or realised in more 'dharmic' and fulfilling ways, particularly in respect of artha and kārna which, as Daya Krishna rightly points out, people will pursue anyway without having to be told to do so. [4]

                The category or goal of dharma in the purusārthas schema is intended to be more specific and sets down relevant duties according to one's station in life or relative social status in the broader community (āsramadharma). Thus there are duties and obligations specific to the stations, let us say, of the student and the householder. But do these duties, particularly of the householder, supercede any rights (other than, say, the right of the youth and the adult to enter their respective āsramas)} It would seem that these duties and obligations neither entail nor are they entailed by any correlative rights on the part of another. Assuming that there is a hierarchy within the ends such that the 'higher' ends check and determine the contents of the 'lower' ends, would it not follow that kārna would prescribe a duty of pleasurable enjoyment in the station in which it is most applicable, i.e. in the householder's life} But how can one speak of duties in respect of enjoyment? Is it the householder's duty to enjoy? Does one have an obligation to enjoy, or does one have a right to enjoy?

                The response to this question is again straightforward: one is not to think of 'duties' and 'rights' as being opposed to each other, or related only by a reciprocal twain, at least in the context of the purusārthas. In other words, the absence of a sharp dichotomy between descriptive and prescriptive has ramifications for the ordinances of dharma as well, in as much as an 'ought' implies an 'entitlement' to a value or the right thing to do. However, the traditional caveat is that one is free (i.e. predisposed to exercise one's right) to enjoy as long as the substantive duties encumbent under the other 'ends', namely artha or livelihood (which includes welfare of one's family) and dharma (which determines social duties and community obligations) are being concurrently discharged. Hence kārna is not something to which one has, as it were, an automatic or unqualified 'right' at the expense of other pursuits, including the duty towards one's own health, well-being and fortitude. The question, then, need not be strictly about ordering the 'ends' in a hierarchy, but about establishing their correct relationship and interdependence.

                Even so, moksa appears to be something of a 'wild card' in this scheme. First, as several scholars have noted, moksa appears to have been added later to the three preexisting normative ends. Second, moksa is a non-instrumental value, meaning that it is not a means to some other higher end, but is an end in itself. In this respect, moksa is sui generis. Third, moksa appears to be opposed to kārna, not least since kārna is centred on desire, usually of more earthy and sensuous kinds, while moksa implies the overcoming, or at least bracketing, of desire and egocentric pursuits. Fourth, all duties and rights alike that lead to action are terna-generating and hence tend to perpetuate bondage, while moksa is supposed to be Äanwa-transcending, non-active, yet requiring rigorous self-effort. More importantly for our purposes, where does moksa stand in relation to the issue of whether it is an 'ought' or a 'value' which human beings naturally pursue and have a right to pursue? Empirically, there seems little evidence that people naturally
                pursue the end of moksa. But when moksa becomes an integral part of a normative moral system (such as of dharma), and there is no doubt in the minds of the community tied to this morality about the intrinsic virtue of this particular pursuit, then of course, it is taken for granted that moksa needs no metaethical legitimation.

                Seen in this light and situated within the schema oīpurusārthas, moksa, construed as absolute inner freedom, appears to be the only 'absolute right' one has any claim to, meaning that this 'end of ends' comes without any residuum of duty or obligation attached to its pursuit, other than the prior fulfilment of duties and obligations implied in the preceding stations or āsramas. Interestingly enough, the activities that might be engaged in once having attained the lofty heights of moksa, are said to arise spontaneously and they are not produced via the execution of duty, nor for that matter as a result of a just and proper exercise of one's right or entitlement within this state, for all such considerations appear to have been transcended. Whatever other problems the category of moksa raises, besides this paradox, it at least stands apart from the other categorical ends and in so doing suggests the possibility of a totally obligation free right, which too is rescinded the moment one enters it.

                I wish to spend some time exploring the duties and obligations encumbent especially obligatory rites prescribed in the sastras (scriptures), but in terms of what is owed (or in old English 'ought1) to them for their contributions towards the continuing welfare of human beings. In addition one has the obligation of making gifts (dāƆa) and offering libations Qiomd). Duties and obligations, in this cosmic perspective, are what make the world go round.

                The king too has certain obligations, namely to protect the citizens and their interests and to do right by them. Whether the law-makers, such as Manu and Kautilya, who laid down these particular regal obligations had in their mind the correlative rights of citizens (as distinct from their interests) remains a matter of interpretation. For, if dharma sets the limits and constraints on the action of citizens and kings alike then one cannot say that obligations are entailed by the corresponding rights of others. In Kautilya's case it is more likely that he was concerned to build up the kingdom of the prince, by the rule of daƆda ('the rod'), if necessary, than that he was concerned with the rights of the citizen. Nevertheless, Kautilya does grant certain rights to the citizen in order to protect the people against the king's Machiavellian tyranny. [5]

                It may also be argued that the ordinances of Manu set down certain rights for the brahmin, for are not his entitlements and privileges protected and do they not entail correlative duties on the part of non-brahmins? It should not be overlooked here, however, that the brahmin claims his entitlements qua being a brahmin, not qua being a human being per se (which others are also); it is simply his good fortune to have been born a brahmin. Besides, these entitlements are set down by positive law, or if one wants to stretch the metaphor, by a natural law which was applicable in that particular epoch or yuga (for Manu does confess that dharma may take different operative forms, or 'visions', in different epochs). [6] It may be that Manu was merely giving assent to the status quo in the interest of some higher end that he alone could (fore)see. But the lowly social status and servility of the sĂŒdra is quite categorical in Manu. The sĂŒdra is literally the 'child of misery', though he has a few more entitlements relative to people of mixed castes and untouchables. At least the ĆĄĆ«dra has a certain desert in virtue of his duties that cannot be easily forfeited. One may rightly argue however that this has nothing to do with natural rights, for the duties are really those of the marketplace, or in the interest rather of his master.

                One may nevertheless ask, how is it that the brahmin has claimed or appropriated certain rights with respect to the performance of rituals? Rituals have to be performed in certain prescribed ways for them to be binding and effective. But this is a procedural requirement, i.e. the claim is that whoever is qualified should perform them according to the rules. It is therefore an impersonal entitlement, although later literature fixes the brahmin as the most qualified instrument or agent for the task. And this entitlement soon becomes a matter of inheritance. For the law-makers like Kautilya and Manu, the vārnas (vocational groupings, or 'castes') are arranged in a descending order and it is this scale that determines the claimable entitlements, privileges and obligations, as well as punishments and violations, encumbent upon each member of the group.

                The brahmin, for instance, who keeps a non-brahmin woman will jeopardise the inheritance rights (to property) of his sons born through the woman; but a sĂŒdra's infringement of a brahmin's prerogative could lead to the dispossession of all that he has courtesy of the brahmin master (VII.417). The brahmin's prerogative extends to cover his control over his own wife, son and any servant or slave, their property, earnings and so forth. The brahmin has no calling to serve anyone other than himself (and perhaps the gods), while it is a s'Ć«dra's natural and normal duty to serve the brahmin and established householders, which is not something that can be enforced on the other vārnas. The king and his ministers (and a band of clandestine spies in Kautilya's state) are under obligation to safeguard these prerogatives, privileges of the 'twice-born' vārnas, and indirectly those of the monarch, although this latter calling is not strictly an entailment of a further entitlement claimable by the 'twice-born'. But the question still remains, can we speak in terms of the brahmin's rights, even if in a derivative sense? For if we can, then we might be coming close to finding a traditional Indian counterpart to the (Western) concept of rights. I will return shortly to the specific issue of the brahmin's 'natural' entitlement(s) on which the derivation of the idea of rights would seem to depend.

                II. Adhikāra

                So far, we have not been able to discern a semantic field in ancient Indian thought that corresponds strictly to the sense in which 'rights' has come to be understood in Western thought. The broad contours that we have mapped suggest a number of approximate usages and diffused analogues which are further restricted by any number of qualifications and dependencies, not least on the all-pervasive emphasis on duties and obligations, or 'rites' in the more specific ritual context. Nevertheless, this should not preclude us from asking the following important question: Is it possible to locate a term in Sanskrit that is perfectly cognate with the modern term 'rights'? We shall tread cautiously in discussing this question.

                Austin Creel cites B. N. Chobe in saying that there is no Sanskrit word that means rights, and makes the following observation: "Rights are present in the system, but as the obverse of duties, the reciprocal duties of groups and individuals to each other, and never in any sense separated in status. To the extent that one not only owed duties to another but was owed duties by others, rights are bound up with duties, any duty involving a corresponding right or claim." [7] The observation is fair as far it goes and reinforced by the foregoing analysis. However, there is another route towards an answer to this question which writers like Chobe, Creel and others commenting on the issue have not considered. And for this we turn to Mīmāmsā ethics and the enormous impact they have had on Hindu jurisprudence over the centuries (to the present).

                We find in Mīmāmsā literature recurrent use and refinement of a term which has importantly become a bearer of a precise signification for the more specific analogue to 'rights' that we are seeking. This development can be mapped from the early, rather inadequate and unsophisticated references to the modern adoption of the notion of rights in India. The term in question is adhikāra.

                A word or two on the multivalent significance of the term adhikāra in the wider literary and philosophical parlance is apposite before we move on to the more specific derivation at the hands of the Mīmāmsā scholastics.

                A standard Sanskrit lexicon (e.g. Apte's Sanskrit-English Dictionary) is apt to list the following meanings and usages for the term 'adhikāra': prerogative, privilege, title, authority, position, dignity, office, rank, sovereignty; as well as qualifications that deem one fit to be initiated into... or to perform certain specific duties, civil, sacrificial, religious, etc. Thus, depending on the context, adhikāra can have the nuance of being qualified, competent, authorised, deserving, having the title or trusteeship in respect of property, territory, ethereal rewards, and so on. Apart from a certain ambiguity that the term adhikāra trades, or perhaps plays, upon, none of these senses betrays the exactness of the nuance transparent in the form 'having right to'. Of course, the latter does appear in a related term, viz. 'arh, arhati'; however, there appears to be no corresponding nominal or gerundive form from this particular root that would yield the equivalent of (the English term) 'right'. When pressed to extract a predominant ethical nuance from these various senses, the best that I believe we can come up with—and this is a significant point—would be the equivalent of the Western term 'desert', as when we say, 'a peaceful death is X's just desert having suffered intolerable pain from a terminal condition'. (Two relevant points on desert need to be noted: a desert is not a 'trumps down' universal claim, i.e. it is contextually negotiated, and is more usually voiced by another on behalf of X, i.e. it lacks its own assertability, quite unlike a right, whose universalist form and much less its content marks its particular forte. Gandhi, following an erstwhile tradition, was moved to reintroduce the notion of 'trusteeship' and 'desert' in place of 'ownership' and 'right thereto' in his mature social thinking.)

                So it would appear that adhikāra, for reasons just pointed out, does not lend itself to being translated or taken as the cognate of 'right' in that specific ethical-legalistic sense in which we are presently interested. Indeed, the Urdu term haq might appear to be a more suitable candidate, and this term has been current in popular Hindustani. (Although those more concerned to Sanskritise spoken Hindi in parts of north India have been wont to substitute the term 'adhikār' where haq had gained currency. Thus a dispute over a first class rail seat allocation, or more controversially over a sacred relic site, between two or three different claimants would, in the course of the argument, variously register three terms: 'haq', 'adhikār' and 'right'.)

                But this is not the end of the story, for although a direct translation is not possible the term 'adhikāra' can be construed through a series of derivations which brings it closer than any other term to the current use of the term 'right' or 'rights'. It has its genesis in Mīmāmsā exegetical hermeneutics and its results in the Bhagavad Gitā.

                MlmārƆsā on adhikāra

                What I hope to show in the rest of the paper is the intriguing use of a hermeneutical device through which the MÄ«māmsā scholastic writers were able to fashion a rather more precise and poignant nuance out of the multivalent senses which underpinned the term adhikāra, by focussing on the somewhat specialised requirements and provisions which the BrāhmaƆic texts fixed in respect of the performance of prescribed rituals and sacrifices. The BrāhmaƆas, as is well known, describe at length the process and instrumentations by which the sacrifices and mantras enjoined in the Veda are to be effected. While the BrāhmaƆas begin the task of interpretation and explanation, it leaves unanswered a plethora of questions and assumes an incredible degree of wisdom on the part of a priestly elite concerned with perpetuating the orthopraxy. One of the questions that is left glaringly open concerned the unstated subject, the 'who' in the injunctions, particularly of the form 'Whosoever desires X should perform sacrifice Z'. This, in other areas of ethics and sacrificial exegesis, would open up another Pandora's Box, but we shall confine our discussion to the issue of the implied subject.

                In considering the question of who it is that is the proper subject of the vidhi or injunctions regarding sacrificial performances, the master of Purva Mīmāmsā Jaimini, speaks in terms of adhikāra, i.e. the conditions or criteria for eligibility on the basis of which one's entitlement to the act can be stamped. Four major criterial requirements are highlighted, viz. ārthltva, samarthya, agniman and vidvan. [8]

                The first criterion opens up the eligibility to anyone who has the desire (kāmana) for such and such a reward (phalārtha), and Jaimini counts women as being eligible on the same grounds as men (though this is possibly restricted to wives, which safeguards the classical (Mahabhārata) ordinance that a woman is not to act independently (na strt svatantryamarhatï), so Sabara opines in his commentary).

                The second criterion specifies the fit and able condition of the desirer's body (samarthà) to carry out and complete the performance.

                The third criterion specifies the resourcefulness of the performer in terms of obtaining agni (sacrificial fire) and other instrumentations (dravya) in the prescribed way.

                The fourth and last criterion supplements the second by specifying the requisite intellectual status of the would-be performer in respect of the knowledge, ritualistic formulae, mantras, and such details as are necessary for taking the sacrifice to its logical conclusion. (Only with the correct performance of any act can the connected fruit be obtained via the apĂŒrva or 'unseen potency' long after the yajamana has completed the yajña.) But such knowledge, etc. occurs only in the Vedas and anyone who is to be admitted under this criterion must know the Vedas and have access to Vedic mantras or sarƆhitās and BrāhmaƆas. In the case of kamya, or optional rites, and naimittika, or occasional rites, all the four criteria must be fulfilled, while in the case of nitya or obligatory rites (such as the morning and evening prayers) the first need not be present (for the phala should not even be an incentive here) and the second may well be deficient.

                Now it would appear that just about anyone—who is capable of having or expressing a desire for some phala (such as a heavenly state, cows, progeny, etc.)—can claim entitlement under these terms. But when one looks closely at the fourth criterion, which is a sufficient condition for all variety of rites, it strikes one that the requirement of vidvatva is intended drastically to curtail the scope of the eligibility, by surreptitiously introducing two more strictures which are implied in this criterion.

                These strictures are that the subject must be a dvijā or 'twice-born' and an upantta, i.e. one who has undergone the sacred-thread initiation ceremony (upanayanĂ ). It should be obvious to any Indian that not all 'twice-born' persons undergo the initiation rite which is reserved for the brahmin, and it goes without saying that a (Ć«dra can never be considered eligible under this requirement. (Manu debars the ĆĄĆ«dra from as much as hearing the Vedic recitations.) Hence the further strictures serve the purpose of placing constraints on other groups that prima facie meet the eligibility criteria (with the help of the attendant unspoken strictures), thereby protecting the interests of the brahmin and by default naming him as the subject of the entitlement. Note, however, that the limiting conditions are invoked almost as though these were part of a 'natural' order or law, for what determines that a person X is a 'twice-born' and that another is a sĂŒdra?

                Once birth as the determinant of this status is accepted, then could a brahmin help being born a brahmin, and sĂŒdra a ĆĄĆ«dra} Hence within the terms of this framework, a natural process is believed to function that restricts the scope of the eligibility, against which a sĂŒdra can have no grievance or argument to the contrary.

                Here we notice that the notion of adhikāra is utilised in the thinking of the Mīmāmsā for establishing the ground-rules for the privilege, indeed, 'en-title-ment' which a brahmin might legitimately claim in respect of the performance of Vedic
                sacrifices. It takes a step from here, by moving forward somewhat circumspectly, without yet making this claim absolute in all but an abstract way, towards delineating the morally transparent 'right' of the brahmin. [9] This 'desert' and the dignified office that it carries with it is there by virtue of the special birthright accorded to, or appropriated by, the brahmin; in principle, however, it may be stretched—as in the case of the first criterion above and in Jaimini's own words—to sarvādhikāra (universal entitlement).

                On a similar tack, the MÄ«māmsā interpret a text in the Mahābhārata, viz. sravayet caturo vornan, stating that the four castes have adhikāra to acquire knowledge of the smƗti scriptures (Itihāsa and PurāƆas). This establishes the concessional entitlements which the non-'twice-born' castes can claim in respect of performing rituals which are derived from non-Vedic injunctions. The more liberal procedure of interpretation of moral codes instigated by the MÄ«māmsā on the basis of the concept of adhikāra had a far-reaching impact on later jurisprudence and the handling of delicate issues in morality, such that the MÄ«māmsā itikartavyata (criterion/precedent) would be invoked on occasions, in MÄ«tāksara and in the Penal Code in this century, to decide on issues that arose, say, in relation to anuloma (the inheritance rights of the son of the s'ĂŒdra wife of a brahmin), which effectively overturns Manu (who, if we recall, proscribed such inheritance rights). [10]

                III. Bhagavad Gitā's Adhikāra

                The Brāhmanical encoding of the discourse of entitlements, nuanced as 'desert', in respect especially of the fruits of religion—such as heaven, moksa, HarÄ«, Brahman, etc.—is challenged from time to time. Jaina and Buddhist critiques rallied against the foreclosure of this discourse, and while decrying the Brāhmanical proclivity towards ritualistic action they continued to place strong emphasis on the necessity of carrying out one's duty in all spheres of life. This srāmaƆic critique of the Vedic ideology was to have a powerful influence on the smƗti (the 'recollected' tradition), wherein the seeds of the internal subversion of the brāhmanic discourse get planted. The Bhagavad GÄ«tā embodies perhaps the earliest such critique. [11].

                The Bhagavad Gītā seeks to consolidate the myriad petty rewards and fruits promised in the Vedic rites into a single end (here following the Upanisads and Samkhya) of spiritual freedom; but on the orthopraxy side the Gītā takes over the Mīmāmsā groundwork of dharma (and reconciles this with the practice of yoga and emergent bhakti or devotion). This is reflected in its rhetoric of singleness of mindpurpose (vyavasayatmika buddhir ekeha 11.42). For the Gitā, as for the Mīmāmsā, the rightful discharge of dharma entails the performance of certain duties. But the categorical imperative we find in the Mīmāmsā is considerably weakened in the Giiā's discourse of niskāma karma or disinterested action, for such a class of actions is still of a type intended variously to purify the mind (sattvas'uddhi), to please the gods (Jsvaraprīti), and to contribute to the welfare of all being (lokasamgraha). These actions are not necessarily prescriptive as Vedic acts are, but they stem from one's own svadharma.

                Now the notion of svadharma which in the Gītā receives a gallant endorsement, on the face of it, appears somewhat akin to Kant's notion of moral autonomy. However, the Giiā's notion, while it forms the basis of moral action, is not an abstract consequence that results from its critical method, but a quasi-subjective category referring to the innate characteristics—here termed svabhāva—of the individual, which he has according his nature.

                In a sense the above combines both a formal and a material function. Svadharma tells one that one ought to do what one ought to do with regard to whatever is true to one's nature (svabhāva); and this is formal, as Krsna pronounces: 'Better one's duty (though) imperfect, than another's well-performed' (III.35). But the content of this duty with regard to what is one's nature is promptly specified by the Gītā in terms, not of the psychological properties of the individual, but rather of the empirically determined social placement or status of the individual. In other words, svadharma is ascertained by reference to the normative rules of that society, and that may be, as is certainly the case here, the particular class division and what its duties and obligations are. Hence one's svadharma is determined within the web of the dharma-karma dynamics, that is to say, the prescribed role in the interrelated network known as dharma. And this one does without regard to consequences or rewards, that is to say, in a spirit of detachment by rescinding the fruits of the action. Surely again, the Kantian maxim, 'duty for duty's sake' rings true here as well, but the difference is precisely in the way in which these duties are determined and legitimated. (Kant, in the final analysis, resorts to utilitarian considerations, the Gitā to a transcendental telos; in fact, the Gītā's adage would be better restated as 'duty for dharma's sake').

                The Gītā, however, is not bound simply to the discourse of duties, for the idea of adhikāra had already opened other possibilities and claims that might run counter to the 'rites' discourse it attempts to rescue, albeit in a broader context of socially beneficial action. In this regard the Gītā presents an interesting variance on the nuance attached to adhikāra in its own rather deceptive and delicate use of that term. I shall illustrate this before drawing the implication for the thesis at stake.

                The Gītā invokes the term adhikāra in a single verse (11.47): karmanyevadhikāraraste mā phalesu kadācana. There is reason to believe that the influence of Mīmāmsā is strong in this articulation, as indeed elsewhere (a major observation made forcefully by Kunhan Raja [12]). Given the premise just stated, I believe the verse cited here reads best when translated as: 'You have entitlement indeed to actions, never though to the results'. Arjuna here is being told that since he (Arjuna) belongs to the warrior group his adhikāra is to the act (which a warrior performs), and he has no claim to the results that may or may not follow. He is further told, by implication, that he has no entitlement not to do the act that has to be done, that is to say, he has no right to desist from what is (by his self-nature) encumbent upon him as a ksatriya. While it may appear that the Gītā is confusing the locution of duties with that of rights (understood as entitlements, let us concede), the move is deliberate, because the author(s) here attempts to introduce the idea of 'negative rights', which effectively states that no one, including oneself, can rightfully interfere with what is one's due or desert by virtue of the law (or dharma); if action Z is one's just desert then so be it, this is one's entitlement and nothing should be permitted to stand in the way of its fulfilment. By shifting the focus from results or fruits to action and agency, the weight of the entitlement tilts rather more towards action than towards fruits or result of the action.

                It is almost as though the Gītā was tempted to speak of the 'right to duty' (just as we speak of the right to employment).

                But the Gītā is not that explicit, possibly because the idea was too novel and the unthought in the looming tradition too deeply concealed for an easy excavation, or that its application to the wider context of action may have met with understandable demur from persistent ritualistic and ascetic critics alike. Moreover, the Gītā wants also to disabuse people of the false belief that one is any more entitled to or deserving of the fruits of action than one is, say, to the fires of hell. This is just the reason for Krsna's asking Arjuna to renounce the fruits (phalatyaga), and not the other way round, i.e. to rescind the action.

                Importantly also, the notion of tyaga on which this renouncing (of fruits) is pegged is adopted not, as generally said, from the sannyasa tradition, but in a qualified sense from the Mīmāmsā, which stressed the giving up (or abandoning from one's own hand) of the dravya or substances (such as soma) used in the sacrifice. The discourse of duty which the Gītā wants to legitimate would gain greater strength from the locution of adhikāra which the Mīmāmsā had refined and heralded than it would through any borrowings from the sannyasa directives. But scholars and commentators, especially of the Vedānta-bhakti ilk, have concentrated far too exclusively on tyaga (which does not appear in this verse) than on adhikāra (which has had the same plethora of variant translations and readings as most other difficult or specialist terms in the Gītā).

                Conclusion

                I would venture to suggest that the Bhagavad Gitā, like the Mīmāmsā before it and from which it draws, came frightfully close to opening up the discourse of adhikāra in its later development towards a notion of rights (for it certainly stretches the erstwhile concept of entitlements beyond the scope intended in earlier Brahmanic texts). It draws its guiding impetus from Mīmāmsā exegetical hermeneutics, even as it seeks to apply the signification beyond the framework of sacrificial and religious rites to the broader context of social dharma (inclusive of war). But beyond this it could not go, perhaps for good historical and 'archaeological' reasons, which means to say that ideas that are historically developed have within their genealogy a certain scope and horizon which are nevertheless delimited by other countervailing historical and social conditions which either check unlimited growth or appropriate the promising trajectory for their own legitimation, perhaps even repression. More specifically, in the case in hand, the Gītā would have had to accept the fundamental idea that all persons are born equal and that nature does not endow differential markings on individuals which immediately translate into social differentiation, and so on.

                Notwithstanding this limitation, the GÄ«tā does concede another kind of adhikāra to all people (one presumes), and that is in respect of the life-form or practice of bhakti or devotion, for KrsƆa promises to heed whosoever comes to him with a flower, a leaf, water, and a mind fixed on him alone, etc. But, again, this overture towards a more universalist reading of adhikāra is constrained in the social context by the overbearing weight of varnāƥramadharma ('caste' structure) and an orthodoxy that could barely face reconciling itself with the challenges of the incipient individualism inherent in the systems of yoga-asceticism and Buddhism (through its denial of the caste structure if not of ātman also). Thus the overall response of the GÄ«tā is restrained and calculated; it merely suggests the bare denouement of a discourse of universal human rights [mānava-sarvādkikāra], but of itself it stops short of developing this notion in the way that it came to be in the West, or even in the way that the notion of rights was adopted (with some mutations) in the secular modern Indian Constitution. But to discuss the enigma of the latter adaptation would be to stray beyond the scope of the present inquiry.

                NOTES
                [1] See my essay, (1991) Indian Ethics, in: Peter Singer (Ed.) A Companion to Ethics (Oxford, Blackwell),pp. 43-57.
                [2] While numerous critical discussions have appeared in recent years on the topic of purusārthas, the most pertinent for the present discussion is a paper entitled, The myth of the purusārthas by Daya Krishna, Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research, IV(1), Autumn 1986, pp. 1-14; see page 4 in particular.
                [3] Miƛra, KAMALAKAR (1986) Comment on Professor Daya Krishna's Paper 'The myth of purusāthas', Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research, pp. 167-180.
                [4] Krishna, op. cit., passim.
                [5] See Kautilya's Arthaƛāstra, trans. by R. Shamasastry (Mysore, Mysore Printing and Publishing House, 1960); KRISHNA RAO, H. V. (1979) Studies in Kaunlya, (Delhi: Munshiram Manharlal). See also, KANE, P. V. History of Dharmaƛāstras, 1(1), (Poona, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1962) p.225. Kautilya is famous for at least two things: i) justifying the rule of the rod (dandanÄ«ti) by the monarch; ii) emphasising the use of ratiocination in deliberations on matters of ethics; he also advocated a system of espionage to check dissent among the king's ministers, his rivals, lovers and citizens alike.
                In fact, Kautilya's system of statehood compares somewhat better with Hegel's idea of the State as the 'ethical substance' than it does with Machiavelli's state, as often thought.
                [6] Manu 1, pp. 81-86. The Manusmrti (1975) edited by Satya Bhushan Yogi (Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass). Also, TIWARI CHITRA (1963) ƚƫdras in Manu (Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass). Cf. FREDERICK COPLESTON, (1955, 1976) Thomas Aquinas (London, Search Press), pp. 220-224.
                [7] CREEL, AUSTIN B. (1977) Dharma in Hindu Ethics (Columbia, South Asia Books) p. 19. Cf. the equally candid account in CARMAN, JOHN B. (1988) Duties and Rights in Hindu Society, in: LEROY S. ROUNER (Ed.) Human Rights and World's Religions (Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press), pp. 113-128.
                [8] From Jaimini MÄ«māmsā SĆ«tra adhyāya 6 pada I. The entire chapter is devoted to establishing who has the adhikāra or 'right' to perform yajñās. I am grateful for discussions of this aspect of MÄ«māmsā ethics with Professor K. T. Pandurangi (PadmāƛrÄ«) and the very learned Pt P. N. Pattābhirāma ƚāstrÄ« (PadmābhĆ«shan).
                [9] The expression is Pt Pattābhirāma ƚāstri's (personal teachings, Banaras).
                [10] Manu VII.416. For discussion see Mimāmsā Jurisprudence (The Source of Hindu Law), by A. S. Nataraja Ayyar (Allahabad: Ganganath Jha Research Institute, 1962), p. 37. Ayyar cites a case from the Full Bench in Madras (Case I L R 41 Mad. 44) on the question of whether an illegitimate son of a permanently kept concubine could legitimately succeed to his father's putative properties, (p. 78). Mimāmsā or principles of interpretation are often invoked to apply Hindu MÄ«tākƟara Law that recognises heritable blood between a ƛƫdra and his son. Apparently, the presiding judge of the High Court in Madras during the period, Justice V Krishnaswamy Ayyar, retained in this court a team of Mlmāmsā pandits to pronounce on the likely MÄ«māmsā ruling in the cases he dealt with. This shows the
                regard he had for Mīmāmsā jurishermeneutic.
                [11] See, for example KOSAMBI, D. D. (1965) The Culture of Ancient India in Historical Perspective, (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul).
                [12] RAJA, KUNHAN (1946) The Bhagavadgītā and the Mīmāmsā, Adyar Library and Research Bulletin, 10, pp. 9-12. See discussion in P. Bilimoria (1988) Metadialectics of the Bhagavadgītā, Ethics and the Contemporary Milieu, in: S. Parve Wakil et al. (Eds) South Asian Horizon Society, Culture and Literature (University of Saskatchewan, Canadian Asian Studies Association), pp. 103-144


                Kalyanaraman
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                Doubting EVMs. If EC cannot follow SC mandate for VVPAT, revert to paper ballot. Transparency is a Constitutional principle.

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                View from the right

                Thu Nov 14 2013, 05:35 hrs


                DOUBTING EVMS

                Panchjanya raises questions about the reliability of the EVMs, claiming that the Congress-led UPA's return to power in 2009, despite its "misgovernance", raised "doubts about the EVM". It claims other countries have stopped using EVMs and that, except the Congress, most political parties and experts are questioning the machine.

                It argues that while countries like the US, Germany, the UK and the Netherlands have stopped relying on EVMs, the EC continues to claim the EVM is "foolproof and transparent". "The most important part of the EVM is the micro-controller. The Japanese company that makes that part as well as the Japan government also doubt the EVM... There are primarily three countries in the world — Venezuela, Nigeria and India — where EVMs are still used..." asserts Panchjanya, adding that "there are several ways to tamper with the EVM like putting a Trojan Horse virus, fitting micro-wireless transmitter or receiver, and messing with the EVM's secret programming...". It claims that neither the EC nor the companies that manufacture EVMs can check this programme or establish whether the EVM has the correct programme.

                http://www.indianexpress.com/news/view-from-the-right/1194643/0
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                Origins of Pseudo Secularism in Nehru-Patel Rift -- Arvind Kumar

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                Origins of Pseudo Secularism in Nehru-Patel Rift

                Posted by Arvind Kumar  /   November 14, 2013  /   Posted in Distortion Watch, Media, Politics, Slider  /   No Comments
                patel
                Not many people know that the term ‘pseudo-secularism’ originated in the rift between Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru’s hunger for power and his shenanigans had prevented Sardar Patel from leading the Congress and becoming the the Prime Minister of India despite Nehru losing the party elections to Patel. When the Constitution of India was being framed, Patel insisted against Nehru’s protestations that the right to property be included as a fundamental right. In Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir, Patel had used strong methods to solve the problems leading to much bitterness and resentment in Nehru.

                It was against this backdrop that the election for the Congress President in 1950 took place. Nehru wanted complete control of the party in order to impose his minority views on the country but faced a hurdle in the form of Patel. While Nehru was a Marxist internationalist who was hostile towards Indian culture, Sardar Patel, a staunch nationalist, was strongly pro-India.

                Sardar Patel supported Purushottam Das Tandon for the post of Congress President in 1950. Tandon was known to be a supporter of India and respected Indian culture. He wanted the laws to be equally applied to everyone and was opposed to the appeasement of the people of any religion. In short, he was the polar opposite of Nehru.

                Nehru was considered by the international media as a person who, to quote the words of the Gettysburg Times, “suffered from a monumental inferiority complex.” This resulted in Nehru claiming he was an Englishman, and he displayed the same kind of disdain towards Indian people and culture that the English rulers had displayed.

                Nehru was intolerant towards Tandon’s personal beliefs and respect for Hindu culture, and in order to oppose him, Nehru supported Acharya Kriplani in the election for the President of Congress. The party election of 1950 became controversial and got worldwide coverage. It was seen as a fight between Patel and Nehru.

                As the battlelines were drawn, the elections caused much flutter within the country and each side did its best to get as many supporters as possible. While some units like Tamilnad Congress supported Sardar Patel and Purushottam Das Tandon, others like Mysore Congress were divided. As the stakes were raised, Kengal Hanumanthaiah, a staunch opponent of Nehru and his nationalization of industries, threw his lot behind Tandon. In a closely fought battle, the group led by Tandon and Sardar Patel emerged triumphant.

                Unable to swallow the defeat in the elections, Nehru threw a tantrum and refused to join the Congress Working Committee. He eventually joined the Committee after being pacified by more mature people in the party. In allowing Nehru to join the Committee, Sardar Patel and Purushottam Das Tandon had proved that they were statesmen who gracefully accommodated the rebel faction that had lost the election.

                Three months after the election, Sardar Patel passed away and Nehru used this event to force another showdown in the party. He used the government machinery to his advantage and got Tandon and the entire Committee to resign. Nehru then reconstituted the Committee and Tandon agreed to serve on it in order to not break the unity of the party when the country was in a nascent stage and it was a period when political instability gave rise to fears of putting the country’s very survival at risk.

                This was also the period when accusations of corruption against Congress started coming to the forefront. Nehru followed up his hostile takeover of the party by passing draconian laws against freedom of expression. These laws were specifically targeted at Hindus.

                In the wake of these events, Anthony Elenjimittam who was the editor of the Libertarian wrote in his book in 1951:
                This superiority of religious realization over pseudo-secularism was proved when Shri Nehru declined to serve on the Working Committee to maintain the prestige of his fashionable secularist creed, while the ‘communal and obscurantistic’ Tandon, in national and patriotic interests, agreed to serve on the very Committee reconstituted by his political opponent, thus practicing the religious principle, as formulated by St. Paul: “Do not be overcome by evil, but conquer evil with good.”
                Elenjimittam also decried the hypocrisy of Nehru when he wrote that “the veteran Congress leaders, with Pandit Nehru at the top, continue to shout from the housetops in and out of time about their new fad of pseudo-secularism.”

                This was possibly the first usage of the term ‘pseudo-secularism’ in the context of Indian politics. It would be many years before this term seeped into popular culture. The credit for that goes to L.K. Advani who is himself inspired by Sardar Patel. In 1985, in the ruling on the famous Shah Bano case, the Supreme Court castigated the Indian government for doing nothing to make the Uniform Civil Code a reality. A few months later, when the Rajiv Gandhi government used the facade of ‘secularism’ to pass a law reversing the Supreme Court’s decision and legitimized the existence of a parallel Islamic legal system allowing Muslim women to be oppressed, it led to L.K. Advani highlighting the ‘pseudo-secularism’ of the Congress.

                As we come closer to the 2014 elections, it appears that it will be 1950 all over again. The forces supporting Sardar Patel seem to be arrayed on one side while those supporting Nehru’s corruption and failed policies are arrayed on the other.


                History seems to be repeating itself after nearly sixty four years, but the people of India have the benefit of hindsight over these 64 years to help them arrive at a decision. Every failure in India – the utter poverty of a large section of the population, the loss to China in the 1962 war, India’s failed foreign policy, the division of India’s people along religious and linguistic lines leading to various riots, and the complete failure of Nehruvian Stalinism – can be linked to Jawaharlal Nehru and his policies. On the other hand, the positive characteristics of India and the warnings to guard against various dangers – her unification, the relative economic freedom that briefly put India on the path of prosperity, the prediction about China’s expansionist designs, and the need for India to be self-sufficient and strong – can all be traced to Sardar Patel and his visionary ideals.

                [The author can be reached at arvind@classical-liberal.net. Between 2004 and 2010, the author published the '4M Report,' a satirical newsletter with the banner slogan, 'your regular dose of pseudosecularism.']
                http://www.indiafacts.co.in/origins-of-pseudo-secularism-in-nehru-patel-rift

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                Media and managing elections. Prostitution of fourth estate is now a scourge.

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                Then, there was a front-page article by N. Ram, Chairman of the Hindu Board that Modi cannot be PM. Wow. What arrogance and conceit on the part of a mere tabloid which had gained notoreity as a naxal tabloid?

                And,now Hartosh Singh Bal, editor of Open Magazine gets the marching orders.

                Maybe, this is election season and part of the prostitution which has become a scourge in the media.

                Fourth Estate is dead. Long live the other three. And of course, the Constitution which has been decimated with the subversion of almost all Constitutional institutions starting with Prime Ministership and Parliament up for cash for votes.

                Kalyanaraman

                 

                A Conversation With: Former Political Editor of Open Magazine Hartosh Singh Bal


                Hartosh Singh Bal, former political editor of Open magazine.Courtesy of Hartosh Singh BalHartosh Singh Bal, former political editor of Open magazine.
                Hartosh Singh Bal, the political editor of Open magazine, announced on Wednesday that he had received a letter of termination. It was the second high-profile sacking within the Indian media in the space of a month; in late October, Siddharth Varadarajan resigned as editor-in-chief of The Hindu, an influential daily newspaper, when the paper’s owners told him he would be replaced.
                In Mr. Varadarajan’s case, it became clear that disputes over political coverage had been simmering under the surface. His replacement told reporters that political bias had crept into the paper’s coverage under Mr. Varadarajan, saying that the news desk had been under orders not to run stories about Narendra Modi, the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party’s candidate for prime minister, on the front page. Mr. Varadarajan disputed the allegation.
                Mr. Bal said that his letter of termination offered no reason for the decision, but that the RP-Sanjiv Goenka Group, which owns the magazine, had offered him generous severance pay in exchange for leaving quietly. He also noted that his departure had been preceded by the publication of an article sharply critical of both Mr. Modi and of Rahul Gandhi, the vice president of the ruling Congress Party. 
                India Ink spoke to Mr. Bal about his departure from Open magazine and the pressures the Indian media has encountered in covering this election cycle.
                Q.
                This news follows closely on the heels of the sacking of The Hindu’s editor. Do you think there are parallels between these two situations?
                A.
                Look, there is a great lack of transparency in what happens within the media. I can speculate about what has happened; I know I have done a certain series of articles. They were well received. I have not received any feedback from within the publication that anything I have done was problematic. Then I hear I should leave the organization. My editor says he opposes the decision. My publisher says he opposes the decision. What happened can best be answered by the management of this group.
                Q.
                Who owns your magazine, and do they have a political allegiance?
                A.
                Not as far as I know directly. The current chair’s father was part of the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation and was an M.P. [member of Parliament] in the Congress government. Whether this chairman has the same political leanings, I have no idea. This can best be answered by the management.
                Q.
                Did you ever get explicit guidance on how to cover politics?
                A.
                On a large scale, in Indian media, it is quite common. It hasn’t happened here. I made it quite clear that I would not accept anything like that. Whether there was any communication between the editor and owner, that can best be answered by the editor.
                Q.
                Which is more dangerous to write about, Congress or Modi?
                A.
                Good question. If I knew what the precise reasons were for the ownership to ask me to leave, I could give you a better answer. I have written enough that would not be pleasant for either.
                In my case, one thing I will tell you is that everything I’ve written has gone through an editorial process. If they felt there was a problem, there should have been a discussion between the editor and owner. From what he specifically told me, he doesn’t even support it. He did make it quite clear to me that he would not support a termination or be party to it. I can’t speak for him personally. If I have reporters under me writing stories that go through me, and if somebody were to question them and ask me to remove them from the organization, they’d have to go over my dead body.
                Q.
                Do you feel betrayed?
                A.
                Everyone has to make their own call. I know what my own call would be.
                Q.
                Do you think that your colleagues are under pressure for the same reasons?
                A.
                This is a particularly divisive and important election in this country, and I think the role the media plays is very, very important. I do think that overall there is an attempt to stifle voices which are independent. I have never seen the media so divided within itself, taking sides, being so partisan, even when it is clear where the funding and support is coming from.
                Q.
                Did this happen in earlier election cycles?
                A.
                I am sure there must have been a certain kind of pressure. The ability to influence media, the attempt to do so — that is changing rapidly. I think it is worse now. There’s a kind of fixation on managing elections, which influences both Congress’s and B.J.P.’s approach to this election. Managing the media is a big part of that.
                (This interview was edited for length and clarity.)


                http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/14/a-conversation-with-former-political-editor-of-open-magazine-hartosh-singh-bal/?_r=2&
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                Vedic linguistics -- Vinay Jha. PIE = Sanskrit. Any IE mainstream takers of this challenge?

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                Thanks to Vinay Jha for making available this brief summary based on his decade-long research. It is unfortunate that his handwritten notes on linguistics were mostly destroyed due to his shift to residence to Varanasi. This should provide an impetus to renew historical linguistic studies on the evolution of Indian sprachbund.

                k

                Vedic Linguistics
                ARYAN INVASION THEORY : REASSESSING LINGUISTIC EVIDENCES.

                Vinay Jha

                Historical Linguistics has developed sufficient tools for proper reconstruction of prehistoric states of Indo-European languages. These methods have been brilliantly used by European scholars for reconstruction of Proto Germanic, for instance. But in the case of Proto-Indo-European language (PIE), deliberately biased and unscientific methods were used, which Leonard Bloomfield had found to be unsatisfactory, but instead of refining the methodology he tried to divert his followers away from this field.

                One may waste years for trying to find out the basis of the widely publicised dating of the Rgveda ( cir. 1200 BC, ± 200 years). Linguists quote historians and historians quote linguists for this dating. No one bothers to show any proof. For instance, MaxmĂŒller stressed that linguists have discovered irrefutable proofs in favour of the dating of Rgveda, while the most reputed Indo-Europeanist Karl Brugmann plainly quoted a historian A. Kaegi for the dating of Rgveda. A careful examination of the views of Indo Europeanists leads one to believe that the supposedly primitive nature of Rgvedic culture encouraged scholars to put its age at par with those of the primitive Greeks who faught against Troy around 1200 BC. 1200 BC was the earlist date to which European history could be traced in 19th century; before 1200 BC was pure prehistory. But in 1952-3, Michael Ventris,with the help of Chadwick, deciphered the Linear B tablets of Mycenaean Greek, which proved that Mycenaean Greeks ( 1200-1500 BC) enjoyed an urban civilization much before 1200 BC. Hence the pastoral ancestors of these Greeks must be placed at least around 2000 BC . Hence, following the logic of Indo-Europeanists, it seems irrational to put the age of the socalled Vedic culture after 2000 BC. But the pastoral culture of vedic peoples should not have coexisted with the urban culture of Harappans in the same Sindhu-Sarasvati valley. Hence the socalled vedic age cannot be placed after 3000 BC in any case. The proof of Linear B is irrefutable, but Indo-Europeanists do not want to discard their 19th century views. The reason is twofold. Firstly, there is a dearth of experts wishing to devote much time in this field. Secondly, whenever an honest enquiry in conducted in this direction, Vedic language unquestionably proves to be the ancestor of all those languages whose ancient states and linkages are well known . (Unfortunately, IE is the only family with well documented history. Semitic also shows definite proofs of affinity with Vedic or PIE, but the linguistic history of Semitic is not sufficiently documented. Other families are even less documented.) The preponderance of evidences in favour of Vedic repulses biased researchers away from this discipline.

                Here is one summarised example, about cognates of one Sanskrit word and its PIE etymon. Method is very simple : take the statistical average of various cognates on a vowel diagram as well as among consonants, assuming you know nothing about pre-historic languages, with one exception : try to reconstruct etymons of known branches like Proto-Germanic (PGmc) before reaching out to PIE, as shown in the picture below.

                English : brother
                Old Eng : brödor
                German : BrĂŒder
                OHG : bruoder
                Gothic : bröthar
                OldNorse :bröther ('th' pronounced as in modern English 'brother')
                PGmc : bröthar
                (L.Bloomfield) :bröther ('th' pronounced as 'th' in Hindi/Sanskrit)
                O.Bulgar : brÀtru < *brÀtur
                Russian : brÀt
                Lithuanian : bröter
                Proto Slav : brÀtar
                (P.SlavoGerm : brÀtar)
                O.Irish : brÀthir
                Gaelic : brÀthair
                P.Kelt : brÀtha ir
                Greek : phrÀtor, phrÀter (no symbol for Sanskrit 'bh', hence 'phi' was used for 'bh' but initially pronunciation must have been 'bh')
                P.Gk phrÀtar
                Latin : frÀter
                P.Gk.Lat.Kelt : bhrÀtar or bhrÀtaer
                TocharianB : procer ( perhaps from *broter ) ( inadequacy of script )
                Zend : brÀtar
                Vedic : bhrÀtar, root : /bhrÀtr/
                P.IndoIranian : bhrÀtar
                ( PIE) : bhrÀtar


                VowelsPIE.gif


                Modern English, Old English, modern German, Old High German (OHG),Gothic, Old Norse and a lot of other living and extinct languages have descended from the common prehistoric ancestor Proto-Germanic (PGmc). Hence PGmc is reconstructed with the help of its descendants, giving due weightage to older forms of words. In Germanic group, we see that the last syllable of 'brother' tended to be /-ar/, /-or/ in many older languages, while the trend towards /-er/ is more pronounced in newer languages. Forming a conclusion on the basis of so little data is not commendable. But this author has examined most words of the entire Indo-European family and found that /-ar/ or /-or/ in a vast majority of cases tend towards /-er/ with the passage of time. A C Gimson found that front vowels like /e/ exhibit highest frequency of occurrence in running texts in English language ( An Introduction to the Pronunciation of Engligh Language, ELBS). Other European and Indian languages also show this tendency. Back vowels like /u/ or /o/ are not as frequent as front vowels like /e/ or /i/. 

                The cause is that back of the tongue requires more effort for lifting, while the front of tongue is free to move. In the present case, Karl Brugmann in his monumental work "Grundriss der Verleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen SprÀchen" (Comparative Grammar of Indo-European Languages, translated by Wright) wrote in the footnote that phrÀtor was older than phrÀter in Greek. It is another matter that he did not abide by his own opinion and neglected the older form phrÀtor in his reconstruction of PIE, using only phrÀter ,in order to be in harmony with his fellows.This type of approach is a rule rather than an exception in mainstream Indo-Europeanism. Indo-Europeanists behaved as if they were the final law givers of linguistics and the only proof they cared for was quoting each other. 

                This author wasted 12 years upon this discipline which led him to search for some objective and unbiased method of reconstruction of etymons. At last he decided that all linguistic groups ought to be given equal weightage, because the relative weights of various groups in pre-historic times are unknown. Besides, this author used the cardinal vowel diagram of Daniel Jones and deduced statistical mean of a particular vowel in various cognates, instead of following the subjective (impressionistic) method of Indo-Europeanists. For instance,the first vowel in the following example must be either /À/ or /ö/ , but a careful comparison of various groups suggest that only the Proto-Germanic could possess /ö/, all other groups show /À/ . Even oldest specimen of Slavic show /À/. Hence it is safe to conclude that the first vowel in PIE etymon was /À/.


                But the second vowel poses some problem. Old English and Gothic show that older form was /o/ or /a/, /e/ being a later development. Oldest form in Slavic is /ru/, which suggests /ur/ < /or/ < /ar/ in prehistoric times. Gaelic and Old Irish show /ai/ and /i/, while Greek shows /o/ in older specimens and /e/ in later ones including classical Koine. On the vowel diagram of Daniel Jones, statistical average of /o/ and /e/ is the central vowel /a/ for Proto-Greek (i.e., etymon of /brother/ must have possessed /ar/ in the end. Seen in this broader perspective, Keltic and Latin forms also suggest a change from /a/ > /ai/ > /i/ or /e/. Karl Brugmann noted that /or/ is older than /er/ in Greek.


                In the same way, first consonant is /b/ in Slavo-Germanic and /ph/ in Greek-Latin. Statistically, it would suggest /bh/ in the PIE, which is found in Vedic. Some prejudiced scholars raise doubts over the actual pronunciation of this PIE /bh/, which they imagine to be something like /bah/ with a reduced /a/, instead of like Sanskrit /bh/, which is a full fledged phoneme. Influence of Semitic alphabets upon European scholars is so overwhelming that the same scholar (Winfred P Lehmann, in his Historical Linguistics) writes that the syllabic form of writing used by Mycenaeans was unsuitable for Greek. But truth is just the opposite. Greek was an Indo-European language and Semitic alphabet was quite unsuitable for accurate transcription of Greek (or of any Indo-European language). It is quite probable that the actual pronunciation was /bhrÀtar/ in ancient Greece , which was written as /phrÀtor/ or /phrÀter/ in various dialects due to limitations of the Semitic alphabet. 

                A comparison of Sanskrit words with Greek counterparts as found in the Indica of Megasthenes has convinced this author that spoken Greek was much different from the written form, and spoken Greek had much less differences with Sanskrit than the written Greek would suggest. Ancient Greeks have not left adequate hints about the actual pronunciation. On the contrary, Sanskrit was a fully described language. Hence, it is quite advisable that a comparison with Sanskrit may help in discovering the actually spoken forms of ancient Greek. Ancient trancription of Caesar as /kaisar/ suggests that the Latin word Caesar was initially pronounced as Kaisar and not as Saisar or Seezar. In post Hellenic ages, Romans and others started pronouncing Greek words according to the written form. This malpractice has continued down to the modern times .
                Let us see how PIE etymons ought to be reconstructed from available derivatives. A self-explanatory picture "VowelsPIE.gif illustrates the simplified version of the statistical method used here in the case of /bhrÀtar/. 

                This author allocated equal weights to all IE groups in deducing averages. If older languages are given more weightage, the verdict would tilt in favour of Indic. The oldest specimen of Lithuanian date back to 16th century AD, yet same weight was given to Lithuanian as to Indic, the most archaic branch spoken by almost same number of people as all other IE languages combined together. But if differential weightage is used ( which ought to be used ), chauvinists masquerading as experts will run away with this science. Statistical method is not always correct, because it is tantamount to gambling, but it is the most preferred method when there is no theory. And if the statistical method yields some theory which explains all or almost all of the facts, together with giving plausible reasons for the exceptions,then it is quite scientific. Indo-Europeanists used this very method, but were propelled by subjective considerations of dubious nature, which we should now scrutinize.

                The picture "VowelsPIE.gif" has three parts. In the top portion, you will find the vowel guide to the Received Pronunciation of standard British Engligs ( e.g., of BBC), as a reference to the vowels of this diagram. Then, the reconstruction of PGmc (Proto Germanic) is illustrated. Indo-Europeanists invariably reconstruct PGmc as /bröther/, whereas this author found it more appropriate to reconstruct it as /bröthar/. Old Norse and Old High German show /e/ in the last syllable, whereas OE and Gothic show /o/ and /a/ respectively. Statistical mean is nearer to /a/ than to /e/( here /a/ has been used for the central vowel in order to avoid International Phonetic Alphabet). Gothic provides the oldest specimen and most archaic features in the Germanic group, which are delibaretaly overlooked by Indo-Europeanists in order to prove their theory. 

                The statistical mean of OE and OHG is /a/ , which is same as that of Gothic. The case for /e/ in the last syllable is not supported by facts. But the tendency in classical Latin and Greek as well as in modern European ( and Indian) languages is towards /e/ in a large number of words with the forward passage of time, hence there is an unconscious bias for /e/ in the mind of a careless researcher. This bias reverses the direction of linguistic change and /e/ is imagined in previous stages instead of in the later ones. Since the sole aim is to find out the etymon, here a simple statistical method has been presented, giving equal weightage to all groups. For instance, OE was nearer to OHG than to Gothic, but it was easier to get means in pairs. The result would be the same, whater course one adopts for getting the average.

                The last portion of this picture file deals with PIE reconstruction. This author placed the last vowel of Proto-Greek in the central region ( i.e ., /a/ and not /e/.), because even Karl Brugmann suggested that /phrator/ was more archaic in Greek than /phrater/). Europeanists would detest this approach, because Classical Greek and Latin is deeply rooted in their Unconscious minds and they refuse to see that /phrator/ was more archaic form in Greek, in spite of a verbal acceptance by their chief spokesman Karl Brugmann.

                In the case of /bhrĂ€tar/ , the last vowel was invariably reconstructed as /e/ by all major Indo-Europeanists. But even if all IE groups are allocated equal weightage, the last vowel proves to be nearest to the central vowel /a/ than to any other PIE vowel. Statistically, it is slightly raised ( i.e., tongue raised ) due to the effect of /r/ in the same syllable, and it is also slightly fronted ( i.e., front of tongue used ) due to the weight of Latin /e/ and Keltic /i/ and /ai/. Greek shows a clear proof of a drift from /o/ to /e/ ( i.e., phrĂ€tor > phrĂ€tēr , statistical mean of /o/ and /ē/ being /a/ ), as noted (but neglected) by Karl Brugmann. Keltic (GĂŠlic) has /brathair/, which suggests a possibility of a drift from /a/ towards /i/. 

                Latin had stylised the use of /e/ in more frequent nouns and all vowel endings. Such a classicist standardisation by Roman grammarians not only destroyed older linguistic evidences, but created a bias for /e/ among 19th century linguists who had to graduate through universities where Greek and Latin were compulsory subjects and scholars were brainwashed about the cultural superiority of Graeco-Roman civilisation. First major theorist of PIE was August Schleicher,who was a pupil of Hegel and shared the evolutionism of Darwin. Hegel was convinced about the incapacity of India to produce anything worth mentioning in the field of culture. India was a slave of Britain. Hence linguists like Schleicher or Brugmann felt free to put Indic at par with Lithuanian or Irish. 

                A C Gimson informs that front vowels have highest frequency of occurrence in running texts in modern English. European and Indian languages including PrÀkrits also show a drift towards front vowels, mostly towards /e/.It is because of least effort required for uttering /e/. Unfortunately, Indo-Europeanists inverted the direction of evolution and imagined that /e/ was the most frequent PIE vowel. Saussure went to the absurd logical conclusion of this line of reasoning and proposed that all PIE roots ( verbs ) had the form C-e-C ( C for consonant ); e.g., PIE /bher/ for Indic /bhr/ or /bhar/. Almost all (Indo-) Europeanists unquestioningly accepted this inverted logic . No one asked a simple question : if vowels are changing into /e/ from something else, why /e/ should be imposed upon previous state of language ?


                When Saussure proposed this wrong idea, Europeanists were confounded with a deep crisis. When Indo-Europeanism started its journey, Vedic was widely believed to be the ancestor of classical languages of Europe. At that time, facts dominated over ideas. Later, theories were discovered to explain away this unsavoury fact which was disgusting to a Judaeo-Christian culture. Schleicher was the first theoretician to distort the science of language. He proposed a tree model for IE languages, like the taxonomical model of Darwinists. Schleicher found that North European languages belonged to a common set (Slavo-Germanic = Balto-Slavic plus Teutonic), while the languages of southern Europe belonged to another common set. Both these sets shared more affinities with Sanskrit than with each other. But Sanskrit could not be accepted as the ancestor language by a pupil of Hegel who despised the worthlessness of India. Nobody asked why Central Asia was declared to be the Homeland, in spite of the fact that no ancient or modern language of Central Asia was known to have any affinity with IE family in 19th century(until Tocharian was discoverd much later). Linguistic evidences pointed towards India, but India was a colony and a non-European country. Hence regions adjacent to its borders could be declared to be the Homeland. Central Asian Homeland was more acceptable than an Indian Homeland, and therefore Schleicher's biological model became popular.But linguists of Europe were still perturbed, because they were aware of truth, and wanted a purely European Homeland.
                Persons like Saussure, Shröeder and above all Brugmann solved this problem of Homeland permanently, and thereafter no amount of fact or reason could compel Europeanists to change their views about PIE. Quest for a Homeland away from India was the driving force behind Indo-Europeanism. Once it was (wrongly ) solved, European scholars put a full stop to further enquiry.
                In the example of /bhrÀtar/, first consonant is /ph/ in Greek and Latin, but /b/ in Slavo-Germanic. Sanskrit /bh/ appeared to be the common meeting ground of the languages of North and South Europe. In an overwhelming majority of cases, Keltic belonged to the southern groups ( although in the case of initial consonant of /bhrÀtar/, Keltic and Iranian show /b/, instead of expected /ph/ and /bh/ respectively : these being exceptions). This type of linguistic affinities was summarised in the form of the famous Tree Model of Schleicher, which was linked to the Central Asia Homeland Theory.

                Very few persons knew that Central Asia Theory was a figment of imagination, Central Asia actually had no proof to offer in those days. Schröeder discovered one set of similarities between Keltic and Germanic(e.g.,-mis instead of -bhis in Case endings), and on account of this single linguistic correspondence Tree Model was discarded in favour of a Ring Model centred around somewhere in East Europe ( around Slovakia ). Indic group was imagined to belong to a small tribe near the modern borders of Romania-Bulgaria. With the discovery of Hittite language, the hypothetical path of migration of Indo-Aryans towards India was transferred from the north of Caucasus to Asia Minor.
                Why Central Asia was declared to be Homeland by the proponents of Tree Model, when the evidences on whose basis this declaration was made pointed towards India being the Homeland of Europeans? Again, was not an overwhelming amount of evidences rejected in favour of a single evidence of Schröeder just in order to pull the Homeland towards the borders of Germany ? If perfect objectivity is observed in reconstructions of PIE, as exemplified in the case of /bhrÀtar/ above, Vedic itself would prove to be the PIE in almost all cases having an adequate amount of data. Although Hebrew is not a member of IE famoly, it is the most archaic member of the sister Semitic family. Hence Hebrew's evidence must be considered in deciding borderline situations. But it was not done. In mid 19th century, Britain's per capita income was nearly six times of that of India. Now the difference is 40-50 times over. Progress of PIE Homeland towards Europe is directly proportional to the growing difference in per capita income of India and Europe. Modern Indo-Europeanists are even more unscientific than their 19th century predecessors, because no unbiased and serious attempt is made to reassess the logic of 19th century linguists. Now-a-days, PIE is often reconstructed without paying any attention to the Indic branch.


                This author reconstructed all those PIE etymons for which adequate materials of historical times were available , and found, to his surprise, that in 100% cases Vedic proved to be PIE itself ! As we go back in time, linguistic diversity in India or Europe decreases at a constant pace. At the start of historical era, descendants of Vedic were PrÀkrit dialects which were spoken by the majority of Indians and understood as far as Mysore and beyond Indus. There is no proof that Indic languages belonged to a minority in India. Ancient Indian literature does not record a single memory of foreing ancestry of Aryans.Yet Vedic is declared to be the language of a small band of European invaders !
                The method of linguistic reconstruction described above is sufficient for reconstruction the PIE, provided data from all major groups are procured and pure objectivity is observed. Eurocentricists may never accept this objective method, but it would open the path of a new fruitful discipline : historical semantics, and throw new light upon hitherto neglected or unknown aspects of bronze age civilisations. Archaeology studies inanimate things. Linguistics, therefore, is more valuable than archaeology, but it requires more honesty as well. Language, being the instrument of consciousness, should be studied with the purity of mathematics.
                This author was dumbfounded at the conclusion of his 12 year long research. Nobody would believe his findings, because nobody wanted to waste his or her time over the history of so many languages. But honest research is always rewarding. This author was disillusioned about a lot of things. When he came to a firm conclusion that Vedic itself was the PIE, he decided to pursue his enquiries further, searching for the oldest written records of the march of humanity towards civilization in the Vedic texts,for instance, the origin of family, private property and state. He decided that he would not impose later Laukika (worldly) meanings upon Vedic words ( Laukika means the meanings prevalent in society). He found a total of 33 instances of the word /bhrÀtar/ including all its forms in the Rgveda, and tried to deduce the original meaning of this word from the text itself. In 32 instances it had no relation with this-worldly meaning of 'brother' , and was used for the Sun-god only ! In 33rd, it was used for the son of Sun, Yama Vaivasvat, during a dialogue with his sister. In this 33rd instance, it could be related to both "Sun" and "brother". That is why the best commentator of Rgveda, SÀyanÀchÀrya, opined that this word might have been derived from any of the two roots 'bhrÀsh-' ( to shine ) and 'bhr-' ( to bear ). 

                A brother does not shine, but the Sun shines. A brother does not bear his sister, it is the duty of father and later of husband. The worldly meaning of /bhrĂ€tar/ clearly appeared to be a later one. Vedic meaning of the word /bhrĂ€tar/ seemed to be religious rather than secular. Laukika Sanskrit seems to be a human adaptation of a divine language which was given to sages in a fully developed form. Man did not make language; the opposite seemed to be true. It was the divine language given to sages which converted bipod animal-like creatures into human beings. Even MaxmĂŒller held that language was the unsurmountable barrier between man and animal. 

                Even if an ape evolves into a human-like creature, whereform would it get language ? This author started to see some intelligent design witin these things. He was an atheist upto that juncture. But an honest investigation of the Veda turned him towards self enquiry. After years of reasoning, he concluded that Vedic Age does not belong to any mundane period. There was no Vedic Age as such. Veda is divine, not man-made. All atheists would be repelled by this notion. But linguistic analysis of the Vedic texts, objectively done, cannot point otherwise.
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                Now further proofs are being provided about how much Indo-Europeanists cared for truth.
                Aristophanes was a famous Greek comedian of 5th century BC. One of his plays was named 'The Birds'. Its story can be summarised as follows :

                In ancient Greece ( ancient by the reckoning of Aristophanes ) Greeks offered oblations (havi) to the gods during sacrifices in the fire. These offerings were transported by fire to the heavens with steam, and gods received their nourishment from these offerings.An old man of Athens instigated the birds to block the path so that the gods could be starved to death. Zeus sent messengers, but the old man put forth insulting conditions for lifting the blockade. One condition was that Zeus should give His daughter/handmaid to the wicked old man. The gods were powerless before this old men and ultimately had to send the daughter/handmaid of Zeus to the old man.

                Only 13 years after this play was written Socratēs was poisoned on the charge of instigating the youth against the gods of Greece. But Aristophanes was publicly abusing all Greek gods including the supreme Indo-European god Dyaus-Pitr ( > Zeuspiter > Jupiter in Latin ; in Greek the letter Zeta originally sounded like Dyeta ), and the whole nation enjoyed this play in large open theatres. No one raised a cry against Aristophanes. 

                The APOLOGY of Socratēs is a clear proof of the fact that Socratēs was deliberately poisoned by a majority vote of the jury ( 210 : 150 ) on false charges, and many of his detracrors were guilty of those very charges which had been levelled against Socratēs. Socratēs stated that Aristophanes wrote about a Socratēs flying in the air. Meletus had charged Socratēs of being a evil-doer and an opponent of gods. In other words, Socratēs was suspected of being something like a sorcerer. There are also references to oracles about Socratēs, which he did not deny. Socratēs indeed possessed some supernatural power of divining things and prophesying ( labelled as "wisdom" in those days) which rendered the Sophists powerless against him. But the real cause of anger against Socratēs was something else.

                The Birds is a proof of the fact that the original religion of Greeks was Vedic. Indo-Europeanists preach that many PIE gods were same as the gods described in the Vedas, but they deny the possibility of YĂ€jñika-KarmakĂ€nda (Sacrificial rituals) in PIE period. YĂ€jñika-KarmakĂ€nda is declared to be non-Äryan in origin, and India's BrĂ€hmanas are said to be of non-Äryan stock. But The Birds describes YĂ€jñika-KarmakĂ€nda among prehistoric predecessors of the Greeks. Students of History are taught that originally Äryan religion consisted of simple prayers and rituals of a priestly class was absent among them. Rgveda is said to be a simple book of hymns preceding other Vedas, esp. the ritualistic Yajurveda. This author also believed in these false surmises before he made a first-hand study of the Vedas, trying to decipher the original meanings of the text from the text itself, taking help critically from ancient commentators. All the Vedas profusely refer to each other, and linguistically it is impossible to put the Rgveda before or after the Yajurveda. 

                Moreover, there is no proof of Äryan migration from west or east in the Rgveda. The first Äryan State is called as SvarĂ€jya (in First Mandala), and its chief priest was Gautam RĂ€hugana, who is later described in the Shatapatha BrĂ€hmana to be the priest of Videha, the easternmost Aryans in those days. In the RV, the term SvarĂ€jya was used instead of Videha or any other descriptive term, possibly because there was no other state initially (although there is reference to the king of KĂ€shi named Pratardana in the tenth mandala, but KĂ€shi also belongs to the East, almost bordering Videha). No state or city of West India is named in any of the Vedas. The term Saptasindhu is said to denote Punjab, although Punjab means a land of five rivers and not of seven rivers. There is no ancient evidence of Saptasindhu being used for Punjab. 

                It is a colonialist theory which needs concocted proofs of Äryan invasion of India from the west. But there is irrefutable proof of Saptasindhu being used for Gangetic Valley (Cf. MahĂ€bhĂ€rata, "Saptasindhu flowing towards the East"). Moreover, there are seven major rivers in the Gangetic Valley : GangĂ€, YamunĂ€, Gomati, Sarayu, Gandaka, Koshi and the seventh being either the Sona (less likely) coming from the south or most probably the Sarasvati which later vanished from PrayĂ€g and changed its course towards the ThĂ€r. Veda VyĂ€sa called these rivers as Saptasindhu. The reason is clear : during the rainy season, this Saptasindhu becomes almost like a ocean nearly 200 miles wide ! The Indus is a mighty river, but it lacks six other mighty companions.
                Archaeologists,however, do not find ancient remains in the Gangetic Valley , and therefore rule out any ancient civilisation there. Let me show you why.

                Many excavations were carried out at a great site in North Bihar , BalirÀjgarh, and after investigations the Archaeological Department of India (ASI) reported that this site flourished during BC 150 to AD 600. This author visited this site thrice and concluded that ASI report was incorrect. After repeated questins by a member of Indian parliament, the ASI at last revealed that further excavations could not be carried on due to groundwater. Groundwater is the biggest obstacle in not only the Gangetic Valley but also at sites like Mohen-o-daro in Sind or Heliopolis (=Sun-city in Egypt). In the case of Gangetic Valley, archaeologists deliberately hide this fact and declare that there is nothing below to dig out. ASI is not interested in developing skills for groundwater archaeology. 

                At BalirÀjgarh, NBPW was found in the bottom layer just above groundwater. NBPW ( Northern Black Polished Ware) is genarally believed to belong to BC 600-150. This author found NBPW from the top layer at two adjacent sites( Rahika-SaurÀth,Neuri), implying that deeper layers may yield more archaic remains. At two nearby sites Asuragarh and DevrÀm, he found punched marked coins at the top layer. A large hoard of such coins was recovered from Asuragarh by the District Collector nearly one century ago, and no one knows what happened to those coins. Nearly half a century ago, R C Majumdar wrote in his munumental History of Bengal that Asuragarh must belong to some hypothetical muslem chieftain AsurshÀh because no Hindu can have a name Asura. This same historian wrote in another book ( An Illustated History of India) that the grandfather of the founder of Gupta dynasty was Ghatotkacha, which was the name of a demon in MahabhÀrata (who sided with Pandavas but was deliberately led towards death by Lord Krishna) . 

                R C Majumdar did not mention that Ghatotkacha could not be a Hindu name and therefore the ancestors of the Guptas could have come from Arabia. Asura and Asuragarh are Sanskrit words. BalirÀjgarh also belonged to the Asuras, Bali being a great Asura king in Puranic mythology. Just a few miles from Asuragarh, there was another ancient site named ChÀnurgarh, both sites joined by an ancient road, extant till the mighty Kosi wiped it away five decades ago. ChÀnur was the name of the chief warrior of Kamsa, whom Lord Krishna had to kill. Kamsa and Lord Krishna were mutually related. Hence Asura cannot be defined in anthropolgical or linguistic terms. 

                Asura denotes only an anti-Vedic and hence irreligious way of life, although asuras had devised their own pseudo-religions, from which some heinous Tantric cults have survived to date. KulÀrnava-Tantra is one of the principal Tantric text, and it contains passages which show that its author was not atheist but anti-theist. There is a passage in Bhagvad GitÀ which says that salvation can be attained by means of devotion to the Lord. KulÀrnava-Tantra makes a parody of this shloka of GitÀ and states that salvation can be attained if a person has the stamina to get drunk till he or she falls down, then getting up and drinking and falling again, repeating the process thrice. The last words were shamelessly plagiarised from the GitÀ : "punar-janma na vidyate" (rebirth does not take place, i.e., salvation is attained). 

                Megha-nĂ€da, the son of RĂ€vana, was killed by Lakshamana while MeghanĂ€da was conducting a ritual for NikumblĂ€-Devi for attaining some supernatural power. A person should not be disturbed during PoojĂ€, but MeghanĂ€da was killed during a PoojĂ€ by the brother of Lord RĂ€ma, which shows that the religion of RĂ€vana comprised of something forbidden in the Vedic religion. Eating meat, fried rice, fish, drinking wine, and then sexual intercourse with a virgin after invoking a goddess in her body : this is the original meaning of pañca-makĂ€ra of Äsuri TĂ€ntricism. 

                Vedic yajña is called as Adhvara in the Yajurveda many a times, which literally means "non-violent". The priest in charge of performing sacrifices was known as Adhvaryu. But asuras perverted the meanings of terms, and started bloody sacrifices in the yajña. MĂ€ns (now meaning 'meat') etymologically means "delicious for the mind". Demons liked meat, while vegetarians such as YĂ€jñavalkya ( the mantra-perceiver of that branch of Yajurveda which is observed in entire North India) defined MĂ€ns as anything made from milk, because it is MĂ€nsal (i.e., soft for digestion). Kukkuta etymologically meant 'hard to crack',i.e., coconut, but later it came to mean a cock. During Kaliyuga, demonic cults gained currency. Balirajgarh and Asuragarh of Madhubani, Asura-garh of Kishanganj, ChĂ€nurgarh of Supaul district of Bihar, or Asura-kota ( a Harappan site in Sind), Ahura-Mazda (Asura Mahat) of Zend Avesta, Asura of Assyria ( Assyria is a mistake of ancient Romans in transcribing Greek upsilon as "y"; in ancient Assyrian language the chief deity was called Asura, the original capital was Asura, and kings also added asura in their names),etc formed part of those anti-Vedic cults which are known in Indian PurĂ€nas as Asura , RĂ€kshasa, DĂ€nava , Daitya,etc. The murderers of Socratēs belonged to this anti-Vedic group which ruled over most of the Old World during a major portion of the prehistoric period after the onset of Kaliyuga. Asuras had empires before the Kaliyuga too, but the dominant powers over a greater part of the Old World were adherents of the Vedic religion.


                The key to resolve this issue in the ancient world is scientific linguistics. Socratēs (ē denoted various sounds in different dialects during different ages in archaic Greece) is etymologically related to the Sanskrit word Sukratu, which literally means one who performs the Vedic-yajña well ). Any action which pleases the God or gods is a yajña. Hence, Socratēs performed in accordance to his name. On the other hand, detractors of Socratēs had demonic names. Ari-sto-phanē s (in Sanskrit, Ari-stu-bhan-) means "one who speaks in the praise of the Enemy". No one can be a praiser of his own enemy . Here, Enemy here implies the enemy of God or gods, i.e., the Satan/Devil or Asura. Aristophanes was a Devil-worshipper, and therefore Aristophanes himself was an enemy of the ancient deities of Greece . 

                The Birds is a clear proof of this fact. All Devil-worshippers like Aristophanes, therefore, were enemies of those pure hearted saints who spread true religion among their followers (like Socratēs or later Jesus) . The Buddha also lived among Asuras, as the names of certain aforementioned sites and dynasties show. But the Buddha employed a covert method of preaching. He never said anythig in public which could prove whether he was a supporter or opponent of the real Vedic religion. He did not denounce the Vedas, he denounced violence (which Vedic sages had also denounced). The Buddha preached to his true disciples like Änanda only by means of telepathy, and said common things among the general public. There are many instances when he refused to answer questions. He, therefore, escaped the fate of Socratēs or Jesus. KumĂ€rila Bhatta and Ädi ShankarĂ€chĂ€rya uprooted the main bastions of demonic cults in India. The Buddha or ShankarĂ€chĂ€rya could not be killed because India always had had a strong liking for non-violent (SanĂ€tana) Dharma, which many BrĂ€hmanas themselves had abandoned.

                Conclusive evidence of the archaicness of the Veda is mathematical. A book on occult Vedic Astronomy has recently been published in Hindi. All major astronomical constants and many unsolved problems of modern science have been deduced from previously unpublished Vedic theorems. Vedic differential equations of moon are shown to be more precise than that possessed by modern scientists. Moreover, the PurÀnic Mt Meru has been mathematically proven to be same as Mt Kenya on which a city named Meru still exists. European anthropologists show amazement at Sanskrit place names like Meru in Kenya or Kinyangiri in Tanzania, but indologists ignore such anomalies, which cannot be fitted into prevalent racist theories. The connection of ancient Zamboo-dvipa with modern Zambezi (Zambunadi > *Zambudi > *Zambuzi), Zambia, Gambia, Zimbabwe, Mu-Zambique,etc is simply ignored. Surya Siddaanta clearly states that Mt Meru was situated at the equator, but no indologist searched it in Africa. Surya Siddaanta also speaks of Zambunadi in the region of Meru. 

                These forgotten aspects of human history can not be traced in the present article, but one thing may be asserted here : Aryans did not migrate either from Europe to India or from India to Europe ( DNA evidences also support this view), although minor exceptions like the Gypsies may be found. The common homeland of all humans lies near Mt Meru, where Creation was accomplished by Lord BrahmÀ according to ancient Indian texts, and wherefrom present homo family is believed to have started its journey some 4 million years ago ( beginning of current MÀhayuga). Let us not bury the archaic Puranic history as a mere imagination of ancient Indians. The book on Vedic Astronomy provides ample mathematical proofs of archaicness of the Vedic vision.

                http://vedicastrology.wikidot.com/vedic-linguistics

                Ever since MISRA, Satya Swarup, 1992: The Aryan Problem. A Linguistic Approach, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, there has been a lack of effective counter to the claims of mainstream IE linguists about the relationship between Sanskrit and PIE. (See some discussions at http://koenraadelst.bharatvani.org/articles/aid/keaitlin2.html) 

                See: 
                https://sites.google.com/site/angelamarcantonio/
                http://www.omilosmeleton.gr/en/indology_en.asp


                Also, it is necessary to make the academe correct the false theories being taught about Sanskrit, Prakrits, and Aryan Invasion. I have no clue on how this effort should be initiated and sustained to achieve a positive outcome.

                Meanwhile, there will be motivated attempts to promote and embrace (as with the Vedic workshop slated for January 2014) western stereotyping of Vedic studies, further eroding the possibilities of any counter effort to undo the distortions in historical studies in the roots and evolution of Indian languages and culture.


                Indian tradition provides a number of ancient texts providing sharp insights to promote the study of semantics, and philosophy of language. Let us hope that the tradition exemplified by 
                Yāska, Pāáč‡ini, Prākáč›t lexicons, Patañjali, Bhartáč›hari, Sāyaáč‡a will be revived with the challenge posed by Vinay Jha. 


                Kalyanaraman
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                UPA Govt. deliberately delaying printers with EVMs - Swamy. SC has declared transparency a constitutional principle. EC should revert to paper ballot.

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                UPA Govt. deliberately delaying printers with EVMs - Swamy. 

                This nation is governed by the Rule of Law. We cannot have one system above the law and another below the law :)--

                SC has declared transparency a constitutional principle.  This principle led German SC to ban the use of voting machines in Germany.

                EC should revert to paper ballot, as was done during Telangana bypolls. India was the country in the worldd which introduced ballots as per Uttaramerur inscription of 12th century. Let not this democratic tradition of the nation be sullied with tamperable gimmickry calling it efficiency. Efficiency is NOT a constitutional principle, said the German SC.

                Let not the SoniaG UPA Government play with the most sacred democratic process of elections, citing bureaucratic excuses to shake up the confidence of the voters in their faith in Election Commission as Constitutional Institution of the nation which has been doing a stellar job. EC should tell the Govt. that if the VVPAT is delayed, EC will be forced to revert to paper ballot. 

                Kalyanaraman

                UPA GOVT DELIBERATELY DELAYING INTRODUCTION OF VVPAT: SWAMY

                Friday, 15 November 2013 | Kumar Chellappan | Chennai

                The Union Government is deliberately delaying the introduction of Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) in elections to ensure transparency of the Electronic VotingMachines, says Subramanian Swamy, senior BJP leader. The Supreme Court, in its ruling last month had given directions to the Union Government and Election Commission of India to use VVPAT facility in electronic voting machines (EVMs) in the coming elections. The Supreme Court has also ruled that transparency is a constitutional mandate.
                “I can feel the Government deliberately delaying the introduction of VVPAT system for reasons best known to it,” Swamy, who held a relentless legal battle seeking the introduction of the VVPAT told The Pioneer. He said there is no sign of the Government providing budgetary allocation to the ECI. “The Election Commission too has not taken any step to order the EVMs incorporated with VVPAT,” said Swamy.
                Swamy, a former Union Minister for Law and Justice, said he may be approaching the apex court with the plea to issue directives to both the Government and the ECI to speed up the process of deploying VVPAT-enabled EVMs in the next Lok Sabha elections.
                The EVMs had been a bone of contention between the ECI and the Opposition parties since it was deployed all over the country. There were allegations that the EVMs could be manipulated to tamper with the final results.
                “The Supreme Court in its order itself has made it clear that the paper trail is an indispensable requirement for free and fair election. The court has also said that the confidence of voters could be achieved only with the introduction of paper trail whereby the voter gets a printed receipt featuring the name and symbol of the candidate for whom he /she votes,” said S Kalyanaraman, former Asian Development Bank executive who along with Dr Swamy campaigned against the present day EVMs.
                N Gopalaswamy, former Chief Election Commissioner, said it was doubtful whether the commission could introduce VVPAT enabled EVMS by May 2014. According to a senior ECI official, 1.1 million EVMs were deployed in 8,34,000 polling stations spread across the country. Since the number of polling stations will see an increase of 20 per cent for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, ECI may have to mobilise nearly 1.5 million VVPAT enabled EVMs. Experts point out that it is humanly impossible to introduce VVPAT enabled EVMs in such a short notice in all the polling stations. 
                “There should not be a situation whereby only voters in some constituencies get the VVPAT system while the others have to content with the ordinary EVMs. If the ECI cannot provide EVMs with VVPAT facility, it should revert to traditional ballot paper system,” said Kalyanaraman.

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                Science of Siddhanta Jyotisha -- Vinay Jha (November 2013)

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                https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B4BAzCi4O_l4Y2hkeXhIenNuSjg/edit?usp=sharing

                This is a link to a remarkable document titled 'Forgotten science of Siddhanta Jyotisha' by Vinay Jha. He had published a book which is now out of print in Hindi.

                In my view, this is a remarkable contribution to mathematics which should receive the attention of everyone interested in  mathematics, astronomy and history of science and technology.

                Let me recall Wordsworth's poem: Elegy written in a Country Churchyard

                Full many a gem of purest ray serene 
                  The dark unfathom'd caves of ocean bear: 
                Full many a flower is born to blush unseen,  55
                  And waste its sweetness on the desert air.

                Unfathomable are the mysteries of the contributions made by our ancestors who have given us the imperative - INQUIRY. This is Veda.

                Thanks to Vinay Jha for sharing his thoughts. I am sure that the Hindi version will be translated into English and will be reviewed by many scholars and students of sciences.

                Thanks, Vinay Jha.

                Kalyanaraman

                November 15, 2013
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