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Was SoniaG faking fume in Raipur? Four Congshals tipped off Nakshals on yatra route
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SK Sharma's appointment as CAG illegal: Two PILs in SC
Prashant Bhushan moves SC against SK Sharma's appointment as CAG | |
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![]() Prashant Bhushan The recent appointment of Shashi Kant Sharma as the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) was challenged again in the Supreme Court as veteran lawyer and anti-corruption activist Prashant Bhushan filed a PIL on Monday. Bhushan filed the PIL on behalf of nine petitioners, including former chief election commissioner N. Gopalswami, former navy chiefs Admiral (retired) R.H. Tahiliani and Admiral (retired) Ramdas, former deputy CAG B.P. Mathur, retired IAS officers Kamal Kant Jaswal, Ramaswamy R. Iyer, E.A.S. Sarma, S. Krishnan and M.G. Devasahayam. Bhushan's is the second PIL against the CAG appointment. Earlier, lawyer M.L. Sharma had also filed a petition challenging the appointment of Sharma, who replaced Vinod Rai on his retirement last month. Both the PILs were expected to come up for hearing next week after the summer vacation. Bhushan has filed the PIL on the grounds that Sharma's appointment was arbitrary, opaque and made without any procedure. The petition also claims conflict of interest as Sharma, who earlier was the defence secretary, would decide the defence department's cases as well because various shady deals took place under his watch. - With inputs from Headlines Today |
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"You always put Saraswati in front of universities and government buildings" -- Nyoman Sudarwa, Sthapati. May Devi Saraswati herald Indian Ocean Community.
Saraswati Day - Science Day
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Saraswati Day commemoration
Celebration of Saraswati day, fall on Saturday of Umanis Wuku Watugunung (Balinese Calendar) where usually Hindu people celebrate this Saraswati day at school, temple or other holy‘s places. At school looked the student are very enthusiastic celebrate this Saraswati day by bringing offering to the school complete with Bali clothes. They do the praying leaded by Pemangku (Hindu priest) to grateful and compliment for science which they get and also request the safety during they learn at school. The student gladness at school on this day, very differing where they only come to school to do the pray and process to learn negated because all books are held ceremony. The science is very vital, importance and good for mankind in this world because with the science, people can free from the darkness. With this celebration of Saraswati day, Hindu people expected wise and smart. With the science and technological, believed by the [Hindu People will be able to compete with the global progress and protected from low human being quality.
Bali Island
Is unique island by multifarious of cultural manner and also its mores and own a lot of religious holiday and one of them is Saraswati Day. This Matter represents an interesting event to see in Bali . If you holiday in Bali, you own very big opportunity to see directly the unique ceremony in Bali pursuant to Hindu ritual because most of Bali resident is Hindu .Released on 18 February 2006
Embassy of Indonesia Installing Hindu Goddess Statue on Massachusetts Ave
Approval was granted yesterday for the Embassy of Indonesia to erect a statue of a Hindu goddess on public space next to the grounds of the Embassy. Thestatue of Saraswati, the Hindu goddess of knowledge, music, arts and science, was originally planned for the corner of Massachusetts Avenue and 21st Street (also adjacent to the Embassy) but moved at the request of DC government's Historic Preservation Office (HPO). The fence around the current location will be moved to make Sarawati more visible.
http://dc.curbed.com/archives/2013/04/embassy-of-indonesia-installing-hindu-goddess-statue-on-massachusetts-ave.phpANC 2B Okays Hindu Goddess Statue, Raps Historic Preservation OfficePosted on11 April 2013. From David McAuley. Email him at david[AT]borderstan.com. Advisory Neighborhood Commission (ANC) 2B, at its monthly meeting last night, April 10, unanimously supported a request by the Embassy of Indonesia to erect a statue of a Hindu goddess on public space on Massachusetts Avenue NW. It also unanimously called on DC’s Historic Preservation Office (HPO) to improve its operating procedures and communication both with ANCs and with the public. ![]() An edited photo showing how the sculpture will appear in place on Massachusetts Avenue NW. (David McAuley) Statue of Saraswati on Public SpaceThe Commission heard a presentation by Heru Subolo, Minister-Counselor for Press and Information Affairs of the Embassy of Indonesia, asking for ANC support for a proposed statue of Saraswati, the Hindu goddess of knowledge, music, arts and science, to be erected on a public space next to the grounds of the Embassy at2020 Massachusetts Avenue NW. Subolo told the committee that the statue had been approved by the U.S. Department of State’s Office of Foreign Missions. Subolo also said that the planned site for the statue had been moved, at the request of the DC government’s Historic Preservation Office (HPO), from its original planned location at the corner of Massachusetts Avenue and 21st Street (also adjacent to the Embassy), to a location next to the sidewalk further west along Massachusetts. The location is currently fenced in. Subolo said that the fence would be removed to make the statue accessible to the public. “I’m really happy to open up a fenced space,” said Kevin O’Connor, ANC commissioner for district 2B-02. “This is a wonderful addition to our neighborhood and to our nation’s capital. Hindus across DC and around the world are ecstatic about this beautiful statue of Saraswati. It is so fitting that it will be installed just a stone’s throw from the also magnificent statue of Mahatma Gandhi — the only statue of a Hindu in DC,” said Kishan Putta, ANC 2B-04 commissioner. The ANC voted 9–0 in favor. Resolution on Historic Preservation Office The DC Historic Preservation Office (HPO) has a new draft plan for the next four years and is soliciting comment. ANC 2B took the opportunity to approve a resolution outlining the ways it believes that the HPO and its parent organization, the Historic Preservation Review Board (HPRB), could work more effectively with ANCs and the public. The resolution noted the following problems, among others:
The ANC vote was 9–0. 1412 T Street New ConstructionThe Commission approved a resolution calling for a one-month delay in a new construction project at 1412 T Street. The proposed construction is a two-unit residential structure on a vacant lot. Both T Street neighbors adjacent to the location spoke last night. “We totally welcome a new building,” one said. “But this is a total aberration on the block.” “This is not in the context of the block,” the other agreed. “But I’d love to see a property there.” The Commission agreed that the height and depth as proposed were not appropriate. It requested additional information from the developer’s representative and referred the matter back to the Zoning, Preservation, & Development Committee for reconsideration at its next meeting on May 7. Liquor License MoratoriumsCommissioner O’Connor said that the ANC 2B Alcoholic Beverage Regulation Administration (ABRA) Policy Committee would hold an additional listening session about the proposed 14th and U Street liquor license moratorium next Wednesday, April 17, at a location to be determined. The hearing will focus on ANC district 2B-09, which falls within the boundaries of the proposed moratorium. O’Connor also said that he will present a “game plan” at ANC 2B’s May 8 meeting concerning the Dupont East Liquor License Moratorium, which will come up for renewal in September of this year. This moratorium is in effect on 17th Street. O’Connor is the chair of ANC 2B’s ABRA Policy Committee. New ANC 2B Email AddressesThe Commission announced improvements to its website. On ANC2B’s commissioners and staff page, there are now group addresses which will deliver email to the entire ANC or its subcommittees through a single address. The addresses are:
ANC2B serves the Dupont Circle area. Balinese Goddess Watches Over Washington, D.CIndonesia erects Statue of Hindu Goddess Saraswati in front of Indonesian Embassy![]() (5/31/2013) A 10-foot high statue of Saraswati - the Hindu goddess of learning now stands in front of the Indonesian Embassy in Washington, D.C. on Massachusetts Avenue. The monument, a gift from the Indonesian Ambassador to the U.S., Dino Djalal, honors Indonesia’s minority population of Hindus who live mostly on the island of Bali and represent only 3% of the Country’s total population of 247 million. Indonesia’s majority faith is Islam at 88%. Ambassador Djalal has consistently shown a strong commitment to religious pluralism. He has led, together with a Jewish community leader, a group of 24 Christian, Jewish and Muslim leaders from the U.S.A. and Indonesia on a mission of peace to Jordan, the Palestinian authority and Israel. Ambassador Djalal’s role in this regard was all the more remarkable considering Indonesia has no diplomatic ties with Israel nor does it officially recognize Judaism as a world religion. The dynamic Ambassador has also organized a televised interfaith discussions on religious tolerance, in keeping with Djalal’s unyielding commitment to the Indonesian national motto of “Unity in Diversity.” A team of Balinese artists led by I Nyoman Sudarwa created the cement statue of Saraswati. The resulting monument took three weeks to complete and includes three smaller statues of children at Saraswati's feet – an African-American, a Caucasian and an East Asia. The Goddess Saraswati is celebrated for her dedication to the study of music, art, language and poetry. The statue is being erected in a neighborhood that is also home to a statue commemorating Mahatma Gandhi. The erection of the Hindu statue, which stands in front of the Indonesian Embassy, was universally approved by the Advisory Neighborhood Commission of Dupont Circle in Washington. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, in the United States to receive an award for promoting religious tolerance in Indonesia, together with Ambassador Djalan, was saluted by Hindu statesman Rajan Zed for supporting religious pluralism, honoring diversity and respecting minorities.http://www.balidiscovery.com/messages/message.asp?Id=9455A Statue Grows in D.C.
Posted: 05/29/2013 10:43 am When Dino Djalal, the Ambassador from Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, wanted to give a gift to Washington, D.C., he chose a statue of a Hindu goddess. A 10-foot high statue of Saraswati, the Hindu goddess of Education, now stands on Massachusetts Avenue in front of the Indonesian Embassy, just down the street from the Islamic Center, which was a gift from the Ambassador of Egypt a half a century earlier. The purpose of the Islamic Center is to promote "a better of understanding of Islam in the US." The purpose of the statue of Saraswati is to say that in a country of 247 million, where Muslims represent 88 percent of the population, the 3 percent who are Hindu also matter. For Ambassador Dino Djalal, Christians and Jews matter too. Last year, he and Rabbi Sid Schwarz led a group of 24 Christian, Jewish and Muslim leaders from the U.S. and Indonesia on a peace mission to meet with leaders in Jordan, the Palestinian Authority and Israel. The trip was significant in its own right for so many leaders of different faiths to travel together. It was even more notable as Indonesia does not have diplomatic ties with Israel or recognize Judaism as one of six religions. The year before, Ambassador Djalal organized a panel with one of the leading Muslim clerics from Indonesia, Dr. Din Syamsuddin, Rev. Mischal Livingston, a Presbyterian minister and former president of the National Council of Churches, and Rabbi Schwartz. The discussion was shown on Indonesian television. Viewers thought it monumental to have leaders of different faiths, including Judaism, discussing how people of faith could be strong in their own faiths yet tolerant of others. The panel captured the Ambassador's "solidarity in diversity" theme that he has been trying to promote along with traditional ambassadorial goals of increased economic cooperation and improved national ties. In that same year, the Ambassador challenged Washington, D.C. to amass the largest number of people playing angklung, an Indonesian bamboo instrument, all together. The instrument is simple enough to play -- just shake and you get a note. The core message was also clear: Many angklung played together make a melody, many people of different faiths and backgrounds playing together, in this case 5,182 of them playing "We Are the World," sends a statement of multiculturalism and religious diversity. The ephemeral angklung event served a similar purpose to the concrete statue of Saraswati: to encourage people to take religious tolerance more seriously. I spoke with I Nyoman Sudarwa, who was flown in from Bali along with of six of his stone masons to carve the Embassy's statue. Mr. Nyoman is well known in Bali for carving statues, but this was the first time he has ever been outside of Indonesia. In three weeks, he and his team sourced the materials and created the statue of Saraswati as well as three children (one African American, one Caucasian, one East Asian) that stand at her feet, without knowing a word of English and worrying about snow that they had never seen. I asked him what it meant for him to carve a statue of a Balinese goddess in front of the Indonesian Embassy in Washington, D.C. "It's normal" he replied. "You always put Saraswati in front of universities and government buildings." Normal in Bali but still striking in Washington, D.C. that the Ambassador would choose to erect a Hindu statue in front of the Embassy of Indonesia, home to 280 million Muslims, to make a statement about the need for religious tolerance. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alissa-stern/a-statue-grows-in-dc_b_3349274.htmlStatue of Hindu goddess Saraswati near White House |
For immediate release
Statue of Hindu goddess Saraswati near White House
A statue of Hindu goddess Saraswati has reportedly been erected about a mile away from White House in Washington DC (USA).
This 10-foot high statue raised by Embassy of Indonesia on public space on Massachusetts Avenue NW was unanimously approved by Advisory Neighborhood Commission (ANC) 2B Dupont Circle. It is said to be even taller than Mahatma Gandhi’s statue, which is also on Massachusetts Avenue, about less than one fifth of a mile.
Distinguished Hindu statesman Rajan Zed, in a statement in Nevada (USA) today, commended Indonesia President Dr. H. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Indonesian Ambassador to USA Dr. Dino Patti Djalal for installation of Saraswati statue; thus displaying religious pluralism, honoring diversity and respecting minorities. Zed also thanked Dupont Circle ANC for the unanimous Saraswati statue approval.
Zed, who is President of Universal Society of Hinduism, noted that existence of different faiths showed God’s generosity and bountifulness. As we were all looking for the truth, dialogue would bring us mutual enrichment and help us overcome prejudices, Zed added.
Capitals of other countries around the world should also install statues of Hindu gods and goddesses in public places, thus proving their credentials of multiculturalism and pluralism, Rajan Zed stressed.
A statue carver and six stone masons were flown in from Bali (Indonesia) for this Saraswati statue, which was created in three weeks, reports suggest.
Indonesia has the largest Muslim population than any other country in the world; where Muslims form about 88% of the population and Hindus about 3%.
In Hinduism, Saraswati is revered as goddess of knowledge/learning, music, art, language/speech, and poetry. Hinduism is the oldest and third largest religion of the world with about one billion adherents and moksh (liberation) is its ultimate goal. There are about three million Hindus in USA.
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1306/S00009/statue-of-hindu-goddess-saraswati-near-white-house.htm
Statue of Hindu goddess Saraswati erected near White House
A statue of Hindu goddess Saraswati has reportedly been erected about a mile away from White House in Washington DC in the US. This 10-foot high statue raised by Embassy of Indonesia on public space on Massachusetts Avenue NW was unanimously approved by Advisory Neighborhood Commission (ANC) 2B Dupont Circle.
It is said to be even taller than Mahatma Gandhi’s statue, which is also on Massachusetts Avenue, about less than one fifth of a mile. Hindu statesman Rajan Zed has commended Indonesia President Dr. H. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Indonesian Ambassador to the US Dr. Dino Patti Djalal for installation of Saraswati statue; thus displaying religious pluralism, honoring diversity and respecting minorities. Zed also thanked Dupont Circle ANC for the unanimous Saraswati statue approval.
A statue carver and six stone masons were flown in from Bali (Indonesia) for this Saraswati statue, which was created in three weeks, reports suggest. Indonesia has the largest Muslim population than any other country in the world; where Muslims form about 88% of the population and Hindus about 3%.
In Hinduism, Saraswati is revered as goddess of knowledge/learning, music, art, language/speech, and poetry. Hinduism is the oldest and third largest religion of the world with about one billion adherents and moksh (liberation) is its ultimate goal.
Zed, who is President of Universal Society of Hinduism, noted that existence of different faiths showed God’s generosity and bountifulness. As we were all looking for the truth, dialogue would bring us mutual enrichment and help us overcome prejudices, Zed added. Capitals of other countries around the world should also install statues of Hindu gods and goddesses in public places, thus proving their credentials of multiculturalism and pluralism.
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The Sarasvati River : Its Origins -- Dr. Vijaya Rajiva
The Sarasvati River : Its Origins
03/06/2013 13:07:44 Dr. Vijaya Rajiva
Understanding the origins of the Sarasvati River is part of the 'revolution' (a word used by Indic scholars) in Indic Studies, a revolution that is basically summarised by 3 events :
1. The demise of the famed Aryan Invasion of India Theory.
2. The deciphering of the Indus script.
3. The discovery of the lost Sarasvati River.
We shall focus on the third event in this article, although its connections with the first two topics are also there.
The Sarasvati River was mentioned some 70 times in the Rig Veda and disappeared in the post Vedic period. It rapidly became thought of as a mystical heavenly river that joined the Yamuna and Ganga and became the site of the famed Triveni (at Prayag) and the site of worship for millions of Hindus during the Kumbh Mela every 12 years. More than two decades ago archaeologists and earth scientists discovered primarily through satellite photography,the paleochannels of a mighty river that originated in the Himalya and ran its full course to the sea, the Rann of Cutch in the Arabian sea.
Indic scholars and scientists wrote treatises and books on the subject and organised conferences . The well known names associated with this project are B.Lal, K.S.Valdiya, S.Kalyanraman, Michael Danino , N.S. Rajaram etc., names that the general public are now familiar with(The list of scholars is long and the present writer asks to be excused for not mentioning all of them). These scholars/scientists were uniformly of the opinion that this discovery proved that the mighty Sarasvati of the Rig Veda existed and originated from the Himalaya.
There were dissenting voices such as those of the astrophysicist Rajesh Kochar who placed the Sarasvati in Afghanistan and popularised the name the Gaghra Harakka rather than the Sarasvati. Kochar's arguments were somewhat convuluted and depended on his errroneous reading of the distinction between the Rig Vedic Sarasvati which he identified with the Helmand in Afghanistan and the smaller intermittent Gaghra Haraka in India. Marxist scholars, hostile to Hinduism, endorsed this effort and went so far as to say that in reality the Sarasvati was only a small river, a nulla so to speak(Marxist scholar Irfan Habib). Still others argued that the Sarasvati in India was a monsoon rain fed river, not a glacier fed river that rose from the Himalaya. This position has been advocated by Giosan and his colleagues in a recent article 'Fluvial landscapes of the Harappan civilisation' ( 2012). In fact, some of the terminology used by Dr. Giosan lends itself to a downgrading of the Sarasvati to a mere river drainage system. Irfan Habib, apart from being a Marxist was also not a Hindu. Hence, his casual use of the word 'nulla' to describe what millions of Hindus venerate as the Vedic Sarasvati.
The Giosan position has been criticised by the eminent geologist K.S. Valdiya in his paper 'The river Saraswati was a Himalayan river' (Current Science, Jan.10, 2013).
In this paper Dr. Valdiya gives a succint account of why the Sarasvati is a glacial fed river originating from the Himalaya. This is continuous with his earlier papers and books on the subject, with the additional feature of pinpointing the errors of those like Dr. Giosan who advocate the theory of the monsoon fed Sarasvati. His scientific position as an experienced geologist is that CLIMATE CHANGE ALONE cannot explain the complex interactions that take place in the formation and the continuance of a river system. There are many geological features.
The political significance of this debate is far reaching and we shall examine that in a bit. But first let us survey the debate between Valdiya and Giosan. Both papers are easily accessible in pdf on the internet.
Dr. Giosan and his colleagues (hereafter referred to Giosan et al) refer to the Sarasvati as the Gaghra Harakka. The 7 page paper is of a technical nature but written with sufficient clarity so that the general reader can understand the central point made by these researchers : the Sarasvati was a monsoon fed river, not a glacial fed river rising from the Himalaya.
Between the Indus and Ganges basins, they said, only monsoon fed rivers were active during the Holocene (the period following the Pleistocene, the Ice Age, approximately 10, 000 years ago). Hence, as the monsoon weakened, monsoon rivers gradually dried up or became seasonal. Agricultural production became vulnerable and the Harappan settlements (of the Indus Valley Civilisation) were downsized and there was an increase in the moister monsoon regions of the upper Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.
Between the Indus and the Ganges was the smaller drainage system, the Ghaggar-Hakra which was heavily populated during the Harappan times ( before 3,900 BCE). Many explanations have been given for the collapse of Harappan society : foreign invasions, social instabilities, decline in trade, environmental factors, aridification, hydrological changes such as the drying up of the Ghaggar-Hakra system etc. It must be noted that Giosan et al consistently refer to the Sarasvati as the Ghaggar-Hakra.
Giosan et al point out that lack of information on fluvial dynamics (river water dynamics) ,high resolution topographic data and sedimentary chronologies have been lacking in almost a century of research on the Ghaggar-Hakra. To quote from their paper :
" Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) data combined with field surveys and radiocarbon and optically stimulated luminescensce dating offers us a way to analyse fluvial land forms and date deposits of the Indo Gangetic Plain. In this context, we reexamine the archeological site distribution to understand how climate controlled changes in river dynamics affected the Harappans" (p.1)
A reading of the Giosan paper makes it obvious that their thesis on the monsoon fed Sarasvati is based SOLELY on climate change. Their methodology therefore also appears to be flawed.
The Valdiya Critique of Giosan et al :
Dr. Valdiya begins with a brief general criticism and follows it up with a detailed 4 point criticism.
As a general criticism of Giosan et al, he points out that if the Sarasvati were just a monsoon river fed by springs and seepages in its upper reaches during non monsoon months - as the Hindan river and the Gomati river in central Uttar Pradesh (UP) then it would be necessary to establish this assertion by GPR Survey. This would give a comprehensive study of groundwater elevation in relation to topographic laws combined with hydrogeological studies on the quantum of spring loading to the streams that make the river Saraswati . He observes:
"There is no mention of this kind of study and no relevant data provided by Giosan et al in support of their thesis."
(p.2).
That thesis is : there are no large scale incisions (cuttings made into the ground) in the upper reaches of the river and there is a slowing of sedimentation from gradual decrease of flood intensity.
It should be pointed out to the reader that Hydrogeology is linked to the discipline of Hydrogeomorphology, which is simply the scientific name for the linkages between hydrogeological processes. The discipline is relatively new and studies the way water is delivered to and moves through a hillslope, river, or landscape. Geomorphology recognises that this process affects land forms and earth materials.
Additionally, in his introductory general criticism of the Giosan paper, Dr. Valdiya points out how landscape can be obliterated by desert storms. These were particularly prevalent in the western part of the Indo Gangetic plain. The devastation caused by dust storms is described. These dust storms conceal land forms including water bodies where everything is concealed under heaps of sand that look like knolls or hillocks. Dr. Valdiya remarks :
" Under such a circumstance how can one expect the pre 3,500 -year -old river formed land forms in the Sarasvati domain to be visible today on the surface to the geologists-geomorhologists and to the satellite-borne cameras, no matter how high their resolution is, in the region that fell under the sway of recurrent storms ?" (p.2).
After this general criticism Dr. Valdiya then examines in some detail the 4 aspects of the problem:
1. the reality of the topgraphic situation
2. the action of the wind
3. the neotechtonic movements of the terrains through which the Saraswati flowed
4. the great thickness of channel fills
This section is detailed and has maps and illustrations. Although cogent and clear and easily understood by the non specialist reader, it is advisable for the reader to go directly to the scientific account to get its full import. The result of Dr.Valdiya's enquiry is that climate change (the action of monsoons) alone cannot explain the domain of the Sarasvati, as Giosan et al have argued.
Some Comments on the Sarasvati Controversy.
Dr. Giosan seems carried away by the rhetoric of his own partisanship. He accuses Dr. Valdiya of being influenced by emotional reasons. This is hardly the case as any objective reader of the eminent geologist's paper can attest to.
The paper is clearly argued and is backed not only by his own expertise (acquired after a long and distinguished career as a geologist and attached to the Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Scientific Research) but also an impressive bibliography culled from both Indian and Western scientists.
Dr. Giosan refers not only to the 'mythical' Sarasvati river but has been seemingly influenced by the approaches of scientists such as Rajesh Kochar the astrophysicist who placed the Rig Vedic Sarasvati as the Helmand river in Afghanistan. With due respect to Dr. Kochar he is not a Vedic scholar and therefore not in a position to accurately interpret the Rig Vedic references to the river Sarasvati.
Indeed his 1999-2000 book The Vedic Peoples, Their History and Geography may have influenced the writings of Marxist scholars who are virulently anti Hindu. In the case of Irfan Habib who called the Sarasvati a mere nulla the fact that he is not a Hindu only added to his lack of understanding of the role of the Rig Vedic Sarasvati.
For the Hindu, whether the average pious Hindu or the scholar/scientist the Rig Vedic Sarasvati is central. It is the river on whose banks the Harappan civilisation flourished and as some journalists, notably Hartosh Singh Bal have pointed out ('The Truth about the river Saraswati' Open Magazine, Sept.1, 2013) the possibility exists of some linkage between the Harappan peoples and the Rig Vedic peoples. Indeed, mathematicians and scientists such as Dr. N.Rajaram have already pointed out that the Indo Europeans who inhabited the Indian subcontinent were prior to the Harappans who borrowed their knowledge of using bricks from the fire altar ceremonies of the Rig Vedic peoples. His remarkble articles on the Origins of the Indo Europeans are a 3 part series based on his forthcoming book Gene Times and the Birth of History (See Folks Magazine). Dr. Kalyanraman (Director of the Sarasvati Research Centre) has diligently worked out the rhebus method of interpreting the Indus script and his encyclopedic reference works Indus Script Cipher ( 2008) and his most recent book Indus Writing in Anceint Near East (2013) have added to the thesis that the Harappans came after the Rig Vedic peoples. Greek scholar N. Kazanas had been advocating this thesis through his scholarly study of the Vedic texts, especially the Rig Veda.
In conclusion, there is no need for Hindus to feel apologetic for their attachment to the Vedic Sarasvati since it was no less a personage than the Sage Agastya who in his hymns in the Rig Veda spoke of Sarasvati as the 'light', as the giver of knowledge (I have written about this in the article 'Sarasvati and Resurgent Hinduism' in Haindava Keralam, May 8,2013 ).
(Dr. Rajiva is a Political Philosopher who taught at a Canadian university)
http://www.haindavakeralam.com/HKPage.aspx?PageID=17414
03/06/2013 13:07:44 Dr. Vijaya Rajiva
Understanding the origins of the Sarasvati River is part of the 'revolution' (a word used by Indic scholars) in Indic Studies, a revolution that is basically summarised by 3 events :
1. The demise of the famed Aryan Invasion of India Theory.
2. The deciphering of the Indus script.
3. The discovery of the lost Sarasvati River.
We shall focus on the third event in this article, although its connections with the first two topics are also there.
The Sarasvati River was mentioned some 70 times in the Rig Veda and disappeared in the post Vedic period. It rapidly became thought of as a mystical heavenly river that joined the Yamuna and Ganga and became the site of the famed Triveni (at Prayag) and the site of worship for millions of Hindus during the Kumbh Mela every 12 years. More than two decades ago archaeologists and earth scientists discovered primarily through satellite photography,the paleochannels of a mighty river that originated in the Himalya and ran its full course to the sea, the Rann of Cutch in the Arabian sea.
Indic scholars and scientists wrote treatises and books on the subject and organised conferences . The well known names associated with this project are B.Lal, K.S.Valdiya, S.Kalyanraman, Michael Danino , N.S. Rajaram etc., names that the general public are now familiar with(The list of scholars is long and the present writer asks to be excused for not mentioning all of them). These scholars/scientists were uniformly of the opinion that this discovery proved that the mighty Sarasvati of the Rig Veda existed and originated from the Himalaya.
There were dissenting voices such as those of the astrophysicist Rajesh Kochar who placed the Sarasvati in Afghanistan and popularised the name the Gaghra Harakka rather than the Sarasvati. Kochar's arguments were somewhat convuluted and depended on his errroneous reading of the distinction between the Rig Vedic Sarasvati which he identified with the Helmand in Afghanistan and the smaller intermittent Gaghra Haraka in India. Marxist scholars, hostile to Hinduism, endorsed this effort and went so far as to say that in reality the Sarasvati was only a small river, a nulla so to speak(Marxist scholar Irfan Habib). Still others argued that the Sarasvati in India was a monsoon rain fed river, not a glacier fed river that rose from the Himalaya. This position has been advocated by Giosan and his colleagues in a recent article 'Fluvial landscapes of the Harappan civilisation' ( 2012). In fact, some of the terminology used by Dr. Giosan lends itself to a downgrading of the Sarasvati to a mere river drainage system. Irfan Habib, apart from being a Marxist was also not a Hindu. Hence, his casual use of the word 'nulla' to describe what millions of Hindus venerate as the Vedic Sarasvati.
The Giosan position has been criticised by the eminent geologist K.S. Valdiya in his paper 'The river Saraswati was a Himalayan river' (Current Science, Jan.10, 2013).
In this paper Dr. Valdiya gives a succint account of why the Sarasvati is a glacial fed river originating from the Himalaya. This is continuous with his earlier papers and books on the subject, with the additional feature of pinpointing the errors of those like Dr. Giosan who advocate the theory of the monsoon fed Sarasvati. His scientific position as an experienced geologist is that CLIMATE CHANGE ALONE cannot explain the complex interactions that take place in the formation and the continuance of a river system. There are many geological features.
The political significance of this debate is far reaching and we shall examine that in a bit. But first let us survey the debate between Valdiya and Giosan. Both papers are easily accessible in pdf on the internet.
Dr. Giosan and his colleagues (hereafter referred to Giosan et al) refer to the Sarasvati as the Gaghra Harakka. The 7 page paper is of a technical nature but written with sufficient clarity so that the general reader can understand the central point made by these researchers : the Sarasvati was a monsoon fed river, not a glacial fed river rising from the Himalaya.
Between the Indus and Ganges basins, they said, only monsoon fed rivers were active during the Holocene (the period following the Pleistocene, the Ice Age, approximately 10, 000 years ago). Hence, as the monsoon weakened, monsoon rivers gradually dried up or became seasonal. Agricultural production became vulnerable and the Harappan settlements (of the Indus Valley Civilisation) were downsized and there was an increase in the moister monsoon regions of the upper Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.
Between the Indus and the Ganges was the smaller drainage system, the Ghaggar-Hakra which was heavily populated during the Harappan times ( before 3,900 BCE). Many explanations have been given for the collapse of Harappan society : foreign invasions, social instabilities, decline in trade, environmental factors, aridification, hydrological changes such as the drying up of the Ghaggar-Hakra system etc. It must be noted that Giosan et al consistently refer to the Sarasvati as the Ghaggar-Hakra.
Giosan et al point out that lack of information on fluvial dynamics (river water dynamics) ,high resolution topographic data and sedimentary chronologies have been lacking in almost a century of research on the Ghaggar-Hakra. To quote from their paper :
" Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) data combined with field surveys and radiocarbon and optically stimulated luminescensce dating offers us a way to analyse fluvial land forms and date deposits of the Indo Gangetic Plain. In this context, we reexamine the archeological site distribution to understand how climate controlled changes in river dynamics affected the Harappans" (p.1)
A reading of the Giosan paper makes it obvious that their thesis on the monsoon fed Sarasvati is based SOLELY on climate change. Their methodology therefore also appears to be flawed.
The Valdiya Critique of Giosan et al :
Dr. Valdiya begins with a brief general criticism and follows it up with a detailed 4 point criticism.
As a general criticism of Giosan et al, he points out that if the Sarasvati were just a monsoon river fed by springs and seepages in its upper reaches during non monsoon months - as the Hindan river and the Gomati river in central Uttar Pradesh (UP) then it would be necessary to establish this assertion by GPR Survey. This would give a comprehensive study of groundwater elevation in relation to topographic laws combined with hydrogeological studies on the quantum of spring loading to the streams that make the river Saraswati . He observes:
"There is no mention of this kind of study and no relevant data provided by Giosan et al in support of their thesis."
(p.2).
That thesis is : there are no large scale incisions (cuttings made into the ground) in the upper reaches of the river and there is a slowing of sedimentation from gradual decrease of flood intensity.
It should be pointed out to the reader that Hydrogeology is linked to the discipline of Hydrogeomorphology, which is simply the scientific name for the linkages between hydrogeological processes. The discipline is relatively new and studies the way water is delivered to and moves through a hillslope, river, or landscape. Geomorphology recognises that this process affects land forms and earth materials.
Additionally, in his introductory general criticism of the Giosan paper, Dr. Valdiya points out how landscape can be obliterated by desert storms. These were particularly prevalent in the western part of the Indo Gangetic plain. The devastation caused by dust storms is described. These dust storms conceal land forms including water bodies where everything is concealed under heaps of sand that look like knolls or hillocks. Dr. Valdiya remarks :
" Under such a circumstance how can one expect the pre 3,500 -year -old river formed land forms in the Sarasvati domain to be visible today on the surface to the geologists-geomorhologists and to the satellite-borne cameras, no matter how high their resolution is, in the region that fell under the sway of recurrent storms ?" (p.2).
After this general criticism Dr. Valdiya then examines in some detail the 4 aspects of the problem:
1. the reality of the topgraphic situation
2. the action of the wind
3. the neotechtonic movements of the terrains through which the Saraswati flowed
4. the great thickness of channel fills
This section is detailed and has maps and illustrations. Although cogent and clear and easily understood by the non specialist reader, it is advisable for the reader to go directly to the scientific account to get its full import. The result of Dr.Valdiya's enquiry is that climate change (the action of monsoons) alone cannot explain the domain of the Sarasvati, as Giosan et al have argued.
Some Comments on the Sarasvati Controversy.
Dr. Giosan seems carried away by the rhetoric of his own partisanship. He accuses Dr. Valdiya of being influenced by emotional reasons. This is hardly the case as any objective reader of the eminent geologist's paper can attest to.
The paper is clearly argued and is backed not only by his own expertise (acquired after a long and distinguished career as a geologist and attached to the Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Scientific Research) but also an impressive bibliography culled from both Indian and Western scientists.
Dr. Giosan refers not only to the 'mythical' Sarasvati river but has been seemingly influenced by the approaches of scientists such as Rajesh Kochar the astrophysicist who placed the Rig Vedic Sarasvati as the Helmand river in Afghanistan. With due respect to Dr. Kochar he is not a Vedic scholar and therefore not in a position to accurately interpret the Rig Vedic references to the river Sarasvati.
Indeed his 1999-2000 book The Vedic Peoples, Their History and Geography may have influenced the writings of Marxist scholars who are virulently anti Hindu. In the case of Irfan Habib who called the Sarasvati a mere nulla the fact that he is not a Hindu only added to his lack of understanding of the role of the Rig Vedic Sarasvati.
For the Hindu, whether the average pious Hindu or the scholar/scientist the Rig Vedic Sarasvati is central. It is the river on whose banks the Harappan civilisation flourished and as some journalists, notably Hartosh Singh Bal have pointed out ('The Truth about the river Saraswati' Open Magazine, Sept.1, 2013) the possibility exists of some linkage between the Harappan peoples and the Rig Vedic peoples. Indeed, mathematicians and scientists such as Dr. N.Rajaram have already pointed out that the Indo Europeans who inhabited the Indian subcontinent were prior to the Harappans who borrowed their knowledge of using bricks from the fire altar ceremonies of the Rig Vedic peoples. His remarkble articles on the Origins of the Indo Europeans are a 3 part series based on his forthcoming book Gene Times and the Birth of History (See Folks Magazine). Dr. Kalyanraman (Director of the Sarasvati Research Centre) has diligently worked out the rhebus method of interpreting the Indus script and his encyclopedic reference works Indus Script Cipher ( 2008) and his most recent book Indus Writing in Anceint Near East (2013) have added to the thesis that the Harappans came after the Rig Vedic peoples. Greek scholar N. Kazanas had been advocating this thesis through his scholarly study of the Vedic texts, especially the Rig Veda.
In conclusion, there is no need for Hindus to feel apologetic for their attachment to the Vedic Sarasvati since it was no less a personage than the Sage Agastya who in his hymns in the Rig Veda spoke of Sarasvati as the 'light', as the giver of knowledge (I have written about this in the article 'Sarasvati and Resurgent Hinduism' in Haindava Keralam, May 8,2013 ).
(Dr. Rajiva is a Political Philosopher who taught at a Canadian university)
http://www.haindavakeralam.com/HKPage.aspx?PageID=17414
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LK Advani Mao's moment: Amit Daga
I mirror this blogpost of Amit Daga: I hope Advani gets his facts right.
Kalyanaraman
Sunday, June 2, 2013
L K Advani Mao’s Moment: Bombarded the headquarters & BJP Atal Problem. Mao’s cultural revolution from 1966 to 1976 (it officially ended in 1969 by Mao) have two major victims politically, Liu Shaoqi & Deng Xiaoping, while the earlier died in a very sad state, the former somehow managed to lead the china on its Socialist market economy policy along with other eminent leaders commonly known as Eight leaders. Mao survived the biggest threat to his political authority and ideology by cleansing the Bourgeoisie , a French term for a wealthy middle class.
Bombarding the headquarters in the picture : Courtesy Google Image. In late 1990 when Advani completes his Rath Yatra on 30th Oct he was the tallest Hindu leader in the country and more popular than ABV, who later becomes NDA PM. He was the authority and sole leader on whom Hindutava agenda and the BJP can bank upon, it has actually resulted yields and BJP become the second largest party after the congress, BJP did well in the 1996 election that it was asked to form a govt and from the popular choice within party Advani sidelined himself to give way for more moderate leader ABV. Advani missed that chance which he may regret till now, ABV was a face of NDA, but darling of hinduatva agenda had been always Loha Purush LK Advani. India was posing as a big economic change in its character and many young minds got attracted towards BJP due to ABV times, but still the cause of Hinduatva was on LK shoulders. ABV was shown as a moderate leader among all section even more when he refuses to nudge before VHP Shialnyas program in ’01. Advani till then was the sole torch bearer of Hinduavta, then come Feb, 02, post Godhra Advani got a companion to ‘Hindu Hridya Samrat’ chair. But by 2004 He realizes that his hard image is hurting his long due ambition to become PM, When NDA lost LK did a total U-turn and start a cultural revolution, a kind of change in BJP. Praised Jinnah on his visit to Pak did not go well with either party or RSS, he was sidelined. Then comes the MMS v's LK moment, Advani was confident he will make to the top post and even go beyond to the extent of making an election in presidential style. He lost that and ever since become a lumber to its very own party which he built in years.Post ’09 election, Advani is getting high to do a cleansing or face of the mask of BJP from its core character of right-center to more moderate face which than acceptable for allies and media. The same media who haunted him for years for Ayodhya & Babri is projecting him the face of moderate party leader, even MSY is praising him. Till now it’s all good for cultural shifting L K Advani. The only problem two of its top state leader one builds by masses of social media representation and symbol of economic growth, and another bid by ground mass appeal and organization skills. Both were bombarded by the central leadership to keep the bastion intact for the party, both out-performed the expectation of party leadership in their respective states and become the symbol of economic liberalization growth and agriculture growth/social development in their respective states.Advani is exactly did a Mao moment on Saturday in Gwalior in front of packed 20k party workers when praising Shivraj for making a progress in Bimaru Raaj and going further to compare it with progress made in already prosperous Gujarat. Advani is putting his own vision& culture to party and creating obstacles for the coming general election. Advani urge for PM post is so high clearly by bombarding the headquarter by his blogs/speeches and may do so in the running of the 2014 election. As a patron to the party he can synergies the energy of two most powerful leaders to strengthen the party prospect in coming assembly and general election, instead he is creating a rift b/w two and diluted the case for both. If Advani culture movement succeeds it will be an immediate political murder for Modi, while Shivraj can survive now, but he may never reach to top level in the future after Advani exit. Advani equates Shivraj As Atal Ji, it's high time BJP thinks beyond ABV syndrome and stop comparing any leader with him. Let them create their own identity and let ABV rest in the peace of his political retirement. Immediately After the death of Mao, gang of four arrested and China later moves on to the more economic liberal policy. This is 2013 and the nation wants strong leadership & economic intensification towards the 2020 vision of India. It is time for BJP to survive this cultural revolution of ultra-moderate and not undermine energy of its two powerful state leaders it can lead the nation in the right direction, not the left one. At Last on Advani recent comments of two states growth I conclude by quoting Mark Twain “Get your facts first, and then you can distort them as much as you please” The writer can be reached at amitdaga.gwl@gmail.com, Image courtesy: Google Image
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Why are politicians baying for Srinivasan's blood? -- TVR Shenoy. Even SoniaG's jaamaataa is dashamam graham.
Why are politicians baying for Srinivasan's blood?
May 31, 2013 22:33 IST
Yet there is a conspiracy of silence, including the BJP, when allegations are levelled against Robert Vadra, says T V R Shenoy.
'Jamaataa dashamam graham' runs an old Sanskrit adage, meaning 'the son-in-law is the tenth planet'. While Hindu astrology recognises nine 'planets' the son-in-law is (jestingly?) considered a tenth, generally malefic, influence on one's life.
I encountered the saying decades ago, in K M Munshi'sKrishnavatara series. (The Book of Bhima, the fourth book in the saga, as I recall.)
While several writers -- notably Amish Tripathi -- have tried to 'humanise' the divinities of Hindu tradition, Munshi's work is still a favourite.
This may be because the author had a grasp of politics that other writers cannot match as he was one himself -- home minister of pre-Partition Bombay, Sardar Patel's handpicked Agent General to deal with the Nizam of Hyderabad, and Governor of Uttar Pradesh [Images ].
Politics -- meaning manipulating others to gain the power to achieve specific ends -- is at the core of the Mahabharata [ Images ]. Politics is also at the heart of the ongoing brouhaha over the Board of Control for Cricket in India, BCCI.
Have you noticed a curious shift in the personnel reporting on the current saga? What began with the sports editor and the lowly foot-soldiers of the crime beat has now moved to the elite of the journalistic world, the political desk. That is not happenstance.
This is not about an alleged crime, nor is it about ethics. It is about the political class coming together to oust an uppity businessman from one of the few powerful posts that it does not control.
Please note that I have deliberately used 'political class', and not 'political parties' as this cuts across such divisions.
Rajeev Shukla is the Union minister of state for parliamentary affairs; he is also both the IPL commissioner and secretary of the Uttar Pradesh Cricket Association.
C P Joshi is the Union railway minister; he is also president of the Rajasthan [ Images ] Cricket Association.
Jyotiraditya Scindia [ Images ] heads the Union power ministry; he is also president of the Madhya Pradesh [ Images ] Cricket Association.
Arun Jaitley [ Images ] is the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha; he is also vice-president of the BCCI and president of the Delhi [ Images ] and Districts Cricket Association.
Anurag Thakur is the sitting BJP Lok Sabha MP for Hamirpur; he is also joint secretary of the BCCI and president of the Himachal Pradesh [ Images ] Cricket Association.
Narendra Modi [ Images ] is both chief minister of Gujarat and president of the Gujarat Cricket Association.
This isn't limited to the two national parties. I have not mentioned politicians such as Dr Farooq Abdullah [ Images ] (both a Union minister and head of the Jammu & Kashmir [ Images ] Cricket Association) and the redoubtable Sharad Pawar [Images ] (whose native Maharashtra [ Images ] has four votes in a 30-strong BCCI -- Mumbai [ Images ], Maharashtra, Vidarbha, and the Cricket Club of India).
N Srinivasan, left, above, is a rarity, a businessman rather than a politician. As was Lalit Modi [ Images ], father of the IPL, who was forced out after an imbroglio with the Congress MP from Thiruvananthapuram, Shashi Tharoor [ Images ]. As was Jagmohan Dalmiya, who challenged Sharad Pawar in 2005.
Dalmiya, whose base was the Cricket Association of Bengal, also had the misfortune of angering another politician, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee [ Images ], then chief minister of West Bengal [ Images ].
Jagmohan Dalmiya's foes could not prove their charges against him in court, but that was scarcely the point; he was powerless at a crucial juncture, and had to cede control to Sharad Pawar.
Jagmohan Dalmiya's alleged (unproven) acts concerned financial irregularities. The charge against the sitting businessman-president of the BCCI is an alleged (unproven) crime committed by his son-in-law, Gurunath Meiyappan.
There have been many reports that Gurunath Meiyappan was allegedly involved in 'fixing' matches. But, in his remand hearing, the Public Prosecutor, Wajid Sheikh, spoke only of 'betting offences', which isn't a major crime.
Media reports from anonymous 'sources' about 'fixing' are one thing; words must be chosen with care when speaking in court.
I cannot help wondering if this is a replay of 2005, a businessman being squeezed out of the BCCI after the political class whips up a public frenzy, followed by the charges being dismissed by the courts when the uppity businessman is out of the chair.
The media, driven by the frenzied 24/7 news cycle, becomes an unwilling tool, so eager to air breaking news that there is little time for checking to see if what a 'source' says actually adds up.
How would the political class act had it been a politician in N Srinivasan's place?
On October 5, 2012 Arvind Kejriwal accused Robert Vadra, Sonia Gandhi's [ Images ] son-in-law, of participating in questionable land deals that allegedly gave huge benefits to the real estate developer DLF.
Kejriwal wondered aloud how Vadra's wealth had grown from Rs 50 lakh (Rs 5 million) to over Rs 500 crore (Rs 5 billion) in just three years.
Those were just allegations, but so are the crimes supposedly committed by Gurunath Meiyappan. But one is the son-in-law of a businessman and the other is the son-in-law of a politician. And so, predictably, they were treated differently by the politicians.
Digvijay Singh [ Images ], the Congress general secretary, was brutally honest. 'There are ethics in politics. Never attack family. The Congress never attacked Atal Bihar Vajpayee's son-in-law Ranjan Bhattacharya.'
Arvind Kejriwal also stated that the facts that he brought out had been available to various BJP leaders, who refused to make them public.
Nobody in the BJP has denied this with any conviction, suggesting that Digvijay Singh's 'Never attack family' theory is shared across the political spectrum.
This is what passes in Indian political circles for 'ethics'. But shouldn't the same 'ethics' carry over when it concerns people outside politics?
I am not supporting N Srinivasan's case. It goes against the best corporate practices for him to be a member of the BCCI and simultaneously own an IPL team. But the double standards are sickening.
Is there conflict of interest in owning an IPL team while presiding over the BCCI?
Is there no conflict of interest when Rajeev Shukla and other MPs discuss a sports bill while being BCCI members?
A Suresh Kalmadi [ Images ] or an A Raja can get bail, and are seen sitting in Parliament. Gurunath Meiyappan is denied bail, and sits in prison.
Nitin Gadkari [ Images ] was accused of irregularities, yet he never resigned the BJP presidency and is still a member of the BJP Parliamentary Board.
Jagmohan Dalmiya was squeezed out of the BCCI, and could not return until he cleared his name in court.
The political class is howling for N Srinivasan's resignation because of what his son-in-law allegedly did (though the public prosecutor refuses to talk of 'fixing'), while admitting that the India Cements [ Get Quote ] boss himself did nothing wrong.
Yet there is a conspiracy of silence, including the BJP, when allegations are levelled against Robert Vadra; the man is not even questioned. If anything, ministers like M Veerappa Moily [ Images ], Salman Khurshid and P Chidambaram [ Images ] were queuing up to proclaim Vadra's innocence.
The 'tenth planet' may indeed prove unlucky for N Srinivasan. But the reverse is true for Robert Vadra, whose in-laws are proving incredibly lucky for him.
Perhaps Indian astrologers should recognise this, and add a beneficial 'eleventh planet'.
For more columns by Mr T V R Shenoy, please click here.
http://www.rediff.com/news/report/column-why-are-politicians-baying-for-srinivasans-blood/20130531.htm
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China's economic empire -- Heriberto Araujo and Juan Pablo Cardenal
China’s Economic Empire
By HERIBERTO ARAÚJO and JUAN PABLO CARDENAL
HONG KONG — THE combination of a strong, rising China and economic stagnation in Europe and America is making the West increasingly uncomfortable. While China is not taking over the world militarily, it seems to be steadily taking it over commercially. In just the past week, Chinese companies and investors have sought to buy two iconic Western companies, Smithfield Foods, the American pork producer, and Club Med, the French resort company.
Europeans and Americans tend to fret over Beijing’s assertiveness in the South China Sea, its territorial disputes with Japan, and cyberattacks on Western firms, but all of this is much less important than a phenomenon that is less visible but more disturbing: the aggressive worldwide push of Chinese state capitalism.
By buying companies, exploiting natural resources, building infrastructure and giving loans all over the world, China is pursuing a soft but unstoppable form of economic domination. Beijing’s essentially unlimited financial resources allow the country to be a game-changing force in both the developed and developing world, one that threatens to obliterate the competitive edge of Western firms, kill jobs in Europe and America and blunt criticism of human rights abuses in China.
Ultimately, thanks to the deposits of over a billion Chinese savers, China Inc. has been able to acquire strategic assets worldwide. This is possible because those deposits are financially repressed — savers receive negative returns because of interest rates below the inflation rate and strict capital controls that prevent savers from investing their money in more profitable investments abroad. Consequently, the Chinese government now controls oil and gas pipelines from Turkmenistan to China and from South Sudan to the Red Sea.
Another pipeline, from the Indian Ocean to the Chinese city of Kunming, running through Myanmar, is scheduled to be completed soon, and yet another, from Siberia to northern China, has already been built. China has also invested heavily in building infrastructure, undertaking huge hydroelectric projects like the Merowe Dam on the Nile in Sudan — the biggest Chinese engineering project in Africa — and Ecuador’s $2.3 billion Coca Codo Sinclair Dam. And China is currently involved in the building of more than 200 other dams across the planet, according to International Rivers, a nonprofit environmental organization.
China has become the world’s leading exporter; it also surpassed the United States as the world’s biggest trading nation in 2012. In the span of just a few years, China has become the leading trading partner of countries like Australia, Brazil and Chile as it seeks resources like iron ore, soybeans and copper. Lower tariffs and China’s booming economy explain this exponential growth. By buying mainly natural resources and food, China is ensuring that two of the country’s economic engines — urbanization and the export sector — are securely supplied with the needed resources.
In Europe and North America, China’s arrival on the scene has been more recent but the figures clearly show a growing trend: annual investment from China to the European Union grew from less than $1 billion annually before 2008 to more than $10 billion in the past two years. And in the United States, investment surged from less than $1 billion in 2008 to a record high of $6.7 billion in 2012, according to the Rhodium Group, an economic research firm. Last year, Europe was the destination for 33 percent of China’s foreign direct investment.
Government support, through hidden subsidies and cheap financing, gives Chinese state-owned firms a major advantage over competitors. Since 2008, the West’s economic downturn has allowed them to gain broad access to Western markets to hunt for technology, know-how and deals that weren’t previously available to them. Western assets that weren’t on sale in the past now are, and Chinese investments have provided desperately needed liquidity.
This trend will only increase in the future, as China’s foreign direct investment skyrockets in the coming years. It is projected to reach as much as $1 trillion to $2 trillion by 2020, according to the Rhodium Group. This means that Chinese state-owned companies that enjoy a monopolistic position at home can now pursue ambitious international expansions and compete with global corporate giants. The unfairness of this situation is clearest in the steel and solar- panel industries, where China has gone from a net importer to the world’s largest producer and exporter in only a few years. It has been able to flood the market with products well below market price — and consequently destroy industries and employment in the West and elsewhere.
THIS is the real threat to the United States and other countries. However, most Western governments don’t seem to be addressing China’s state-driven expansionism as an immediate priority.
On the contrary, European governments dealing with their own economic crises see China as a country that can help, either by buying sovereign debt or going ahead with investments in their countries that will create jobs.
The Chinese state-owned company Cosco currently manages the main cargo terminal in the biggest Greek port, Piraeus, near Athens — a 35-year concession deal. And China’s sovereign wealth fund, C.I.C., took a 10 percent stake in London’s Heathrow Airport in 2012, as well as a nearly 9 percent stake in the British utility company Thames Water. The state-owned firms Three Gorges Corporation and State Grid are the main foreign investors in Portugal’s power-generation sector, and C.I.C. also bought a 7 percent stake in France’s Eutelsat Communications.
In the Greek port the Chinese have been able to triple capacity, amid local unions’ criticism of worsening labor conditions. It’s too early to measure China’s impact in the other investments, but the fact that Chinese companies are able to invest in sectors that are closed or restricted for European firms in China says a lot about how minimal Europe’s leverage with China is.
Take Germany, which accounts for nearly half of the European Union’s exports to China. It’s highly unlikely that Berlin would make unfair competition the cornerstone of its China policy. Moreover, the lack of leverage and leadership in Brussels means that the union is unable to take firm action to force China into adopting measures that would level the playing field or guarantee reciprocity in its domestic market.
The only exception is the United States, which seems to be addressing the issue by pushing forward the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional trade association that is seen by critics in Beijing and elsewhere as an American-led policy to contain China. The club is thought to be restricted to countries that meet high American standards on issues like free competition, labor and environmental standards and intellectual property rights. As China doesn’t meet those standards, it will have to reform or risk regional isolation. Moreover, the United States has made life difficult for the Chinese telecom giant Huawei by refusing to grant it contracts from leading American telecom companies. This is not just about national security concerns but also about sending Beijing a clear message that the United States government is willing to block one of China’s most visible and successful companies.
While Western companies complain about barriers to public procurement and bidding and struggles to compete in restricted sectors in China, Chinese companies enjoy red carpet treatment in Europe, buying up strategic assets and major companies like Volvo and the German equipment manufacturer Putzmeister.
The perception is that China is now unavoidable and, consequently, the only option is to be accommodating — offering everything from a generous investment environment to essentially dropping human rights from the agenda. “We don’t have any stick. We can just offer carrots and hope for the best,” a senior European official told us.
Greenland, a massive resource-rich territory largely controlled by Denmark, is a case in point. Last year, it passed legislation to allow foreign workers into the country who earned salaries below the local legal minimum wage (the minimum wage there is one of the highest in the world). Chinese representatives had made it clear that Chinese state-owned banks and companies would invest in the high-risk, costly exploitation of Greenland’s vast mining resources only if the modification of local regulations would allow the arrival of thousands of low-wage Chinese workers.
The Arctic territory didn’t have too many alternatives. No other country is in a position to become Greenland’s strategic partner for its future development, given the business risks involved in the Arctic region and the scale of the investment needed in a territory bigger than Mexico but without a single highway. An American oil company couldn’t have handled the task alone. The Chinese state capitalist system, by contrast, allows multiple state-owned companies to work together, making it possible for the China National Petroleum Corporation, for instance, to extract oil while China Railway builds basic infrastructure.
Greenland’s leaders accepted China’s terms because they likely believed these costly projects might never go ahead if the Chinese didn’t get involved; only China has the money, the demand, the experience and the political will to proceed. Moreover, there are not enough skilled workers in Greenland for such projects, so the Greenlandic government made an exception to the law, allowing Chinese laborers to earn less than minimum wage figuring that local residents would benefit from new infrastructure and royalties.
China’s deep pockets, as well as its extensive labor force and unlimited demand for natural resources, made all the difference, and accordingly Greenland was prepared to pass tailor-made legislation to meet Chinese needs. Even Denmark, which holds authority in Greenland in areas like migration and foreign policy, decided not to interfere.
IT is even happening in progressive bastions like Canada. President Obama’s refusal thus far to approve the Keystone pipeline project has made Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s conservative government turn to China to secure an export market for Canadian crude oil reserves. The Calgary-based oil industry has lobbied Mr. Harper to adopt a new diversification strategy that includes the construction of a controversial pipeline to western British Columbia, despite strong opposition from environmental groups, the First Nations aboriginal communities and the public. In the meantime, Canada also signed a Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement with China, which gives remarkably generous investment protection to the Chinese.
With China in the center of debates over FIPA and the west coast pipeline, Canada’s government then approved the takeover of the Canadian energy giant Nexen by the Chinese state-owned oil firm Cnooc. The $15.1 billion transaction was China’s largest foreign takeover.
Closer economic ties have had political side effects; the Harper administration now seems much more cautious in criticizing China’s human rights record. Given that Canada was until very recently one of the fiercest voices on China’s handling of dissidents, this is not only a remarkable 180-degree turn, but also a clear indication of how China’s economic influence can push the political agenda to the sidelines, even in the West.
In Australia, Chinese accumulated investment inflows at the end of 2012 surpassed $50 billion. The trend is striking: Chinese direct investment in Australia in 2012 increased 21 percent from 2011 levels to reach $11.4 billion, making it an important player in Australia’s mining industry. Australia’s trade portfolio remains highly diversified, but the Chinese share is growing rapidly.
China has also become the biggest investor in Germany (in terms of the number of deals), surpassing the United States. Chinese companies are looking for companies that, like Putzmeister, have a technological edge and have become world leaders in niche markets. Those takeovers also allow them to absorb Western know-how on branding, marketing, distribution and customer relations. Others are more opportunistic. Faced with recession, struggling European firms like Volvo quickly welcomed Chinese partners who were ready to inject capital and take full control.
The loans that Beijing is giving worldwide are even more significant, in dollar terms, than direct foreign investment. These loans include $40 billion to Venezuela and more than $8 billion to Turkmenistan in recent years. China’s policy banks (China Development Bank and Export-Import Bank of China) are the key institutions supporting China’s “Go global” strategy, as they provide billions of dollars in loans to foreign countries to acquire Chinese goods; finance Chinese-built infrastructure; and start projects in the extractive and other industries.
This is clearest in countries where the West claims to link its aid to human rights and good business practices. Chinese loans have been crucial in countries like Angola that have faced threats of a cutoff in financing from Western creditors, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Ecuador, Venezuela, Turkmenistan, Sudan and Iran have all faced such difficulties, and China has stepped in without political or ethical strings attached. Chinese statistics reveal little about these loans, but a study by The Financial Times showed that, between 2009 and 2010, China was the world’s largest lender, doling out $110 billion, more than the World Bank.
It is important to remember what is really behind China’s global economic expansion: the state. China may be moving in the right direction on a number of issues, but when Chinese state-owned companies go abroad and seek to play by rules that emanate from an authoritarian regime, there is grave danger that Western countries will, out of economic need, end up playing by Beijing’s rules.
As China becomes a global player and a fierce competitor in American and European markets, its political system and state capitalist ideology pose a threat. It is therefore essential that Western governments stick to what has been the core of Western prosperity: the rule of law, political freedom and fair competition.
They must not think shortsightedly. Giving up on our commitment to human rights, or being compliant in the face of rapacious state capitalism, will hurt Western countries in the long term. It is China that needs to adapt to the world, not the other way around.
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Chinese navy begins US economic zone patrols -- Kathrin Hille
Chinese navy begins US economic zone patrols
By Kathrin Hille in Singapore
June 2, 2013
China's navy has been making rapid progress, inaugurating its first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, in 2012
The Chinese military has started operating within the US’s exclusive economic zone, a move that could transform the dynamic between the dominant Pacific naval power and its main challenger.
Admiral Samuel Locklear, commander of US forces in the Pacific, on Sunday confirmed the revelation from a Chinese military delegate at the Shangri-La Dialogue, a high-level defence forum in Singapore, that the People’s Liberation Army navy had started “reciprocating” the US navy’s habit of sending ships and aircraft into the 200-nautical-mile zone off China’s coast.
Under international law, each country has the exclusive right to the economic resources inside a 200-nautical-mile zone off its coast, a zone different from coastal states’ 12-mile national waters.
The US and most other countries interpret international law to allow a right of free passage for military vessels through the EEZ, but China disagrees and has long chided the US practice of frequent surveillance missions along the Chinese coast.
“They are, and we encourage their ability to do that,” said Adm Locklear about China’s claim that its military was making forays into the US EEZ. He added that, as the exclusive economic zones of all coastal states account for about one-third of the world’s oceans, attempts to hinder or block free passage through them would cripple military operations.
Adm Locklear declined to confirm how far exactly Chinese military vessels had come. But delegates said that, from what was known about the usual movements of the PLA navy, it was most likely that it had extended its radius of patrols and exercises to near Guam rather than Hawaii or the US mainland.
The disagreement between Beijing and Washington over the “rules of the road” inside the EEZ has triggered two incidents that have severely shaken bilateral relations in the past.
In 2001, a Chinese fighter jet collided with a US signals intelligence aircraft off the island of Hainan and forced it to land, an incident in which one Chinese pilot lost his life and the US aircraft and crew were detained in China. In 2009, Washington complained that Chinese vessels had been harassing the US surveillance ship Impeccable in the South China Sea.
Military experts said the PLA’s new move could either signal a more relaxed attitude on Beijing’s part towards Washington’s military activities on its doorstep or spell additional friction in other parts of the Pacific.
Over the past few years, the PLA navy has greatly expanded its radius of operations, with more regular exercises in the western Pacific and the South China Sea and by expanding the scope of such drills by including several different fleets and larger numbers of different vessels and aircraft.
Chinese sources said the foray into the US EEZ was no more than an experiment so far. “We are considering this as a practice, and we have tried it out, but we clearly don’t have the capacity to do this all the time like the US does here,” said one Chinese military source who declined to be named because he was not authorised to speak to the media.
The move comes as the US is fine-tuning the“rebalance” of its military to the Asia-Pacific and other countries in the region are trying to come to terms with the presence of two competing naval powers in the region.
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Food security, SoniaG insecurity -- R. Jagannathan. Why is BJP playing chamcha?
One question Jagannathan has not asked: Why is BJP playing chamcha to SoniaG insecurity?
Kalyanaraman
Food security, Sonia insecurity, and an approaching train-wreck
by R Jagannathan 6 mins ago
What price is the Congress willing to pay for winning the next election? The answer seems to be: any price. Even if that price means ruining whatever little chance there is of an economic revival; even if that price means destroying whatever fiscal improvement P Chidambaram has managed to bring about, thanks to falling oil prices and cutting government expenditure drastically (even if means killing growth).
News reports suggest that the UPA government, despite sluggish growth and the parlous state of public finances, is being pressured by Sonia Gandhi to somehow roll out the Food Security Bill, which promises seven kg of super-subsidised foodgrain at Rs 3 a kg for rice, Rs 2 for wheat, and Re 1 for coarse grains, never mind the economics of it. (Read about why the Bill is a bad idea here)
The political calculation is simple: Sonia Gandhi believes that it is a vote-winner, and is also gambling that no party would want to be seen opposing any plan to give away food in the name of the poor to the bulk of the population at throwaway prices. This is why there is talk of an ordinance on Food Security, even though the BJP says it wants to discuss the idea in parliament.
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Sonia Gandhi believes that it is a vote-winner, and is also gambling that no party would want to be seen opposing any plan to give away food in the name of the poor to the bulk of the population at throwaway prices. PTI
At such prices, one can also be sure that the poor will sell the food priced in the 1-2-3 range in the open market, thus supplementing the so-called direct cash transfers scheme with another indirect cash transfers scheme. Corruption will get a new leg up.
Barring a lone voice here or there – former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha is one of them – there is no politician ready to challenge the Food Security Bill with substantive reasoning. Sinha was clear that the Bill “will be a complete disaster,” not only because of the cost – which the Commission on Agricultural Costs and Prices has put at Rs 600,000 crore over three years – but because of the basic stupidity of trying to procure more grain than has ever been procured in the past.
Said Sinha told BusinessLine that the Bill would necessitate a “total procurement of 76.3 million tonnes of foodgrains every year” when the country has managed to procure an average of only 45 million tonnes over the 2001-11 decade. The only exception was 2011-12, when 73 million tonnes were procured. Even this fell marginally short of the level needed.
Sinha’s conclusion is stark: “The requirement is much more than our best procurement. This is when agriculture production is rising year after year. This clearly indicates India will become a perennial food importer. Now if you exhaust the entire 85 million tonnes of stored foodgrain (currently in stock) then we will need to acquire from the open market. This will fuel inflation.”
In fact, rabi procurement trends show that the dangers are surfacing even before the bill is anywhere near passing. Thanks to pests and adverse weather conditions in December 2012 and March 2013, the rabi wheat crop has been hit, and procurement may now be just around 25 million tonnes – far below the expected 44 million tonnes, and even lower than last year’s 38 million tonnes.
Grain stocks, originally expected to bulge out of every godown at 95 million tonnes, may now not exceed 80 million tonnes, Business Line estimates. The wheat earmarked for exports is not moving since global prices are below domestic ones. If we do export, we will be subsidising the world and not only our population.
The problem will not be about finding enough grain for the Food Security Bill this year and the next, but after that, when the stocks fall.
As things stand, we can’t take the next agricultural crop for granted. Even though the India Meteorological Department (IMD) has predicted a normal monsoon – it has got its predictions wrong more often than not – other monsoon forecasters believe we could have lower precipitation this year.
The Japanese Research Institute for Global Climate has warned that the Indian monsoon could be below normal this year due to a wayward warming pattern in the Indian Ocean. This causes a lot of the rain to fall into the ocean instead of land, resulting in an agricultural deficit.
Said the institute using technicalese: “A negative Indian Ocean Dipole mode will develop soon and reach its peak in early autumn. Because of this, the Indian summer monsoon rainfall is expected to be below normal; a weak La Nina condition in the equatorial Pacific might reduce the negative impact to some extent.”
Even assuming the Japanese have got it wrong, the problem is more basic. As we noted even two years ago, India’s problem is not that the monsoons fail once in a while, but that there is a long-term trends towards declining precipitation.
“For nearly half a century since the early 1960s, the long-period average (LPA) of rainfall that India receives has been continuously dropping. From a figure of over 935 mm during the June-September monsoon period, it is now just about 880 mm.”
So, it’s not about this year’s forecasts.
For the UPA’s bosses, the question is this: given the sharp fall in production and procurement in the last rabi season, and given the possibility of a weak monsoon this year and the falling long-term trend in rainfall, should any sensible government be planning an extravagant Food Security Bill?
The only answer is this: Sonia Gandhi’s political insecurity is trumping any thoughts about fiscal security and monsoon risks.
In 2008-09, rising social spending, farm loan waivers and an unaffordable economic stimulus post-Lehman led to rising prices and a slowdown. Will the Food Security Bill convert a stumbling econimy into a full-fledged train-wreck?
One shudders to think about the mess the next government will inherit.
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Sarasvati drowned: rescuing her from scholarly whirlpools (Aklujkar,A.15 May 2012)
"...I have tried to concentrate on evidence and reasoning, regardless of the source of that evidence and reasoning. Perhaps this is where the justification of my writing on the present topic lies (and ends). I have no great professional stake in siding with this or that view. I can easily exercise the freedom to change my assumptions when the facts change..." says Aklujkar.
Read on...
I hope the proceedings of the Soka University Conf. in Los Angeles will see the light of day, together with Giosan et al's response to Valdiya's comments and observations, as scholars see light on the origins of Sarasvati river. There is a saying in Tamil: rishi moolam, nadi moolam. This means 'don't dare to find the origins of a sage or a river.' Who knows? The river might have originated from plakṣa praśravaṇa (as evidenced in the Mahabharata) normally understood in Hindu tradition as the Himalayas.
हिमवतः प्रस्रवन्तिसिन्धु समः संगमः आपोह मह्यं तद्देवीर ददँ हृद्योतभेषजं (AV 6.24.1)"From the Himavat (mountain) they flow forth, in the Indus verily is (their) gathering. May the heavenly waters give to me the remedy from heart-burn!" Maybe, Rigveda was aware of himavat 'Himalaya or a snowclad or a snowy mountain or having frost or snow'. Who knows? Rigveda may not have known of sources beyond Siwaliks?
But then, Aklujkar may say, that he is focussing on Rigvedic evidence. So be it. I hope scholars will also wonder why the triveṇi sangamam tradition also refers to Sarasvati.
Kalyanaraman
Read on...
Sarasvati drowned: rescuing her from scholarly whirlpools (Aklujkar,A.15 May 2012)
I hope the proceedings of the Soka University Conf. in Los Angeles will see the light of day, together with Giosan et al's response to Valdiya's comments and observations, as scholars see light on the origins of Sarasvati river. There is a saying in Tamil: rishi moolam, nadi moolam. This means 'don't dare to find the origins of a sage or a river.' Who knows? The river might have originated from plakṣa praśravaṇa (as evidenced in the Mahabharata) normally understood in Hindu tradition as the Himalayas.
हिमवतः प्रस्रवन्तिसिन्धु समः संगमः आपोह मह्यं तद्देवीर ददँ हृद्योतभेषजं (AV 6.24.1)"From the Himavat (mountain) they flow forth, in the Indus verily is (their) gathering. May the heavenly waters give to me the remedy from heart-burn!" Maybe, Rigveda was aware of himavat 'Himalaya or a snowclad or a snowy mountain or having frost or snow'. Who knows? Rigveda may not have known of sources beyond Siwaliks?
But then, Aklujkar may say, that he is focussing on Rigvedic evidence. So be it. I hope scholars will also wonder why the triveṇi sangamam tradition also refers to Sarasvati.
Kalyanaraman
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Nakshals: pep talk from super-cop -- Ritu Sarin
'If the state can't ensure security for 80 km of road in Bastar, I'm sorry...you’ve failed in the basics'
Ritu Sarin : Sun Jun 02 2013, 00:16 hrs
Former Punjab DGP KPS Gill speaks about his stint as security adviser to the Chhattisgarh government, the recent Naxal attack in Bastar and why "if you maintain law and order, development will follow". This session was moderated by Ritu Sarin, Editor, Express Investigative Team
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Ritu Sarin: Could you start by giving us a post-mortem report on the Naxal attack on the Congress convoy and the Centre's knee-jerk reaction over the years?
This fight, or whatever you want to call it, against Naxalism has been going on for many years now. The resources and the funds allocated by the government from time to time don't measure up as far as success is concerned. Of course, in such a conflict, you cannot talk of success and failure. The important thing is to ensure that the levels of violence go down. In this incident, there has been a lot of talk. The Chhattisgarh chief minister said that there needs to be a synchronised inter-state programme on Naxalism because it is a problem that concerns seven to eight states. But I think that was uncalled for in this incident. What was the nature of the incident? Congress leaders were to address a function and then they were to leave. As police officers, we are taught that dispersal is as important as people coming to the function. But here it appears that on the dispersal, not much was planned. It is a problem of having to move about 30 vehicles over 80 kilometres. Now, you can move it in different ways. What is required is simple common sense and police tactics: do you want to move 30 vehicles all at once? You can send them two at a time or five at a time. If the state cannot ensure security for 80 km of road, I'm sorry all these bold statements are over-used. You have failed in the basics. In Punjab, we had declared certain roads as permanent patrol roads. So if somebody asked for an escort, we would say that you don't need an escort here, we are sure that this road is safe. We ensured that those roads were protected. That is the type of thinking needed to tackle these problems. In this case, it wasn't there. Why was it not there, I can't say. It could be because of the tremendous politicisation of the police and not realising that in an insurgency, the protection of moderate leadership is very important.
Ritu Sarin: You came back from Chhattisgarh a bit dissatisfied. You were on record saying that you couldn't function well because many of the suggestions you gave were not agreed to by the state government. One of your suggestions was also to increase the police stations for Bastar. If a lot of what you had said had been done back in 2006, do you think this flashpoint wouldn't have arisen?
What I had found out was that in many districts, the SPs controlled a very small area. That means the district administration controlled a very small area of the district. So, if the police presence had been slowly extended to cover most of Bastar, probably this would not have happened. Having a presence also means that information will automatically come to you about movements of people, the election of people and many other things. If you look at how West Bengal tackled Naxalism in the earlier phase in the '70s, it was by strengthening the police station. In Punjab, we raised the strength of the police force with bulletproof vehicles, with the latest weaponry. As a result, the police station was able to respond to terrorist attacks. Here also, they should have strengthened police stations in a planned way.
Subhomoy Bhattacharjee: Was the area where the Congress rally was held not suitable to hold such a rally?
If it was allowed to be held, then obviously the state government felt that it was alright. If the place was not suitable, you could always say that the rally couldn't be held there. If it is not suitable, it is your duty to prevent that. Now they are saying that that stretch of the road, 80 kilometres, was largely unpatrolled. It is a jungle area which stretched up to the borders of Orissa. But that should have been anticipated. It's not the first time buses have been attacked. It has been going on in Chhattisgarh for over 20 years now. The response has not been of the type that should be there. I thought the response was too slow. And the tendency to rely on outside forces interfered with the necessity of the states to strengthen their own police forces.
Coomi Kapoor: Should the methods used for fighting insurgency in Punjab be different from methods used to fight Naxalism?
In Naxalite areas, you need much more presence, you need procedures to be different. The movement has to be on foot, not on vehicles, because of the danger of mines. You need to determine the concentration of forces at a particular place. What should be the optimum distance they should travel to patrol that area and come back? What led to the death of those 55 policemen in 2007? They went out and didn't patrol. They stayed at one place. That is my understanding. We have to set our tasks not only according to the capability of the force but also according to the understanding of the situation. In Chhattisgarh, when compared to Punjab, you have to have much more presence, one which is concentrated. In every, say, 4-5 km you'd want to have a police force. That has to be worked out depending on the situation, the feedback from the local people and on your own capabilities.
Coomi Kapoor: For that kind of presence, don't you need central forces as well?
The presence of central forces is a sort of disincentive. Once the problem is over, what do we do with them? That problem exists in Punjab also.
Rakesh Sinha: We have had instances of states giving in to the demands of the Naxals by swapping jailed Naxals for officials held hostage. Should there be a policy to end this?
It depends on the political will. I don't know if you remember the IC-814 hijacking. You suddenly had a new element there. And that element was the relatives of the passengers. They took out demonstrations, the government buckled. The media comments were very strange. If I remember correctly, one comment was that the Prime Minister was informed after three hours or so. But now it appears that the Prime Minister has to get into everything. It is this over-centralisation that is affecting the process of proper administration.
Ritu Sarin: Now that the founder of Salwa Judum has been killed, how much of a setback is it for anti-Naxalism?
It shows the desire to be justified—that whatever was done is justified because Salwa Judum is bad and atrocities were committed, therefore, the Naxals had to kill and take revenge. So that means they feel a need to justify themselves. I read a headline that said a large number of people turned up for the funeral of the Congressmen. If that is true, then it shows a public reaction to what actually happened.
Ravish Tiwari: The one difference between the Punjab situation and the Naxal situation is that in Punjab, the state administration and the central government were on the same page. Do you think that in this case, the confusion between the Centre and the state makes it difficult to tackle this challenge?
It is wrong to think that the Centre and the state were on the same page in Punjab. There were many conflicting views coming out of Punjab. It happened in Assam too. It is happening in Chhattisgarh in the Naxalite areas. You can't construct a road, you can't build a school building, you can't build a medical centre. Because they will either not allow you to do it or they will blow it up after it is done. First you have to maintain law and order, then development will follow.
Arup Roychoudhury: Is it time to withdraw some of the forces from the Northeast and relocate them to central India?
If there is a suggestion demanding forces elsewhere, it will be done. That is a normal exercise that is carried out by the Home Ministry. But in this Naxalite area, I spoke to some retired officers and the assessment was that they have half the number of companies they should have as per assessment. Raising a force is not an easy job, it takes time. But it has to be done. My feeling is that the government should see to it that as per assessment, whatever (force) is required should be given and the state should also give whatever is required. From 2006 to 2013, there has been an improvement in the situation. The level of violence has come down. This incident itself, gruesome as it may be, doesn't show that the number of followers have gone up. It shows that there has been a concentration in some areas. They have grouped together to carry out the incident and create an impression, which they have done.
Unni Rajen Shanker: What do you think you achieved in Chhattisgarh and what are your regrets, if any?
When I left in 2006, I had submitted a large number of proposals. The new DG, who has been there for a year and a half, told me that he has disinterred the proposals and he is following up on them. I brought out the deficiencies. When a member of the police says that he controls only five per cent of his district, that has to be accepted. Once you accept that, you have to make sure he can control more of his district.
Dilip Bobb: After this incident, there has been a demand in some quarters for the use of the army. What's your view on that?
No, not at all. This isn't an army situation at all. A gun is a gun, an AK-47 or otherwise. We've dealt with these situations and it is not an army situation. It is definitely a police one. Even the Americans now accept that the war against terror is not to be waged by the Army. I do believe that Naxalism is a terror outlet.
Rakesh Sinha: Would you agree that the Naxals moved into areas where the states abdicated their responsibilities?
No, the states were never there. The forested areas were being administered by forest guards. They don't have weaponry and they aren't trained in military tactics. So there was no administration there. The Naxalites were moving into areas that were left un-administered. The British did not want to spend money unnecessarily on administrative set ups in areas with small population. The policy of keeping the tribals away from normal administration continued even after the British left. The Naxalites occupied those territories.
Manoj CG: The Centre has been holding peace talks with insurgent groups in the Northeast and there's been a significant reduction in violence there. Should the Centre hold or engage the Maoists in a dialogue?
Dialogue needs two parties. In the Northeast, in Assam, there are those who want to talk and there those who don't want to talk. There has been pressure there from all sides: Bangladesh is no longer supporting the insurgents, Myanmar is also going along with our requirements. So there has been pressure (on the rebels) from all sides. So the level of violence has come down. Ultimately, there is a certain degree of tiredness which the whole population feels. People want to move forward. In order to have talks, you need a political party with a defined leadership which is overground. You can talk to people who are overground, maybe parts of them are indulging in violence, but at least you can talk to a section of them. But in Naxalism, who do you talk to?
Vijaita Singh: Do you think UAVs are useful for anti-Naxal operations? Can they be a substitute for ground intelligence?
It depends on the kind of UAVs they have, the kind of cameras they have on board, and the communication equipment. Where do they transfer the information and to whom? I'm told they operate from Begumpet and will be shifting base to Bhilai in eight months to one year. But that is not the way to do things. If you want to shift to Bhilai, shift them tomorrow. Certainly, they can supplement whatever the ground intelligence finds out; they can't be a substitute. The UAVs will have a purpose in directing the operations. If the Americans can use it in different parts of the world, I don't see why we can't do it in our smaller areas.
Coomi Kapoor: You've been quoted as saying that the chief minister of Chhattisgarh asked you relax and not bother so much. Why do you think he called you there in the first place?
He has denied saying that, so maybe there is a misinterpretation in what he said and what I understood because English is not our first tongue.
Coomi Kapoor: But why did he call you there?
Sometimes people make mistakes.
Transcribed by Swetha Ramakrishnan
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/if-the-state-cant-ensure-security-for-80-km-of-road-in-bastar-im-sorry...you-ve-failed-in-the-basics/1123831/0↧
Congress stalls Coalgate probe -- Kartikeya Tanna
Congress stalls Coalgate probe
By Kartikeya Tanna on
On Monday, amid media focus on IPL and BCCI, news came in that the UPA Government had denied CBI the permission to interrogate former Coal Secretary HC Gupta who, according to this Niti Central report, is a vital link in connection with the CoalGate scam. The Ministry of Corporate Affairs rejected the CBI’s request despite the CBI’s argument that Gupta’s role as Coal Secretary between 2006 and 2009 was crucial to the probe.
While this decision by the MCA headed by Sachin Pilot, a politician close to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, was on expected lines, it is pertinent to understand how and why the CBI needs the UPA’s permission even to merely interrogate officers who could provide vital links in an ongoing investigation.
The Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, 1946 which applies to the CBI (in fact, the CBI’s official name is DSPE) contains a provision – Section 6A – which has somehow found its way on the statute books despite consistent efforts to get it removed.
Section 6A is worded as under:
Approval of Central Government to conduct inquiry or investigation.-(1) The Delhi Special Police Establishment shall not conduct any enquiry or investigation into any offence alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 (49 of 1988) except with the previous approval of the Central Government where such allegation relates to:
(a) the employees of the Central Government of the Level of Joint Secretary and above […]
Readers may note that this provision requiring prior approval does not pertain to the prosecution stage. It seeks to stifle the CBI’s investigation at the initial inquiry/interrogation stage itself!
Moreover, in practice, this provision entails seeking permission from the very department of which the concerned employee is an officer. Although in this case, approval to interrogate a former Coal Secretary was sought from the MCA (because Gupta now heads the Competition Commission of India which is under the MCA), the bizarre consequence of this provision is that the CBI has to seek permission from the bosses of the very department whose actions it seeks to inquire into!
How and why this provision is a law is worth understanding.
Since 1969, each Government had issued it in one way or another in the form of an executive directive. Its stated purpose was to protect decision making level officers from the threat and ignominy of malicious and vexatious inquiries/investigations.
This directive was challenged in the landmark Jain hawala case of Vineet Narain vs Union of India. The Supreme Court struck it down for various reasons, an important one being that the purpose of this directive was more to thwart investigation instead of promoting the cause of justice.
Despite the Supreme Court’s stinging criticism and invalidation of this directive, it has found its way back through legislative enactment. Here is a brief timeline of how this happened.
April – August 1998: | Government discusses SC’s decision and asks Law Commission to prepare a report. The Law Commission prepares a report and a draft Bill which does notcontain this directive. |
August – Dec 1998: | The Cabinet meets to discuss these issues. Notably, the Law Commission’s draft Bill is deliberately withheld and is not presented before the Cabinet. Instead, a draft parallely prepared by the secretaries is moved first and placed before the Cabinet. This draft reintroduces the directive, although it states that CBI must get prior permission of the CVC (and not the Government). The Government introduces an ordinance on the basis of this draft. The then Law Minister Ram Jethmalani and the Law Commissioner Justice Reddy express their dissatisfaction at this withholding. Anil Divan, an eminent senior advocate, files written objections to this ordinance in the SC. The Government assures SC that it will reexamine the matter and a new ordinance and bill is introduced which drops this directive. |
April 1999: | The Lok Sabha gets dissolved and, therefore, the Bill lapses. |
December 1999: | A fresh Bill is introduced in the newly constituted Lok Sabha and is referred to a Joint Committee of both Houses of Parliament. Sharad Pawar is the Joint Committee’s chairman. |
November 2000: | The Joint Committee presents a report to both Houses of Parliament and attaches a draft Bill. This Bill reintroduces the directive although, this time, CBI requires prior approval of the Central Government instead of the CVC. |
February 2003: | Almost two and a half years later, the Bill is passed by the Lok Sabha by a mere voice vote without as much as a flutter in the media. |
The embarrassing aspect, however, for a democracy like India is that 43 countries in Africa, most of which are infamous for corruption, have signed a treaty which seeks removal of any immunities from investigation or prosecution.Since then, this provision has remained on the statute books and been followed umpteen times including yesterday. Perhaps, the strong bureaucrat lobby ensured the continuance of this provision to protect themselves from the consequences of decisions taken for political bosses.
While SC has asked the UPA Government to provide its response on how it intends to make CBI more independent, if recent news reports are any indication, the UPA is in no mood to remove Section 6A. Indeed, the SC which is somewhat monitoring investigation into the CoalGate scam might intervene and give CBI permission to probe Gupta. However, it is unlikely to happen until SC reopens in July.
Until that happens, one can only wonder if any Parliamentarian, whether from the UPA or the Opposition, will seek removal of this provision which gives the ruling establishment unbridled powers to control the fate and direction of high-stake investigations.
http://www.niticentral.com/2013/06/04/congress-stalls-coalgate-probe-85572.html
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When gentlemen ruled the game -- Kumar Chellappan
WHEN GENTLEMEN RULED THE GAME
Wednesday, 05 June 2013 | Kumar Chellappan | in Oped
Cricket as we knew it at the time of the Engineers, Contractors and Lillees, has come a long way. Today, it is more of a reality show involving megabucks, greed, glamour and backroom deals. An honest approach to the game is near zero now
The game of cricket is literally ‘cricket’ to me. I am yet to understand the difference between ‘off-spin’ and ‘leg spin’. We in Perumbavoor owe it to the ‘expatriate’ Tamils who brought the game to this small town. An industrialist by the name of M Chidambaram Chettiyar in Tamil Nadu set up Travancore Rayons Ltd, a factory in Perumbavoor in 1950 for manufacturing rayon and cellulose film. The senior staff, especially the managers and engineers, were from Tamil Nadu. They brought cricket to Perumbavoor as a pastime since there were no other avenues for entertainment in this town.
One fine morning we saw a fleet of cars at the gate of the Government High School. There were Ambassadors, Fiats, Heralds, Standard Pennants and of course the lengthy Plymouths and Dodges. The Rayons’ cricket team was playing a friendly match against Kannan Devan Company. As a student of Class 5, I stood and watched in awe as players wearing white pants and shirts bowled, batted, ran between wickets and fielded. Oh! I almost forgot, there was a huge scoreboard at one end of the stadium, operated by Ambi Swamy, the local know-all and a friend of the Rayons team members.
The wicket-keeper of the Rayons team happened to be the brother of Sundar, one of my classmates. Though I asked Sundar how this game was played, he just dismissed me saying that I wouldn’t be able to understand cricket. I approached Gopalakrishnan, owner of Ajanta Tailors, in the school neighbourhood. Gopalakrishnan was the official dressmaker to the Tamil expatriates in the Rayons Colony and had developed a strong bond with them. At any given time, one could see numerous Tamil youth in his shop, bantering and combing their hair. “You will not understand this game... It is played by engineers, contractors, doctors and vakils…” said Gopalakrishnan.
By that time I had read in the Malayalam newspapers that there were players by the name Farokh Engineer, Nari Contractor, Hemu Adhikari and even a Sarvadhikari! Sundar’s father was an engineer, and I knew that cricket was not for me. Still, the urge to know more made me listen to radio commentaries and read up whatever was published in newspapers about the game.
Dicky Rutnagur and Suresh Saraiya, the All India Radio commentators, were heard telling listeners that Bishan Singh Bedi was bowling with a short leg and a long leg! How cruel of the captain to make a physically challenged player do that! Are there no players with two equal legs to play? And EAS Prasanna was always bowling maidens! No eve-teasing laws in vogue?
Another commentator was heard saying, “Chandrasekhar was a leg-spinner...” One whose legs are always spinning? I watched the final of the 1983 World Cup live on television. The Indian team led by Kapil Dev Nikhanj, a Haryana lad, won the tournament. It was a big boost to India which had been thrashed 7-0 by Pakistan in the 1982 Asian Games hockey finals. Cricket became a national obsession as well as the common man’s game. My knowledge of the game was limited to Kapil Dev and Mohinder Amarnath who, I understand, became the richest Indian cricketer during the 1983 World Cup. He was twice awarded the ‘Man of the Match’ prize, which increased his bank balance by a few thousand pound sterling (a big amount those days since it took another eight years for the Congress and Mr Manmohan Singh to devalue the Indian currency).
My tryst with cricket began with GR Viswanath, the Karnataka-born Indian batsman, and ended with Dennis Lillee, the legendary pacer from Australia. Viswanath came to Trivandrum in 1986 as a member of the Karnataka team to play a Ranji Trophy match against Kerala. I was working as a transmission executive in Doordarshan Kendra, Trivandrum, and the Station Director, K Kunhikrishnan, immediately granted permission to my proposal.
I met Viswanath at the Trivandrum Club, where the star was in high spirits and playing a game of billiards. The man was so simple and felt a bit uncomfortable at the VIP treatment which he was getting from all of us.
Dennis Lillee was fun all the way. He refused to give any television interview. “My dear fellow, TV means money… You come with money… Then we will speak.” he told me when I rang him up at the MRF Pace Foundation. “Sir, I don’t want you to speak about cricket. Please allow me to take some shots of you teaching the trainees”, I told him. “Come at sharp four. Just 10 minutes”, he said and hung up the phone.
At the MCC School ground in Chetpet, we took more than an hour of Lillee’s time. He spoke on everything under the sun. It was a soft-spoken Lillee whom I interviewed. Lillee allowed me to take leave only after a hot cup of coffee. At no point of time did it feel that I was speaking to one of the all-time greats in sporting history.
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Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware
This is a proto-historical 4th millennium BCE narrative on how ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware artisan/merchant guilds.
This graduation is supported by ancient near East art evolving into Indus writing --jāṅgaḍa accounting for metalware, in a transition from stone-cutting or bead-making to bronze-age metals alloying in a wide interaction area for metalware trade and metals technologies.
This report discusses how ancient near East art (as on Warka vase or Tell Tabraq axe) evolved into Indus writing accounting for metalware transactions from smelter to smithy/forge. This process of accounting is elucidated by the semantics of the mercantile, technical term, jāṅgaḍa -- goods taken on approval basis. This jāṅgaḍa system is recogized in law related to corporations and trade transactions and is practised even today in the Indian sprachbund. The lexeme jāṅgaḍa is denoted, rebus, by the sangaḍa (gimlet + portable furnace) hieroglyph 1 of the device in front of the hieroglyph 2 of one-horned young bull calf. The hieroglyphs 1 and 2 recur on over 1000 inscriptions of Indus writing attesting to the dominant role played by this method of metalware accounting which is the principal message conveyed by almost all the Indus inscriptions which now number over 5000 in the corpora presented in http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east.html .
The message conveyed by the procession of hieroglyphs -- carried as banners -- constituting a bronze-age standard of the Indus-Sarasvati civilization is interpreted (read rebus) as mineral (stones) and metal alloys transacted on जांगड [jāṅgaḍa] 'goods on approval' basis. The procession is a celebration of the graduation from stone-cutting or making of stone-beads -- sanghāḍo -- community (or artisan guild) to a bronze-age guild of metal (mineral and alloy)-turners in smithy/forge or mint, kammaṭa.
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Read rebus:
1. kandi (pl. –l) necklace, beads (Pa.) Ga. (P.) kandi (pl. –l) bead, (pl.) necklace; (S.2) kandiṭ bead (DEDR 1215). kandil, kandīl = a globe of glass, a lantern (Ka.lex.) Rebus: kaṇḍ 'fire-altar'.
2. dhàṭṭu m. ʻwoman's headgear, kerchiefʼ; dhaṭu m. (also dhaṭhu) m. ‘scarf’ (WPah.); rebus: dhātu‘mineral’ (Skt.), dhatu id. (Santali).
3. kōḍu horn (Kannada. Tulu. Tamil) खोंड [khōṇḍa] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus: कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. खोट [khōṭa] Alloyed--a metal (Marathi).
4. सांगड [sāṅgaḍa] That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied (Marathi) sanghāḍo (G.) cutting stone, gilding (G.) Rebus: जांगड [jāṅgaḍa] f ( Hindi) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or जांगड वही The account or account-book of goods so taken.(Marathi)
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saṅgaḍa 'gimlet, portable furnace'. Rebus: jāṅgaḍa जांगड 'goods on approval basis'.
The standard device is also a hieroglyph, saṅgaḍa 'lathe'; rebus: furnace. The word saṅgaḍa can also be denoted by a glyph of combined animals. The bottom portion of the 'standard device' is sometimes depicted with 'dotted circles'. khangar ghongor 'full of holes'; (Santali) rebus: kangar 'portable furnace' (Kashmiri). This device also occurs by itself and as variants on 19 additional epigraphs, in one case held aloft like a banner in a procession which also includes the glyph of the one-horned heifer as one of the banners carried.
ಗಣಿಯಿಂದ ತೆಗದು ಕರಗದೆ ಇರುವ ಅದುರು (Kannada) = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to smelting in a furnace. This precise explanation of a lexeme of Indian sprachbund yields a clue to understanding how ancient near East art evolved into Indus writing in the context of bronze-age.
The discovery for hieroglyphic depiction of lexeme ಅದುರು aduru, starts from an exquisite art-work on Warka vase.
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Tabernae montana hieroglyph is shown together with zebu and a thorny object, on a Mesopotamian cylinder seal.
Other hieroglyphs shown on the cylinder seal: ran:ga ron:ga, ran:ga con:ga = thorny, spikey, armed with thorns; edel dare ran:ga con:ga dareka = this cotton tree grows with spikes on it (Santali) ) Rebus: ran:ga, ran: pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (añjana) (Santali).Alternative: kaṁṭiya ʻthornyʼ (Prakrit) Rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, gold furnace' (Telugu) adar ḍangar‘zebu’ aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru ಗಣಿಯಿಂದ ತೆಗದು ಕರಗದೆ ಇರುವ ಅದುರು = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to smelting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddhānti Subrahmaṇya Śastri’s new interpretation of the Amarakośa, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p.330); adar = fine sand (Tamil) aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192).Susa pot hieroglyph: fish + scales. The pot contained metalware Hieroglyph: fish+scales. Allograph: aDara 'scales of a fish' (Munda) Rebus: aduru native metal; ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit)
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The choice of a fish-shape was a dramatic advancement over the shapes which had evolved on tokens to account for products. Such tokens were put into bullae and sealed with seal impressions. Some of the seal impressions denoted Indus writing hieroglyphs. Thus, we have a combination of two types of writing: one -- the token shapes -- categorized the products; the other -- seal impressions of hieroglyphs -- provided a technical specification of or professional title of owner of the products.
The invention of new shapes which denoted sounds of words of the underlying words used by the artisans constituted a breakthrough in the evolution of writing systems.
One such shape was the fish-shape which denoted ayo 'fish' <ayu?>(A) {N} ``^fish’’. #1370. <yO>\\<AyO>(L) {N} ``^fish’’. #3612. Rebus: ayo 'metal' (G.) ayas, ayah 'metal' (Sanskrit). kāṇḍa 'an arrow' (Marathi)
kāṇḍā ‘tools, pots and pans, metal-ware’ (Marathi).The ‘fish-eye’ is a reinforcement of the gloss kāṇḍ‘stone/nodule (metal)’. The dotted circle (eye) is decoded rebus as kaṇ‘aperture’ (Tamil); kāṇũ hole (Gujarati) (i.e. glyph showing dotted-circle); kāṇa‘one eye’. kaṇi ‘stone’ (Kannada) கன்¹ kaṉCopper (Tamil) கன்² kaṉ, n. < கல். stone (Tamil) खडा khaḍā (Marathi) is ‘metal, nodule, stone, lump’. kaṇi‘stone’ (Kannada) with Tadbhava khaḍu. khaḍu, kaṇ‘stone/nodule (metal)’.Ga. (Oll.) kanḍ (S.) kanḍu (pl. kanḍkil) stone (DEDR 1298).
The lexeme kāṇḍā could be denoted by the hieroglyph kāṇḍa 'arrow'.
Hieroglyphs fish + arrow read rebus ayas + kāṇḍa thus connoted metal tools, pots and pans, metalware of the type shown in the Susa pot.
These hieroglyphs -- kāṇa‘one eye’; rebus: kaṇi‘stone’ (Kannada) -- ayo 'fish'; rebus: ayas 'metal' (Sanskrit) -- may have been translated and interpreted as the ‘fish-eyes’ or ‘eye stones’ (Akkadian IGI-HA, IGI-KU6) mentioned in Mesopotamian texts.
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Hieroglyphs on the axe:
Hieroglyph 2: eṛaka ‘upraised arm’ (Ta.) Rebus: eraka = copper (Ka.)
The hieroglyph indicates that the broad axe is made of copper + tin alloy: eraka + tagara.
tabar 'a broad axe' (Punjabi) Rebus: tam(b)ra = copper (Pkt.)
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A pair of 'empty circle hieroglyphs': Tu. toḷu hole; empty; ḍoḷḷu, ṭoḷḷu, toḷḷè void, hollow. Te. toli, tolika hole; tol(u)cu to bore, perforate, hollow, dig, scoop, carve; doṇḍi hole; (K.) dol(u)cu to make a hole; ḍolla hollow, concave. (DEDR 3528) Rebus: dul ‘casting’ (Santali)
Allograph: dol ‘likeness, pair’ Rebus: dul 'cast metal' (Santali)
tebṛa, tebor.‘three times, thrice’; tebṛage emok hoyoktama you will have to give three times that (Santali)
cf. tamar 'gimlet' (Tamil)
It was circa 3500 BCE. An Indus artisan had written these hieroglyphs on a potsherd discovered by HARP (Harvard Harappa Archaeology Project). BBC titled the report of May 4, 1999 'Earliest writing'. Citing this find, the report quoted one of the excavators, Richard Meadow: "...these primitive inscriptions found on pottery may pre-date all other known writing."
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The tablet h2218A message incorporated on Seal h1682 is: kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: gaṇaka 'accounting'. kuṭi 'water carrier' Rebus: kuṭhi 'smelter'.
The seal h1682 also includes an additional message:
kolmo 'three' Rebus: kolami 'smithy, forge'. dol 'likeness, pair' Rebus: dul 'cast (metal). kanḍ 'stone' (Gadba)
Thus the two-part message on Seal h1682 is:
Part1: cast (metal stone) smithy -- dul kanḍ kolami
Part 2: smelter smithy accounting - kuṭi gaṇaka kolami
The other hieroglyphs on the seal are:
1. one-horned young bull calf --
kōḍu horn (Kannada. Tulu. Tamil)
खोंड [khōṇḍa] m A young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus: कोंड [kōṇḍa] A circular hamlet; a division of a मौजा or village, composed generally of the huts of one caste. खोट [khōṭa] Alloyed--a metal (Marathi).
2. gimlet + portable furnace --
सांगड [sāṅgaḍa] That member of a turner's apparatus by which the piece to be turned is confined and steadied. (Marathi) Rebus: जांगड [jāṅgaḍa] f ( Hindi) Goods taken from a shop, to be retained or returned as may suit: also articles of apparel taken from a tailor or clothier to sell for him. 2 or जांगड वही The account or account-book of goods so taken.(Marathi)
Thus, the seal message completes the accounting of goods taken on approval basis (jāṅgaḍa) of metal cast from smelter and taken into the smithy/forge (kolami).
urseal11Seal; UPenn; a scorpion and an elipse [an eye (?)]; U. 16397; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 10-11, pl. II, no. 11 [Note: Is the ‘eye’ an oval representation of a bun ingot.) Glyph: bichā ‘scorpion’ (As+samese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Munda)
Hypothesis 4: It is reasonable to infer that the center of the circular platform could have held a storage pot of the type unearthed in Susa with metal objects (and with a ‘fish’ Indus script glyph written below the rim of the pot) — evidenced by Maurizio Tosi as a link with Meluhha (aka Indus valley).
Hypothesis 5: It is reasonable to infer that the pots with inscriptions (either embossed using a seal or inscribed as on the Susa pot) were used as containers for despatch to traders, while other storage pots (without inscriptions) might have been kept in the center of the circular platforms.
The ‘procession’ tablet which is noted as the standard of the civilization has other hieroglyphs deployed on a text (1605) which is repeated on both tablets m0490 and m0491.
The procession of four banners has been read rebus as mineral (stones) and metal alloys transacted on जांगड [jāṅgaḍa] 'goods on approval' basis.
Text 1605 on m0490 and m0491 tablets. The hieroglyphs read rebus denote the following specialist functions of the artisan guild: workshop (for) casting metals, gemstones, smithy working with alloys, kiln, guild.
1. dula ‘pair’ (i.e., two long linear strokes). Rebus: dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali)
2. karã̄ n. pl. ‘wristlets, bangles’ (Gujarati) Rebus: खडा [khaḍā] the gem or stone of a ring or trinket: a lump of hardened fæces or scybala: a nodule or lump gen. (Marathi)
3. sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (Hindi) Rebus: sal‘workshop’ (Santali)
4. kolmo ‘seeding, rice-plant’(Munda) Rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu) खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’. Rebus: alloy (Marathi) That is, a smithy working with alloys.
5. bhaṭa -- m. ʻsoldier’ (Pali) Rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali); baṭa = a kind of iron (Gujarati) bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’ (Gujarati)
6. khũṭf. ʻcorner, sideʼ) (Punjabi) Rebus: khū̃ṭ‘community, guild’ (Mu.)
1. dula ‘pair’ (Kashmiri); dula दुल । युग्मम् m. a pair, a couple, esp. of two similar things (Rām. 966) dul ‘cast (metal)’ (Santali). dul ‘to cast metal in a mould’ (Santali) dul meṛeḍ cast iron (Mundari. Santali) Alternative: taṭṭe ‘a thick bamboo or an areca-palm stem, split in two’ (Ka.) (DEDR 3042)Rebus: toṭxin, toṭ.xn goldsmith (To.); taṭṭāṉ ‘gold- or silver-smith’ (Ta.); taṭṭaravāḍu ‘gold- or silver-smith’ (Te.); *ṭhaṭṭakāra ‘brass-worker’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 5493). Thus, the glyph is decoded: taṭṭara ‘worker in gold, brass’. Alternative: S. jāṛo m. ʻ twin ʼ, L. P. jāṛā m.; M. j̈āḍī f. ʻ a double yoke ʼ. (CDIAL 5091) Rebus: *jaḍati ʻ joins, sets ʼ. 1. Pk. jaḍia -- ʻ set (of jewels), joined ʼ; K. jarun ʻ to set jewels ʼ (← Ind.); S. jaṛaṇu ʻ to join, rivet, set ʼ, jaṛa f. ʻ rivet, boundary between two fields ʼ; P.jaṛāuṇā ʻ to have fastened or set ʼ; A. zarāiba ʻ to collect ʼ; B. jaṛāna ʻ to set jewels, wrap round, entangle ʼ, jaṛ ʻ heaped together ʼ; Or. jaṛibā ʻ to unite ʼ; OAw.jaraï ʻ sets jewels, bedecks ʼ; H. jaṛnā ʻ to join, stick in, set ʼ (→ N. jaṛnu ʻ to set, be set ʼ); OMarw. jaṛāū ʻ inlaid ʼ; G. jaṛvũ ʻ to join, meet with, set jewels ʼ; M.j̈aḍṇẽ ʻ to join, connect, inlay, be firmly established ʼ, j̈aṭṇẽ ʻ to combine, confederate ʼ. (CDIAL 5091)
2. G.karã̄ n. pl. ‘wristlets, bangles’; S. karāī f. ’wrist’ (CDIAL 2779). Rebus: khār खार्‘blacksmith’ (Kashmiri) खडा [khaḍā] the gem or stone of a ring or trinket: a lump of hardened fæces or scybala: a nodule or lump gen. (Marathi)
3. sal stake, spike, splinter, thorn, difficulty (H.); Rebus: sal ‘workshop’ (Santali) Alternative: aḍar = splinter (Santali); rebus: aduru = native metal (Ka.) aduru = gan.iyinda tegadu karagade iruva aduru = ore taken from the mine and not subjected to melting in a furnace (Kannada. Siddha_nti Subrahman.ya’ S’astri’s new interpretation of the Amarakos’a, Bangalore, Vicaradarpana Press, 1872, p. 330)
4. kolmo ‘seeding, rice-plant’(Munda) rebus: kolami ‘smithy’ (Telugu)
urseal11Seal; UPenn; a scorpion and an elipse [an eye (?)]; U. 16397; Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 10-11, pl. II, no. 11 [Note: Is the ‘eye’ an oval representation of a bun ingot.) Glyph: bichā ‘scorpion’ (As+samese) Rebus: bica ‘stone ore’ (Munda)
Glyph shown together with stong of scorpion on Urseal 1. Rebus: खोट [khōṭa] ‘ingot, wedge’; A mass of metal (unwrought or of old metal melted down)(Maratthi) khoṭf ʻalloy (Lahnda) Hence खोटसाळ [khōṭasāḷa] a (खोट & साळ from शाला) Alloyed--a metal. (Marathi) Bshk. khoṭ ʻ embers ʼ, Phal. khūṭo ʻ ashes, burning coal ʼ; L. khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼ M.khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, (CDIAL 3931)Kor. (O.) The seal thus depicts an ingot made of bica, ‘stone ore’.
Mohenjo-daro seal m417 six heads from a core. A circular seal of Mohenjo-daro. It shows a warrior.
G. bhāthɔ, bhātɔ,bhāthṛɔ m. ʻquiverʼ (whence bhāthī m. ʻwarriorʼ)(CDIAL 9124). Pali. bhaṭa -- m. ʻhireling, servant, soldierʼ; S.kcch. bhaṛ ʻbraveʼ; Garh. (Śrīnagrī dial.) bhɔṛ, (Salānī dial.) bhe ṛ ʻwarriorʼ. S. bhaṛu ʻclever, proficientʼ, m. ʻan adeptʼ; Ku. bhaṛ m. ʻhero, brave manʼ, gng. adj. ʻmightyʼ; B. bhaṛ ʻsoldier, servant, nom. prop.ʼ, bhaṛil ʻservant, heroʼ; Bhoj. bhar ʻname of a partic. low casteʼ;G. bhaṛ m. ʻwarrior, hero, opulent personʼ, adj. ʻstrong, opulentʼ Pk. bhayaga -- m. ʻservantʼ, bhaḍa -- m. ʻsoldierʼ, bhaḍaa -- m. ʻmember of a non -- Aryan tribeʼ;(CDIAL 9588). Rebus: baṭa = kiln (Santali); baṭa = a kind of iron (G.) bhaṭṭhī f. ‘kiln, distillery’, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ‘furnace’, bhaṭṭhā m. ‘kiln’; S. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ‘distil (spirits)’. bhráṣṭra n. ʻfrying pan, gridironʼ MaitrS. [√bhrajj ] Pk. bhaṭṭha -- m.n. ʻgridironʼ; K. büṭhü f. ʻlevel surface by kitchen fireplace on which vessels are put when taken off fireʼ; S. baṭhu m. ʻlarge pot in which grain is parched, large cooking fireʼ, baṭhī f. ʻdistilling furnaceʼ; L. bhaṭṭh m. ʻgrain -- parcher's ovenʼ, bhaṭṭhī f. ʻkiln, distilleryʼ, awāṇ. bhaṭh; P. bhaṭṭh m., °ṭhī f. ʻfurnaceʼ, bhaṭṭhā m. ʻkilnʼ; N. bhāṭi ʻoven or vessel in which clothes are steamed for washingʼ; A. bhaṭā ʻbrick -- or lime -- kilnʼ; B. bhāṭi ʻ kiln ʼ; Or. bhāṭi ʻ brick -- kiln, distilling pot ʼ; Mth. bhaṭhī, bhaṭṭī ʻbrick -- kiln, furnace, stillʼ; Aw.lakh. bhāṭhā ʻkilnʼ; H. bhaṭṭhā m. ʻkilnʼ, bhaṭ f. ʻkiln, oven, fireplaceʼ; M.bhaṭṭā m. ʻpot of fireʼ, bhaṭṭī f. ʻforgeʼ. S.kcch. bhaṭṭhī keṇī ʻdistil (spirits)ʼ.(CDIAL 9656).
6. kōnṭa corner (Nk.); Tu. kōṇṭu angle, corner (Tu.); Rebus: kõdā‘to turn in a lathe’ (B.) kundār turner (A.); kũdār, kũdāri (B.); kundāru (Or.); kundau to turn on a lathe, to carve, to chase; kundau dhiri = a hewn stone; kundau murhut = a graven image (Santali) kunda a turner's lathe (Skt.)(CDIAL 3295) *khuṇṭa2ʻ corner ʼ. 2. *kuṇṭa --2.[Cf. *khōñca-- ] 1. Phal.khunʻ corner ʼ; H.khū̃ṭm. ʻ corner, direction ʼ (→ P.khũṭf. ʻcorner, sideʼ); G.khū̃ṭṛīf. ʻ angle ʼ. <-> Xkōṇa-- : G.khuṇf.,khū˘ṇɔm. ʻ corner ʼ.2. S.kuṇḍaf. ʻ corner ʼ; P.kū̃ṭf. ʻ corner, side ʼ (← H.). (CDIAL 3898). Rebus: khū̃ṭ ‘community, guild’ (Mu.) Rebus: kūṭa a house, dwelling (Skt.lex.) khũṭ = a community, sect, society, division, clique, schism, stock; khũṭren peṛa kanako = they belong to the same stock (Santali)khūṭ Nag. Khũṭ, kūṭ Has. (Or. Khūṭ) either of the two branches of the village family.
Context of the hieroglyph of ‘warrior’ on a circular seal
The core is a glyphic ‘chain’ or ‘ladder’. Glyph: kaḍī a chain; a hook; a link (G.); kaḍum a bracelet, a ring (G.) Rebus: kaḍiyo [Hem. Des. kaḍaio = Skt. sthapati a mason] a bricklayer; a mason; kaḍiyaṇa, kaḍiyeṇa a woman of the bricklayer caste; a wife of a bricklayer (G.)
Mohenjo-daro Seal m0417 The glyphics are:
1. Glyph: ‘one-horned young bull’: kondh‘heifer’. kũdār ‘turner, brass-worker’.
2. Glyph: ‘bull’: ḍhangra ‘bull’. Rebus: ḍhangar ‘blacksmith’.
3. Glyph: ‘ram’: meḍh‘ram’. Rebus: meḍ‘iron’
4. Glyph: ‘antelope’: mr̤eka‘goat’. Rebus: milakkhu‘copper’. Vikalpa 1: meluhha‘mleccha’ ‘copper worker’. Vikalpa 2: meṛh‘helper of merchant’.
5. Glyph: ‘zebu’: khũṭ‘zebu’. Rebus: khũṭ ‘guild, community’ (Semantic determinant of the ‘jointed animals’ glyphic composition). kūṭa joining, connexion, assembly, crowd, fellowship (DEDR 1882) Pa. gotta‘clan’; Pk. gotta, gōya id. (CDIAL 4279) Semantics of Pkt. lexeme gōya is concordant with Hebrew‘goy’in ha-goy-im (lit. the-nation-s).Pa. gotta -- n. ʻ clan ʼ, Pk. gotta -- , gutta -- , amg. gōya -- n.; Gau. gū ʻ house ʼ (in Kaf. and Dard. several other words for ʻ cowpen ʼ > ʻ house ʼ: gōṣṭhá -- , Pr. gūˊṭu ʻ cow ʼ; S. g̠oṭru m. ʻ parentage ʼ, L. got f. ʻ clan ʼ, P. gotar, got f.; Ku. N. got ʻ family ʼ; A. got -- nāti ʻ relatives ʼ; B. got ʻ clan ʼ; Or. gota ʻ family, relative ʼ; Bhoj. H. got m. ʻ family, clan ʼ, G. got n.; M. got ʻ clan, relatives ʼ; -- Si. gota ʻ clan, family ʼ ← Pa. (CDIAL 4279).
6. The sixth animal can only be guessed. Perhaps, a tiger (A reasonable inference, because the glyph ’tiger’ appears in a procession on some Indus script. inscriptions. Glyph: ‘tiger?’: kol‘tiger’. Rebus: kol’worker in iron’. Vikalpa (alternative): perhaps, rhinoceros. gaṇḍa‘rhinoceros’; rebus: khaṇḍ ‘tools, pots and pans and metal-ware’. Thus, the entire glyphic composition of six animals on the Mohenjodaro seal m417 is semantically a representation of a śrḗṇi, ’guild’, a khũṭ , ‘community’ of smiths and masons.
This guild, community of smiths and masons evolves into Harosheth Hagoyim, ‘a smithy of nations’.
Archaeological context (as seen in Harappa)
Connected with the circular working platforms is the kiln discovered close-by.
Large updraft kiln of the Harappan period (ca. 2400 BCE) found during excavations on Mound E Harappa, 1989 (After Fig. 8.8, Kenoyer, 2000) After Figure 9. Harappa 1999, Mound F, Trench 43: Period 5 kiln, plan and section views. http://www.harappa.com/indus4/e6.html
Hypothesis 1: It is reasonable to infer that the kiln of the type used a smelting furnace is also relatable both to the circular working platforms and the copper tablets with Indus script glyphs. The shape of the kiln shown in this Figure 9 diagram is comparable to another kiln which was unearthed. “During excavations of the circular platform area on Mound F numerous Cemetery H-type sherds and some complete vessels were recovered in association with pointed base goblets and large storage vessels that are usually associated with Harappa Period 3C. A large kiln was also found just below the surface of the mound to the south of the circular platforms. The upper portion of the kiln had been eroded, but the floor of the firing chamber was found preserved along with the fire-box. Upon excavation it became clear that this was a new form of kiln with a barrel vault and internal flues (Figure 8). This unique installation shows a clear discontinuity with the form of Harappan pottery kilns, which were constructed with a central column to support the floor (Dales and Kenoyer 1991). Radiocarbon samples taken from Harappa Phase hearths in the domestic areas and from the bottom of the Late Harappan kiln will help to determine if these installations were in use at the same time or if the kiln was built in an abandoned area after the Harappa Phase occupation. It is possible that people using Late Harappan style pottery were living together with people using Harappan style pottery during the Period 4 transition between Periods 3C and 5.” http://www.harappa.com/indus4/e6.html
Hypothesis 2: It is reasonable to infer a close link between the functions served by the circular platform and the copper tablet with raised Indus script glyphs. “During his excavations, Vats identified 17 circular brick platforms (Vats 1940:19ff) and in 1946 Wheeler excavated an 18th example (Wheeler 1947). Earlier interpretations about the circular platforms suggested that they were used for husking grain and that they may have had a central wooden mortar. In the 1998 excavations one additional circular platform was located and detailed documentation and sampling was conducted to determine its function and chronology.” Contra view: “The new excavations did not reveal any evidence for grain processing and there was no evidence for a wooden mortar in the center. Some straw impressions were found on the floor to the south of the circular platform, but microscopic examination by Dr. Steve Weber confirmed that these impressions were of straw and not of chaff or grain processing byproducts.”
Susa pot (reported by Maurizio Tosi) — containing metal artifacts possibly sent from Meluhha traders or received by merchants with links to Meluhha trading community?)
Hypothesis 3: Considering that the circular platforms were located in close proximity to one another, it is reasonable to infer that the workers who worked on these platforms belonged to a guild or metalworker community.Indus language (Indian linguistic area: mleccha/meluhha): bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharataḷ = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhartīyā = a barzier, worker in metal; bhaṭ, bhrāṣṭra = oven, furnace (Skt.)
Hypothesis 4: It is reasonable to infer that the center of the circular platform could have held a storage pot of the type unearthed in Susa with metal objects (and with a ‘fish’ Indus script glyph written below the rim of the pot) — evidenced by Maurizio Tosi as a link with Meluhha (aka Indus valley).
Hypothesis 5: It is reasonable to infer that the pots with inscriptions (either embossed using a seal or inscribed as on the Susa pot) were used as containers for despatch to traders, while other storage pots (without inscriptions) might have been kept in the center of the circular platforms.
More examples of hieroglyphs and functions served in the metalware accounting using Indus writing are discussed in:
A note on jāṅgaḍa (goods on approval basis) transactions:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/88974889/Indus-script-corpora-and-business-transactions-of-jangad-%E2%80%98entrustment-note%E2%80%99-S-Kalyanaraman-2012
Indus Writing in ancient Near East:Corpora and a dictionary and Akkadian Rising Sun: two new books (April 2013)
http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2013/04/indus-writing-in-ancient-near-east.htmlA note on jāṅgaḍa (goods on approval basis) transactions:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/88974889/Indus-script-corpora-and-business-transactions-of-jangad-%E2%80%98entrustment-note%E2%80%99-S-Kalyanaraman-2012
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Congress’ doublespeak on Maoist terror isn’t confusion, it’s policy -- Praveen Swami
Congress’ doublespeak on Maoist terror isn’t confusion, it’s policy
by Praveen Swami Jun 4, 2013
Supporters of the Congress party hold placards and shouted anti-Chhattisgarh government slogans during a protest against a recent Maoist attack on their party workers. Reuters
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In 2008, a small group of investigators emerged from Chhattisgarh, appalled by the evil war India was engaged in. More than 640 villages, they reported, had been “burnt to the ground and emptied with the force of the gun and the blessings of the state”. Mahendra Karma’s death-squads had forced 350,000 adivasis into refugee camps, “their womenfolk raped, their daughters killed, and their youth maimed”. The slaughter had been “scripted by Tata Steel and Essar Steel” to gain control of giant iron-ore fields, “the biggest grab of tribal lands after Columbus”.
The author of this fine Maoist hyperbole was the government of India, in a report circulated at about the same time prime minister Manmohan Singh was telling police “left-wing extremism is perhaps the gravest internal security threat we face”.
Puzzled? Don’t be.
Ever since the 25 May massacre of Congress leaders in Chhattisgarh, the same memes have been playing themselves out yet again. India’s rural development minister, Jairam Ramesh,calls Maoists terrorists. Kishore Chandra Deo, tribal affairs minister, rejects force, saying the Maoists have a genuine political cause. Earlier, Digvijaya Singh and Mani Shankar Iyer took on P Chidambaram.
For the Congress, this doublespeak isn’t confusion: it is time-tested policy, the policy of the safer, saner course.
India’s Maoists have long enjoyed a curious relationship with the political order they wish to overthrow. In 1985, People’s Union for Democratic Rights volunteers went to investigatethe killing of a Maoist by police. “Manku Ram Sodhi, the Congress (I) MP from Bastar opined that the Naxalites were doing the work of Government”, the report records. Another leader said the “Naxalite scare is being created to justify deployment of armed forces to protect the vested interests”. Even the superintendent of police told the PUDR the Naxalites “were doing the right thing”.
Making nice with the Maoists has long made perfect sense for everyone: it gave police a reason not to enforce the law, administrators an excuse not to work, and politicians potential allies.
Allies?
Ever since the late 1960s, Maoists adroitly interjected themselves in varied political struggles. In 1976, Nagabhushan Patnaik famously led 250 adivasis in a raid on a landlord’s house in Parvatipuram, seizing hoarded grain and destroying loan records. It wasn’t the first time Andhra Pradesh landless had risen up—but the theatrical violence, followed by a succession of savage killings, captured the imagination of many young radicals.
Maoists piggy-backed on industrial disputes in Andhra Pradesh; dalit resistance to upper-caste militia in central Bihar; adivasi struggles against forest guards and exploitative contractors in Bastar. They rarely intruded on the interests of mainstream politicians, though, and the kindness was mostly returned.
In 1983, for example, millionaire film star-turned-Andhra Pradesh chief minister NT Rama Rao described the Maoists as “true patriots who have been misunderstood by the ruling classes”. That tradition continues. Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar has lauded the Maoists “ideological motivation at the higher level”. Mamata Banerjee demanded an end to offensive operations against them.
This is the safer, saner course.
Economic interests placed strains on this happy live-and-let-kill relationship. Listening to economists and corporate interests who were telling him that India needed the resources under adivasi land, the prime minister began pushing an aggressive anti-Maoist line around 2007. P Chidambaram joined in, after taking charge of the home ministry in 2008. Their campaign worried the Congress’ top leadership, though. Congress leaders had persuaded themselves that their legitimacy was founded on their reach among the rural poor. Rahul Gandhi went on to deliver his famous—if vapid—‘Two Indias’ speech in the company of a man alleged to have Maoist links. (On alleged Maoist links of the person who was present with Rahul Gandhi, see the report appended from Times of India).
The Congress leadership found allies among New Delhi’s élite liberals—a class of people whose ideological radicalism co-exists with privilege; people who live in upmarket homes, send their kids to private schools, enjoy single malt and cigars but would never, ever dream of cleaning their own toilets.
From around the time the counter-Maoist offensive began, voices sympathetic to Maoists began to regularly feature in official documents. The Planning Commission issued a report asserting that the Maoists “provide protection to the weak”. It conceded “that the level of violence they use tends to be on the high side”—“severe corporal punishment, including capital punishment”. Yet, it attacked security force operations, saying they were causing “alienation of common people”.
Like all good propaganda, these attacks had a solid foundation of truth: Salwa Judum’s cadre engaged in savage brutalities; innocents were killed, sometimes deliberately, by police. From the historian Ram Guha—who litigated against Salwa Judum in the Supreme Court—we know they didn’t, however, have a monopoly on barbarism. There isn’t, moreover, even one credible document which bears out the claim that 640 villages were “burnt to the ground”. Essar might or might not have been paying Salwa Judum—but it was also making payoffs to the Maoists.
Indeed, Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh told Firstpost that the report his Ministry put out in 2008 — before he took office — was “mouthing Maoist propaganda”. That just begs the question, though, of why it was put out in the first place.
Liberal apologetics for Maoists, however, goes on. There’s a fascinating statement issued by Delhi university scholars condemning the massacre, but calling on “the state and central governments to exercise great restraint in their response”. There’s no call for the Maoists, though, to do anything—not even to hand over the killers for trial, for example. It’s language Kishore Chand Deo would agree with.
For their part, the Maoists want the government to “withdraw all kinds of paramilitary forces from Dandakaranya; to give up the conspiracy of deploying the Army in the name of training; to put an end to the interference of Air Force; to release all the revolutionary activists”. In return, they offer death to “pet dogs of the exploiter classes”.
The Congress—and the UPA government—seem to be the only ones who don’t know what they want. They want a safer, saner course, but aren’t sure what it is.
There’s one single question the government needs to answer: is there a way forward other than killing? In 1996, Andhra Pradesh high court judges M Rao and S Nayak addressedthe case of Appa Rao, an alleged Maoist operative responsible for the assassination of Deputy Inspector General of Police KS Vyas. Police action, the judges argued, would achieve nothing; there had to be “a saner and a safer course” The judges advocated a “peace commission, with a representative character inspiring confidence in all sections of the society”. “This, we believe”, they concluded, “can bring about immediate cessation of police encounters and violence”.
Enthusiasts often applaud the judgment. They tend to ignore the fact that the story didn’t end with those rousing words.
Terrorism charges against Appa Rao were dropped by the High Court. He was eventually acquitted at trial, after witnesses—among them, now Director-General of Police Dinesh Singh, who was out jogging with Vyas the day of the attack—failed to identify him as the killer. In 2003, Appa Rao was alleged to have been the principal organiser of the 2003 attempt to assassinate Chandrababu Naidu. He went on to become a key Maoist commander; the state government offered a reward of Rs 1 million for information leading to his arrest.
Then, in 2010, the Andhra Pradesh police ended Appa Rao’s life deep inside the Nettikonda forests. The government rejected peace committees; it chose to kill. Yet, there’s one inescapable truth: from a peak of 508 killed in the conflict in 1998, violence in Andhra Pradesh has fallen to almost zero. Hundreds of people are alive—civilians, police, political Maoists—who wouldn’t otherwise be.
http://www.firstpost.com/politics/congress-doublespeak-on-maoist-terror-isnt-confusion-its-policy-838797.html
Lado Sikoka controversy deepens
Sandeep Mishra, TNN Aug 28, 2010, 11.48pm IST
Lanjigarh/Bhubaneswar: As the controversy surrounding the questionable presence of anti-Vedanta activist Lado Sikoka in the August 26 tribal rally addressed by Rahul Gandhi turns deeper, various loose ends in the versions being put forth by meeting organizers, police and civil rights activists fighting for primitive Dongria Kondh youths are coming to the fore. The moot point now is: Who is telling the truth?
Incidentally, Lado was detained by Rayagada police earlier this month for his alleged Maoist links.
Going by Sikoka, police had "forcibly abducted" him while he was on his way to attend a meeting in New Delhi because he was opposing Vedanta and tortured him for four days (August 9-12), branding him a Maoist. "I told the cops that I had nothing to do with the Maoists. I am only fighting to save Niyamgiri and am ready to die for it. Police threatened to kill me if I refused to admit that I was a Maoist. When I refused to cave under their pressure, they dropped me off at Kalyansinghpur on August 12 and I walked 10 km to reach home," he said.
Police, however, rubbished his allegations and maintained that his detention had nothing to do with the anti-Vedanta stir. "We had detained him because we had information on Sikoka locally arranging food and organising meetings for the militants," SP (Rayagada) Anup Krishna told TOI. "After questioning, we let him off on August 10 evening. Police have not tortured him at all," he asserted.
SP (Kalahandi) Sudha Singh also contended that cops had not tortured Sikoka (38). "We recorded his statement (after he addressed the rally at Jagannathpur here on August 26) and sent him for medical examination to check the veracity of his allegation of police torture. Doctors said that there was no signs of torture on his body," Singh said.
Police sources said at least two criminal cases (one registered in 2009 and another in 2010 at Lanjigarh PS in Kalahandi) are pending against Sikoka. But no police officer is ready to answer as to why he was arrested earlier or even on August 26 when he openly blamed police of branding him a Maoist and torturing him.
Kalahandi MP Bhatka Charan Das, who was calling the shots at the Auguse 26 rally, supports Sikoka's version. "He has been closely associated with me in Green Kalahandi (a body fighting to prevent mining at Niyamgiri Hills) for the past five years. If Sikoka is a rebel, then I am a Maoist leader. Police have failed in fighting the extremists, so they are harassing innocent tribals," Das said. Eyebrows, however, were raised at the meeting when Das thanked the Rayagada SP for releasing Sikoko. If police tortured Sikoka, then why thank the police?
Police sources said Sikoka had dubious antecedents and before taking to activism, he was behind bars for sometime in connection with a murder case. Das, however, maintained: "I have no idea of his background."
Also, why did the Congress have to showcase him at a meeting organized by the Orissa Pradesh Youth Congress (OPYC)? "The meeting was primarily meant for tribals. So, he being a leading anti-Vedanta leader fighting for the cause of the tribal, was given an opportunity to speak at the rally," defended OPYC president Pradip Majhi. Was police in the know that Sikoka would address the congregation where Rahul, an SPG-protectee, was coming? leaders say they had informed the police, but cops, requesting anonymity, claimed that they had no inkling into the possibility of Sikoka turning up at the meeting.
Lok Shakti Abhijan leader Prafulla Samantara has his take: "Police is desperately trying to establish links between the Dongria Kondh tribal movement and Maoists to facilitate repressive measures that will clear all opposition from the tribe to the Vedanta mining project.
Last month, two platoons of paramilitary forces had carried out a combing operation in Lado's village Lakhpadar. "But why, even two weeks after the illegal detention and torture, were the activists yet to take legal recourse to punish those responsible? he asked and added: "We are planning to move the National Human Rights Commission. We will also discuss with Sikoka about filing a case against the culprits," he added.
http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2010-08-28/bhubaneswar/28308750_1_rayagada-police-maoist-links-maoist-leader
Attack aftermath: Raman Singh’s image takes a hit as Maoist fear looms large
By Parivesh Mishra
Raipur: The deadly Maoist attack on a Congress motorcade on 25 May has driven politicians in Chhattisgarh into a shell. A week after the incident, the BJP is still on the defensive, unsure of itself and unusually quiet, and the Congress has not still not come over the utter confusion. A sense of fear is palpable among the political leaders and many at the local level, particularly in the Bastar region, are either lying low, virtually invisible, or have shifted temporarily to safer locations.
After the Maoist attack, Chief Minister Raman Singh has abruptly dumped his state-wide Vikas Yatra—the BJP roadshow highlighting the government’s achievements—and returned to the state capital. There is no talk yet of the fate of his incomplete yatra. This has come as a dampener for the party workers, particularly in villages and mofussil towns.
The image of the chief minister has taken a beating after this incident. All the way till the attacks it was Raman Singh alone who smiled from the hoardings, waved from the rooftops, and greeted with folded hands on the front pages of the newspapers every morning. The roads were flooded on one side with the government Vikas Yatra flags bearing his photograph and the party flags on the other. Raman Singh alone was projected as the man solely responsible for everything that had happened or was happening in the state.

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh. PTI
The Naxal attack shattered his carefully cultivated image of the able administrator. The campaign on which such a lot had come to depend looked absurd in the backdrop of the total lack of grip on the basics of administering law and order. It came as a deadly blow to his claims made earlier in the meetings of having successfully eliminated the Naxalite problem in some parts of the state and contained in the other. What later stood glaringly exposed was the absence of the government from a large part of the state’s map.
That far from being contained the problem has been steadily spreading to hitherto unaffected districts and areas also was known to the police and people living in such districts. Now the lists of fresh “encounters” and “sightings” became the hot topics of public discussion. Sensing the public mood, the newspapers started carrying stories which were earlier not published as perhaps the Vikas Yatra ads had been eating up too much of space.
As the initial shock gave way to a feeling of anger, the issue of governance—or the lack of it—came increasingly under the microscope of public opinion. Here Raman Singh the chief minister was found undefendable. And the party was made to calculate the price of merging two identities—that of a tough, no-nonsense leader like Narendra Modi and a silent achiever—into one.
The leadership issue is at the centre of the Congress confusion too. With Nand Kumar Patel, the leader it had groomed to lead the party, gone, there seems to be no quick replacement around.
Today it settled for Charan Das Mahant as the working president of the Pradesh Congress Committee. However, that does not mean an end to the leadership problem for the party.
The moment the news of Patel leaving the scene surfaced on television screens, Ajit Jogi grabbed the leadership role and reached the Raj Bhawan with a hundred or so of his supporters and made the demand of the dissolution of Raman Singh’s government and imposition of President’s rule.
This line was in opposition to what Manmohan Singh, Sonia and Rahul Gandhi and others were deliberating at that time in Delhi. This sent confusing signals to the party workers across the state and opened the floodgates of similar demands and created an awkward situation for the party. By the next day the PM and the Congress president arrived and stated the party’s official stand of cooperation and help from the Centre to the state government in its fight against the Maoists. But the party failed to make the irrepressible Jogi fall in line.
Jogi has, perhaps inadvertently, provided the opening to the beleaguered BJP to divert the needle of suspicion from itself to Jogi and through him to his party. Jogi had returned in a helicopter after attending the Sukma public meeting leaving the others to carry on in the motorcade which was attacked some distance away. Another Congressman almost accused by the BJP to be a party to the “conspiracy” is Kawasi Lakhma – the MLA who was let off by the Maoists. In the camp politics of the Congress Lakhma is considered close to Jogi.
Meanwhile, the Congress has decided to show signs of defiance and is planning to re-start its Parivartan Yatra from the site of the ambush where it had come to an abrupt halt on 25 May. The yatra would be renamed either Shraddhanjali Yatra or Sadbhavna Yatra.
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Islam’s War of Annihilation Against Hindus -- Arnold Ahlert
Hinduism faces eclipse -- Indian American Intellectuals Forum (May 2013)
Islam’s War of Annihilation Against Hindus
May 28, 2013 By
A thought-provoking essay written by Narain Kataria, president of the Indian American Intellectuals Forum, sounds a familiar alarm. “Hinduism Faces Eclipse” reveals that “the anti-Hindu forces within and without India are working in tandem on an insidious mission to destroy our civilization and culture, and obliterate Hinduism from the Indian soil.” Kataria further contends that Indians are not facing terrorism, but worldwide jihad, which he calls a “fully globalized franchise…working overtime to destroy all non-Muslim nations.”
Muslims currently comprise 20 percent of India’s 1.2 billion population, the rest of which is overwhelmingly Hindu. But as Narain points out, Indian Muslims have engaged in a series of attacks on Hindu citizens, temples, religious festivals and unarmed pilgrims. He reminds us that a month after the 9/11 attacks in the United States, a proclamation was issued on Al Jazeera television promising that “Hindu India” would also be targeted for jihad. Two months after that, a suicide squad assaulted India’s Parliament House in New Delhi on December 13, 2001, killing 9 and wounding 18.
Since then thousands of terror attacks have besieged India. The city of Mumbai alone has been terrorized on four separate occasions. On March 12, 1993, 13 separate explosions in various parts of the city killed 257 and wounded more than 700. Most of the terrorists involved received arms and training in Pakistan, and Indian authorities contend the Pakistani intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), was actively involved as well. On July 11, 2006, a series of pressure-cooker bombs exploded on commuter trains, killing 209 and wounding over 700. Once again, the ISI was involved, along with the Pakistani Islamist militant group Lashkar-e-Toiba, and the Students’ Islamic Movement of India, according to Mumbai police. On November 26, 2008, another wave of terror attacks perpetrated by Muslims targeted two luxury hotels, a Jewish center, a tourist restaurant and a crowded train station. Another 166 people were killed and more than 300 were wounded. And on July 13, 2011 three separate bomb blasts killed 26 and injured 130.
As recently as July 2012, riots in the state of Assam initiated by Muslim infiltrators from Bangladesh resulted in at least 74 deaths. Several Hindu women were raped and then chopped into pieces during the attacks.
Kataria blames these and other atrocities on “India’s decadent culture of political correctness and pock-marked ‘taqaiyah’ of ‘paid news,’ when no national leader dare muster the courage to speak truth.” The New York Times echoed that assertion when they covered India’s 2008 election campaign, noting that the nation’s fight against terror is “complicated by a political landscape in which parties vie for Hindu and Muslim voters’ loyalty.” Kataria told FrontPage that the Indian government “doesn’t understand Sharia,” and that the “politicians are afraid of Muslims” because they have organized highly effective political blocs, capable of removing anyone who would even suggest India is under Islamic siege.
The blocs’ ultimate purpose? “Muslims want to finish India as soon as possible,” contends Kataria.
Incrementalism is one of the key strategies employed by the Islamists. Thus it is no surprise Sharia courts have been successfully established in various parts of the country, including Hyderabad, Patna and Malegaon. As recently as two weeks ago, a Sharia court was set up in terror-scarred Mumbai by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB). Sounding familiar rhetoric, AIMPLB secretary Maulana Wali Rahmani contended that Sharia courts do not complete with India’s civil courts. ”On the contrary, Shariah courts will lower the burden of the civil courts where thousands of cases are pending and the judges are overworked,” he said.
Incrementalism is further explained by Times of India senior journalist Ramesh Khazanchi, who cites a series of events, including the banning of “Vishwaroopam,” a film critical of Islam, in Tamil Nadu theaters; the blacklisting of author Salman Rushdie at various literary festivals; and the war-mongering of the Owaisi brothers, leaders of the Muslim group Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM), who have threatened Hindus with annihilation, as more evidence that the “aggressive Indian Muslim has thus been emboldened by the state.”
Kataria notes that Hindus have ignored previous warning signs of such aggression, citing a 1986 court case involving the arrest and prosecution of two Hindus, who published and circulated a poster containing 24 Quranic “ayats” under the heading, “Why Riots Take Place in the Country.” The 24 ayats commanded Muslims to fight against the followers of other religions. The prosecutors submitted that they were distorted versions of what was said in the Quran. Yet the judge ruled in favor of the two men, noting that the ayats were accurate. Kataria explained that neither the Muslim community nor the Delhi government ever filed an appeal against the ruling. “It is high time that the partisan members of the NAC (National Advisory Council) read the aforesaid historical judgment and the relevant ayats of the Quran to understand the growing cult of communal violence, even after partition of the country,” Kataria contends.
The partition to which Kataria refers is the division of India in 1947 into Pakistan and India, after the nation gained independence from Britain. The division was along sectarian lines and, as the official break-up grew closer, a religious civil war ensued. The “Great Calcutta Killing,” during which 5,000-10,000 people were killed and some 15,000 wounded, was precipitated by the Muslim League, which sponsored a “Direct Action” program containing 23 points promoting jihad against Hindus.
In 2011, Kataria addressed that part of his nation’s history. “India was partitioned in 1947 on the basis of two-nation theory as propounded by the Muslim League Party,” he explained. “Pakistan was immediately declared as an Islamic state. The corollary of that action was that India should have been declared a Hindu state. But that did not happen. It was a monumental blunder committed by India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his Congress Party.” He then explained why such a solution was necessary. “Secularism, as practiced in India, has become synonymous with the Hindu-bashing, while Hinduism has become a dirty word in the lexicon of country’s ‘secular’ fundamentalists.”
Speaking with FrontPage, Kataria reveals that his feelings about Islam remain unchanged. He spoke of being born in Pakistan, “where I was threatened with death if I did not leave.” He claims he has seen “Muslims rape and kill with my own eyes,” even as he “watches Islam capturing countries one by one.” Although he has made America his home for the last 45 years, he remains highly concerned about his country, which he fears is heading towards a religious-based civil war. In his essay, he explains that such a war is “likely to be powered by the twin factors of fast growing jihadi attacks and galloping increase in the proportion of the Muslim population.” Regarding the latter reality, he believes that the combined Muslim population of the Indian sub-continent will be greater than that of Hindus within the next thirty to forty years.
Kataria is highly critical of those in positions of power. “Unfortunately despite centuries-old violent encounters with jihadi Islam neither the Indian government, nor the comatose Hindu leadership, have learnt any strategic lesson,” he writes. “Time has come for Hindu leaders and masses to remember Arnold Toynbee’s famous quote: ‘Civilizations die from suicide, not murder.’ Time has come to face the jihad courageously and stop sleep walking towards [the] suicide cliff.”
Kataria worries that the United States is walking towards the same cliff, for the same politically correct reasons. “I do not want the US to be destroyed by Islam,” he told FrontPage. When asked if so-called moderate Muslims were equally worrisome, he scoffed at the notion. “There is no such thing as a moderate Muslim,” he contended. “That means you don’t follow the Koran.” He believes all true Muslims are “soldiers,” and that the Koran “teaches violence.”
There is no question that Kataria’s views conflict with the prevailing ethos promoted by the Obama administration. One is left to wonder how long Americans will countenance Obama and company’s polar opposite approach, one that consists of such realities as labeling the slaughter of American GIs by Nidal Hasan at Fort Hood as “workplace violence,” the grim determination to keep the word “Islamic” from being attached to the terror perpetrated at the Boston Marathon, or the scrubbing of law-enforcement training manuals of language that accurately depicts the threat we face from global jihadism.
Those who might find some of Kataria’s views offensive might consider how they would feel if terrorist attacks were being perpetrated in America at the same rate they are being perpetrated in India. Kataria worries that someday America will also be subjected to semi-regular terrorist attacks perpetrated by an increasing population of home-grown Islamic terrorists. We ignore his warnings at our own peril.
Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: Click here.
Muslims currently comprise 20 percent of India’s 1.2 billion population, the rest of which is overwhelmingly Hindu. But as Narain points out, Indian Muslims have engaged in a series of attacks on Hindu citizens, temples, religious festivals and unarmed pilgrims. He reminds us that a month after the 9/11 attacks in the United States, a proclamation was issued on Al Jazeera television promising that “Hindu India” would also be targeted for jihad. Two months after that, a suicide squad assaulted India’s Parliament House in New Delhi on December 13, 2001, killing 9 and wounding 18.
Since then thousands of terror attacks have besieged India. The city of Mumbai alone has been terrorized on four separate occasions. On March 12, 1993, 13 separate explosions in various parts of the city killed 257 and wounded more than 700. Most of the terrorists involved received arms and training in Pakistan, and Indian authorities contend the Pakistani intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), was actively involved as well. On July 11, 2006, a series of pressure-cooker bombs exploded on commuter trains, killing 209 and wounding over 700. Once again, the ISI was involved, along with the Pakistani Islamist militant group Lashkar-e-Toiba, and the Students’ Islamic Movement of India, according to Mumbai police. On November 26, 2008, another wave of terror attacks perpetrated by Muslims targeted two luxury hotels, a Jewish center, a tourist restaurant and a crowded train station. Another 166 people were killed and more than 300 were wounded. And on July 13, 2011 three separate bomb blasts killed 26 and injured 130.
As recently as July 2012, riots in the state of Assam initiated by Muslim infiltrators from Bangladesh resulted in at least 74 deaths. Several Hindu women were raped and then chopped into pieces during the attacks.
Kataria blames these and other atrocities on “India’s decadent culture of political correctness and pock-marked ‘taqaiyah’ of ‘paid news,’ when no national leader dare muster the courage to speak truth.” The New York Times echoed that assertion when they covered India’s 2008 election campaign, noting that the nation’s fight against terror is “complicated by a political landscape in which parties vie for Hindu and Muslim voters’ loyalty.” Kataria told FrontPage that the Indian government “doesn’t understand Sharia,” and that the “politicians are afraid of Muslims” because they have organized highly effective political blocs, capable of removing anyone who would even suggest India is under Islamic siege.
The blocs’ ultimate purpose? “Muslims want to finish India as soon as possible,” contends Kataria.
Incrementalism is one of the key strategies employed by the Islamists. Thus it is no surprise Sharia courts have been successfully established in various parts of the country, including Hyderabad, Patna and Malegaon. As recently as two weeks ago, a Sharia court was set up in terror-scarred Mumbai by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB). Sounding familiar rhetoric, AIMPLB secretary Maulana Wali Rahmani contended that Sharia courts do not complete with India’s civil courts. ”On the contrary, Shariah courts will lower the burden of the civil courts where thousands of cases are pending and the judges are overworked,” he said.
Incrementalism is further explained by Times of India senior journalist Ramesh Khazanchi, who cites a series of events, including the banning of “Vishwaroopam,” a film critical of Islam, in Tamil Nadu theaters; the blacklisting of author Salman Rushdie at various literary festivals; and the war-mongering of the Owaisi brothers, leaders of the Muslim group Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM), who have threatened Hindus with annihilation, as more evidence that the “aggressive Indian Muslim has thus been emboldened by the state.”
Kataria notes that Hindus have ignored previous warning signs of such aggression, citing a 1986 court case involving the arrest and prosecution of two Hindus, who published and circulated a poster containing 24 Quranic “ayats” under the heading, “Why Riots Take Place in the Country.” The 24 ayats commanded Muslims to fight against the followers of other religions. The prosecutors submitted that they were distorted versions of what was said in the Quran. Yet the judge ruled in favor of the two men, noting that the ayats were accurate. Kataria explained that neither the Muslim community nor the Delhi government ever filed an appeal against the ruling. “It is high time that the partisan members of the NAC (National Advisory Council) read the aforesaid historical judgment and the relevant ayats of the Quran to understand the growing cult of communal violence, even after partition of the country,” Kataria contends.
The partition to which Kataria refers is the division of India in 1947 into Pakistan and India, after the nation gained independence from Britain. The division was along sectarian lines and, as the official break-up grew closer, a religious civil war ensued. The “Great Calcutta Killing,” during which 5,000-10,000 people were killed and some 15,000 wounded, was precipitated by the Muslim League, which sponsored a “Direct Action” program containing 23 points promoting jihad against Hindus.
In 2011, Kataria addressed that part of his nation’s history. “India was partitioned in 1947 on the basis of two-nation theory as propounded by the Muslim League Party,” he explained. “Pakistan was immediately declared as an Islamic state. The corollary of that action was that India should have been declared a Hindu state. But that did not happen. It was a monumental blunder committed by India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his Congress Party.” He then explained why such a solution was necessary. “Secularism, as practiced in India, has become synonymous with the Hindu-bashing, while Hinduism has become a dirty word in the lexicon of country’s ‘secular’ fundamentalists.”
Speaking with FrontPage, Kataria reveals that his feelings about Islam remain unchanged. He spoke of being born in Pakistan, “where I was threatened with death if I did not leave.” He claims he has seen “Muslims rape and kill with my own eyes,” even as he “watches Islam capturing countries one by one.” Although he has made America his home for the last 45 years, he remains highly concerned about his country, which he fears is heading towards a religious-based civil war. In his essay, he explains that such a war is “likely to be powered by the twin factors of fast growing jihadi attacks and galloping increase in the proportion of the Muslim population.” Regarding the latter reality, he believes that the combined Muslim population of the Indian sub-continent will be greater than that of Hindus within the next thirty to forty years.
Kataria is highly critical of those in positions of power. “Unfortunately despite centuries-old violent encounters with jihadi Islam neither the Indian government, nor the comatose Hindu leadership, have learnt any strategic lesson,” he writes. “Time has come for Hindu leaders and masses to remember Arnold Toynbee’s famous quote: ‘Civilizations die from suicide, not murder.’ Time has come to face the jihad courageously and stop sleep walking towards [the] suicide cliff.”
Kataria worries that the United States is walking towards the same cliff, for the same politically correct reasons. “I do not want the US to be destroyed by Islam,” he told FrontPage. When asked if so-called moderate Muslims were equally worrisome, he scoffed at the notion. “There is no such thing as a moderate Muslim,” he contended. “That means you don’t follow the Koran.” He believes all true Muslims are “soldiers,” and that the Koran “teaches violence.”
There is no question that Kataria’s views conflict with the prevailing ethos promoted by the Obama administration. One is left to wonder how long Americans will countenance Obama and company’s polar opposite approach, one that consists of such realities as labeling the slaughter of American GIs by Nidal Hasan at Fort Hood as “workplace violence,” the grim determination to keep the word “Islamic” from being attached to the terror perpetrated at the Boston Marathon, or the scrubbing of law-enforcement training manuals of language that accurately depicts the threat we face from global jihadism.
Those who might find some of Kataria’s views offensive might consider how they would feel if terrorist attacks were being perpetrated in America at the same rate they are being perpetrated in India. Kataria worries that someday America will also be subjected to semi-regular terrorist attacks perpetrated by an increasing population of home-grown Islamic terrorists. We ignore his warnings at our own peril.
Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: Click here.
http://frontpagemag.com/2013/arnold-ahlert/islams-war-of-annihilation-against-hindus/
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SoniaG on the hit list of Maoists -- Paladugu, spokesperson of Congress
VIJAYAWADA, June 5, 2013
Paladugu concerned over Maoists targeting Sonia
SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
Spokesperson of the Congress and MLC, Paladugu Venkata Rao, said that news about AICC president Sonia Gandhi being on the hit list of the Maoists was sad.
Addressing a press conference in Vijayawada on Tuesday, Mr Venkata Rao said that he was disturbed when he came across reports about her being on the Maoists’ hit list. Mr Venkata Rao appealed to the media not to print or broadcast such news because it would have an adverse impact.
He said Gandhi’s non-violence was the Indian way, but the ideology of the Maoists was violence. Ms. Gandhi belonged to a family that made several sacrifices for the nation and it would not augur well for the Maoists to put such a personality on the hit list, Mr Venkata Rao said.
Mr Venkata Rao said differences between Chief Minister N.Kiran Kumar Reddy and former Minister D.L.Ravindra Reddy led to the latter’s removal from the Cabinet. It was wrong of Mr Ravindra Reddy to say that Mr Kiran Kumar Reddy had given Prime Minister Manmohan Singh money.
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Nakshal-Maoist-ISI links, anti-national, China's proxies destabilising Indian State -- RK Ohri, RSN Singh & Naparajit Mukherjee
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Backbencher’s Blog April 17, 2013
ISI Hand in Maoist-Naxal Attacks
Why Indian Government is Mum ?
- Ram Kumar Ohri, IPS (Retd)
……………………..
Time has come to question the studied silence of the Government of India about not waking up to the enormous evidence of linkages between the Maoist-Naxal insurgents and the Inter-Service Intelligence of Pakistan. Despite the rising tide of Maoist-Naxal attacks against India’s security forces, the worst of which was the infamous Dantewala massacre of 75 CRPF jawans on April 6, 2010, the Indian government has not shared either with the public, or with the ranks of Security forces, the untold story of the growing nexus between the ISI and the Maoists. Despite several instances confirming the mounting support of the ISI to the Maoists operating from the jungles and valleys of Chhatisgarh and Jharkhand, the Home Ministry appears quite reluctant to admit that the two sworn enemies of the Indian democracy are hand in glove in the strategic offensive unleashed by the ISI and Dawood Ibrahim against the Indian state in the heartland terrain of our motherland.
The well known strategic thinktank, Stratfor, had warned as early as 2009-2010 that the ISI of Pakistan was trying to forge an alliance with the Maoists in a bid to destabilize the Indian State from within. Ben West, a globally acknowledged tactical analyst, had written in a widely circulated article in 2010 that the “Indian Maoists, known as Naxalites, have been meeting with the outlawed Pakistan’s militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), according to the Director General of Police for India’s Chhatisgarh state”.1 It was further reported that at least two LeT operatives had attended a meeting of Naxalites sometime in April or May, 2010, at a secret location.2
The earliest proof of the dalliance of the ISI of Pakistan with Maoists can be traced to January, 2005, when in a fierce encounter with Chhatisgarh Police, the Station Officer of Police Station Ramchandra Pur (Balrampur district) was killed along with two Constables on January 8, 2005, by a detachment of well armed Maoists. The empties of nearly three hundred bullets fired by the Maoists were found at the site of encounter. Many empties had the markings of a Pakistani Ordnance factory, while some others had markings of production in the United Kingdom3 But most significant was the fact that several empties of the bullets fired by the Maoists were found to match with the empties recovered in New Delhi on December 13, 2001, after the notorious ISI-sponsored attack on the Indian Parliament. Unfortunately the important news fit for banner headlines, was published as a small item in The Asian Age, New Delhi, on January 11, 2005.
Even before the disclosure of the ISI- Maoist liaison by Stratfor in 2009-2010 about the formation of an axis between the ISI and the Indian Maoists and its elaborate publicisation by Wikileaks in 2012, the Intelligence Bureau had apprised the Home Ministry in October, 2009, about the growing links between the Maoists and the ISI.4 Their strategic intention was to establish a joint base in south India. A confidential report prepared by the Intelligence Bureau report in October, 2009, pointed out that in the previous year, nearly 500 Maoists had undergone “training under the SIMI in the Vagamon hills” on the Idduki-Kottayam border.5 Earlier when the central government renewed the ban on SIMI, the spokesperson of the central committee of the Maoists, late Raj Kumar alias Azad had pronounced that “this reiterates the government’s policy to continue its brutal war on Muslims”.5
It may be recalled that in October, 2010, two Muslim militants from Kerala were killed in Lolab mountains (Kashmir). They were believed to be part of a group of militants from Mallapuram in Kerala. It was further reported that a Kerala-based organizer of SIMI had visited Sopore to help the group in crossing over the border for training with Lashkar leaders.6
To many security experts and retired poilice officers it has remained a mystery that why this important chance discovery was not followed to its logical conclusion by our intelligence agencies ? Nor did it receive the much needed attention of the Ministry of Home Affairs. No one knows, why?
In November, 2010, Ben West of Stratfor had pointed out that the Maoist-Naxals insurgents had acquired a vast and diverse assortment of foreign weapons, including rifles of .315 bore to .30-06 calibre . While referring to an article in 2009 India Daily News it was stated in an e-mail that one zonal commander of the Naxal-Maoist combine had spent within six months more than $70,214 constituting three quarters of the Unit’s budget on procuring weapons and armaments, while another $20,604 was spent on supplies.7 It indicated that the Maoists were flush with funds remitted mostly from abroad through hawala channels.
In his widely circulated article, Ben West had categorically stated that the Pakistani intelligence wing had established business relationship with Naxalites to sell them arms and ammunition and wanted to use the Naxal bases for anti-India activities. He reiterated that there was evidence that the ISI was providing weapons to Naxalites in exchange for money or for other services rendered.
It was learnt that mostly the anti-Indian outfits like ULFA, or the ostensible Shailen Sarkar (a member of the Bangladesh Communist Party), were being used as conduits for smuggling of weapons and transfer of money. The Naxalite arsenal consists of weapons manufactured in Pakistan, China, Russia, the USA, besides lots of weapons of Indian make. A large number of weapons were imported, while many had been collected by the Maoists through surprise attacks on India’s para-military forces, including the C.R.P.F. In terms of logistics the ties between the ISI and Naxals (take them as suppliers and consumers, as suggested by Stratfor) could become a booming business for the arms trade of Dawood Ibrahim and the ISI which has the additional potential of extending the former’s criminal network in Asia. The huge arsenal of Naxals was further supplemented by the production of hundreds of weapons in factories operating in the interior of the Maoist-controlled territory.
According to the Global Intelligence files accessed and released by Wikileaks in March, 2012, a source of Stratfor working in India (name withheld due to security reasons) had informed the Stratfor thinktank by e-mail that the Pakistan-based jihadi terrorists and their footsoldiers in India were desperately trying to set up more sleeper-cells in the hinterland with the help of Naxalites. Among other things, the ISI moles embedded across India further claimed that the areas dominated by Naxals “have enough Muslim population which would serve both the parties as a recruiting ground…..” 8 A careful study of the Global Intelligence Files of Wikileaks reveals the contours of a jointly launched war by the ISI and the Maoist-Naxal combine to dismember India and ultimately overrun India. Frankly, it looks like a subtle plot to Islamicise the sub-continent by using the Maoists as a strategic tool.
This critical information has now been available for nearly 15 months in the Global Intelligence Files of Wikileaks. Nobody can pretend that the Indian Intelligence Bureau is not aware of the all out efforts of the ISI to radicalize Indian Muslims by using the vast resources of Maoist-Naxal outfits.
The Wikileaks files reveal that the Naxals wanted to learn some new tactics of unleashing terror against the Indian state from their new found ally, the ISI. In August 2010, Stratfor’s India-based sleuth wrote to Ben West that Dawood Ibrahim’s men (who were a part of the Karachi Project conspiracy) were trying to regroup. He further informed Ben West in his mail that “Maoists/Naxals are no saints at all, but a bunch of criminal opportunists (they are no Chechen militants).” 9
According to Wikileaks, the Stratfor sleuth in India wrote back to Ben West that some reports on the possible Islamist-Naxal linkages indicated that in future both of them intended to “act hand in hand.” 10
Far more revealing, however, was what Koteshwar Rao @ Kishenji, a well known Maoist leader, had told to correspondent Snigdhendu Bhattacharya of an Indian newspaper published in English language. Perhaps Snigdhendu Bhattacharya was a correspondent of The Hindustan Times at that timeand the interview wasgiven by Kishanji nearly four years ago in June, 2009. Kishenji claimed in his interview that Maoists had developed a strong base in eight or nine States of India. Interestingly Kishenji had reportedly emphasized that he did not support the manner in which during the 26 /11 Mumbai massacre the Lashkar commandos had attacked the Victoria Station ( i.e., Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, or CST) of Mumbai where “most of the victims were Muslims”.11 At the same time, Kishanji openly emphasized as early as June, 2009, that the Islamic upsurge in India should not be opposed as it is basically anti-U.S. and anti-imperialist in nature.
Among other things, Kishanji had forecast that in the coming years “Chhatisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa will be the new storm centres in Indian politics”.12 He further claimed that “our strongest base” was in Chhatisgarh. The
Maoist militia in the State was more than one lakh strong, boasted Kishenji. He had further elaborated that the Maoist-Naxal combine has the “wherewithal to put up teams of 400 – 500 fighters, encircle hundreds of police and para-military troops and wipe out them.”13 No one knows why the Home Ministry slept over this crucial warning given four years ago by Kishanji threatening to step up their offensive in three sensitive States across India’s heartland. And that negligence by someone somewhere was responsible for the Dantewala massacre of 75 CRPF Jawans in April, 2010, in an ambush.
Giving an overview of their future plans Kishenji disclosed that the Maoists propose to concentrate especially in U.P. because they need support of the Muslim population in that State and wanted to concentrate on the trade union sector, too. According to him the Punjab was already a fertile ground for a Maoist revolution.13
The arrest of a notorious Lashkar-e-Tayeba’s Nepal-based head, Mohammed Omer Madani, by Delhi police in 2009 further reconfirmed th support of the ISI to Maoist-Naxal insurgency. The Global Intelligence Files of Wikileaks copiously refer to the following instances of growing ties between the Maoists and Lashkar-e-Tayeba operatives working in India:
i ) Madani had been instrumental in recruiting Indian youth for jehadi training in Pakistan. It was he who got Kamal Ahmed Ansari, an accused in the 2006 serial train bombings, to Pakistan.
ii ) The puzzle about superb sophistication of the improvised devices usedby the Maoists was solved as a result of the seizure of literature pertaining to the technical knowledge of IEDs being manufactured and used by Pakistani Jihadis.
iii ) A sum of Rs. four lakhs (about $8,500) had been transferred to Maoists.The intenton was to use the Maoists for carrying out to carryout terrorist attacks. Two ISI moles, Altaf from Dakshina Kannada district and VinayKumar from Hassan district of Karnataka were bein used for strengthening the links between the ISI and Maoists-Naxal insurgents.
In August, 2010, the arrest of six members of the Dawood gang by Bangalore police brought out the fact that after dominating the Mumbai underworld for several decades the ‘D’ company was making inroads into the southern States of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Kerala. They had been in touch with at least two top Naxal leaders Vinay and Deviah of Bangalore, and this was done at the behest of Dubai-based Chhota Shakeel’s aide, Altaf. Around the same time the Hyderabad police also recovered tickets to Dubai and passports for travel which were allegedly arranged by the Dawood gang by transferring money to the tune of Rs. twenty lakhs. This was a follow up of the arrests made in Bangalore by the Karnataka police.
During interrogation of Madani several diaries were seized by the police. A study of the diaries kept by Madani gave a clear idea of the plans being made by the ISI to dismember India through Naxalite insurgents. Interestingly Muhammad Omer Madani had carried out an extensive research into the organizational structure and functioning of the Naxals for exploiting them further for the ISI’s nefarious designs.14
The police were said to be investigating some financial transactions of Madani through a well known money-transfer agency. It was further learnt that Omer Madani had also been receiving huge consignments of fake currency to fund terror activities in India. It is learnt that the intelligencies agencies have many more details about the collaboration of the ISI with the Maoists and Naxals, but somehow the Home Ministry is reluctant to make the truth public. May be due to its vote-bank strategy, or likely adverse effect on the bogey called Indo-Pak détente, the ruling political dispensation wants this important news to be kept out of serious public discourse.
The frequent references in the exchanged e-mails to the Maoist-ISI plans for concentrating on using the Muslim population in sensitive areas for targeting the Indian state could also be a reason for the reluctance of central intelligence agencies to share the information with the Indian public and the security forces involved in a ‘do or die’ struggle with Maoist-Naxal insurgents.
It is time to understand from the public display of the formidable firepower and substantial trained manpower accumulated during last eight years by the insurgents that due to the solid support of the ISI they will not desist from incessant killings and destruction of infrastructure in future. The repetitive plainspeaking of Koteshwar Rao @ Kishanji to the Maoist-Naxal campaign for radicalizing the Indian Muslims, as elaborated in the Global Intelligence Files of Wikileaks, is a loud warning which must not be ignored. It is crystal clear that the expanding fire of the Maoist-Naxal movement engulfing nine States of India is now fully supported by the ISI - just as the pro-Khalistan movement in Punjab was propped up in 1980s and 1990s. For all practical purposes, the Maoist-Naxal insurgency has emerged yet another war of a thousand cuts about which the Pakistani dictators have been warning us so often and brazenly, too.
It is learnt that the Indian intelligence agencies have many more details of the collaboration of the ISI and some India-based Islamist outfits with the Maoists, but somehow the Home Ministry is reluctant to make the truth public. May be due to the compulsions of vote-bank politics, the ruling political dispensation wants this important news to be kept away from public discourse. According to a reliable source in an intelligence agency, in view of the fast approaching general elections, in the coming months the central government’s focus will remain on the right wing saffron terror story.
Unless the Indian government comes out clean with truth on the subject of the ISI-Maoist collaboration and decides to take the bull by horns, the Maoist-Naxal mayhem will continue to savage India. The situation has become more or less similar to what the ISI have been doing for decades in the Kashmir valley. Approximately eighty thousand policemen and security forces have been unsuccessfully fighting the well trained and heavily armed Maoist cadres across the Red Corridor. The massive attack on May 25, 2013, on the Parivartan Yatra organized by the Congress Party which resulted in 28 deaths should open the eyes of the myopic central government to the wide sweep of the Maoist menace. It is learnt that there is a huge demand of another 25- 30 battalions of para-military troops for strengthening the security operations. No one should think that the growing insurgency and reckless killings can be effectively curbed by mere recourse to idle talk about development of the area and its infrastructure by self-anointed intellectuals. The vast area controlled by the Maoist-Naxal cadres cannot be reclaimed without aggressively choking the supplies of arms and money being pumped in by the ISI and meeting the insurgency head on.
The politics of blaming the State governments for failure to prevent the depradations of Maoists backed by the ISI is a short sighted silly pastime which will do greater damage than good to our country. For example, can the central government ask the Farooq Abdullah government to single-handedly handle the Pak-supported militancy in Kashmir ?
…………
References :
1. Ben West, ‘Pakistan and the Naxalite Movement in India’
Security Weekly, Stratfor Global Intelligence, www.stratfor.com/weekly/20101117_pakistan_and_naxalite-movement_india.
2. Ibid.
3. A news item, ‘Remnants of Pakistani and British arms found at Naxal attack’ The Asian Age, New Delhi, p. 5.
4. Maoist-SIMI tie-up to create base in South India: IB [Source:news.rediff.com/report/2009/oct/28/why-the-maoists-are-joining-hands-with-simi.htm?print=true]
5. Ibid,
6. Praveen Swami, ‘Terror trail links Kashmir with Kerala’, The Hindu,October, 2008
7. Ben West, ‘Pakistan and the Naxalite Movement in India’, Security Weekly, Stratfor Global Intelligence, www.stratfor.com/weekly/20101117_pakistan and_naxalite- movement_india.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10.Ibid.
11.Ibid
12.Ibid
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
Latest Maoist attack: Wage war now or perish in Canarytrap by R S N SINGH 5/6/13
Wherever Maoists make inroads, they rob the soul of that area. India’s soul is being desiccated by the imported ideology and violence of the Maoists.
Once captured, Mahendra Karma was stabbed more than 70 times by Maoist women cadres. A boy wielding a wireless set during the ambush was no more than ten years in age. The leaders and planners were some diabolical Andhrites.
This level of brutality and dehumanization of tribal women and children is a result of sustained indoctrination and psychological campaign by the Maoists in their liberated zones. In these zones, not a soul owing allegiance to the Indian State is present. Mao’s photographs have replaced local deities and morning prayers in schools that remain functional have been supplanted by revolutionary songs, wherein children are exhorted to kill those Indian citizens who come in the way of establishment of a Maoist state.
Being Indian means death
Anyone suspected of being loyal to the Indian State is subject to most grisly murder in full public view. Following one such murder in Malkangiri district in Orissa, the local Maoist leader ate the flesh of the victim in front of the villagers to drive terror so that they did not even dream of being loyal to the Indian State.
This author was told by the Collector of the Gaya district in Bihar that on the eve of one Independence Day, the Maoists had issued a diktat that only black flags will be hoisted in the schools. In one particular school, a class seven girl student could not bear the anti-national sight, and in a fit of patriotic rage, she tore down the black flag and hoisted the national flag. She and her family have been missing since then.
Aiding in this savagery and criminalization of innocent people of India are characters such as ‘a drug addict fiction writer turned activist’, criminals in garb of saffron, professors drawing huge salaries from the State, students owning cars and enjoying educational and hostel facilities hugely subsidized by the State, and social workers with names to mislead their religious denomination. One such social worker has been carrying out vasectomy operations on young Maoist cadres in Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra so that they can sleep with women cadres without consequences. The Maoist leaders adopted this course because a large number of their armed cadres were abandoning the terrorist path in favour of settled family life. The Maoist leaders have, over a period of time, created such terror that women have no option but to become tools of violence and sex in the service of male cadres. Villages are being terrorized to ‘donate’ at least one child from each family to the cause of Maoist terror.
Those who refused to compromise the modesty of their wives and daughters, the future of their sons, and the honour of their Gods, made escape from the ‘liberated zones’ and formed the ‘Salwa Judum’. The slain Mahendra Karma, who supported the ‘Salwa Judum’ was also a tribal, and chose to rescue the people from the Maoist terror, was a Congress leader. In his struggle, he received little or no support from his own party. The over-ground Maoists in Delhi, who economically thrive on extortion money of the Maoists and have been provided adivasi servants and maids went on an overdrive to discredit ‘Salwa Judum’, which means ‘peace march’. It did not occur to the right quarters that the members of Salwa Judum had left their homes, hearth and their lands to escape terror.
Who is responsible?
Mr Manmohan Singh, Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Rahulji on their visit to Chhattisgarh after the massacre in Dantewada in which 27 people were killed furiously inquired as to ‘who was responsible’. Agitated the senior most civil servant of the state bluntly retorted to Rahulji: “I am responsible”.
The responsibility actually lies with Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Mr Manmohan Singh, in that order. The defining symbol was Binayak Sen. To allow the European Commission members to attend the trial of Binayak Sen (accused of aiding the Maoists) in Raipur was nothing but criminal collusion with Maoists. His appointment as member of a Health Committee of Planning Commission dispelled any doubts regarding this collusion. The nexus between international forces and elements in the Indian government in furthering Maoism was obvious.
Foreign support and Religious catalyst
While the regional support frame work of the Maoists is well known, its European support structure has either been dismissed or ignored. The Maoists Communist Party, Manipur in a press release on 09 December 2011 revealed the support by various ultra-leftist outfits based in Philippines, Malaysia, European countries and Canada. The various ultra-leftist outfits aiding and abetting the Maoists in India are Association for Proletarian Solidarity, Italy (ASP), Communist Party of Philippines (CPP), Maoists Communist Party of France (MCPF), Partito Comunista maoista (PCM) Italia, Party of the Committees to Support Resistance for Communism (CARC), Revolutionary Communist Party, Canada (PCR-RCP), and Struggling Socialist Union, Italy (SLL). This explains the visit of a delegation from the European Commission to witness the trial of Binayak Sen. This also explains the kidnappings (allegedly staged) of two Italians Paolo Bousco (58) and Claudio Colangelo (61) . Paolo has been trekking in Orissa for many years. Both the Italians had gone to Orissa jungles despite travel advisory by their government. Both were abducted from the Kandhmahal area where most Maoist terrorists are Panna cast Christians and the Maoist discourse in the region has strong Church and anti-Hindu elements.
Christian evangelical organizations world over have thrived in insurgency. Their tacit support to LTTE in Sri Lanka and Maoists in Nepal is well documented. In fact conversions, which was banned in Nepal is now like wild fire.
In April 2012 nine French tourists were deported from Bihar as their activities in the interior of the State betrayed Maoist links.
These ultra-leftist groups have been conducting meets in Europe in support of Peoples War in India being waged by the Indian Maoists. These are attended by the Maoists leaders, sympathizers and benefactors of the Indian Maoists.
The anti-national Tribal discourse
The bogey of Maoist insurgency being tribal problem is propagated by vested interests to at the behest of foreign funded NGOs and evangelical organizations. It is a deliberate untruth with anti-national motives. The Maoist menace has consumed 230 districts spread from Kerala to the Nepal border. Of these not more than 20 percent are tribal majority districts. In Jharkhand, which has 24 districts, no more than three have tribal majority population. The same is the case with Orissa. Thirty-two districts or Bihar are impacted by Maoist terror, not a single has tribal majority. The causality figures over the years given below, reflects the spread of the Maoist problem.
Revolutionaries or Dacoits?
In 1989, the former Indian Air Force Chief, Air Chief Marshal Dennis La Fontaine, who had chosen to settle in rural Andhra Pradesh, was robbed of his pistol by the Maoists. In fact, he was tied up with the chair and he remarked whether they were revolutionaries or dacoits? Twelve years down the line, i.e. in November 2001, he was again robbed of another pistol. Comparing the two incidents La Fontaine said: “The confidence of the teenagers this time was much higher because they were better armed.” In 1989, he maintained: “That seemed a ragtag bunch while this one came in jungle fatigues, boots and caps.” The State, however, did not show any resolve to tackle the menace of Maoism in the intervening years.
Even more recently one Group Captain RK Prasad, had to cough up Rs.10 lakh for the release of his brother, kidnapped by the Maoists in Jharkhand. The Air Force Officer ran from pillar to post in desperation, met the Governor and the DGP of Jharkhand, but time was running out given the Maoists deadline on which his brother’s life precariously hung. He literally had to beg all quarters to arrange the demanded sum. Incidentally, the Group Captain was one of the officers coordinating the air effort at Air Headquarters during 26/11.
Decisive moment
If the Indian State fails to be impelled by the latest massacre in Dantewada, it may well be prepared to dissolve itself from being a liberal and a democratic state. The Dantewada massacre only signifies the extent of subversion of democracy by the Maoists. Can there be free and fair election in the fear ridden Dantewada region? The same question needs to be applied in all the 230 districts affected by the Maoist insurgency. These districts constitute one-third of India. Election time is the biggest extortion bonanza for the Maoists. The Maoists have been manipulating voting patterns by selective use of boycott call. One Chief Minister aspirant of a state allegedly paid 300 crores to the Maoists in the last elections. Another political party in Jharkhand owes half its 15 seats to the Maoists. An MP from Jharkhand was shown on television to be soliciting the favour of a Maoist leader during the elections. A speaker of a state legislative assembly is known to have truck with the Maoists.
Revolutionary objectives notwithstanding, the Dantewada massacre therefore was part of political manipulation and extortion of politicians before the impending Lok Sabha elections. The targeted killing clearly indicates an insider involvement of the Congress party. The Maoists otherwise are known to resort to indiscriminate firing whenever they spring an ambush. The politicians who became victim of the Maoists, by all reckoning, were seemingly lured into the trap by assurance during backdoor talks with the Maoist leaders.
In Jharkhand, Orissa and Maharashtra, a large number of Panchayats have been electorally captured by the Maoists by sheer intimidation. Indian money flowing through the Panchayats is being utilized by the Maoists to acquire weapons and bolstering their fighting capability.
The Maoists therefore have subverted all levels of democracy, i.e. panchayats, state legislatures and now the parliament.
Indians have to be rescued
It is again a criminal neglect of the Indian State that it has failed to rise up to the dying imperative to rescue people who are hostage to Maoist terror. They deserve the same freedom as rest of India including over-ground Maoists. Their children too deserve a secular, liberal education. They too deserve to be weaned on stable families and childhood innocence. Instead they are being forcibly recruited and trained for violence. Maoists have destroyed about 300 schools. Teachers have run away due to Maoist terror. Those who remain are forced to follow violence loaded ideological syllabus prescribed by the Maoists. They too deserve to enjoy the entertainment and information provided by the television. They too deserve to communicate with their near and dear ones. The Maoists have in all destroyed more than 200 communication towers. Only days before the Dantewada massacre they attacked the Doordarshan station in Jagdalpur.
The Collector of Dantewada told this author that his efforts to take electricity to the poor in the region under the Rajiv Gandhi Vidyutikaran Yojna has been frustrated by the Maoists, as they destroy the pylons because they feel that electricity would bring television, which in turn will bring awareness. They too deserve the schemes of the State to impact on their lives. The Maoists do not allow that for fear of losing their control and influence, and even if some of them are selectively allowed, it is much in diluted form after filtration. The Maoists are therefore thriving on tax-payers money.
Above all inhabitants of Red Corridor have done nothing to deserve medieval dispensation of justice which ranges from decapitation to flogging by Maoist ‘Jan Adalats.’
Economic subversion
Just as democracy, economic development in the Red Corridor is being prevented or subverted by the Maoists. Mahesh and Sarita, a couple dedicated to the upliftment of Sabdo village in Gaya district of Bihar were brutally gunned downed by the Maoists in 2004 because they dared to bring unprecedented economic development through peoples’ participation. Their achievements were hailed by leading Indian dailies. Their lives were snuffed by the Maoists because they saw their influence being eroded. No infrastructure development is allowed by the Maoists in the’ liberated zones’ and in other areas only those contractors are allowed who are ready to pay abnormal amount of extortion money. The extortion industry of the Maoists by conservative estimates is 20,000 crores. Illegal mining also fetches several thousand crores.
In fact the Dawood gang has been trying to get into the illegal mining business through the Maoists. They have also made forays into opium cultivation and drugs. Corporates have no choice but to purchase peace with the Maoists. India’s economic sovereignty too is being subverted the Maoists. The economic drain due to the Maoist terror can be gauged from the fact in Maharastra alone which has just three Naxal affected districts of Gadchiroli, Bhandara and Gondia crores are spent by the government on VVIP security which also includes members of human rights commission. Each VVIP is provided three tier security by 550 personnel as per Home Minister RR Patil. If this cost was to be extrapolated on the entire Red Corridor its magnitude would be overwhelming.
In Maoists, inimical powers have found a willing tool to pursue their agenda of stunting India’s growth.
Anti-nationals and China’s proxies
This press release of 5 May 2009 of CPI(M) Central Committee on developments in Nepal should dispel all doubts regarding the Maoists being China’s proxies. The press release says: “US imperialism and Indian expansionism are particularly perturbed over the growing influence of China over the region, consolidation of China’s grip over Sri Lanka, and fear that the government in Nepal is moving closer to China. And it is this fear which is common to both India and the US that has pushed these powers to oust the government led by Maoists in a bid to install a regime loyal to them… it (Indian Maoists) pledges all support to the Maoists in Nepal in their fight against Indian expansionism”.
How did Indira Gandhi deal?
Only a few years ago the Maoists had called for a railway bandh. Consequently more than two dozen trains between Mugalsarai and Calcutta were cancelled. The East-West railway communication in India came to a naught. This is pure recipe of disaster during a full-scale war with China or Pakistan or both, for the danger it poses for inter-theatre movement of men and material. This threat to the integrity of the country by the Maoists is not new. The Naxalbari movement grew rapidly between 1969 and 1971. In 1971, the war clouds were hovering over India and India’s eastern theatre had become strategically sensitive. Given the China-Pakistan strategic partnership and China-Naxalite links, Mrs Gandhi realized the need to tackle the Naxals immediately and with a firm hand she announced in Parliament that the Naxalites would be fought to the finish.Accordingly, Operation Steeplechase was launched from July to August 1971 by the army and police in West Bengal and the bordering districts of Bihar and Orissa. There were 1,400 arrests in Andhara, 2000 in Bihar, 4000 in West Bengal and 1000 in Kerala. Several leaders were killed. This clearly indicates that even then the Maoists movement was pan-Indian in nature and had little to do with demands of development and local grievances.
If Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh have some love for Mrs Indira Gandhi, beyond exigencies of politics, they are advised to dust the records of that period and read it.
How did Sardar Patel Deal?
At the time of Independence, the communist movement in Telangana was as or even more cruel and violent than the Maoist insurgency of today. In their bid to capture India, the communists under the banner of Andhra Mahasabha had ‘captured’ and liberated 3000 villages in the districts of Nalgonda, Warangal and Karimnagar. The communists were certain that with the help of China and the Soviet Union, they would be able to humble the nascent Indian nation-state and establish their one-party rule. It was then that Sardar Patel diverted a part of the Indian Army engaged in Operation Polo for integration of Hyderabad to deal with the communists in Telangana. More than 2000 communists were killed and the so-called ‘liberated’ areas were reclaimed by the Indian State. This bold measure by Sardar Patel made the communists realize the futility of violence and compelled them to enter electoral politics.
Conclusion
The war is on. In this war the adversary has a deadly cocktail of ideology, foreign support, religious agenda, armed cadres, criminal financing and terror. It would be anti-national to treat it as a law and order problem. The assault is now on Indian democracy and the unity of India. Let us unite and fight because now in question is the very air-of-freedom that we are breathing. We have been churning PHDs for several decades now on left-wing extremism. No more PHDs and no more seminars.
The Maoists have struck nexus by forging links with insurgent organizations in Northeast, with the ISI, terrorist organizations in Pakistan and Bangladesh, and with the Dawood gang. Together Maoists and some of these outfits have formed a ‘strategic united front’. Combined, these inimical forces pose unprecedented destabilization process of India.
The war has to be fought by a combination of the Army, the Central Armed Police Forces and the state police forces on a pan-India basis. Each of these organizations has different capabilities to deal with the given level of threat and violence. The Maoists strongholds and ‘liberated zones’ with bunkers, mines and embedded explosives on avenues and roads can only be tackled by the Army. Nowhere in the world have insurgencies been operationally overcome without the Army. The expansion of the police forces and the CRPF amounts to ‘reinforcing failure’. It is none of their fault. Their training, orientation and primary role is different. In the Red Corridor they can be successful only in those areas where the threat is of the proportion of ‘law and order’ and not internal security. Moreover, police officers are trained to be managers of ‘law and order’ and not ‘leaders in combat’. Meanwhile, the Indian Army needs to revise its threat perception. This is an era of sub-conventional conflicts and so is the Maoist insurgency. Sardar Patel and Mrs Indira Gandhi had realized this long ago.
Wage war now or perish!
(RSN Singh is a former military intelligence officer who later served in the Research & Analysis Wing. The author of two books: Asian Strategic and Military Perspective andMilitary Factor in Pakistan, he is also a columnist for Canary Trap)
ISI has links with naxals, says West Bengal DGP
PTI New Delhi, October 18, 2012Pakistani intelligence agency ISI is having close liaison with some pro-naxal overground organisations through banned SIMI in West Bengal and helping them to instigate people against the government, a top police officer of the state said on Thursday.
Addressing a meeting of chief secretaries and police chiefs of nine Maoist-hit states, West Bengal DGP Naparajit Mukherjee said he had information that several pro-Maoist overground outfits have joined hands with some elements of banned SIMI, which have close links with ISI.
These elements have held several meetings jointly in 3 districts of West Bengal, including Murshidabad, staged protests against alleged violation of human rights and have been instigating people against the government, Mukherjee is learnt to have told the meeting.
The senior police officer said ISI was having direct links with these elements.
This is for the first time that a senior officer has come on record blaming ISI for helping naxals carry out anti-government activities.
The meeting was chaired by Union home secretary RK Singh and attended by chief secretaries and DGPs of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and representatives of Uttar Pradesh.
The high-level meeting discussed the draft policy for dealing with any Maoist-created hostage crisis. The policy suggested the government should not release hardcore naxals and those convicted for serious offences like murder and waging a war against the state.
The policy, for which opinion of the states were sought, favoured formation of dedicated team of negotiators and a back-up plan like armed intervention through commando operation if talks fail.
Constitution of a Special Investigation Team to probe violence perpetrated by Maoists, monitoring of trials of important cases, implementation of development programmes on the lines of Jharkhand's Saranda and implementation of Forest Right Act also came up for discussion.
The Centre has already written to naxal-affected states to reconstitute the Unified Command structure with the chief minister as its head and hold its meeting at least once a month.
The meeting also had a discussion on the draft policy for tackling any crisis arising out of Maoists using civilians as human shield.
The policy advocates maximum precaution to avoid collateral damage, collection of better intelligence about extremists as well as the human shield, deployment of adequate security personnel and knowledge of topography of the area before launching any operation to resolve the crisis.
Use of non-lethal weapons and night vision device were other two key suggestions advocated in the draft policy to deal with the human shield crisis.
Several innocent lives were lost in the recent past when naxals used human shield for their safety as security forces tried to end the crisis.
Recruitment of youth in paramilitary forces from naxal-hit areas and review of the fortification of isolated police stations are others issues to be discussed.
The meeting unanimously resolved that the Integrated Action Plan, through which the Centre is carrying out special development projects in 82 worst naxal-affected districts, should be continued in the present form in the next five year plan also.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-news/NewDelhi/ISI-has-links-with-naxals-says-West-Bengal-DGP/Article1-946794.aspx↧
Why UPA’s NCTC is the most stupid national security idea ever -- Praveen Swami
Why UPA’s NCTC is the most stupid national security idea ever
by Praveen Swami Jun 5, 2013
In 2009, even as clean-up crews continued to sift through the debris of 26/11, then-home minister P Chidambaram was ushered into the throbbing heart of the United States’ war against terrorism, its super-secret National Counter-Terrorism Centre. He gazed intently, an aide recalls, at its giant, filmic video-walls, where information from across the world displayed in real time, and asked searching questions about the dozens of classified databases that feed them. He gathered reams of material—perhaps even the promotional video that’s now online.
Later that year, Chidambaram condensed all this knowledge into the most stupid national security concept to emerge from the United Progressive Alliance government’s idea-factory. He promised have a made-in-India NCTC would be up and running “by the end of 2010”— a third of the time it had taken the United States. “India cannot afford to wait 36 months”, hedeclaimed.
Earlier today, opposition chief ministers in New Delhi have made clear they think it can— torpedoing union home minister Sushil Kumar Shinde’s calls for them to endorse the setting up of the NCTC. In March, Shinde had responded to furious protests by chief ministers by droppingplans to give an Intelligence Bureau-led NCTC powers of arrest. His new proposals cast the NCTC simply as an innocuous intelligence-sharing hub. Its probable the Congress will soon be complaining that the opposition is sabotaging the counter-terrorism effort for petty political reasons.
Phew. India’s NCTC represents the abiding delusion that terrorism can be beaten into submission by English alphabets. It won’t, and can’t, work. Even bribing the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Maoists with the Rs 3,400 crore the NCTC is estimated to cost will have a better chance of success.
For one, there isn’t one single known Indian case where lack of intelligence-sharing allowed a terrorist attack to occur. This is very different from the United States, where vast amounts of intelligence existed on 9/11 prior to the attack, but wasn’t properly processed. In India, there generally isn’t enough intelligence in the system in the first place, and when there is, there are rarely enough operational resources to do much about it.
In the weeks before 26/11, for example, the United States Central Intelligence Agency, delivered two specific warnings that a Lashkar-e-Taiba death-squad had been despatched to hit Mumbai— on September 18 and 24, 2008. India’s own intelligence services had plenty of reason to believe an attack was imminent, and issued pointed warnings. The problem was the Lashkar-e-Taiba, possibly because of bad weather on the high seas, deferred the strike, and the system stood down.
Mumbai’s police force, placed guards near the Taj Mahal Hotel— who would have been useless if an attack had come, because they were not properly armed or trained — but withdrew them.
For weeks before last month’s massacre in Bastar, similarly, intelligence services in New Delhi, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh suspected a major attack was brewing. In a 26 April assessment, sources say, the Intelligence Bureau flagged the massing of Maoist forces that takes place each year prior to the monsoon.
Intelligence like this, though, can be garnered from newspapers—and doesn’t, more importantly, help pre-empt anything.
Take the case of the bombing in Hyderabad’s Dilsukhnagar earlier this year. Based on the interrogation of alleged jihadists Sayyed Maqbool and Imran Khan, the police’s intelligence services listed six potential targets in a warning issued on 15 November, 2012. The two men, police sources claim, said they conducted reconnaissance at Dilsukhnagar, Begum Bazar and Abids in July 2012, on instructions from fugitive Indian Mujahideen commander Riyaz Shahbandri.
In 2013, the Bureau chipped in with three assessments of its own: on 16 February, it raised the prospect of terror strikes as retaliation against the hanging of Parliament attacker Afzal Guru; on 18 February noted that terrorists were likely to hit areas where reconnaissance or strikes had earlier taken place; on 19 February, meticulously listed targets where arrested terrorist had conducted reconnaissance the past.
None of the three warnings, however, could have enabled pre-emption of the attack.
“I guess we could have kept hundreds of constables hanging around the streets indefinitely after that, looking for potential bombers,” a senior Hyderabad police official says. “But we don’t have hundreds of people to be kept hanging around, and secondly, the terrorists could just find another target.”
“Let me tell you a story about these intelligence alerts,” another senior Andhra Pradesh police officer says. “In August, 2005, a Member of the Legislative Assembly was assassinated by a Maoist death squad. Now, on that occasion, there was hard intelligence that an assassination was planned, but we didn’t have the resources to enhance protection for every vulnerable person. Now, though, every 15 August, I get a warning that legislators may be assassinated.”
The real shock-and-awe inspired by India’s post-26/11 response lies in how spectacularly little the UPA government’s managed to do to fix the real problem—lack of intelligence, and lack of response capacity. In March this year, minister of state for home RPN Singh told Parliament that the Intelligence Bureau had 18,795 personnel on its rolls, against a sanctioned strength of 26,867 — in other words, that the principal domestic counter-terrorism intelligence service was a third under-strength. In 2009, then-union home minister, P Chidambaram had authorised the hiring of 6,000 personnel. The agency is still waiting.
Even if the 8,000 staff now needed were to suddenly descend at the Bureau’s North Block office, its academy can train just 600-700 a year—which barely covers attrition.
Perhaps worse, the people there are badly deployed. The Bureau’s operations directorate—the hub of its counter-terrorism effort—has some 30 analysts and field staff, all told; another 30-odd track Maoists. Local counter-terrorism teams set up in 2008 have been dismantled due to staff shortages. Five of the 28 Joint Directors in New Delhi deal directly with counter-terrorism issues—the rest committed to assessing everything from the state of play in elections, industrial relations and even food security.
Meanwhile, the elements that will feed into the NCTC aren’t anywhere near ready yet. Likewise, its US role-model, Chidambaram’s NCTC was to weld together multiple intelligence databases: the National Intelligence Grid, NATGRID, the Crimes and Criminal Tracking Network and System, CCTNS, and the Intelligence Bureau-run hub, the Multi-Agency Centre, MAC.
The CCTNS was inaugurated, on a pilot basis, in January. Since then, its software has repeatedly crashed—the outcome of persistent flaws in design and implementation. PolNet, a basic data-sharing service linking forces across the country and scheduled for a 2006 roll-out, has been all but abandoned. NATGRID, according to a source close to the project, remains “several months to several years” away from being able to provide fluid real-time access to existing government databases. The NCTC we’ll get already exists: MAC which holds two meetings between all intelligence-gathering services each day, and passes on information on threats nationwide.
There are things the government could do to fix things, without spending $75 billion: free up the Intelligence Bureau to focus on national security, fill its staffing deficits, fund its expansion. It could push states to improve their own dysfunctional intelligence-gathering systems. It could enhance the staffing of civil police—the first responders in a crisis, and the first point of contact for community intelligence. In 2011, there were 1,281,317 police on the rolls, up only very marginally from 1,132,302 in 2007.
“We have eviscerated our intelligence and police institutions over the decades,” wrote Ajai Sahni, director of the Institute of Conflict Management in New Delhi, “and now want to create layer upon layer of meta-institutions to monitor, coordinate and oversee this largely dysfunctional apparatus.”
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Ancient Near East bronze-age legacy: Processions depicted on Indus writing denoting artisan guilds
A characteristic style in narration is the use of a procession of animals to denote a professional group. The grouping may connote a smithy-shop of a guild --pasāramu.
Tell AsmarCylinder seal modern impression [elephant, rhinoceros and gharial (alligator) on the upper register] bibliography and image source: Frankfort, Henri: Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications 72. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, no. 642. Museum Number: IM14674 3.4 cm. high. Glazed steatite. ca. 2250 - 2200 BCE. ibha 'elephant' Rebus: ib 'iron'. kāṇḍā 'rhinoceros' Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. karā 'crocodile' Rebus: khar 'blacksmith' (Kashmiri)
Ancient near East lapidary guilds graduate into bronze-age metalware The note explains the hieroglyphs on the tablet showing a procession of standard-bearers as the standard of the civilization.
Quadrupeds exiting the mund (or mudhif) are pasaramu, pasalamu ‘an animal, a beast, a brute, quadruped’ (Telugu) పసరము [ pasaramu ] or పసలము pasaramu. [Tel.] n. A beast, an animal. గోమహిషహాతి .
Rebus: pasra = a smithy, place where a black-smith works, to work as a blacksmith; kamar pasra = a smithy; pasrao lagao akata se ban:? Has the blacksmith begun to work? pasraedae = the blacksmith is at his work (Santali.lex.) pasra meṛed, pasāra meṛed = syn. of koṭe meṛed = forged iron, in contrast to dul meṛed, cast iron (Mundari.lex.) పసారము [ pasāramu ] or పసారు pasārdmu. [Tel.] n. A shop. అంగడి . Allograph: pacar = a wedge driven ino a wooden pin, wedge etc. to tighten it (Santali.lex.) Allograph: pajhar 'eagle'.
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Cylinder seal and impression: cattle herd at the cowshed. White limestone, Mesopotamia, Uruk Period (4100 BC–3000 BC). Louvre Museum.
Bronze dish found by Layard at Nimrud: circular objects are decorated by consecutive chains of animals following each other round in a circle. A similar theme occurs on the famous silver vase of Entemena. In the innermost circle, a troop of gazelles (similar to the ones depicted on cylinder seals) march along in file; the middle register has a variety of animals, all marching in the same direction as the gazelles. A one-horned bull, a winged griffin, an ibex and a gazelle, are followed by two bulls who are being attacked by lions, and a griffin, a one-horned bull, and a gazelle, who are all respectively being attacked by leopards. In the outermost zone there is a stately procession of realistically conceived one-horned bulls marching in the opposite direction to the animals parading in the two inner circles. The dish has a handle. (Percy S.P.Handcock, 1912, Mesopotamian Archaeology, London, Macmillan and Co., p. 256). |
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[Kannada. kōḍu] Tusk; யானைபன்றிகளின்தந்தம். மத்தயானையின்கோடும் (தேவா. 39, 1). Rebus: खोट [khōṭa] A lump or solid bit (as of phlegm, gore, curds, inspissated milk); any concretion or clot. (Marathi) Rebus: L. khoṭf. ʻ alloy, impurity ʼ, °ṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, awāṇ. khoṭā ʻ forged ʼ; P. khoṭ m. ʻ base, alloy ʼ M.khoṭā ʻ alloyed ʼ, (CDIAL 3931)
kole.l = smithy (Ko.) Rebus: Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. (DEDR 2133).
Reading 1: kole.l = smithy, temple in Kota village (Ko.) Rebus 1: Ta. kol working in iron, blacksmith; kollaṉ blacksmith. Ma. kollan blacksmith, artificer. Ka. kolime, kolume, kulame, kulime, kulume, kulme fire-pit, furnace; (Bell.; U.P.U.) konimi blacksmith; (Gowda) kolla id. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. Te. kolimi furnace. Go. (SR.) kollusānā to mend implements; (Ph.) kolstānā, kulsānā to forge; (Tr.) kōlstānā to repair (of ploughshares); (SR.) kolmi smithy (Voc. 948). Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. (DEDR 2133). Rebus 2: Ko. kole·l smithy, temple in Kota village.To. kwala·l Kota smithy (DEDR 2133).
Reading 2: goṭ = the place where cattle are collected at mid-day (Santali); goṭh (Brj.)(CDIAL 4336). Goṣṭha (Skt.); cattle-shed (Or.) koḍ = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.) कोठी cattle-shed (Marathi) कोंडी [ kōṇḍī ] A pen or fold for cattle. गोठी [ gōṭhī ] f C (Dim. Of गोठा) A pen or fold for calves. (Marathi) Cattle Byres c.3200-3000 B.C. Late Uruk-Jemdet Nasr period. Magnesite. Cylinder seal. In the lower field of this seal appear three reed cattle byres. Each byre is surmounted by three reed pillars topped by rings, a motif that has been suggested as symbolizing a male god, perhaps Dumuzi. Within the huts calves or vessels appear alternately; from the sides come calves that drink out of a vessel between them. Above each pair of animals another small calf appears. A herd of enormous cattle moves in the upper field. Cattle and cattle byres in Southern Mesopotamia, c. 3500 BCE. Drawing of an impression from a Uruk period cylinder seal. (After Moorey, PRS, 1999, Ancient materials and industries: the archaeological evidence, Eisenbrauns.)
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The young bulls emerging from the smithy. kõdā खोंड[ khōṇḍa ]mA young bull, a bullcalf. (Marathi) Rebus 1: kọ̆nḍu or konḍu । कुण्डम् m. a hole dug in the ground for receiving consecrated fire (Kashmiri) Rebus 2: A. kundār, B. kũdār, °ri, Or. kundāru; H. kũderā m. ʻ one who works a lathe, one who scrapes ʼ, °rī f., kũdernā ʻ to scrape, plane, round on a lathe ʼ.(CDIAL 3297).
खांडा [ khāṇḍā ] m A jag, notch, or indentation (as upon the edge of a tool or weapon). Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’. kole.l = smithy (Ko.) Rebus: Kuwi (F.) kolhali to forge. Koḍ. kollë blacksmith. (DEDR 2133).
ayo 'fish' Rebus: ayas 'metal'.
kuṭila ‘bent’; rebus: kuṭila, katthīl = bronze (8 parts copper and 2 parts tin) [cf. āra-kūṭa, ‘brass’ (Skt.) (CDIAL 3230) kuṭi— in cmpd. ‘curve’ (Skt.)(CDIAL 3231).
kanka 'rim of jar' Rebus: karṇika 'accountant'. kul -- karṇī m. ʻvillage accountantʼ (Marathi); karṇikan id. (Tamil)கணக்கு kaṇakku, n. cf. gaṇaka. [M. kaṇakku] 1. Number, account, reckoning, calculation, computation (Tamil)
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There three reed decorations atop the mudhif (or, Toda mund). kã̄ḍ 1 काँड् । काण्डः m. the stalk or stem of a reed, grass, or the like, straw. In the compound with dan 5 (p. 221a, l. 13) the word is spelt kāḍ. Rebus: khāṇḍa ‘tools, pots and pans, and metal-ware’.
Sumerian mudhif facade, with uncut reed fonds and sheep entering, carved into a gypsum trough from Uruk, c. 3200 BCE. This trough was found at Uruk, the largest city so far known in southern Mesopotamia in the late prehistoric period (3300-3000 BC). The carving on the side shows a procession of sheep (a goat and a ram)
CARVED GYPSUM TROUGH FROM URUK. Two lambs exit a reed structure. A bundle of reeds (Inanna’s symbol) can be seen projecting from the hut and at the edges of the scene.
The British Museum. WA 120000, neg. 252077 Part of the right-hand scene is cast from the original fragment now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
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Double antelope joined at the belly; in the Levant, similar doubling occurs for a lion.
pr̥ṣṭhá n. ʻ back, hinder part ʼ Rigveda; puṭṭhā m. ʻ buttock of an animal ʼ (Punjabi) Rebus: puṭhā, puṭṭhā m. ʻbuttock of an animal, leather cover of account bookʼ (Marathi) tagara 'antelope' Rebus: damgar 'merchant'. This may be an artistic rendering of a 'descendant' of a ancient (metals) merchant. See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2012/05/antithetical-antelopes-of-ancient-near.html Antithetical antelopes of Ancient Near East as hieroglyphs (Kalyanaraman 2012) Hieroglyph: Joined back-to-back: pusht ‘back’; rebus: pusht ‘ancestor’. pus̱ẖt bah pus̱ẖt ‘generation to generation.’
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Potts, Daniel T., 2001, Excavations at Tepe Yahya, Iran, 1967-1975: the third millennium, Bulletin (American School of Prehistoric Research) ; no. 45. Contributors: Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C., 1937- Pittman, Holly Kohl, Philip L., 1946- Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.
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http://www.scribd.com/doc/145991238/Excavations-at-Tepe-Yahya-Iran-1967-1975-the-third-millennium-DT-Potts-2001
Excavations at Tepe Yahya, Iran, 1967-1975: the third millennium (DT Potts, 2001) by Srini Kalyanaraman
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